8 50 763 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/a24ee6d0ed86895d0590f55725c2fc8d.pdf 23c4a49bec30674198e87c1bcfb8c25d PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 57 those of Benes, namely Harry Truman, when it comes to complete distortion of facts. However, the Czech people of today, just like the American people of today, will not be easily persuaded to believe fairy tales. • • • MARTIN RAZUS (1883-1937) JOSEPH A. MIKUS The era, which opened for the Slovak nation in 1918, marks a rapid advance in the direction of the realization of its political aspirations. This is indubitably connected with the fall of feudalism and with the over-all extension of the significance of national individualities as political realities in Central Europe. To these external factors there are added also internal forces. And here, from among the many personalities which contributed handsomely to the spiritual and political crystallization of conditions in Slovakia, it behooves us today to recall one name: Martin Razus. While Andrew Hlinka, a Catholic priest, was becoming the leading figure of the political movement for Slovak autonomy for rather social reasons, in the meantime his contemporary and friend, Martin Razus, a Lutheran minister, poet and writer, was emerging as a defender of the political individuality of the Slovak nation for cultural and psychological reasons. In another respect, while Andrew Hlinka, as a man of action, engages in the fight against the leftist, religious, moral and political relativism of Masaryk's school and is drawn into the violent whirlpool of national activity, thus becoming top guard of national awareness, in the meantime, Martin Razus, with fire in his soul and the laurel of a man of letters on his head, devotes himself, according to his nature, rather to the spiritual processes of the national development of the Slovaks. With his ear close to the bosom of the nation, he catches the spiritual vibrations of the people in order to present them in his work a bit later to the public whom he chose to serve. It was thus that Razus became the "conscience of the nation." Even though the motives of Hlinka and Razus for po- �58 SLOVAKIA litical activity could have varied, and even though their place in the spiritual and political problematics of Slovakia is different, both were nevertheless remarkably of one will. In the Slovak cultural and political history of our time, Razus is an unusually magnetic manifestation. This grassroots Slovak looks at the problem of his nation from the height of a European which he attained by his study in Scotland and by his travels over the continent. In the injustices committed against t b Slovaks by foreign regimes, he sees disorder and the weaknesses of Europe, the blots on the conscience of mankind. Nationally, Razus is admirably genuine and authentic. His whole being makes it apparent that he is of Slovak blood and bone. When the majority of Slovak Lutherans fell for Kollar's cultural "Czecho-Slovakism" and "Hlasism" and travelled the road of national concessions which led to personal positions, government jobs, and careers, Razus firmly persevered in the national line which was marked out by the spirit of Louis Stur, Charles Kuzmany, and Svetozar Hurban Vajansky. When the Prague government resolved to undermine the spiritual substance of the Slovak nation with the help of political parties and an official pseudoscience, and when the opportunism of Milan Hodza, Ivan Derer, and Milan Ivanka celebrated triumphs among an insufficiently orientated electorate, it was then that Martin Razus, like the "last Mohican" of the small Slovak National Party, remained faithfully on the side of Hlinka. The cooperation of the Catholic Populist Party and the Lutheran National Party in the Prague Parliament is the best proof of the fact that Catholicism and Protestantism as religious beliefs never did have any religious problems to prevent cooperation and that they could without reservations stand and work on the same national foundation. And thus it was that we could see Razus and Hlinka formulating an autonomistic program in the days of intensified conflict at the memorable meeting in 1932, in Zvolen, and speaking in Nitra, in 1933, at the Pribina festivities. Undoubtedly Razus realized to a significant degree that the core of the Slovak problem during the existence of �SLOVAKIA 59 the first Czecho-Slovak Republic was political. He saw clearly how the Prague regime discriminated against the Slovaks in matters national, economical, social, cultural, and administrative, offending their tender spirit which craved equality and democracy. But the basic cause of the SlovakCzech problem he saw there, where every educated sociologist must see it: in the divergent national mentality of the Slovaks and Czechs. Slovak dissatisfaction with government policy emanated for Razus not only from the injustices suffered by the Slovaks from the Czechs, but especially from the closing of eyes to the reality of the basic psychological difference of the Slovaks as a nation. About this view of the misunderstanding between the Slovaks and the Czechs, Razus, writing in the "Jednota ceskoslovenska" (Banska Bystrica, 1934, pp. 38-39), said : "The psychological causes have their origin in the difference of character and mentality. The average Czech and Czech society, particularly in its component parts, reflect the stirring history of the Czech nation with all its extremes. On the other hand, the average Slovak and Slovak society reflect the history of the Slovak nation. Hus, Hackel, Marx, the idolizing and aping of the West, clericalism - all this is mixed in the Czech soul to the very reaches of spiritless internationalism which gnaws away the vitality of the Czech nation. Out of this ideological chaos there grows, as the only actual reality, a great aggressiveness in the existential struggle of individuals, as well as of the Czech collective (a feeling of Czech solidarity whereby nationalism passes from slogans into the blood). "On the Slovak side, there was, and there is even today, less of this ieological seething. Not that there has been here, especially since the revolution, no intrusion of various ideological tendencies, but that some kind of consolidation and opposing force of the Slovak soul repels them. Since the revolution of 1918, Slovak society has not been knocked apart ideologically at all and, as we can see, even today is comparatively still of one mind. Even today the average Slovak has a strong dose of religious spirit and is of the conviction that out of the struggle for world views no nation can extend its existence. The deficiency in the Slovak �60 SLOVAKIA character is passivity, a yielding spirit, submission, and often, alas, even unto venality - and even today an insufficient feeling of Slovak solidarity. As I have noted, in all this is reflected the history of a nation that has been enslaved for a long period of time, a nation that provided the people and the means for its own suppression. "With these differences in views, mentality, and character after the revolution and after a promising stupefaction, there had to follow a crash and disenchantment. Why crosses had to be torn down in Slovakia, we can at least explain from given psychological reasons. But why there was undertaken a fight with the Church - and in the first place with the Catholic Church, even though she had occupied her bishoprics with nationally reliable people, and why her properties were encumbered, which in the end had to be surrendered any way - this I, even though born a heretic, cannot understand from any standpoint of consolidation and state welfare. Similarly, I cannot understand the unprecedented lamentable fight against Slovak ecclesiastical schools, both Catholic and Lutheran, their teachers and pensioners who had in fact brought us up and saved us for Slavdom." Here we see that, according to the judgment of Razus, the conflict between the Slovaks and Czechs did not arise only from the political dialectics of everyday life, but that it was the direct result of the divergence of national characters. Razus did not espouse autonomy merely to rectify the errors which the Prague government committed in Slovakia for want of sound peasant common sense. But he dedicated himself to the cause especially because the Slovaks as a nation recognized other values than the Czechs and, therefore, they could not tolerate the idea that foreigners should make the decisions for them concerning values that were traditionally their very own. As Razus saw it, therefore, the demand of the Slovaks for a state government of their own was the demand of the individualistic political psychology of the Slovak nation. Because of their noteworthy distinction, Razus is for us constantly actual. Today the Slovaks claim the right to their own statehood on the very grounds he has stated. �61 SLOVAKIA For the Slovak nation statehood is a vital question not so much because of the need to put an end to the injustices suffered at the hands of other nations in alien state formations, but largely because it is striving to attain a new political order suited to its own national individuality and mentality. Such a positive viewpoint prevails over negative arguments. Czech internationalism, Schweik opportunism, and the honoring of foreign prophets from Marx to Chruscev are all alien to the Slovak national character. The Slovaks did not go beyond the boundaries of Hungary so that they might get stuck in the swamps of Czech imperialism. The Slovak nation wants cultural and political freedom, because ultimately it wants to be itself - a national entity interested in its preservation. It is in this that the substance of Martin Razus's political message manifests itself to us for our generation. • • • Castles of Slovakia: HUBERT MACKO, 0.5.B. CASTLE GELNICA There is not much to tell about Gelnica; all that remains of it is a .pile of stone and the bare foundation of what was perhaps once the "ne:'bojsa v e z·a " (Do not be afraid Tower). 'Dhere can be ,f ound no authentic data aJbout the founder of hrad Gelnica. However, it is known for certain Juraj (George) Beibek, who also owned the neighboring and vastly more importaTut fortress "Krasna Horka" (Beautiful Mount) . In the year 1527 Zapofisky tooik Geinica from Bebeik by force. Later on Thurzo beeame its master, the same Thurzo whose family played such an important part in the early history of Slo;va:kia. During the very trying, uncertain, and bloody years of the great uprisings of Stephen Bocskay, Stephen Bethlen, GeoPge RaJk6czi, Imrich Th6kbly and Francis Ra!lrnczi , lasting upwards of 150 years, Gelnica changed hands many times. From each successive exchange, Gelnica suffered, and, since it was never too important strategically few re1 � SLOVAKIA 57 those of Benes, namely Harry Truman, when it comes to complete distortion of facts. However, the Czech people of today, just like the American people of today, will not be easily persuaded to believe fairy tales. • • • MARTIN RAZUS (1883-1937) JOSEPH A. MIKUS The era, which opened for the Slovak nation in 1918, marks a rapid advance in the direction of the realization of its political aspirations. This is indubitably connected with the fall of feudalism and with the over-all extension of the significance of national individualities as political realities in Central Europe. To these external factors there are added also internal forces. And here, from among the many personalities which contributed handsomely to the spiritual and political crystallization of conditions in Slovakia, it behooves us today to recall one name: Martin Razus. While Andrew Hlinka, a Catholic priest, was becoming the leading figure of the political movement for Slovak autonomy for rather social reasons, in the meantime his contemporary and friend, Martin Razus, a Lutheran minister, poet and writer, was emerging as a defender of the political individuality of the Slovak nation for cultural and psychological reasons. In another respect, while Andrew Hlinka, as a man of action, engages in the fight against the leftist, religious, moral and political relativism of Masaryk's school and is drawn into the violent whirlpool of national activity, thus becoming top guard of national awareness, in the meantime, Martin Razus, with fire in his soul and the laurel of a man of letters on his head, devotes himself, according to his nature, rather to the spiritual processes of the national development of the Slovaks. With his ear close to the bosom of the nation, he catches the spiritual vibrations of the people in order to present them in his work a bit later to the public whom he chose to serve. It was thus that Razus became the "conscience of the nation." Even though the motives of Hlinka and Razus for po- �58 SLOVAKIA litical activity could have varied, and even though their place in the spiritual and political problematics of Slovakia is different, both were nevertheless remarkably of one will. In the Slovak cultural and political history of our time, Razus is an unusually magnetic manifestation. This grassroots Slovak looks at the problem of his nation from the height of a European which he attained by his study in Scotland and by his travels over the continent. In the injustices committed against t b Slovaks by foreign regimes, he sees disorder and the weaknesses of Europe, the blots on the conscience of mankind. Nationally, Razus is admirably genuine and authentic. His whole being makes it apparent that he is of Slovak blood and bone. When the majority of Slovak Lutherans fell for Kollar's cultural "Czecho-Slovakism" and "Hlasism" and travelled the road of national concessions which led to personal positions, government jobs, and careers, Razus firmly persevered in the national line which was marked out by the spirit of Louis Stur, Charles Kuzmany, and Svetozar Hurban Vajansky. When the Prague government resolved to undermine the spiritual substance of the Slovak nation with the help of political parties and an official pseudoscience, and when the opportunism of Milan Hodza, Ivan Derer, and Milan Ivanka celebrated triumphs among an insufficiently orientated electorate, it was then that Martin Razus, like the "last Mohican" of the small Slovak National Party, remained faithfully on the side of Hlinka. The cooperation of the Catholic Populist Party and the Lutheran National Party in the Prague Parliament is the best proof of the fact that Catholicism and Protestantism as religious beliefs never did have any religious problems to prevent cooperation and that they could without reservations stand and work on the same national foundation. And thus it was that we could see Razus and Hlinka formulating an autonomistic program in the days of intensified conflict at the memorable meeting in 1932, in Zvolen, and speaking in Nitra, in 1933, at the Pribina festivities. Undoubtedly Razus realized to a significant degree that the core of the Slovak problem during the existence of �SLOVAKIA 59 the first Czecho-Slovak Republic was political. He saw clearly how the Prague regime discriminated against the Slovaks in matters national, economical, social, cultural, and administrative, offending their tender spirit which craved equality and democracy. But the basic cause of the SlovakCzech problem he saw there, where every educated sociologist must see it: in the divergent national mentality of the Slovaks and Czechs. Slovak dissatisfaction with government policy emanated for Razus not only from the injustices suffered by the Slovaks from the Czechs, but especially from the closing of eyes to the reality of the basic psychological difference of the Slovaks as a nation. About this view of the misunderstanding between the Slovaks and the Czechs, Razus, writing in the "Jednota ceskoslovenska" (Banska Bystrica, 1934, pp. 38-39), said : "The psychological causes have their origin in the difference of character and mentality. The average Czech and Czech society, particularly in its component parts, reflect the stirring history of the Czech nation with all its extremes. On the other hand, the average Slovak and Slovak society reflect the history of the Slovak nation. Hus, Hackel, Marx, the idolizing and aping of the West, clericalism - all this is mixed in the Czech soul to the very reaches of spiritless internationalism which gnaws away the vitality of the Czech nation. Out of this ideological chaos there grows, as the only actual reality, a great aggressiveness in the existential struggle of individuals, as well as of the Czech collective (a feeling of Czech solidarity whereby nationalism passes from slogans into the blood). "On the Slovak side, there was, and there is even today, less of this ieological seething. Not that there has been here, especially since the revolution, no intrusion of various ideological tendencies, but that some kind of consolidation and opposing force of the Slovak soul repels them. Since the revolution of 1918, Slovak society has not been knocked apart ideologically at all and, as we can see, even today is comparatively still of one mind. Even today the average Slovak has a strong dose of religious spirit and is of the conviction that out of the struggle for world views no nation can extend its existence. The deficiency in the Slovak �60 SLOVAKIA character is passivity, a yielding spirit, submission, and often, alas, even unto venality - and even today an insufficient feeling of Slovak solidarity. As I have noted, in all this is reflected the history of a nation that has been enslaved for a long period of time, a nation that provided the people and the means for its own suppression. "With these differences in views, mentality, and character after the revolution and after a promising stupefaction, there had to follow a crash and disenchantment. Why crosses had to be torn down in Slovakia, we can at least explain from given psychological reasons. But why there was undertaken a fight with the Church - and in the first place with the Catholic Church, even though she had occupied her bishoprics with nationally reliable people, and why her properties were encumbered, which in the end had to be surrendered any way - this I, even though born a heretic, cannot understand from any standpoint of consolidation and state welfare. Similarly, I cannot understand the unprecedented lamentable fight against Slovak ecclesiastical schools, both Catholic and Lutheran, their teachers and pensioners who had in fact brought us up and saved us for Slavdom." Here we see that, according to the judgment of Razus, the conflict between the Slovaks and Czechs did not arise only from the political dialectics of everyday life, but that it was the direct result of the divergence of national characters. Razus did not espouse autonomy merely to rectify the errors which the Prague government committed in Slovakia for want of sound peasant common sense. But he dedicated himself to the cause especially because the Slovaks as a nation recognized other values than the Czechs and, therefore, they could not tolerate the idea that foreigners should make the decisions for them concerning values that were traditionally their very own. As Razus saw it, therefore, the demand of the Slovaks for a state government of their own was the demand of the individualistic political psychology of the Slovak nation. Because of their noteworthy distinction, Razus is for us constantly actual. Today the Slovaks claim the right to their own statehood on the very grounds he has stated. �61 SLOVAKIA For the Slovak nation statehood is a vital question not so much because of the need to put an end to the injustices suffered at the hands of other nations in alien state formations, but largely because it is striving to attain a new political order suited to its own national individuality and mentality. Such a positive viewpoint prevails over negative arguments. Czech internationalism, Schweik opportunism, and the honoring of foreign prophets from Marx to Chruscev are all alien to the Slovak national character. The Slovaks did not go beyond the boundaries of Hungary so that they might get stuck in the swamps of Czech imperialism. The Slovak nation wants cultural and political freedom, because ultimately it wants to be itself - a national entity interested in its preservation. It is in this that the substance of Martin Razus's political message manifests itself to us for our generation. • • • Castles of Slovakia: HUBERT MACKO, 0.5.B. CASTLE GELNICA There is not much to tell about Gelnica; all that remains of it is a .pile of stone and the bare foundation of what was perhaps once the "ne:'bojsa v e z·a " (Do not be afraid Tower). 'Dhere can be ,f ound no authentic data aJbout the founder of hrad Gelnica. However, it is known for certain Juraj (George) Beibek, who also owned the neighboring and vastly more importaTut fortress "Krasna Horka" (Beautiful Mount) . In the year 1527 Zapofisky tooik Geinica from Bebeik by force. Later on Thurzo beeame its master, the same Thurzo whose family played such an important part in the early history of Slo;va:kia. During the very trying, uncertain, and bloody years of the great uprisings of Stephen Bocskay, Stephen Bethlen, GeoPge RaJk6czi, Imrich Th6kbly and Francis Ra!lrnczi , lasting upwards of 150 years, Gelnica changed hands many times. From each successive exchange, Gelnica suffered, and, since it was never too important strategically few re1 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 57 those of Benes, namely Harry Truman, when it comes to complete distortion of facts. However, the Czech people of today, just like the American people of today, will not be easily persuaded to believe fairy tales. • • • MARTIN RAZUS (1883-1937) JOSEPH A. MIKUS The era, which opened for the Slovak nation in 1918, marks a rapid advance in the direction of the realization of its political aspirations. This is indubitably connected with the fall of feudalism and with the over-all extension of the significance of national individualities as political realities in Central Europe. To these external factors there are added also internal forces. And here, from among the many personalities which contributed handsomely to the spiritual and political crystallization of conditions in Slovakia, it behooves us today to recall one name: Martin Razus. While Andrew Hlinka, a Catholic priest, was becoming the leading figure of the political movement for Slovak autonomy for rather social reasons, in the meantime his contemporary and friend, Martin Razus, a Lutheran minister, poet and writer, was emerging as a defender of the political individuality of the Slovak nation for cultural and psychological reasons. In another respect, while Andrew Hlinka, as a man of action, engages in the fight against the leftist, religious, moral and political relativism of Masaryk's school and is drawn into the violent whirlpool of national activity, thus becoming top guard of national awareness, in the meantime, Martin Razus, with fire in his soul and the laurel of a man of letters on his head, devotes himself, according to his nature, rather to the spiritual processes of the national development of the Slovaks. With his ear close to the bosom of the nation, he catches the spiritual vibrations of the people in order to present them in his work a bit later to the public whom he chose to serve. It was thus that Razus became the "conscience of the nation." Even though the motives of Hlinka and Razus for po- 58 SLOVAKIA litical activity could have varied, and even though their place in the spiritual and political problematics of Slovakia is different, both were nevertheless remarkably of one will. In the Slovak cultural and political history of our time, Razus is an unusually magnetic manifestation. This grassroots Slovak looks at the problem of his nation from the height of a European which he attained by his study in Scotland and by his travels over the continent. In the injustices committed against t b Slovaks by foreign regimes, he sees disorder and the weaknesses of Europe, the blots on the conscience of mankind. Nationally, Razus is admirably genuine and authentic. His whole being makes it apparent that he is of Slovak blood and bone. When the majority of Slovak Lutherans fell for Kollar's cultural "Czecho-Slovakism" and "Hlasism" and travelled the road of national concessions which led to personal positions, government jobs, and careers, Razus firmly persevered in the national line which was marked out by the spirit of Louis Stur, Charles Kuzmany, and Svetozar Hurban Vajansky. When the Prague government resolved to undermine the spiritual substance of the Slovak nation with the help of political parties and an official pseudoscience, and when the opportunism of Milan Hodza, Ivan Derer, and Milan Ivanka celebrated triumphs among an insufficiently orientated electorate, it was then that Martin Razus, like the "last Mohican" of the small Slovak National Party, remained faithfully on the side of Hlinka. The cooperation of the Catholic Populist Party and the Lutheran National Party in the Prague Parliament is the best proof of the fact that Catholicism and Protestantism as religious beliefs never did have any religious problems to prevent cooperation and that they could without reservations stand and work on the same national foundation. And thus it was that we could see Razus and Hlinka formulating an autonomistic program in the days of intensified conflict at the memorable meeting in 1932, in Zvolen, and speaking in Nitra, in 1933, at the Pribina festivities. Undoubtedly Razus realized to a significant degree that the core of the Slovak problem during the existence of SLOVAKIA 59 the first Czecho-Slovak Republic was political. He saw clearly how the Prague regime discriminated against the Slovaks in matters national, economical, social, cultural, and administrative, offending their tender spirit which craved equality and democracy. But the basic cause of the SlovakCzech problem he saw there, where every educated sociologist must see it: in the divergent national mentality of the Slovaks and Czechs. Slovak dissatisfaction with government policy emanated for Razus not only from the injustices suffered by the Slovaks from the Czechs, but especially from the closing of eyes to the reality of the basic psychological difference of the Slovaks as a nation. About this view of the misunderstanding between the Slovaks and the Czechs, Razus, writing in the "Jednota ceskoslovenska" (Banska Bystrica, 1934, pp. 38-39), said : "The psychological causes have their origin in the difference of character and mentality. The average Czech and Czech society, particularly in its component parts, reflect the stirring history of the Czech nation with all its extremes. On the other hand, the average Slovak and Slovak society reflect the history of the Slovak nation. Hus, Hackel, Marx, the idolizing and aping of the West, clericalism - all this is mixed in the Czech soul to the very reaches of spiritless internationalism which gnaws away the vitality of the Czech nation. Out of this ideological chaos there grows, as the only actual reality, a great aggressiveness in the existential struggle of individuals, as well as of the Czech collective (a feeling of Czech solidarity whereby nationalism passes from slogans into the blood). "On the Slovak side, there was, and there is even today, less of this ieological seething. Not that there has been here, especially since the revolution, no intrusion of various ideological tendencies, but that some kind of consolidation and opposing force of the Slovak soul repels them. Since the revolution of 1918, Slovak society has not been knocked apart ideologically at all and, as we can see, even today is comparatively still of one mind. Even today the average Slovak has a strong dose of religious spirit and is of the conviction that out of the struggle for world views no nation can extend its existence. The deficiency in the Slovak 60 SLOVAKIA character is passivity, a yielding spirit, submission, and often, alas, even unto venality - and even today an insufficient feeling of Slovak solidarity. As I have noted, in all this is reflected the history of a nation that has been enslaved for a long period of time, a nation that provided the people and the means for its own suppression. "With these differences in views, mentality, and character after the revolution and after a promising stupefaction, there had to follow a crash and disenchantment. Why crosses had to be torn down in Slovakia, we can at least explain from given psychological reasons. But why there was undertaken a fight with the Church - and in the first place with the Catholic Church, even though she had occupied her bishoprics with nationally reliable people, and why her properties were encumbered, which in the end had to be surrendered any way - this I, even though born a heretic, cannot understand from any standpoint of consolidation and state welfare. Similarly, I cannot understand the unprecedented lamentable fight against Slovak ecclesiastical schools, both Catholic and Lutheran, their teachers and pensioners who had in fact brought us up and saved us for Slavdom." Here we see that, according to the judgment of Razus, the conflict between the Slovaks and Czechs did not arise only from the political dialectics of everyday life, but that it was the direct result of the divergence of national characters. Razus did not espouse autonomy merely to rectify the errors which the Prague government committed in Slovakia for want of sound peasant common sense. But he dedicated himself to the cause especially because the Slovaks as a nation recognized other values than the Czechs and, therefore, they could not tolerate the idea that foreigners should make the decisions for them concerning values that were traditionally their very own. As Razus saw it, therefore, the demand of the Slovaks for a state government of their own was the demand of the individualistic political psychology of the Slovak nation. Because of their noteworthy distinction, Razus is for us constantly actual. Today the Slovaks claim the right to their own statehood on the very grounds he has stated. 61 SLOVAKIA For the Slovak nation statehood is a vital question not so much because of the need to put an end to the injustices suffered at the hands of other nations in alien state formations, but largely because it is striving to attain a new political order suited to its own national individuality and mentality. Such a positive viewpoint prevails over negative arguments. Czech internationalism, Schweik opportunism, and the honoring of foreign prophets from Marx to Chruscev are all alien to the Slovak national character. The Slovaks did not go beyond the boundaries of Hungary so that they might get stuck in the swamps of Czech imperialism. The Slovak nation wants cultural and political freedom, because ultimately it wants to be itself - a national entity interested in its preservation. It is in this that the substance of Martin Razus's political message manifests itself to us for our generation. • • • Castles of Slovakia: HUBERT MACKO, 0.5.B. CASTLE GELNICA There is not much to tell about Gelnica; all that remains of it is a .pile of stone and the bare foundation of what was perhaps once the "ne:'bojsa v e z·a " (Do not be afraid Tower). 'Dhere can be ,f ound no authentic data aJbout the founder of hrad Gelnica. However, it is known for certain Juraj (George) Beibek, who also owned the neighboring and vastly more importaTut fortress "Krasna Horka" (Beautiful Mount) . In the year 1527 Zapofisky tooik Geinica from Bebeik by force. Later on Thurzo beeame its master, the same Thurzo whose family played such an important part in the early history of Slo;va:kia. During the very trying, uncertain, and bloody years of the great uprisings of Stephen Bocskay, Stephen Bethlen, GeoPge RaJk6czi, Imrich Th6kbly and Francis Ra!lrnczi , lasting upwards of 150 years, Gelnica changed hands many times. From each successive exchange, Gelnica suffered, and, since it was never too important strategically few re1  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Martin Rázus (1883-1937) Description An account of the resource Joseph A. Mikuš Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 3-4 (24-25), September-December 1957 pp. 57-61 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Mikuš, Joseph A., 1909-2005 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource September-December 1957 LCNAF+dates https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/1a60c191bc48ddd3af6567bc8637a46b.pdf eba3c243c04a4bfaecf93a40bc0bed0b PDF Text Text 76 SLOVAKIA Ruzena Svobodova's "Fcuilletons ou Slovakia" Prof. Joseph A. Mikus, M. C. L., J. D. After the proclamation of Czecho-Slovakia's independence in 1918, disputes arose between Czechs and Slovaks as to the nature of their political and cultural relations in the new state. While the Slovaks thought of partnership, brotherhood and family harmony, the Czechs, having lostafter the defeat of Germany-their Schweik inferiority complex, swung over to the other extreme: the complex of greatness. The Czecho-Slovakia of the Peace Treaties was imposed as "Czechoslovakia" on foreign countries, academies and encyclopedias, and was ruled as Great Czechia by the Prague Government. T. G. Masaryk, E. Benes, and nearly all Czech intellectuals considered Slovakia as a territorial acquisition of the Kingdom of Bohemia, as a generous gift made by the Allied and Associated Powers to the Czechs for their resistance against the Holy Roman Empire of the Germanic Nation during the Hussite wars, as a historical reparation of their defeat in the Battle at the White Mountain, 1620, and finally as an endurance prime for having withstood the onslaughts of Pan-Germanism in the 19th century. Among few Czech intellectuals and literary figures who sharply disagreed with the official Great Czechia concept of the new state, there was a lady, novelist and short story writer, Ruzena Svobodova (1868-1920). She had been informed on the problem of Slovakia by Milan Rastislav Stefanik (1880-1919) already during his studies at Charles University in Prague, i. e., before 1904. At that time her house in the capital of Bohemia was a meeting place for a literary and social group which was to play an important role in the Czecho-Slovak political rapprochement. F. X. salda, a prominent literary historian at Prague University, was there a frequent guest. Svobodova and salda became close friends of Stefanik. They visited with him in France as he was working as an astronomer at the Observatory of Meudon, near Paris. �SLOVAKIA 77 At the beginning of World War I, Stefanik enlisted in the French Army and reached the grade of General. At the end of the war, besides T. G. Masaryk and E. Benes, he is the only Slovak in the triumvirate of Czecho-Slovakia's liberators. He will become its first Minister of War. On May 4, 1919 the airplane, by which General Stefanik was returning from Italy to his native soil, was shot down by a Czech artillery unit stationed at Bratislava. Ruzena Svobodova must have been shaken by grief at such a horrible news, and particularly at the Government's suspicious refusal to publish all the facts of this accident. Thereafter, she travelled across Slovakia to pay-as it were-her last respect to Stefanik, and also to get acquainted with his homeland and its people. She then wrote a series of feuilletons dealing with several aspects of Slovak life and particularly with errors of the Czech official policy committed in Slovakia. They remained unpublished in her desk long after she died in 1920. No Czech magazine would accepted to give publicity to facts so shocking, while no Slovak periodical would have been allowed to do so without being victimized by the censor of the "democratic" regime represented by T . G. Masaryk and E. Benes. In 1930 it came to a Kulturkampf in Matica Slovenska, the Slovak Institute of Sciences and Arts, founded in 1863 in Turciansky Sv. Martin. According to official Czech designs aiming at cultural and linguistic assimilation of Slovakia, several important positions in that institution had been held by Czechs, among whom Frantisek Hermansky and Vaclav Vazny. How these Great Czechia promoters, hidden in the garb of professional linguists, had become leading officials in that old institution consecrated to national culture and language, may be a mystery for those who are not familiar with the devious methods of Benes' power politics. It was their purpose to gradually narrow the existing gap between the Czech and Slovak languages in bringing the Slovak vocabulatry< and style closer to the Czech. Their tendency was to find however, a definite opposition in the group of Slovak linguists: Jan Mihal, Anton Janosik, Henrik Bartek, Jozef Martinka, etc., led by the Director of the Matica, Prof. Jozef Skultety. This conflict produced an explosive cultural atmosphere and troubled considerably Czecho-Slovak political relations. �78 SLOVAKIA At that time, Stefan Krcmery, a renown Slovak poet, was editor in chief of Slovenske Pohl'ady, a literary review, founded in 1846. Trying to avoid personal polemics and decided to cast some light on the behavior of Czech officials in Slovakia, he thought the feuilletons of Ruzena Svobodova would serve very well his purpose. He prepared them for publication in Vol. 46 of Slovenske Pohl'ady, No. 5-8, 1930. From the repetition of certain issues it is evident that R. Svobodova did not intend to have them published at the same time. Krcmery, however, to give them a cumulative meaning, did do just so, or rather, he had the intention to do so. No sooner had that summer issue of Slovenske Pohl'ady left the presses of the Printing Corporation in Turciansky Sv. Martin, than the censor confiscated the whole edition. Those essays of Ruzena Svobodova apparently were menacing nothing less than the unity and the reason of the state. Since then, they have not been reprinted either in Czech or in Slovak. As we bring them here in an English translation, we would like hereby to honor the courage, friendship, honesty and perspicacity of Ruzena Svobodova, all these virtues displayed at the time, when nearly all the Czechs, following the example of T. G. Masaryk and E. Benes, were drunk of the Great Czechia dream and treated Slovakia as a conquerred territory. THE SOUL OF THE SLOVAK NATION We are confronted with the soul of a different nation. Have we ever been faced with a greater mystery? How shall we enter the temple which is not ours? Could it be otherwise than highest respect as it fits when approaching a different psyche, even though it may be a brother's psyche? Is it possible to penetrate with enough tenderness, enough respect, enough care a distinct soul or its spiritual temple, the greatest of its constructions? Only a man whose wiring with the mysterious soul of the world had been broken could have entirely lost or never accquired respect for human soul. For every human being is as meaningful as History itself; each soul is ankered in eternity; each one is determined by thousands of previous generations. �SLOVAKIA 79 We shouldn't have lightheartily thought of the soul of that nation, i. e., of something which is infinitely more complicated than the soul of an individual. We entered Slovakia as parvenus engrossed by our self-importance, without that respect, without that humility. We had believ-ed to bring salvation to the Slovaks and we had dispensed with the attention we owed to the mystery of their unknown and complicated reality. We do not know Slovakia, we do not know the soul of our sister. We have offended it. Therefore, it has closed itself for us. We have entered there as conquerors and a number of our people lacking delicacy call Slovakia a colony, an occupied territory, and tell it into the face of the Slovaks. Out of a series of psychological errors, this one is felt by the Slovaks as the most outrageous. "We had expected brothers, say the Slovaks, but instead there came rulers." Those Czechs of crude and domineering manners have sinned against the spirit; they have sinned by arrogance and contempt. They are guilty and cannot be excused. The selection of Czech public servants for Slovakia should have been better and more careful. People should have been sent there so noble as not to touch even the dust on a butterfly's wings. The Government should have sent there spiritual observers. A manual should have been written and without its message no one should ever have entered this land. It should have contained a gospel of love, respect and tenderness; a message that would not hurt, that would teach how to approach another people without prejudice: a sort of Decalogue of noble principles. Those who were privileged enough to be sent to Slovakia and have sinned there, must straighten out their attitude, correct their behavior, must learn to confront the unexplored soul of the Slovak nation with deference. They must abandon their messianistic slogans. Otherwise they should be revoked. The only important task is to win the love of the Slovaks. This may be difficult for someone who does not have the highest philosophical culture and is unable to keep silent. No there is work over there for a special type of men: for reserved wise men without self-conceit �80 SLOVAKIA and egotism; for those who can keep their mouth shut. Neither people nor man of noble mind are garrulous . Garrulousnes s is the symton of half-educatio n. There are many unbearable people, unable to evolve, who impose their cheap opinions upon their fellow-men be it in religion, culture or politics; who believe in their intellectual superiority; who are convinced that there is nothing above them, for they have achieved the top of their escension. And should circumstance s enhance their belief of bein apostles, woe to those to whom they preach their sad "self-evident truths". Slovakia has been invaded by a number of such people. Uninstructed and unable to learn, they met the soul of that nation, they intruded in it without tact and with false conviction that it was their task to lift up that soul to their own level. False prophets and preachers lacking modesty and introspection , do you realize what kind of people are you dealing with? Can you imagine what is the spiritual key-board of that nation, a key-board on which sound as the highest tone the limitless greatness of Milan R. stefanik's spirit, and as its most natural tone the song of an innocent girl of Zvolen? Can you imagine the spiritual depth of a nation whose soul smiles in suffering and which hides its cristal-line purity behind humor? If you approach the soul of that nation with humbleness, respect and faith, what depth you will discover, what clarity of mind, what wealth! The closer the contact we have with it, the more purified we become. If you meet the soul of that nation with humility, the old Slovakia will reward you with her mysterious beauty, accumulated throughout centuries. To get acquainted with her, to perceive her multiple facets, to stand in rapture before her, must become for us joy. I have never seen a more majestic spectacle. EDUCATED SLOVAKS The human nature of educated Slovaks has so-to-say a key-board by some scales wider than ours. Each one of them displays the sophisticatio n of a Parisian and the naturalness of a shepherd. They are closer to wordly life �SLOVAKIA 81 on a higher level, while they are closer to nature. They are nearer to culture and at the same time to the people. Even though they may be hunters used to strolling through woods, and during hunting periods to staying in huts, they have an external elegance. They speak foreign languages while they enjoy singing the shepherds's songs of their kinsmen, nostalgical calling on their fellow-men from the top of one mountain to another. They live with a music which stems from the mysterious noise of a lonely forest, from the desire to meet people around a stone fireplace burning day and night . They know how to be exhuberant in their merriments, to drink champagne, to enjoy themselves, to break into group singing. They also can spend the whole evening in talking their poetry. They know by heart many pieces of it. And whenever one of them touches a chord, it will resound in another. They recite Sladkovic, Hviezdoslav, Razus . Whenever our performing artists go to Slovakia, they should not think they go to a village. Only real masters, not those of second category, shall venture to go there. The Slovak intelligentsia had seen in Budapest worldfamous artists, an internationally renowned and highly selected art. They will judge our performers by these criteria. Pretentious dilettantes are wrong if they think they go to Asia and behave accordingly. There, they will be scrutinized more severely than they are used to be in our own land and cannot than do harm to our cause. The resentment that prevails now in Slovakia on our behalf will find no complacency' for our dilettantism, and if there is anyone who may help our cause there, it can be only someone able to fascinate the Slovaks and make them overcome their feelings . THE SLOVAK PEOPLE The Slovak is not sentimental; he is tough and does not want to be pitied. He is full of humour, shining with smile. By his witty answers he always puts a fence around himself, thus keeping you at a distance and preventing you from getting at him. �82 SLOVAKIA In a village we spoke at a house corner under the roof shelter with a young woman, mother of seven children. On her arms, she kept her youngest baby, just 6 months. The latter was dressed in a minuscule shirt. She talks and smiles and women and children from the neighborhood, gathered around her, smile at everything they say. There is with me a young lady who would like to have children. I tell it to that young Slovak woman proposing jokingly: "Couldn't you give this youngest baby of yours to her?" The not say answers we shall Slovak woman does not betray her feeling, does she will never give up her baby. Smiling, she she will do it with pleasure and adds: "Yes, and soon have another one!" I look into her bright, full, and healthy face under a white coif. Her smile had spread contagion in that Sunday crowd. Even if she had thirty children, she still would not accept to be pitied. Nobody in Slovakia, either collectively or individually, wants to be pitied. And this inborn pride serves as psychological explanation of many qualities, alleged sensitivities and attitudes difficult to understand. Nor want the Slovaks to be pitied for the Magyar domination. The people is comparatively uninhibited, and not only in the Vah valley. This is not bad. They are a highly intelligent, vivid, smart, humorous and gay people. Their conscience is like a clean sheet of paper. Be careful as you are trying to write on it. You have to approach them with the purest mind. In this respect, God has been more gracious to me than I deserve. He has given me the opportunity to get acquainted there with the souls, the most beautiful souls I have ever met. Long ago, very long ago, He had granted me the privilege of meeting Milan Rastislav Stefanik. He had allowed me to look into his soul that was reflecting dolor, love, despair, tenderness and generosity. As if provided with a magic key, I approached through his soul the soul of his nation, I opened it and gazed into �SLOVAKIA 83 its folds. I do not say I have penetrated inside. I do not affirm I know it; I perhaps shall never reach that point. Whatever I have been allowed to see is enough for me to spend the rest of my life in light and joy. I have watched a people closely related in their minds, united by the juices and delicacies of life, by their homeland, forests, and rivers, by their kinship and friendliness. Over there, in Slovakia, overwhelmed by noble beings, the soul gets calmed and touched with humility. I do not pretend to know much about Slovakia. I ignore whether I shall ever be able to learn more. Yet, I have well known the soul of one of its greatest sons, the . soul of Milan, as they simply call there the dead General Stefanik. His soul had displayed the biggest variety of facets of all the persons I have ever got in contact with in my life. It resounded with vigor and tenderness. It radiated limitless love and strict justice. It was clear, simple, like a child's; it was smiling and innocent. It belonged at the same time to a ruler and to a servant. It was religious and wordly, believing and respectful, inventive and quick-minded. I don't dare to assert I am a specialist on Slovakia: but I have found there the individual components of Milan's soul, the soul which has become for me the key to the soul of his whole nation. There is no genius whose soul would not represent to a high degree all the best qualities with which his nation is endowed, and there is no nation in which it would be impossible to discover the embryo, a sleeping embryo, of its genius' soul. We enter a village and stop in front of the church. The villagers gather around our driver and ask who we are. "They are Americans", answers the driver, thereafter presenting his appologies: "I simply could not tell them you are Czechs, for nobody here likes Czechs." When I was speaking with educated city ladies, and after having realized that in towns there was the same mood as in villages, I felt hurt and told them: �84 SLOVAKIA "We, too, had suffered from hunger for five years during the war and after. And should it be necessary to suffer for two years more in order to share our destiny with you, we would accept that ordeal. Such is our love for you. Why then do you not like us? Whenever we speak about Slovakia, we do it with tears in our eyes. Why do you not love us?" A young girl gave me a thousand-fold answer, she and her group . And if I had to state the contents of that conversation in some short precepts, they would run like this : "You should leave us to live and die in our own way. Do not impose yourselves upon us. Do not overpower us. Do not take from us and our people what we worship and love. Do not offend our feelings. Do not send here third rate officials. Bring here what we are lacking in exchange for our own services." And upon her anwer, I could not do otherwise than lower my head and realize why they do not like us: Well, simply because we have been doing just the oposite. Yes, we have lost any sympathy and the feeling toward Czechs there is nearing the point of hatred. The Slovak intelligentsia is fed up with Czech excesses. inconsistenci es, chaos in jurisdiction, overlookings, in one word, with Czech imperialism. They are tired from tactlessness and arrogance. What they have received is not what they had expected. That someone is responsible for it, it can hardly be denied. And every day passing by without straightening out committed faults cannot but multiply their consequences . The first error consists in that we tried to approach the mysterious soul of that nation with our mechanical concept of life, that we made efforts to force upon them cheap enlightenmen t as a remedy. There may be two sister-nations here; there may be closely related languages; there even may be the same Slav trunk. Yet, how many distinctions! A cliff in the Germanic sea, the Czech lands had throughout centuries been washed up by its waves, while Slovakia is a bridge eastwards. After a period of independ- �SLOVAKIA 85 ence we had lived under the German yoke, while the Slovaks had, nearly during the entire span of their active history, been politically tight up with the Magyars, i. e., a people who have distinct traditions, and whose political and cultural development differs in content and level; with a people-in one word-who are marked by a particular mentality. Since Slovakia was for us a land prohibited, we had been on all sides separated from the Slav race. The Slovaks, instead, had benefited largely by a direct contact with the Slav world, have been, in fact, united with it, and represent its continuation, something like the tail of a multi-colored East-Slav rainbow. What instruction and education should have been given to those Czechs who went to that noble, spiritually richer and brighter land of Slovakia which in this respect towers high above us? What tests of selection should have been applied in order to choose best from among us to be assigned there and pay their respects to the sacred mystery of that country reflecting a shy, non spoiled, creative soul? What should we have done to increase our joy, our own and Slovakia's happiness? For the time being, besides very few good Czechs, there are many pretentious individuals in the military as well as among the various officials who had trampled down a number of serious personalities, institutions and accomplishments. Those Czechs have thereby inflicted considerable damages to Slovakia. As we go around, we hear constantly of an endless series of such sad and regrettable cases. Slovak men tell me about the injustices committed on them by Czechs. A Slovak lady, good looking and of slender stature, listens to them. She evidently suffers that I have to hear those indictments against my nation, and she accasionally interrupts that conversation with polite words. Her husband explains what had been done by soldiers. A group of them entered a restaurant where a highly artistic picture of Empress Maria Theresa was hanging from the wall. They took that picture down, cut it into pieces and caused the private owner a damage amounting to several thousand crowns. �SLOVAKIA 86 The Slovak lady comments: "Perhaps the picture seemed offending to them; but they should have asked the owner to put it away. It was a private object of high value and they should never have cut it into pieces. This is not the question of substance, but of form" - says politely that lady as if she were trying to excuse the malfeasors. Her husband continues: "A soldier enters an inn and orders a sandwich. The innkeeper asks four crowns for it. The soldier refuses to pay protesting against the price. He was right to do so. The innkeeper defends himself: 'The County Administrator had fixed that price!' The soldier, however, does not know what the powers of a County Administrator are. He ignores entirely local conditions. He aggressively adds: 'That Administrator of yours, he is a Magyar sympathiser just as you are!' The County Administrator, a Slovak patriot, is just passing by and learns about the incident. He then addresses himself to the Captain asking for investigation. The Captain, however, rejects his request and takes the soldier under protection. Soldiers had done many ugly things in Slovakia; but you will perhaps say it was a consequence of five year war demoralization. This, of course, may be an explanation; but it is no excuse. Another example : A lower official was sent as mills supervisor to a county in Eastern Slovakia. Instead of taking care of his assignment, that man started spying on every step of the County Administrator and every word of the County Counsel. He went so far as to organize a personal boycott against them. He ran to the Post Office, announced that emergency measures had been taken against the County Administrator and his Counsel, and insisted their telephone connection be cut off. A never heard of, but a real, case! As he was being interrogated, he said: "That's our nature, of us Czechs. We think we must control everybody!" By the investigation of the performance of this supervisor �SLOVAKIA 87 it was proven that he had misappropriated a carload of flour and was keeping two bags of it in his household. A higher official in Prague was sending his organization agent to Slovakia with these words: "He is too rude for Prague; therefore I am sending him to Slovakia." A higher official who ignores what Slovakia is, ignores what her soul is, is then assigning there an executive of whom he knows in advance that the latter lacks the ability of matching that soul. Only those people shall be sent to Slovakia who realize that they will be guests in their brother's family, who will not desecrate, not even by the twinkle of their eyelids, the sanctity of that family; men who have faith, are tolerant and tactful; persons of limitless soul which embraces everything, understands all; those !Who, when confronted with a noble feeling would stand with respect without starting polemics. WHAT ARE OUR SINS Why did our people go to Slovakia? Idealists went there from love, pragmatists with expectations of higher profits. There is still a comperative lack of intelligentsia in Slovakia. It will take one or two generations to fill out this gap. Therefore, to go there, to help them in offices and schools, seems to be quite plausible. What are the principles of this aid? That is a big question! Chaos in this respect is what the Slovaks are strongly complaining about. Administrative offices are being organized. For hiring there must be an alternative requirement: either professionnal qualification or talent and experience. The boss who hires petitioners does not have himself professional qualification. The Slovaks think then that experience should be enough. Lower positions are to be filled out, positions of foresters, for instance. A prominent Slovak politician says: "Forests are state-owned and under the Hungarian regime foresters had been our great enemies. The people live from forestry and foresters had fostered Magyarization. �88 SLOVAKIA Do fill out those positions with reliable people. Put there veteran legionnaires!" He sent to the respective office some Slovak legionnaires who had faught with the American Army and would have been glad to stay in their homeland. Their applications were rejected for lack of qualification. "Well", said the politician, "here there is nothing to be done." The County is subdivided into four forest circuits. In the four Forest Administrative offices there had been an Engineer in Forestry, all of them men about fifty . Above these four engineers, there had been a Head-Administrator, also with higher technical education. The Head died. One of the four engineers, a Slovak and good specialist, came up with the application to succeed. Yet, to the surprise of everybody, a 30-year old Czech with only a secondary education in Forestry, was appointed. Next day, all four Forrest Office administrators resigned and refused to serve under a younger and unqualified man. The prominent politician commented: "If it was possible to disregard qualification requirements in the case of the Head of the County Forest Office, it certainly will be easier to do the same with foresters." As he had learned that 12 positions were open, he advised some veteran legionnaires to petition. The Office rejected them for lack of qualification. It hired instead Czechs, letting Slovak legionnaires return to America. Normally, Czechs are supposed to help, if there is no Slovak candidate. Yet, it is unwise to impose an unqualified public servant, if they have their own candidate. Not only that! It is offending. The above mentioned case is Hersek's. Under the Hungarian regime, no county official could be appointed without the County Administrator's consent. Public Law specialist say that County autonomy has never berm more perfect than at the time of Hungary. And now, in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, the following happens: �SLOVAKIA 89 A man lives in the County. He is an attorney, a Jew, an old Magyar sympathizer, an agent of the Hungarian Government, dangerous to the Czecho-Slovak State, a person whose hands are not clean. Everybody there would think it twice before shaking hands with this individual. He has been under observation in his residence. He does not have permission even to leave for another county, because the County Administrator intends to put him into confinment. And this man appears in the County Administrator's Office and shows him triumphantly his appointment from Prague as organizer and supervisor of the whole liquor industry in Slovakia. Consequently, a man has been appointed of whom the high Czech authority had never been informed. He has been appointed so-to-say behind the back and against the will of the County Administrator. What channel must have been left open to this man, and what means he must have used to conquer a moral and economic power position in Slovakia? All his antecedents must have been disregarded from the beginning until the end. What is the real power of a Slovak County Administrator, when a simple soldier, protected by his Captain, can throw into his face the accusation of being a Magyar sympathizer, and when an outspoken traitor to the nation can sarcastically parade his appointment decree from Prague before the Administrator's eyes? Do you think there are reasons in Slovakia to like Czechs? Out of the people who for longtime had been under foreign yoke, there are no good statesmen. They sin by reckless speed and narrowmindedness. They construct anywhere, even on sands. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to works of charity, materially and morally aids Slovaks, here and abroad, who may be in need of such aid; it supports the American Red Cross, United Fund Campaigns and other American charitable projects. � 76 SLOVAKIA Ruzena Svobodova's "Fcuilletons ou Slovakia" Prof. Joseph A. Mikus, M. C. L., J. D. After the proclamation of Czecho-Slovakia's independence in 1918, disputes arose between Czechs and Slovaks as to the nature of their political and cultural relations in the new state. While the Slovaks thought of partnership, brotherhood and family harmony, the Czechs, having lostafter the defeat of Germany-their Schweik inferiority complex, swung over to the other extreme: the complex of greatness. The Czecho-Slovakia of the Peace Treaties was imposed as "Czechoslovakia" on foreign countries, academies and encyclopedias, and was ruled as Great Czechia by the Prague Government. T. G. Masaryk, E. Benes, and nearly all Czech intellectuals considered Slovakia as a territorial acquisition of the Kingdom of Bohemia, as a generous gift made by the Allied and Associated Powers to the Czechs for their resistance against the Holy Roman Empire of the Germanic Nation during the Hussite wars, as a historical reparation of their defeat in the Battle at the White Mountain, 1620, and finally as an endurance prime for having withstood the onslaughts of Pan-Germanism in the 19th century. Among few Czech intellectuals and literary figures who sharply disagreed with the official Great Czechia concept of the new state, there was a lady, novelist and short story writer, Ruzena Svobodova (1868-1920). She had been informed on the problem of Slovakia by Milan Rastislav Stefanik (1880-1919) already during his studies at Charles University in Prague, i. e., before 1904. At that time her house in the capital of Bohemia was a meeting place for a literary and social group which was to play an important role in the Czecho-Slovak political rapprochement. F. X. salda, a prominent literary historian at Prague University, was there a frequent guest. Svobodova and salda became close friends of Stefanik. They visited with him in France as he was working as an astronomer at the Observatory of Meudon, near Paris. �SLOVAKIA 77 At the beginning of World War I, Stefanik enlisted in the French Army and reached the grade of General. At the end of the war, besides T. G. Masaryk and E. Benes, he is the only Slovak in the triumvirate of Czecho-Slovakia's liberators. He will become its first Minister of War. On May 4, 1919 the airplane, by which General Stefanik was returning from Italy to his native soil, was shot down by a Czech artillery unit stationed at Bratislava. Ruzena Svobodova must have been shaken by grief at such a horrible news, and particularly at the Government's suspicious refusal to publish all the facts of this accident. Thereafter, she travelled across Slovakia to pay-as it were-her last respect to Stefanik, and also to get acquainted with his homeland and its people. She then wrote a series of feuilletons dealing with several aspects of Slovak life and particularly with errors of the Czech official policy committed in Slovakia. They remained unpublished in her desk long after she died in 1920. No Czech magazine would accepted to give publicity to facts so shocking, while no Slovak periodical would have been allowed to do so without being victimized by the censor of the "democratic" regime represented by T . G. Masaryk and E. Benes. In 1930 it came to a Kulturkampf in Matica Slovenska, the Slovak Institute of Sciences and Arts, founded in 1863 in Turciansky Sv. Martin. According to official Czech designs aiming at cultural and linguistic assimilation of Slovakia, several important positions in that institution had been held by Czechs, among whom Frantisek Hermansky and Vaclav Vazny. How these Great Czechia promoters, hidden in the garb of professional linguists, had become leading officials in that old institution consecrated to national culture and language, may be a mystery for those who are not familiar with the devious methods of Benes' power politics. It was their purpose to gradually narrow the existing gap between the Czech and Slovak languages in bringing the Slovak vocabulatry< and style closer to the Czech. Their tendency was to find however, a definite opposition in the group of Slovak linguists: Jan Mihal, Anton Janosik, Henrik Bartek, Jozef Martinka, etc., led by the Director of the Matica, Prof. Jozef Skultety. This conflict produced an explosive cultural atmosphere and troubled considerably Czecho-Slovak political relations. �78 SLOVAKIA At that time, Stefan Krcmery, a renown Slovak poet, was editor in chief of Slovenske Pohl'ady, a literary review, founded in 1846. Trying to avoid personal polemics and decided to cast some light on the behavior of Czech officials in Slovakia, he thought the feuilletons of Ruzena Svobodova would serve very well his purpose. He prepared them for publication in Vol. 46 of Slovenske Pohl'ady, No. 5-8, 1930. From the repetition of certain issues it is evident that R. Svobodova did not intend to have them published at the same time. Krcmery, however, to give them a cumulative meaning, did do just so, or rather, he had the intention to do so. No sooner had that summer issue of Slovenske Pohl'ady left the presses of the Printing Corporation in Turciansky Sv. Martin, than the censor confiscated the whole edition. Those essays of Ruzena Svobodova apparently were menacing nothing less than the unity and the reason of the state. Since then, they have not been reprinted either in Czech or in Slovak. As we bring them here in an English translation, we would like hereby to honor the courage, friendship, honesty and perspicacity of Ruzena Svobodova, all these virtues displayed at the time, when nearly all the Czechs, following the example of T. G. Masaryk and E. Benes, were drunk of the Great Czechia dream and treated Slovakia as a conquerred territory. THE SOUL OF THE SLOVAK NATION We are confronted with the soul of a different nation. Have we ever been faced with a greater mystery? How shall we enter the temple which is not ours? Could it be otherwise than highest respect as it fits when approaching a different psyche, even though it may be a brother's psyche? Is it possible to penetrate with enough tenderness, enough respect, enough care a distinct soul or its spiritual temple, the greatest of its constructions? Only a man whose wiring with the mysterious soul of the world had been broken could have entirely lost or never accquired respect for human soul. For every human being is as meaningful as History itself; each soul is ankered in eternity; each one is determined by thousands of previous generations. �SLOVAKIA 79 We shouldn't have lightheartily thought of the soul of that nation, i. e., of something which is infinitely more complicated than the soul of an individual. We entered Slovakia as parvenus engrossed by our self-importance, without that respect, without that humility. We had believ-ed to bring salvation to the Slovaks and we had dispensed with the attention we owed to the mystery of their unknown and complicated reality. We do not know Slovakia, we do not know the soul of our sister. We have offended it. Therefore, it has closed itself for us. We have entered there as conquerors and a number of our people lacking delicacy call Slovakia a colony, an occupied territory, and tell it into the face of the Slovaks. Out of a series of psychological errors, this one is felt by the Slovaks as the most outrageous. "We had expected brothers, say the Slovaks, but instead there came rulers." Those Czechs of crude and domineering manners have sinned against the spirit; they have sinned by arrogance and contempt. They are guilty and cannot be excused. The selection of Czech public servants for Slovakia should have been better and more careful. People should have been sent there so noble as not to touch even the dust on a butterfly's wings. The Government should have sent there spiritual observers. A manual should have been written and without its message no one should ever have entered this land. It should have contained a gospel of love, respect and tenderness; a message that would not hurt, that would teach how to approach another people without prejudice: a sort of Decalogue of noble principles. Those who were privileged enough to be sent to Slovakia and have sinned there, must straighten out their attitude, correct their behavior, must learn to confront the unexplored soul of the Slovak nation with deference. They must abandon their messianistic slogans. Otherwise they should be revoked. The only important task is to win the love of the Slovaks. This may be difficult for someone who does not have the highest philosophical culture and is unable to keep silent. No there is work over there for a special type of men: for reserved wise men without self-conceit �80 SLOVAKIA and egotism; for those who can keep their mouth shut. Neither people nor man of noble mind are garrulous . Garrulousnes s is the symton of half-educatio n. There are many unbearable people, unable to evolve, who impose their cheap opinions upon their fellow-men be it in religion, culture or politics; who believe in their intellectual superiority; who are convinced that there is nothing above them, for they have achieved the top of their escension. And should circumstance s enhance their belief of bein apostles, woe to those to whom they preach their sad "self-evident truths". Slovakia has been invaded by a number of such people. Uninstructed and unable to learn, they met the soul of that nation, they intruded in it without tact and with false conviction that it was their task to lift up that soul to their own level. False prophets and preachers lacking modesty and introspection , do you realize what kind of people are you dealing with? Can you imagine what is the spiritual key-board of that nation, a key-board on which sound as the highest tone the limitless greatness of Milan R. stefanik's spirit, and as its most natural tone the song of an innocent girl of Zvolen? Can you imagine the spiritual depth of a nation whose soul smiles in suffering and which hides its cristal-line purity behind humor? If you approach the soul of that nation with humbleness, respect and faith, what depth you will discover, what clarity of mind, what wealth! The closer the contact we have with it, the more purified we become. If you meet the soul of that nation with humility, the old Slovakia will reward you with her mysterious beauty, accumulated throughout centuries. To get acquainted with her, to perceive her multiple facets, to stand in rapture before her, must become for us joy. I have never seen a more majestic spectacle. EDUCATED SLOVAKS The human nature of educated Slovaks has so-to-say a key-board by some scales wider than ours. Each one of them displays the sophisticatio n of a Parisian and the naturalness of a shepherd. They are closer to wordly life �SLOVAKIA 81 on a higher level, while they are closer to nature. They are nearer to culture and at the same time to the people. Even though they may be hunters used to strolling through woods, and during hunting periods to staying in huts, they have an external elegance. They speak foreign languages while they enjoy singing the shepherds's songs of their kinsmen, nostalgical calling on their fellow-men from the top of one mountain to another. They live with a music which stems from the mysterious noise of a lonely forest, from the desire to meet people around a stone fireplace burning day and night . They know how to be exhuberant in their merriments, to drink champagne, to enjoy themselves, to break into group singing. They also can spend the whole evening in talking their poetry. They know by heart many pieces of it. And whenever one of them touches a chord, it will resound in another. They recite Sladkovic, Hviezdoslav, Razus . Whenever our performing artists go to Slovakia, they should not think they go to a village. Only real masters, not those of second category, shall venture to go there. The Slovak intelligentsia had seen in Budapest worldfamous artists, an internationally renowned and highly selected art. They will judge our performers by these criteria. Pretentious dilettantes are wrong if they think they go to Asia and behave accordingly. There, they will be scrutinized more severely than they are used to be in our own land and cannot than do harm to our cause. The resentment that prevails now in Slovakia on our behalf will find no complacency' for our dilettantism, and if there is anyone who may help our cause there, it can be only someone able to fascinate the Slovaks and make them overcome their feelings . THE SLOVAK PEOPLE The Slovak is not sentimental; he is tough and does not want to be pitied. He is full of humour, shining with smile. By his witty answers he always puts a fence around himself, thus keeping you at a distance and preventing you from getting at him. �82 SLOVAKIA In a village we spoke at a house corner under the roof shelter with a young woman, mother of seven children. On her arms, she kept her youngest baby, just 6 months. The latter was dressed in a minuscule shirt. She talks and smiles and women and children from the neighborhood, gathered around her, smile at everything they say. There is with me a young lady who would like to have children. I tell it to that young Slovak woman proposing jokingly: "Couldn't you give this youngest baby of yours to her?" The not say answers we shall Slovak woman does not betray her feeling, does she will never give up her baby. Smiling, she she will do it with pleasure and adds: "Yes, and soon have another one!" I look into her bright, full, and healthy face under a white coif. Her smile had spread contagion in that Sunday crowd. Even if she had thirty children, she still would not accept to be pitied. Nobody in Slovakia, either collectively or individually, wants to be pitied. And this inborn pride serves as psychological explanation of many qualities, alleged sensitivities and attitudes difficult to understand. Nor want the Slovaks to be pitied for the Magyar domination. The people is comparatively uninhibited, and not only in the Vah valley. This is not bad. They are a highly intelligent, vivid, smart, humorous and gay people. Their conscience is like a clean sheet of paper. Be careful as you are trying to write on it. You have to approach them with the purest mind. In this respect, God has been more gracious to me than I deserve. He has given me the opportunity to get acquainted there with the souls, the most beautiful souls I have ever met. Long ago, very long ago, He had granted me the privilege of meeting Milan Rastislav Stefanik. He had allowed me to look into his soul that was reflecting dolor, love, despair, tenderness and generosity. As if provided with a magic key, I approached through his soul the soul of his nation, I opened it and gazed into �SLOVAKIA 83 its folds. I do not say I have penetrated inside. I do not affirm I know it; I perhaps shall never reach that point. Whatever I have been allowed to see is enough for me to spend the rest of my life in light and joy. I have watched a people closely related in their minds, united by the juices and delicacies of life, by their homeland, forests, and rivers, by their kinship and friendliness. Over there, in Slovakia, overwhelmed by noble beings, the soul gets calmed and touched with humility. I do not pretend to know much about Slovakia. I ignore whether I shall ever be able to learn more. Yet, I have well known the soul of one of its greatest sons, the . soul of Milan, as they simply call there the dead General Stefanik. His soul had displayed the biggest variety of facets of all the persons I have ever got in contact with in my life. It resounded with vigor and tenderness. It radiated limitless love and strict justice. It was clear, simple, like a child's; it was smiling and innocent. It belonged at the same time to a ruler and to a servant. It was religious and wordly, believing and respectful, inventive and quick-minded. I don't dare to assert I am a specialist on Slovakia: but I have found there the individual components of Milan's soul, the soul which has become for me the key to the soul of his whole nation. There is no genius whose soul would not represent to a high degree all the best qualities with which his nation is endowed, and there is no nation in which it would be impossible to discover the embryo, a sleeping embryo, of its genius' soul. We enter a village and stop in front of the church. The villagers gather around our driver and ask who we are. "They are Americans", answers the driver, thereafter presenting his appologies: "I simply could not tell them you are Czechs, for nobody here likes Czechs." When I was speaking with educated city ladies, and after having realized that in towns there was the same mood as in villages, I felt hurt and told them: �84 SLOVAKIA "We, too, had suffered from hunger for five years during the war and after. And should it be necessary to suffer for two years more in order to share our destiny with you, we would accept that ordeal. Such is our love for you. Why then do you not like us? Whenever we speak about Slovakia, we do it with tears in our eyes. Why do you not love us?" A young girl gave me a thousand-fold answer, she and her group . And if I had to state the contents of that conversation in some short precepts, they would run like this : "You should leave us to live and die in our own way. Do not impose yourselves upon us. Do not overpower us. Do not take from us and our people what we worship and love. Do not offend our feelings. Do not send here third rate officials. Bring here what we are lacking in exchange for our own services." And upon her anwer, I could not do otherwise than lower my head and realize why they do not like us: Well, simply because we have been doing just the oposite. Yes, we have lost any sympathy and the feeling toward Czechs there is nearing the point of hatred. The Slovak intelligentsia is fed up with Czech excesses. inconsistenci es, chaos in jurisdiction, overlookings, in one word, with Czech imperialism. They are tired from tactlessness and arrogance. What they have received is not what they had expected. That someone is responsible for it, it can hardly be denied. And every day passing by without straightening out committed faults cannot but multiply their consequences . The first error consists in that we tried to approach the mysterious soul of that nation with our mechanical concept of life, that we made efforts to force upon them cheap enlightenmen t as a remedy. There may be two sister-nations here; there may be closely related languages; there even may be the same Slav trunk. Yet, how many distinctions! A cliff in the Germanic sea, the Czech lands had throughout centuries been washed up by its waves, while Slovakia is a bridge eastwards. After a period of independ- �SLOVAKIA 85 ence we had lived under the German yoke, while the Slovaks had, nearly during the entire span of their active history, been politically tight up with the Magyars, i. e., a people who have distinct traditions, and whose political and cultural development differs in content and level; with a people-in one word-who are marked by a particular mentality. Since Slovakia was for us a land prohibited, we had been on all sides separated from the Slav race. The Slovaks, instead, had benefited largely by a direct contact with the Slav world, have been, in fact, united with it, and represent its continuation, something like the tail of a multi-colored East-Slav rainbow. What instruction and education should have been given to those Czechs who went to that noble, spiritually richer and brighter land of Slovakia which in this respect towers high above us? What tests of selection should have been applied in order to choose best from among us to be assigned there and pay their respects to the sacred mystery of that country reflecting a shy, non spoiled, creative soul? What should we have done to increase our joy, our own and Slovakia's happiness? For the time being, besides very few good Czechs, there are many pretentious individuals in the military as well as among the various officials who had trampled down a number of serious personalities, institutions and accomplishments. Those Czechs have thereby inflicted considerable damages to Slovakia. As we go around, we hear constantly of an endless series of such sad and regrettable cases. Slovak men tell me about the injustices committed on them by Czechs. A Slovak lady, good looking and of slender stature, listens to them. She evidently suffers that I have to hear those indictments against my nation, and she accasionally interrupts that conversation with polite words. Her husband explains what had been done by soldiers. A group of them entered a restaurant where a highly artistic picture of Empress Maria Theresa was hanging from the wall. They took that picture down, cut it into pieces and caused the private owner a damage amounting to several thousand crowns. �SLOVAKIA 86 The Slovak lady comments: "Perhaps the picture seemed offending to them; but they should have asked the owner to put it away. It was a private object of high value and they should never have cut it into pieces. This is not the question of substance, but of form" - says politely that lady as if she were trying to excuse the malfeasors. Her husband continues: "A soldier enters an inn and orders a sandwich. The innkeeper asks four crowns for it. The soldier refuses to pay protesting against the price. He was right to do so. The innkeeper defends himself: 'The County Administrator had fixed that price!' The soldier, however, does not know what the powers of a County Administrator are. He ignores entirely local conditions. He aggressively adds: 'That Administrator of yours, he is a Magyar sympathiser just as you are!' The County Administrator, a Slovak patriot, is just passing by and learns about the incident. He then addresses himself to the Captain asking for investigation. The Captain, however, rejects his request and takes the soldier under protection. Soldiers had done many ugly things in Slovakia; but you will perhaps say it was a consequence of five year war demoralization. This, of course, may be an explanation; but it is no excuse. Another example : A lower official was sent as mills supervisor to a county in Eastern Slovakia. Instead of taking care of his assignment, that man started spying on every step of the County Administrator and every word of the County Counsel. He went so far as to organize a personal boycott against them. He ran to the Post Office, announced that emergency measures had been taken against the County Administrator and his Counsel, and insisted their telephone connection be cut off. A never heard of, but a real, case! As he was being interrogated, he said: "That's our nature, of us Czechs. We think we must control everybody!" By the investigation of the performance of this supervisor �SLOVAKIA 87 it was proven that he had misappropriated a carload of flour and was keeping two bags of it in his household. A higher official in Prague was sending his organization agent to Slovakia with these words: "He is too rude for Prague; therefore I am sending him to Slovakia." A higher official who ignores what Slovakia is, ignores what her soul is, is then assigning there an executive of whom he knows in advance that the latter lacks the ability of matching that soul. Only those people shall be sent to Slovakia who realize that they will be guests in their brother's family, who will not desecrate, not even by the twinkle of their eyelids, the sanctity of that family; men who have faith, are tolerant and tactful; persons of limitless soul which embraces everything, understands all; those !Who, when confronted with a noble feeling would stand with respect without starting polemics. WHAT ARE OUR SINS Why did our people go to Slovakia? Idealists went there from love, pragmatists with expectations of higher profits. There is still a comperative lack of intelligentsia in Slovakia. It will take one or two generations to fill out this gap. Therefore, to go there, to help them in offices and schools, seems to be quite plausible. What are the principles of this aid? That is a big question! Chaos in this respect is what the Slovaks are strongly complaining about. Administrative offices are being organized. For hiring there must be an alternative requirement: either professionnal qualification or talent and experience. The boss who hires petitioners does not have himself professional qualification. The Slovaks think then that experience should be enough. Lower positions are to be filled out, positions of foresters, for instance. A prominent Slovak politician says: "Forests are state-owned and under the Hungarian regime foresters had been our great enemies. The people live from forestry and foresters had fostered Magyarization. �88 SLOVAKIA Do fill out those positions with reliable people. Put there veteran legionnaires!" He sent to the respective office some Slovak legionnaires who had faught with the American Army and would have been glad to stay in their homeland. Their applications were rejected for lack of qualification. "Well", said the politician, "here there is nothing to be done." The County is subdivided into four forest circuits. In the four Forest Administrative offices there had been an Engineer in Forestry, all of them men about fifty . Above these four engineers, there had been a Head-Administrator, also with higher technical education. The Head died. One of the four engineers, a Slovak and good specialist, came up with the application to succeed. Yet, to the surprise of everybody, a 30-year old Czech with only a secondary education in Forestry, was appointed. Next day, all four Forrest Office administrators resigned and refused to serve under a younger and unqualified man. The prominent politician commented: "If it was possible to disregard qualification requirements in the case of the Head of the County Forest Office, it certainly will be easier to do the same with foresters." As he had learned that 12 positions were open, he advised some veteran legionnaires to petition. The Office rejected them for lack of qualification. It hired instead Czechs, letting Slovak legionnaires return to America. Normally, Czechs are supposed to help, if there is no Slovak candidate. Yet, it is unwise to impose an unqualified public servant, if they have their own candidate. Not only that! It is offending. The above mentioned case is Hersek's. Under the Hungarian regime, no county official could be appointed without the County Administrator's consent. Public Law specialist say that County autonomy has never berm more perfect than at the time of Hungary. And now, in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, the following happens: �SLOVAKIA 89 A man lives in the County. He is an attorney, a Jew, an old Magyar sympathizer, an agent of the Hungarian Government, dangerous to the Czecho-Slovak State, a person whose hands are not clean. Everybody there would think it twice before shaking hands with this individual. He has been under observation in his residence. He does not have permission even to leave for another county, because the County Administrator intends to put him into confinment. And this man appears in the County Administrator's Office and shows him triumphantly his appointment from Prague as organizer and supervisor of the whole liquor industry in Slovakia. Consequently, a man has been appointed of whom the high Czech authority had never been informed. He has been appointed so-to-say behind the back and against the will of the County Administrator. What channel must have been left open to this man, and what means he must have used to conquer a moral and economic power position in Slovakia? All his antecedents must have been disregarded from the beginning until the end. What is the real power of a Slovak County Administrator, when a simple soldier, protected by his Captain, can throw into his face the accusation of being a Magyar sympathizer, and when an outspoken traitor to the nation can sarcastically parade his appointment decree from Prague before the Administrator's eyes? Do you think there are reasons in Slovakia to like Czechs? Out of the people who for longtime had been under foreign yoke, there are no good statesmen. They sin by reckless speed and narrowmindedness. They construct anywhere, even on sands. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to works of charity, materially and morally aids Slovaks, here and abroad, who may be in need of such aid; it supports the American Red Cross, United Fund Campaigns and other American charitable projects. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1970, Vol. 20 Description An account of the resource Vol. 20 (No. 43), 1970. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1970 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 76 SLOVAKIA Ruzena Svobodova's "Fcuilletons ou Slovakia" Prof. Joseph A. Mikus, M. C. L., J. D. After the proclamation of Czecho-Slovakia's independence in 1918, disputes arose between Czechs and Slovaks as to the nature of their political and cultural relations in the new state. While the Slovaks thought of partnership, brotherhood and family harmony, the Czechs, having lostafter the defeat of Germany-their Schweik inferiority complex, swung over to the other extreme: the complex of greatness. The Czecho-Slovakia of the Peace Treaties was imposed as "Czechoslovakia" on foreign countries, academies and encyclopedias, and was ruled as Great Czechia by the Prague Government. T. G. Masaryk, E. Benes, and nearly all Czech intellectuals considered Slovakia as a territorial acquisition of the Kingdom of Bohemia, as a generous gift made by the Allied and Associated Powers to the Czechs for their resistance against the Holy Roman Empire of the Germanic Nation during the Hussite wars, as a historical reparation of their defeat in the Battle at the White Mountain, 1620, and finally as an endurance prime for having withstood the onslaughts of Pan-Germanism in the 19th century. Among few Czech intellectuals and literary figures who sharply disagreed with the official Great Czechia concept of the new state, there was a lady, novelist and short story writer, Ruzena Svobodova (1868-1920). She had been informed on the problem of Slovakia by Milan Rastislav Stefanik (1880-1919) already during his studies at Charles University in Prague, i. e., before 1904. At that time her house in the capital of Bohemia was a meeting place for a literary and social group which was to play an important role in the Czecho-Slovak political rapprochement. F. X. salda, a prominent literary historian at Prague University, was there a frequent guest. Svobodova and salda became close friends of Stefanik. They visited with him in France as he was working as an astronomer at the Observatory of Meudon, near Paris. SLOVAKIA 77 At the beginning of World War I, Stefanik enlisted in the French Army and reached the grade of General. At the end of the war, besides T. G. Masaryk and E. Benes, he is the only Slovak in the triumvirate of Czecho-Slovakia's liberators. He will become its first Minister of War. On May 4, 1919 the airplane, by which General Stefanik was returning from Italy to his native soil, was shot down by a Czech artillery unit stationed at Bratislava. Ruzena Svobodova must have been shaken by grief at such a horrible news, and particularly at the Government's suspicious refusal to publish all the facts of this accident. Thereafter, she travelled across Slovakia to pay-as it were-her last respect to Stefanik, and also to get acquainted with his homeland and its people. She then wrote a series of feuilletons dealing with several aspects of Slovak life and particularly with errors of the Czech official policy committed in Slovakia. They remained unpublished in her desk long after she died in 1920. No Czech magazine would accepted to give publicity to facts so shocking, while no Slovak periodical would have been allowed to do so without being victimized by the censor of the "democratic" regime represented by T . G. Masaryk and E. Benes. In 1930 it came to a Kulturkampf in Matica Slovenska, the Slovak Institute of Sciences and Arts, founded in 1863 in Turciansky Sv. Martin. According to official Czech designs aiming at cultural and linguistic assimilation of Slovakia, several important positions in that institution had been held by Czechs, among whom Frantisek Hermansky and Vaclav Vazny. How these Great Czechia promoters, hidden in the garb of professional linguists, had become leading officials in that old institution consecrated to national culture and language, may be a mystery for those who are not familiar with the devious methods of Benes' power politics. It was their purpose to gradually narrow the existing gap between the Czech and Slovak languages in bringing the Slovak vocabulatry< and style closer to the Czech. Their tendency was to find however, a definite opposition in the group of Slovak linguists: Jan Mihal, Anton Janosik, Henrik Bartek, Jozef Martinka, etc., led by the Director of the Matica, Prof. Jozef Skultety. This conflict produced an explosive cultural atmosphere and troubled considerably Czecho-Slovak political relations. 78 SLOVAKIA At that time, Stefan Krcmery, a renown Slovak poet, was editor in chief of Slovenske Pohl'ady, a literary review, founded in 1846. Trying to avoid personal polemics and decided to cast some light on the behavior of Czech officials in Slovakia, he thought the feuilletons of Ruzena Svobodova would serve very well his purpose. He prepared them for publication in Vol. 46 of Slovenske Pohl'ady, No. 5-8, 1930. From the repetition of certain issues it is evident that R. Svobodova did not intend to have them published at the same time. Krcmery, however, to give them a cumulative meaning, did do just so, or rather, he had the intention to do so. No sooner had that summer issue of Slovenske Pohl'ady left the presses of the Printing Corporation in Turciansky Sv. Martin, than the censor confiscated the whole edition. Those essays of Ruzena Svobodova apparently were menacing nothing less than the unity and the reason of the state. Since then, they have not been reprinted either in Czech or in Slovak. As we bring them here in an English translation, we would like hereby to honor the courage, friendship, honesty and perspicacity of Ruzena Svobodova, all these virtues displayed at the time, when nearly all the Czechs, following the example of T. G. Masaryk and E. Benes, were drunk of the Great Czechia dream and treated Slovakia as a conquerred territory. THE SOUL OF THE SLOVAK NATION We are confronted with the soul of a different nation. Have we ever been faced with a greater mystery? How shall we enter the temple which is not ours? Could it be otherwise than highest respect as it fits when approaching a different psyche, even though it may be a brother's psyche? Is it possible to penetrate with enough tenderness, enough respect, enough care a distinct soul or its spiritual temple, the greatest of its constructions? Only a man whose wiring with the mysterious soul of the world had been broken could have entirely lost or never accquired respect for human soul. For every human being is as meaningful as History itself; each soul is ankered in eternity; each one is determined by thousands of previous generations. SLOVAKIA 79 We shouldn't have lightheartily thought of the soul of that nation, i. e., of something which is infinitely more complicated than the soul of an individual. We entered Slovakia as parvenus engrossed by our self-importance, without that respect, without that humility. We had believ-ed to bring salvation to the Slovaks and we had dispensed with the attention we owed to the mystery of their unknown and complicated reality. We do not know Slovakia, we do not know the soul of our sister. We have offended it. Therefore, it has closed itself for us. We have entered there as conquerors and a number of our people lacking delicacy call Slovakia a colony, an occupied territory, and tell it into the face of the Slovaks. Out of a series of psychological errors, this one is felt by the Slovaks as the most outrageous. "We had expected brothers, say the Slovaks, but instead there came rulers." Those Czechs of crude and domineering manners have sinned against the spirit; they have sinned by arrogance and contempt. They are guilty and cannot be excused. The selection of Czech public servants for Slovakia should have been better and more careful. People should have been sent there so noble as not to touch even the dust on a butterfly's wings. The Government should have sent there spiritual observers. A manual should have been written and without its message no one should ever have entered this land. It should have contained a gospel of love, respect and tenderness; a message that would not hurt, that would teach how to approach another people without prejudice: a sort of Decalogue of noble principles. Those who were privileged enough to be sent to Slovakia and have sinned there, must straighten out their attitude, correct their behavior, must learn to confront the unexplored soul of the Slovak nation with deference. They must abandon their messianistic slogans. Otherwise they should be revoked. The only important task is to win the love of the Slovaks. This may be difficult for someone who does not have the highest philosophical culture and is unable to keep silent. No there is work over there for a special type of men: for reserved wise men without self-conceit 80 SLOVAKIA and egotism; for those who can keep their mouth shut. Neither people nor man of noble mind are garrulous . Garrulousnes s is the symton of half-educatio n. There are many unbearable people, unable to evolve, who impose their cheap opinions upon their fellow-men be it in religion, culture or politics; who believe in their intellectual superiority; who are convinced that there is nothing above them, for they have achieved the top of their escension. And should circumstance s enhance their belief of bein apostles, woe to those to whom they preach their sad "self-evident truths". Slovakia has been invaded by a number of such people. Uninstructed and unable to learn, they met the soul of that nation, they intruded in it without tact and with false conviction that it was their task to lift up that soul to their own level. False prophets and preachers lacking modesty and introspection , do you realize what kind of people are you dealing with? Can you imagine what is the spiritual key-board of that nation, a key-board on which sound as the highest tone the limitless greatness of Milan R. stefanik's spirit, and as its most natural tone the song of an innocent girl of Zvolen? Can you imagine the spiritual depth of a nation whose soul smiles in suffering and which hides its cristal-line purity behind humor? If you approach the soul of that nation with humbleness, respect and faith, what depth you will discover, what clarity of mind, what wealth! The closer the contact we have with it, the more purified we become. If you meet the soul of that nation with humility, the old Slovakia will reward you with her mysterious beauty, accumulated throughout centuries. To get acquainted with her, to perceive her multiple facets, to stand in rapture before her, must become for us joy. I have never seen a more majestic spectacle. EDUCATED SLOVAKS The human nature of educated Slovaks has so-to-say a key-board by some scales wider than ours. Each one of them displays the sophisticatio n of a Parisian and the naturalness of a shepherd. They are closer to wordly life SLOVAKIA 81 on a higher level, while they are closer to nature. They are nearer to culture and at the same time to the people. Even though they may be hunters used to strolling through woods, and during hunting periods to staying in huts, they have an external elegance. They speak foreign languages while they enjoy singing the shepherds's songs of their kinsmen, nostalgical calling on their fellow-men from the top of one mountain to another. They live with a music which stems from the mysterious noise of a lonely forest, from the desire to meet people around a stone fireplace burning day and night . They know how to be exhuberant in their merriments, to drink champagne, to enjoy themselves, to break into group singing. They also can spend the whole evening in talking their poetry. They know by heart many pieces of it. And whenever one of them touches a chord, it will resound in another. They recite Sladkovic, Hviezdoslav, Razus . Whenever our performing artists go to Slovakia, they should not think they go to a village. Only real masters, not those of second category, shall venture to go there. The Slovak intelligentsia had seen in Budapest worldfamous artists, an internationally renowned and highly selected art. They will judge our performers by these criteria. Pretentious dilettantes are wrong if they think they go to Asia and behave accordingly. There, they will be scrutinized more severely than they are used to be in our own land and cannot than do harm to our cause. The resentment that prevails now in Slovakia on our behalf will find no complacency' for our dilettantism, and if there is anyone who may help our cause there, it can be only someone able to fascinate the Slovaks and make them overcome their feelings . THE SLOVAK PEOPLE The Slovak is not sentimental; he is tough and does not want to be pitied. He is full of humour, shining with smile. By his witty answers he always puts a fence around himself, thus keeping you at a distance and preventing you from getting at him. 82 SLOVAKIA In a village we spoke at a house corner under the roof shelter with a young woman, mother of seven children. On her arms, she kept her youngest baby, just 6 months. The latter was dressed in a minuscule shirt. She talks and smiles and women and children from the neighborhood, gathered around her, smile at everything they say. There is with me a young lady who would like to have children. I tell it to that young Slovak woman proposing jokingly: "Couldn't you give this youngest baby of yours to her?" The not say answers we shall Slovak woman does not betray her feeling, does she will never give up her baby. Smiling, she she will do it with pleasure and adds: "Yes, and soon have another one!" I look into her bright, full, and healthy face under a white coif. Her smile had spread contagion in that Sunday crowd. Even if she had thirty children, she still would not accept to be pitied. Nobody in Slovakia, either collectively or individually, wants to be pitied. And this inborn pride serves as psychological explanation of many qualities, alleged sensitivities and attitudes difficult to understand. Nor want the Slovaks to be pitied for the Magyar domination. The people is comparatively uninhibited, and not only in the Vah valley. This is not bad. They are a highly intelligent, vivid, smart, humorous and gay people. Their conscience is like a clean sheet of paper. Be careful as you are trying to write on it. You have to approach them with the purest mind. In this respect, God has been more gracious to me than I deserve. He has given me the opportunity to get acquainted there with the souls, the most beautiful souls I have ever met. Long ago, very long ago, He had granted me the privilege of meeting Milan Rastislav Stefanik. He had allowed me to look into his soul that was reflecting dolor, love, despair, tenderness and generosity. As if provided with a magic key, I approached through his soul the soul of his nation, I opened it and gazed into SLOVAKIA 83 its folds. I do not say I have penetrated inside. I do not affirm I know it; I perhaps shall never reach that point. Whatever I have been allowed to see is enough for me to spend the rest of my life in light and joy. I have watched a people closely related in their minds, united by the juices and delicacies of life, by their homeland, forests, and rivers, by their kinship and friendliness. Over there, in Slovakia, overwhelmed by noble beings, the soul gets calmed and touched with humility. I do not pretend to know much about Slovakia. I ignore whether I shall ever be able to learn more. Yet, I have well known the soul of one of its greatest sons, the . soul of Milan, as they simply call there the dead General Stefanik. His soul had displayed the biggest variety of facets of all the persons I have ever got in contact with in my life. It resounded with vigor and tenderness. It radiated limitless love and strict justice. It was clear, simple, like a child's; it was smiling and innocent. It belonged at the same time to a ruler and to a servant. It was religious and wordly, believing and respectful, inventive and quick-minded. I don't dare to assert I am a specialist on Slovakia: but I have found there the individual components of Milan's soul, the soul which has become for me the key to the soul of his whole nation. There is no genius whose soul would not represent to a high degree all the best qualities with which his nation is endowed, and there is no nation in which it would be impossible to discover the embryo, a sleeping embryo, of its genius' soul. We enter a village and stop in front of the church. The villagers gather around our driver and ask who we are. "They are Americans", answers the driver, thereafter presenting his appologies: "I simply could not tell them you are Czechs, for nobody here likes Czechs." When I was speaking with educated city ladies, and after having realized that in towns there was the same mood as in villages, I felt hurt and told them: 84 SLOVAKIA "We, too, had suffered from hunger for five years during the war and after. And should it be necessary to suffer for two years more in order to share our destiny with you, we would accept that ordeal. Such is our love for you. Why then do you not like us? Whenever we speak about Slovakia, we do it with tears in our eyes. Why do you not love us?" A young girl gave me a thousand-fold answer, she and her group . And if I had to state the contents of that conversation in some short precepts, they would run like this : "You should leave us to live and die in our own way. Do not impose yourselves upon us. Do not overpower us. Do not take from us and our people what we worship and love. Do not offend our feelings. Do not send here third rate officials. Bring here what we are lacking in exchange for our own services." And upon her anwer, I could not do otherwise than lower my head and realize why they do not like us: Well, simply because we have been doing just the oposite. Yes, we have lost any sympathy and the feeling toward Czechs there is nearing the point of hatred. The Slovak intelligentsia is fed up with Czech excesses. inconsistenci es, chaos in jurisdiction, overlookings, in one word, with Czech imperialism. They are tired from tactlessness and arrogance. What they have received is not what they had expected. That someone is responsible for it, it can hardly be denied. And every day passing by without straightening out committed faults cannot but multiply their consequences . The first error consists in that we tried to approach the mysterious soul of that nation with our mechanical concept of life, that we made efforts to force upon them cheap enlightenmen t as a remedy. There may be two sister-nations here; there may be closely related languages; there even may be the same Slav trunk. Yet, how many distinctions! A cliff in the Germanic sea, the Czech lands had throughout centuries been washed up by its waves, while Slovakia is a bridge eastwards. After a period of independ- SLOVAKIA 85 ence we had lived under the German yoke, while the Slovaks had, nearly during the entire span of their active history, been politically tight up with the Magyars, i. e., a people who have distinct traditions, and whose political and cultural development differs in content and level; with a people-in one word-who are marked by a particular mentality. Since Slovakia was for us a land prohibited, we had been on all sides separated from the Slav race. The Slovaks, instead, had benefited largely by a direct contact with the Slav world, have been, in fact, united with it, and represent its continuation, something like the tail of a multi-colored East-Slav rainbow. What instruction and education should have been given to those Czechs who went to that noble, spiritually richer and brighter land of Slovakia which in this respect towers high above us? What tests of selection should have been applied in order to choose best from among us to be assigned there and pay their respects to the sacred mystery of that country reflecting a shy, non spoiled, creative soul? What should we have done to increase our joy, our own and Slovakia's happiness? For the time being, besides very few good Czechs, there are many pretentious individuals in the military as well as among the various officials who had trampled down a number of serious personalities, institutions and accomplishments. Those Czechs have thereby inflicted considerable damages to Slovakia. As we go around, we hear constantly of an endless series of such sad and regrettable cases. Slovak men tell me about the injustices committed on them by Czechs. A Slovak lady, good looking and of slender stature, listens to them. She evidently suffers that I have to hear those indictments against my nation, and she accasionally interrupts that conversation with polite words. Her husband explains what had been done by soldiers. A group of them entered a restaurant where a highly artistic picture of Empress Maria Theresa was hanging from the wall. They took that picture down, cut it into pieces and caused the private owner a damage amounting to several thousand crowns. SLOVAKIA 86 The Slovak lady comments: "Perhaps the picture seemed offending to them; but they should have asked the owner to put it away. It was a private object of high value and they should never have cut it into pieces. This is not the question of substance, but of form" - says politely that lady as if she were trying to excuse the malfeasors. Her husband continues: "A soldier enters an inn and orders a sandwich. The innkeeper asks four crowns for it. The soldier refuses to pay protesting against the price. He was right to do so. The innkeeper defends himself: 'The County Administrator had fixed that price!' The soldier, however, does not know what the powers of a County Administrator are. He ignores entirely local conditions. He aggressively adds: 'That Administrator of yours, he is a Magyar sympathiser just as you are!' The County Administrator, a Slovak patriot, is just passing by and learns about the incident. He then addresses himself to the Captain asking for investigation. The Captain, however, rejects his request and takes the soldier under protection. Soldiers had done many ugly things in Slovakia; but you will perhaps say it was a consequence of five year war demoralization. This, of course, may be an explanation; but it is no excuse. Another example : A lower official was sent as mills supervisor to a county in Eastern Slovakia. Instead of taking care of his assignment, that man started spying on every step of the County Administrator and every word of the County Counsel. He went so far as to organize a personal boycott against them. He ran to the Post Office, announced that emergency measures had been taken against the County Administrator and his Counsel, and insisted their telephone connection be cut off. A never heard of, but a real, case! As he was being interrogated, he said: "That's our nature, of us Czechs. We think we must control everybody!" By the investigation of the performance of this supervisor SLOVAKIA 87 it was proven that he had misappropriated a carload of flour and was keeping two bags of it in his household. A higher official in Prague was sending his organization agent to Slovakia with these words: "He is too rude for Prague; therefore I am sending him to Slovakia." A higher official who ignores what Slovakia is, ignores what her soul is, is then assigning there an executive of whom he knows in advance that the latter lacks the ability of matching that soul. Only those people shall be sent to Slovakia who realize that they will be guests in their brother's family, who will not desecrate, not even by the twinkle of their eyelids, the sanctity of that family; men who have faith, are tolerant and tactful; persons of limitless soul which embraces everything, understands all; those !Who, when confronted with a noble feeling would stand with respect without starting polemics. WHAT ARE OUR SINS Why did our people go to Slovakia? Idealists went there from love, pragmatists with expectations of higher profits. There is still a comperative lack of intelligentsia in Slovakia. It will take one or two generations to fill out this gap. Therefore, to go there, to help them in offices and schools, seems to be quite plausible. What are the principles of this aid? That is a big question! Chaos in this respect is what the Slovaks are strongly complaining about. Administrative offices are being organized. For hiring there must be an alternative requirement: either professionnal qualification or talent and experience. The boss who hires petitioners does not have himself professional qualification. The Slovaks think then that experience should be enough. Lower positions are to be filled out, positions of foresters, for instance. A prominent Slovak politician says: "Forests are state-owned and under the Hungarian regime foresters had been our great enemies. The people live from forestry and foresters had fostered Magyarization. 88 SLOVAKIA Do fill out those positions with reliable people. Put there veteran legionnaires!" He sent to the respective office some Slovak legionnaires who had faught with the American Army and would have been glad to stay in their homeland. Their applications were rejected for lack of qualification. "Well", said the politician, "here there is nothing to be done." The County is subdivided into four forest circuits. In the four Forest Administrative offices there had been an Engineer in Forestry, all of them men about fifty . Above these four engineers, there had been a Head-Administrator, also with higher technical education. The Head died. One of the four engineers, a Slovak and good specialist, came up with the application to succeed. Yet, to the surprise of everybody, a 30-year old Czech with only a secondary education in Forestry, was appointed. Next day, all four Forrest Office administrators resigned and refused to serve under a younger and unqualified man. The prominent politician commented: "If it was possible to disregard qualification requirements in the case of the Head of the County Forest Office, it certainly will be easier to do the same with foresters." As he had learned that 12 positions were open, he advised some veteran legionnaires to petition. The Office rejected them for lack of qualification. It hired instead Czechs, letting Slovak legionnaires return to America. Normally, Czechs are supposed to help, if there is no Slovak candidate. Yet, it is unwise to impose an unqualified public servant, if they have their own candidate. Not only that! It is offending. The above mentioned case is Hersek's. Under the Hungarian regime, no county official could be appointed without the County Administrator's consent. Public Law specialist say that County autonomy has never berm more perfect than at the time of Hungary. And now, in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, the following happens: SLOVAKIA 89 A man lives in the County. He is an attorney, a Jew, an old Magyar sympathizer, an agent of the Hungarian Government, dangerous to the Czecho-Slovak State, a person whose hands are not clean. Everybody there would think it twice before shaking hands with this individual. He has been under observation in his residence. He does not have permission even to leave for another county, because the County Administrator intends to put him into confinment. And this man appears in the County Administrator's Office and shows him triumphantly his appointment from Prague as organizer and supervisor of the whole liquor industry in Slovakia. Consequently, a man has been appointed of whom the high Czech authority had never been informed. He has been appointed so-to-say behind the back and against the will of the County Administrator. What channel must have been left open to this man, and what means he must have used to conquer a moral and economic power position in Slovakia? All his antecedents must have been disregarded from the beginning until the end. What is the real power of a Slovak County Administrator, when a simple soldier, protected by his Captain, can throw into his face the accusation of being a Magyar sympathizer, and when an outspoken traitor to the nation can sarcastically parade his appointment decree from Prague before the Administrator's eyes? Do you think there are reasons in Slovakia to like Czechs? Out of the people who for longtime had been under foreign yoke, there are no good statesmen. They sin by reckless speed and narrowmindedness. They construct anywhere, even on sands. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to works of charity, materially and morally aids Slovaks, here and abroad, who may be in need of such aid; it supports the American Red Cross, United Fund Campaigns and other American charitable projects.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ružena Svobodová's "Feuilletons on Slovakia" Description An account of the resource Prof. Joseph A. Mikus, M.C.L., J.D. Slovakia, Vol. 20 (No. 43), 1970 pp. 76-89 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Mikuš, Joseph A., 1909-2005 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1970 LCNAF+dates https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/3a3b70e418e8fecabcbff543a4ab1131.pdf a1c42c72d6453d5e5b376d901fd1430c PDF Text Text 62 SLOVAKIA Michael Novak on White Ethnics As a reader of Michael Novak's books, author and scholar of Slovak origin, I had great pleasure in finding his article "White Ethnic" in the September 1971 issue of Harper's Magazine. There is wit, clarity and accuracy in it. It is delightful to see that someone can properly express the feeling of ethnics and immigrants in America who do not always find it easy to adjust themselves to. what is being offered to them as the American way of life. Even though I have spent the longest span of my mature age here, as an American citizen I am only a "teenager". Since my arrival in 1952, I have never ceased admiring the American federal system whose example might have solved the political problem of Central Europe where I was born. Yet, the human aspect of American life has been more puzzling. Technology and marketable values seem to have priority over human values. The abrupt homogeneization of society of diverse origins and civilizations implies as uprootal of individuals. Many Americans of non-Anglo-Saxon descent suffer from historical amnesia. They lack a larger trajectory, the wings which sustain human beings on their flight and add an important dimension to human life. The ethnics who came to America with strong religious background, like Poles, Slovaks, Lithuanians, etc., have found in religion a stabilizing factor of highest importance. Many white nativists who were reprived of those roots are slipping to the level of civil unconsciousness. They use drugs, regale themselves with pornography, indulge in swinging parties, draft card burning, and riots. The official doctrine which has relegated religion as an entirely private affair to a negligible corner of human endeavor, contributes without doubt to the state of restlessness, to the philosophy of nothingness that seems to have so much influenced the younger generation. This is all the more serious that the questionable writings of some fashionable, but ultramontane apostles, such as Jean Paul �SLOVAKIA 63 Sartre and Herbert Marcuse, will have an adverse effect on the future not only of that generation, but on the future of the country. However great and economically powerful the United States may be, it can ignore higher values and motivations only to its own detriment. We do not live on an exclusive planet. We are being exposed to the hostility and pressure of other, less liberal, systems. Consequently, those groups which stick to their traditional values, including religion, are more in agreement with the basic interests of the country than those which prefer to swim with the stream. A disturbing indifference to values is visible in some other fields. Pragmatism, that allegedly "typical" American philosophy, frequently allows our policy-makers to do with the right hand something different from what they try to do with their left hand. Examples? Our attitude to Pakistan. While we have been sending armaments to West Pakistan, we indulge in charities toward Bangladesh. Our Social Science is dominated by the school of "causalists". However, while causality a.s a method interpreting the interdependence of phenomena is proper in Natural Science, it is false in Social Science which since Aristotle and St. Thomas Aquinas has been the proper realm of teleology, i.e., of objectives and means. The lack of higher goals, metaphysical, international or simply national, is undoubtedly a result of this improper methodology. Legal Science in America is the guarded domain of the sociological school trying to explain criminality as a consequence of environmental conditions. Thus, the law has been losing its normative character. Not so much intentions, but statistics determine judicial sentences. More frequent crimes are being accepted as a sort of national fatality. Whereas in our economic system inflationary trends are being curbed by a higher interest-rate, inflationary trend in criminality are being acted by a more moderate sentencing. Who can see any logic in that? The freedom of judges under the common law system is excessive and, therefore arbitrary. The sentencing of Martin Luther King's assassin to 99 years in prison throws a doubt on the seriousness of our justice. The United States whose population �SLOVAKIA 64 is of various origins and cultures should have abandoned the common law many decades ago. This country needs codification more than an increase in the number of policemen. The second amendment to the Constitution, passed under different circumstances and allowing the individual to be judge in his own cause, is absolete. We need, consequently, to overcome the incipient "state of nature" by stricter, codified rules that would deter potential criminals. The law would then play its preventive and dissuasive role. The existing problem of ethnicity in America requires restatement of our philosophy and revision of our practices. Ethnic federalism would bring an improvement. Something has to be done to enhance the standing of some forgotten ethnic grounds; to put them on an equal footing with others; to render human dignity to them. "The Ethnic Heritage Studies Centers Act" of 1971, just passed by the Senate, may perhaps bring some remedy to the present situation. Washington, D. C. Prof. Joseph A . Mikus ' M .C.L.,J.D. Slovak Martyrs Father Anton salat lectured and wrote against the Communists. Consequently, the partisans caught him in the first week of the "uprising" in August 1944, at the rectory of Hajniky, and led him to the bridge on the River Hron. Father salat begged permission at least to go to confession, but his request was denied. The partisans shot him, took his gold watch and gold teeth, and cast the body into the Hron. Father Seda, in Liptov, suffered an even more agonizing death. The Communists, while he was still alive, cut belts of hide from his back, cut his privates, and left him to die a slow and inhuman death. � 62 SLOVAKIA Michael Novak on White Ethnics As a reader of Michael Novak's books, author and scholar of Slovak origin, I had great pleasure in finding his article "White Ethnic" in the September 1971 issue of Harper's Magazine. There is wit, clarity and accuracy in it. It is delightful to see that someone can properly express the feeling of ethnics and immigrants in America who do not always find it easy to adjust themselves to. what is being offered to them as the American way of life. Even though I have spent the longest span of my mature age here, as an American citizen I am only a "teenager". Since my arrival in 1952, I have never ceased admiring the American federal system whose example might have solved the political problem of Central Europe where I was born. Yet, the human aspect of American life has been more puzzling. Technology and marketable values seem to have priority over human values. The abrupt homogeneization of society of diverse origins and civilizations implies as uprootal of individuals. Many Americans of non-Anglo-Saxon descent suffer from historical amnesia. They lack a larger trajectory, the wings which sustain human beings on their flight and add an important dimension to human life. The ethnics who came to America with strong religious background, like Poles, Slovaks, Lithuanians, etc., have found in religion a stabilizing factor of highest importance. Many white nativists who were reprived of those roots are slipping to the level of civil unconsciousness. They use drugs, regale themselves with pornography, indulge in swinging parties, draft card burning, and riots. The official doctrine which has relegated religion as an entirely private affair to a negligible corner of human endeavor, contributes without doubt to the state of restlessness, to the philosophy of nothingness that seems to have so much influenced the younger generation. This is all the more serious that the questionable writings of some fashionable, but ultramontane apostles, such as Jean Paul �SLOVAKIA 63 Sartre and Herbert Marcuse, will have an adverse effect on the future not only of that generation, but on the future of the country. However great and economically powerful the United States may be, it can ignore higher values and motivations only to its own detriment. We do not live on an exclusive planet. We are being exposed to the hostility and pressure of other, less liberal, systems. Consequently, those groups which stick to their traditional values, including religion, are more in agreement with the basic interests of the country than those which prefer to swim with the stream. A disturbing indifference to values is visible in some other fields. Pragmatism, that allegedly "typical" American philosophy, frequently allows our policy-makers to do with the right hand something different from what they try to do with their left hand. Examples? Our attitude to Pakistan. While we have been sending armaments to West Pakistan, we indulge in charities toward Bangladesh. Our Social Science is dominated by the school of "causalists". However, while causality a.s a method interpreting the interdependence of phenomena is proper in Natural Science, it is false in Social Science which since Aristotle and St. Thomas Aquinas has been the proper realm of teleology, i.e., of objectives and means. The lack of higher goals, metaphysical, international or simply national, is undoubtedly a result of this improper methodology. Legal Science in America is the guarded domain of the sociological school trying to explain criminality as a consequence of environmental conditions. Thus, the law has been losing its normative character. Not so much intentions, but statistics determine judicial sentences. More frequent crimes are being accepted as a sort of national fatality. Whereas in our economic system inflationary trends are being curbed by a higher interest-rate, inflationary trend in criminality are being acted by a more moderate sentencing. Who can see any logic in that? The freedom of judges under the common law system is excessive and, therefore arbitrary. The sentencing of Martin Luther King's assassin to 99 years in prison throws a doubt on the seriousness of our justice. The United States whose population �SLOVAKIA 64 is of various origins and cultures should have abandoned the common law many decades ago. This country needs codification more than an increase in the number of policemen. The second amendment to the Constitution, passed under different circumstances and allowing the individual to be judge in his own cause, is absolete. We need, consequently, to overcome the incipient "state of nature" by stricter, codified rules that would deter potential criminals. The law would then play its preventive and dissuasive role. The existing problem of ethnicity in America requires restatement of our philosophy and revision of our practices. Ethnic federalism would bring an improvement. Something has to be done to enhance the standing of some forgotten ethnic grounds; to put them on an equal footing with others; to render human dignity to them. "The Ethnic Heritage Studies Centers Act" of 1971, just passed by the Senate, may perhaps bring some remedy to the present situation. Washington, D. C. Prof. Joseph A . Mikus ' M .C.L.,J.D. Slovak Martyrs Father Anton salat lectured and wrote against the Communists. Consequently, the partisans caught him in the first week of the "uprising" in August 1944, at the rectory of Hajniky, and led him to the bridge on the River Hron. Father salat begged permission at least to go to confession, but his request was denied. The partisans shot him, took his gold watch and gold teeth, and cast the body into the Hron. Father Seda, in Liptov, suffered an even more agonizing death. The Communists, while he was still alive, cut belts of hide from his back, cut his privates, and left him to die a slow and inhuman death. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1972, Vol. 22 Description An account of the resource Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1972 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 62 SLOVAKIA Michael Novak on White Ethnics As a reader of Michael Novak's books, author and scholar of Slovak origin, I had great pleasure in finding his article "White Ethnic" in the September 1971 issue of Harper's Magazine. There is wit, clarity and accuracy in it. It is delightful to see that someone can properly express the feeling of ethnics and immigrants in America who do not always find it easy to adjust themselves to. what is being offered to them as the American way of life. Even though I have spent the longest span of my mature age here, as an American citizen I am only a "teenager". Since my arrival in 1952, I have never ceased admiring the American federal system whose example might have solved the political problem of Central Europe where I was born. Yet, the human aspect of American life has been more puzzling. Technology and marketable values seem to have priority over human values. The abrupt homogeneization of society of diverse origins and civilizations implies as uprootal of individuals. Many Americans of non-Anglo-Saxon descent suffer from historical amnesia. They lack a larger trajectory, the wings which sustain human beings on their flight and add an important dimension to human life. The ethnics who came to America with strong religious background, like Poles, Slovaks, Lithuanians, etc., have found in religion a stabilizing factor of highest importance. Many white nativists who were reprived of those roots are slipping to the level of civil unconsciousness. They use drugs, regale themselves with pornography, indulge in swinging parties, draft card burning, and riots. The official doctrine which has relegated religion as an entirely private affair to a negligible corner of human endeavor, contributes without doubt to the state of restlessness, to the philosophy of nothingness that seems to have so much influenced the younger generation. This is all the more serious that the questionable writings of some fashionable, but ultramontane apostles, such as Jean Paul SLOVAKIA 63 Sartre and Herbert Marcuse, will have an adverse effect on the future not only of that generation, but on the future of the country. However great and economically powerful the United States may be, it can ignore higher values and motivations only to its own detriment. We do not live on an exclusive planet. We are being exposed to the hostility and pressure of other, less liberal, systems. Consequently, those groups which stick to their traditional values, including religion, are more in agreement with the basic interests of the country than those which prefer to swim with the stream. A disturbing indifference to values is visible in some other fields. Pragmatism, that allegedly "typical" American philosophy, frequently allows our policy-makers to do with the right hand something different from what they try to do with their left hand. Examples? Our attitude to Pakistan. While we have been sending armaments to West Pakistan, we indulge in charities toward Bangladesh. Our Social Science is dominated by the school of "causalists". However, while causality a.s a method interpreting the interdependence of phenomena is proper in Natural Science, it is false in Social Science which since Aristotle and St. Thomas Aquinas has been the proper realm of teleology, i.e., of objectives and means. The lack of higher goals, metaphysical, international or simply national, is undoubtedly a result of this improper methodology. Legal Science in America is the guarded domain of the sociological school trying to explain criminality as a consequence of environmental conditions. Thus, the law has been losing its normative character. Not so much intentions, but statistics determine judicial sentences. More frequent crimes are being accepted as a sort of national fatality. Whereas in our economic system inflationary trends are being curbed by a higher interest-rate, inflationary trend in criminality are being acted by a more moderate sentencing. Who can see any logic in that? The freedom of judges under the common law system is excessive and, therefore arbitrary. The sentencing of Martin Luther King's assassin to 99 years in prison throws a doubt on the seriousness of our justice. The United States whose population SLOVAKIA 64 is of various origins and cultures should have abandoned the common law many decades ago. This country needs codification more than an increase in the number of policemen. The second amendment to the Constitution, passed under different circumstances and allowing the individual to be judge in his own cause, is absolete. We need, consequently, to overcome the incipient "state of nature" by stricter, codified rules that would deter potential criminals. The law would then play its preventive and dissuasive role. The existing problem of ethnicity in America requires restatement of our philosophy and revision of our practices. Ethnic federalism would bring an improvement. Something has to be done to enhance the standing of some forgotten ethnic grounds; to put them on an equal footing with others; to render human dignity to them. "The Ethnic Heritage Studies Centers Act" of 1971, just passed by the Senate, may perhaps bring some remedy to the present situation. Washington, D. C. Prof. Joseph A . Mikus ' M .C.L.,J.D. Slovak Martyrs Father Anton salat lectured and wrote against the Communists. Consequently, the partisans caught him in the first week of the "uprising" in August 1944, at the rectory of Hajniky, and led him to the bridge on the River Hron. Father salat begged permission at least to go to confession, but his request was denied. The partisans shot him, took his gold watch and gold teeth, and cast the body into the Hron. Father Seda, in Liptov, suffered an even more agonizing death. The Communists, while he was still alive, cut belts of hide from his back, cut his privates, and left him to die a slow and inhuman death.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Michael Novak on White Ethnics Description An account of the resource Prof. Joseph A. Mikus, M.C.L., J.D. also: Slovak Martyrs, Fr. Anton Šalát Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972 pp. 62-64 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Mikuš, Joseph A., 1909-2005 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1972 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/45adc31d44d6443594a03d4e370d57f1.pdf c2242299f2efa63f4c444c374ab3e92d PDF Text Text 116 SLOVAKIA Historical and Empirical Methods of Studying Slovak-Americans as A Distinct Ethnic Group By Dr. Steven I. Miller Any attempt to study a given group of people is a difficult task because it required and presupposes a host of complicated procedures and insights into the workings of that group. That is, the group must be "understood" (to use Max Weber's term) on several levels: historical, linguistic, demographic, familial, political, economic and so on. Unless a composite picture of the social grouping is made available on the variables mentioned above, it is virtually impossible to obtain a mature understanding of that group's values, beliefs and life-styles. How then should this task of understanding a group of people be undertaken? There are several approaches to the problem, and we will attempt to deliniate, in a broad perspective, some of them. My thesis is that Slovaks in America have not been, until very recently, studied in any systematic fashion, and that because of this oversight, the Slovak-American community is not well known to scholars and laymen. I also believe that this paucity of systematic research has caused fragmentation and alienation within the Slovak-American community, and is exemplified in a general lack of interests in things Slovak by second and third generation Slovak-Americans. There has also been, I believe, an over emphasis by certain scholars on the political problems within Slovakia itself, with a subsequent neglect of studying in depth the issues that have concerned Slovak-Americans more recently. Now, I am not arguing that the political-historical issues concerning the Slovaks in Slovakia, past and present, be overlooked or minimized in any way. This perspective is needed and merits further research. But the issue now, I believe, is one of balance or priorities. Second and third �SLOVAKIA 117 generation Slovak-Americans find it increasingly difficult to identify in any meaningful fashion with the historicalpolitical problems of Slovakia since 1918. The issues have become too distant in space and time engender a spirit of concern within this younger group. Thus a dilemma ensues: on the one hand there is the necessity of specifying the historical problems (in terms of political and moral issues ) of Slovaks as a unique national group with the possibility of losing the interest of native born SlovakAmericans; on the other hand is the problem of concentrating too exclusively on the concerns of contemporary Slovak-Americans and de-emphasizing their historical ties with Slovakia. My own feelings are that the second emphasis will in the long run be the most beneficial for all Slovaks. Namely, the in-depth and scholarly attempt to study SlovakAmerican communities in terms of historical origins and contemporary problems. How then can we go about fulfilling this task? The first step is to understand a little more about the nature of historical and empirical research. A NEED FOR DEFINING THE PROBLEM: THE HISTORICAL APPROACH Before a group of people can be studied in any systematic fashion, it is necessary to determine some type of general approach. The approach (or methodology as it is called) that one chooses will in turn permit him to view the situation in a certain way, and to draw certain conclusions from what he observes. These conclusions, if they are based on a sufficient amount of evidence, will then permit the investigator to draw appropriate conclusions or relationships about the group he is studying. Thus the historical approach will specify a problem ( or a hypothesis) that is decided upon as being worthy of further research. For example, one might want to study the history of the first permanent Slovak community in the United States; or, within this framework, look at the role of the priest in relation to newly arrived immigrants. Historical research is vital because as F . Kerlinger states, "it is the critical investigation of events, developments and experiences of the past, the careful weighing of evidence of the validity of sources of information on the past, and �118 SLOVAKIA the interpretation of the weighted evidence." 1 Within this framework, the ethnic historian is particularly concerned with examining written sources in order to determine the quality and quantity of evidence available for the substantiation of his hypothesis. He is basically concerned with primary sources ( original records, minutes of meetings, etc.) and in the methods of internal and external criticism.2 External criticism is concerned with establishing the validity of the sources used, while internal criticism focuses on the content of the documents, themselves. Kerlinger points out the necessity of historiography when he cites the conclusions of the Social Science Research Council.3 Historiography has a necessary relevance to all the soda! sciences, to the humanities, and to the formulation of public and private policies because (1) all the data used in the social sciences, in the humanities, and in the formulation of public and private policies are drawn from records of, experience in, or writing about the past; because (2) all policies respecting human affairs, public or private, and all generalizations of a nonstatistical character in the social sciences and in the humanities involve interpretations of or assumptions about the past; and because (3) all workers in the social sciences and in the humanities are personalities of given times, places, and experience whose tmnking is consequently in some measure conditioned and determined my the historical circumstances of their lives and experiences. Thus, as a starting point in defining the approaches that may be fruitfully used in studying Slovak-Americans, we can see the necessity for beginning the investigation with a solid basis in htstoriography. From this perspective a further methodology can be defined, namely, the social science or empirical approach. 4 SOCIAL SCIENCE APPROACHES TO ETHNIC STUDIES The empirical approach to understanding group behavior utilizes the perspective of history, while at the same time focusing on a more specific problem that is of interest to the researcher. The empirical approach holds that there is an objective world containing "meaning" in the form of patterns of behavior, and that the task of the social scientist is to recognize these behaviors, and interpret them in such a way as to arrive at both their overt and covert meaning. The tactic that is employed in the empirical approach is, basically, what has become known as the scientific method. That is, one formulates a problem that �SLOVAKIA 119 is deemed worthy of study; a hypothesis is put forward that states a certain relationship about the problem under study; the hypothesis is subjected to some type of test (in many cases statistical); and a conclusion, subject to the limits of the quality and quantity of evidence is put forth either substantiating or refuting the hypothesis. What is crucial in this approach is that one must take pains in the beginning of the investigation to formulate the problem as precisely as possible. This is why a hypothesis (or hypotheses) is necessary. A hypothesis is an assumption, a guess, or as Kerlinger says, "a conjectural statement about the relationship between two or more observed phenomena or variables. 5 Thus, one might wish to investigate the relationship between the Slovaks' commitment to their religious beliefs and the tendency to build parochial schools; or, perhaps, examine the correlation between Slovak attitudes toward education and the intergenerational mobility of their children. What we are suggesting here is that there are many more aspects of Slovak culture that can be identified, studied, made known and preserved, and that empirical investigation is only concerned with the compilation of meaningless statistics, or that it will obscure the unique "flavor" of Slovak culture. This need not be the case. What the empirical method of investigation strives to do is to bring to the surface the complexities of values and beliefs of a group of people and, by implication, their uniqueness. Empirical investigation also has the corollary effect of describing and explaining those characteristics that bind and hold a group together. The famous Polish Sociologist, Florian Znaniecki,6 in trying to explain the nature of the sociological investig·ation that he used in his classic work The Polish Peasant, states: Thus all generalizations constituting the common-sense social theory and based on individual experience are both insignificant and subject to innumerable exceptions. A sociology that accepts them necessarily condemns itself to remain in the same methodological stage, and a practice based upon them must be as insecure and as full of failures as is the activity of every individual. Znaniecki, however, goes on to state that sound empirical investigation has the effect of eventually explaining individual behavior more clearly. He goes on to state,7 �120 SLOVAKIA Whenever, now, this "practical" sociology makes an effort to get above the level of popular generalizations by the study of social reality instead of relying upon individual experience, it still preserves the same method as the individual in his personal reflection; investigation always goes on with an immediate reference to practical aims, and the standards of the desirable and undesirable are the ground upon which theoretic problems are approached. Thus, empirical research is an attempt to identify specific problems of interest, and subject these problems to the scrutiny of the scientific (in a broad sense) method. We have now identified the historical and empirical approaches to the study of group behavior as being two powerful tools that the researcher is able to use in arriving at "meaning" for social phenomena. I believe a further positive step in studying Slovak-Americans would be to incorporate both methodological approaches into a larger perspective. A SYNTHESIS OF HISTORICAL- EMPIRICAL INVESTIGATION A perspective that incorporates historiography and a social science empirical approach is needed on two accounts: to broaden the area of investigation for scholars in general, and to insure that a body of well researched and validated knowledge be made available for future generations of people interested in their ethnic heritage. I am positing this approach not as a grand synthesis of two methodological systems to inquiry, but rather to deliniate the thrust of research that is needed to fulfill a large knowledge-gap existing about Slovak-Americans. The historical-social science approach combines the broader inquiry of the historian with the more specialized interest of the social scientist. This type of analysis is supported by a fairly substantial body of research. 8 More specifically, this type of research is now being undertaken by scholars interested in Slovak-American developments. Of particular relevance here is the research being carried on by the University of Minnesota.9 There is, to begin with, a large body of available material on Slovak-Americans that can be ascertained from examining the insurance application files of the First Catholic Slovak Union. The information from these files provides a vast amount of historical information that can give us an accurate profile of the Slovak �SLOVAKIA 121 emigrating to America. From these sources, the researcher is able to gather a composite picture of Slovak-American life. Thus, as Stolarik points out, " we can deduce the relative number of people who emigrated from each county, each village, each city . . . In addition, we can compare the grouping of people in the individual lodges at the parish level." 10 From this data other generalizations can be drawn; the amount of horizontal mobility, life expectancy, group cohesion, marriage patterns, length of residence in America, and so forth. Additional information is available from parish and lodge records. These records provide the researcher with data on parish life, relationship with clergy and the structure of parochial education. Likewise, newspapers such as Slovak v Amerike and Jednota are a further source of important historical materials. Thus, there is an abundance of historical material in which to set a firm basis for the study of SlovakAmericans . Now, within this historical framework, the researcher is also able to concentrate on certain specific aspects of behavior and apply the methods of the social sciences. For example, one of the areas that would be of interest to the sociologist, within the context of Slovak-American communities, would be the nature of social mobility. 11 The idea of mobility is closely related to the notion of stratification. That is, the sociologist is interested in the way societies group their members, and what types of judgements are placed on the people within the various strata. Once he has ascertained how the stratification system is constructed, he can ask whether or not it is possible to "move" from one strata to another, or the amount and type of mobility that occurs. These questions are significant to the researcher because from them he can gain a better understaning to the exact nature of the group he is investigating. For instance, if the researcher is able to identify a number of social classes as being representative of a given society, he can gain a great deal of information as to what different classes value; what their income and educational levels are; what occupations are associated with them; how they raise their children; their mortality rates; associations they belong to; political attitudes they hold; geographical �122 SLOVAKIA areas they occupy, and so forth. With this data, the investigator can determine what the "life-styles" and "lifechances" are for different groups in a society. 12 For our purpose the point is this: To study SlovakAmericans in tenns of mobility (and this is only one dimension) patterns is valuable in that a great deal of useful information can be gotten on changing life-styles and life-chances. This type of data, in turn, will give us answers to such questions as the rate of intergenerational mobility ( differences between father's and son's occupation); the increasing or decreasing educational level of Slovak-Americans ; and, generally, how well they have become assimilated within American society. Many other significant aspects of Slovak-American life can be examined through social science inquiry. One could take, as a point of departure for study, the chances within the structure of the Slovak-American family. A comparison could be made, for instance, between the structure of the family from the time of emigration, to the first five or ten years of living in America. It would be possible then to study such things as the impact of industrialization on the family unit, and the methods used to cope with strain and role conflicts.13 Or one could examine the cohesiveness of Slovak families as a function of their religious identity, language or fraternal organizations. The need for historical background material would, of course, be necessary here also. Inquiry could continue into such areas as achievement levels of Slovak-American children (for any given historical period); the value placed on education by Slovak families; the role of daughters in Slovak families; the role of the mother in the family unit, and so on. The techniques for investigating these types of questions have been worked out within the social sciences, and can be fruitfully employed in providing answers to the above. It is beyond the scope of this article to go into detail as to the statistical design that would be appropriate in investigating these questions. The methodology is available, however, and a design can be worked out by persons trained in these methods. 14 �SLOVAKIA 123 FUTURE DIRECTIONS What we have been saying is this: Slovaks have made a distinct and unique contribution to American Society. They have done this through much hardship, sacrifice, and the endurance of many types of overt and subtle injustices. As with any ethnic group, the Slovaks have a right to emphasize their special contributions in shaping American society. But in order to know what Slovaks have accomplished here and elsewhere, we must first know more about them in a systematic and objective way. To do this requires a frame of mind that is willing to set aside political controversies that are over a half-century old and that relate exclusively to Slovakia. It also calls for a change in attitude in terms of defining Slovak culture in an overly personal and emotional fashion. That is, equating Slovak culture with poetic attempts to discover the "true" Slovak "character"; or with attempts to mythologize certain Slovak leaders and their alleged contributions to all Slovaks. This change of attitude also implies a reorganization of priorities. It calls for supporting historical and scientific research in studying Slovaks; in taking positions on social issues; and in the realization that if young people do not identify in some meaningful way with their Slovak-American heritage, that heritage will not survive. One way to guarantee the survival of this heritage is, I believe, through the type of research outlined thus far. It is only by a large scale emphasis on sound research that a body of knowledge about Slovak-Americans can be constructed. This in turn will stimulate further scholarly interest the results of which will be incorporated, formally, within the structure of higher education and passed on to others who wish to carry on the investigation. In summary, is should be noted again, that objective research does not undermine the uniqueness of a group's heritage or contributions. Studying Slovak-Americans objectively does not mean that one forgets the struggle for freedom that Slovaks have had to under go, or the religious persecutions they have been subjected to. Research does not mean that personal experiences and insights of people do not count, or that the common-man Slovak is forgotten. What objective research does do is to give the sons and daughters of the "average Slovak" a lasting body of knowledge about �124 SLOVAKIA their heritage and of the sacrifices and contributions of their parents and grandparents. REFERENCES 1) Fred N. Kerlinger, Foundation of Behavioral Research (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965), p. 698. 2) Ibid., p . 699. 3) Ibid., p. 700. 4) For an in depth discussion of the scientific method see, May Brodbeck, "Logic And Scientific Method In Research On Teaching," in Handbook Of Research On Teaching , N. L. Gage, (ed), (Chicago: Rand McNally and Company, 1963) , pp. 44-93. 5) Kerlinger, p. 14. 6) Florian Znaniecki, On Humanistic Sociology, Robert Bierstedt (ed. ), (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1969), p. 58. An excerpt taken from the "Methodological Note" , William I. Thomas and Florian Znaniecki, The Polish Peasant in Europe and America (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1927), 1:1-86. 7) Ibid., p. 58. 8) For a compilation of sources using these methods see, Werner J . Cahnman and Alvin Bosko££ (ed.) , Sociology and History (London: Free Press, 1964) . 9) I am especially indebted to Mr. M. Mark Stolarik of the University of Minnesota for permission to use his excellent paper, "The Immigrant Is Not Anonymous" which was delivered before the American Educational Research Association, The History of Edu cation Division on March 5, 1970. Mr. Stolarik has done what, I believe, is pioneering work in the area of Slovak-American ethnic origins. He has set the important groundwork for further scholarly efforts (both historical and empirical) in this whole area. As Mr. Stolarik points out, this type of research is well on its way and will, if pursued by other scholars, give us a well grounded body of knowledge on Slovak-Americans. I am using the general outline of Mr. Stolarik's paper, pp. 1-10, in this part of the discussion. 10) Stolarik, p. 2. 11) Carol Owen, Social Stratification (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1968), and Melvin M. Tumin, Social Stratification: The Forms And Functions of Inequality (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1967), pp. 56-81. 12) Kurt B. Mayer and Walter Buckley, Class And Society (New York: Randon House, 1970) , pp. 86-134. 13) Talcott Parsons and Robert F. Bales, Family, Socialization and Interaction Process ( Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1955), pp. 3-9. 14) See, for example, Delbert C. Miller, Handbook of Research And Social Measurement (New York: David McKay Company, Inc., 1964) . � 116 SLOVAKIA Historical and Empirical Methods of Studying Slovak-Americans as A Distinct Ethnic Group By Dr. Steven I. Miller Any attempt to study a given group of people is a difficult task because it required and presupposes a host of complicated procedures and insights into the workings of that group. That is, the group must be "understood" (to use Max Weber's term) on several levels: historical, linguistic, demographic, familial, political, economic and so on. Unless a composite picture of the social grouping is made available on the variables mentioned above, it is virtually impossible to obtain a mature understanding of that group's values, beliefs and life-styles. How then should this task of understanding a group of people be undertaken? There are several approaches to the problem, and we will attempt to deliniate, in a broad perspective, some of them. My thesis is that Slovaks in America have not been, until very recently, studied in any systematic fashion, and that because of this oversight, the Slovak-American community is not well known to scholars and laymen. I also believe that this paucity of systematic research has caused fragmentation and alienation within the Slovak-American community, and is exemplified in a general lack of interests in things Slovak by second and third generation Slovak-Americans. There has also been, I believe, an over emphasis by certain scholars on the political problems within Slovakia itself, with a subsequent neglect of studying in depth the issues that have concerned Slovak-Americans more recently. Now, I am not arguing that the political-historical issues concerning the Slovaks in Slovakia, past and present, be overlooked or minimized in any way. This perspective is needed and merits further research. But the issue now, I believe, is one of balance or priorities. Second and third �SLOVAKIA 117 generation Slovak-Americans find it increasingly difficult to identify in any meaningful fashion with the historicalpolitical problems of Slovakia since 1918. The issues have become too distant in space and time engender a spirit of concern within this younger group. Thus a dilemma ensues: on the one hand there is the necessity of specifying the historical problems (in terms of political and moral issues ) of Slovaks as a unique national group with the possibility of losing the interest of native born SlovakAmericans; on the other hand is the problem of concentrating too exclusively on the concerns of contemporary Slovak-Americans and de-emphasizing their historical ties with Slovakia. My own feelings are that the second emphasis will in the long run be the most beneficial for all Slovaks. Namely, the in-depth and scholarly attempt to study SlovakAmerican communities in terms of historical origins and contemporary problems. How then can we go about fulfilling this task? The first step is to understand a little more about the nature of historical and empirical research. A NEED FOR DEFINING THE PROBLEM: THE HISTORICAL APPROACH Before a group of people can be studied in any systematic fashion, it is necessary to determine some type of general approach. The approach (or methodology as it is called) that one chooses will in turn permit him to view the situation in a certain way, and to draw certain conclusions from what he observes. These conclusions, if they are based on a sufficient amount of evidence, will then permit the investigator to draw appropriate conclusions or relationships about the group he is studying. Thus the historical approach will specify a problem ( or a hypothesis) that is decided upon as being worthy of further research. For example, one might want to study the history of the first permanent Slovak community in the United States; or, within this framework, look at the role of the priest in relation to newly arrived immigrants. Historical research is vital because as F . Kerlinger states, "it is the critical investigation of events, developments and experiences of the past, the careful weighing of evidence of the validity of sources of information on the past, and �118 SLOVAKIA the interpretation of the weighted evidence." 1 Within this framework, the ethnic historian is particularly concerned with examining written sources in order to determine the quality and quantity of evidence available for the substantiation of his hypothesis. He is basically concerned with primary sources ( original records, minutes of meetings, etc.) and in the methods of internal and external criticism.2 External criticism is concerned with establishing the validity of the sources used, while internal criticism focuses on the content of the documents, themselves. Kerlinger points out the necessity of historiography when he cites the conclusions of the Social Science Research Council.3 Historiography has a necessary relevance to all the soda! sciences, to the humanities, and to the formulation of public and private policies because (1) all the data used in the social sciences, in the humanities, and in the formulation of public and private policies are drawn from records of, experience in, or writing about the past; because (2) all policies respecting human affairs, public or private, and all generalizations of a nonstatistical character in the social sciences and in the humanities involve interpretations of or assumptions about the past; and because (3) all workers in the social sciences and in the humanities are personalities of given times, places, and experience whose tmnking is consequently in some measure conditioned and determined my the historical circumstances of their lives and experiences. Thus, as a starting point in defining the approaches that may be fruitfully used in studying Slovak-Americans, we can see the necessity for beginning the investigation with a solid basis in htstoriography. From this perspective a further methodology can be defined, namely, the social science or empirical approach. 4 SOCIAL SCIENCE APPROACHES TO ETHNIC STUDIES The empirical approach to understanding group behavior utilizes the perspective of history, while at the same time focusing on a more specific problem that is of interest to the researcher. The empirical approach holds that there is an objective world containing "meaning" in the form of patterns of behavior, and that the task of the social scientist is to recognize these behaviors, and interpret them in such a way as to arrive at both their overt and covert meaning. The tactic that is employed in the empirical approach is, basically, what has become known as the scientific method. That is, one formulates a problem that �SLOVAKIA 119 is deemed worthy of study; a hypothesis is put forward that states a certain relationship about the problem under study; the hypothesis is subjected to some type of test (in many cases statistical); and a conclusion, subject to the limits of the quality and quantity of evidence is put forth either substantiating or refuting the hypothesis. What is crucial in this approach is that one must take pains in the beginning of the investigation to formulate the problem as precisely as possible. This is why a hypothesis (or hypotheses) is necessary. A hypothesis is an assumption, a guess, or as Kerlinger says, "a conjectural statement about the relationship between two or more observed phenomena or variables. 5 Thus, one might wish to investigate the relationship between the Slovaks' commitment to their religious beliefs and the tendency to build parochial schools; or, perhaps, examine the correlation between Slovak attitudes toward education and the intergenerational mobility of their children. What we are suggesting here is that there are many more aspects of Slovak culture that can be identified, studied, made known and preserved, and that empirical investigation is only concerned with the compilation of meaningless statistics, or that it will obscure the unique "flavor" of Slovak culture. This need not be the case. What the empirical method of investigation strives to do is to bring to the surface the complexities of values and beliefs of a group of people and, by implication, their uniqueness. Empirical investigation also has the corollary effect of describing and explaining those characteristics that bind and hold a group together. The famous Polish Sociologist, Florian Znaniecki,6 in trying to explain the nature of the sociological investig·ation that he used in his classic work The Polish Peasant, states: Thus all generalizations constituting the common-sense social theory and based on individual experience are both insignificant and subject to innumerable exceptions. A sociology that accepts them necessarily condemns itself to remain in the same methodological stage, and a practice based upon them must be as insecure and as full of failures as is the activity of every individual. Znaniecki, however, goes on to state that sound empirical investigation has the effect of eventually explaining individual behavior more clearly. He goes on to state,7 �120 SLOVAKIA Whenever, now, this "practical" sociology makes an effort to get above the level of popular generalizations by the study of social reality instead of relying upon individual experience, it still preserves the same method as the individual in his personal reflection; investigation always goes on with an immediate reference to practical aims, and the standards of the desirable and undesirable are the ground upon which theoretic problems are approached. Thus, empirical research is an attempt to identify specific problems of interest, and subject these problems to the scrutiny of the scientific (in a broad sense) method. We have now identified the historical and empirical approaches to the study of group behavior as being two powerful tools that the researcher is able to use in arriving at "meaning" for social phenomena. I believe a further positive step in studying Slovak-Americans would be to incorporate both methodological approaches into a larger perspective. A SYNTHESIS OF HISTORICAL- EMPIRICAL INVESTIGATION A perspective that incorporates historiography and a social science empirical approach is needed on two accounts: to broaden the area of investigation for scholars in general, and to insure that a body of well researched and validated knowledge be made available for future generations of people interested in their ethnic heritage. I am positing this approach not as a grand synthesis of two methodological systems to inquiry, but rather to deliniate the thrust of research that is needed to fulfill a large knowledge-gap existing about Slovak-Americans. The historical-social science approach combines the broader inquiry of the historian with the more specialized interest of the social scientist. This type of analysis is supported by a fairly substantial body of research. 8 More specifically, this type of research is now being undertaken by scholars interested in Slovak-American developments. Of particular relevance here is the research being carried on by the University of Minnesota.9 There is, to begin with, a large body of available material on Slovak-Americans that can be ascertained from examining the insurance application files of the First Catholic Slovak Union. The information from these files provides a vast amount of historical information that can give us an accurate profile of the Slovak �SLOVAKIA 121 emigrating to America. From these sources, the researcher is able to gather a composite picture of Slovak-American life. Thus, as Stolarik points out, " we can deduce the relative number of people who emigrated from each county, each village, each city . . . In addition, we can compare the grouping of people in the individual lodges at the parish level." 10 From this data other generalizations can be drawn; the amount of horizontal mobility, life expectancy, group cohesion, marriage patterns, length of residence in America, and so forth. Additional information is available from parish and lodge records. These records provide the researcher with data on parish life, relationship with clergy and the structure of parochial education. Likewise, newspapers such as Slovak v Amerike and Jednota are a further source of important historical materials. Thus, there is an abundance of historical material in which to set a firm basis for the study of SlovakAmericans . Now, within this historical framework, the researcher is also able to concentrate on certain specific aspects of behavior and apply the methods of the social sciences. For example, one of the areas that would be of interest to the sociologist, within the context of Slovak-American communities, would be the nature of social mobility. 11 The idea of mobility is closely related to the notion of stratification. That is, the sociologist is interested in the way societies group their members, and what types of judgements are placed on the people within the various strata. Once he has ascertained how the stratification system is constructed, he can ask whether or not it is possible to "move" from one strata to another, or the amount and type of mobility that occurs. These questions are significant to the researcher because from them he can gain a better understaning to the exact nature of the group he is investigating. For instance, if the researcher is able to identify a number of social classes as being representative of a given society, he can gain a great deal of information as to what different classes value; what their income and educational levels are; what occupations are associated with them; how they raise their children; their mortality rates; associations they belong to; political attitudes they hold; geographical �122 SLOVAKIA areas they occupy, and so forth. With this data, the investigator can determine what the "life-styles" and "lifechances" are for different groups in a society. 12 For our purpose the point is this: To study SlovakAmericans in tenns of mobility (and this is only one dimension) patterns is valuable in that a great deal of useful information can be gotten on changing life-styles and life-chances. This type of data, in turn, will give us answers to such questions as the rate of intergenerational mobility ( differences between father's and son's occupation); the increasing or decreasing educational level of Slovak-Americans ; and, generally, how well they have become assimilated within American society. Many other significant aspects of Slovak-American life can be examined through social science inquiry. One could take, as a point of departure for study, the chances within the structure of the Slovak-American family. A comparison could be made, for instance, between the structure of the family from the time of emigration, to the first five or ten years of living in America. It would be possible then to study such things as the impact of industrialization on the family unit, and the methods used to cope with strain and role conflicts.13 Or one could examine the cohesiveness of Slovak families as a function of their religious identity, language or fraternal organizations. The need for historical background material would, of course, be necessary here also. Inquiry could continue into such areas as achievement levels of Slovak-American children (for any given historical period); the value placed on education by Slovak families; the role of daughters in Slovak families; the role of the mother in the family unit, and so on. The techniques for investigating these types of questions have been worked out within the social sciences, and can be fruitfully employed in providing answers to the above. It is beyond the scope of this article to go into detail as to the statistical design that would be appropriate in investigating these questions. The methodology is available, however, and a design can be worked out by persons trained in these methods. 14 �SLOVAKIA 123 FUTURE DIRECTIONS What we have been saying is this: Slovaks have made a distinct and unique contribution to American Society. They have done this through much hardship, sacrifice, and the endurance of many types of overt and subtle injustices. As with any ethnic group, the Slovaks have a right to emphasize their special contributions in shaping American society. But in order to know what Slovaks have accomplished here and elsewhere, we must first know more about them in a systematic and objective way. To do this requires a frame of mind that is willing to set aside political controversies that are over a half-century old and that relate exclusively to Slovakia. It also calls for a change in attitude in terms of defining Slovak culture in an overly personal and emotional fashion. That is, equating Slovak culture with poetic attempts to discover the "true" Slovak "character"; or with attempts to mythologize certain Slovak leaders and their alleged contributions to all Slovaks. This change of attitude also implies a reorganization of priorities. It calls for supporting historical and scientific research in studying Slovaks; in taking positions on social issues; and in the realization that if young people do not identify in some meaningful way with their Slovak-American heritage, that heritage will not survive. One way to guarantee the survival of this heritage is, I believe, through the type of research outlined thus far. It is only by a large scale emphasis on sound research that a body of knowledge about Slovak-Americans can be constructed. This in turn will stimulate further scholarly interest the results of which will be incorporated, formally, within the structure of higher education and passed on to others who wish to carry on the investigation. In summary, is should be noted again, that objective research does not undermine the uniqueness of a group's heritage or contributions. Studying Slovak-Americans objectively does not mean that one forgets the struggle for freedom that Slovaks have had to under go, or the religious persecutions they have been subjected to. Research does not mean that personal experiences and insights of people do not count, or that the common-man Slovak is forgotten. What objective research does do is to give the sons and daughters of the "average Slovak" a lasting body of knowledge about �124 SLOVAKIA their heritage and of the sacrifices and contributions of their parents and grandparents. REFERENCES 1) Fred N. Kerlinger, Foundation of Behavioral Research (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965), p. 698. 2) Ibid., p . 699. 3) Ibid., p. 700. 4) For an in depth discussion of the scientific method see, May Brodbeck, "Logic And Scientific Method In Research On Teaching," in Handbook Of Research On Teaching , N. L. Gage, (ed), (Chicago: Rand McNally and Company, 1963) , pp. 44-93. 5) Kerlinger, p. 14. 6) Florian Znaniecki, On Humanistic Sociology, Robert Bierstedt (ed. ), (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1969), p. 58. An excerpt taken from the "Methodological Note" , William I. Thomas and Florian Znaniecki, The Polish Peasant in Europe and America (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1927), 1:1-86. 7) Ibid., p. 58. 8) For a compilation of sources using these methods see, Werner J . Cahnman and Alvin Bosko££ (ed.) , Sociology and History (London: Free Press, 1964) . 9) I am especially indebted to Mr. M. Mark Stolarik of the University of Minnesota for permission to use his excellent paper, "The Immigrant Is Not Anonymous" which was delivered before the American Educational Research Association, The History of Edu cation Division on March 5, 1970. Mr. Stolarik has done what, I believe, is pioneering work in the area of Slovak-American ethnic origins. He has set the important groundwork for further scholarly efforts (both historical and empirical) in this whole area. As Mr. Stolarik points out, this type of research is well on its way and will, if pursued by other scholars, give us a well grounded body of knowledge on Slovak-Americans. I am using the general outline of Mr. Stolarik's paper, pp. 1-10, in this part of the discussion. 10) Stolarik, p. 2. 11) Carol Owen, Social Stratification (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1968), and Melvin M. Tumin, Social Stratification: The Forms And Functions of Inequality (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1967), pp. 56-81. 12) Kurt B. Mayer and Walter Buckley, Class And Society (New York: Randon House, 1970) , pp. 86-134. 13) Talcott Parsons and Robert F. Bales, Family, Socialization and Interaction Process ( Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1955), pp. 3-9. 14) See, for example, Delbert C. Miller, Handbook of Research And Social Measurement (New York: David McKay Company, Inc., 1964) . � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1972, Vol. 22 Description An account of the resource Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1972 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 116 SLOVAKIA Historical and Empirical Methods of Studying Slovak-Americans as A Distinct Ethnic Group By Dr. Steven I. Miller Any attempt to study a given group of people is a difficult task because it required and presupposes a host of complicated procedures and insights into the workings of that group. That is, the group must be "understood" (to use Max Weber's term) on several levels: historical, linguistic, demographic, familial, political, economic and so on. Unless a composite picture of the social grouping is made available on the variables mentioned above, it is virtually impossible to obtain a mature understanding of that group's values, beliefs and life-styles. How then should this task of understanding a group of people be undertaken? There are several approaches to the problem, and we will attempt to deliniate, in a broad perspective, some of them. My thesis is that Slovaks in America have not been, until very recently, studied in any systematic fashion, and that because of this oversight, the Slovak-American community is not well known to scholars and laymen. I also believe that this paucity of systematic research has caused fragmentation and alienation within the Slovak-American community, and is exemplified in a general lack of interests in things Slovak by second and third generation Slovak-Americans. There has also been, I believe, an over emphasis by certain scholars on the political problems within Slovakia itself, with a subsequent neglect of studying in depth the issues that have concerned Slovak-Americans more recently. Now, I am not arguing that the political-historical issues concerning the Slovaks in Slovakia, past and present, be overlooked or minimized in any way. This perspective is needed and merits further research. But the issue now, I believe, is one of balance or priorities. Second and third SLOVAKIA 117 generation Slovak-Americans find it increasingly difficult to identify in any meaningful fashion with the historicalpolitical problems of Slovakia since 1918. The issues have become too distant in space and time engender a spirit of concern within this younger group. Thus a dilemma ensues: on the one hand there is the necessity of specifying the historical problems (in terms of political and moral issues ) of Slovaks as a unique national group with the possibility of losing the interest of native born SlovakAmericans; on the other hand is the problem of concentrating too exclusively on the concerns of contemporary Slovak-Americans and de-emphasizing their historical ties with Slovakia. My own feelings are that the second emphasis will in the long run be the most beneficial for all Slovaks. Namely, the in-depth and scholarly attempt to study SlovakAmerican communities in terms of historical origins and contemporary problems. How then can we go about fulfilling this task? The first step is to understand a little more about the nature of historical and empirical research. A NEED FOR DEFINING THE PROBLEM: THE HISTORICAL APPROACH Before a group of people can be studied in any systematic fashion, it is necessary to determine some type of general approach. The approach (or methodology as it is called) that one chooses will in turn permit him to view the situation in a certain way, and to draw certain conclusions from what he observes. These conclusions, if they are based on a sufficient amount of evidence, will then permit the investigator to draw appropriate conclusions or relationships about the group he is studying. Thus the historical approach will specify a problem ( or a hypothesis) that is decided upon as being worthy of further research. For example, one might want to study the history of the first permanent Slovak community in the United States; or, within this framework, look at the role of the priest in relation to newly arrived immigrants. Historical research is vital because as F . Kerlinger states, "it is the critical investigation of events, developments and experiences of the past, the careful weighing of evidence of the validity of sources of information on the past, and 118 SLOVAKIA the interpretation of the weighted evidence." 1 Within this framework, the ethnic historian is particularly concerned with examining written sources in order to determine the quality and quantity of evidence available for the substantiation of his hypothesis. He is basically concerned with primary sources ( original records, minutes of meetings, etc.) and in the methods of internal and external criticism.2 External criticism is concerned with establishing the validity of the sources used, while internal criticism focuses on the content of the documents, themselves. Kerlinger points out the necessity of historiography when he cites the conclusions of the Social Science Research Council.3 Historiography has a necessary relevance to all the soda! sciences, to the humanities, and to the formulation of public and private policies because (1) all the data used in the social sciences, in the humanities, and in the formulation of public and private policies are drawn from records of, experience in, or writing about the past; because (2) all policies respecting human affairs, public or private, and all generalizations of a nonstatistical character in the social sciences and in the humanities involve interpretations of or assumptions about the past; and because (3) all workers in the social sciences and in the humanities are personalities of given times, places, and experience whose tmnking is consequently in some measure conditioned and determined my the historical circumstances of their lives and experiences. Thus, as a starting point in defining the approaches that may be fruitfully used in studying Slovak-Americans, we can see the necessity for beginning the investigation with a solid basis in htstoriography. From this perspective a further methodology can be defined, namely, the social science or empirical approach. 4 SOCIAL SCIENCE APPROACHES TO ETHNIC STUDIES The empirical approach to understanding group behavior utilizes the perspective of history, while at the same time focusing on a more specific problem that is of interest to the researcher. The empirical approach holds that there is an objective world containing "meaning" in the form of patterns of behavior, and that the task of the social scientist is to recognize these behaviors, and interpret them in such a way as to arrive at both their overt and covert meaning. The tactic that is employed in the empirical approach is, basically, what has become known as the scientific method. That is, one formulates a problem that SLOVAKIA 119 is deemed worthy of study; a hypothesis is put forward that states a certain relationship about the problem under study; the hypothesis is subjected to some type of test (in many cases statistical); and a conclusion, subject to the limits of the quality and quantity of evidence is put forth either substantiating or refuting the hypothesis. What is crucial in this approach is that one must take pains in the beginning of the investigation to formulate the problem as precisely as possible. This is why a hypothesis (or hypotheses) is necessary. A hypothesis is an assumption, a guess, or as Kerlinger says, "a conjectural statement about the relationship between two or more observed phenomena or variables. 5 Thus, one might wish to investigate the relationship between the Slovaks' commitment to their religious beliefs and the tendency to build parochial schools; or, perhaps, examine the correlation between Slovak attitudes toward education and the intergenerational mobility of their children. What we are suggesting here is that there are many more aspects of Slovak culture that can be identified, studied, made known and preserved, and that empirical investigation is only concerned with the compilation of meaningless statistics, or that it will obscure the unique "flavor" of Slovak culture. This need not be the case. What the empirical method of investigation strives to do is to bring to the surface the complexities of values and beliefs of a group of people and, by implication, their uniqueness. Empirical investigation also has the corollary effect of describing and explaining those characteristics that bind and hold a group together. The famous Polish Sociologist, Florian Znaniecki,6 in trying to explain the nature of the sociological investig·ation that he used in his classic work The Polish Peasant, states: Thus all generalizations constituting the common-sense social theory and based on individual experience are both insignificant and subject to innumerable exceptions. A sociology that accepts them necessarily condemns itself to remain in the same methodological stage, and a practice based upon them must be as insecure and as full of failures as is the activity of every individual. Znaniecki, however, goes on to state that sound empirical investigation has the effect of eventually explaining individual behavior more clearly. He goes on to state,7 120 SLOVAKIA Whenever, now, this "practical" sociology makes an effort to get above the level of popular generalizations by the study of social reality instead of relying upon individual experience, it still preserves the same method as the individual in his personal reflection; investigation always goes on with an immediate reference to practical aims, and the standards of the desirable and undesirable are the ground upon which theoretic problems are approached. Thus, empirical research is an attempt to identify specific problems of interest, and subject these problems to the scrutiny of the scientific (in a broad sense) method. We have now identified the historical and empirical approaches to the study of group behavior as being two powerful tools that the researcher is able to use in arriving at "meaning" for social phenomena. I believe a further positive step in studying Slovak-Americans would be to incorporate both methodological approaches into a larger perspective. A SYNTHESIS OF HISTORICAL- EMPIRICAL INVESTIGATION A perspective that incorporates historiography and a social science empirical approach is needed on two accounts: to broaden the area of investigation for scholars in general, and to insure that a body of well researched and validated knowledge be made available for future generations of people interested in their ethnic heritage. I am positing this approach not as a grand synthesis of two methodological systems to inquiry, but rather to deliniate the thrust of research that is needed to fulfill a large knowledge-gap existing about Slovak-Americans. The historical-social science approach combines the broader inquiry of the historian with the more specialized interest of the social scientist. This type of analysis is supported by a fairly substantial body of research. 8 More specifically, this type of research is now being undertaken by scholars interested in Slovak-American developments. Of particular relevance here is the research being carried on by the University of Minnesota.9 There is, to begin with, a large body of available material on Slovak-Americans that can be ascertained from examining the insurance application files of the First Catholic Slovak Union. The information from these files provides a vast amount of historical information that can give us an accurate profile of the Slovak SLOVAKIA 121 emigrating to America. From these sources, the researcher is able to gather a composite picture of Slovak-American life. Thus, as Stolarik points out, " we can deduce the relative number of people who emigrated from each county, each village, each city . . . In addition, we can compare the grouping of people in the individual lodges at the parish level." 10 From this data other generalizations can be drawn; the amount of horizontal mobility, life expectancy, group cohesion, marriage patterns, length of residence in America, and so forth. Additional information is available from parish and lodge records. These records provide the researcher with data on parish life, relationship with clergy and the structure of parochial education. Likewise, newspapers such as Slovak v Amerike and Jednota are a further source of important historical materials. Thus, there is an abundance of historical material in which to set a firm basis for the study of SlovakAmericans . Now, within this historical framework, the researcher is also able to concentrate on certain specific aspects of behavior and apply the methods of the social sciences. For example, one of the areas that would be of interest to the sociologist, within the context of Slovak-American communities, would be the nature of social mobility. 11 The idea of mobility is closely related to the notion of stratification. That is, the sociologist is interested in the way societies group their members, and what types of judgements are placed on the people within the various strata. Once he has ascertained how the stratification system is constructed, he can ask whether or not it is possible to "move" from one strata to another, or the amount and type of mobility that occurs. These questions are significant to the researcher because from them he can gain a better understaning to the exact nature of the group he is investigating. For instance, if the researcher is able to identify a number of social classes as being representative of a given society, he can gain a great deal of information as to what different classes value; what their income and educational levels are; what occupations are associated with them; how they raise their children; their mortality rates; associations they belong to; political attitudes they hold; geographical 122 SLOVAKIA areas they occupy, and so forth. With this data, the investigator can determine what the "life-styles" and "lifechances" are for different groups in a society. 12 For our purpose the point is this: To study SlovakAmericans in tenns of mobility (and this is only one dimension) patterns is valuable in that a great deal of useful information can be gotten on changing life-styles and life-chances. This type of data, in turn, will give us answers to such questions as the rate of intergenerational mobility ( differences between father's and son's occupation); the increasing or decreasing educational level of Slovak-Americans ; and, generally, how well they have become assimilated within American society. Many other significant aspects of Slovak-American life can be examined through social science inquiry. One could take, as a point of departure for study, the chances within the structure of the Slovak-American family. A comparison could be made, for instance, between the structure of the family from the time of emigration, to the first five or ten years of living in America. It would be possible then to study such things as the impact of industrialization on the family unit, and the methods used to cope with strain and role conflicts.13 Or one could examine the cohesiveness of Slovak families as a function of their religious identity, language or fraternal organizations. The need for historical background material would, of course, be necessary here also. Inquiry could continue into such areas as achievement levels of Slovak-American children (for any given historical period); the value placed on education by Slovak families; the role of daughters in Slovak families; the role of the mother in the family unit, and so on. The techniques for investigating these types of questions have been worked out within the social sciences, and can be fruitfully employed in providing answers to the above. It is beyond the scope of this article to go into detail as to the statistical design that would be appropriate in investigating these questions. The methodology is available, however, and a design can be worked out by persons trained in these methods. 14 SLOVAKIA 123 FUTURE DIRECTIONS What we have been saying is this: Slovaks have made a distinct and unique contribution to American Society. They have done this through much hardship, sacrifice, and the endurance of many types of overt and subtle injustices. As with any ethnic group, the Slovaks have a right to emphasize their special contributions in shaping American society. But in order to know what Slovaks have accomplished here and elsewhere, we must first know more about them in a systematic and objective way. To do this requires a frame of mind that is willing to set aside political controversies that are over a half-century old and that relate exclusively to Slovakia. It also calls for a change in attitude in terms of defining Slovak culture in an overly personal and emotional fashion. That is, equating Slovak culture with poetic attempts to discover the "true" Slovak "character"; or with attempts to mythologize certain Slovak leaders and their alleged contributions to all Slovaks. This change of attitude also implies a reorganization of priorities. It calls for supporting historical and scientific research in studying Slovaks; in taking positions on social issues; and in the realization that if young people do not identify in some meaningful way with their Slovak-American heritage, that heritage will not survive. One way to guarantee the survival of this heritage is, I believe, through the type of research outlined thus far. It is only by a large scale emphasis on sound research that a body of knowledge about Slovak-Americans can be constructed. This in turn will stimulate further scholarly interest the results of which will be incorporated, formally, within the structure of higher education and passed on to others who wish to carry on the investigation. In summary, is should be noted again, that objective research does not undermine the uniqueness of a group's heritage or contributions. Studying Slovak-Americans objectively does not mean that one forgets the struggle for freedom that Slovaks have had to under go, or the religious persecutions they have been subjected to. Research does not mean that personal experiences and insights of people do not count, or that the common-man Slovak is forgotten. What objective research does do is to give the sons and daughters of the "average Slovak" a lasting body of knowledge about 124 SLOVAKIA their heritage and of the sacrifices and contributions of their parents and grandparents. REFERENCES 1) Fred N. Kerlinger, Foundation of Behavioral Research (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965), p. 698. 2) Ibid., p . 699. 3) Ibid., p. 700. 4) For an in depth discussion of the scientific method see, May Brodbeck, "Logic And Scientific Method In Research On Teaching," in Handbook Of Research On Teaching , N. L. Gage, (ed), (Chicago: Rand McNally and Company, 1963) , pp. 44-93. 5) Kerlinger, p. 14. 6) Florian Znaniecki, On Humanistic Sociology, Robert Bierstedt (ed. ), (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1969), p. 58. An excerpt taken from the "Methodological Note" , William I. Thomas and Florian Znaniecki, The Polish Peasant in Europe and America (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1927), 1:1-86. 7) Ibid., p. 58. 8) For a compilation of sources using these methods see, Werner J . Cahnman and Alvin Bosko££ (ed.) , Sociology and History (London: Free Press, 1964) . 9) I am especially indebted to Mr. M. Mark Stolarik of the University of Minnesota for permission to use his excellent paper, "The Immigrant Is Not Anonymous" which was delivered before the American Educational Research Association, The History of Edu cation Division on March 5, 1970. Mr. Stolarik has done what, I believe, is pioneering work in the area of Slovak-American ethnic origins. He has set the important groundwork for further scholarly efforts (both historical and empirical) in this whole area. As Mr. Stolarik points out, this type of research is well on its way and will, if pursued by other scholars, give us a well grounded body of knowledge on Slovak-Americans. I am using the general outline of Mr. Stolarik's paper, pp. 1-10, in this part of the discussion. 10) Stolarik, p. 2. 11) Carol Owen, Social Stratification (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1968), and Melvin M. Tumin, Social Stratification: The Forms And Functions of Inequality (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1967), pp. 56-81. 12) Kurt B. Mayer and Walter Buckley, Class And Society (New York: Randon House, 1970) , pp. 86-134. 13) Talcott Parsons and Robert F. Bales, Family, Socialization and Interaction Process ( Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1955), pp. 3-9. 14) See, for example, Delbert C. Miller, Handbook of Research And Social Measurement (New York: David McKay Company, Inc., 1964) .  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Historical and Empirical Methods of Studying Slovak-Americans as a Distinct Ethnic Group Description An account of the resource Dr. Steven I. Miller Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972 pp. 116-124 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Miller, Steven I. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1972 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/93d25643c736c60e0f09c83d1947ff2d.pdf d9fee3b411ca29bd0ae94db7de238cd7 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA Dr. Steven I. M i l l e r : Ethnicity and Research SOME COMMENTS ON MICHAEL NOVAK'S THE RISE OF THE UNMELTABLE ETHNICS There has recently been an upsurge of thinking and writing in terms of ethnicity. The most recent, and perhaps one of the most persuasive, has been by the Slovak-American Michael Novak, in his volume, The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics. 1 Novak's thesis is that there exists in America a large group of people that is of a unique ethnic background most likely Catholic, and generally "blue collar" or lower middle class. Novak contends that these groups made up of Poles, Italians, Greeks, and Slovaks constitute an important and neglected segment of our population, who have been historically exploited by the WASPS and are now being identified as right-wing bigots. Novak contends that it is now time to recognize the unique identity and composition of these ethnic groups and, hopefully, mold them into a viable political force that reflects their national origins and religious preference. While Novak makes an important contribution to the ethnic literature, one often receives the impression while reading the book that something is lacking; that the ethnic concern is a springboard for certain personal ethical and political preferences. There is not, for instance, an in-depth investigation of any of the ethnic groups that is supposedly under study. For instance, no in-depth analysis is given of such a classic work as Thomas and Znaniecki's The Polish Peasant in Europe and America. 2 Surely, these volumes would have provided some additional insight into the problem. What we have, rather, is a documented but largely anecdotal work purporting to penetrate into the "mysteries" of the ethnic psyche. And, yet, the work does at least bring about an awareness of the fact that ethnicity may be an important contemporary phenomenon. However, by emphasizing the �142 SLOVAKIA reality of ethnicity, Novak leaves unsolved as many issues as he raises. This is the result of several factors: 1) the general methodological approach of the work; 2) certain ambiguities in terms of definitions, and 3) a larger vision of the ethnic reality (if, indeed, there actually is one). These points will be elaborated on below. Again, the work is a very valuable one but it could have been considerably strengthened if some of these factors had been taken into consideration. Perhaps some of these considerations will more appropriately be explored in future works on the subject. METHODOLOGY AND ETHNIC STUDIES As I pointed out in a previous work,3 one of the crucial handicaps facing ethnic studies is the paucity of adequate methodology. More accurately, one could argue that the methodology is available but has not been utilized effectively in ethnic studies. What I am opting for is a more rigorous use of historiography and especially the extended use of social science methodology. It is only through good methodology that the study of ethnic groups ( and especially the ones cited by Novak), becomes systematized and incorporated at all levels of the educational process. Prof. Novak's methodological approach is, I believe, broadly historical. He indicates (xv) that he will approach the topic in terms of "systematic theology" and his personal label of "intelligent subjectivity." While the former definition is perhaps not well defined, I take the second (and equivalent definition of "intelligent subjectivity" to be somewhat akin to Max Weber's idea of verstehen4-although there are some crucial differences. However, one does not know by the context whether this type of methodological approach is implied. While this may be a minor point, it does have bearing on the shape and direction of the work. One of the major difficulties, however, lies in the structure of the argument itself. That is, there may be operating throughout the book a rather subtle logical fallacy that, by the way, plagues much of social science reasoning, also. The fallacy is called by logicians "the fallacy of affirming the consequent." 5 It involves valid and invalid forms of argument based on "conditionals" that havli the �SLOVAKIA 143 form "if p, then q." Thus, one of the basic arguments here runs something like this: "if there is a unique ethnic identity, then it is found in the existence of such groups as Poles, Italians, Greeks, and Slavs. But such groups do exist; therefore, they must exhibit a unique ethnic consciousness." The fallacy being that the existence of any or all of these groups does not give us a basis for concluding the existence of some special identity or consciousness. Indeed, the existence of these groups would constitute a necessary condition for an ethnic consciousness, but surely, not a sufficient one. The important point here is that one then attempts to specify by way of evidence ( or the inductive process), the probability that some sort of meaningful relationship does in fact exist.6 While Professor Novak does, in part, fulfill this evidence condition, he does not extend it in any unique methodological fashion. For example, four propositions are set forth (pp. 8-9) that are supposedly associated with ethnic identity. The first two propositions imply the necessity of examining one's ethnic heritage to gain a deeper insight into one's (supposedly) psychological makeup; and that this enhanced self-awareness will do no harm to this country's vision of the world, in terms of foreign policy (although I must admit I fail to see how the second proposition follows from the first). The last two propositions, however, are the interesting ones since they are presumably direct effects of one's ethnic identity. Proposition three makes the claim that "persons who are secure in their identity act with greater freedom, greater flexibility, greater openness to others. People who feel inferior or unacceptable lash out in anger." Proposition four states "a politics based on family and neighborhood is far stronger socially and psychologically than a politics based on bureaucracy." Now these propositions are important in that they are the supposed consequences of ethnicity as studied through the perspective of "intelligent subjectivity." But if we examine the last two propositions, the question immediately arises as to whether the assertions are meant to be "causative" in nature or, perhaps, co,rrelational. It appears that they are put forth with the force �SLOVAKIA of causal statements: ethnic identity (consciousness) causes a healthier self-concept which in turn leads to (for instance) a unique kind of political commitment. These types of inferences are easily asserted but are substantiated with great difficulty. What is needed in these types of assertions, as we shall see, is either fairly strong historical evidence or, more pertinently, methods for operationalizing these assertions. In the same vein, Prof. Novak attempts to substantiate his thesis by claiming that the groups he is speaking of are identifiable on at least three characteristics: ethnicity, religion, and social class position (pp. 14, 20). This, of course, is an important assertion since it defines the characteristics of the population under study. Although there are presumably seventy million Americans who can be classified as Catholic, ethnic and within the $5,000$10,000 income range, this in itself does not mean that these people form a distinct group in terms of any of the three characteristics, let alone as being distinct in any political sense. There undoubtedly is a great deal of potential (economic, social, religious), but this does not mean it has become actualized in any specific manner. In addition, one would need much more specific information on this group before generalizations could be forwarded. What is the specific ethnic breakdown? What is the median income within any given group and between the groups? How many of each generation are in any given group? How are they distributed in any particular city? What is needed, then, is a more specific delineation of this large "ethnic group." Many other issues come to mind in this connection. Assuming that any given ethnic group can also be characterized as Catholic and having a median income of $8,000, is there any way in which these (and other) variables came together to produce the ethnic consciousness? Thus, it may be the case that Catholicism may be more important than ethnicity or income in predicting particular ethnic attitudes. Or it may be child rearing patterns or perhaps occupational structure. For instance, do third generation Poles who are middle class and Catholic, hold similar political attitudes as blue-collar Lutheran (or Catholic) Slovak~. �SLOVAKIA 145 It becomes readily obvious that what is needed is a more s ophisticated methodology to handle some of these problems. Likewise, Professor Novak's definition of an ethnic :group (pp. 47-48) is much too vague. One is not quite sure what an "historical memory" is to begin with, but the -concept is further confused by including nearly all things under the sun: instincts, feelings, intimacies, etc. It is difficult to see how some of these statements go beyond, for instance, Gordon's theory on assimilation in America. 7 The weakness in some of these assertions is that they may be perpetuating certain ethnic stereotypes under the guise of pointing out their uniqueness (p. 23). Does one really gain additional insight into ethnicity by stating that ethnic families have many family pictures in their homes and spend much of their free time with their families? Or such dangerous generalizations as "Jews and Italians we know are highly dramatic people. Their self-consciousness is different from that of other groups (p. 38)." This may be an indicator of the uniqueness of different forms of ethnic "consciousness," but it is rather difficult to see how. THE NEED FOR ADEQUATE OPERATIONALIZATION Returning to an earlier point, the real need in Prof. Novak's work is some attempt to operationalize his key assertions. That is, there should be some way to state more precisely those propositions that are central to the work and to imply some possible means of measuring them. 8 When one attempts to do this, it becomes clear that the issues under study are indeed of a very complex nature. This approach does not mean that if one tries to look at an issue (or a series of issues empirically, let us say from a social science point of view), that there is automatically a depersonalization of the group under study. There may be but this is not necessarily the case. In addition, if there is some "loss" in the sense that one cannot explore all the psychological complexities of any given group or individual, there is also a "gain" in that one can obtain more precise information on the group and use this information as a stepping stone to further research. �146 SLOVAKIA Now, indeed, this approach to ethnicity is a consequence of certain WASP connected attitudes about "universality'' and professionalization, but I hardly believe this is the case. What social science research attempts to do (sometimes with poor results) is to precisely rid people of certain stereotypic notions (let us say about ethnicity) that have been prevalent for too long. Conversely' social science research can bring to light the uniqueness of any given group. There are, for example, certain important conceptual clarifications that Professor Novak should have addressed. himself to. One, first of all, would like some additional clarification as to the nature of "ethnic consciousness." If it is postulated as being important, and a causal factor in the development of other conditions (i.e., political power), then it should be capable of operationalization. How does one know if one has it? Do some groups have it more than others? Does it differ in terms of social clas5 differences, for instance? These are not moot questions. Rather, they must be answered if one is to make a case for ethnic consciousness. There are other statements that are in need of clarification which are also premised on the existence of this ethnic consciousness. For instance, the statement, "the rise of ethnic consciousness today is also due to disillusionment with the universality, too thinly rational culture of professional elites (p. 32)." And again, "the rise in ethnic consciousness is, then, part of a more general cultural revolution (p. 32)." How is one to determine the relationship in the first statement between one's ethnic consciousness and the disillusionment with professional elites? There may indeed be such a relationship but the context does not clarify it, nor the possible strength of the relationship. In the second statement, it is asserted that there is some type of a relationship between ethnic consciousness and the more "general cultural revolution" (whatever that might be). In this instance, however, some directionality is implied: ethnic consciousness seems to be the result, or perhaps the by-product, of some larger cultural transformation. This may, once more, be the case but it would be extremely helpful if one could place such a statement in a broader �SLOVAKIA 147 theoretical framework; perhaps the work of Emile Durkheim,9 or Robert K. Merton's reference group theory. 10 Without a general theoretical framework, it becomes increasingly difficult to place the above statement into any type of meaningful categorization. Although the issue of theory building is very pertinent to the discussion, it is beyond the scope of this paper. 11 RESEARCH DESIGNS AND ETHNIC STUDIES One possible way of gaining important information related to the study of ethnic groups would be to con-ceptualize the problem in another way. Again, this would be an alternative method of looking at some of the claims forwarded by Professor Novak. An important preliminary step would be to state an initial dependent variable. The -dependent variable is the condition we are trying to .explain.12 It is the issue we are interested in examining, -explaining, and possibly predicting from. The independent variable, on the other hand, is the presumed "cause" of the dependent variable. 13 What we should then be looking for would be the relationship of the dependent variable(s) with the independent variable(s). If some relationship does exist, we can then better attempt to explain these hypotheses under investigation. In a broad sense, the dependent variable here would be "ethnic consciousness." It is this factor or condition that we wish to account for as accurately as possible, because the assumption is that this condition is now responsible for many other conditions. But what is necessary to give added meaning to this concept? One would, first of all, attempt to define more precisely with some such statement as, "Ethnic consciousness is a psychological state X, resulting from Y and exhibited in certain types of behavior pattern in group Z." However, even if a definition of this type is possible, one is still under the obligation t o give supporting evidence for it. One way of providing for this supporting evidence is to first operationalize (measure) the concept. And this is where the task now becomes increasingly difficult. Put very �148 SLOVAKIA simply, how can one get a measure of ethnic consciousnes s? (We are not even asking at this point if there are differing degrees or amounts of it.) What would be needed, then, is the creation of some type of instrument that gives an indication of this attribute. We might, for example devise a test that would measure conservative or liberal, democratic or authoritarian political attitudes, and then infer that those scoring "high" on, let us say, the democratic dimension would also be exhibiting "ethnic consciousnes s." (We are presumably administering the instrument to some ethnic group.) Of course, ethnic consciousnes s could conceivably be indicated by a large number of factors individually, or several kinds of factors. collectively. However, the issue is finally settled, it must be done for the research to proceed. The same issues are brought to the fore when one attempts to identify and specify the independent variable(s). Thus the rise of ethnic consciousnes s may be directly related to 1) anemic strain within institutions; 2) increasing displeasure with bureaucratic means of doing things; and 3) the decrease or increase of religious commitment and so forth. If one, for example, indicates that the rise in ethnic consciousnes s is related to increasing bureaucratic complexity, then some means must be devised to conceptualize bureaucratic structures (and then relate them to ethnic consciousnes s). To do this, one would have to specify, first of all, the organizationa l level that may be important. Are we speaking of bureaucracy in general, in society, or bureaucratic organization in terms of higher education and its effects on blocking admission to ethnic groups. or some other sense of bureaucracy? One would also have to assume that there is some way of measuring this bureaucratic effect. THE STUDY OF SLOVAKS Let us now assume that we would want to test Prof. Novak's thesis concerning the rise of ethnic consciousnes s. How could one go about doing this? The problem becomes highly complex in studying one group. It would be a monu- �SLOVAKIA 149 mental task to study the remaining ethnic groups either cross-sectionally ( at one point in time), or longitudinally ( over a period of time). Let us delineate our problem, however, to studying the Slovaks, let us say, in Chicago. Let us further assume that we have developed a reliable and valid instrument that we can use as a measure of ethnic consciousness. The problem then would have to be approached in somewhat the following manner: 1. We would have to · specify the population under study. Presumably, we would want to look at native-born Slovaks, as well as second and third generation Slovaks. However, difficulties soon arise: if both of your grandparents were Slovaks, but your father was Slovak and your mother Irish, do we include you in the population as a Slovak? Some de.c ision would have to be reached on matters or definition such as this. 2. We would want a breakdown demographically of where Slovaks resided in Chicago. This information might be easily obtained for some native-born Slovaks and their children, but others would have to be located if we were to have a representative sample. Other information would then have to be gathered: importantly the age range of Slovaks and how many within certain age groups; other valuable information would include educational background, occupation, place of residence, income level, religious preference, and so on. This demographic data would be a vital first step in describing the nature of our population. Depending on the size of the population, decisions would have to be made a5 to the most appropriate sampling techniques and the best methods of obtaining this information, i. e., questionnaires, interviews, a combination of these. 3. Assuming these conditions could be met, there have been developed within the social sciences certain rather powerful statistical techniques that could be utilized in developing this type of analysis. We would want to, for instance, use certain correlation techniques to explore the nature and strength of certain relationship. We would �150 SLOVAKIA want to see if ethnic consciousness is related to certain other factors such as education level, occupation, income, religion, and so forth. Again, we would want to see how "strong" these relationships were. We would also want to examine these factors within certain age groups, for instance, or between males and females. Other techniques could be brought to bear on the problem, namely, those statistical manipulations which include regression analysis, partial and multiple correlation.14 For example, if Slovaks in the thirty-five to fifty age group scored "high" on ethnic consciousness, and if these scores correlated positively with education, religion and income, we might want to ask if any of these variables are more "important" than the others; or how well, if taken together, do they allow us to say that persons having these characteristics will also have ethnic consciousness. Thus, it would be interesting to know what the influence of a person's occupation was on his ethnic identity while at the same time "holding constant" other influences, such as education and income. Or we may want to know how much of the "variance" in our dependent variable is attributable to the combined effects of age, income, religion, and education. While some of these techniques are fairly sophisticated, they are needed to gather accurate data on the composition of any given ethnic group, its self-identity and possible political or economic influences. SUMMARY Being of Slovak ancestry, my personal feeling is that Professor Novak has done a service in bringing to light the existence of these ethnic groups that are usually not recognized as having a unique cultural heritage and identity. They, indeed, constitute a large proportion of the American population. It is further accurate to say that these groups have contributed a large share to the building of this country. There is no denying this fact. My major objections to Professor Novak's thesis are as follows: 1) I am not truly convinced that there is a unique ethnic consciousness among the groups about which he is �SLOVAKIA 151 speaking. While indeed there may be, I do not believe it is a strong homogeneous force either within any particular group, or between the various groups. In either case, there is simply not enough information to support the thesis one way or the other. 2) While ethnic consciousness may be an important social and political force in the seventies, we do not have enough evidence as to what constitutes it. My own guess is that this "identity" may be merely a backlash reaction to certain groups of people who feel neglected and socially and economically exploited. Thas, the "identity" may be more a function of socioeconomic status than of a unique ethnic consciousness. I would venture to guess there are also many "non-ethnic" groups who are feeling the effects of exploitation. 3) What Professor Novak is describing is probably the pressures working class people are experiencing in tllis country, generally, while their ethnicity may be secondary. 4) Again, I believe the type of ethnic identity he mentions may be more strongly a function of those ethnic groups who maintain close geographical and language ties. But the rate of mobility (even the more limited mobility of blue-collar workers) is - such that the viability of these close-knit groups as centers of ethnic identity is open to question. 5) We have very little information as to the ethnic consciousness of those persons in the eighteen to twentyfive year age group. Here we may have outward "ethnic identification" in the sense of taking courses, let us say, concerning one's cultural background, but I am not convinced that this constitutes a unique "ethnic consciousness." And 6) I do not believe the seventy million Americans Novak mentions will constitute a viable political force based on ethnic lines alone. The political coalition, if indeed there ever is one, will develop probably along socioeconomic and perhaps ideological-religious lines. While being of Slovak heritage, being raised in a Slovak home, and having some limited facility in the language, I still do not see myself as having a unique "ethnic consciousness." While being subject to the "pressures" of professionalization, I do not feel that I have somehow �SLOVAKIA 152 lost my "true" ethnic identity. My Slovak heritage forms an important part of my cultural past, but it does not completely determine my immediate present. My Slovak background is important, but I do not feel this entitles me to become an Ethnic Everyman. REFERENCES 1) Michael Novak, The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics (New York : Macmillan, 1972). 2) William I. Thomas and Florian Znaniecki, The Polish Peasant in Europe and America, Vols. I and II (New York: Dover, 19~). 3) Steven I. Miller, "Historical and Empirical Methods ·of Studying Slovak-Americans as a Distinct Ethnic Group," Slovakia, Vol. XXII, No. 45, pp. 116-124. 4) S. M. Miller, Max Weber (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1968), Ch. I. 5) Robert H. Ennis, Logic in Teaching (Englewood Cliffs, N. J .: Prentioo-Hall, 1969), pp. 13-26. 6) Richard S. Rudner, Philosophy of Social Science (Englewood Cliffs, N. J. : Prentice-Hall, 1966), Chs. 4 and 5. 7) Milton M. Gordon, "Assimilation in America: Theory and Reality," Daedalus, Vol. XC, No. 2 (Spring, 1961) and The Bobbs-Merrill Reprint Series, S-407, pp. 263-283. 8 ) Fred N. Kerlinger, Foundations of Behavioral Research (New .York : Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc, 1965), Ch. 2. 9) Emile Durkheim, "Suicide" in The Origins of Scientific Sociology, ed. by John Madge (New York: The Free Press, 1962) , pp. 17-51. 10) Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure (rev. ed. ; New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, Inc., 1957). 11) Robert Dubin, Theory Building (New York: The Free Press, 1969), Chs. 3, 6, and 8. 12) Kerlinger, p. 39. 13) Ibid. 14) Hubert M. Blalock, Jr., Social Statistics (2d ed.; New York : McGrawHill, 1972), Chs. 17, 18, and 19. N . B. An important volume in this area is Nathan Glazer and Daniel P. Moynihan, Beyond the Melting Pot: The Negroes, Puerto Ricans, Jews, Italians and Irish of New York City (Cambridge, Mass.: M. I. T. Press, 1963) . � SLOVAKIA Dr. Steven I. M i l l e r : Ethnicity and Research SOME COMMENTS ON MICHAEL NOVAK'S THE RISE OF THE UNMELTABLE ETHNICS There has recently been an upsurge of thinking and writing in terms of ethnicity. The most recent, and perhaps one of the most persuasive, has been by the Slovak-American Michael Novak, in his volume, The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics. 1 Novak's thesis is that there exists in America a large group of people that is of a unique ethnic background most likely Catholic, and generally "blue collar" or lower middle class. Novak contends that these groups made up of Poles, Italians, Greeks, and Slovaks constitute an important and neglected segment of our population, who have been historically exploited by the WASPS and are now being identified as right-wing bigots. Novak contends that it is now time to recognize the unique identity and composition of these ethnic groups and, hopefully, mold them into a viable political force that reflects their national origins and religious preference. While Novak makes an important contribution to the ethnic literature, one often receives the impression while reading the book that something is lacking; that the ethnic concern is a springboard for certain personal ethical and political preferences. There is not, for instance, an in-depth investigation of any of the ethnic groups that is supposedly under study. For instance, no in-depth analysis is given of such a classic work as Thomas and Znaniecki's The Polish Peasant in Europe and America. 2 Surely, these volumes would have provided some additional insight into the problem. What we have, rather, is a documented but largely anecdotal work purporting to penetrate into the "mysteries" of the ethnic psyche. And, yet, the work does at least bring about an awareness of the fact that ethnicity may be an important contemporary phenomenon. However, by emphasizing the �142 SLOVAKIA reality of ethnicity, Novak leaves unsolved as many issues as he raises. This is the result of several factors: 1) the general methodological approach of the work; 2) certain ambiguities in terms of definitions, and 3) a larger vision of the ethnic reality (if, indeed, there actually is one). These points will be elaborated on below. Again, the work is a very valuable one but it could have been considerably strengthened if some of these factors had been taken into consideration. Perhaps some of these considerations will more appropriately be explored in future works on the subject. METHODOLOGY AND ETHNIC STUDIES As I pointed out in a previous work,3 one of the crucial handicaps facing ethnic studies is the paucity of adequate methodology. More accurately, one could argue that the methodology is available but has not been utilized effectively in ethnic studies. What I am opting for is a more rigorous use of historiography and especially the extended use of social science methodology. It is only through good methodology that the study of ethnic groups ( and especially the ones cited by Novak), becomes systematized and incorporated at all levels of the educational process. Prof. Novak's methodological approach is, I believe, broadly historical. He indicates (xv) that he will approach the topic in terms of "systematic theology" and his personal label of "intelligent subjectivity." While the former definition is perhaps not well defined, I take the second (and equivalent definition of "intelligent subjectivity" to be somewhat akin to Max Weber's idea of verstehen4-although there are some crucial differences. However, one does not know by the context whether this type of methodological approach is implied. While this may be a minor point, it does have bearing on the shape and direction of the work. One of the major difficulties, however, lies in the structure of the argument itself. That is, there may be operating throughout the book a rather subtle logical fallacy that, by the way, plagues much of social science reasoning, also. The fallacy is called by logicians "the fallacy of affirming the consequent." 5 It involves valid and invalid forms of argument based on "conditionals" that havli the �SLOVAKIA 143 form "if p, then q." Thus, one of the basic arguments here runs something like this: "if there is a unique ethnic identity, then it is found in the existence of such groups as Poles, Italians, Greeks, and Slavs. But such groups do exist; therefore, they must exhibit a unique ethnic consciousness." The fallacy being that the existence of any or all of these groups does not give us a basis for concluding the existence of some special identity or consciousness. Indeed, the existence of these groups would constitute a necessary condition for an ethnic consciousness, but surely, not a sufficient one. The important point here is that one then attempts to specify by way of evidence ( or the inductive process), the probability that some sort of meaningful relationship does in fact exist.6 While Professor Novak does, in part, fulfill this evidence condition, he does not extend it in any unique methodological fashion. For example, four propositions are set forth (pp. 8-9) that are supposedly associated with ethnic identity. The first two propositions imply the necessity of examining one's ethnic heritage to gain a deeper insight into one's (supposedly) psychological makeup; and that this enhanced self-awareness will do no harm to this country's vision of the world, in terms of foreign policy (although I must admit I fail to see how the second proposition follows from the first). The last two propositions, however, are the interesting ones since they are presumably direct effects of one's ethnic identity. Proposition three makes the claim that "persons who are secure in their identity act with greater freedom, greater flexibility, greater openness to others. People who feel inferior or unacceptable lash out in anger." Proposition four states "a politics based on family and neighborhood is far stronger socially and psychologically than a politics based on bureaucracy." Now these propositions are important in that they are the supposed consequences of ethnicity as studied through the perspective of "intelligent subjectivity." But if we examine the last two propositions, the question immediately arises as to whether the assertions are meant to be "causative" in nature or, perhaps, co,rrelational. It appears that they are put forth with the force �SLOVAKIA of causal statements: ethnic identity (consciousness) causes a healthier self-concept which in turn leads to (for instance) a unique kind of political commitment. These types of inferences are easily asserted but are substantiated with great difficulty. What is needed in these types of assertions, as we shall see, is either fairly strong historical evidence or, more pertinently, methods for operationalizing these assertions. In the same vein, Prof. Novak attempts to substantiate his thesis by claiming that the groups he is speaking of are identifiable on at least three characteristics: ethnicity, religion, and social class position (pp. 14, 20). This, of course, is an important assertion since it defines the characteristics of the population under study. Although there are presumably seventy million Americans who can be classified as Catholic, ethnic and within the $5,000$10,000 income range, this in itself does not mean that these people form a distinct group in terms of any of the three characteristics, let alone as being distinct in any political sense. There undoubtedly is a great deal of potential (economic, social, religious), but this does not mean it has become actualized in any specific manner. In addition, one would need much more specific information on this group before generalizations could be forwarded. What is the specific ethnic breakdown? What is the median income within any given group and between the groups? How many of each generation are in any given group? How are they distributed in any particular city? What is needed, then, is a more specific delineation of this large "ethnic group." Many other issues come to mind in this connection. Assuming that any given ethnic group can also be characterized as Catholic and having a median income of $8,000, is there any way in which these (and other) variables came together to produce the ethnic consciousness? Thus, it may be the case that Catholicism may be more important than ethnicity or income in predicting particular ethnic attitudes. Or it may be child rearing patterns or perhaps occupational structure. For instance, do third generation Poles who are middle class and Catholic, hold similar political attitudes as blue-collar Lutheran (or Catholic) Slovak~. �SLOVAKIA 145 It becomes readily obvious that what is needed is a more s ophisticated methodology to handle some of these problems. Likewise, Professor Novak's definition of an ethnic :group (pp. 47-48) is much too vague. One is not quite sure what an "historical memory" is to begin with, but the -concept is further confused by including nearly all things under the sun: instincts, feelings, intimacies, etc. It is difficult to see how some of these statements go beyond, for instance, Gordon's theory on assimilation in America. 7 The weakness in some of these assertions is that they may be perpetuating certain ethnic stereotypes under the guise of pointing out their uniqueness (p. 23). Does one really gain additional insight into ethnicity by stating that ethnic families have many family pictures in their homes and spend much of their free time with their families? Or such dangerous generalizations as "Jews and Italians we know are highly dramatic people. Their self-consciousness is different from that of other groups (p. 38)." This may be an indicator of the uniqueness of different forms of ethnic "consciousness," but it is rather difficult to see how. THE NEED FOR ADEQUATE OPERATIONALIZATION Returning to an earlier point, the real need in Prof. Novak's work is some attempt to operationalize his key assertions. That is, there should be some way to state more precisely those propositions that are central to the work and to imply some possible means of measuring them. 8 When one attempts to do this, it becomes clear that the issues under study are indeed of a very complex nature. This approach does not mean that if one tries to look at an issue (or a series of issues empirically, let us say from a social science point of view), that there is automatically a depersonalization of the group under study. There may be but this is not necessarily the case. In addition, if there is some "loss" in the sense that one cannot explore all the psychological complexities of any given group or individual, there is also a "gain" in that one can obtain more precise information on the group and use this information as a stepping stone to further research. �146 SLOVAKIA Now, indeed, this approach to ethnicity is a consequence of certain WASP connected attitudes about "universality'' and professionalization, but I hardly believe this is the case. What social science research attempts to do (sometimes with poor results) is to precisely rid people of certain stereotypic notions (let us say about ethnicity) that have been prevalent for too long. Conversely' social science research can bring to light the uniqueness of any given group. There are, for example, certain important conceptual clarifications that Professor Novak should have addressed. himself to. One, first of all, would like some additional clarification as to the nature of "ethnic consciousness." If it is postulated as being important, and a causal factor in the development of other conditions (i.e., political power), then it should be capable of operationalization. How does one know if one has it? Do some groups have it more than others? Does it differ in terms of social clas5 differences, for instance? These are not moot questions. Rather, they must be answered if one is to make a case for ethnic consciousness. There are other statements that are in need of clarification which are also premised on the existence of this ethnic consciousness. For instance, the statement, "the rise of ethnic consciousness today is also due to disillusionment with the universality, too thinly rational culture of professional elites (p. 32)." And again, "the rise in ethnic consciousness is, then, part of a more general cultural revolution (p. 32)." How is one to determine the relationship in the first statement between one's ethnic consciousness and the disillusionment with professional elites? There may indeed be such a relationship but the context does not clarify it, nor the possible strength of the relationship. In the second statement, it is asserted that there is some type of a relationship between ethnic consciousness and the more "general cultural revolution" (whatever that might be). In this instance, however, some directionality is implied: ethnic consciousness seems to be the result, or perhaps the by-product, of some larger cultural transformation. This may, once more, be the case but it would be extremely helpful if one could place such a statement in a broader �SLOVAKIA 147 theoretical framework; perhaps the work of Emile Durkheim,9 or Robert K. Merton's reference group theory. 10 Without a general theoretical framework, it becomes increasingly difficult to place the above statement into any type of meaningful categorization. Although the issue of theory building is very pertinent to the discussion, it is beyond the scope of this paper. 11 RESEARCH DESIGNS AND ETHNIC STUDIES One possible way of gaining important information related to the study of ethnic groups would be to con-ceptualize the problem in another way. Again, this would be an alternative method of looking at some of the claims forwarded by Professor Novak. An important preliminary step would be to state an initial dependent variable. The -dependent variable is the condition we are trying to .explain.12 It is the issue we are interested in examining, -explaining, and possibly predicting from. The independent variable, on the other hand, is the presumed "cause" of the dependent variable. 13 What we should then be looking for would be the relationship of the dependent variable(s) with the independent variable(s). If some relationship does exist, we can then better attempt to explain these hypotheses under investigation. In a broad sense, the dependent variable here would be "ethnic consciousness." It is this factor or condition that we wish to account for as accurately as possible, because the assumption is that this condition is now responsible for many other conditions. But what is necessary to give added meaning to this concept? One would, first of all, attempt to define more precisely with some such statement as, "Ethnic consciousness is a psychological state X, resulting from Y and exhibited in certain types of behavior pattern in group Z." However, even if a definition of this type is possible, one is still under the obligation t o give supporting evidence for it. One way of providing for this supporting evidence is to first operationalize (measure) the concept. And this is where the task now becomes increasingly difficult. Put very �148 SLOVAKIA simply, how can one get a measure of ethnic consciousnes s? (We are not even asking at this point if there are differing degrees or amounts of it.) What would be needed, then, is the creation of some type of instrument that gives an indication of this attribute. We might, for example devise a test that would measure conservative or liberal, democratic or authoritarian political attitudes, and then infer that those scoring "high" on, let us say, the democratic dimension would also be exhibiting "ethnic consciousnes s." (We are presumably administering the instrument to some ethnic group.) Of course, ethnic consciousnes s could conceivably be indicated by a large number of factors individually, or several kinds of factors. collectively. However, the issue is finally settled, it must be done for the research to proceed. The same issues are brought to the fore when one attempts to identify and specify the independent variable(s). Thus the rise of ethnic consciousnes s may be directly related to 1) anemic strain within institutions; 2) increasing displeasure with bureaucratic means of doing things; and 3) the decrease or increase of religious commitment and so forth. If one, for example, indicates that the rise in ethnic consciousnes s is related to increasing bureaucratic complexity, then some means must be devised to conceptualize bureaucratic structures (and then relate them to ethnic consciousnes s). To do this, one would have to specify, first of all, the organizationa l level that may be important. Are we speaking of bureaucracy in general, in society, or bureaucratic organization in terms of higher education and its effects on blocking admission to ethnic groups. or some other sense of bureaucracy? One would also have to assume that there is some way of measuring this bureaucratic effect. THE STUDY OF SLOVAKS Let us now assume that we would want to test Prof. Novak's thesis concerning the rise of ethnic consciousnes s. How could one go about doing this? The problem becomes highly complex in studying one group. It would be a monu- �SLOVAKIA 149 mental task to study the remaining ethnic groups either cross-sectionally ( at one point in time), or longitudinally ( over a period of time). Let us delineate our problem, however, to studying the Slovaks, let us say, in Chicago. Let us further assume that we have developed a reliable and valid instrument that we can use as a measure of ethnic consciousness. The problem then would have to be approached in somewhat the following manner: 1. We would have to · specify the population under study. Presumably, we would want to look at native-born Slovaks, as well as second and third generation Slovaks. However, difficulties soon arise: if both of your grandparents were Slovaks, but your father was Slovak and your mother Irish, do we include you in the population as a Slovak? Some de.c ision would have to be reached on matters or definition such as this. 2. We would want a breakdown demographically of where Slovaks resided in Chicago. This information might be easily obtained for some native-born Slovaks and their children, but others would have to be located if we were to have a representative sample. Other information would then have to be gathered: importantly the age range of Slovaks and how many within certain age groups; other valuable information would include educational background, occupation, place of residence, income level, religious preference, and so on. This demographic data would be a vital first step in describing the nature of our population. Depending on the size of the population, decisions would have to be made a5 to the most appropriate sampling techniques and the best methods of obtaining this information, i. e., questionnaires, interviews, a combination of these. 3. Assuming these conditions could be met, there have been developed within the social sciences certain rather powerful statistical techniques that could be utilized in developing this type of analysis. We would want to, for instance, use certain correlation techniques to explore the nature and strength of certain relationship. We would �150 SLOVAKIA want to see if ethnic consciousness is related to certain other factors such as education level, occupation, income, religion, and so forth. Again, we would want to see how "strong" these relationships were. We would also want to examine these factors within certain age groups, for instance, or between males and females. Other techniques could be brought to bear on the problem, namely, those statistical manipulations which include regression analysis, partial and multiple correlation.14 For example, if Slovaks in the thirty-five to fifty age group scored "high" on ethnic consciousness, and if these scores correlated positively with education, religion and income, we might want to ask if any of these variables are more "important" than the others; or how well, if taken together, do they allow us to say that persons having these characteristics will also have ethnic consciousness. Thus, it would be interesting to know what the influence of a person's occupation was on his ethnic identity while at the same time "holding constant" other influences, such as education and income. Or we may want to know how much of the "variance" in our dependent variable is attributable to the combined effects of age, income, religion, and education. While some of these techniques are fairly sophisticated, they are needed to gather accurate data on the composition of any given ethnic group, its self-identity and possible political or economic influences. SUMMARY Being of Slovak ancestry, my personal feeling is that Professor Novak has done a service in bringing to light the existence of these ethnic groups that are usually not recognized as having a unique cultural heritage and identity. They, indeed, constitute a large proportion of the American population. It is further accurate to say that these groups have contributed a large share to the building of this country. There is no denying this fact. My major objections to Professor Novak's thesis are as follows: 1) I am not truly convinced that there is a unique ethnic consciousness among the groups about which he is �SLOVAKIA 151 speaking. While indeed there may be, I do not believe it is a strong homogeneous force either within any particular group, or between the various groups. In either case, there is simply not enough information to support the thesis one way or the other. 2) While ethnic consciousness may be an important social and political force in the seventies, we do not have enough evidence as to what constitutes it. My own guess is that this "identity" may be merely a backlash reaction to certain groups of people who feel neglected and socially and economically exploited. Thas, the "identity" may be more a function of socioeconomic status than of a unique ethnic consciousness. I would venture to guess there are also many "non-ethnic" groups who are feeling the effects of exploitation. 3) What Professor Novak is describing is probably the pressures working class people are experiencing in tllis country, generally, while their ethnicity may be secondary. 4) Again, I believe the type of ethnic identity he mentions may be more strongly a function of those ethnic groups who maintain close geographical and language ties. But the rate of mobility (even the more limited mobility of blue-collar workers) is - such that the viability of these close-knit groups as centers of ethnic identity is open to question. 5) We have very little information as to the ethnic consciousness of those persons in the eighteen to twentyfive year age group. Here we may have outward "ethnic identification" in the sense of taking courses, let us say, concerning one's cultural background, but I am not convinced that this constitutes a unique "ethnic consciousness." And 6) I do not believe the seventy million Americans Novak mentions will constitute a viable political force based on ethnic lines alone. The political coalition, if indeed there ever is one, will develop probably along socioeconomic and perhaps ideological-religious lines. While being of Slovak heritage, being raised in a Slovak home, and having some limited facility in the language, I still do not see myself as having a unique "ethnic consciousness." While being subject to the "pressures" of professionalization, I do not feel that I have somehow �SLOVAKIA 152 lost my "true" ethnic identity. My Slovak heritage forms an important part of my cultural past, but it does not completely determine my immediate present. My Slovak background is important, but I do not feel this entitles me to become an Ethnic Everyman. REFERENCES 1) Michael Novak, The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics (New York : Macmillan, 1972). 2) William I. Thomas and Florian Znaniecki, The Polish Peasant in Europe and America, Vols. I and II (New York: Dover, 19~). 3) Steven I. Miller, "Historical and Empirical Methods ·of Studying Slovak-Americans as a Distinct Ethnic Group," Slovakia, Vol. XXII, No. 45, pp. 116-124. 4) S. M. Miller, Max Weber (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1968), Ch. I. 5) Robert H. Ennis, Logic in Teaching (Englewood Cliffs, N. J .: Prentioo-Hall, 1969), pp. 13-26. 6) Richard S. Rudner, Philosophy of Social Science (Englewood Cliffs, N. J. : Prentice-Hall, 1966), Chs. 4 and 5. 7) Milton M. Gordon, "Assimilation in America: Theory and Reality," Daedalus, Vol. XC, No. 2 (Spring, 1961) and The Bobbs-Merrill Reprint Series, S-407, pp. 263-283. 8 ) Fred N. Kerlinger, Foundations of Behavioral Research (New .York : Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc, 1965), Ch. 2. 9) Emile Durkheim, "Suicide" in The Origins of Scientific Sociology, ed. by John Madge (New York: The Free Press, 1962) , pp. 17-51. 10) Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure (rev. ed. ; New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, Inc., 1957). 11) Robert Dubin, Theory Building (New York: The Free Press, 1969), Chs. 3, 6, and 8. 12) Kerlinger, p. 39. 13) Ibid. 14) Hubert M. Blalock, Jr., Social Statistics (2d ed.; New York : McGrawHill, 1972), Chs. 17, 18, and 19. N . B. An important volume in this area is Nathan Glazer and Daniel P. Moynihan, Beyond the Melting Pot: The Negroes, Puerto Ricans, Jews, Italians and Irish of New York City (Cambridge, Mass.: M. I. T. Press, 1963) . � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1973, Vol. 23 Description An account of the resource Vol. 23 (No. 46), 1973. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1973 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA Dr. Steven I. M i l l e r : Ethnicity and Research SOME COMMENTS ON MICHAEL NOVAK'S THE RISE OF THE UNMELTABLE ETHNICS There has recently been an upsurge of thinking and writing in terms of ethnicity. The most recent, and perhaps one of the most persuasive, has been by the Slovak-American Michael Novak, in his volume, The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics. 1 Novak's thesis is that there exists in America a large group of people that is of a unique ethnic background most likely Catholic, and generally "blue collar" or lower middle class. Novak contends that these groups made up of Poles, Italians, Greeks, and Slovaks constitute an important and neglected segment of our population, who have been historically exploited by the WASPS and are now being identified as right-wing bigots. Novak contends that it is now time to recognize the unique identity and composition of these ethnic groups and, hopefully, mold them into a viable political force that reflects their national origins and religious preference. While Novak makes an important contribution to the ethnic literature, one often receives the impression while reading the book that something is lacking; that the ethnic concern is a springboard for certain personal ethical and political preferences. There is not, for instance, an in-depth investigation of any of the ethnic groups that is supposedly under study. For instance, no in-depth analysis is given of such a classic work as Thomas and Znaniecki's The Polish Peasant in Europe and America. 2 Surely, these volumes would have provided some additional insight into the problem. What we have, rather, is a documented but largely anecdotal work purporting to penetrate into the "mysteries" of the ethnic psyche. And, yet, the work does at least bring about an awareness of the fact that ethnicity may be an important contemporary phenomenon. However, by emphasizing the 142 SLOVAKIA reality of ethnicity, Novak leaves unsolved as many issues as he raises. This is the result of several factors: 1) the general methodological approach of the work; 2) certain ambiguities in terms of definitions, and 3) a larger vision of the ethnic reality (if, indeed, there actually is one). These points will be elaborated on below. Again, the work is a very valuable one but it could have been considerably strengthened if some of these factors had been taken into consideration. Perhaps some of these considerations will more appropriately be explored in future works on the subject. METHODOLOGY AND ETHNIC STUDIES As I pointed out in a previous work,3 one of the crucial handicaps facing ethnic studies is the paucity of adequate methodology. More accurately, one could argue that the methodology is available but has not been utilized effectively in ethnic studies. What I am opting for is a more rigorous use of historiography and especially the extended use of social science methodology. It is only through good methodology that the study of ethnic groups ( and especially the ones cited by Novak), becomes systematized and incorporated at all levels of the educational process. Prof. Novak's methodological approach is, I believe, broadly historical. He indicates (xv) that he will approach the topic in terms of "systematic theology" and his personal label of "intelligent subjectivity." While the former definition is perhaps not well defined, I take the second (and equivalent definition of "intelligent subjectivity" to be somewhat akin to Max Weber's idea of verstehen4-although there are some crucial differences. However, one does not know by the context whether this type of methodological approach is implied. While this may be a minor point, it does have bearing on the shape and direction of the work. One of the major difficulties, however, lies in the structure of the argument itself. That is, there may be operating throughout the book a rather subtle logical fallacy that, by the way, plagues much of social science reasoning, also. The fallacy is called by logicians "the fallacy of affirming the consequent." 5 It involves valid and invalid forms of argument based on "conditionals" that havli the SLOVAKIA 143 form "if p, then q." Thus, one of the basic arguments here runs something like this: "if there is a unique ethnic identity, then it is found in the existence of such groups as Poles, Italians, Greeks, and Slavs. But such groups do exist; therefore, they must exhibit a unique ethnic consciousness." The fallacy being that the existence of any or all of these groups does not give us a basis for concluding the existence of some special identity or consciousness. Indeed, the existence of these groups would constitute a necessary condition for an ethnic consciousness, but surely, not a sufficient one. The important point here is that one then attempts to specify by way of evidence ( or the inductive process), the probability that some sort of meaningful relationship does in fact exist.6 While Professor Novak does, in part, fulfill this evidence condition, he does not extend it in any unique methodological fashion. For example, four propositions are set forth (pp. 8-9) that are supposedly associated with ethnic identity. The first two propositions imply the necessity of examining one's ethnic heritage to gain a deeper insight into one's (supposedly) psychological makeup; and that this enhanced self-awareness will do no harm to this country's vision of the world, in terms of foreign policy (although I must admit I fail to see how the second proposition follows from the first). The last two propositions, however, are the interesting ones since they are presumably direct effects of one's ethnic identity. Proposition three makes the claim that "persons who are secure in their identity act with greater freedom, greater flexibility, greater openness to others. People who feel inferior or unacceptable lash out in anger." Proposition four states "a politics based on family and neighborhood is far stronger socially and psychologically than a politics based on bureaucracy." Now these propositions are important in that they are the supposed consequences of ethnicity as studied through the perspective of "intelligent subjectivity." But if we examine the last two propositions, the question immediately arises as to whether the assertions are meant to be "causative" in nature or, perhaps, co,rrelational. It appears that they are put forth with the force SLOVAKIA of causal statements: ethnic identity (consciousness) causes a healthier self-concept which in turn leads to (for instance) a unique kind of political commitment. These types of inferences are easily asserted but are substantiated with great difficulty. What is needed in these types of assertions, as we shall see, is either fairly strong historical evidence or, more pertinently, methods for operationalizing these assertions. In the same vein, Prof. Novak attempts to substantiate his thesis by claiming that the groups he is speaking of are identifiable on at least three characteristics: ethnicity, religion, and social class position (pp. 14, 20). This, of course, is an important assertion since it defines the characteristics of the population under study. Although there are presumably seventy million Americans who can be classified as Catholic, ethnic and within the $5,000$10,000 income range, this in itself does not mean that these people form a distinct group in terms of any of the three characteristics, let alone as being distinct in any political sense. There undoubtedly is a great deal of potential (economic, social, religious), but this does not mean it has become actualized in any specific manner. In addition, one would need much more specific information on this group before generalizations could be forwarded. What is the specific ethnic breakdown? What is the median income within any given group and between the groups? How many of each generation are in any given group? How are they distributed in any particular city? What is needed, then, is a more specific delineation of this large "ethnic group." Many other issues come to mind in this connection. Assuming that any given ethnic group can also be characterized as Catholic and having a median income of $8,000, is there any way in which these (and other) variables came together to produce the ethnic consciousness? Thus, it may be the case that Catholicism may be more important than ethnicity or income in predicting particular ethnic attitudes. Or it may be child rearing patterns or perhaps occupational structure. For instance, do third generation Poles who are middle class and Catholic, hold similar political attitudes as blue-collar Lutheran (or Catholic) Slovak~. SLOVAKIA 145 It becomes readily obvious that what is needed is a more s ophisticated methodology to handle some of these problems. Likewise, Professor Novak's definition of an ethnic :group (pp. 47-48) is much too vague. One is not quite sure what an "historical memory" is to begin with, but the -concept is further confused by including nearly all things under the sun: instincts, feelings, intimacies, etc. It is difficult to see how some of these statements go beyond, for instance, Gordon's theory on assimilation in America. 7 The weakness in some of these assertions is that they may be perpetuating certain ethnic stereotypes under the guise of pointing out their uniqueness (p. 23). Does one really gain additional insight into ethnicity by stating that ethnic families have many family pictures in their homes and spend much of their free time with their families? Or such dangerous generalizations as "Jews and Italians we know are highly dramatic people. Their self-consciousness is different from that of other groups (p. 38)." This may be an indicator of the uniqueness of different forms of ethnic "consciousness," but it is rather difficult to see how. THE NEED FOR ADEQUATE OPERATIONALIZATION Returning to an earlier point, the real need in Prof. Novak's work is some attempt to operationalize his key assertions. That is, there should be some way to state more precisely those propositions that are central to the work and to imply some possible means of measuring them. 8 When one attempts to do this, it becomes clear that the issues under study are indeed of a very complex nature. This approach does not mean that if one tries to look at an issue (or a series of issues empirically, let us say from a social science point of view), that there is automatically a depersonalization of the group under study. There may be but this is not necessarily the case. In addition, if there is some "loss" in the sense that one cannot explore all the psychological complexities of any given group or individual, there is also a "gain" in that one can obtain more precise information on the group and use this information as a stepping stone to further research. 146 SLOVAKIA Now, indeed, this approach to ethnicity is a consequence of certain WASP connected attitudes about "universality'' and professionalization, but I hardly believe this is the case. What social science research attempts to do (sometimes with poor results) is to precisely rid people of certain stereotypic notions (let us say about ethnicity) that have been prevalent for too long. Conversely' social science research can bring to light the uniqueness of any given group. There are, for example, certain important conceptual clarifications that Professor Novak should have addressed. himself to. One, first of all, would like some additional clarification as to the nature of "ethnic consciousness." If it is postulated as being important, and a causal factor in the development of other conditions (i.e., political power), then it should be capable of operationalization. How does one know if one has it? Do some groups have it more than others? Does it differ in terms of social clas5 differences, for instance? These are not moot questions. Rather, they must be answered if one is to make a case for ethnic consciousness. There are other statements that are in need of clarification which are also premised on the existence of this ethnic consciousness. For instance, the statement, "the rise of ethnic consciousness today is also due to disillusionment with the universality, too thinly rational culture of professional elites (p. 32)." And again, "the rise in ethnic consciousness is, then, part of a more general cultural revolution (p. 32)." How is one to determine the relationship in the first statement between one's ethnic consciousness and the disillusionment with professional elites? There may indeed be such a relationship but the context does not clarify it, nor the possible strength of the relationship. In the second statement, it is asserted that there is some type of a relationship between ethnic consciousness and the more "general cultural revolution" (whatever that might be). In this instance, however, some directionality is implied: ethnic consciousness seems to be the result, or perhaps the by-product, of some larger cultural transformation. This may, once more, be the case but it would be extremely helpful if one could place such a statement in a broader SLOVAKIA 147 theoretical framework; perhaps the work of Emile Durkheim,9 or Robert K. Merton's reference group theory. 10 Without a general theoretical framework, it becomes increasingly difficult to place the above statement into any type of meaningful categorization. Although the issue of theory building is very pertinent to the discussion, it is beyond the scope of this paper. 11 RESEARCH DESIGNS AND ETHNIC STUDIES One possible way of gaining important information related to the study of ethnic groups would be to con-ceptualize the problem in another way. Again, this would be an alternative method of looking at some of the claims forwarded by Professor Novak. An important preliminary step would be to state an initial dependent variable. The -dependent variable is the condition we are trying to .explain.12 It is the issue we are interested in examining, -explaining, and possibly predicting from. The independent variable, on the other hand, is the presumed "cause" of the dependent variable. 13 What we should then be looking for would be the relationship of the dependent variable(s) with the independent variable(s). If some relationship does exist, we can then better attempt to explain these hypotheses under investigation. In a broad sense, the dependent variable here would be "ethnic consciousness." It is this factor or condition that we wish to account for as accurately as possible, because the assumption is that this condition is now responsible for many other conditions. But what is necessary to give added meaning to this concept? One would, first of all, attempt to define more precisely with some such statement as, "Ethnic consciousness is a psychological state X, resulting from Y and exhibited in certain types of behavior pattern in group Z." However, even if a definition of this type is possible, one is still under the obligation t o give supporting evidence for it. One way of providing for this supporting evidence is to first operationalize (measure) the concept. And this is where the task now becomes increasingly difficult. Put very 148 SLOVAKIA simply, how can one get a measure of ethnic consciousnes s? (We are not even asking at this point if there are differing degrees or amounts of it.) What would be needed, then, is the creation of some type of instrument that gives an indication of this attribute. We might, for example devise a test that would measure conservative or liberal, democratic or authoritarian political attitudes, and then infer that those scoring "high" on, let us say, the democratic dimension would also be exhibiting "ethnic consciousnes s." (We are presumably administering the instrument to some ethnic group.) Of course, ethnic consciousnes s could conceivably be indicated by a large number of factors individually, or several kinds of factors. collectively. However, the issue is finally settled, it must be done for the research to proceed. The same issues are brought to the fore when one attempts to identify and specify the independent variable(s). Thus the rise of ethnic consciousnes s may be directly related to 1) anemic strain within institutions; 2) increasing displeasure with bureaucratic means of doing things; and 3) the decrease or increase of religious commitment and so forth. If one, for example, indicates that the rise in ethnic consciousnes s is related to increasing bureaucratic complexity, then some means must be devised to conceptualize bureaucratic structures (and then relate them to ethnic consciousnes s). To do this, one would have to specify, first of all, the organizationa l level that may be important. Are we speaking of bureaucracy in general, in society, or bureaucratic organization in terms of higher education and its effects on blocking admission to ethnic groups. or some other sense of bureaucracy? One would also have to assume that there is some way of measuring this bureaucratic effect. THE STUDY OF SLOVAKS Let us now assume that we would want to test Prof. Novak's thesis concerning the rise of ethnic consciousnes s. How could one go about doing this? The problem becomes highly complex in studying one group. It would be a monu- SLOVAKIA 149 mental task to study the remaining ethnic groups either cross-sectionally ( at one point in time), or longitudinally ( over a period of time). Let us delineate our problem, however, to studying the Slovaks, let us say, in Chicago. Let us further assume that we have developed a reliable and valid instrument that we can use as a measure of ethnic consciousness. The problem then would have to be approached in somewhat the following manner: 1. We would have to · specify the population under study. Presumably, we would want to look at native-born Slovaks, as well as second and third generation Slovaks. However, difficulties soon arise: if both of your grandparents were Slovaks, but your father was Slovak and your mother Irish, do we include you in the population as a Slovak? Some de.c ision would have to be reached on matters or definition such as this. 2. We would want a breakdown demographically of where Slovaks resided in Chicago. This information might be easily obtained for some native-born Slovaks and their children, but others would have to be located if we were to have a representative sample. Other information would then have to be gathered: importantly the age range of Slovaks and how many within certain age groups; other valuable information would include educational background, occupation, place of residence, income level, religious preference, and so on. This demographic data would be a vital first step in describing the nature of our population. Depending on the size of the population, decisions would have to be made a5 to the most appropriate sampling techniques and the best methods of obtaining this information, i. e., questionnaires, interviews, a combination of these. 3. Assuming these conditions could be met, there have been developed within the social sciences certain rather powerful statistical techniques that could be utilized in developing this type of analysis. We would want to, for instance, use certain correlation techniques to explore the nature and strength of certain relationship. We would 150 SLOVAKIA want to see if ethnic consciousness is related to certain other factors such as education level, occupation, income, religion, and so forth. Again, we would want to see how "strong" these relationships were. We would also want to examine these factors within certain age groups, for instance, or between males and females. Other techniques could be brought to bear on the problem, namely, those statistical manipulations which include regression analysis, partial and multiple correlation.14 For example, if Slovaks in the thirty-five to fifty age group scored "high" on ethnic consciousness, and if these scores correlated positively with education, religion and income, we might want to ask if any of these variables are more "important" than the others; or how well, if taken together, do they allow us to say that persons having these characteristics will also have ethnic consciousness. Thus, it would be interesting to know what the influence of a person's occupation was on his ethnic identity while at the same time "holding constant" other influences, such as education and income. Or we may want to know how much of the "variance" in our dependent variable is attributable to the combined effects of age, income, religion, and education. While some of these techniques are fairly sophisticated, they are needed to gather accurate data on the composition of any given ethnic group, its self-identity and possible political or economic influences. SUMMARY Being of Slovak ancestry, my personal feeling is that Professor Novak has done a service in bringing to light the existence of these ethnic groups that are usually not recognized as having a unique cultural heritage and identity. They, indeed, constitute a large proportion of the American population. It is further accurate to say that these groups have contributed a large share to the building of this country. There is no denying this fact. My major objections to Professor Novak's thesis are as follows: 1) I am not truly convinced that there is a unique ethnic consciousness among the groups about which he is SLOVAKIA 151 speaking. While indeed there may be, I do not believe it is a strong homogeneous force either within any particular group, or between the various groups. In either case, there is simply not enough information to support the thesis one way or the other. 2) While ethnic consciousness may be an important social and political force in the seventies, we do not have enough evidence as to what constitutes it. My own guess is that this "identity" may be merely a backlash reaction to certain groups of people who feel neglected and socially and economically exploited. Thas, the "identity" may be more a function of socioeconomic status than of a unique ethnic consciousness. I would venture to guess there are also many "non-ethnic" groups who are feeling the effects of exploitation. 3) What Professor Novak is describing is probably the pressures working class people are experiencing in tllis country, generally, while their ethnicity may be secondary. 4) Again, I believe the type of ethnic identity he mentions may be more strongly a function of those ethnic groups who maintain close geographical and language ties. But the rate of mobility (even the more limited mobility of blue-collar workers) is - such that the viability of these close-knit groups as centers of ethnic identity is open to question. 5) We have very little information as to the ethnic consciousness of those persons in the eighteen to twentyfive year age group. Here we may have outward "ethnic identification" in the sense of taking courses, let us say, concerning one's cultural background, but I am not convinced that this constitutes a unique "ethnic consciousness." And 6) I do not believe the seventy million Americans Novak mentions will constitute a viable political force based on ethnic lines alone. The political coalition, if indeed there ever is one, will develop probably along socioeconomic and perhaps ideological-religious lines. While being of Slovak heritage, being raised in a Slovak home, and having some limited facility in the language, I still do not see myself as having a unique "ethnic consciousness." While being subject to the "pressures" of professionalization, I do not feel that I have somehow SLOVAKIA 152 lost my "true" ethnic identity. My Slovak heritage forms an important part of my cultural past, but it does not completely determine my immediate present. My Slovak background is important, but I do not feel this entitles me to become an Ethnic Everyman. REFERENCES 1) Michael Novak, The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics (New York : Macmillan, 1972). 2) William I. Thomas and Florian Znaniecki, The Polish Peasant in Europe and America, Vols. I and II (New York: Dover, 19~). 3) Steven I. Miller, "Historical and Empirical Methods ·of Studying Slovak-Americans as a Distinct Ethnic Group," Slovakia, Vol. XXII, No. 45, pp. 116-124. 4) S. M. Miller, Max Weber (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1968), Ch. I. 5) Robert H. Ennis, Logic in Teaching (Englewood Cliffs, N. J .: Prentioo-Hall, 1969), pp. 13-26. 6) Richard S. Rudner, Philosophy of Social Science (Englewood Cliffs, N. J. : Prentice-Hall, 1966), Chs. 4 and 5. 7) Milton M. Gordon, "Assimilation in America: Theory and Reality," Daedalus, Vol. XC, No. 2 (Spring, 1961) and The Bobbs-Merrill Reprint Series, S-407, pp. 263-283. 8 ) Fred N. Kerlinger, Foundations of Behavioral Research (New .York : Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc, 1965), Ch. 2. 9) Emile Durkheim, "Suicide" in The Origins of Scientific Sociology, ed. by John Madge (New York: The Free Press, 1962) , pp. 17-51. 10) Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure (rev. ed. ; New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, Inc., 1957). 11) Robert Dubin, Theory Building (New York: The Free Press, 1969), Chs. 3, 6, and 8. 12) Kerlinger, p. 39. 13) Ibid. 14) Hubert M. Blalock, Jr., Social Statistics (2d ed.; New York : McGrawHill, 1972), Chs. 17, 18, and 19. N . B. An important volume in this area is Nathan Glazer and Daniel P. Moynihan, Beyond the Melting Pot: The Negroes, Puerto Ricans, Jews, Italians and Irish of New York City (Cambridge, Mass.: M. I. T. Press, 1963) .  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ethnicity and Research Description An account of the resource Dr. Steven I. Miller Slovakia, Vol. 23 (No. 46), 1973 pp. 141-152 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Miller, Steven I. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1973 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/3bd6b8d67e6244e70a9cfdeafefe3d2f.pdf 3159be9185a023845d86ca8c2474ffcf PDF Text Text 120 SLOVAKIA Survey Research and Ethnic Studies Steven I. M i l l e r , Ph.D. The basic purpose of survey research ( or broadly speaking, empirical research) is to find relationships be tween variables. 1 If a relationship, or association, can be established, than it becomes possible to predict one variable from another. Thus, if we know that the variable IQ and achievement test scores are related to one another, it then becomes possible (within limits) to predict one from the other. That is, if we know a person's IQ score, we can say with some degree of certainty what his score may be on the particular achievement test. 2 The idea of accurate prediction is one of the most important assumptions underlying the scientific method in general, and its specific applications to the field of social science. In addition to prediction, however, the idea of a relationship between two variables gives us other important information. For one, it tells us that two things that we probably did not think were associated in any meaningful way turn out to be so. We might find out, for instance, that there is a relationship between the arrival of various Slovak immigrants and their political behavior; or that compared to Polish immigrants, Slovak immigrants have voted more consistently for a particular political party.3 The idea of looking for a relationships also has consequences in terms of constructing a coherent body of propositions that can give us a clear and comprehensive picture of a field of study, i.e., Slovak immigrant behavior. In a similar view, if it is possible to establish valid empirical generalization about a specific group, then it may be possible to extend these findings to other groups. In this way, it is possible to extend the theoretical base for a field of inquiry. 4 �SLOVAKIA 121 THE LOGIC OF PROCEDURE In the search for relationship in the social world, there is a definite procedure that can be utilized. There are certain logical steps that help us proceed with the investigation in such a way so as to determine the meaning of our problem. 5 The first step, then, would be to identify a problem that is of interest to us. The area of investigation should be one that is in need of clarification. Let us choose for our problem the following: Do all Slovaks concern themselves in similar ways with the political and religious problems of Slovakia? Why choose this particular issue? That would entirely depend on what we were concerned with? There are, of course, hundreds of different issues that we could turn our direction to. But let us assume that the present one is important to us because we suspect (for whatever reason) that interest in political and religious affairs in Slovakia is decreasing; it could also be the opposite: interest is increasing. Perhaps, however, we believe the first assertion is correct. Furthermore, we have some previous information from which to draw on which indicates that immigrants who have lived in their adopted country for a period of time will become socialized into the norms of that society, and will increasingly become interested in the concerns of their adopted country rather than their native one. If we had a larger context in which to place our specific problem, then, in a very broad sense, we have some type of theory. Having a "theory" of behavior enables us to focus our attention more clearly on the specific problem, as well as presenting possibilities of generalizing from our findings .6 Once we have the problem in focus, the next step is to place it in more precise and formal language. This is called an hypothesis. An hypothesis is "a conjectural statement about the relationship between two or more variables." 7 We can state the problem in the following way: there is a relationship between length of residence in the adopted country and interest in political (religious) affairs of the �122 SLOVAKIA native country. This is, of course, a very broad hypothesis, but it sets the boundaries of our investigation. It tells us, minimally, that we are interested in determining a relationship between two things: length of residence and political interest. There are many other aspects that are left open to investigation. We will examine these a little later. LOOKING FOR A RELATIONSHIP The first step is to determine whether our two variables are related. We want to know, in other words, if the independent variable length of residence is affecting the dependent variable, political interest. Residence is our independent variable because we can see that a person's length of residence may influence his political beliefs, but a person's political beliefs would not normally "cause" his length of residence. 8 To see if the variables are associated, it is necessary to show that the independent variable can be divided into at least two mutually exhaustive and inclusive categories.9 For instance, we could divide our independent variable into the categories of "old residents" and "new residents," or into more precise categories of years-perhaps every ten years. For our purposes, let us say "old residents" will be those coming to the United States from 1939 to 1950, while "new" residents will be those coming from 1950 to 1970. Let us further assume that we are dealing only with those individuals who were at least fifteen years or older when they emigrated, and who were therefore at last somewhat politically aware. To continue, let us also say that we have gotten a representative sample of Slovaks, and that through the use of a questionaire information has been received on a range of topics. In terms of political interest, we could ask, for example, whether or not they have a strong, personal interest in the political affairs of Slovakia. The responses could be measured by constructing a scale that would be a valid and reliable measure of this particular attitude. 10 Let us represent our hypothetical findings by the following table: �123 SLOVAKIA TABLE 1 Interest in Slovak Political Affairs by Length of Residence in United States (Hypothetical Data) PERCENTAGE STRONGLY INTERESTED IN POLITICAL AFFAIRS "Old" Residents 35% (1000) "New" Residents 75% (1000) Residence The table shows us that our two variables are related.11 There is a 40 percentage point difference indicating that the newer residents are more interested in Slovak political affairs than the older residents. Now if we found this type of relationship in our data, we would report the relationship and leave it at that. This would give us some information, but it would be a very restricted sort of information. One logical question we might want to ask is "why is there such a relationship?" Once we ask the "why," we are in the realm of explanatory research.12 That is, we are now interested in extending our original findings. But how can we explain the original relationship? There are many possibilities. We may argue, for example, that our original independent and dependent variables were not clearly defined, and therefore, our findings is incorrect; or that our sampling was not done correctly. These, of course, could be legitimate criticisms. But let us assume that we have satifactorily overcome these problems. We must now attempt to find another reason why the original relationship is there. To do this requires thinking of some other factors that may be of importance. One may be age. We could argue that the "older" residents are chronologically older than the "younger" residents and that the difference in political interest is simply one of the effects of age. It would, of course, be helpful to have some type of theory or data which suggests a relationship between age and political interest. When we think another factor is responsible for our original relationship, and we wish to see if it is having any effect on the original relationship, then we say we are "controlling for," or "holding constant" this factor. 13 Or �124 SLOVAKIA put somewhat differently, we are saying "were it not for age, the original relationsb,ip would disappear or be substantially reduced." That is, we think that age is the reason why there is a relationship between residence and political interest. What we want to do, then, is to make people "alike" on age and see what happens. How shall we divide people in our sample by age? A very rough measure would be to look at people over sixty and under sixty years of age. This is represented in the following Table. TABLE 2 The Relationship of Political Interest and Residence by Age (Hypothetical Data) % STRONG POLITICAL INTEREST Old -60 10 (300) New 40 (600) Age 10 (700) Residence 40 (400) The table shows that even when we control for age, the original relationship is maintained: new residents are still more likely to have strong political interests regardless of age. How it is possible that when we controlled for age the original relationship could have "disappeared." 14 If this had happened, we would have concluded that age was the reason for the association, and that our original finding had been "spurious." 15 Since age is not the factor we are looking for, other variables must be considered. For example, one possibility would be a person's sex. That is, the reason why we observed the original relationship was because there were differences among men and women in terms of political interest. There may, of course, be many other potential explanatory variables-educational level, rural-urban residence, level of intelligence, socioeconomic status to mention just a few. No matter what variable(s) we decide to use as test factors, there should be some (often tbere is not) a priori reason for selecting them. 16 Tn return to our example, let us say we chose educational level as our test factor. OUr guess is that a person's �125 SLOVAKIA educational level is related to political interest regardless of whether or not he has resided in the United States a particular period of time. Table three illustrates this. TABLE 3 Relationship of Political Interest and Residence by Education (Hypothetical Data) % STRONG POLITlCAL INTEREST Less than H.S. Educational Level High School College Old 20 (400) 30 (300) 50 (100) New 20 (200) 30 (500) 40 (500) Residence Table three shows that when educational level is introduced as a test factor, our original relationship between residence and political activity disappears. What we are saying is that while there were more college-educated Slovaks that had a high degree of political interest, it did not matter, at any educational level whether or not the Slovaks were new or old residents. Our educational breakdowns, are of course, rather crude, and it is seldom the case that a table would appear as it does above. In addition, there would be some other problems that would require additional attention. We would want to know, for the new residents as well as the old, at what point in time the highest educational level was being measured. Thus, it would be possible to have certain members of the new residents who had not completed their formal education at the time of the study. It is also possible, for our old residents, to have a significant number fifteen years old in 1940. It would, however, be possible to ask for the highest educational level attained. Thus, one could still determine the amount of education received by the old residents after 1940. If, on the other hand, there was a large group of fifteen-year-olds who arrived in 1968, and assuming the study was done around that time, it would be possible through other means, to estimate their highest educational level of attainment. �126 SLOVAKIA EXTENDING RELATIONSHIPS: INTERVENING ANTECEDENT AND EXTRANEOUS VARIABLES A point worth noting is that if we were interested in understanding the behavior of Slovaks, and if the empirical method were chosen to do this, then the type of information received is only one segment of a larger causal chain. What we attempt to do is to examine only one part of a large and very complex pattern of behavior, and possibly relate the findings to other patterns so as to form a complete picture. Again we are asking, "why is this variable influencing that variable?" Even when we find that two variables are related, we are still faced with several problems of interpretation. For instance, in our previous example, it was found that when educational level was controlled, the original relationship disappeared. Well, what does it mean to say that the original relationship "disappears?" There are several possibilities here. One is the search for intervening variables. 17 This means that the original relationship is "caused" by the intervention of a third variable. This third variable, however, is related to the independent and dependent variables in a special way. It logically comes between the independent and dependent variables, and when controlled for, makes the original relationship disappear. For example, we might discover that Slovak-Americans and Polish-Americans differ in the amount of "ethnic consciousness" they display. 13 Let us assume that Slovak-Americans demonstrate higher levels of ethnic consciousness. We now have an original relationship between the independent variable "ethnicity" and the dependent variable "ethnic consciousness." We are again faced with the problem of trying to explain the relationship. One way would be to search for an intervening variable. The intervening variable is in effect another independent variable. The intervening variable must also logically come after the original independent variable. For our example, such a variable could be education. We could argue that ethnicity precedes education, and that education has an effect on level of consciousness. The relationship would look like the following: Ethnicity ♦ (Independent) Education ♦ (Intervening) Consciousness (Dependent) �127 SLOVAKIA We are saying here that a person's ethnic background is related to his level of education and his level of education is responsible for his degree of ethnic consciousness. Let us look at some other possiblities. One principal objective of survey research is to trace out a "causal chain." This means that in addition to looking for intervening variables, we are also finding a causal link in which a variable precedes the original independent variable, is related to it, and in which the original independent variable is then related to the dependent variable. In order to construct this chain of events, Rosenberg lists three conditions that must be set. 19 1. All three variables must be related. 2. When the antecedent variable is controlled, the relationship between the independent and dependent variables should not disappear. 3. When the independent variable is controlled, the relationship between the antecedent and dependent variables should disappear. As an illustration, let us suppose that we find a relationship between liberal and conservative Slovak-Americans and degree of alienation. Specifically, we find that conservative Slovak-Americans are more alienated. In this case, however, we are interested in looking for an antecedent variable; one that comes before political orientation and is related to it. We might postulate that such a variable could be religion. Thus, we are saying that a person's religion influences his political orientation and his political orientation influence his degree of alienation. Schematically it would be as follows: Religion • (Antecedent) Political Orientation (Independent) • Alienation (Dependent ) In order to be considered a true antecedent relationship, it would have to meet all three of Rosenberg's conditions. We would first control on religion. If the relationship is maintained between political orientation and alienation, then we are on the right track. We would next want to control on political orientation. If the relationship between religion and alienation disappears, we have found the correct antecedent variable. Let us consider one additional relationship before �SLOVAKIA 128 closing the discussion. This is called looking the extraneous variables. The logic here is this: we find a relationship between two variables, introduce a test factor, and the original relationship disappears. Let us assume further that the test factor precedes the independent factor, and therefore, is not an intervening one. If the relationship disappears, we then conclude that it was "spurious"-that another variable ( the test factor) was producing the original results. For instance, in our original example, we found that Slovaks who were "newer" residents had a higher level of political interest than "older" residents. We concluded that the reason was education. Education, in this instance, could be considered an extraneous variable. That is, there is no inherent link between the original independent and dependent variables. Rather, both are related separately to the extraneous variable education.20 The relationship would be as follows: ♦ Residence (Independent) ♦ Political Interest (Dependent) Education (Extraneous) Here we are saying that the reason why residence was associated with political interest was because education was separately related to residence and to political interest. The newer residents had more education than the older ones, and people who have lower levels of education may be less politically motivated. SUMMARY If Slovaks, whether native-born or American, are interested in maintaining their ethnic heritage, then new research efforts must be undertaken. These research efforts should at least in part use the logic and methodology of the social sciences. Although this is only one of many approaches to the understanding of social phenomena, it is an important one because it enables us to probe deeply into the motivations underlying human behavior. The above has been an elementary attempt to show some of the thinking, or logic of procedure, behind that part of empirical inquiry called survey analysis. While the procedure has many and complex facets to it, in its most �SLOVAKIA 129 general form it attempts to establish relationships between variables and then elaborates on those relationships . REFERENC ES 1) Stephen Cole, The Sociological Method (Chicago: Markham, 1972), Ch. 4. 2) Harry L. Miller and Roger R. Woock, Social Foundations of Urban Education (Hindale, Ill.: The Dryden Press, 1970), pp. 401-412. 3) See, for example, Djuro J. Vrga, "Different Associational Involvement of Successive Ethnic Immigrants: An Indicator of Ethno-Religious Factionalism and Alienation of Immigrants," Social Forces, 50 (December, 1971), pp. 239-249. 4) See, generally, Richard S. Rudner, Philosophy of Social Science (Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1966), Ch. 1 and 2. 5) One of the best volumes in this connection is Morris Rosenberg, The Logic of Survey Analysis (New York: Basic Books, 1968). I will draw heavily from Rosenberg in the remaining discussion. 6) For theory building in the social sciences, see Robert Dubin, Theory Building (New York: The Free Press, 1969) , Ch. 1 and 2. 7) Fred N. Kerlinger, Foundations of Behavioral Research (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965), p. 20. 8) Cole, The Sociological Method, Ch. 2. 9) James A. Davis, Elementary Survey Analysis (Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1971), pp. 9-10. 10) See Max D. Engelhart, Methods of Educational Research (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1972), Ch. 7. 11) Here we are only interested in establishing a percentage point difference. We are not analyzing all the cells (4) of the table, nor are we discussing "significant" differences. There are appropriate methods for this that go beyond this discussion. 12) Cole, The Sociological Method, pp. 101-106. 13) Travis Hirschi and Hanan C. Selven, Delinquency Research: An Appraisal of Analytical Methods (New York: The Free Press, 1967) , pp. 37-51; and Rosenberg, The Logic of Survey Analysis, Ch. 2 and 3. 14) "Disappear" in this context usually means that an original relationship is substantially reduced when the test factor is introduced. 15) Cole and Rosenberg give this term a slightly different meaning. We are using it in Rosenberg's sense of a relationship existing because it is an effect of a common cause, pp. 23-82. 16) Rosenberg, The Logic of Survey Analysis, pp. 37-39. 17) Ibid., pp. 54-82. 18 ) We will assume there is some way of measuring "ethnic consciousness." 19) Rosenberg, Logic of Survey Analysis, pp. 68-69. 20) Ibid., pp. 27-4-0. � 120 SLOVAKIA Survey Research and Ethnic Studies Steven I. M i l l e r , Ph.D. The basic purpose of survey research ( or broadly speaking, empirical research) is to find relationships be tween variables. 1 If a relationship, or association, can be established, than it becomes possible to predict one variable from another. Thus, if we know that the variable IQ and achievement test scores are related to one another, it then becomes possible (within limits) to predict one from the other. That is, if we know a person's IQ score, we can say with some degree of certainty what his score may be on the particular achievement test. 2 The idea of accurate prediction is one of the most important assumptions underlying the scientific method in general, and its specific applications to the field of social science. In addition to prediction, however, the idea of a relationship between two variables gives us other important information. For one, it tells us that two things that we probably did not think were associated in any meaningful way turn out to be so. We might find out, for instance, that there is a relationship between the arrival of various Slovak immigrants and their political behavior; or that compared to Polish immigrants, Slovak immigrants have voted more consistently for a particular political party.3 The idea of looking for a relationships also has consequences in terms of constructing a coherent body of propositions that can give us a clear and comprehensive picture of a field of study, i.e., Slovak immigrant behavior. In a similar view, if it is possible to establish valid empirical generalization about a specific group, then it may be possible to extend these findings to other groups. In this way, it is possible to extend the theoretical base for a field of inquiry. 4 �SLOVAKIA 121 THE LOGIC OF PROCEDURE In the search for relationship in the social world, there is a definite procedure that can be utilized. There are certain logical steps that help us proceed with the investigation in such a way so as to determine the meaning of our problem. 5 The first step, then, would be to identify a problem that is of interest to us. The area of investigation should be one that is in need of clarification. Let us choose for our problem the following: Do all Slovaks concern themselves in similar ways with the political and religious problems of Slovakia? Why choose this particular issue? That would entirely depend on what we were concerned with? There are, of course, hundreds of different issues that we could turn our direction to. But let us assume that the present one is important to us because we suspect (for whatever reason) that interest in political and religious affairs in Slovakia is decreasing; it could also be the opposite: interest is increasing. Perhaps, however, we believe the first assertion is correct. Furthermore, we have some previous information from which to draw on which indicates that immigrants who have lived in their adopted country for a period of time will become socialized into the norms of that society, and will increasingly become interested in the concerns of their adopted country rather than their native one. If we had a larger context in which to place our specific problem, then, in a very broad sense, we have some type of theory. Having a "theory" of behavior enables us to focus our attention more clearly on the specific problem, as well as presenting possibilities of generalizing from our findings .6 Once we have the problem in focus, the next step is to place it in more precise and formal language. This is called an hypothesis. An hypothesis is "a conjectural statement about the relationship between two or more variables." 7 We can state the problem in the following way: there is a relationship between length of residence in the adopted country and interest in political (religious) affairs of the �122 SLOVAKIA native country. This is, of course, a very broad hypothesis, but it sets the boundaries of our investigation. It tells us, minimally, that we are interested in determining a relationship between two things: length of residence and political interest. There are many other aspects that are left open to investigation. We will examine these a little later. LOOKING FOR A RELATIONSHIP The first step is to determine whether our two variables are related. We want to know, in other words, if the independent variable length of residence is affecting the dependent variable, political interest. Residence is our independent variable because we can see that a person's length of residence may influence his political beliefs, but a person's political beliefs would not normally "cause" his length of residence. 8 To see if the variables are associated, it is necessary to show that the independent variable can be divided into at least two mutually exhaustive and inclusive categories.9 For instance, we could divide our independent variable into the categories of "old residents" and "new residents," or into more precise categories of years-perhaps every ten years. For our purposes, let us say "old residents" will be those coming to the United States from 1939 to 1950, while "new" residents will be those coming from 1950 to 1970. Let us further assume that we are dealing only with those individuals who were at least fifteen years or older when they emigrated, and who were therefore at last somewhat politically aware. To continue, let us also say that we have gotten a representative sample of Slovaks, and that through the use of a questionaire information has been received on a range of topics. In terms of political interest, we could ask, for example, whether or not they have a strong, personal interest in the political affairs of Slovakia. The responses could be measured by constructing a scale that would be a valid and reliable measure of this particular attitude. 10 Let us represent our hypothetical findings by the following table: �123 SLOVAKIA TABLE 1 Interest in Slovak Political Affairs by Length of Residence in United States (Hypothetical Data) PERCENTAGE STRONGLY INTERESTED IN POLITICAL AFFAIRS "Old" Residents 35% (1000) "New" Residents 75% (1000) Residence The table shows us that our two variables are related.11 There is a 40 percentage point difference indicating that the newer residents are more interested in Slovak political affairs than the older residents. Now if we found this type of relationship in our data, we would report the relationship and leave it at that. This would give us some information, but it would be a very restricted sort of information. One logical question we might want to ask is "why is there such a relationship?" Once we ask the "why," we are in the realm of explanatory research.12 That is, we are now interested in extending our original findings. But how can we explain the original relationship? There are many possibilities. We may argue, for example, that our original independent and dependent variables were not clearly defined, and therefore, our findings is incorrect; or that our sampling was not done correctly. These, of course, could be legitimate criticisms. But let us assume that we have satifactorily overcome these problems. We must now attempt to find another reason why the original relationship is there. To do this requires thinking of some other factors that may be of importance. One may be age. We could argue that the "older" residents are chronologically older than the "younger" residents and that the difference in political interest is simply one of the effects of age. It would, of course, be helpful to have some type of theory or data which suggests a relationship between age and political interest. When we think another factor is responsible for our original relationship, and we wish to see if it is having any effect on the original relationship, then we say we are "controlling for," or "holding constant" this factor. 13 Or �124 SLOVAKIA put somewhat differently, we are saying "were it not for age, the original relationsb,ip would disappear or be substantially reduced." That is, we think that age is the reason why there is a relationship between residence and political interest. What we want to do, then, is to make people "alike" on age and see what happens. How shall we divide people in our sample by age? A very rough measure would be to look at people over sixty and under sixty years of age. This is represented in the following Table. TABLE 2 The Relationship of Political Interest and Residence by Age (Hypothetical Data) % STRONG POLITICAL INTEREST Old -60 10 (300) New 40 (600) Age 10 (700) Residence 40 (400) The table shows that even when we control for age, the original relationship is maintained: new residents are still more likely to have strong political interests regardless of age. How it is possible that when we controlled for age the original relationship could have "disappeared." 14 If this had happened, we would have concluded that age was the reason for the association, and that our original finding had been "spurious." 15 Since age is not the factor we are looking for, other variables must be considered. For example, one possibility would be a person's sex. That is, the reason why we observed the original relationship was because there were differences among men and women in terms of political interest. There may, of course, be many other potential explanatory variables-educational level, rural-urban residence, level of intelligence, socioeconomic status to mention just a few. No matter what variable(s) we decide to use as test factors, there should be some (often tbere is not) a priori reason for selecting them. 16 Tn return to our example, let us say we chose educational level as our test factor. OUr guess is that a person's �125 SLOVAKIA educational level is related to political interest regardless of whether or not he has resided in the United States a particular period of time. Table three illustrates this. TABLE 3 Relationship of Political Interest and Residence by Education (Hypothetical Data) % STRONG POLITlCAL INTEREST Less than H.S. Educational Level High School College Old 20 (400) 30 (300) 50 (100) New 20 (200) 30 (500) 40 (500) Residence Table three shows that when educational level is introduced as a test factor, our original relationship between residence and political activity disappears. What we are saying is that while there were more college-educated Slovaks that had a high degree of political interest, it did not matter, at any educational level whether or not the Slovaks were new or old residents. Our educational breakdowns, are of course, rather crude, and it is seldom the case that a table would appear as it does above. In addition, there would be some other problems that would require additional attention. We would want to know, for the new residents as well as the old, at what point in time the highest educational level was being measured. Thus, it would be possible to have certain members of the new residents who had not completed their formal education at the time of the study. It is also possible, for our old residents, to have a significant number fifteen years old in 1940. It would, however, be possible to ask for the highest educational level attained. Thus, one could still determine the amount of education received by the old residents after 1940. If, on the other hand, there was a large group of fifteen-year-olds who arrived in 1968, and assuming the study was done around that time, it would be possible through other means, to estimate their highest educational level of attainment. �126 SLOVAKIA EXTENDING RELATIONSHIPS: INTERVENING ANTECEDENT AND EXTRANEOUS VARIABLES A point worth noting is that if we were interested in understanding the behavior of Slovaks, and if the empirical method were chosen to do this, then the type of information received is only one segment of a larger causal chain. What we attempt to do is to examine only one part of a large and very complex pattern of behavior, and possibly relate the findings to other patterns so as to form a complete picture. Again we are asking, "why is this variable influencing that variable?" Even when we find that two variables are related, we are still faced with several problems of interpretation. For instance, in our previous example, it was found that when educational level was controlled, the original relationship disappeared. Well, what does it mean to say that the original relationship "disappears?" There are several possibilities here. One is the search for intervening variables. 17 This means that the original relationship is "caused" by the intervention of a third variable. This third variable, however, is related to the independent and dependent variables in a special way. It logically comes between the independent and dependent variables, and when controlled for, makes the original relationship disappear. For example, we might discover that Slovak-Americans and Polish-Americans differ in the amount of "ethnic consciousness" they display. 13 Let us assume that Slovak-Americans demonstrate higher levels of ethnic consciousness. We now have an original relationship between the independent variable "ethnicity" and the dependent variable "ethnic consciousness." We are again faced with the problem of trying to explain the relationship. One way would be to search for an intervening variable. The intervening variable is in effect another independent variable. The intervening variable must also logically come after the original independent variable. For our example, such a variable could be education. We could argue that ethnicity precedes education, and that education has an effect on level of consciousness. The relationship would look like the following: Ethnicity ♦ (Independent) Education ♦ (Intervening) Consciousness (Dependent) �127 SLOVAKIA We are saying here that a person's ethnic background is related to his level of education and his level of education is responsible for his degree of ethnic consciousness. Let us look at some other possiblities. One principal objective of survey research is to trace out a "causal chain." This means that in addition to looking for intervening variables, we are also finding a causal link in which a variable precedes the original independent variable, is related to it, and in which the original independent variable is then related to the dependent variable. In order to construct this chain of events, Rosenberg lists three conditions that must be set. 19 1. All three variables must be related. 2. When the antecedent variable is controlled, the relationship between the independent and dependent variables should not disappear. 3. When the independent variable is controlled, the relationship between the antecedent and dependent variables should disappear. As an illustration, let us suppose that we find a relationship between liberal and conservative Slovak-Americans and degree of alienation. Specifically, we find that conservative Slovak-Americans are more alienated. In this case, however, we are interested in looking for an antecedent variable; one that comes before political orientation and is related to it. We might postulate that such a variable could be religion. Thus, we are saying that a person's religion influences his political orientation and his political orientation influence his degree of alienation. Schematically it would be as follows: Religion • (Antecedent) Political Orientation (Independent) • Alienation (Dependent ) In order to be considered a true antecedent relationship, it would have to meet all three of Rosenberg's conditions. We would first control on religion. If the relationship is maintained between political orientation and alienation, then we are on the right track. We would next want to control on political orientation. If the relationship between religion and alienation disappears, we have found the correct antecedent variable. Let us consider one additional relationship before �SLOVAKIA 128 closing the discussion. This is called looking the extraneous variables. The logic here is this: we find a relationship between two variables, introduce a test factor, and the original relationship disappears. Let us assume further that the test factor precedes the independent factor, and therefore, is not an intervening one. If the relationship disappears, we then conclude that it was "spurious"-that another variable ( the test factor) was producing the original results. For instance, in our original example, we found that Slovaks who were "newer" residents had a higher level of political interest than "older" residents. We concluded that the reason was education. Education, in this instance, could be considered an extraneous variable. That is, there is no inherent link between the original independent and dependent variables. Rather, both are related separately to the extraneous variable education.20 The relationship would be as follows: ♦ Residence (Independent) ♦ Political Interest (Dependent) Education (Extraneous) Here we are saying that the reason why residence was associated with political interest was because education was separately related to residence and to political interest. The newer residents had more education than the older ones, and people who have lower levels of education may be less politically motivated. SUMMARY If Slovaks, whether native-born or American, are interested in maintaining their ethnic heritage, then new research efforts must be undertaken. These research efforts should at least in part use the logic and methodology of the social sciences. Although this is only one of many approaches to the understanding of social phenomena, it is an important one because it enables us to probe deeply into the motivations underlying human behavior. The above has been an elementary attempt to show some of the thinking, or logic of procedure, behind that part of empirical inquiry called survey analysis. While the procedure has many and complex facets to it, in its most �SLOVAKIA 129 general form it attempts to establish relationships between variables and then elaborates on those relationships . REFERENC ES 1) Stephen Cole, The Sociological Method (Chicago: Markham, 1972), Ch. 4. 2) Harry L. Miller and Roger R. Woock, Social Foundations of Urban Education (Hindale, Ill.: The Dryden Press, 1970), pp. 401-412. 3) See, for example, Djuro J. Vrga, "Different Associational Involvement of Successive Ethnic Immigrants: An Indicator of Ethno-Religious Factionalism and Alienation of Immigrants," Social Forces, 50 (December, 1971), pp. 239-249. 4) See, generally, Richard S. Rudner, Philosophy of Social Science (Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1966), Ch. 1 and 2. 5) One of the best volumes in this connection is Morris Rosenberg, The Logic of Survey Analysis (New York: Basic Books, 1968). I will draw heavily from Rosenberg in the remaining discussion. 6) For theory building in the social sciences, see Robert Dubin, Theory Building (New York: The Free Press, 1969) , Ch. 1 and 2. 7) Fred N. Kerlinger, Foundations of Behavioral Research (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965), p. 20. 8) Cole, The Sociological Method, Ch. 2. 9) James A. Davis, Elementary Survey Analysis (Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1971), pp. 9-10. 10) See Max D. Engelhart, Methods of Educational Research (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1972), Ch. 7. 11) Here we are only interested in establishing a percentage point difference. We are not analyzing all the cells (4) of the table, nor are we discussing "significant" differences. There are appropriate methods for this that go beyond this discussion. 12) Cole, The Sociological Method, pp. 101-106. 13) Travis Hirschi and Hanan C. Selven, Delinquency Research: An Appraisal of Analytical Methods (New York: The Free Press, 1967) , pp. 37-51; and Rosenberg, The Logic of Survey Analysis, Ch. 2 and 3. 14) "Disappear" in this context usually means that an original relationship is substantially reduced when the test factor is introduced. 15) Cole and Rosenberg give this term a slightly different meaning. We are using it in Rosenberg's sense of a relationship existing because it is an effect of a common cause, pp. 23-82. 16) Rosenberg, The Logic of Survey Analysis, pp. 37-39. 17) Ibid., pp. 54-82. 18 ) We will assume there is some way of measuring "ethnic consciousness." 19) Rosenberg, Logic of Survey Analysis, pp. 68-69. 20) Ibid., pp. 27-4-0. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1974, Vol. 24 Description An account of the resource Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1974 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 120 SLOVAKIA Survey Research and Ethnic Studies Steven I. M i l l e r , Ph.D. The basic purpose of survey research ( or broadly speaking, empirical research) is to find relationships be tween variables. 1 If a relationship, or association, can be established, than it becomes possible to predict one variable from another. Thus, if we know that the variable IQ and achievement test scores are related to one another, it then becomes possible (within limits) to predict one from the other. That is, if we know a person's IQ score, we can say with some degree of certainty what his score may be on the particular achievement test. 2 The idea of accurate prediction is one of the most important assumptions underlying the scientific method in general, and its specific applications to the field of social science. In addition to prediction, however, the idea of a relationship between two variables gives us other important information. For one, it tells us that two things that we probably did not think were associated in any meaningful way turn out to be so. We might find out, for instance, that there is a relationship between the arrival of various Slovak immigrants and their political behavior; or that compared to Polish immigrants, Slovak immigrants have voted more consistently for a particular political party.3 The idea of looking for a relationships also has consequences in terms of constructing a coherent body of propositions that can give us a clear and comprehensive picture of a field of study, i.e., Slovak immigrant behavior. In a similar view, if it is possible to establish valid empirical generalization about a specific group, then it may be possible to extend these findings to other groups. In this way, it is possible to extend the theoretical base for a field of inquiry. 4 SLOVAKIA 121 THE LOGIC OF PROCEDURE In the search for relationship in the social world, there is a definite procedure that can be utilized. There are certain logical steps that help us proceed with the investigation in such a way so as to determine the meaning of our problem. 5 The first step, then, would be to identify a problem that is of interest to us. The area of investigation should be one that is in need of clarification. Let us choose for our problem the following: Do all Slovaks concern themselves in similar ways with the political and religious problems of Slovakia? Why choose this particular issue? That would entirely depend on what we were concerned with? There are, of course, hundreds of different issues that we could turn our direction to. But let us assume that the present one is important to us because we suspect (for whatever reason) that interest in political and religious affairs in Slovakia is decreasing; it could also be the opposite: interest is increasing. Perhaps, however, we believe the first assertion is correct. Furthermore, we have some previous information from which to draw on which indicates that immigrants who have lived in their adopted country for a period of time will become socialized into the norms of that society, and will increasingly become interested in the concerns of their adopted country rather than their native one. If we had a larger context in which to place our specific problem, then, in a very broad sense, we have some type of theory. Having a "theory" of behavior enables us to focus our attention more clearly on the specific problem, as well as presenting possibilities of generalizing from our findings .6 Once we have the problem in focus, the next step is to place it in more precise and formal language. This is called an hypothesis. An hypothesis is "a conjectural statement about the relationship between two or more variables." 7 We can state the problem in the following way: there is a relationship between length of residence in the adopted country and interest in political (religious) affairs of the 122 SLOVAKIA native country. This is, of course, a very broad hypothesis, but it sets the boundaries of our investigation. It tells us, minimally, that we are interested in determining a relationship between two things: length of residence and political interest. There are many other aspects that are left open to investigation. We will examine these a little later. LOOKING FOR A RELATIONSHIP The first step is to determine whether our two variables are related. We want to know, in other words, if the independent variable length of residence is affecting the dependent variable, political interest. Residence is our independent variable because we can see that a person's length of residence may influence his political beliefs, but a person's political beliefs would not normally "cause" his length of residence. 8 To see if the variables are associated, it is necessary to show that the independent variable can be divided into at least two mutually exhaustive and inclusive categories.9 For instance, we could divide our independent variable into the categories of "old residents" and "new residents," or into more precise categories of years-perhaps every ten years. For our purposes, let us say "old residents" will be those coming to the United States from 1939 to 1950, while "new" residents will be those coming from 1950 to 1970. Let us further assume that we are dealing only with those individuals who were at least fifteen years or older when they emigrated, and who were therefore at last somewhat politically aware. To continue, let us also say that we have gotten a representative sample of Slovaks, and that through the use of a questionaire information has been received on a range of topics. In terms of political interest, we could ask, for example, whether or not they have a strong, personal interest in the political affairs of Slovakia. The responses could be measured by constructing a scale that would be a valid and reliable measure of this particular attitude. 10 Let us represent our hypothetical findings by the following table: 123 SLOVAKIA TABLE 1 Interest in Slovak Political Affairs by Length of Residence in United States (Hypothetical Data) PERCENTAGE STRONGLY INTERESTED IN POLITICAL AFFAIRS "Old" Residents 35% (1000) "New" Residents 75% (1000) Residence The table shows us that our two variables are related.11 There is a 40 percentage point difference indicating that the newer residents are more interested in Slovak political affairs than the older residents. Now if we found this type of relationship in our data, we would report the relationship and leave it at that. This would give us some information, but it would be a very restricted sort of information. One logical question we might want to ask is "why is there such a relationship?" Once we ask the "why," we are in the realm of explanatory research.12 That is, we are now interested in extending our original findings. But how can we explain the original relationship? There are many possibilities. We may argue, for example, that our original independent and dependent variables were not clearly defined, and therefore, our findings is incorrect; or that our sampling was not done correctly. These, of course, could be legitimate criticisms. But let us assume that we have satifactorily overcome these problems. We must now attempt to find another reason why the original relationship is there. To do this requires thinking of some other factors that may be of importance. One may be age. We could argue that the "older" residents are chronologically older than the "younger" residents and that the difference in political interest is simply one of the effects of age. It would, of course, be helpful to have some type of theory or data which suggests a relationship between age and political interest. When we think another factor is responsible for our original relationship, and we wish to see if it is having any effect on the original relationship, then we say we are "controlling for," or "holding constant" this factor. 13 Or 124 SLOVAKIA put somewhat differently, we are saying "were it not for age, the original relationsb,ip would disappear or be substantially reduced." That is, we think that age is the reason why there is a relationship between residence and political interest. What we want to do, then, is to make people "alike" on age and see what happens. How shall we divide people in our sample by age? A very rough measure would be to look at people over sixty and under sixty years of age. This is represented in the following Table. TABLE 2 The Relationship of Political Interest and Residence by Age (Hypothetical Data) % STRONG POLITICAL INTEREST Old -60 10 (300) New 40 (600) Age 10 (700) Residence 40 (400) The table shows that even when we control for age, the original relationship is maintained: new residents are still more likely to have strong political interests regardless of age. How it is possible that when we controlled for age the original relationship could have "disappeared." 14 If this had happened, we would have concluded that age was the reason for the association, and that our original finding had been "spurious." 15 Since age is not the factor we are looking for, other variables must be considered. For example, one possibility would be a person's sex. That is, the reason why we observed the original relationship was because there were differences among men and women in terms of political interest. There may, of course, be many other potential explanatory variables-educational level, rural-urban residence, level of intelligence, socioeconomic status to mention just a few. No matter what variable(s) we decide to use as test factors, there should be some (often tbere is not) a priori reason for selecting them. 16 Tn return to our example, let us say we chose educational level as our test factor. OUr guess is that a person's 125 SLOVAKIA educational level is related to political interest regardless of whether or not he has resided in the United States a particular period of time. Table three illustrates this. TABLE 3 Relationship of Political Interest and Residence by Education (Hypothetical Data) % STRONG POLITlCAL INTEREST Less than H.S. Educational Level High School College Old 20 (400) 30 (300) 50 (100) New 20 (200) 30 (500) 40 (500) Residence Table three shows that when educational level is introduced as a test factor, our original relationship between residence and political activity disappears. What we are saying is that while there were more college-educated Slovaks that had a high degree of political interest, it did not matter, at any educational level whether or not the Slovaks were new or old residents. Our educational breakdowns, are of course, rather crude, and it is seldom the case that a table would appear as it does above. In addition, there would be some other problems that would require additional attention. We would want to know, for the new residents as well as the old, at what point in time the highest educational level was being measured. Thus, it would be possible to have certain members of the new residents who had not completed their formal education at the time of the study. It is also possible, for our old residents, to have a significant number fifteen years old in 1940. It would, however, be possible to ask for the highest educational level attained. Thus, one could still determine the amount of education received by the old residents after 1940. If, on the other hand, there was a large group of fifteen-year-olds who arrived in 1968, and assuming the study was done around that time, it would be possible through other means, to estimate their highest educational level of attainment. 126 SLOVAKIA EXTENDING RELATIONSHIPS: INTERVENING ANTECEDENT AND EXTRANEOUS VARIABLES A point worth noting is that if we were interested in understanding the behavior of Slovaks, and if the empirical method were chosen to do this, then the type of information received is only one segment of a larger causal chain. What we attempt to do is to examine only one part of a large and very complex pattern of behavior, and possibly relate the findings to other patterns so as to form a complete picture. Again we are asking, "why is this variable influencing that variable?" Even when we find that two variables are related, we are still faced with several problems of interpretation. For instance, in our previous example, it was found that when educational level was controlled, the original relationship disappeared. Well, what does it mean to say that the original relationship "disappears?" There are several possibilities here. One is the search for intervening variables. 17 This means that the original relationship is "caused" by the intervention of a third variable. This third variable, however, is related to the independent and dependent variables in a special way. It logically comes between the independent and dependent variables, and when controlled for, makes the original relationship disappear. For example, we might discover that Slovak-Americans and Polish-Americans differ in the amount of "ethnic consciousness" they display. 13 Let us assume that Slovak-Americans demonstrate higher levels of ethnic consciousness. We now have an original relationship between the independent variable "ethnicity" and the dependent variable "ethnic consciousness." We are again faced with the problem of trying to explain the relationship. One way would be to search for an intervening variable. The intervening variable is in effect another independent variable. The intervening variable must also logically come after the original independent variable. For our example, such a variable could be education. We could argue that ethnicity precedes education, and that education has an effect on level of consciousness. The relationship would look like the following: Ethnicity ♦ (Independent) Education ♦ (Intervening) Consciousness (Dependent) 127 SLOVAKIA We are saying here that a person's ethnic background is related to his level of education and his level of education is responsible for his degree of ethnic consciousness. Let us look at some other possiblities. One principal objective of survey research is to trace out a "causal chain." This means that in addition to looking for intervening variables, we are also finding a causal link in which a variable precedes the original independent variable, is related to it, and in which the original independent variable is then related to the dependent variable. In order to construct this chain of events, Rosenberg lists three conditions that must be set. 19 1. All three variables must be related. 2. When the antecedent variable is controlled, the relationship between the independent and dependent variables should not disappear. 3. When the independent variable is controlled, the relationship between the antecedent and dependent variables should disappear. As an illustration, let us suppose that we find a relationship between liberal and conservative Slovak-Americans and degree of alienation. Specifically, we find that conservative Slovak-Americans are more alienated. In this case, however, we are interested in looking for an antecedent variable; one that comes before political orientation and is related to it. We might postulate that such a variable could be religion. Thus, we are saying that a person's religion influences his political orientation and his political orientation influence his degree of alienation. Schematically it would be as follows: Religion • (Antecedent) Political Orientation (Independent) • Alienation (Dependent ) In order to be considered a true antecedent relationship, it would have to meet all three of Rosenberg's conditions. We would first control on religion. If the relationship is maintained between political orientation and alienation, then we are on the right track. We would next want to control on political orientation. If the relationship between religion and alienation disappears, we have found the correct antecedent variable. Let us consider one additional relationship before SLOVAKIA 128 closing the discussion. This is called looking the extraneous variables. The logic here is this: we find a relationship between two variables, introduce a test factor, and the original relationship disappears. Let us assume further that the test factor precedes the independent factor, and therefore, is not an intervening one. If the relationship disappears, we then conclude that it was "spurious"-that another variable ( the test factor) was producing the original results. For instance, in our original example, we found that Slovaks who were "newer" residents had a higher level of political interest than "older" residents. We concluded that the reason was education. Education, in this instance, could be considered an extraneous variable. That is, there is no inherent link between the original independent and dependent variables. Rather, both are related separately to the extraneous variable education.20 The relationship would be as follows: ♦ Residence (Independent) ♦ Political Interest (Dependent) Education (Extraneous) Here we are saying that the reason why residence was associated with political interest was because education was separately related to residence and to political interest. The newer residents had more education than the older ones, and people who have lower levels of education may be less politically motivated. SUMMARY If Slovaks, whether native-born or American, are interested in maintaining their ethnic heritage, then new research efforts must be undertaken. These research efforts should at least in part use the logic and methodology of the social sciences. Although this is only one of many approaches to the understanding of social phenomena, it is an important one because it enables us to probe deeply into the motivations underlying human behavior. The above has been an elementary attempt to show some of the thinking, or logic of procedure, behind that part of empirical inquiry called survey analysis. While the procedure has many and complex facets to it, in its most SLOVAKIA 129 general form it attempts to establish relationships between variables and then elaborates on those relationships . REFERENC ES 1) Stephen Cole, The Sociological Method (Chicago: Markham, 1972), Ch. 4. 2) Harry L. Miller and Roger R. Woock, Social Foundations of Urban Education (Hindale, Ill.: The Dryden Press, 1970), pp. 401-412. 3) See, for example, Djuro J. Vrga, "Different Associational Involvement of Successive Ethnic Immigrants: An Indicator of Ethno-Religious Factionalism and Alienation of Immigrants," Social Forces, 50 (December, 1971), pp. 239-249. 4) See, generally, Richard S. Rudner, Philosophy of Social Science (Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1966), Ch. 1 and 2. 5) One of the best volumes in this connection is Morris Rosenberg, The Logic of Survey Analysis (New York: Basic Books, 1968). I will draw heavily from Rosenberg in the remaining discussion. 6) For theory building in the social sciences, see Robert Dubin, Theory Building (New York: The Free Press, 1969) , Ch. 1 and 2. 7) Fred N. Kerlinger, Foundations of Behavioral Research (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965), p. 20. 8) Cole, The Sociological Method, Ch. 2. 9) James A. Davis, Elementary Survey Analysis (Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1971), pp. 9-10. 10) See Max D. Engelhart, Methods of Educational Research (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1972), Ch. 7. 11) Here we are only interested in establishing a percentage point difference. We are not analyzing all the cells (4) of the table, nor are we discussing "significant" differences. There are appropriate methods for this that go beyond this discussion. 12) Cole, The Sociological Method, pp. 101-106. 13) Travis Hirschi and Hanan C. Selven, Delinquency Research: An Appraisal of Analytical Methods (New York: The Free Press, 1967) , pp. 37-51; and Rosenberg, The Logic of Survey Analysis, Ch. 2 and 3. 14) "Disappear" in this context usually means that an original relationship is substantially reduced when the test factor is introduced. 15) Cole and Rosenberg give this term a slightly different meaning. We are using it in Rosenberg's sense of a relationship existing because it is an effect of a common cause, pp. 23-82. 16) Rosenberg, The Logic of Survey Analysis, pp. 37-39. 17) Ibid., pp. 54-82. 18 ) We will assume there is some way of measuring "ethnic consciousness." 19) Rosenberg, Logic of Survey Analysis, pp. 68-69. 20) Ibid., pp. 27-4-0.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Survey Research and Ethnic Studies Description An account of the resource Steven I. Miller, Ph.D. Slovakia, Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974 pp. 120-129 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Miller, Steven I. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1974 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/b1a85b1b41473f73a2afecfbab35cd9a.pdf 5690363428fb0764a76a83ea53c572bc PDF Text Text 68 SLOVAKIA FATHER ANDREW HLINKA - - An Unspent Martyr - A Slovak Soul on Slovak Soil - A Heart of Gold in a Humble Body A Leader of Men, Led by the Spirit of His People - Who is this man who after a quarter century is yet cherished in the memories of the young adult generation of Slovak descent ? Who is he, so loved by his contemporaries in Slovakia, whom he stiirred to zeal for the brotherhood of man under the fatherhood of God in a nation of their own choice? Who is the man that suffered humiliatioo and degradation to free the Slovaks from political and economic enslavement? 'J.'lhese questions are answerable in the life and activirties of Father Andrew Hlinka, born a Slovak peasant in the village of Cernova on September 27, 1864, and died a Monsignor of the Catholic Church on August 16, 1938, at the age of 74, in Ruzomberok, seven months before the Declaration of Independence of Slovrukia and its proclama~ tion to -the world of ia Slovak Republic on March 14, 1939. Father Hlinka did not live to see or participate in a selfgoverning, free and independent Slovakia, recognized •b y 27 countries from Rome through Russia. Nor did Father Hlinka live to see or experience the invasion of Slovakia by Communist armies in May of 1945, or the execution of his beloved friend and successor, Monsignor Joseph Tiso, the first President of Slovakia. For over 50 years Father Hlinka fought for the rights of the Slovaks - as people of self-determination, of civic, cultural and economic ·pursuit in which they were suppressed, first, before World War I by the Magyar overlords of Hungary in the Monarchy of ·Austria-Hungary, and then until 1938 entrapped in a ~ohemian political machine maneuvered by Thomas Masaryk and Edwar:a Benes in the newly created state of Czecho-Slovakia, in which the hyphen was deliberately deleted and the Slovaks proclaimed to be "Czechs" by their new masters. Just as there a �SLOVAKIA 69 were Sloviaks who sold their birthrights to the Magyar overlords for political and economic privileges, so there were Slovaks who ran to the Czech ringmasters to be deJhyphenated and absorbed as "Czechoslovaks". But Father Hlinka was a true Slovak heart, soul and body, sufi'ering discouragement, humiliation, torment and imprisonment at the •h ands both of the Magyars and of the Czechs, and he epitomizes the Slovak in the history of the world. Karol Sidor concludes his biogra;phy of Father Hlinka with the following tribute: "There he stands as lhough less a mortal man than an enshrined symbol, as one not formed of earth's clay but woven of the noblest feelings and thoughts of man. Consequently, in Hlinka, each Slovak recognized himself and in every Slovak there was something of Hlinka , gilded with heroism, goodness, loyalty, courage, and the nobility of Hlinka's heart. Thus did Andrew Hlinka live, and thus will he remain as long as even one Slovak remains." At the age of twenty Hlinka was expelled from the seminary by the Hungarian authorities on charges of PanSlavism, of promoting the study of Slovak, both }anguage and literature, and of fostering loyalty to their ancestry among the Slovak seminarians. Later he was recalled and on June 19, 1889 1he was ordained a priest. In Cernova, the vmage of his birth, Hlinka helped and encouraged his people to erect a church, but he was not permitted to· participate in its consecration, for he was under suspension (unjustly) already a year and a half. The villagers, who had expected his reinstatement, held a demonstmtion in protest. Without warning the government ·gendarmes · fired into the crowd, killing fifteen persons and wounding several others. The incident is remembered as the Cernova Massacre of October 27, 1907. In March, 1909 the Vatican exonerated Hlinka, who was in prison at the time, and lifted the suspension. In June of the same year Father Hlinka was delegated to consecrate the church in Cernova. During one of his prison terms under the Hungarian regime, loather Hlinka translated the Old Testament of the Holy Bible into Slovak, and during another prison term he completed his "Apologia for Christianity" in Slovak. At the age of 55 he was arrested and imprisoned by �70 SLOVAKIA the "Czechoslovak" government for fighting the anti-clerica1ism of Czech rp oliticians, a drive to Czech-ize the Sfovaks and economioally force their submission. Rioting, demonstrations ,a nd the ele0tion ,b y the Slovaks of Hlinka to the "Czechoslova;k" Parliament necessitated 'his release from prison in 1920. It is true that as early as 1908 Fabher Hlinka looked to a union with the Moravians and Ozechs to strengthen the Slav position, with the understanding however, that the Slovaks would enjoy autonomy and cultural and political freedom. The Cleveland Agreement of 1915 and the Pittsburgh Pact of 1918 indicated that we in America agreed with what ouT brothers and ancestors in Slovakiia desired. However, once Masaryk and Benes were in power, Father Hlinka was chagrined to see that the Slovaks continued to be the victims of harsh discrimination in all phases of government, education and 'Public life. Diplomatic documents in the British archives attest to the errors of the Czech administration by corruption in public office, attempts to substitute Czech for the Slovak language, hostility of Czedh soldiers and officials to the Catholic Church, which included desecration and mutilation of crucifixes and holy images, intemerence in marriages and similiaT offenses against the principles of culture and decency. It was also officially reported by the British Minister, Cecil Gosling, who witnessed conditions in Slovakia in late 1919, that Slovakia was flooded with Czech officials and the Slovaks dismissed, or if employed, they received from ½ to ¾ ~ess pay than the Czechs. The Benes-Masaryk intrigue led to .flirtini with and fawning over Rrussiain Communism and its religious, social and economic fallacies. Father Hlinka's h eart and soul were tormented ,b y the God-less and inhuman policies emamating from Prague and found it necessary to organize his Slova,k people for their own well-being, and his "Hlin:ka's People's Party" became a ,p olitical success in 1925. Protesting the activities and genocidal efforts first af the Magyars and then of the Czechs Father Hlinka became the savior of his people. He adopted as his motto "For God rand n at i o n" and showed whi:wt love of God and fuith in humanity can accmnrplish. One u1nfamiliar with S 1 o v a k ,feeling1S and sentiments may ~ why a priest should have to be the leader of his nation and participate �SLOVAKIA 71 in civic affairs - even unto degradation and imprisonment? The answer is simply that a Catholic priest takes ian oath to God to minister to the people and cannot countenance injustice or inhumanity. As a human •b eing man is worthy of dignity, respect and ,p ossesses the right to live a life worbhy of his reward in heaven. For over a thousand years under ,t:Jhe Magyaris, the only educated group were the priests - bhey were the healers of the mi111d as well as of the soul. The priests were the leaders, the counselors of the people in civic as well as in religious matters. It is true that while the past two generations of laity in SloV'akia produced an educated intelligentsia, in the years prior to World War I. our Slovak ancestors were serfs, peasants, yes, slaves of the soil owned by their ancestors. On the occasion of the death of Fr. Hlinka the American journalist, Stephen J. Palickar, wrote as follows (Jednota, August 24, 1938) : "Father 1Hlinka has departed from our midst, but his spirit has not. And while God in His Divine Providence has removed him in the .flower of his activity, we, of the loyal Slovaks, whether in Europe or America, will continue to use the spirit of Hllnka as an instrument of battle untll such time when the Slovaks have regained that whlol;I rightfully !belongs to them, namely, their freedom in the Fatherland of Slovensko." There are great Slovak leaders among our Catholic priests today, particularly in the U.S.A. and Canada, thougih they ·p refer to •h ave laymen lead in social and civic affairs, as witness the great fraternal orgianizations and prominent elected public officials. But we are graiteful for the initiative and zeal that serve as a pattern for us. Father Stephen Furdek founded the Slovak League of America in Cleveland, Ohio, on May 26, 1907. It has the greatest representation of Slovaks in the world today, and interesting to say, it is non-denominational, though Christian. Some 17 years earlier, Father Furdek had organized the First Catholic Slovak Union and a sister Jednota two years later. The spirit of Fr. Hlinka permeated Fr. Furdek, and that spirit of a "slovensky duch" can be seen in such men of cloth as Bishops Andrew G. Grutka, of Gary, Indiana, Paul Hnilica (Jesutt) of Rome and Michael Rusnak (Redemptorist) of Canada, Rt. Rev. Theodore G. Kojis (Benedictine Abbot), Cleveland, Rt. Rev. Stanislav F. Gmuca. �72 SLOVAKIA (A:bbot), Monsignors Dubosh, Mlynarovic, Krasula, Petro, and many others. Another kindred spirit of Hlinka was found in Dr. Karol Kmefiko, who was appointed Archbishop of Nitra, in Slovakia, in 1944, which is the same ancient Nitra of which St. Methodius was first Archbishop over 1,000 years before. You will recall the brothers Sts. Cyril and Methodius in Slova:kia in 863 AD. These Arpostles were Greeks, but certainly Ohristlike in spirit in their love for the Slovaks, since they Christianized our Slovak ancestors and compiled an alphalbet from the linguistic sounds, which to this day is the basis of Slovak culture and civilization. Again an echo of Fr. Hlinka's words, Za Borhra a rnirod. No doubt any Slovak can think of dedicated Slovak priests whom he admires, respects, and loves. Three wonderfu!l priests who left their impreissfon on me through personal associiaJt.ion are Frs. Florian C. Bihly (Franciscan) of Lisbon Falls, Me., who pours out rhis heart and soul in Slovak sermons and songs; Andrew V. Pier (Benedictine) of the Abbey in Cleveland, a schol•ar, educator and prolific chronicler of "Slovakiama", and Gerald P. Brennan (Jesuit) of Marquette University, Milwaukee, Wis., an Irishman who stimulated the students of Slovak ancestry to organize the Father Hlinka Club at Marquette in February of 1939, some six months after Father Hlinka's death in Slovakia. One of the first presidents of the Flather Hlinka Club was Joseph Labaj, then a journalism student, who shortly thereafter left us to enter the Jesuit novitiate and is todray "Father Joe" Labaj, S.J., ,t he principal of Marquette University High School, at Milwaukee. The Constitution of the Father Hlinka Club, signed by the student organizers on February 6, 1939, stated as its purpose : Catholic action among the Slovaik people to be accomplished with the cooperation of the SloV1a:k parish priests; and the statement of intention, Article 1, parag. 4 reads: "To counter a ct any subversive actiTities a mong our people which might tend to undermine their faith or ,the democratic principles of our governm e nt, a nd to expose and expla in any activities which might place our people in dangerous or embarrassing circumstances" . Marquette University approved the Faither Hlinka Club on February 14, 1939; it affiliated itself with Sodality �SLOVAKIA 73 activities, and the following month, on St. Piatrick's day, Dr. Raphael C. McCarthy, President of the University, accepted ,the offer and became the first 1honorary member of the Father Hlinka Club. Father McCarthy became enthusiastic wbout the aims of this Slovak Catholic students' group and predicted i,t would afford real laboratory training and develop leadersihip among the Slovak people. Since then numerous educators, lawyers, doctors, dentists, journalists and engineers have gone through the club. At ,the time the U.S.A. entered World War II, all nationality clubs were deacti\nated at Marquette with attendrunt difficulties in reorganizing later. Attorney John F. Spacek and Dr. Albert Nemcek, as M.U. students were early ,p ost-war presidents of the Father Hlinka Olub. Father Oasimir Cvercko, O.F.M. Conv., pastor of St. Stephen's (Slovak) Church in Milwaukee at that time, gave much encouragement to the M. U. Slovak students, ,and iit is recalled that one year the Hlinka Club entered a "float" and won first place in the clubs and societies division of the University Homecoming (football) parade. A "Father Hlinka Club Scholarship Fund" was started many years ago, to which the national Jednota and Sokol societies contributed money, insufficient, however, for a permanent scholarship, thereby necessitating only partial grants to Oathoiic students of Slovak origin or descent. A few years ago, this author recalls, Miss Carol Zvara of Milwaukee was publicized in the metropolitan press as recipient of ia Father Hlinka Scholarship grant, Which I 'believe to !have been merely ,a modest honorarium. At the present time the Father Hlinka Club is inactive, but with the help of Marquette Slovak alumni, iit can certainly be reactivated, and no doubt the Slovak people and Slovak societies throughout the U.S.A. would contribute funds to reinvigorate the :Blather Hlinka Club Scholarship Fund at Marquette University. The help would have to come from outside as most of our students there are present through the sacrifices of their Slov,ak ,parents and lack time for solicitation of funds for future scholars. We have since infancy heard our parents speak of "nasa mladez" and "buducnosf nasho slovenskeho naroda", i. e. our youth and the future of the Slovaks. The thought has been e~ressed that scholarship help should �74 SLOVAKIA be on a college level because nowadays public high schools are available to anyone of average intelligence, and that it is in college that leadership and professionalism can be developed for ,t he Slovaks. A recent aTtiC'le in Jednota by Daniel Tanzone, Jr., of Yonkers, N. Y., ,a high school senior of Slovak-Italian descent, tells Editor Krajsa of the interest 'he has in past and present Slova;k life, and pleads for the donation of Slovak books in English for the library of the good Slovak Sisters of SS CYTil and Method1us at the Slovak school of the Most Holy Trinity. This is a good example of a student of Slovak origin or descent, who should ,b e benefited by the Father Hlink<a Club Scholarship Fund. This young man has a real zeal for rhis Slovak ancestry which he expresses without shame or reservation. Konstantin Culen, journailist and authority on Slovak culture and political histOTy, a man who was schooled under the Magyar and Czech regimes, and who died in New York last year, credited American Slovaks with great influence, saying, "What the Slovaks brought frem America they sought to validate at home. The American way of life encouraged and dir ected their plans in Slovakia. Slovak life waxed strong even during the hardest times, because H was nourished materially and ideologically by a current of material and spiri,tual wea1th from America". Culen and Sidor, in the spirit of F'ather Hlin'ka were joined by the late Philip Hroba:k, an American of Slovak descent, an educator, a writer of materials rich in cultural, social, historical and political "Slovakiana". Hrobak was the first American leader, in 1957, to receive the Hlinka Silver Award. Is the Slovak heritage to be submerged? Is Slovak ancestry to be denied? Is Slovakia in Europe any less entitled to self-determined, self-governed statehood than any other nationality on earth? Scores of "new nations" have been recognized and added to the roster of the United Nations, but the Slov,ruks get little sympathy from the political sophisticates of today, ,p articularly those who show a peculiar affinity with the aims and ideals of the red tyrants of Russia. Well-meaning people would not deprive Slovaks of �SLOVARlA 75 their God-given rights, even if they never heard the word Slovak. Eleven hundred years ago, two non-Sloviak Greek brothers, Sts. Cyril and Methodius, recognized the rights of the Slovaks and compiled the ancient Cyrillic alphabet so that the people could extend and per,petuate their culture. 'l'he Greeks had a word for it as did Ohrist the Leader 863 years before, - "Teach ye all nations." Pope Paul VI, in speaking to a Slovia!k assemblage, led by the Slovak Bishop Andrew Grutka of Gary, gathered at the Vaticam on September 14, 1963, spoke to them as "dear Slovak children" and referred to their "centuries-old traditions." Further, the Pope lauded them: "Dear Sons of the Slovak nation, to our satisfaction and to our praise, for reasons already explained, allow us to add a werd of paternal recommendation - perseverance. Continue to cultivate the mem©ry, the cult, the imitaition of your Saints (Cyril and Methodius), who from the di-stant Middle Ages even now light the path along which the spirLt of the Slovak people must pass in our time and in the fut ure ... " And obviously aware of us over here, the Pope interjected: "We want to be mindful specially of the Slovak people resident in the United States of America ... " In his closing remarks, His Holiness said: "We will invoke the Sorrowful Mother whom the Slovaks consider their heavenly Patroness." Hon. Robert F. Kennedy, Attorney General of the U.S., speaking for his brother, President John F. Kennedy, to the Slovak OatJholic Sokols at the July 14, 1963 gymnastics at Youngstown, Ohio, stated: "As a representative of the Un~ted States government, the President has asked me to tell you that ,the United !States rwill continue to support the jus,t aspirations of all people in the world for independenee and liberty - aspirations which the Slovaks share today with many other captive nations." Hon. Michael A. Feig,han, U.S. Representative from Ohio, addressing the Lakewood, Ohio Slovaks on Slovak Independence, last year, said: "Slovakia today suffers under the harsh heel of Ru ssian Communist occupation. That occupaJtion has sought to rob the Slovak people of their ancient traditions, their r eligious, aBd their heritage as well as their political liberties. But the Slovak people are steeled in ,their tactics which must be employed against a foreign. occupier. Time and the experience of centuries has prepared them well for �76 SLOVAKIA the tests they now endure. It Is !Lttle wond er that the . spirit of r esistance to ,tyranny runs so strong in !Slovakia today. The Russians as well as their rCzech quislings in Prague, know the power of Slovak national aspirations." On Easter of 1963, Pope John XXIII, spoke a greeting in "Slovaik" to be faithful, wherever they mig,ht live. In July of 1963, the St. Stephen's Catholic Social Club of Milwaukee, Wisconsin, in a Commemorative publication then edited ,b y Mary Liptaik, quotes Bishop Walter W. CuTtis of Bridgeport, Conn. as exhorting: " . . . 1:Jhe task of keeping the fiaith in Slovakia and elsewhere does not rest only with the people of Slovak origin ... it belongs to everyone, regardless of national origin." Mrs. Mina Haas, present editor of the St. Stephen's Social Club Commentary, quotes U.S. Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy, as pointedly reflecting that: " Th e U nited •States would be a poorer nation today, economically, intellectually, culturally and in every other way, if it we re not for the two milion of our citizens who are of Slovak bir th or ancestry." The above paragraphs are given as examples of nonSlovak intelligentsia who r ecognize the Slovaks. The spirited writer, Faither B. S. Bue (Franciscan), says Slovak nationalism in the U .S.A. is described as the condition of being of Slovak descent, and asks, "Do we prefer to be known as Slova:ks, or do we consider our Slovak nationality as an irritant from the past?" Father Bue cautions that we should not attempt to conceal our Slovail{ identity and that we should not abandon our Slovak roots. '!'hough Father Bue feels the Slovak language, native in Slovakia, but not the "native tongue" of the United States, is falling in usage through speedy Americanizaition, he does say we must foster the Slovak language, having in mind its promotion in our schools like any foreign language. This pr ogram of ,t eaching Slovak in colleges, high schools and grade schools is more apparent in the eastern United Stat es. Father Bue states, as we know, that prejudices exist among minority groups which psychologically may ciause an inferiority complex, the rapid solution by rationale may include subservience to a considered superior nil,tionalism, which confronts all ethnic groups in America. "As in the case of competition, so in regard to prejudice", says Father Bue, "weak characters manifest an inferiority complex and �SLOVAKIA 77 strong cha r ac te r s show greater res olu ten ess in accep ti ng thei r Godgiven na tiona l id entity ... L et us therefore w ork for t he p rese r vation and continuity of Slova k, a s a m a tter o! tru th , w isdom a nd justice." The above analysis makes an impact upon us adults of Slovak origin amd descent, but is it assuring enough for our youngsters of the third and fourth generations? Surely they are not all like D8.1Jlny Tanzone of Yonkers, New York, mentioned above. ~a,t will ha n to the Slovak schools, churche institutions until refurbished ·b S'1ovak immigration after the fall of the communist iron-curtain, ~ hic'h we feel God will decr..ee ? I spea:k of an insidious influence rancored •b r e ·udi e if not b actual intent 0Jnd desi against the Slovaks. We know of the attempted genocide under the Magyar rulers and - t lieBohemian politicians, but are we aware of the da r of non-Slovrul_{s who cleverly demoralize with snide remarks, uncomplimentary jokes, derisioo,inlluendo, - actually forcing us out of "'k ey posts in clubs, lodges, institutions and even churches! , Me&nwhil~, let us trust to our faith and the prevailing spirit of Father Hlinka among Slovak leaders, let us hold to o ur l•a n u e, our culture:-our ·institutions and let us be Slova f radle rave with the g ui ance of the Slovak L eague of .America. Joseph N. Misany REC OMMEN DEID RE}ADINGS: Slovak s of H u ngary, Th omas Capek, N. Y., 19 06. Scotus Viator (R. W . Seton-Watson), Racial Problems in Hunga r y, 1908. Hungar y a nd Her Successors, C. A. Macartney, Oxford Press , 193 7. Th e Slovak s, 1Peter P. Yurcha k, Whiting, Indiana, F r . Lach, 1946. Andrew H lin ka (Biogr a phy), K a rol Sidor, Br atislava/ J ednota P ress. Slovak ia an d Its People , ,Prof. Gilb er t L. Oddo, Slovak I nstitute. 2900 E. Blvd., Clevela nd, Ohio, 1960. Slova kia, - A Poli tical H is<tory (1918-50), J oseph A. Mikus , 1963, Marquette University Press, Milwaukee , Wis. Slovak ia, 1962, Dr. John R ek em, -Mid dl etown, Pa., Slova k League o! America. An Ou tline of Slovakia's Struggle fo r In depend ence, J . M. Kirsch ba um, 1964, Canadian Slovak League. Was Czech th e Veh icle of Slovak Liter ature? iPhilip A. Hrobak, 1962. Slovak Grammar, J . J . Konu s, P ittsburgh, 1939. Slovak Dictionary, Lessons, Grammar & Rea dillgs, J ednota Press (Hrobak) . Slovak Newspaper s and P er iodicals (U.S.A., Canada, Sou th America ); r efer Drs. J oseph P a 11.co, Joseph M. Kir schba u m, Konstantin Culen. � 68 SLOVAKIA FATHER ANDREW HLINKA - - An Unspent Martyr - A Slovak Soul on Slovak Soil - A Heart of Gold in a Humble Body A Leader of Men, Led by the Spirit of His People - Who is this man who after a quarter century is yet cherished in the memories of the young adult generation of Slovak descent ? Who is he, so loved by his contemporaries in Slovakia, whom he stiirred to zeal for the brotherhood of man under the fatherhood of God in a nation of their own choice? Who is the man that suffered humiliatioo and degradation to free the Slovaks from political and economic enslavement? 'J.'lhese questions are answerable in the life and activirties of Father Andrew Hlinka, born a Slovak peasant in the village of Cernova on September 27, 1864, and died a Monsignor of the Catholic Church on August 16, 1938, at the age of 74, in Ruzomberok, seven months before the Declaration of Independence of Slovrukia and its proclama~ tion to -the world of ia Slovak Republic on March 14, 1939. Father Hlinka did not live to see or participate in a selfgoverning, free and independent Slovakia, recognized •b y 27 countries from Rome through Russia. Nor did Father Hlinka live to see or experience the invasion of Slovakia by Communist armies in May of 1945, or the execution of his beloved friend and successor, Monsignor Joseph Tiso, the first President of Slovakia. For over 50 years Father Hlinka fought for the rights of the Slovaks - as people of self-determination, of civic, cultural and economic ·pursuit in which they were suppressed, first, before World War I by the Magyar overlords of Hungary in the Monarchy of ·Austria-Hungary, and then until 1938 entrapped in a ~ohemian political machine maneuvered by Thomas Masaryk and Edwar:a Benes in the newly created state of Czecho-Slovakia, in which the hyphen was deliberately deleted and the Slovaks proclaimed to be "Czechs" by their new masters. Just as there a �SLOVAKIA 69 were Sloviaks who sold their birthrights to the Magyar overlords for political and economic privileges, so there were Slovaks who ran to the Czech ringmasters to be deJhyphenated and absorbed as "Czechoslovaks". But Father Hlinka was a true Slovak heart, soul and body, sufi'ering discouragement, humiliation, torment and imprisonment at the •h ands both of the Magyars and of the Czechs, and he epitomizes the Slovak in the history of the world. Karol Sidor concludes his biogra;phy of Father Hlinka with the following tribute: "There he stands as lhough less a mortal man than an enshrined symbol, as one not formed of earth's clay but woven of the noblest feelings and thoughts of man. Consequently, in Hlinka, each Slovak recognized himself and in every Slovak there was something of Hlinka , gilded with heroism, goodness, loyalty, courage, and the nobility of Hlinka's heart. Thus did Andrew Hlinka live, and thus will he remain as long as even one Slovak remains." At the age of twenty Hlinka was expelled from the seminary by the Hungarian authorities on charges of PanSlavism, of promoting the study of Slovak, both }anguage and literature, and of fostering loyalty to their ancestry among the Slovak seminarians. Later he was recalled and on June 19, 1889 1he was ordained a priest. In Cernova, the vmage of his birth, Hlinka helped and encouraged his people to erect a church, but he was not permitted to· participate in its consecration, for he was under suspension (unjustly) already a year and a half. The villagers, who had expected his reinstatement, held a demonstmtion in protest. Without warning the government ·gendarmes · fired into the crowd, killing fifteen persons and wounding several others. The incident is remembered as the Cernova Massacre of October 27, 1907. In March, 1909 the Vatican exonerated Hlinka, who was in prison at the time, and lifted the suspension. In June of the same year Father Hlinka was delegated to consecrate the church in Cernova. During one of his prison terms under the Hungarian regime, loather Hlinka translated the Old Testament of the Holy Bible into Slovak, and during another prison term he completed his "Apologia for Christianity" in Slovak. At the age of 55 he was arrested and imprisoned by �70 SLOVAKIA the "Czechoslovak" government for fighting the anti-clerica1ism of Czech rp oliticians, a drive to Czech-ize the Sfovaks and economioally force their submission. Rioting, demonstrations ,a nd the ele0tion ,b y the Slovaks of Hlinka to the "Czechoslova;k" Parliament necessitated 'his release from prison in 1920. It is true that as early as 1908 Fabher Hlinka looked to a union with the Moravians and Ozechs to strengthen the Slav position, with the understanding however, that the Slovaks would enjoy autonomy and cultural and political freedom. The Cleveland Agreement of 1915 and the Pittsburgh Pact of 1918 indicated that we in America agreed with what ouT brothers and ancestors in Slovakiia desired. However, once Masaryk and Benes were in power, Father Hlinka was chagrined to see that the Slovaks continued to be the victims of harsh discrimination in all phases of government, education and 'Public life. Diplomatic documents in the British archives attest to the errors of the Czech administration by corruption in public office, attempts to substitute Czech for the Slovak language, hostility of Czedh soldiers and officials to the Catholic Church, which included desecration and mutilation of crucifixes and holy images, intemerence in marriages and similiaT offenses against the principles of culture and decency. It was also officially reported by the British Minister, Cecil Gosling, who witnessed conditions in Slovakia in late 1919, that Slovakia was flooded with Czech officials and the Slovaks dismissed, or if employed, they received from ½ to ¾ ~ess pay than the Czechs. The Benes-Masaryk intrigue led to .flirtini with and fawning over Rrussiain Communism and its religious, social and economic fallacies. Father Hlinka's h eart and soul were tormented ,b y the God-less and inhuman policies emamating from Prague and found it necessary to organize his Slova,k people for their own well-being, and his "Hlin:ka's People's Party" became a ,p olitical success in 1925. Protesting the activities and genocidal efforts first af the Magyars and then of the Czechs Father Hlinka became the savior of his people. He adopted as his motto "For God rand n at i o n" and showed whi:wt love of God and fuith in humanity can accmnrplish. One u1nfamiliar with S 1 o v a k ,feeling1S and sentiments may ~ why a priest should have to be the leader of his nation and participate �SLOVAKIA 71 in civic affairs - even unto degradation and imprisonment? The answer is simply that a Catholic priest takes ian oath to God to minister to the people and cannot countenance injustice or inhumanity. As a human •b eing man is worthy of dignity, respect and ,p ossesses the right to live a life worbhy of his reward in heaven. For over a thousand years under ,t:Jhe Magyaris, the only educated group were the priests - bhey were the healers of the mi111d as well as of the soul. The priests were the leaders, the counselors of the people in civic as well as in religious matters. It is true that while the past two generations of laity in SloV'akia produced an educated intelligentsia, in the years prior to World War I. our Slovak ancestors were serfs, peasants, yes, slaves of the soil owned by their ancestors. On the occasion of the death of Fr. Hlinka the American journalist, Stephen J. Palickar, wrote as follows (Jednota, August 24, 1938) : "Father 1Hlinka has departed from our midst, but his spirit has not. And while God in His Divine Providence has removed him in the .flower of his activity, we, of the loyal Slovaks, whether in Europe or America, will continue to use the spirit of Hllnka as an instrument of battle untll such time when the Slovaks have regained that whlol;I rightfully !belongs to them, namely, their freedom in the Fatherland of Slovensko." There are great Slovak leaders among our Catholic priests today, particularly in the U.S.A. and Canada, thougih they ·p refer to •h ave laymen lead in social and civic affairs, as witness the great fraternal orgianizations and prominent elected public officials. But we are graiteful for the initiative and zeal that serve as a pattern for us. Father Stephen Furdek founded the Slovak League of America in Cleveland, Ohio, on May 26, 1907. It has the greatest representation of Slovaks in the world today, and interesting to say, it is non-denominational, though Christian. Some 17 years earlier, Father Furdek had organized the First Catholic Slovak Union and a sister Jednota two years later. The spirit of Fr. Hlinka permeated Fr. Furdek, and that spirit of a "slovensky duch" can be seen in such men of cloth as Bishops Andrew G. Grutka, of Gary, Indiana, Paul Hnilica (Jesutt) of Rome and Michael Rusnak (Redemptorist) of Canada, Rt. Rev. Theodore G. Kojis (Benedictine Abbot), Cleveland, Rt. Rev. Stanislav F. Gmuca. �72 SLOVAKIA (A:bbot), Monsignors Dubosh, Mlynarovic, Krasula, Petro, and many others. Another kindred spirit of Hlinka was found in Dr. Karol Kmefiko, who was appointed Archbishop of Nitra, in Slovakia, in 1944, which is the same ancient Nitra of which St. Methodius was first Archbishop over 1,000 years before. You will recall the brothers Sts. Cyril and Methodius in Slova:kia in 863 AD. These Arpostles were Greeks, but certainly Ohristlike in spirit in their love for the Slovaks, since they Christianized our Slovak ancestors and compiled an alphalbet from the linguistic sounds, which to this day is the basis of Slovak culture and civilization. Again an echo of Fr. Hlinka's words, Za Borhra a rnirod. No doubt any Slovak can think of dedicated Slovak priests whom he admires, respects, and loves. Three wonderfu!l priests who left their impreissfon on me through personal associiaJt.ion are Frs. Florian C. Bihly (Franciscan) of Lisbon Falls, Me., who pours out rhis heart and soul in Slovak sermons and songs; Andrew V. Pier (Benedictine) of the Abbey in Cleveland, a schol•ar, educator and prolific chronicler of "Slovakiama", and Gerald P. Brennan (Jesuit) of Marquette University, Milwaukee, Wis., an Irishman who stimulated the students of Slovak ancestry to organize the Father Hlinka Club at Marquette in February of 1939, some six months after Father Hlinka's death in Slovakia. One of the first presidents of the Flather Hlinka Club was Joseph Labaj, then a journalism student, who shortly thereafter left us to enter the Jesuit novitiate and is todray "Father Joe" Labaj, S.J., ,t he principal of Marquette University High School, at Milwaukee. The Constitution of the Father Hlinka Club, signed by the student organizers on February 6, 1939, stated as its purpose : Catholic action among the Slovaik people to be accomplished with the cooperation of the SloV1a:k parish priests; and the statement of intention, Article 1, parag. 4 reads: "To counter a ct any subversive actiTities a mong our people which might tend to undermine their faith or ,the democratic principles of our governm e nt, a nd to expose and expla in any activities which might place our people in dangerous or embarrassing circumstances" . Marquette University approved the Faither Hlinka Club on February 14, 1939; it affiliated itself with Sodality �SLOVAKIA 73 activities, and the following month, on St. Piatrick's day, Dr. Raphael C. McCarthy, President of the University, accepted ,the offer and became the first 1honorary member of the Father Hlinka Club. Father McCarthy became enthusiastic wbout the aims of this Slovak Catholic students' group and predicted i,t would afford real laboratory training and develop leadersihip among the Slovak people. Since then numerous educators, lawyers, doctors, dentists, journalists and engineers have gone through the club. At ,the time the U.S.A. entered World War II, all nationality clubs were deacti\nated at Marquette with attendrunt difficulties in reorganizing later. Attorney John F. Spacek and Dr. Albert Nemcek, as M.U. students were early ,p ost-war presidents of the Father Hlinka Olub. Father Oasimir Cvercko, O.F.M. Conv., pastor of St. Stephen's (Slovak) Church in Milwaukee at that time, gave much encouragement to the M. U. Slovak students, ,and iit is recalled that one year the Hlinka Club entered a "float" and won first place in the clubs and societies division of the University Homecoming (football) parade. A "Father Hlinka Club Scholarship Fund" was started many years ago, to which the national Jednota and Sokol societies contributed money, insufficient, however, for a permanent scholarship, thereby necessitating only partial grants to Oathoiic students of Slovak origin or descent. A few years ago, this author recalls, Miss Carol Zvara of Milwaukee was publicized in the metropolitan press as recipient of ia Father Hlinka Scholarship grant, Which I 'believe to !have been merely ,a modest honorarium. At the present time the Father Hlinka Club is inactive, but with the help of Marquette Slovak alumni, iit can certainly be reactivated, and no doubt the Slovak people and Slovak societies throughout the U.S.A. would contribute funds to reinvigorate the :Blather Hlinka Club Scholarship Fund at Marquette University. The help would have to come from outside as most of our students there are present through the sacrifices of their Slov,ak ,parents and lack time for solicitation of funds for future scholars. We have since infancy heard our parents speak of "nasa mladez" and "buducnosf nasho slovenskeho naroda", i. e. our youth and the future of the Slovaks. The thought has been e~ressed that scholarship help should �74 SLOVAKIA be on a college level because nowadays public high schools are available to anyone of average intelligence, and that it is in college that leadership and professionalism can be developed for ,t he Slovaks. A recent aTtiC'le in Jednota by Daniel Tanzone, Jr., of Yonkers, N. Y., ,a high school senior of Slovak-Italian descent, tells Editor Krajsa of the interest 'he has in past and present Slova;k life, and pleads for the donation of Slovak books in English for the library of the good Slovak Sisters of SS CYTil and Method1us at the Slovak school of the Most Holy Trinity. This is a good example of a student of Slovak origin or descent, who should ,b e benefited by the Father Hlink<a Club Scholarship Fund. This young man has a real zeal for rhis Slovak ancestry which he expresses without shame or reservation. Konstantin Culen, journailist and authority on Slovak culture and political histOTy, a man who was schooled under the Magyar and Czech regimes, and who died in New York last year, credited American Slovaks with great influence, saying, "What the Slovaks brought frem America they sought to validate at home. The American way of life encouraged and dir ected their plans in Slovakia. Slovak life waxed strong even during the hardest times, because H was nourished materially and ideologically by a current of material and spiri,tual wea1th from America". Culen and Sidor, in the spirit of F'ather Hlin'ka were joined by the late Philip Hroba:k, an American of Slovak descent, an educator, a writer of materials rich in cultural, social, historical and political "Slovakiana". Hrobak was the first American leader, in 1957, to receive the Hlinka Silver Award. Is the Slovak heritage to be submerged? Is Slovak ancestry to be denied? Is Slovakia in Europe any less entitled to self-determined, self-governed statehood than any other nationality on earth? Scores of "new nations" have been recognized and added to the roster of the United Nations, but the Slov,ruks get little sympathy from the political sophisticates of today, ,p articularly those who show a peculiar affinity with the aims and ideals of the red tyrants of Russia. Well-meaning people would not deprive Slovaks of �SLOVARlA 75 their God-given rights, even if they never heard the word Slovak. Eleven hundred years ago, two non-Sloviak Greek brothers, Sts. Cyril and Methodius, recognized the rights of the Slovaks and compiled the ancient Cyrillic alphabet so that the people could extend and per,petuate their culture. 'l'he Greeks had a word for it as did Ohrist the Leader 863 years before, - "Teach ye all nations." Pope Paul VI, in speaking to a Slovia!k assemblage, led by the Slovak Bishop Andrew Grutka of Gary, gathered at the Vaticam on September 14, 1963, spoke to them as "dear Slovak children" and referred to their "centuries-old traditions." Further, the Pope lauded them: "Dear Sons of the Slovak nation, to our satisfaction and to our praise, for reasons already explained, allow us to add a werd of paternal recommendation - perseverance. Continue to cultivate the mem©ry, the cult, the imitaition of your Saints (Cyril and Methodius), who from the di-stant Middle Ages even now light the path along which the spirLt of the Slovak people must pass in our time and in the fut ure ... " And obviously aware of us over here, the Pope interjected: "We want to be mindful specially of the Slovak people resident in the United States of America ... " In his closing remarks, His Holiness said: "We will invoke the Sorrowful Mother whom the Slovaks consider their heavenly Patroness." Hon. Robert F. Kennedy, Attorney General of the U.S., speaking for his brother, President John F. Kennedy, to the Slovak OatJholic Sokols at the July 14, 1963 gymnastics at Youngstown, Ohio, stated: "As a representative of the Un~ted States government, the President has asked me to tell you that ,the United !States rwill continue to support the jus,t aspirations of all people in the world for independenee and liberty - aspirations which the Slovaks share today with many other captive nations." Hon. Michael A. Feig,han, U.S. Representative from Ohio, addressing the Lakewood, Ohio Slovaks on Slovak Independence, last year, said: "Slovakia today suffers under the harsh heel of Ru ssian Communist occupation. That occupaJtion has sought to rob the Slovak people of their ancient traditions, their r eligious, aBd their heritage as well as their political liberties. But the Slovak people are steeled in ,their tactics which must be employed against a foreign. occupier. Time and the experience of centuries has prepared them well for �76 SLOVAKIA the tests they now endure. It Is !Lttle wond er that the . spirit of r esistance to ,tyranny runs so strong in !Slovakia today. The Russians as well as their rCzech quislings in Prague, know the power of Slovak national aspirations." On Easter of 1963, Pope John XXIII, spoke a greeting in "Slovaik" to be faithful, wherever they mig,ht live. In July of 1963, the St. Stephen's Catholic Social Club of Milwaukee, Wisconsin, in a Commemorative publication then edited ,b y Mary Liptaik, quotes Bishop Walter W. CuTtis of Bridgeport, Conn. as exhorting: " . . . 1:Jhe task of keeping the fiaith in Slovakia and elsewhere does not rest only with the people of Slovak origin ... it belongs to everyone, regardless of national origin." Mrs. Mina Haas, present editor of the St. Stephen's Social Club Commentary, quotes U.S. Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy, as pointedly reflecting that: " Th e U nited •States would be a poorer nation today, economically, intellectually, culturally and in every other way, if it we re not for the two milion of our citizens who are of Slovak bir th or ancestry." The above paragraphs are given as examples of nonSlovak intelligentsia who r ecognize the Slovaks. The spirited writer, Faither B. S. Bue (Franciscan), says Slovak nationalism in the U .S.A. is described as the condition of being of Slovak descent, and asks, "Do we prefer to be known as Slova:ks, or do we consider our Slovak nationality as an irritant from the past?" Father Bue cautions that we should not attempt to conceal our Slovail{ identity and that we should not abandon our Slovak roots. '!'hough Father Bue feels the Slovak language, native in Slovakia, but not the "native tongue" of the United States, is falling in usage through speedy Americanizaition, he does say we must foster the Slovak language, having in mind its promotion in our schools like any foreign language. This pr ogram of ,t eaching Slovak in colleges, high schools and grade schools is more apparent in the eastern United Stat es. Father Bue states, as we know, that prejudices exist among minority groups which psychologically may ciause an inferiority complex, the rapid solution by rationale may include subservience to a considered superior nil,tionalism, which confronts all ethnic groups in America. "As in the case of competition, so in regard to prejudice", says Father Bue, "weak characters manifest an inferiority complex and �SLOVAKIA 77 strong cha r ac te r s show greater res olu ten ess in accep ti ng thei r Godgiven na tiona l id entity ... L et us therefore w ork for t he p rese r vation and continuity of Slova k, a s a m a tter o! tru th , w isdom a nd justice." The above analysis makes an impact upon us adults of Slovak origin amd descent, but is it assuring enough for our youngsters of the third and fourth generations? Surely they are not all like D8.1Jlny Tanzone of Yonkers, New York, mentioned above. ~a,t will ha n to the Slovak schools, churche institutions until refurbished ·b S'1ovak immigration after the fall of the communist iron-curtain, ~ hic'h we feel God will decr..ee ? I spea:k of an insidious influence rancored •b r e ·udi e if not b actual intent 0Jnd desi against the Slovaks. We know of the attempted genocide under the Magyar rulers and - t lieBohemian politicians, but are we aware of the da r of non-Slovrul_{s who cleverly demoralize with snide remarks, uncomplimentary jokes, derisioo,inlluendo, - actually forcing us out of "'k ey posts in clubs, lodges, institutions and even churches! , Me&nwhil~, let us trust to our faith and the prevailing spirit of Father Hlinka among Slovak leaders, let us hold to o ur l•a n u e, our culture:-our ·institutions and let us be Slova f radle rave with the g ui ance of the Slovak L eague of .America. Joseph N. Misany REC OMMEN DEID RE}ADINGS: Slovak s of H u ngary, Th omas Capek, N. Y., 19 06. Scotus Viator (R. W . Seton-Watson), Racial Problems in Hunga r y, 1908. Hungar y a nd Her Successors, C. A. Macartney, Oxford Press , 193 7. Th e Slovak s, 1Peter P. Yurcha k, Whiting, Indiana, F r . Lach, 1946. Andrew H lin ka (Biogr a phy), K a rol Sidor, Br atislava/ J ednota P ress. Slovak ia an d Its People , ,Prof. Gilb er t L. Oddo, Slovak I nstitute. 2900 E. Blvd., Clevela nd, Ohio, 1960. Slova kia, - A Poli tical H is<tory (1918-50), J oseph A. Mikus , 1963, Marquette University Press, Milwaukee , Wis. Slovak ia, 1962, Dr. John R ek em, -Mid dl etown, Pa., Slova k League o! America. An Ou tline of Slovakia's Struggle fo r In depend ence, J . M. Kirsch ba um, 1964, Canadian Slovak League. Was Czech th e Veh icle of Slovak Liter ature? iPhilip A. Hrobak, 1962. Slovak Grammar, J . J . Konu s, P ittsburgh, 1939. Slovak Dictionary, Lessons, Grammar & Rea dillgs, J ednota Press (Hrobak) . Slovak Newspaper s and P er iodicals (U.S.A., Canada, Sou th America ); r efer Drs. J oseph P a 11.co, Joseph M. Kir schba u m, Konstantin Culen. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1965, Vol. 15 Description An account of the resource Vol. 15 (No. 38), 1965. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1965 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 68 SLOVAKIA FATHER ANDREW HLINKA - - An Unspent Martyr - A Slovak Soul on Slovak Soil - A Heart of Gold in a Humble Body A Leader of Men, Led by the Spirit of His People - Who is this man who after a quarter century is yet cherished in the memories of the young adult generation of Slovak descent ? Who is he, so loved by his contemporaries in Slovakia, whom he stiirred to zeal for the brotherhood of man under the fatherhood of God in a nation of their own choice? Who is the man that suffered humiliatioo and degradation to free the Slovaks from political and economic enslavement? 'J.'lhese questions are answerable in the life and activirties of Father Andrew Hlinka, born a Slovak peasant in the village of Cernova on September 27, 1864, and died a Monsignor of the Catholic Church on August 16, 1938, at the age of 74, in Ruzomberok, seven months before the Declaration of Independence of Slovrukia and its proclama~ tion to -the world of ia Slovak Republic on March 14, 1939. Father Hlinka did not live to see or participate in a selfgoverning, free and independent Slovakia, recognized •b y 27 countries from Rome through Russia. Nor did Father Hlinka live to see or experience the invasion of Slovakia by Communist armies in May of 1945, or the execution of his beloved friend and successor, Monsignor Joseph Tiso, the first President of Slovakia. For over 50 years Father Hlinka fought for the rights of the Slovaks - as people of self-determination, of civic, cultural and economic ·pursuit in which they were suppressed, first, before World War I by the Magyar overlords of Hungary in the Monarchy of ·Austria-Hungary, and then until 1938 entrapped in a ~ohemian political machine maneuvered by Thomas Masaryk and Edwar:a Benes in the newly created state of Czecho-Slovakia, in which the hyphen was deliberately deleted and the Slovaks proclaimed to be "Czechs" by their new masters. Just as there a SLOVAKIA 69 were Sloviaks who sold their birthrights to the Magyar overlords for political and economic privileges, so there were Slovaks who ran to the Czech ringmasters to be deJhyphenated and absorbed as "Czechoslovaks". But Father Hlinka was a true Slovak heart, soul and body, sufi'ering discouragement, humiliation, torment and imprisonment at the •h ands both of the Magyars and of the Czechs, and he epitomizes the Slovak in the history of the world. Karol Sidor concludes his biogra;phy of Father Hlinka with the following tribute: "There he stands as lhough less a mortal man than an enshrined symbol, as one not formed of earth's clay but woven of the noblest feelings and thoughts of man. Consequently, in Hlinka, each Slovak recognized himself and in every Slovak there was something of Hlinka , gilded with heroism, goodness, loyalty, courage, and the nobility of Hlinka's heart. Thus did Andrew Hlinka live, and thus will he remain as long as even one Slovak remains." At the age of twenty Hlinka was expelled from the seminary by the Hungarian authorities on charges of PanSlavism, of promoting the study of Slovak, both }anguage and literature, and of fostering loyalty to their ancestry among the Slovak seminarians. Later he was recalled and on June 19, 1889 1he was ordained a priest. In Cernova, the vmage of his birth, Hlinka helped and encouraged his people to erect a church, but he was not permitted to· participate in its consecration, for he was under suspension (unjustly) already a year and a half. The villagers, who had expected his reinstatement, held a demonstmtion in protest. Without warning the government ·gendarmes · fired into the crowd, killing fifteen persons and wounding several others. The incident is remembered as the Cernova Massacre of October 27, 1907. In March, 1909 the Vatican exonerated Hlinka, who was in prison at the time, and lifted the suspension. In June of the same year Father Hlinka was delegated to consecrate the church in Cernova. During one of his prison terms under the Hungarian regime, loather Hlinka translated the Old Testament of the Holy Bible into Slovak, and during another prison term he completed his "Apologia for Christianity" in Slovak. At the age of 55 he was arrested and imprisoned by 70 SLOVAKIA the "Czechoslovak" government for fighting the anti-clerica1ism of Czech rp oliticians, a drive to Czech-ize the Sfovaks and economioally force their submission. Rioting, demonstrations ,a nd the ele0tion ,b y the Slovaks of Hlinka to the "Czechoslova;k" Parliament necessitated 'his release from prison in 1920. It is true that as early as 1908 Fabher Hlinka looked to a union with the Moravians and Ozechs to strengthen the Slav position, with the understanding however, that the Slovaks would enjoy autonomy and cultural and political freedom. The Cleveland Agreement of 1915 and the Pittsburgh Pact of 1918 indicated that we in America agreed with what ouT brothers and ancestors in Slovakiia desired. However, once Masaryk and Benes were in power, Father Hlinka was chagrined to see that the Slovaks continued to be the victims of harsh discrimination in all phases of government, education and 'Public life. Diplomatic documents in the British archives attest to the errors of the Czech administration by corruption in public office, attempts to substitute Czech for the Slovak language, hostility of Czedh soldiers and officials to the Catholic Church, which included desecration and mutilation of crucifixes and holy images, intemerence in marriages and similiaT offenses against the principles of culture and decency. It was also officially reported by the British Minister, Cecil Gosling, who witnessed conditions in Slovakia in late 1919, that Slovakia was flooded with Czech officials and the Slovaks dismissed, or if employed, they received from ½ to ¾ ~ess pay than the Czechs. The Benes-Masaryk intrigue led to .flirtini with and fawning over Rrussiain Communism and its religious, social and economic fallacies. Father Hlinka's h eart and soul were tormented ,b y the God-less and inhuman policies emamating from Prague and found it necessary to organize his Slova,k people for their own well-being, and his "Hlin:ka's People's Party" became a ,p olitical success in 1925. Protesting the activities and genocidal efforts first af the Magyars and then of the Czechs Father Hlinka became the savior of his people. He adopted as his motto "For God rand n at i o n" and showed whi:wt love of God and fuith in humanity can accmnrplish. One u1nfamiliar with S 1 o v a k ,feeling1S and sentiments may ~ why a priest should have to be the leader of his nation and participate SLOVAKIA 71 in civic affairs - even unto degradation and imprisonment? The answer is simply that a Catholic priest takes ian oath to God to minister to the people and cannot countenance injustice or inhumanity. As a human •b eing man is worthy of dignity, respect and ,p ossesses the right to live a life worbhy of his reward in heaven. For over a thousand years under ,t:Jhe Magyaris, the only educated group were the priests - bhey were the healers of the mi111d as well as of the soul. The priests were the leaders, the counselors of the people in civic as well as in religious matters. It is true that while the past two generations of laity in SloV'akia produced an educated intelligentsia, in the years prior to World War I. our Slovak ancestors were serfs, peasants, yes, slaves of the soil owned by their ancestors. On the occasion of the death of Fr. Hlinka the American journalist, Stephen J. Palickar, wrote as follows (Jednota, August 24, 1938) : "Father 1Hlinka has departed from our midst, but his spirit has not. And while God in His Divine Providence has removed him in the .flower of his activity, we, of the loyal Slovaks, whether in Europe or America, will continue to use the spirit of Hllnka as an instrument of battle untll such time when the Slovaks have regained that whlol;I rightfully !belongs to them, namely, their freedom in the Fatherland of Slovensko." There are great Slovak leaders among our Catholic priests today, particularly in the U.S.A. and Canada, thougih they ·p refer to •h ave laymen lead in social and civic affairs, as witness the great fraternal orgianizations and prominent elected public officials. But we are graiteful for the initiative and zeal that serve as a pattern for us. Father Stephen Furdek founded the Slovak League of America in Cleveland, Ohio, on May 26, 1907. It has the greatest representation of Slovaks in the world today, and interesting to say, it is non-denominational, though Christian. Some 17 years earlier, Father Furdek had organized the First Catholic Slovak Union and a sister Jednota two years later. The spirit of Fr. Hlinka permeated Fr. Furdek, and that spirit of a "slovensky duch" can be seen in such men of cloth as Bishops Andrew G. Grutka, of Gary, Indiana, Paul Hnilica (Jesutt) of Rome and Michael Rusnak (Redemptorist) of Canada, Rt. Rev. Theodore G. Kojis (Benedictine Abbot), Cleveland, Rt. Rev. Stanislav F. Gmuca. 72 SLOVAKIA (A:bbot), Monsignors Dubosh, Mlynarovic, Krasula, Petro, and many others. Another kindred spirit of Hlinka was found in Dr. Karol Kmefiko, who was appointed Archbishop of Nitra, in Slovakia, in 1944, which is the same ancient Nitra of which St. Methodius was first Archbishop over 1,000 years before. You will recall the brothers Sts. Cyril and Methodius in Slova:kia in 863 AD. These Arpostles were Greeks, but certainly Ohristlike in spirit in their love for the Slovaks, since they Christianized our Slovak ancestors and compiled an alphalbet from the linguistic sounds, which to this day is the basis of Slovak culture and civilization. Again an echo of Fr. Hlinka's words, Za Borhra a rnirod. No doubt any Slovak can think of dedicated Slovak priests whom he admires, respects, and loves. Three wonderfu!l priests who left their impreissfon on me through personal associiaJt.ion are Frs. Florian C. Bihly (Franciscan) of Lisbon Falls, Me., who pours out rhis heart and soul in Slovak sermons and songs; Andrew V. Pier (Benedictine) of the Abbey in Cleveland, a schol•ar, educator and prolific chronicler of "Slovakiama", and Gerald P. Brennan (Jesuit) of Marquette University, Milwaukee, Wis., an Irishman who stimulated the students of Slovak ancestry to organize the Father Hlinka Club at Marquette in February of 1939, some six months after Father Hlinka's death in Slovakia. One of the first presidents of the Flather Hlinka Club was Joseph Labaj, then a journalism student, who shortly thereafter left us to enter the Jesuit novitiate and is todray "Father Joe" Labaj, S.J., ,t he principal of Marquette University High School, at Milwaukee. The Constitution of the Father Hlinka Club, signed by the student organizers on February 6, 1939, stated as its purpose : Catholic action among the Slovaik people to be accomplished with the cooperation of the SloV1a:k parish priests; and the statement of intention, Article 1, parag. 4 reads: "To counter a ct any subversive actiTities a mong our people which might tend to undermine their faith or ,the democratic principles of our governm e nt, a nd to expose and expla in any activities which might place our people in dangerous or embarrassing circumstances" . Marquette University approved the Faither Hlinka Club on February 14, 1939; it affiliated itself with Sodality SLOVAKIA 73 activities, and the following month, on St. Piatrick's day, Dr. Raphael C. McCarthy, President of the University, accepted ,the offer and became the first 1honorary member of the Father Hlinka Club. Father McCarthy became enthusiastic wbout the aims of this Slovak Catholic students' group and predicted i,t would afford real laboratory training and develop leadersihip among the Slovak people. Since then numerous educators, lawyers, doctors, dentists, journalists and engineers have gone through the club. At ,the time the U.S.A. entered World War II, all nationality clubs were deacti\nated at Marquette with attendrunt difficulties in reorganizing later. Attorney John F. Spacek and Dr. Albert Nemcek, as M.U. students were early ,p ost-war presidents of the Father Hlinka Olub. Father Oasimir Cvercko, O.F.M. Conv., pastor of St. Stephen's (Slovak) Church in Milwaukee at that time, gave much encouragement to the M. U. Slovak students, ,and iit is recalled that one year the Hlinka Club entered a "float" and won first place in the clubs and societies division of the University Homecoming (football) parade. A "Father Hlinka Club Scholarship Fund" was started many years ago, to which the national Jednota and Sokol societies contributed money, insufficient, however, for a permanent scholarship, thereby necessitating only partial grants to Oathoiic students of Slovak origin or descent. A few years ago, this author recalls, Miss Carol Zvara of Milwaukee was publicized in the metropolitan press as recipient of ia Father Hlinka Scholarship grant, Which I 'believe to !have been merely ,a modest honorarium. At the present time the Father Hlinka Club is inactive, but with the help of Marquette Slovak alumni, iit can certainly be reactivated, and no doubt the Slovak people and Slovak societies throughout the U.S.A. would contribute funds to reinvigorate the :Blather Hlinka Club Scholarship Fund at Marquette University. The help would have to come from outside as most of our students there are present through the sacrifices of their Slov,ak ,parents and lack time for solicitation of funds for future scholars. We have since infancy heard our parents speak of "nasa mladez" and "buducnosf nasho slovenskeho naroda", i. e. our youth and the future of the Slovaks. The thought has been e~ressed that scholarship help should 74 SLOVAKIA be on a college level because nowadays public high schools are available to anyone of average intelligence, and that it is in college that leadership and professionalism can be developed for ,t he Slovaks. A recent aTtiC'le in Jednota by Daniel Tanzone, Jr., of Yonkers, N. Y., ,a high school senior of Slovak-Italian descent, tells Editor Krajsa of the interest 'he has in past and present Slova;k life, and pleads for the donation of Slovak books in English for the library of the good Slovak Sisters of SS CYTil and Method1us at the Slovak school of the Most Holy Trinity. This is a good example of a student of Slovak origin or descent, who should ,b e benefited by the Father Hlink<a Club Scholarship Fund. This young man has a real zeal for rhis Slovak ancestry which he expresses without shame or reservation. Konstantin Culen, journailist and authority on Slovak culture and political histOTy, a man who was schooled under the Magyar and Czech regimes, and who died in New York last year, credited American Slovaks with great influence, saying, "What the Slovaks brought frem America they sought to validate at home. The American way of life encouraged and dir ected their plans in Slovakia. Slovak life waxed strong even during the hardest times, because H was nourished materially and ideologically by a current of material and spiri,tual wea1th from America". Culen and Sidor, in the spirit of F'ather Hlin'ka were joined by the late Philip Hroba:k, an American of Slovak descent, an educator, a writer of materials rich in cultural, social, historical and political "Slovakiana". Hrobak was the first American leader, in 1957, to receive the Hlinka Silver Award. Is the Slovak heritage to be submerged? Is Slovak ancestry to be denied? Is Slovakia in Europe any less entitled to self-determined, self-governed statehood than any other nationality on earth? Scores of "new nations" have been recognized and added to the roster of the United Nations, but the Slov,ruks get little sympathy from the political sophisticates of today, ,p articularly those who show a peculiar affinity with the aims and ideals of the red tyrants of Russia. Well-meaning people would not deprive Slovaks of SLOVARlA 75 their God-given rights, even if they never heard the word Slovak. Eleven hundred years ago, two non-Sloviak Greek brothers, Sts. Cyril and Methodius, recognized the rights of the Slovaks and compiled the ancient Cyrillic alphabet so that the people could extend and per,petuate their culture. 'l'he Greeks had a word for it as did Ohrist the Leader 863 years before, - "Teach ye all nations." Pope Paul VI, in speaking to a Slovia!k assemblage, led by the Slovak Bishop Andrew Grutka of Gary, gathered at the Vaticam on September 14, 1963, spoke to them as "dear Slovak children" and referred to their "centuries-old traditions." Further, the Pope lauded them: "Dear Sons of the Slovak nation, to our satisfaction and to our praise, for reasons already explained, allow us to add a werd of paternal recommendation - perseverance. Continue to cultivate the mem©ry, the cult, the imitaition of your Saints (Cyril and Methodius), who from the di-stant Middle Ages even now light the path along which the spirLt of the Slovak people must pass in our time and in the fut ure ... " And obviously aware of us over here, the Pope interjected: "We want to be mindful specially of the Slovak people resident in the United States of America ... " In his closing remarks, His Holiness said: "We will invoke the Sorrowful Mother whom the Slovaks consider their heavenly Patroness." Hon. Robert F. Kennedy, Attorney General of the U.S., speaking for his brother, President John F. Kennedy, to the Slovak OatJholic Sokols at the July 14, 1963 gymnastics at Youngstown, Ohio, stated: "As a representative of the Un~ted States government, the President has asked me to tell you that ,the United !States rwill continue to support the jus,t aspirations of all people in the world for independenee and liberty - aspirations which the Slovaks share today with many other captive nations." Hon. Michael A. Feig,han, U.S. Representative from Ohio, addressing the Lakewood, Ohio Slovaks on Slovak Independence, last year, said: "Slovakia today suffers under the harsh heel of Ru ssian Communist occupation. That occupaJtion has sought to rob the Slovak people of their ancient traditions, their r eligious, aBd their heritage as well as their political liberties. But the Slovak people are steeled in ,their tactics which must be employed against a foreign. occupier. Time and the experience of centuries has prepared them well for 76 SLOVAKIA the tests they now endure. It Is !Lttle wond er that the . spirit of r esistance to ,tyranny runs so strong in !Slovakia today. The Russians as well as their rCzech quislings in Prague, know the power of Slovak national aspirations." On Easter of 1963, Pope John XXIII, spoke a greeting in "Slovaik" to be faithful, wherever they mig,ht live. In July of 1963, the St. Stephen's Catholic Social Club of Milwaukee, Wisconsin, in a Commemorative publication then edited ,b y Mary Liptaik, quotes Bishop Walter W. CuTtis of Bridgeport, Conn. as exhorting: " . . . 1:Jhe task of keeping the fiaith in Slovakia and elsewhere does not rest only with the people of Slovak origin ... it belongs to everyone, regardless of national origin." Mrs. Mina Haas, present editor of the St. Stephen's Social Club Commentary, quotes U.S. Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy, as pointedly reflecting that: " Th e U nited •States would be a poorer nation today, economically, intellectually, culturally and in every other way, if it we re not for the two milion of our citizens who are of Slovak bir th or ancestry." The above paragraphs are given as examples of nonSlovak intelligentsia who r ecognize the Slovaks. The spirited writer, Faither B. S. Bue (Franciscan), says Slovak nationalism in the U .S.A. is described as the condition of being of Slovak descent, and asks, "Do we prefer to be known as Slova:ks, or do we consider our Slovak nationality as an irritant from the past?" Father Bue cautions that we should not attempt to conceal our Slovail{ identity and that we should not abandon our Slovak roots. '!'hough Father Bue feels the Slovak language, native in Slovakia, but not the "native tongue" of the United States, is falling in usage through speedy Americanizaition, he does say we must foster the Slovak language, having in mind its promotion in our schools like any foreign language. This pr ogram of ,t eaching Slovak in colleges, high schools and grade schools is more apparent in the eastern United Stat es. Father Bue states, as we know, that prejudices exist among minority groups which psychologically may ciause an inferiority complex, the rapid solution by rationale may include subservience to a considered superior nil,tionalism, which confronts all ethnic groups in America. "As in the case of competition, so in regard to prejudice", says Father Bue, "weak characters manifest an inferiority complex and SLOVAKIA 77 strong cha r ac te r s show greater res olu ten ess in accep ti ng thei r Godgiven na tiona l id entity ... L et us therefore w ork for t he p rese r vation and continuity of Slova k, a s a m a tter o! tru th , w isdom a nd justice." The above analysis makes an impact upon us adults of Slovak origin amd descent, but is it assuring enough for our youngsters of the third and fourth generations? Surely they are not all like D8.1Jlny Tanzone of Yonkers, New York, mentioned above. ~a,t will ha n to the Slovak schools, churche institutions until refurbished ·b S'1ovak immigration after the fall of the communist iron-curtain, ~ hic'h we feel God will decr..ee ? I spea:k of an insidious influence rancored •b r e ·udi e if not b actual intent 0Jnd desi against the Slovaks. We know of the attempted genocide under the Magyar rulers and - t lieBohemian politicians, but are we aware of the da r of non-Slovrul_{s who cleverly demoralize with snide remarks, uncomplimentary jokes, derisioo,inlluendo, - actually forcing us out of "'k ey posts in clubs, lodges, institutions and even churches! , Me&nwhil~, let us trust to our faith and the prevailing spirit of Father Hlinka among Slovak leaders, let us hold to o ur l•a n u e, our culture:-our ·institutions and let us be Slova f radle rave with the g ui ance of the Slovak L eague of .America. Joseph N. Misany REC OMMEN DEID RE}ADINGS: Slovak s of H u ngary, Th omas Capek, N. Y., 19 06. Scotus Viator (R. W . Seton-Watson), Racial Problems in Hunga r y, 1908. Hungar y a nd Her Successors, C. A. Macartney, Oxford Press , 193 7. Th e Slovak s, 1Peter P. Yurcha k, Whiting, Indiana, F r . Lach, 1946. Andrew H lin ka (Biogr a phy), K a rol Sidor, Br atislava/ J ednota P ress. Slovak ia an d Its People , ,Prof. Gilb er t L. Oddo, Slovak I nstitute. 2900 E. Blvd., Clevela nd, Ohio, 1960. Slova kia, - A Poli tical H is<tory (1918-50), J oseph A. Mikus , 1963, Marquette University Press, Milwaukee , Wis. Slovak ia, 1962, Dr. John R ek em, -Mid dl etown, Pa., Slova k League o! America. An Ou tline of Slovakia's Struggle fo r In depend ence, J . M. Kirsch ba um, 1964, Canadian Slovak League. Was Czech th e Veh icle of Slovak Liter ature? iPhilip A. Hrobak, 1962. Slovak Grammar, J . J . Konu s, P ittsburgh, 1939. Slovak Dictionary, Lessons, Grammar & Rea dillgs, J ednota Press (Hrobak) . Slovak Newspaper s and P er iodicals (U.S.A., Canada, Sou th America ); r efer Drs. J oseph P a 11.co, Joseph M. Kir schba u m, Konstantin Culen.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Father Andrew Hlinka Description An account of the resource Joseph N. Misany Slovakia, Vol. 15 (No. 38), 1965 pp. 68-77 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Misany, Joseph N. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1965 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/d2db4d8655e8abef31a0e9895c34dfeb.pdf 8b471986ab2a4ecc3a4e8f29ecd9f7c3 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA-201 7 81 KICKED OUT: CZECHOSLOVAKIA'S POSTWAR POLICY TOW ARD ETHNIC MINORITIES AND ITS UNINTENDED OUTCOMES 1 Marty Manor Mullins Postwar Czechoslovakia was not a warm, friend ly place to be if you were a Hungarian or German in late 1945 to 1946. In fact, during his inaugural speech commemorating the reunifycation of the Czechoslovak Republic in April of 1945, President Edvard Benes proclaimed, "Our state will be a state of nations, a state of only Czechs and Slovaks and no one else!" 2 In postwar Slovakia one could walk down the street and be confronted with slogans such as : "Kosice must be cleansed of Magyar lice!"3 or indications (such as the bullet holes riddling a local street sign named after Adolf Hitler) of widespread resentment toward the Nazi regime with which local German and Hungarian minorities were associated. Furthermore, caustic warnings appeared in the local newspaper such as the following, printed in the Demokrat daily of June 17, 1945: " ... whether the Hungarians of [the city ofJ Kosice like it or not, the Slovaks are now the masters .. . the mouths of those who do not want to speak Slovak must be shut." 4 Although many are familiar with the fate of Czechoslovakia's three million Sudeten Germans, what exactly was the situation that the country's Hungarian and Carpathian German minorities found themselves in as of late 1945? What was the cause of such vitriolic language used against them? Furthermore, how was this kind of abuse justified by their accusers? This article explores the back1 This article is based on a paper presented at the 2016 meeting of the Association for Slavic, East European and Eurasian Studies on a panel entitled " Kicked Out of Czechoslovakia: The Fate of Postwar German and Hungarian Refugees, Then and Now." 2 Quoted in "t\no, zaci name ozaj novy zivot," Demokrat, Apr. 4, 1945 . 3 Szabo Lajos, Utols6 szalmaszal (Budapest: Magyar Egy haztorteneti Enciklopedia Munkakiiziisseg, 2000). 4 Demokrat, June 7, 1945 ; Stefan Sutaj, "Ethnic Deve lopment in Kosice after 1945," Studia Historyczne 4 (20 13), 4 72. �82 SLOVAKIA-2017 ground and implementation of postwar Czechoslovak policy towards its Hungarian and German populations while also elucidating several unintended yet significant outcomes of this policy 's execution, particularly within southern and central Slovakia. Pho to 1: Bullet holes riddle this street sign, formerly posted in Slovakia's Spis region and now on display in a Kezmarok museum. Back round Recall that a united Czechoslovakia did not exist during the Second World War. At the Munich Conference in 1938, Hitler capita lized on complaints from Czechoslovakia's Sudeten German minority to convince the Allies to cede the Sudetenland to Nazi Germany. As of March 1939, the Czech Lands of Bohemia and Moravia became a Protectorate governed and occupied by Nazi Germany, while wartime Slovakia operated as a semi-independent authoritarian state led by the Roman Catholic priest Jozef Tiso. However, over I 0,000 square kilometers (c. 3,800 square miles) including cities such as Kosice in southern Slovakia were not even under Slovak control during the war. Rather, southern Slovakia had been ceded to Hungary as part of the First Vienna Award of November 1938. Thus, the Czechoslovak Republic ceased to exist for the duration of the war and southern Slovak territory came under Hungarian governance for six years. At the end of the war, when the Red Army marched across Ukraine and fought its way into eastern Slovakia, Kosice was the �SLOVAKIA-2017 83 first major city of the former Czechoslovak Republic to be liberated. Freed on January 19, 1945 , Kosice served as the temporary capital of reunited Czechoslovakia and the seat of President Benes. His time in the city is most associated with the "Kosice Program" which, among other objectives, outlined postwar policy toward the Hungarian and German minorities, who were declared collectively guilty for the breakup of the First Czechoslovak Republic. In the Kosice Program the postwar government reversed the generous policies of the interwar republic regarding minority populations. During the interwar period, Czechoslovakia's ethnic and religious groups were granted constitutional rights unparalleled at that time in the region, including the right to speak and educate children in their native languages as well as to form cultural associations and political parties. More importantly, they were granted equal status with Czechs and Slovaks before the law and protected from forced assimilation. 5 However, after the Second World War, these rights were rescinded. Germans and Hungarians were stripped of Czechoslovak citizenship, their property was nationalized and/or confiscated, minority schools were closed and they were ineligible to receive entitlements. 6 Of course, Czechoslovakia was not alone in its postwar forced relocation of Germans and Hungarians. In the years immediately following World War II, Europe witnessed the largest forced migration the world had ever seen .7 Resentment Czechoslovakia's German and Hungarian populations (some of whom had lived on this land for centuries) were pronounced collectively guilty by association with Nazi Germany and what became Nazi-controlled Hungary . At this time many Czechs and Slovaks sought revenge for wartime injustices and even atrocities still fresh in their memories . For instance, Slovaks in the eastern Slovak village of Nemecka Poruba (10 km north of Sobrance) endured what the Demokrat newspaper called the "eastern Slovak Lidice," referring to 5 Martin Pekar, et al., Ethnic Minorities in Slovakia in the Years 1918-1945: A Survey (Prefov : Un iversum-EU , 2011 ), 50-51 . 6 Kosicky Vladni Program Chs. VIII, X, XV . 7 For details see Philipp Ther and Ana Siljak, eds. Redrawing Nations: Ethnic Cleansing in East-Central Europe, 1944-1948 (Lanham, Md: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001. �84 SLOVAKIA-2017 the German massacre of Czech men in the Bohemian town of Lid ice in retaliation for the assassination of Reich Protector Reinhard Heydrich). 8 Towards the end of the war, the over 700 inhabitants of Nemecka Poruba had assisted partisan fighters living in the nearby forest by providing food and lodging during bad weather. Although the Germans stepped up patrols in the area, no one gave away the location of the partisans. After a surprise German raid on the village, resulting in the death of four German soldiers, most of the inhabitants fled, fearing Nazi retribution. It came swiftly when they burned the village to the ground the next day (November 2-3, 1944) and shot the eight men who remained behind. Villagers faced not only the loss of the victims but also their homes as they spent the 9 oncoming winter in underground dugouts. Photo 2: President Benes signed the Kosice Program here on April 5, 1945. Today the building houses the Eastern Slovak Art Gallery. As for their relationships with the Hungarians, Slovaks deeply 10 resented the years of forced assimilation to the Hungarian language 8 9 "Nemci vypalili obec a osem mu fov zastrelili ," Demokrat, 19 July, 1946. Ibid. �SLOVAKIA-2017 85 and culture in the nineteenth century known as "magyarization," as well as the wartime massacres committed by the Hungarian Arrow Cross troops in southern Slovakia. What is more, Slovaks considered the Vienna Arbitration, which gave Hungary wartime control over southern Slovakia, to be an unjust occupation of land that had rightfully belonged to Czechoslovakia from 1918 to 1938. Retribution With his April 1945 declaration that only Czechs and Slovaks deserved to remain in the republic, President Benes echoed and even gave credence to citizens' bitter sentiments toward minorities, as historian Eagle Glassheim notes. He states, "Though Benes abjured violence, his repeated public speeches on the collective guilt of the Germans must have carried great moral weight." 11 Benes' inaugural speech left little question regarding the country's forthcoming posture regarding remaining Hungarians and Germans: ... Our new home will not be new only in its relationship between Czechs and Slovaks. It must be rebuilt also in other respects.. .. This applies also towards its relationship with other nations and especially toward those Germans and Hungarians who before the war enjoyed full political rights as partners. After this war something similar is not possible. Our state will be a state of nations, a state of only Czechs and Slovaks and no one else! 12 As is evident from the last lines of his speech, a sense of retribution for wartime injustice fueled his plan to recreate the republic as "a state of only Czechs and Slovaks and no one else!" However, another key factor in Benes' goal of ridding Czechoslovakia of its German and Hungarian minorities was the belief that allowing sizeable numbers of either minority to remain could once more jeopardize the 10 Unlike Slovak, Czech, Polish, Ukrainian, Russian, etc., which are all members of the Slavic linguistic tree, Hungarian is a Uralic language, similar only to Finnish and Estonian. It is extremely difficult for Slovaks to learn Hungarian and vice versa, and the difficulty is compounded for the older language learner. 11 Eagle Glassheim , "The Mechanics of Ethnic Cleansing: The Expulsion of Germans from Czechoslovakia, 1945-1947" in Redrawing Nations: Ethnic Cleansing in East-Central Europe, 1944-1948, eds. Philipp Ther and Ana Siljak (Lanham, Md: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001), 215 . 12 Quoted in "Ano, zaciname ozaj novy zivot," Dernokrat, Apr. 4, 1945 . �86 SLOVAKIA-2017 state. Benes employed this logic as early as 1941 to appeal to the Allied Powers that, unless the Germans were expelled from postwar Czechoslovakia en masse, they might again rally to return the Sudetenland to Germany. 13 After Nazi Germany surrendered in May of 1945, local retaliation against Germans and Hungarians, which had already begun during the war, intensified. Newly-legalized procedures enabled Czechs and Slovaks to enjoy personal gain at the expense of German and Hungarian minorities. For example, the nascent Benes administration established "national committees" (narodne vybory), popularly-elected regional boards charged with bringing local order to the chaos that was pervasive in the months following the end of the wa 14 One of the national committees' most cherished responsibilities was the distribution of vacated minority properties that had been confiscated by the state. An illustration of this played out in the eastern Slovak Spis region (at the base of the Carpathian Mountains), where Slovaks had no problem reallocating their German neighbors' former properties. An article in the post-1945 Slovak newspaper Narodna Obroda (National Revival) reports that by February 4, 1945 the entire German population had already vacated the Spis region. 15 It further discussed the way abandoned German properties were handled by the newly established "national committees:" The Spis districts remain practically without Germans, whom the retreating German army took with them . The national committees in Poprad, in Spisska Nova Ves, in Levoca, Kezmarok and Gelnica procured their properties and placed fugitives from villages in them[fugitives] who [were] victims of the events of war or of barbaric German destruction. 16 Slovak national committees willingly exercised their right to confiscate and redistribute German property to those they deemed to 13 Glassheim, "The Mechanics of Ethnic Cleansing," 200. Ibid., "Ethnic Cleansing, Communism, and Environmental Devastation in Czechoslovakia's Borderlands, 1945- 1989," Journal of Modern History 78 (March 2006), 72. Ibid ., "National Mythologies and Ethnic Cleansing: The Expulsion of Czechoslovak Germans in 1945," Central European History 33 , no. 4 (2008), 473 . 15 "Spis bez emcov," Narodna Obroda, Feb. 4, 1945 . 14 16 Ibid. �SLOVAKIA-2017 87 be deserving. Slovak historians Sona Gabzdilova-Olejnikova and Milan Olejnik characterize this era as a time of "postwar euphoria" and note the following: Accompanying this atmosphere of elation was a ri se in radicalization . Germans and Hungarians had become synonymous with evil. A majority of Slovak inhabitants did not deny themselves such measures as, ... confiscation, [acti vating] national administrative boards (ncirodne sprcivy), 17 and stripping Germans and Hungarians of their Czechoslovak citizenship. 18 At times the "postwar euphoria" turned violent, as Glassheim details in his article on the atrocities committed by locals against their former German neighbors in Bohemia and Moravia. He describes the summer of 1945 as a time when "a Wild West atmosphere reigned" before the central governmental authority was capable of averting and arraigning pogrom perpetrators. 19 The multiple mass graves of German victims discovered in Slovakia alone (187 men in Sklene, 146 individuals in Rufomberok, 83 in Banska Stiavnica, etc.), indicate the extent of animosity expressed by Slovaks that summer. 20 One of the worst acts of violence occurred on June 18, 1945 in the Moravian town of Pferov where Czechoslovak soldiers massacred 247 Carpathian German men, women and children who were travelling home to central and eastern Slovakia. 21 17 Glass heim explains that, in borderland regions where there was not a sufficient number of Czechs to run for electi on in regional "nati ona l co mmittees," reliable candidates were sent from the Ministry of the Interior to staff " nat iona l administrative boards" (narodne spravy). When enough Czechs (and, perceivably, Slovaks) populated these regions, nati onal comm ittee elections were held and the administrative boards were abolished . See Glassheim , "Ethnic Cleansing, Communi sm, and Environmental Devastation," 72. 18 Soi\a Gabzdilova-Olejnikova and Milan O lej nik, Karpatski Nemci na Slovensku od druhej svetovej vojny do roku 1953 (Bratislava: Spolecenskovedny ustav SA V, 2004), 59 . 19 Glassheim , "National Mythologies and Ethnic Cleansing," 473. 20 Ondrej Poss, Dejiny a kultiira karpatskych Nemcov (Bratislava: Slovak Nati onal Museum/Muse um of Carpathian German Culture, 2005), 14. 21 Ibid., 16. �88 SLOVAKIA-2017 Photo 3: Kosice's Reformed (Calvinist) Church was established in 1644, indicating Calvinism's influence in the Hungarian lands after the Protestant Reformation. Its current location, adjacent to the ancient city wall, dates back to the early 19 th century. It is a nationally-registered cultural monument. Another instance of postwar retribution took place between Christian believers who held their reformed (Calvinist) faith in common yet stood on opposing ethnic sides. Since the sixteenth century, the Reformed Church in Slovakia had been largely composed of Hungarians. However, a small Slovak contingent also co-existed, and, after the Second World War, some Slovaks were zealous in asserting their language above that of their Hungarian brethren during church services. Thus, one of the biggest areas of contention between �SLOVAKIA-2017 89 Slovak and Hungarian believers was the issue of which language would be the language of worship after the war. Officially, the Hungarian language was forbidden in public in postwar Slovakia except in liturgical services where the pre-193 8 language had been Hungarian (although this law was often ignored by anti-Hungarian Slovak believers or by local authorities). 22 In practice the language of worship was determined on a church-bychurch basis. 23 The church linguistic dispute was especially intense because many Reformed pastors claimed that preaching in the language that the people could understand was one of the primary benefits of the Protestant Reformation itself. 24 The Reformed Church presbytery in the eastern Slovak village of Zarnov (just southwest of Kosice) provides an example. It employed the following reasoning in its debate regarding conducting services in Slovak or Hungarian : The liturgical language of the Reformed Church should be performed in the language of the people. It is the biggest achievement of the Reformation. One should also take into account that [although] a large part of the population registered for re-Slovakization, they do not actually forget their Hungarian mother tongue and are not able to adapt to the Slovak language. 25 Other Slovak Calvinists, however, seized the opportunity to only sanction the Slovak language during worship. Intriguingly, a 1948 issue of Kalvinske hlasy (Calvinist Voices) describes a ceremony, presumably held at the Reformed Church in Bidovce, 12 miles (19 km) east of Kosice . At thi s service the following poem lauding the Slovak language was recited: Oh, that Slovak languageSacred language, That language of faith, 22 James R. Felak, After Hitler, Before Stalin: Catholics, Communists, and Democrats in Slovakia, 1945-1948 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2009), 20. 23 See Felak, 18-21. 24 Sutaj, Reslovakizacia: zmena narodnosti casti obyvatelstva Slovenska po fl. svetovej vojne (Kos ice: Spolocenskovedny ustav SA V, 199 1), 14. 25 Quoted in Sutaj, Reslovakizacia, 32. �90 SLOVAKIA-2017 I know there is none in the world [like it]. If however an angel in heaven Sings to God gratefully, He must not sing to Him other than in Slovak. 26 Hungarian Calvinists faced more than the prospect of being forced to worship in a foreign language. Further hardships affected them when believers' property was confiscated, when the state refused to pay Hungarian clergy's salaries, and when these clergy were not allowed to teach or correspond with each other in Hungarian. 27 The "Purging" At the Potsdam Conference in the summer of 1945, the Allies officially sanctioned the wholesale expulsion of Czechoslovakia's over three million Germans, as long as the expulsion was conducted in a "humane and orderly" manner. 28 They did not, however, agree to the complete removal of southern Slovakia's Hungarians, of whom historian Katalin Vadkerty estimates there were approximately 600,000 by the end of the war. 29 Instead, the Allied Powers believed the " Hungarian Question" should be worked out between the neighboring countries themselves. Therefore, Czechoslovakia had to find other means of cleansing itself from its Hungarian minority. The Benes administration thus proceeded with the expulsion of the German minority and crafted three measures by which to eliminate the Hungarians. This article addresses the methods by which the Hungarian and Carpathian German minorities were purged from Slovakia and concludes with an explanation of the unintended consequences of these policies . 26 "Odovzdanie resl ovakizacnych dekretov v Bidovciach," Kalvinske hlasy, Apr. 27, 1948. 27 Felak, I 8. 28 Philipp Ther, "A Century of Forced Migration," in Redrawing Nations: Ethnic Cleansing in East-Central Europe, 1944-1948, eds. Ther and Ana Si lj ak (Lanh am, Md: Rowman & Littlefield, 200 I), 55. 29 Katalin Vadkerty, " Hungari ans in Postwar Slovaki a," Hungarian Quarterly , vo l. 35 (Winter 1994): 11 5. �91 SLOVAKIA-2017 ' \t KAlViNSKE HLASY (lqlkava.nia, &ts l'Zru.~neho napatia, - da. si ootubl po slave ,·lastne~ Ones fa ubi) aj Pr~hadz:l na svet Pan neba i zeme. Aty sa te. tvoj slaromam. Al\'<>je dell sa ti ui tall 111/te. Ali I hho Dl'lcho<lu. Spomlnai nl lui.sne Jm· sia, aliO v ca..~h, ked' kai.dit .va[nu dlv!'lu ii viancene doby, prriite od det.stva. Vywoovaly venoval im, aby sl do ich &tycli srde IOlllml • ~ zvlutnyin kuzlom. A pripominaly tl, semienka pllvdy. dobra 3 krisy V ducliu Vet. my ii bol pl'lp-awny privi~t Pina. n& evanjella. l ~ treto cbvlle. Tlili po tom, Pre tvoj chlad a ducho111Y upadok, • a Photo 4: ln Kosice after the war, two-thirds of the city's Reformed Church reported themselves as Slovak and one third as Hungarian. This estimate appeared in the May 15, 1946 edition of Kalvinske hlasy (Calvinist Voices). �92 SLOVAKIA-2017 The first system of ridding southern Slovakia of unwanted Hungarians was by population exchange.Jo The plan proposed that Hungarians leave southern Slovakia for Hungary while Slovaks living in Hungary would return to Slovakia and free themselves of any "magyarizing tendencies" they had acquired while living in Hungary. The aim was to restore a Slavic majority to Czechoslovakia's southern borderland, which would also provide a buffer against any future Hungarian revanchist designs. JI What is interesting about the population exchange is that, while Slovaks were allowed to voluntarily apply to move back to Slovakia, Hungarians were designated by the Czechoslovak state to return to Hungary.J 2 In total, 89,660 Hungarians relocated from Czechoslovakia to Hungary between 1945 and 1948, whereas 73,273 people voluntarily moved from Hungary to Czechoslovakia.JJ The Czechoslovak government so badly wanted to reverse the ethnic ratio in southern Slovakia that it circulated propaganda advertisements such as the following: 30 The popul ati on exchange was accompani ed by numerous hardships, experi enced by both Slovaks and Hungarians- See Rast islav Karaba, " Postoj katolickej cirkvi k vymene obyvatel'stva medzi Ceskoslovenskom a Mad'arskom a k umi esti\ovaniu presidlencov do Ciech a na Moravu v rokoc h 1946-1 948," in Zlat ica Saposova and Sutaj , Povojnove migracie a vymena obyvatel'stva medzi Ceskoslovenskom a Mad'arskom (Presov : Uni versum , 20 I 0). 31 Sutaj, Mad'arska mensina na Slovensku v rokoch 1945-1948.· vychodiska a prax {olitiky k mad'arskej men.sine na Slovensku, (Brati slava: Veda, 1993), 59. 2 Ibid ., "The Magyar Minority in Slovakia before and after the Second World War" in Slovakia in History , eds. Mikulas Teich, Dusan Kovac, and Martin D. Brown (Cambridge: Cambridge Un iversity Press, 20 I I), 276; Ibid ., " Slovakia and the Hungarian Minority between 1945 and 1948," in Key Issues of Slovak and Hungarian History (a View of Slovak Historians), eds. Stefan Sutaj, Stefan Franko, and Igor Baka (Presov: Uni versu m, 201 1), 233 . 33 lbid .,"S lovakia and the Hungari an Minori ty," 23 3-34; Ther, 57. Of the 89,660 Hungarians exchanged fro m Czechoslovakia to Hungary per the 1958 report by the Czechos lovak Ministry of Foreign Affa irs, this fi gure includes 34,000 who were re located outside the Popul ati on Exchange Agreemen t. For example, 3 I,780 Anyas Hungarians [those who moved to southern Slovakia after the First Vienna Award] were deported en masse in the summ er of 1945. Of the 73,273 individuals who moved from Hungary to Czechoslovakia, approx imate ly 12,000 did so outside the Population Exchange in order to partake of th e benefits the Czechoslovak state offered to those who would identify as Slovak. See Sutaj, "Ethni c Development in Kos ice after 1945," Studia Historyczne 4(20 13), 4 74. �SLOVAKIA-2017 93 Do you want to become a citi zen of the victori ous Czechos lovak state? Do yo u want well-paid work in factories? Hungarian Slovaks, the Czechos lovak Republi c will not only relocate you but assure you at least as quality if not an even better economic, cultural and social environm ent than you have li ved in until now. Slovak farm ers from Hungary will cultivate fertil e Slovak land , craftsmen and entrepreneurs w ill work in Slovak firm s, and workers in Sl ovak factori es and the intelligentsia in Slovak agencies .... 34 As will be explained below, the population exchange did not materi ali ze the way authoriti es had hoped. A second means of reducing the Hungarian contingent in southern Slovakia was to deport them to work in Bohemia, many times on Czech farm s in the interior or in borderland areas . One of the primary factors for determining which Hungarians would be sent to the Czech Lands was whether or not they were able-bodied workers.35 Although deportations were carried out in three waves, the main organized deportation began on November 19, 1946.36 In total, 44, 129 Hungarians were deported to Bohemia between 1946-194 7 .37 What was troublesome about the deportations is that they occurred mainly during the winter, with deportees transported in cold wagons, under military supervision. Furthermore, many times the Hungarians who were forced to relocate had to sell their property and possessions below value. 38 Re-Slovakization (reslovakizacia in Slovak) was the final measure taken against the Hungarians to reduce their number while at the same time increasing the Slovak presence in southern Slovakia. ReSlovakization meant that those of contested ethnicity or originally of 34 Zlati ca Saposova, "St'aznosti Slovakov k vymene obyvatel'stva medzi Ceskoslovenskom a Mad'arskom v dokum entoch MZV C R," in Povojnove migrcicie a vy mena obyvatel'stva medzi Ceskoslovenskom a Mad'arskom . eds. Saposova and Sutaj (Presov: Uni vers um , 20 I 0), 192-93. 35 Sutaj, Mad'arskci mensina, 63. Sutaj notes that all able-bodi ed Hungari ans fro m Kosice and nearby towns ages 14-60 were ordered to work camps. 36 However, already as of November I, 1945, Demokrat reported that 12,000 Hungarians had been sent to the Czech lands as part of the first transport of Hungari ans to Bohemi a and Moravia. Demokrat, Nov. I, 1945. 37 Sutaj, " Magyar minority in Slovaki a before and after the Second World War," 279. 38 Ibid., "Slovaki a and th e Hungari an Minority," 238. �94 SLOVAKIA-2017 Slovak nationality but who had declared themselves as Hungarian, could apply for Czechoslovak citizenship. 39 The intent of re-Slovakization was to "make Slovak again" those who had magyarized (assimilated to the Hungarian nationality), perhaps in order to survive the war years under Hungarian rule. Furthermore, minorities who could prove active resistance to the Slovak or Hungarian wartime regimes were also permitted to gain citizenship. 40 Re-Slovakization also allowed magyarized Slovaks to avoid population exchange to Hungary. 41 .... h " " " .,.,,.,, - ,.,.,, Jll9Shf papsl Jt~ee prlv ttall Slov4kov z Mad'araka V• ._.,_._ • ~ had.. r•ll'(lo prl~ a..t. . . ata Slovdkov 11: Mwd'.ar-&9'• v .......,lQ&a .-d4cetJo 01'id.rovacet koml•fo v Novon. M.~te p,l)d Statrt)<(D. a $prl•vod& Barlr:tf'.fr9 .orrila 4,.~ ..._ •Wlloo t!ut N .. • p.-ckro(!:fla bl.br•nke.. Po, ..-.v•wr ~ Y prfvttaJ• aw b"abltJo~k.>' o ~ d•Je.-•ctu po.aL z.,..mbo.-•. lltor4 ,... ~ ....-...u. ~ chvtl'u. kli:"dy •• Sloviict • M•~•rska •~•a.J4 • - • • .oa ..,.,, p6d9 • cJtcO • . ..,.. .t:1t • esr,t. l l r f f o • ~ 1 ' 1 okr. . prtvtbll d•,..•cru komJNr Lapf.611'.. z. ko&i,e.lk:f o11.r«t t»"lvO,al 4-,qcac:lu oblaat.. OIIIW•t. Jnls,ektor T . Kand.-. z ~ ltlNV .,, ,No'¥4)-m Mute pOd $fatrom prlvftaJ deloe6cJu • poto,n. ....i.oo.-•t ~ • • ~ # ...-,,mJ f ·r ~t.Jclamt. V Kr.lf..-C b1u~cl prtvlta.f delec'\c'- mt.-t. koml94.r lv•o.. po - , 4 ~ m Obede odObnd.a ... d•f•sllcla do Tor"Qffe.. ltd• tu prlvlt ■J ~ II04Ma ~ SnO'llkO,. z M•f•f Yoronw oc:fqhral• Ml dcteg:6cfa do Tr•bllov•~ odlcla.f po ,>rf..,... a po ob.!orstil'enf Ude>b,-.Ja sa delea:Acla aut0bu$0'ffl CSD do l(ollc. O ~~ hudbu1 veoor prSfa de1elll::1cla S l .;tv4 k(>v z- .'\1ad'1u·:>ikn ..-o Ko.lfc.. Oet..-llicha prfvlW .,,,....!!'ml •Fovafflf "" m.me z•••upJteh·t-v• me:&ta K,o~rc ,,odqr(?d~eda M~V Pod~ck~. letoc'# z.dOraznlt. ff na.~fm ch:rom nfo le MovamJ proeJivi..~at. ale shurkovJ?m 5lav,u:o.. orwto a&y dobrc O(N!;:ontvalf • pO::nutvaJJ 2.lvo-t u n~s a porovo4vttll • pome,-~n:tt v M•d'a.r. . . . NA.lou ~ Je. •by v•etc1 n••f braua. ktort do(era-e trpcU v Mact•nkv. 11.11 ,.,,..tlll _... 4t, va...tl. •e4:d svaJtch.- t.m kde od vekov p•h"S. • tlbJI" •vo..-110 spo,l u a n•0:tt po~ I v bq(fo,rat•r-11:-, J>r'•C'I T• h1:pltu budi.t enost Ropu.bUky_ Potom prhrfta1 a:eUY<:tt ~ z.. Ro. • M•d'llr!5lc• prHMlda ONV ,1un:n!fu.. h!rr# fnfp,. l(undur • f:aJw 0$ KoJ,,.k . V u-.ene 6.ra.dftlk osfdro,,,ncef kttrnlsrc Svehla. V d<.t..-.cU Sfnv.l.kn:v !Iii M111cf•r~k• fo Ya$fflpe ..-#d, 18 ob4-f ~ o,bla.-U SA.toTa11»'"1Jh•ly. De1e,x'd"" A :sdi'.lt $l<Wen.ak-t.1 ••t J dut. C!efom di!'J,eatd• Je ~C.tlf, •k• pom,e.. y •d • ., ••• 1~<::J•hi• tu• ~o,dr,,.om: $c1o.ctt;aku. Urn •m•NlG fl•fl :Sl-o• vCd • ob.ad S.Uon.ll•u.1b•1y.,J• \o JtOClhoi,tt•h• .. V .. . - . b'f'aUa, • Mad'.,a.r,.:k• ~- uuHm&IG MAt.ci. t'l! ~IMdmf ea., _ ... ·•Plilbbky• l ~ "6«> le ,......., rd!ov• f -.urnlna• ••fbllttt•~ Ct~ovta 40,..,a:4~1.,. •4 _.dea • itvftanirn. •f• .-J s vomcrmt o n.i,mu.lC.d, •fro to vfdtet « fcb :ll•da.t:lch tv4.rf_ -.,. $1"'4•Wom ,.~hovore. kt,Qrl •• vlcdc,! ~•.., .M.v_.m-, v•~a,e otl dp.rlmn• ~t•lt1vaU no '-.l:M.. •kir>ro n.-.no'lfu:rna PQt1t•ry v Ma(fatsko ta& v mbt•Joatl, •kc aJ drn...,_ "la n•fdf,:nnu:Ju alt.ti• - . 41v.J6 • uac:Uentm a t.&ra ••- -fe a.a $.tl,Qn.~r k,!i, •U11CD,1• Iii. lrar.eble . . bud~ t;ql!ict V7'ttlt m~dd « v - - . .,._ ~ .. HO .., df-.td Ma\fari na o.kl_fuvta,e'lu •~,;ia ~.-hr.IL I• maffusJc:~ oby~ 'lt'H.,.,.. ..,..tidc-;r t az.•vl&U,YQ a 6n4y. b~cl Wb-ffv-. .,,.<::h._..,._,_ •llctt v OstTety, . . dnthd ____, .,. ~ - a.Ito lfll " " ' ' · '11'0 Y~t•ttm. ...._ Y ......... ~ h P: 'd.u'IO., n•fl'ft• • IUt..,._ ~.. f♦ t,1-ch, kkk-f prihl.twnt ~ "dtfo oralotiff 4a ....ivaai-,_,,.,., ...., . . . , _ ,._4•nka. Y ~ 1 . - u ~ t'_... m•dar,. . . ~ . - - st fftlbh ~V,IIQv. v-Ok•t,- '"' . . . . . . . . . ..,,.,,., 4iU wdt $fe~d t0f'(t ~u\ta ......._ ':a t#M~ . . IN-6 fm afc;ty~lc- t~ul)" 4 ► ....., ............. ..,... 1<1) w,I • • ~ • l ) tom. • ............ ,....• ..._,..._._.~•altou kr4tlcym veriovao)'-w orfv•tom. d•to1 oav.de1¥""a4d~ Slov•kov z Mndarwk• zad'akov•t l'oJ:,yU 11'.Ultf:t-,. ddta. uvfr.d lt, la hoct POdl• drll!dneJ matla.T$lu1J 11-t•H-s ~l..kv o,a! bye n.-.,,r. "' ot••h<-.i fht.Jab1Ul.~\t. 1,r,n ted«n StO"'•k. ,=el• nMC , . . . 19venak'-. N-. otllriru <, bot-p,odl..rs.kyi;.h pom•r<teh , Nlad'w.~\r-u • ;ffYOU.Om Prf•me:r• t•MoJ.lhl'bQ ~lo• "1e-1'a. h,n 1'tn1.lllf"CV•n• k#vlt ,ui.tc:ov. Ta><: !faPr d¥"ra l'-1••~, ~ f 1h••hH1( v M•d&l"llh tn.f: d • - •f-..t _ , IIJ .-ttt. 1>•~.a. l!a t:tetn ~...-~ ~..,. •*•tw. lt-(h>lf tt!'dfhl .... 'l-'.t.14, ~fn•du• n.1• <-•14! dv• k1r Jflbllol f"l•J• konm• tn• p.->1n~• yy-.01t• h-od nr:ttu • '"'• c•"• ,:tAle "rdr,11. l"'t.h, ,,,.,d nechlvno"' ,to n:ia.!tch Jv}nJn sulln Jt,cff-n " i,o-t rn;lll~• i:te,n-3 dnc-~ 1,:1 c~n• 1M N;C. t• ta fflil. Ptm•6. Robot111k v Mad1ar-.skt1, 1ii;,,..r9 l)l>df• vl~becnel u,l•-olry I• M.•dar:f.kn J,e: rnftvo. HOU) v~•'"'"' "odn.lky •lok •tona ft-t!-U';'."1V1.eobocit• O:lolno p0V4td.a(, ... V ,taller,flc- pla,en:t, dois-·h1no okofo f.-den • -poJ rn._ ,. n4l!IO-O<h,fk4 •• ttl-m«T nit!. Nlk'lq nd'lvntute. lobo kattltliht nl.ot.. D<,my-.. lnor:i, bo1y rotv61::tw6, •tl o.. t,,tl$len~. v~21.de •d rllmqvl•k• *-kO tell une:c'hata val'na. O(,r,r•vr,d PQffl~r,• Ml V'lfrnl s!..,_ Mof1110 cwvodat. L♦ fd1tl•n tv~l>Odil'.tka •ltut.c.Jw. &J♦ i:~i-kov4 PMl'.htf y v4k~.. •-0 u;f talt._ •ls:• lw)ly • • ~'"""'•n•tr.v htt•d' v pr-vJ'c.b d.lt&etl 1lo v-t"-eltffatt.f fr°"tu. V•tfflt •tt ,. to o•Jma a olac..-vwnfm a it f)bn~. 'ktor$'-h h<e,d:no1• l♦ •stH'WUH't'tidgll.,_ T•k twt1>r, ,.., -.:~..-,,nk tla.,. 150 ttYU. pat;tJC6~ -.. vark• n . . . .t•tNf •• )la.V"f n.JmA v vaDftarl a v •~« •kl4!~ ttodf'l4ta ,.,._bfl •t1Je ti:t._.._ • dn,_ u• • M..ad'an.kw obleb-taJO 10 mllt6nov♦ tt-.nkovllrr, Photo 5: "Kosice Welcomes Slovaks from Hungary," Demokrat newspaper April 5, 1946. 39 Sutaj , "The Magyar Minority in Slovakia before and after the Second World War " 277 40 Ibid. • 41 Ibid ., " Slovakia and the Hungarian Minority," 232 . �SLOVAKIA-2017 95 Historian Stefan Sutaj calculates that a total of 362,679 (or just over 50 percent) of Hungarians in southern Slovakia re-Slovakized, the majority out of fear of oppression. 42 For many Slovaks, postwar re-Slovakization of Hungarians was the logical payback for being forced to assimilate to the Hungarian language and culture both during "magyarization" and from 1938-1945 . Thus, on paper, Czechoslovakia got rid of its Hungarians by means of population exchange, deportation to the Czech lands and re-Slovakization. Reality proved a different matter and is addressed later. Carpathian Germans Unlike Bohemia's Sudeten Germans, the Carpathian Germans (or Germans residing in Slovakia and Ukraine's Carpathian Mountain region) did not inhabit a single territorial block. Rather, they were primarily concentrated in three areas-Bratislava, the Spis region and the Kremnica-Pravno area. 43 Carpathian Germans had worked in this territory as miners, merchants, artisans and clerics since the 11 th century and, by the 14 th and 15 th centuries, comprised between one-quarter to one-fifth of the population in what is now 44 known as Slovakia. However, German influence in the region waned and by the Second World War only 150,000 Carpathian Germans remained in Slovakia, according to Ondrej Poss, director of the Museum of Carpathian German Culture at the Slovak National Mu45 seum. The German minority living in Slovakia began to fear for their lives when the Red Army approached eastern Slovakia in 1944, and they left the country in systematic evacuations as of November 194446 Evacuation numbers vary widely, but author Ernst Hochber- 42 Ibid; Ibid , Mad'arska mensina, 142. Pekar, 4 7. 44 Ondrej Poss, Dejiny a kultura, 6. 45 Ibid. (Germans acco unted for approximately five percent of the Slovak population in the interwar period-Pekar, 47). Additionally, many Germans in eastern Slovakia magyarized in the second half of the nineteenth century. 46 Poss, Dejiny a kultura, 14. 43 �96 SLOVAKIA-2017 ger estimates that between 57 and 85 percent of Carpathian Germans left Slovakia before 1945.47 Photo 6: Print of German blacksmith by Wilhelm Gedeon. After the war 30,000 to 40,000 returned, hoping they could continue to live and work in what had been their ancestors' homeland for 800 years. 48 Many were interned in regional camps under inhumane conditions until roughly 32,000 were sent to Germany in 1946. 49 47 Ernst Hochberger, Die Karpatendeutschen in der Slowakei (Wien: bsterr. Landsmannschaft, 20 I 0), 76. 48 Poss, Dejiny a kultura, 16. 49 Ibid .; Hochberger, 77 . �97 SLOVAKIA-2017 However, not all of Slovakia's ethnic Germans were forced to leave at the end of the war. Approximately ten to fifteen percent remained, including skilled workers who were compelled to stay and work in state agricultural and industrial firms or those who could prove their wartime resistance to fascism. 50 Some of those who did not leave benefitted from exceptional circumstances, such as Wilhelm Gedeon and his family. 51 They lived in Medzev, a town just west of Kosice known as "the Mecca of Carpathian Germans in Slovakia. " 52 I Photo 7: Wilhelm Gedeon, spring 2012 50 Matej Spumy, " Political Authority and Popular Opinion: Czechos lovakia's German Population 1948-60," Social History Vol. 37, lss. 4, 2012, 458. 51 Poss, Karpatskonemecky spolok na Slovensku 20 rokov zaloienie, rozvoj (Kosice : Karpatskonemecky spolok na Slovensku, 2010), 12. 52 "Predseda Karpatskonemeckeho spolu Wilhelm Gedeon zaii l povojnove represie i roky normalizacie," Korzar/SME, Nov. 7, 2008 . Interestingly, former President of Slovakia Rudolf Schuster (1999-2004) hails from Medzev. �98 SLOVAKIA-2017 Born in Medzev in 1922, Gedeon was 23 years old at the end of the war. In October of 1945 an armed guard came to his family ' s home and informed them they had two hours to pack for deportation. Their belongings were to be placed in a wagon and they were to report to the school courtyard where other German families were assembled for relocation to Novaky, Slovakia, and interned until deportation to Germany. Gedeon, his uncle, grandmother and other family members dragged their wagon to the courtyard to join Medzev ' s sixth wave of deportations. However, while waiting in the courtyard, they were inspected by a doctor from the Swiss Red Cross who determined Gedeon's grandmother was too ill to go. He told the guards that Gedeon ' s whole family should be allowed to return home and stay in Medzev. The guards refused, arguing that only the grandmother and the other ill family member should stay; but the doctor persisted, asking the guards how the two elderly ones would survive by themselves. Thus the entire family was permitted to remain. Unfortunately , although they continued living in their family ' s homeland, the Germans who were not expelled faced discrimination for which they were unable to seek legal recourse. As Gedeon noted in his interview, "When we [Germans] lost our [Czechoslovak] citizenship, this was a very hard truth: if anyone beat or killed us, no penalty was levied because Germans were not citizens. " 53 Gedeon later moved to Kosice, where he worked as a civil engineer and eventually became head of the post-Communist Carpathian German Society in Kosice. 54 His story is the exception, yet it is also indicative of the unanticipated consequences of postwar Czechoslovakia' s attempt at ethnic cleansing. Unintended Outcomes What, then, were the significant unintended outcomes of the government's policies, which targeted Hungarians and Germans? First, concerning the population exchange of Slovaks and Hungarians, government officials clearly misjudged the situation when they mistakenly assumed that the number of Slovaks living in Hungary 53 Wilhelm Gedeon, interview by author, tape recording, 23-24 April 201 2, Kos ice, Slovakia. 54 Ibid. �SLOVAKIA-2017 99 was only slightly smaller than the number of Hungarians in southern Slovakia 55 In actuality, 16,387 more Hungarians vacated Czechoslovakia than Slovaks returned to inhabit southern Slovakia. 56 This resulted in a problem for Czechoslovak officials who had intended to populate the southern borderland with Slovaks so as to create a barrier against potential Hungarian irredentist aspirations. Secondly, the re-Slovakization campaign did not go as planned. Although over 362,000 people in southern Slovakia changed their reported ethnic identity from Hungarian to Slovak after the war, many of these did so insincerely, providing whatever documentation necessary to re-Slovakize and remain in Czechoslovakia. Expedient, "situational" self-identification led many to affiliate with whatever nationality would allow them to stay in their families ' generational hometown, searching for stability at a time of immense uncertainty. Thousands took a chance amidst postwar chaos, deciding to reSlovakize and face whatever future challenges lay ahead at least from the known quantities of their hometowns. To a certain extent, their "insincere" decisions to identify as Slovak can be measured by the 1950 and 1961 Czechoslovak censuses, which revealed that many in the postwar period who had chosen the re-Slovakization option were ethnically Hungarian but had re-Slovakized out of fear of retaliation. 57 Sutaj records that, although some Hungarians who had " insincerely" re-Slovakized after the war did identify again as Hungarian in the 1950 census, the majority continued to identify as "Slovak." 58 Just ten years later, however, the percentage of individual s reporting as "Hungarian" on the 1960 Czechoslovak census increased by 46.4 percent from 354,532 reporting as Hungarian on the 1950 census to 518,782 on the 1960 census.59 Cultural historian Veronika Gayer, of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, describes 55 Sutaj , "S lovakia and the Hungari an Minority," 23 1. Ther, 57 and Sutaj , "Slovakia and the Hungarian Minority," 233-234. However, it is quite plausible that many of these "Slovaks" had settled in Hun ga ry centuries ago. Thus it is questionable how " Slovak" they really were. 57 Sutaj , " Magyar minority in Slovaki a be fore and after the Seco nd World War," 279. 58 Ibid ., Mad'arska mensina, 144. 59 Ibid. 56 �100 SLOVAKIA-2017 this phenomenon as experienced by the citizens of Kosice during the 20 th century: The city changed control five times in the course of one generation .... These successive turns of state were [the] results of superpower decisions, so they could never reflect the actual will of citizens. A part of the citizens of thi s multi-lingual city always lost during these changes, while another part tried to align themselves with the changes, and changed language and nationality during official surveys. Many of the bilingual, dual-identity citizens could tum Czechoslovak from one year to the next, and then two decades later tum back into Hungarians, if the authorities wanted them to do so. 60 Many in southern Slovakia adjusted their ethnic affiliation as necessary, a practice which makes precise data comparisons and analyses nearly impossible for contemporary historians .6 1 Furthermore, after the Czechoslovak Communist coup in February 1948, many Hungarians (originally from southern Slovakia) who had been deported to work in Bohemia after the war, returned home and appealed for their property and rights.62 Consequently, southern Slovakia did not become purely Slovak after all. Sutaj concludes, "Despite the definite reduction of the number of Hungarian nationnality inhabitants, nonetheless the postwar measures were in vain, and the Hungarian minority in Slovakia maintained its compactness and ethnic identity." 63 Third, an entire reli gious denomination declined as a result of postwar anti-Hungarian measures and resulting linguistic battles. ReSlovakization drastically reduced the number of members in Slovakia 's Reformed Church since many could not worship in the Slovak language and, due to the state's removal of Hungarian clergy from their posts (those who did not re-Slovakize), there were not 60 Veronika Gayer, " From Kassa to Kosice, Kosice to Kassa," in Remembering 1he City: a Guide lhrough !he Pas/ of Kosice (Budapest: Terra Recognita Alapitvany, 20 13), 124. 61 See Sutaj , Mad'arska mensina, 143-144. 62 Sutaj , Mad'arskci mensina , 154. 63 Ibid. , 155 . �SLOVAKIA-2017 101 enough Reformed pastors who spoke Slovak. 64 For example, in 1946, out of 195 active Reformed pastors, only 23 claimed Slovak nationality. Yet for eight of these 23, their nationality was questionnable (meaning they were considered to be Hungarian and were removed from their posts). On the other hand, 172 of these 195 claimed to be Hungarian and only 80 of these re-Slovakized. 65 Photo 8: Cemetery in Banska Stiavnica Thus there were too many parishioners becoming Slovak through re-Slovakization (despite the fact that many were not proficient in the Slovak language) and too few pastors who could capably lead them in the Slovak language . 64 Sutaj, "Magyar minority in Slovakia before and after the Second World War," 275; Sutaj, Reslovakizacia, 31. This same problem presented itself in the postwar Roman Catholic Church, among others. 65 Ibid. �102 SLOVAKIA-2017 The Slovak Reformed Church's experience is significant because, as the overwhelming majority of believers were Hungarian and lived in southern Slovak towns such as Kosice, they naturally became targets of re-Slovakization efforts, which severely impacted the denomination across Slovakia. Sutaj points out that postwar Reformed Church leaders often noted that the decline of Calvinists in the Slovak population happened at the same time as re-Slovakization.66 He adds that the chaotic situation between Slovaks and Hungarians in southern Slovakia during re-Slovakization greatly affected the situation in the Reformed Church after 1945 .67 On the whole, the number of Reformed believers in what is now Slovakia decreased from 145,829 in 1930 to 111,696 by 1950, an almost 25 · 68 percent re d uction. In addition to the blows dealt to Slovakia's Hungarian attenuating minority, only approximately 17,000 of the pre-war 150,000 Carpathian Germans remained in the country by 1947. 69 Moreover, as was also true of the Hungarian minority, a glaring consequence of their expulsion was the loss of skilled labor and business acumen. In the First Czechoslovak Republic, 44 percent of Slovakia's Germans 70 were involved in business, trade or industry. According to figures taken from the 1952 "Equalization of Burdens Law," the Carpathian Germans of Slovakia were forced to abandon an excess of 9,800 farms, over 8,000 residential estates, more than 2,000 commercial properties, and over 1,000 forestry operations as well as 1,000 wineries.71 The state realized its mistake when it lacked workers proficient in boosting Czechoslovakia's postwar industrialization campaign. Perhaps the most shocking unanticipated outcome of the administration ' s carefully-crafted efforts was the fact that, just three years after Czechoslovakia was liberated, local Communists seized control of the republic. They quickly enacted policies much more concerned 66 Sutaj , Reslovakizacia, 31. Ibid., 32. 68 Jan Pesek and Michal Barnovs ky, Staino Moc a Cirkvi na Slovensku. 1948- 1953 (Brati slava: Veda, 1997), 13-1 8. In Kosice after the war, two-thirds o f th e city 's Reformed Church reported themselves as Slovak and one third as Hungarian . " Kosice," Kalvinske hlasy, May 15, 1946. 69 Hochberger, 77. 70 Isidor Lasslob, Die Karpatendeutschen im Spiegelbild der Zahlen (Kes mark: Vi vit-Verl ag / Karpatendeutsche Landsmannschaft Stuttgart, 2004), 8. 71 Ibid., 7. 67 �SLOVAKIA-2017 103 with Czechoslovak citizens ' class status than with their ethnic affiliation.72 The Hungarian minority remaining in the country received the right to Czechoslovak citizenship in 1948 and the German minority as early as 1949 and by 1953 at the latest. 73 The change of policy from postwar discrimination against ethnic minorities to the Communist regime's obsession with class status freed many Hungarians who had expediently re-Slovakized after the war to again identify as Hungarian on the 1951 and 1960 Czechoslovak censuses. Conclusion Although many are familiar with the postwar fate of Czechoslovakia ' s three million Sudeten Germans, it is often overlooked that roughly 600,000 Hungarians and 32,000 Carpathian Germans were forced to leave the country or assimilate at that time. As a result of the Benes administration's April 1945 Kosice Program, Czechoslovakia's German and Hungarian populations (some of whom had lived on the land for centuries) were pronounced guilty by association with Nazi Gennany and what became Nazi-controlled Hungary. This verdict represented a sharp reversal from the generous rights minorities had enjoyed during the First Czechoslovak Republic from 1918 to 1938. After the Second World War, however, Czechs and Slovaks harbored resentment for wartime injustices, and many sought retribution among their German and Hungarian neighbors . Even the Benes administration petitioned the Allies for permission to expel the country' s German and Hungarian populations. When the Allies agreed to the wholesale expulsion of the German minority but not to that of the Hungarians, the government devised three methods to rid Czechoslovakia of its over half a million Hungarians. What the Benes admini stration could not see at the time was that its efforts to expel all Germans and force Hungarians to assimilate or be relocated out of Slovakia would either fail or backfire against the future welfare of the republic. Approximately ten to fifteen percent of the Carpathian Germans were permitted to stay in Slovakia for a 72 See Pekar, 53. Sutaj , " Magyar minority in Slovaki a befo re and after the Second World War," 279-28 1; Some Germ ans received citizenship as earl y as 1949. See Spumy, 462464. 73 �104 SLOVAKIA-2017 variety of reasons. Moreover, southern Slovakia remained largely Hungarian when the population exchange was shown to be lopsided , when those deported to the Czech lands returned home, and when over 360,000 Hungarians expediently chose to falsely identify as Slovak. They did so in order to avoid recrimination, to maintain their livelihoods, to remain with their families, and/or to face unknown future challenges from the security of their hometowns. The German and Hungarian minorities who were in fact expelled from Czechoslovakia took with them a rich tradition of culture, skilled labor and entrepreneurial expertise. Ultimately, it can be argued that Benes' policies proved incomplete, ineffective and even injurious to postwar Czechoslovakia. � SLOVAKIA-201 7 81 KICKED OUT: CZECHOSLOVAKIA'S POSTWAR POLICY TOW ARD ETHNIC MINORITIES AND ITS UNINTENDED OUTCOMES 1 Marty Manor Mullins Postwar Czechoslovakia was not a warm, friend ly place to be if you were a Hungarian or German in late 1945 to 1946. In fact, during his inaugural speech commemorating the reunifycation of the Czechoslovak Republic in April of 1945, President Edvard Benes proclaimed, "Our state will be a state of nations, a state of only Czechs and Slovaks and no one else!" 2 In postwar Slovakia one could walk down the street and be confronted with slogans such as : "Kosice must be cleansed of Magyar lice!"3 or indications (such as the bullet holes riddling a local street sign named after Adolf Hitler) of widespread resentment toward the Nazi regime with which local German and Hungarian minorities were associated. Furthermore, caustic warnings appeared in the local newspaper such as the following, printed in the Demokrat daily of June 17, 1945: " ... whether the Hungarians of [the city ofJ Kosice like it or not, the Slovaks are now the masters .. . the mouths of those who do not want to speak Slovak must be shut." 4 Although many are familiar with the fate of Czechoslovakia's three million Sudeten Germans, what exactly was the situation that the country's Hungarian and Carpathian German minorities found themselves in as of late 1945? What was the cause of such vitriolic language used against them? Furthermore, how was this kind of abuse justified by their accusers? This article explores the back1 This article is based on a paper presented at the 2016 meeting of the Association for Slavic, East European and Eurasian Studies on a panel entitled " Kicked Out of Czechoslovakia: The Fate of Postwar German and Hungarian Refugees, Then and Now." 2 Quoted in "t\no, zaci name ozaj novy zivot," Demokrat, Apr. 4, 1945 . 3 Szabo Lajos, Utols6 szalmaszal (Budapest: Magyar Egy haztorteneti Enciklopedia Munkakiiziisseg, 2000). 4 Demokrat, June 7, 1945 ; Stefan Sutaj, "Ethnic Deve lopment in Kosice after 1945," Studia Historyczne 4 (20 13), 4 72. �82 SLOVAKIA-2017 ground and implementation of postwar Czechoslovak policy towards its Hungarian and German populations while also elucidating several unintended yet significant outcomes of this policy 's execution, particularly within southern and central Slovakia. Pho to 1: Bullet holes riddle this street sign, formerly posted in Slovakia's Spis region and now on display in a Kezmarok museum. Back round Recall that a united Czechoslovakia did not exist during the Second World War. At the Munich Conference in 1938, Hitler capita lized on complaints from Czechoslovakia's Sudeten German minority to convince the Allies to cede the Sudetenland to Nazi Germany. As of March 1939, the Czech Lands of Bohemia and Moravia became a Protectorate governed and occupied by Nazi Germany, while wartime Slovakia operated as a semi-independent authoritarian state led by the Roman Catholic priest Jozef Tiso. However, over I 0,000 square kilometers (c. 3,800 square miles) including cities such as Kosice in southern Slovakia were not even under Slovak control during the war. Rather, southern Slovakia had been ceded to Hungary as part of the First Vienna Award of November 1938. Thus, the Czechoslovak Republic ceased to exist for the duration of the war and southern Slovak territory came under Hungarian governance for six years. At the end of the war, when the Red Army marched across Ukraine and fought its way into eastern Slovakia, Kosice was the �SLOVAKIA-2017 83 first major city of the former Czechoslovak Republic to be liberated. Freed on January 19, 1945 , Kosice served as the temporary capital of reunited Czechoslovakia and the seat of President Benes. His time in the city is most associated with the "Kosice Program" which, among other objectives, outlined postwar policy toward the Hungarian and German minorities, who were declared collectively guilty for the breakup of the First Czechoslovak Republic. In the Kosice Program the postwar government reversed the generous policies of the interwar republic regarding minority populations. During the interwar period, Czechoslovakia's ethnic and religious groups were granted constitutional rights unparalleled at that time in the region, including the right to speak and educate children in their native languages as well as to form cultural associations and political parties. More importantly, they were granted equal status with Czechs and Slovaks before the law and protected from forced assimilation. 5 However, after the Second World War, these rights were rescinded. Germans and Hungarians were stripped of Czechoslovak citizenship, their property was nationalized and/or confiscated, minority schools were closed and they were ineligible to receive entitlements. 6 Of course, Czechoslovakia was not alone in its postwar forced relocation of Germans and Hungarians. In the years immediately following World War II, Europe witnessed the largest forced migration the world had ever seen .7 Resentment Czechoslovakia's German and Hungarian populations (some of whom had lived on this land for centuries) were pronounced collectively guilty by association with Nazi Germany and what became Nazi-controlled Hungary . At this time many Czechs and Slovaks sought revenge for wartime injustices and even atrocities still fresh in their memories . For instance, Slovaks in the eastern Slovak village of Nemecka Poruba (10 km north of Sobrance) endured what the Demokrat newspaper called the "eastern Slovak Lidice," referring to 5 Martin Pekar, et al., Ethnic Minorities in Slovakia in the Years 1918-1945: A Survey (Prefov : Un iversum-EU , 2011 ), 50-51 . 6 Kosicky Vladni Program Chs. VIII, X, XV . 7 For details see Philipp Ther and Ana Siljak, eds. Redrawing Nations: Ethnic Cleansing in East-Central Europe, 1944-1948 (Lanham, Md: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001. �84 SLOVAKIA-2017 the German massacre of Czech men in the Bohemian town of Lid ice in retaliation for the assassination of Reich Protector Reinhard Heydrich). 8 Towards the end of the war, the over 700 inhabitants of Nemecka Poruba had assisted partisan fighters living in the nearby forest by providing food and lodging during bad weather. Although the Germans stepped up patrols in the area, no one gave away the location of the partisans. After a surprise German raid on the village, resulting in the death of four German soldiers, most of the inhabitants fled, fearing Nazi retribution. It came swiftly when they burned the village to the ground the next day (November 2-3, 1944) and shot the eight men who remained behind. Villagers faced not only the loss of the victims but also their homes as they spent the 9 oncoming winter in underground dugouts. Photo 2: President Benes signed the Kosice Program here on April 5, 1945. Today the building houses the Eastern Slovak Art Gallery. As for their relationships with the Hungarians, Slovaks deeply 10 resented the years of forced assimilation to the Hungarian language 8 9 "Nemci vypalili obec a osem mu fov zastrelili ," Demokrat, 19 July, 1946. Ibid. �SLOVAKIA-2017 85 and culture in the nineteenth century known as "magyarization," as well as the wartime massacres committed by the Hungarian Arrow Cross troops in southern Slovakia. What is more, Slovaks considered the Vienna Arbitration, which gave Hungary wartime control over southern Slovakia, to be an unjust occupation of land that had rightfully belonged to Czechoslovakia from 1918 to 1938. Retribution With his April 1945 declaration that only Czechs and Slovaks deserved to remain in the republic, President Benes echoed and even gave credence to citizens' bitter sentiments toward minorities, as historian Eagle Glassheim notes. He states, "Though Benes abjured violence, his repeated public speeches on the collective guilt of the Germans must have carried great moral weight." 11 Benes' inaugural speech left little question regarding the country's forthcoming posture regarding remaining Hungarians and Germans: ... Our new home will not be new only in its relationship between Czechs and Slovaks. It must be rebuilt also in other respects.. .. This applies also towards its relationship with other nations and especially toward those Germans and Hungarians who before the war enjoyed full political rights as partners. After this war something similar is not possible. Our state will be a state of nations, a state of only Czechs and Slovaks and no one else! 12 As is evident from the last lines of his speech, a sense of retribution for wartime injustice fueled his plan to recreate the republic as "a state of only Czechs and Slovaks and no one else!" However, another key factor in Benes' goal of ridding Czechoslovakia of its German and Hungarian minorities was the belief that allowing sizeable numbers of either minority to remain could once more jeopardize the 10 Unlike Slovak, Czech, Polish, Ukrainian, Russian, etc., which are all members of the Slavic linguistic tree, Hungarian is a Uralic language, similar only to Finnish and Estonian. It is extremely difficult for Slovaks to learn Hungarian and vice versa, and the difficulty is compounded for the older language learner. 11 Eagle Glassheim , "The Mechanics of Ethnic Cleansing: The Expulsion of Germans from Czechoslovakia, 1945-1947" in Redrawing Nations: Ethnic Cleansing in East-Central Europe, 1944-1948, eds. Philipp Ther and Ana Siljak (Lanham, Md: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001), 215 . 12 Quoted in "Ano, zaciname ozaj novy zivot," Dernokrat, Apr. 4, 1945 . �86 SLOVAKIA-2017 state. Benes employed this logic as early as 1941 to appeal to the Allied Powers that, unless the Germans were expelled from postwar Czechoslovakia en masse, they might again rally to return the Sudetenland to Germany. 13 After Nazi Germany surrendered in May of 1945, local retaliation against Germans and Hungarians, which had already begun during the war, intensified. Newly-legalized procedures enabled Czechs and Slovaks to enjoy personal gain at the expense of German and Hungarian minorities. For example, the nascent Benes administration established "national committees" (narodne vybory), popularly-elected regional boards charged with bringing local order to the chaos that was pervasive in the months following the end of the wa 14 One of the national committees' most cherished responsibilities was the distribution of vacated minority properties that had been confiscated by the state. An illustration of this played out in the eastern Slovak Spis region (at the base of the Carpathian Mountains), where Slovaks had no problem reallocating their German neighbors' former properties. An article in the post-1945 Slovak newspaper Narodna Obroda (National Revival) reports that by February 4, 1945 the entire German population had already vacated the Spis region. 15 It further discussed the way abandoned German properties were handled by the newly established "national committees:" The Spis districts remain practically without Germans, whom the retreating German army took with them . The national committees in Poprad, in Spisska Nova Ves, in Levoca, Kezmarok and Gelnica procured their properties and placed fugitives from villages in them[fugitives] who [were] victims of the events of war or of barbaric German destruction. 16 Slovak national committees willingly exercised their right to confiscate and redistribute German property to those they deemed to 13 Glassheim, "The Mechanics of Ethnic Cleansing," 200. Ibid., "Ethnic Cleansing, Communism, and Environmental Devastation in Czechoslovakia's Borderlands, 1945- 1989," Journal of Modern History 78 (March 2006), 72. Ibid ., "National Mythologies and Ethnic Cleansing: The Expulsion of Czechoslovak Germans in 1945," Central European History 33 , no. 4 (2008), 473 . 15 "Spis bez emcov," Narodna Obroda, Feb. 4, 1945 . 14 16 Ibid. �SLOVAKIA-2017 87 be deserving. Slovak historians Sona Gabzdilova-Olejnikova and Milan Olejnik characterize this era as a time of "postwar euphoria" and note the following: Accompanying this atmosphere of elation was a ri se in radicalization . Germans and Hungarians had become synonymous with evil. A majority of Slovak inhabitants did not deny themselves such measures as, ... confiscation, [acti vating] national administrative boards (ncirodne sprcivy), 17 and stripping Germans and Hungarians of their Czechoslovak citizenship. 18 At times the "postwar euphoria" turned violent, as Glassheim details in his article on the atrocities committed by locals against their former German neighbors in Bohemia and Moravia. He describes the summer of 1945 as a time when "a Wild West atmosphere reigned" before the central governmental authority was capable of averting and arraigning pogrom perpetrators. 19 The multiple mass graves of German victims discovered in Slovakia alone (187 men in Sklene, 146 individuals in Rufomberok, 83 in Banska Stiavnica, etc.), indicate the extent of animosity expressed by Slovaks that summer. 20 One of the worst acts of violence occurred on June 18, 1945 in the Moravian town of Pferov where Czechoslovak soldiers massacred 247 Carpathian German men, women and children who were travelling home to central and eastern Slovakia. 21 17 Glass heim explains that, in borderland regions where there was not a sufficient number of Czechs to run for electi on in regional "nati ona l co mmittees," reliable candidates were sent from the Ministry of the Interior to staff " nat iona l administrative boards" (narodne spravy). When enough Czechs (and, perceivably, Slovaks) populated these regions, nati onal comm ittee elections were held and the administrative boards were abolished . See Glassheim , "Ethnic Cleansing, Communi sm, and Environmental Devastation," 72. 18 Soi\a Gabzdilova-Olejnikova and Milan O lej nik, Karpatski Nemci na Slovensku od druhej svetovej vojny do roku 1953 (Bratislava: Spolecenskovedny ustav SA V, 2004), 59 . 19 Glassheim , "National Mythologies and Ethnic Cleansing," 473. 20 Ondrej Poss, Dejiny a kultiira karpatskych Nemcov (Bratislava: Slovak Nati onal Museum/Muse um of Carpathian German Culture, 2005), 14. 21 Ibid., 16. �88 SLOVAKIA-2017 Photo 3: Kosice's Reformed (Calvinist) Church was established in 1644, indicating Calvinism's influence in the Hungarian lands after the Protestant Reformation. Its current location, adjacent to the ancient city wall, dates back to the early 19 th century. It is a nationally-registered cultural monument. Another instance of postwar retribution took place between Christian believers who held their reformed (Calvinist) faith in common yet stood on opposing ethnic sides. Since the sixteenth century, the Reformed Church in Slovakia had been largely composed of Hungarians. However, a small Slovak contingent also co-existed, and, after the Second World War, some Slovaks were zealous in asserting their language above that of their Hungarian brethren during church services. Thus, one of the biggest areas of contention between �SLOVAKIA-2017 89 Slovak and Hungarian believers was the issue of which language would be the language of worship after the war. Officially, the Hungarian language was forbidden in public in postwar Slovakia except in liturgical services where the pre-193 8 language had been Hungarian (although this law was often ignored by anti-Hungarian Slovak believers or by local authorities). 22 In practice the language of worship was determined on a church-bychurch basis. 23 The church linguistic dispute was especially intense because many Reformed pastors claimed that preaching in the language that the people could understand was one of the primary benefits of the Protestant Reformation itself. 24 The Reformed Church presbytery in the eastern Slovak village of Zarnov (just southwest of Kosice) provides an example. It employed the following reasoning in its debate regarding conducting services in Slovak or Hungarian : The liturgical language of the Reformed Church should be performed in the language of the people. It is the biggest achievement of the Reformation. One should also take into account that [although] a large part of the population registered for re-Slovakization, they do not actually forget their Hungarian mother tongue and are not able to adapt to the Slovak language. 25 Other Slovak Calvinists, however, seized the opportunity to only sanction the Slovak language during worship. Intriguingly, a 1948 issue of Kalvinske hlasy (Calvinist Voices) describes a ceremony, presumably held at the Reformed Church in Bidovce, 12 miles (19 km) east of Kosice . At thi s service the following poem lauding the Slovak language was recited: Oh, that Slovak languageSacred language, That language of faith, 22 James R. Felak, After Hitler, Before Stalin: Catholics, Communists, and Democrats in Slovakia, 1945-1948 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2009), 20. 23 See Felak, 18-21. 24 Sutaj, Reslovakizacia: zmena narodnosti casti obyvatelstva Slovenska po fl. svetovej vojne (Kos ice: Spolocenskovedny ustav SA V, 199 1), 14. 25 Quoted in Sutaj, Reslovakizacia, 32. �90 SLOVAKIA-2017 I know there is none in the world [like it]. If however an angel in heaven Sings to God gratefully, He must not sing to Him other than in Slovak. 26 Hungarian Calvinists faced more than the prospect of being forced to worship in a foreign language. Further hardships affected them when believers' property was confiscated, when the state refused to pay Hungarian clergy's salaries, and when these clergy were not allowed to teach or correspond with each other in Hungarian. 27 The "Purging" At the Potsdam Conference in the summer of 1945, the Allies officially sanctioned the wholesale expulsion of Czechoslovakia's over three million Germans, as long as the expulsion was conducted in a "humane and orderly" manner. 28 They did not, however, agree to the complete removal of southern Slovakia's Hungarians, of whom historian Katalin Vadkerty estimates there were approximately 600,000 by the end of the war. 29 Instead, the Allied Powers believed the " Hungarian Question" should be worked out between the neighboring countries themselves. Therefore, Czechoslovakia had to find other means of cleansing itself from its Hungarian minority. The Benes administration thus proceeded with the expulsion of the German minority and crafted three measures by which to eliminate the Hungarians. This article addresses the methods by which the Hungarian and Carpathian German minorities were purged from Slovakia and concludes with an explanation of the unintended consequences of these policies . 26 "Odovzdanie resl ovakizacnych dekretov v Bidovciach," Kalvinske hlasy, Apr. 27, 1948. 27 Felak, I 8. 28 Philipp Ther, "A Century of Forced Migration," in Redrawing Nations: Ethnic Cleansing in East-Central Europe, 1944-1948, eds. Ther and Ana Si lj ak (Lanh am, Md: Rowman & Littlefield, 200 I), 55. 29 Katalin Vadkerty, " Hungari ans in Postwar Slovaki a," Hungarian Quarterly , vo l. 35 (Winter 1994): 11 5. �91 SLOVAKIA-2017 ' \t KAlViNSKE HLASY (lqlkava.nia, &ts l'Zru.~neho napatia, - da. si ootubl po slave ,·lastne~ Ones fa ubi) aj Pr~hadz:l na svet Pan neba i zeme. Aty sa te. tvoj slaromam. Al\'<>je dell sa ti ui tall 111/te. Ali I hho Dl'lcho<lu. Spomlnai nl lui.sne Jm· sia, aliO v ca..~h, ked' kai.dit .va[nu dlv!'lu ii viancene doby, prriite od det.stva. Vywoovaly venoval im, aby sl do ich &tycli srde IOlllml • ~ zvlutnyin kuzlom. A pripominaly tl, semienka pllvdy. dobra 3 krisy V ducliu Vet. my ii bol pl'lp-awny privi~t Pina. n& evanjella. l ~ treto cbvlle. Tlili po tom, Pre tvoj chlad a ducho111Y upadok, • a Photo 4: ln Kosice after the war, two-thirds of the city's Reformed Church reported themselves as Slovak and one third as Hungarian. This estimate appeared in the May 15, 1946 edition of Kalvinske hlasy (Calvinist Voices). �92 SLOVAKIA-2017 The first system of ridding southern Slovakia of unwanted Hungarians was by population exchange.Jo The plan proposed that Hungarians leave southern Slovakia for Hungary while Slovaks living in Hungary would return to Slovakia and free themselves of any "magyarizing tendencies" they had acquired while living in Hungary. The aim was to restore a Slavic majority to Czechoslovakia's southern borderland, which would also provide a buffer against any future Hungarian revanchist designs. JI What is interesting about the population exchange is that, while Slovaks were allowed to voluntarily apply to move back to Slovakia, Hungarians were designated by the Czechoslovak state to return to Hungary.J 2 In total, 89,660 Hungarians relocated from Czechoslovakia to Hungary between 1945 and 1948, whereas 73,273 people voluntarily moved from Hungary to Czechoslovakia.JJ The Czechoslovak government so badly wanted to reverse the ethnic ratio in southern Slovakia that it circulated propaganda advertisements such as the following: 30 The popul ati on exchange was accompani ed by numerous hardships, experi enced by both Slovaks and Hungarians- See Rast islav Karaba, " Postoj katolickej cirkvi k vymene obyvatel'stva medzi Ceskoslovenskom a Mad'arskom a k umi esti\ovaniu presidlencov do Ciech a na Moravu v rokoc h 1946-1 948," in Zlat ica Saposova and Sutaj , Povojnove migracie a vymena obyvatel'stva medzi Ceskoslovenskom a Mad'arskom (Presov : Uni versum , 20 I 0). 31 Sutaj, Mad'arska mensina na Slovensku v rokoch 1945-1948.· vychodiska a prax {olitiky k mad'arskej men.sine na Slovensku, (Brati slava: Veda, 1993), 59. 2 Ibid ., "The Magyar Minority in Slovakia before and after the Second World War" in Slovakia in History , eds. Mikulas Teich, Dusan Kovac, and Martin D. Brown (Cambridge: Cambridge Un iversity Press, 20 I I), 276; Ibid ., " Slovakia and the Hungarian Minority between 1945 and 1948," in Key Issues of Slovak and Hungarian History (a View of Slovak Historians), eds. Stefan Sutaj, Stefan Franko, and Igor Baka (Presov: Uni versu m, 201 1), 233 . 33 lbid .,"S lovakia and the Hungari an Minori ty," 23 3-34; Ther, 57. Of the 89,660 Hungarians exchanged fro m Czechoslovakia to Hungary per the 1958 report by the Czechos lovak Ministry of Foreign Affa irs, this fi gure includes 34,000 who were re located outside the Popul ati on Exchange Agreemen t. For example, 3 I,780 Anyas Hungarians [those who moved to southern Slovakia after the First Vienna Award] were deported en masse in the summ er of 1945. Of the 73,273 individuals who moved from Hungary to Czechoslovakia, approx imate ly 12,000 did so outside the Population Exchange in order to partake of th e benefits the Czechoslovak state offered to those who would identify as Slovak. See Sutaj, "Ethni c Development in Kos ice after 1945," Studia Historyczne 4(20 13), 4 74. �SLOVAKIA-2017 93 Do you want to become a citi zen of the victori ous Czechos lovak state? Do yo u want well-paid work in factories? Hungarian Slovaks, the Czechos lovak Republi c will not only relocate you but assure you at least as quality if not an even better economic, cultural and social environm ent than you have li ved in until now. Slovak farm ers from Hungary will cultivate fertil e Slovak land , craftsmen and entrepreneurs w ill work in Slovak firm s, and workers in Sl ovak factori es and the intelligentsia in Slovak agencies .... 34 As will be explained below, the population exchange did not materi ali ze the way authoriti es had hoped. A second means of reducing the Hungarian contingent in southern Slovakia was to deport them to work in Bohemia, many times on Czech farm s in the interior or in borderland areas . One of the primary factors for determining which Hungarians would be sent to the Czech Lands was whether or not they were able-bodied workers.35 Although deportations were carried out in three waves, the main organized deportation began on November 19, 1946.36 In total, 44, 129 Hungarians were deported to Bohemia between 1946-194 7 .37 What was troublesome about the deportations is that they occurred mainly during the winter, with deportees transported in cold wagons, under military supervision. Furthermore, many times the Hungarians who were forced to relocate had to sell their property and possessions below value. 38 Re-Slovakization (reslovakizacia in Slovak) was the final measure taken against the Hungarians to reduce their number while at the same time increasing the Slovak presence in southern Slovakia. ReSlovakization meant that those of contested ethnicity or originally of 34 Zlati ca Saposova, "St'aznosti Slovakov k vymene obyvatel'stva medzi Ceskoslovenskom a Mad'arskom v dokum entoch MZV C R," in Povojnove migrcicie a vy mena obyvatel'stva medzi Ceskoslovenskom a Mad'arskom . eds. Saposova and Sutaj (Presov: Uni vers um , 20 I 0), 192-93. 35 Sutaj, Mad'arskci mensina, 63. Sutaj notes that all able-bodi ed Hungari ans fro m Kosice and nearby towns ages 14-60 were ordered to work camps. 36 However, already as of November I, 1945, Demokrat reported that 12,000 Hungarians had been sent to the Czech lands as part of the first transport of Hungari ans to Bohemi a and Moravia. Demokrat, Nov. I, 1945. 37 Sutaj, " Magyar minority in Slovaki a before and after the Second World War," 279. 38 Ibid., "Slovaki a and th e Hungari an Minority," 238. �94 SLOVAKIA-2017 Slovak nationality but who had declared themselves as Hungarian, could apply for Czechoslovak citizenship. 39 The intent of re-Slovakization was to "make Slovak again" those who had magyarized (assimilated to the Hungarian nationality), perhaps in order to survive the war years under Hungarian rule. Furthermore, minorities who could prove active resistance to the Slovak or Hungarian wartime regimes were also permitted to gain citizenship. 40 Re-Slovakization also allowed magyarized Slovaks to avoid population exchange to Hungary. 41 .... h " " " .,.,,.,, - ,.,.,, Jll9Shf papsl Jt~ee prlv ttall Slov4kov z Mad'araka V• ._.,_._ • ~ had.. r•ll'(lo prl~ a..t. . . ata Slovdkov 11: Mwd'.ar-&9'• v .......,lQ&a .-d4cetJo 01'id.rovacet koml•fo v Novon. M.~te p,l)d Statrt)<(D. a $prl•vod& Barlr:tf'.fr9 .orrila 4,.~ ..._ •Wlloo t!ut N .. • p.-ckro(!:fla bl.br•nke.. Po, ..-.v•wr ~ Y prfvttaJ• aw b"abltJo~k.>' o ~ d•Je.-•ctu po.aL z.,..mbo.-•. lltor4 ,... ~ ....-...u. ~ chvtl'u. kli:"dy •• Sloviict • M•~•rska •~•a.J4 • - • • .oa ..,.,, p6d9 • cJtcO • . ..,.. .t:1t • esr,t. l l r f f o • ~ 1 ' 1 okr. . prtvtbll d•,..•cru komJNr Lapf.611'.. z. ko&i,e.lk:f o11.r«t t»"lvO,al 4-,qcac:lu oblaat.. OIIIW•t. Jnls,ektor T . Kand.-. z ~ ltlNV .,, ,No'¥4)-m Mute pOd $fatrom prlvftaJ deloe6cJu • poto,n. ....i.oo.-•t ~ • • ~ # ...-,,mJ f ·r ~t.Jclamt. V Kr.lf..-C b1u~cl prtvlta.f delec'\c'- mt.-t. koml94.r lv•o.. po - , 4 ~ m Obede odObnd.a ... d•f•sllcla do Tor"Qffe.. ltd• tu prlvlt ■J ~ II04Ma ~ SnO'llkO,. z M•f•f Yoronw oc:fqhral• Ml dcteg:6cfa do Tr•bllov•~ odlcla.f po ,>rf..,... a po ob.!orstil'enf Ude>b,-.Ja sa delea:Acla aut0bu$0'ffl CSD do l(ollc. O ~~ hudbu1 veoor prSfa de1elll::1cla S l .;tv4 k(>v z- .'\1ad'1u·:>ikn ..-o Ko.lfc.. Oet..-llicha prfvlW .,,,....!!'ml •Fovafflf "" m.me z•••upJteh·t-v• me:&ta K,o~rc ,,odqr(?d~eda M~V Pod~ck~. letoc'# z.dOraznlt. ff na.~fm ch:rom nfo le MovamJ proeJivi..~at. ale shurkovJ?m 5lav,u:o.. orwto a&y dobrc O(N!;:ontvalf • pO::nutvaJJ 2.lvo-t u n~s a porovo4vttll • pome,-~n:tt v M•d'a.r. . . . NA.lou ~ Je. •by v•etc1 n••f braua. ktort do(era-e trpcU v Mact•nkv. 11.11 ,.,,..tlll _... 4t, va...tl. •e4:d svaJtch.- t.m kde od vekov p•h"S. • tlbJI" •vo..-110 spo,l u a n•0:tt po~ I v bq(fo,rat•r-11:-, J>r'•C'I T• h1:pltu budi.t enost Ropu.bUky_ Potom prhrfta1 a:eUY<:tt ~ z.. Ro. • M•d'llr!5lc• prHMlda ONV ,1un:n!fu.. h!rr# fnfp,. l(undur • f:aJw 0$ KoJ,,.k . V u-.ene 6.ra.dftlk osfdro,,,ncef kttrnlsrc Svehla. V d<.t..-.cU Sfnv.l.kn:v !Iii M111cf•r~k• fo Ya$fflpe ..-#d, 18 ob4-f ~ o,bla.-U SA.toTa11»'"1Jh•ly. De1e,x'd"" A :sdi'.lt $l<Wen.ak-t.1 ••t J dut. C!efom di!'J,eatd• Je ~C.tlf, •k• pom,e.. y •d • ., ••• 1~<::J•hi• tu• ~o,dr,,.om: $c1o.ctt;aku. Urn •m•NlG fl•fl :Sl-o• vCd • ob.ad S.Uon.ll•u.1b•1y.,J• \o JtOClhoi,tt•h• .. V .. . - . b'f'aUa, • Mad'.,a.r,.:k• ~- uuHm&IG MAt.ci. t'l! ~IMdmf ea., _ ... ·•Plilbbky• l ~ "6«> le ,......., rd!ov• f -.urnlna• ••fbllttt•~ Ct~ovta 40,..,a:4~1.,. •4 _.dea • itvftanirn. •f• .-J s vomcrmt o n.i,mu.lC.d, •fro to vfdtet « fcb :ll•da.t:lch tv4.rf_ -.,. $1"'4•Wom ,.~hovore. kt,Qrl •• vlcdc,! ~•.., .M.v_.m-, v•~a,e otl dp.rlmn• ~t•lt1vaU no '-.l:M.. •kir>ro n.-.no'lfu:rna PQt1t•ry v Ma(fatsko ta& v mbt•Joatl, •kc aJ drn...,_ "la n•fdf,:nnu:Ju alt.ti• - . 41v.J6 • uac:Uentm a t.&ra ••- -fe a.a $.tl,Qn.~r k,!i, •U11CD,1• Iii. lrar.eble . . bud~ t;ql!ict V7'ttlt m~dd « v - - . .,._ ~ .. HO .., df-.td Ma\fari na o.kl_fuvta,e'lu •~,;ia ~.-hr.IL I• maffusJc:~ oby~ 'lt'H.,.,.. ..,..tidc-;r t az.•vl&U,YQ a 6n4y. b~cl Wb-ffv-. .,,.<::h._..,._,_ •llctt v OstTety, . . dnthd ____, .,. ~ - a.Ito lfll " " ' ' · '11'0 Y~t•ttm. ...._ Y ......... ~ h P: 'd.u'IO., n•fl'ft• • IUt..,._ ~.. f♦ t,1-ch, kkk-f prihl.twnt ~ "dtfo oralotiff 4a ....ivaai-,_,,.,., ...., . . . , _ ,._4•nka. Y ~ 1 . - u ~ t'_... m•dar,. . . ~ . - - st fftlbh ~V,IIQv. v-Ok•t,- '"' . . . . . . . . . ..,,.,,., 4iU wdt $fe~d t0f'(t ~u\ta ......._ ':a t#M~ . . IN-6 fm afc;ty~lc- t~ul)" 4 ► ....., ............. ..,... 1<1) w,I • • ~ • l ) tom. • ............ ,....• ..._,..._._.~•altou kr4tlcym veriovao)'-w orfv•tom. d•to1 oav.de1¥""a4d~ Slov•kov z Mndarwk• zad'akov•t l'oJ:,yU 11'.Ultf:t-,. ddta. uvfr.d lt, la hoct POdl• drll!dneJ matla.T$lu1J 11-t•H-s ~l..kv o,a! bye n.-.,,r. "' ot••h<-.i fht.Jab1Ul.~\t. 1,r,n ted«n StO"'•k. ,=el• nMC , . . . 19venak'-. N-. otllriru <, bot-p,odl..rs.kyi;.h pom•r<teh , Nlad'w.~\r-u • ;ffYOU.Om Prf•me:r• t•MoJ.lhl'bQ ~lo• "1e-1'a. h,n 1'tn1.lllf"CV•n• k#vlt ,ui.tc:ov. Ta><: !faPr d¥"ra l'-1••~, ~ f 1h••hH1( v M•d&l"llh tn.f: d • - •f-..t _ , IIJ .-ttt. 1>•~.a. l!a t:tetn ~...-~ ~..,. •*•tw. lt-(h>lf tt!'dfhl .... 'l-'.t.14, ~fn•du• n.1• <-•14! dv• k1r Jflbllol f"l•J• konm• tn• p.->1n~• yy-.01t• h-od nr:ttu • '"'• c•"• ,:tAle "rdr,11. l"'t.h, ,,,.,d nechlvno"' ,to n:ia.!tch Jv}nJn sulln Jt,cff-n " i,o-t rn;lll~• i:te,n-3 dnc-~ 1,:1 c~n• 1M N;C. t• ta fflil. Ptm•6. Robot111k v Mad1ar-.skt1, 1ii;,,..r9 l)l>df• vl~becnel u,l•-olry I• M.•dar:f.kn J,e: rnftvo. HOU) v~•'"'"' "odn.lky •lok •tona ft-t!-U';'."1V1.eobocit• O:lolno p0V4td.a(, ... V ,taller,flc- pla,en:t, dois-·h1no okofo f.-den • -poJ rn._ ,. n4l!IO-O<h,fk4 •• ttl-m«T nit!. Nlk'lq nd'lvntute. lobo kattltliht nl.ot.. D<,my-.. lnor:i, bo1y rotv61::tw6, •tl o.. t,,tl$len~. v~21.de •d rllmqvl•k• *-kO tell une:c'hata val'na. O(,r,r•vr,d PQffl~r,• Ml V'lfrnl s!..,_ Mof1110 cwvodat. L♦ fd1tl•n tv~l>Odil'.tka •ltut.c.Jw. &J♦ i:~i-kov4 PMl'.htf y v4k~.. •-0 u;f talt._ •ls:• lw)ly • • ~'"""'•n•tr.v htt•d' v pr-vJ'c.b d.lt&etl 1lo v-t"-eltffatt.f fr°"tu. V•tfflt •tt ,. to o•Jma a olac..-vwnfm a it f)bn~. 'ktor$'-h h<e,d:no1• l♦ •stH'WUH't'tidgll.,_ T•k twt1>r, ,.., -.:~..-,,nk tla.,. 150 ttYU. pat;tJC6~ -.. vark• n . . . .t•tNf •• )la.V"f n.JmA v vaDftarl a v •~« •kl4!~ ttodf'l4ta ,.,._bfl •t1Je ti:t._.._ • dn,_ u• • M..ad'an.kw obleb-taJO 10 mllt6nov♦ tt-.nkovllrr, Photo 5: "Kosice Welcomes Slovaks from Hungary," Demokrat newspaper April 5, 1946. 39 Sutaj , "The Magyar Minority in Slovakia before and after the Second World War " 277 40 Ibid. • 41 Ibid ., " Slovakia and the Hungarian Minority," 232 . �SLOVAKIA-2017 95 Historian Stefan Sutaj calculates that a total of 362,679 (or just over 50 percent) of Hungarians in southern Slovakia re-Slovakized, the majority out of fear of oppression. 42 For many Slovaks, postwar re-Slovakization of Hungarians was the logical payback for being forced to assimilate to the Hungarian language and culture both during "magyarization" and from 1938-1945 . Thus, on paper, Czechoslovakia got rid of its Hungarians by means of population exchange, deportation to the Czech lands and re-Slovakization. Reality proved a different matter and is addressed later. Carpathian Germans Unlike Bohemia's Sudeten Germans, the Carpathian Germans (or Germans residing in Slovakia and Ukraine's Carpathian Mountain region) did not inhabit a single territorial block. Rather, they were primarily concentrated in three areas-Bratislava, the Spis region and the Kremnica-Pravno area. 43 Carpathian Germans had worked in this territory as miners, merchants, artisans and clerics since the 11 th century and, by the 14 th and 15 th centuries, comprised between one-quarter to one-fifth of the population in what is now 44 known as Slovakia. However, German influence in the region waned and by the Second World War only 150,000 Carpathian Germans remained in Slovakia, according to Ondrej Poss, director of the Museum of Carpathian German Culture at the Slovak National Mu45 seum. The German minority living in Slovakia began to fear for their lives when the Red Army approached eastern Slovakia in 1944, and they left the country in systematic evacuations as of November 194446 Evacuation numbers vary widely, but author Ernst Hochber- 42 Ibid; Ibid , Mad'arska mensina, 142. Pekar, 4 7. 44 Ondrej Poss, Dejiny a kultura, 6. 45 Ibid. (Germans acco unted for approximately five percent of the Slovak population in the interwar period-Pekar, 47). Additionally, many Germans in eastern Slovakia magyarized in the second half of the nineteenth century. 46 Poss, Dejiny a kultura, 14. 43 �96 SLOVAKIA-2017 ger estimates that between 57 and 85 percent of Carpathian Germans left Slovakia before 1945.47 Photo 6: Print of German blacksmith by Wilhelm Gedeon. After the war 30,000 to 40,000 returned, hoping they could continue to live and work in what had been their ancestors' homeland for 800 years. 48 Many were interned in regional camps under inhumane conditions until roughly 32,000 were sent to Germany in 1946. 49 47 Ernst Hochberger, Die Karpatendeutschen in der Slowakei (Wien: bsterr. Landsmannschaft, 20 I 0), 76. 48 Poss, Dejiny a kultura, 16. 49 Ibid .; Hochberger, 77 . �97 SLOVAKIA-2017 However, not all of Slovakia's ethnic Germans were forced to leave at the end of the war. Approximately ten to fifteen percent remained, including skilled workers who were compelled to stay and work in state agricultural and industrial firms or those who could prove their wartime resistance to fascism. 50 Some of those who did not leave benefitted from exceptional circumstances, such as Wilhelm Gedeon and his family. 51 They lived in Medzev, a town just west of Kosice known as "the Mecca of Carpathian Germans in Slovakia. " 52 I Photo 7: Wilhelm Gedeon, spring 2012 50 Matej Spumy, " Political Authority and Popular Opinion: Czechos lovakia's German Population 1948-60," Social History Vol. 37, lss. 4, 2012, 458. 51 Poss, Karpatskonemecky spolok na Slovensku 20 rokov zaloienie, rozvoj (Kosice : Karpatskonemecky spolok na Slovensku, 2010), 12. 52 "Predseda Karpatskonemeckeho spolu Wilhelm Gedeon zaii l povojnove represie i roky normalizacie," Korzar/SME, Nov. 7, 2008 . Interestingly, former President of Slovakia Rudolf Schuster (1999-2004) hails from Medzev. �98 SLOVAKIA-2017 Born in Medzev in 1922, Gedeon was 23 years old at the end of the war. In October of 1945 an armed guard came to his family ' s home and informed them they had two hours to pack for deportation. Their belongings were to be placed in a wagon and they were to report to the school courtyard where other German families were assembled for relocation to Novaky, Slovakia, and interned until deportation to Germany. Gedeon, his uncle, grandmother and other family members dragged their wagon to the courtyard to join Medzev ' s sixth wave of deportations. However, while waiting in the courtyard, they were inspected by a doctor from the Swiss Red Cross who determined Gedeon's grandmother was too ill to go. He told the guards that Gedeon ' s whole family should be allowed to return home and stay in Medzev. The guards refused, arguing that only the grandmother and the other ill family member should stay; but the doctor persisted, asking the guards how the two elderly ones would survive by themselves. Thus the entire family was permitted to remain. Unfortunately , although they continued living in their family ' s homeland, the Germans who were not expelled faced discrimination for which they were unable to seek legal recourse. As Gedeon noted in his interview, "When we [Germans] lost our [Czechoslovak] citizenship, this was a very hard truth: if anyone beat or killed us, no penalty was levied because Germans were not citizens. " 53 Gedeon later moved to Kosice, where he worked as a civil engineer and eventually became head of the post-Communist Carpathian German Society in Kosice. 54 His story is the exception, yet it is also indicative of the unanticipated consequences of postwar Czechoslovakia' s attempt at ethnic cleansing. Unintended Outcomes What, then, were the significant unintended outcomes of the government's policies, which targeted Hungarians and Germans? First, concerning the population exchange of Slovaks and Hungarians, government officials clearly misjudged the situation when they mistakenly assumed that the number of Slovaks living in Hungary 53 Wilhelm Gedeon, interview by author, tape recording, 23-24 April 201 2, Kos ice, Slovakia. 54 Ibid. �SLOVAKIA-2017 99 was only slightly smaller than the number of Hungarians in southern Slovakia 55 In actuality, 16,387 more Hungarians vacated Czechoslovakia than Slovaks returned to inhabit southern Slovakia. 56 This resulted in a problem for Czechoslovak officials who had intended to populate the southern borderland with Slovaks so as to create a barrier against potential Hungarian irredentist aspirations. Secondly, the re-Slovakization campaign did not go as planned. Although over 362,000 people in southern Slovakia changed their reported ethnic identity from Hungarian to Slovak after the war, many of these did so insincerely, providing whatever documentation necessary to re-Slovakize and remain in Czechoslovakia. Expedient, "situational" self-identification led many to affiliate with whatever nationality would allow them to stay in their families ' generational hometown, searching for stability at a time of immense uncertainty. Thousands took a chance amidst postwar chaos, deciding to reSlovakize and face whatever future challenges lay ahead at least from the known quantities of their hometowns. To a certain extent, their "insincere" decisions to identify as Slovak can be measured by the 1950 and 1961 Czechoslovak censuses, which revealed that many in the postwar period who had chosen the re-Slovakization option were ethnically Hungarian but had re-Slovakized out of fear of retaliation. 57 Sutaj records that, although some Hungarians who had " insincerely" re-Slovakized after the war did identify again as Hungarian in the 1950 census, the majority continued to identify as "Slovak." 58 Just ten years later, however, the percentage of individual s reporting as "Hungarian" on the 1960 Czechoslovak census increased by 46.4 percent from 354,532 reporting as Hungarian on the 1950 census to 518,782 on the 1960 census.59 Cultural historian Veronika Gayer, of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, describes 55 Sutaj , "S lovakia and the Hungari an Minority," 23 1. Ther, 57 and Sutaj , "Slovakia and the Hungarian Minority," 233-234. However, it is quite plausible that many of these "Slovaks" had settled in Hun ga ry centuries ago. Thus it is questionable how " Slovak" they really were. 57 Sutaj , " Magyar minority in Slovaki a be fore and after the Seco nd World War," 279. 58 Ibid ., Mad'arska mensina, 144. 59 Ibid. 56 �100 SLOVAKIA-2017 this phenomenon as experienced by the citizens of Kosice during the 20 th century: The city changed control five times in the course of one generation .... These successive turns of state were [the] results of superpower decisions, so they could never reflect the actual will of citizens. A part of the citizens of thi s multi-lingual city always lost during these changes, while another part tried to align themselves with the changes, and changed language and nationality during official surveys. Many of the bilingual, dual-identity citizens could tum Czechoslovak from one year to the next, and then two decades later tum back into Hungarians, if the authorities wanted them to do so. 60 Many in southern Slovakia adjusted their ethnic affiliation as necessary, a practice which makes precise data comparisons and analyses nearly impossible for contemporary historians .6 1 Furthermore, after the Czechoslovak Communist coup in February 1948, many Hungarians (originally from southern Slovakia) who had been deported to work in Bohemia after the war, returned home and appealed for their property and rights.62 Consequently, southern Slovakia did not become purely Slovak after all. Sutaj concludes, "Despite the definite reduction of the number of Hungarian nationnality inhabitants, nonetheless the postwar measures were in vain, and the Hungarian minority in Slovakia maintained its compactness and ethnic identity." 63 Third, an entire reli gious denomination declined as a result of postwar anti-Hungarian measures and resulting linguistic battles. ReSlovakization drastically reduced the number of members in Slovakia 's Reformed Church since many could not worship in the Slovak language and, due to the state's removal of Hungarian clergy from their posts (those who did not re-Slovakize), there were not 60 Veronika Gayer, " From Kassa to Kosice, Kosice to Kassa," in Remembering 1he City: a Guide lhrough !he Pas/ of Kosice (Budapest: Terra Recognita Alapitvany, 20 13), 124. 61 See Sutaj , Mad'arska mensina, 143-144. 62 Sutaj , Mad'arskci mensina , 154. 63 Ibid. , 155 . �SLOVAKIA-2017 101 enough Reformed pastors who spoke Slovak. 64 For example, in 1946, out of 195 active Reformed pastors, only 23 claimed Slovak nationality. Yet for eight of these 23, their nationality was questionnable (meaning they were considered to be Hungarian and were removed from their posts). On the other hand, 172 of these 195 claimed to be Hungarian and only 80 of these re-Slovakized. 65 Photo 8: Cemetery in Banska Stiavnica Thus there were too many parishioners becoming Slovak through re-Slovakization (despite the fact that many were not proficient in the Slovak language) and too few pastors who could capably lead them in the Slovak language . 64 Sutaj, "Magyar minority in Slovakia before and after the Second World War," 275; Sutaj, Reslovakizacia, 31. This same problem presented itself in the postwar Roman Catholic Church, among others. 65 Ibid. �102 SLOVAKIA-2017 The Slovak Reformed Church's experience is significant because, as the overwhelming majority of believers were Hungarian and lived in southern Slovak towns such as Kosice, they naturally became targets of re-Slovakization efforts, which severely impacted the denomination across Slovakia. Sutaj points out that postwar Reformed Church leaders often noted that the decline of Calvinists in the Slovak population happened at the same time as re-Slovakization.66 He adds that the chaotic situation between Slovaks and Hungarians in southern Slovakia during re-Slovakization greatly affected the situation in the Reformed Church after 1945 .67 On the whole, the number of Reformed believers in what is now Slovakia decreased from 145,829 in 1930 to 111,696 by 1950, an almost 25 · 68 percent re d uction. In addition to the blows dealt to Slovakia's Hungarian attenuating minority, only approximately 17,000 of the pre-war 150,000 Carpathian Germans remained in the country by 1947. 69 Moreover, as was also true of the Hungarian minority, a glaring consequence of their expulsion was the loss of skilled labor and business acumen. In the First Czechoslovak Republic, 44 percent of Slovakia's Germans 70 were involved in business, trade or industry. According to figures taken from the 1952 "Equalization of Burdens Law," the Carpathian Germans of Slovakia were forced to abandon an excess of 9,800 farms, over 8,000 residential estates, more than 2,000 commercial properties, and over 1,000 forestry operations as well as 1,000 wineries.71 The state realized its mistake when it lacked workers proficient in boosting Czechoslovakia's postwar industrialization campaign. Perhaps the most shocking unanticipated outcome of the administration ' s carefully-crafted efforts was the fact that, just three years after Czechoslovakia was liberated, local Communists seized control of the republic. They quickly enacted policies much more concerned 66 Sutaj , Reslovakizacia, 31. Ibid., 32. 68 Jan Pesek and Michal Barnovs ky, Staino Moc a Cirkvi na Slovensku. 1948- 1953 (Brati slava: Veda, 1997), 13-1 8. In Kosice after the war, two-thirds o f th e city 's Reformed Church reported themselves as Slovak and one third as Hungarian . " Kosice," Kalvinske hlasy, May 15, 1946. 69 Hochberger, 77. 70 Isidor Lasslob, Die Karpatendeutschen im Spiegelbild der Zahlen (Kes mark: Vi vit-Verl ag / Karpatendeutsche Landsmannschaft Stuttgart, 2004), 8. 71 Ibid., 7. 67 �SLOVAKIA-2017 103 with Czechoslovak citizens ' class status than with their ethnic affiliation.72 The Hungarian minority remaining in the country received the right to Czechoslovak citizenship in 1948 and the German minority as early as 1949 and by 1953 at the latest. 73 The change of policy from postwar discrimination against ethnic minorities to the Communist regime's obsession with class status freed many Hungarians who had expediently re-Slovakized after the war to again identify as Hungarian on the 1951 and 1960 Czechoslovak censuses. Conclusion Although many are familiar with the postwar fate of Czechoslovakia ' s three million Sudeten Germans, it is often overlooked that roughly 600,000 Hungarians and 32,000 Carpathian Germans were forced to leave the country or assimilate at that time. As a result of the Benes administration's April 1945 Kosice Program, Czechoslovakia's German and Hungarian populations (some of whom had lived on the land for centuries) were pronounced guilty by association with Nazi Gennany and what became Nazi-controlled Hungary. This verdict represented a sharp reversal from the generous rights minorities had enjoyed during the First Czechoslovak Republic from 1918 to 1938. After the Second World War, however, Czechs and Slovaks harbored resentment for wartime injustices, and many sought retribution among their German and Hungarian neighbors . Even the Benes administration petitioned the Allies for permission to expel the country' s German and Hungarian populations. When the Allies agreed to the wholesale expulsion of the German minority but not to that of the Hungarians, the government devised three methods to rid Czechoslovakia of its over half a million Hungarians. What the Benes admini stration could not see at the time was that its efforts to expel all Germans and force Hungarians to assimilate or be relocated out of Slovakia would either fail or backfire against the future welfare of the republic. Approximately ten to fifteen percent of the Carpathian Germans were permitted to stay in Slovakia for a 72 See Pekar, 53. Sutaj , " Magyar minority in Slovaki a befo re and after the Second World War," 279-28 1; Some Germ ans received citizenship as earl y as 1949. See Spumy, 462464. 73 �104 SLOVAKIA-2017 variety of reasons. Moreover, southern Slovakia remained largely Hungarian when the population exchange was shown to be lopsided , when those deported to the Czech lands returned home, and when over 360,000 Hungarians expediently chose to falsely identify as Slovak. They did so in order to avoid recrimination, to maintain their livelihoods, to remain with their families, and/or to face unknown future challenges from the security of their hometowns. The German and Hungarian minorities who were in fact expelled from Czechoslovakia took with them a rich tradition of culture, skilled labor and entrepreneurial expertise. Ultimately, it can be argued that Benes' policies proved incomplete, ineffective and even injurious to postwar Czechoslovakia. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2017, Vol. 43 Description An account of the resource Vol. 43 (No. 80-81), 2017. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2017 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA-201 7 81 KICKED OUT: CZECHOSLOVAKIA'S POSTWAR POLICY TOW ARD ETHNIC MINORITIES AND ITS UNINTENDED OUTCOMES 1 Marty Manor Mullins Postwar Czechoslovakia was not a warm, friend ly place to be if you were a Hungarian or German in late 1945 to 1946. In fact, during his inaugural speech commemorating the reunifycation of the Czechoslovak Republic in April of 1945, President Edvard Benes proclaimed, "Our state will be a state of nations, a state of only Czechs and Slovaks and no one else!" 2 In postwar Slovakia one could walk down the street and be confronted with slogans such as : "Kosice must be cleansed of Magyar lice!"3 or indications (such as the bullet holes riddling a local street sign named after Adolf Hitler) of widespread resentment toward the Nazi regime with which local German and Hungarian minorities were associated. Furthermore, caustic warnings appeared in the local newspaper such as the following, printed in the Demokrat daily of June 17, 1945: " ... whether the Hungarians of [the city ofJ Kosice like it or not, the Slovaks are now the masters .. . the mouths of those who do not want to speak Slovak must be shut." 4 Although many are familiar with the fate of Czechoslovakia's three million Sudeten Germans, what exactly was the situation that the country's Hungarian and Carpathian German minorities found themselves in as of late 1945? What was the cause of such vitriolic language used against them? Furthermore, how was this kind of abuse justified by their accusers? This article explores the back1 This article is based on a paper presented at the 2016 meeting of the Association for Slavic, East European and Eurasian Studies on a panel entitled " Kicked Out of Czechoslovakia: The Fate of Postwar German and Hungarian Refugees, Then and Now." 2 Quoted in "t\no, zaci name ozaj novy zivot," Demokrat, Apr. 4, 1945 . 3 Szabo Lajos, Utols6 szalmaszal (Budapest: Magyar Egy haztorteneti Enciklopedia Munkakiiziisseg, 2000). 4 Demokrat, June 7, 1945 ; Stefan Sutaj, "Ethnic Deve lopment in Kosice after 1945," Studia Historyczne 4 (20 13), 4 72. 82 SLOVAKIA-2017 ground and implementation of postwar Czechoslovak policy towards its Hungarian and German populations while also elucidating several unintended yet significant outcomes of this policy 's execution, particularly within southern and central Slovakia. Pho to 1: Bullet holes riddle this street sign, formerly posted in Slovakia's Spis region and now on display in a Kezmarok museum. Back round Recall that a united Czechoslovakia did not exist during the Second World War. At the Munich Conference in 1938, Hitler capita lized on complaints from Czechoslovakia's Sudeten German minority to convince the Allies to cede the Sudetenland to Nazi Germany. As of March 1939, the Czech Lands of Bohemia and Moravia became a Protectorate governed and occupied by Nazi Germany, while wartime Slovakia operated as a semi-independent authoritarian state led by the Roman Catholic priest Jozef Tiso. However, over I 0,000 square kilometers (c. 3,800 square miles) including cities such as Kosice in southern Slovakia were not even under Slovak control during the war. Rather, southern Slovakia had been ceded to Hungary as part of the First Vienna Award of November 1938. Thus, the Czechoslovak Republic ceased to exist for the duration of the war and southern Slovak territory came under Hungarian governance for six years. At the end of the war, when the Red Army marched across Ukraine and fought its way into eastern Slovakia, Kosice was the SLOVAKIA-2017 83 first major city of the former Czechoslovak Republic to be liberated. Freed on January 19, 1945 , Kosice served as the temporary capital of reunited Czechoslovakia and the seat of President Benes. His time in the city is most associated with the "Kosice Program" which, among other objectives, outlined postwar policy toward the Hungarian and German minorities, who were declared collectively guilty for the breakup of the First Czechoslovak Republic. In the Kosice Program the postwar government reversed the generous policies of the interwar republic regarding minority populations. During the interwar period, Czechoslovakia's ethnic and religious groups were granted constitutional rights unparalleled at that time in the region, including the right to speak and educate children in their native languages as well as to form cultural associations and political parties. More importantly, they were granted equal status with Czechs and Slovaks before the law and protected from forced assimilation. 5 However, after the Second World War, these rights were rescinded. Germans and Hungarians were stripped of Czechoslovak citizenship, their property was nationalized and/or confiscated, minority schools were closed and they were ineligible to receive entitlements. 6 Of course, Czechoslovakia was not alone in its postwar forced relocation of Germans and Hungarians. In the years immediately following World War II, Europe witnessed the largest forced migration the world had ever seen .7 Resentment Czechoslovakia's German and Hungarian populations (some of whom had lived on this land for centuries) were pronounced collectively guilty by association with Nazi Germany and what became Nazi-controlled Hungary . At this time many Czechs and Slovaks sought revenge for wartime injustices and even atrocities still fresh in their memories . For instance, Slovaks in the eastern Slovak village of Nemecka Poruba (10 km north of Sobrance) endured what the Demokrat newspaper called the "eastern Slovak Lidice," referring to 5 Martin Pekar, et al., Ethnic Minorities in Slovakia in the Years 1918-1945: A Survey (Prefov : Un iversum-EU , 2011 ), 50-51 . 6 Kosicky Vladni Program Chs. VIII, X, XV . 7 For details see Philipp Ther and Ana Siljak, eds. Redrawing Nations: Ethnic Cleansing in East-Central Europe, 1944-1948 (Lanham, Md: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001. 84 SLOVAKIA-2017 the German massacre of Czech men in the Bohemian town of Lid ice in retaliation for the assassination of Reich Protector Reinhard Heydrich). 8 Towards the end of the war, the over 700 inhabitants of Nemecka Poruba had assisted partisan fighters living in the nearby forest by providing food and lodging during bad weather. Although the Germans stepped up patrols in the area, no one gave away the location of the partisans. After a surprise German raid on the village, resulting in the death of four German soldiers, most of the inhabitants fled, fearing Nazi retribution. It came swiftly when they burned the village to the ground the next day (November 2-3, 1944) and shot the eight men who remained behind. Villagers faced not only the loss of the victims but also their homes as they spent the 9 oncoming winter in underground dugouts. Photo 2: President Benes signed the Kosice Program here on April 5, 1945. Today the building houses the Eastern Slovak Art Gallery. As for their relationships with the Hungarians, Slovaks deeply 10 resented the years of forced assimilation to the Hungarian language 8 9 "Nemci vypalili obec a osem mu fov zastrelili ," Demokrat, 19 July, 1946. Ibid. SLOVAKIA-2017 85 and culture in the nineteenth century known as "magyarization," as well as the wartime massacres committed by the Hungarian Arrow Cross troops in southern Slovakia. What is more, Slovaks considered the Vienna Arbitration, which gave Hungary wartime control over southern Slovakia, to be an unjust occupation of land that had rightfully belonged to Czechoslovakia from 1918 to 1938. Retribution With his April 1945 declaration that only Czechs and Slovaks deserved to remain in the republic, President Benes echoed and even gave credence to citizens' bitter sentiments toward minorities, as historian Eagle Glassheim notes. He states, "Though Benes abjured violence, his repeated public speeches on the collective guilt of the Germans must have carried great moral weight." 11 Benes' inaugural speech left little question regarding the country's forthcoming posture regarding remaining Hungarians and Germans: ... Our new home will not be new only in its relationship between Czechs and Slovaks. It must be rebuilt also in other respects.. .. This applies also towards its relationship with other nations and especially toward those Germans and Hungarians who before the war enjoyed full political rights as partners. After this war something similar is not possible. Our state will be a state of nations, a state of only Czechs and Slovaks and no one else! 12 As is evident from the last lines of his speech, a sense of retribution for wartime injustice fueled his plan to recreate the republic as "a state of only Czechs and Slovaks and no one else!" However, another key factor in Benes' goal of ridding Czechoslovakia of its German and Hungarian minorities was the belief that allowing sizeable numbers of either minority to remain could once more jeopardize the 10 Unlike Slovak, Czech, Polish, Ukrainian, Russian, etc., which are all members of the Slavic linguistic tree, Hungarian is a Uralic language, similar only to Finnish and Estonian. It is extremely difficult for Slovaks to learn Hungarian and vice versa, and the difficulty is compounded for the older language learner. 11 Eagle Glassheim , "The Mechanics of Ethnic Cleansing: The Expulsion of Germans from Czechoslovakia, 1945-1947" in Redrawing Nations: Ethnic Cleansing in East-Central Europe, 1944-1948, eds. Philipp Ther and Ana Siljak (Lanham, Md: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001), 215 . 12 Quoted in "Ano, zaciname ozaj novy zivot," Dernokrat, Apr. 4, 1945 . 86 SLOVAKIA-2017 state. Benes employed this logic as early as 1941 to appeal to the Allied Powers that, unless the Germans were expelled from postwar Czechoslovakia en masse, they might again rally to return the Sudetenland to Germany. 13 After Nazi Germany surrendered in May of 1945, local retaliation against Germans and Hungarians, which had already begun during the war, intensified. Newly-legalized procedures enabled Czechs and Slovaks to enjoy personal gain at the expense of German and Hungarian minorities. For example, the nascent Benes administration established "national committees" (narodne vybory), popularly-elected regional boards charged with bringing local order to the chaos that was pervasive in the months following the end of the wa 14 One of the national committees' most cherished responsibilities was the distribution of vacated minority properties that had been confiscated by the state. An illustration of this played out in the eastern Slovak Spis region (at the base of the Carpathian Mountains), where Slovaks had no problem reallocating their German neighbors' former properties. An article in the post-1945 Slovak newspaper Narodna Obroda (National Revival) reports that by February 4, 1945 the entire German population had already vacated the Spis region. 15 It further discussed the way abandoned German properties were handled by the newly established "national committees:" The Spis districts remain practically without Germans, whom the retreating German army took with them . The national committees in Poprad, in Spisska Nova Ves, in Levoca, Kezmarok and Gelnica procured their properties and placed fugitives from villages in them[fugitives] who [were] victims of the events of war or of barbaric German destruction. 16 Slovak national committees willingly exercised their right to confiscate and redistribute German property to those they deemed to 13 Glassheim, "The Mechanics of Ethnic Cleansing," 200. Ibid., "Ethnic Cleansing, Communism, and Environmental Devastation in Czechoslovakia's Borderlands, 1945- 1989," Journal of Modern History 78 (March 2006), 72. Ibid ., "National Mythologies and Ethnic Cleansing: The Expulsion of Czechoslovak Germans in 1945," Central European History 33 , no. 4 (2008), 473 . 15 "Spis bez emcov," Narodna Obroda, Feb. 4, 1945 . 14 16 Ibid. SLOVAKIA-2017 87 be deserving. Slovak historians Sona Gabzdilova-Olejnikova and Milan Olejnik characterize this era as a time of "postwar euphoria" and note the following: Accompanying this atmosphere of elation was a ri se in radicalization . Germans and Hungarians had become synonymous with evil. A majority of Slovak inhabitants did not deny themselves such measures as, ... confiscation, [acti vating] national administrative boards (ncirodne sprcivy), 17 and stripping Germans and Hungarians of their Czechoslovak citizenship. 18 At times the "postwar euphoria" turned violent, as Glassheim details in his article on the atrocities committed by locals against their former German neighbors in Bohemia and Moravia. He describes the summer of 1945 as a time when "a Wild West atmosphere reigned" before the central governmental authority was capable of averting and arraigning pogrom perpetrators. 19 The multiple mass graves of German victims discovered in Slovakia alone (187 men in Sklene, 146 individuals in Rufomberok, 83 in Banska Stiavnica, etc.), indicate the extent of animosity expressed by Slovaks that summer. 20 One of the worst acts of violence occurred on June 18, 1945 in the Moravian town of Pferov where Czechoslovak soldiers massacred 247 Carpathian German men, women and children who were travelling home to central and eastern Slovakia. 21 17 Glass heim explains that, in borderland regions where there was not a sufficient number of Czechs to run for electi on in regional "nati ona l co mmittees," reliable candidates were sent from the Ministry of the Interior to staff " nat iona l administrative boards" (narodne spravy). When enough Czechs (and, perceivably, Slovaks) populated these regions, nati onal comm ittee elections were held and the administrative boards were abolished . See Glassheim , "Ethnic Cleansing, Communi sm, and Environmental Devastation," 72. 18 Soi\a Gabzdilova-Olejnikova and Milan O lej nik, Karpatski Nemci na Slovensku od druhej svetovej vojny do roku 1953 (Bratislava: Spolecenskovedny ustav SA V, 2004), 59 . 19 Glassheim , "National Mythologies and Ethnic Cleansing," 473. 20 Ondrej Poss, Dejiny a kultiira karpatskych Nemcov (Bratislava: Slovak Nati onal Museum/Muse um of Carpathian German Culture, 2005), 14. 21 Ibid., 16. 88 SLOVAKIA-2017 Photo 3: Kosice's Reformed (Calvinist) Church was established in 1644, indicating Calvinism's influence in the Hungarian lands after the Protestant Reformation. Its current location, adjacent to the ancient city wall, dates back to the early 19 th century. It is a nationally-registered cultural monument. Another instance of postwar retribution took place between Christian believers who held their reformed (Calvinist) faith in common yet stood on opposing ethnic sides. Since the sixteenth century, the Reformed Church in Slovakia had been largely composed of Hungarians. However, a small Slovak contingent also co-existed, and, after the Second World War, some Slovaks were zealous in asserting their language above that of their Hungarian brethren during church services. Thus, one of the biggest areas of contention between SLOVAKIA-2017 89 Slovak and Hungarian believers was the issue of which language would be the language of worship after the war. Officially, the Hungarian language was forbidden in public in postwar Slovakia except in liturgical services where the pre-193 8 language had been Hungarian (although this law was often ignored by anti-Hungarian Slovak believers or by local authorities). 22 In practice the language of worship was determined on a church-bychurch basis. 23 The church linguistic dispute was especially intense because many Reformed pastors claimed that preaching in the language that the people could understand was one of the primary benefits of the Protestant Reformation itself. 24 The Reformed Church presbytery in the eastern Slovak village of Zarnov (just southwest of Kosice) provides an example. It employed the following reasoning in its debate regarding conducting services in Slovak or Hungarian : The liturgical language of the Reformed Church should be performed in the language of the people. It is the biggest achievement of the Reformation. One should also take into account that [although] a large part of the population registered for re-Slovakization, they do not actually forget their Hungarian mother tongue and are not able to adapt to the Slovak language. 25 Other Slovak Calvinists, however, seized the opportunity to only sanction the Slovak language during worship. Intriguingly, a 1948 issue of Kalvinske hlasy (Calvinist Voices) describes a ceremony, presumably held at the Reformed Church in Bidovce, 12 miles (19 km) east of Kosice . At thi s service the following poem lauding the Slovak language was recited: Oh, that Slovak languageSacred language, That language of faith, 22 James R. Felak, After Hitler, Before Stalin: Catholics, Communists, and Democrats in Slovakia, 1945-1948 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2009), 20. 23 See Felak, 18-21. 24 Sutaj, Reslovakizacia: zmena narodnosti casti obyvatelstva Slovenska po fl. svetovej vojne (Kos ice: Spolocenskovedny ustav SA V, 199 1), 14. 25 Quoted in Sutaj, Reslovakizacia, 32. 90 SLOVAKIA-2017 I know there is none in the world [like it]. If however an angel in heaven Sings to God gratefully, He must not sing to Him other than in Slovak. 26 Hungarian Calvinists faced more than the prospect of being forced to worship in a foreign language. Further hardships affected them when believers' property was confiscated, when the state refused to pay Hungarian clergy's salaries, and when these clergy were not allowed to teach or correspond with each other in Hungarian. 27 The "Purging" At the Potsdam Conference in the summer of 1945, the Allies officially sanctioned the wholesale expulsion of Czechoslovakia's over three million Germans, as long as the expulsion was conducted in a "humane and orderly" manner. 28 They did not, however, agree to the complete removal of southern Slovakia's Hungarians, of whom historian Katalin Vadkerty estimates there were approximately 600,000 by the end of the war. 29 Instead, the Allied Powers believed the " Hungarian Question" should be worked out between the neighboring countries themselves. Therefore, Czechoslovakia had to find other means of cleansing itself from its Hungarian minority. The Benes administration thus proceeded with the expulsion of the German minority and crafted three measures by which to eliminate the Hungarians. This article addresses the methods by which the Hungarian and Carpathian German minorities were purged from Slovakia and concludes with an explanation of the unintended consequences of these policies . 26 "Odovzdanie resl ovakizacnych dekretov v Bidovciach," Kalvinske hlasy, Apr. 27, 1948. 27 Felak, I 8. 28 Philipp Ther, "A Century of Forced Migration," in Redrawing Nations: Ethnic Cleansing in East-Central Europe, 1944-1948, eds. Ther and Ana Si lj ak (Lanh am, Md: Rowman & Littlefield, 200 I), 55. 29 Katalin Vadkerty, " Hungari ans in Postwar Slovaki a," Hungarian Quarterly , vo l. 35 (Winter 1994): 11 5. 91 SLOVAKIA-2017 ' \t KAlViNSKE HLASY (lqlkava.nia, &ts l'Zru.~neho napatia, - da. si ootubl po slave ,·lastne~ Ones fa ubi) aj Pr~hadz:l na svet Pan neba i zeme. Aty sa te. tvoj slaromam. Al\'<>je dell sa ti ui tall 111/te. Ali I hho Dl'lcho<lu. Spomlnai nl lui.sne Jm· sia, aliO v ca..~h, ked' kai.dit .va[nu dlv!'lu ii viancene doby, prriite od det.stva. Vywoovaly venoval im, aby sl do ich &tycli srde IOlllml • ~ zvlutnyin kuzlom. A pripominaly tl, semienka pllvdy. dobra 3 krisy V ducliu Vet. my ii bol pl'lp-awny privi~t Pina. n& evanjella. l ~ treto cbvlle. Tlili po tom, Pre tvoj chlad a ducho111Y upadok, • a Photo 4: ln Kosice after the war, two-thirds of the city's Reformed Church reported themselves as Slovak and one third as Hungarian. This estimate appeared in the May 15, 1946 edition of Kalvinske hlasy (Calvinist Voices). 92 SLOVAKIA-2017 The first system of ridding southern Slovakia of unwanted Hungarians was by population exchange.Jo The plan proposed that Hungarians leave southern Slovakia for Hungary while Slovaks living in Hungary would return to Slovakia and free themselves of any "magyarizing tendencies" they had acquired while living in Hungary. The aim was to restore a Slavic majority to Czechoslovakia's southern borderland, which would also provide a buffer against any future Hungarian revanchist designs. JI What is interesting about the population exchange is that, while Slovaks were allowed to voluntarily apply to move back to Slovakia, Hungarians were designated by the Czechoslovak state to return to Hungary.J 2 In total, 89,660 Hungarians relocated from Czechoslovakia to Hungary between 1945 and 1948, whereas 73,273 people voluntarily moved from Hungary to Czechoslovakia.JJ The Czechoslovak government so badly wanted to reverse the ethnic ratio in southern Slovakia that it circulated propaganda advertisements such as the following: 30 The popul ati on exchange was accompani ed by numerous hardships, experi enced by both Slovaks and Hungarians- See Rast islav Karaba, " Postoj katolickej cirkvi k vymene obyvatel'stva medzi Ceskoslovenskom a Mad'arskom a k umi esti\ovaniu presidlencov do Ciech a na Moravu v rokoc h 1946-1 948," in Zlat ica Saposova and Sutaj , Povojnove migracie a vymena obyvatel'stva medzi Ceskoslovenskom a Mad'arskom (Presov : Uni versum , 20 I 0). 31 Sutaj, Mad'arska mensina na Slovensku v rokoch 1945-1948.· vychodiska a prax {olitiky k mad'arskej men.sine na Slovensku, (Brati slava: Veda, 1993), 59. 2 Ibid ., "The Magyar Minority in Slovakia before and after the Second World War" in Slovakia in History , eds. Mikulas Teich, Dusan Kovac, and Martin D. Brown (Cambridge: Cambridge Un iversity Press, 20 I I), 276; Ibid ., " Slovakia and the Hungarian Minority between 1945 and 1948," in Key Issues of Slovak and Hungarian History (a View of Slovak Historians), eds. Stefan Sutaj, Stefan Franko, and Igor Baka (Presov: Uni versu m, 201 1), 233 . 33 lbid .,"S lovakia and the Hungari an Minori ty," 23 3-34; Ther, 57. Of the 89,660 Hungarians exchanged fro m Czechoslovakia to Hungary per the 1958 report by the Czechos lovak Ministry of Foreign Affa irs, this fi gure includes 34,000 who were re located outside the Popul ati on Exchange Agreemen t. For example, 3 I,780 Anyas Hungarians [those who moved to southern Slovakia after the First Vienna Award] were deported en masse in the summ er of 1945. Of the 73,273 individuals who moved from Hungary to Czechoslovakia, approx imate ly 12,000 did so outside the Population Exchange in order to partake of th e benefits the Czechoslovak state offered to those who would identify as Slovak. See Sutaj, "Ethni c Development in Kos ice after 1945," Studia Historyczne 4(20 13), 4 74. SLOVAKIA-2017 93 Do you want to become a citi zen of the victori ous Czechos lovak state? Do yo u want well-paid work in factories? Hungarian Slovaks, the Czechos lovak Republi c will not only relocate you but assure you at least as quality if not an even better economic, cultural and social environm ent than you have li ved in until now. Slovak farm ers from Hungary will cultivate fertil e Slovak land , craftsmen and entrepreneurs w ill work in Slovak firm s, and workers in Sl ovak factori es and the intelligentsia in Slovak agencies .... 34 As will be explained below, the population exchange did not materi ali ze the way authoriti es had hoped. A second means of reducing the Hungarian contingent in southern Slovakia was to deport them to work in Bohemia, many times on Czech farm s in the interior or in borderland areas . One of the primary factors for determining which Hungarians would be sent to the Czech Lands was whether or not they were able-bodied workers.35 Although deportations were carried out in three waves, the main organized deportation began on November 19, 1946.36 In total, 44, 129 Hungarians were deported to Bohemia between 1946-194 7 .37 What was troublesome about the deportations is that they occurred mainly during the winter, with deportees transported in cold wagons, under military supervision. Furthermore, many times the Hungarians who were forced to relocate had to sell their property and possessions below value. 38 Re-Slovakization (reslovakizacia in Slovak) was the final measure taken against the Hungarians to reduce their number while at the same time increasing the Slovak presence in southern Slovakia. ReSlovakization meant that those of contested ethnicity or originally of 34 Zlati ca Saposova, "St'aznosti Slovakov k vymene obyvatel'stva medzi Ceskoslovenskom a Mad'arskom v dokum entoch MZV C R," in Povojnove migrcicie a vy mena obyvatel'stva medzi Ceskoslovenskom a Mad'arskom . eds. Saposova and Sutaj (Presov: Uni vers um , 20 I 0), 192-93. 35 Sutaj, Mad'arskci mensina, 63. Sutaj notes that all able-bodi ed Hungari ans fro m Kosice and nearby towns ages 14-60 were ordered to work camps. 36 However, already as of November I, 1945, Demokrat reported that 12,000 Hungarians had been sent to the Czech lands as part of the first transport of Hungari ans to Bohemi a and Moravia. Demokrat, Nov. I, 1945. 37 Sutaj, " Magyar minority in Slovaki a before and after the Second World War," 279. 38 Ibid., "Slovaki a and th e Hungari an Minority," 238. 94 SLOVAKIA-2017 Slovak nationality but who had declared themselves as Hungarian, could apply for Czechoslovak citizenship. 39 The intent of re-Slovakization was to "make Slovak again" those who had magyarized (assimilated to the Hungarian nationality), perhaps in order to survive the war years under Hungarian rule. Furthermore, minorities who could prove active resistance to the Slovak or Hungarian wartime regimes were also permitted to gain citizenship. 40 Re-Slovakization also allowed magyarized Slovaks to avoid population exchange to Hungary. 41 .... h " " " .,.,,.,, - ,.,.,, Jll9Shf papsl Jt~ee prlv ttall Slov4kov z Mad'araka V• ._.,_._ • ~ had.. r•ll'(lo prl~ a..t. . . ata Slovdkov 11: Mwd'.ar-&9'• v .......,lQ&a .-d4cetJo 01'id.rovacet koml•fo v Novon. M.~te p,l)d Statrt)<(D. a $prl•vod& Barlr:tf'.fr9 .orrila 4,.~ ..._ •Wlloo t!ut N .. • p.-ckro(!:fla bl.br•nke.. Po, ..-.v•wr ~ Y prfvttaJ• aw b"abltJo~k.>' o ~ d•Je.-•ctu po.aL z.,..mbo.-•. lltor4 ,... ~ ....-...u. ~ chvtl'u. kli:"dy •• Sloviict • M•~•rska •~•a.J4 • - • • .oa ..,.,, p6d9 • cJtcO • . ..,.. .t:1t • esr,t. l l r f f o • ~ 1 ' 1 okr. . prtvtbll d•,..•cru komJNr Lapf.611'.. z. ko&i,e.lk:f o11.r«t t»"lvO,al 4-,qcac:lu oblaat.. OIIIW•t. Jnls,ektor T . Kand.-. z ~ ltlNV .,, ,No'¥4)-m Mute pOd $fatrom prlvftaJ deloe6cJu • poto,n. ....i.oo.-•t ~ • • ~ # ...-,,mJ f ·r ~t.Jclamt. V Kr.lf..-C b1u~cl prtvlta.f delec'\c'- mt.-t. koml94.r lv•o.. po - , 4 ~ m Obede odObnd.a ... d•f•sllcla do Tor"Qffe.. ltd• tu prlvlt ■J ~ II04Ma ~ SnO'llkO,. z M•f•f Yoronw oc:fqhral• Ml dcteg:6cfa do Tr•bllov•~ odlcla.f po ,>rf..,... a po ob.!orstil'enf Ude>b,-.Ja sa delea:Acla aut0bu$0'ffl CSD do l(ollc. O ~~ hudbu1 veoor prSfa de1elll::1cla S l .;tv4 k(>v z- .'\1ad'1u·:>ikn ..-o Ko.lfc.. Oet..-llicha prfvlW .,,,....!!'ml •Fovafflf "" m.me z•••upJteh·t-v• me:&ta K,o~rc ,,odqr(?d~eda M~V Pod~ck~. letoc'# z.dOraznlt. ff na.~fm ch:rom nfo le MovamJ proeJivi..~at. ale shurkovJ?m 5lav,u:o.. orwto a&y dobrc O(N!;:ontvalf • pO::nutvaJJ 2.lvo-t u n~s a porovo4vttll • pome,-~n:tt v M•d'a.r. . . . NA.lou ~ Je. •by v•etc1 n••f braua. ktort do(era-e trpcU v Mact•nkv. 11.11 ,.,,..tlll _... 4t, va...tl. •e4:d svaJtch.- t.m kde od vekov p•h"S. • tlbJI" •vo..-110 spo,l u a n•0:tt po~ I v bq(fo,rat•r-11:-, J>r'•C'I T• h1:pltu budi.t enost Ropu.bUky_ Potom prhrfta1 a:eUY<:tt ~ z.. Ro. • M•d'llr!5lc• prHMlda ONV ,1un:n!fu.. h!rr# fnfp,. l(undur • f:aJw 0$ KoJ,,.k . V u-.ene 6.ra.dftlk osfdro,,,ncef kttrnlsrc Svehla. V d<.t..-.cU Sfnv.l.kn:v !Iii M111cf•r~k• fo Ya$fflpe ..-#d, 18 ob4-f ~ o,bla.-U SA.toTa11»'"1Jh•ly. De1e,x'd"" A :sdi'.lt $l<Wen.ak-t.1 ••t J dut. C!efom di!'J,eatd• Je ~C.tlf, •k• pom,e.. y •d • ., ••• 1~<::J•hi• tu• ~o,dr,,.om: $c1o.ctt;aku. Urn •m•NlG fl•fl :Sl-o• vCd • ob.ad S.Uon.ll•u.1b•1y.,J• \o JtOClhoi,tt•h• .. V .. . - . b'f'aUa, • Mad'.,a.r,.:k• ~- uuHm&IG MAt.ci. t'l! ~IMdmf ea., _ ... ·•Plilbbky• l ~ "6«> le ,......., rd!ov• f -.urnlna• ••fbllttt•~ Ct~ovta 40,..,a:4~1.,. •4 _.dea • itvftanirn. •f• .-J s vomcrmt o n.i,mu.lC.d, •fro to vfdtet « fcb :ll•da.t:lch tv4.rf_ -.,. $1"'4•Wom ,.~hovore. kt,Qrl •• vlcdc,! ~•.., .M.v_.m-, v•~a,e otl dp.rlmn• ~t•lt1vaU no '-.l:M.. •kir>ro n.-.no'lfu:rna PQt1t•ry v Ma(fatsko ta& v mbt•Joatl, •kc aJ drn...,_ "la n•fdf,:nnu:Ju alt.ti• - . 41v.J6 • uac:Uentm a t.&ra ••- -fe a.a $.tl,Qn.~r k,!i, •U11CD,1• Iii. lrar.eble . . bud~ t;ql!ict V7'ttlt m~dd « v - - . .,._ ~ .. HO .., df-.td Ma\fari na o.kl_fuvta,e'lu •~,;ia ~.-hr.IL I• maffusJc:~ oby~ 'lt'H.,.,.. ..,..tidc-;r t az.•vl&U,YQ a 6n4y. b~cl Wb-ffv-. .,,.<::h._..,._,_ •llctt v OstTety, . . dnthd ____, .,. ~ - a.Ito lfll " " ' ' · '11'0 Y~t•ttm. ...._ Y ......... ~ h P: 'd.u'IO., n•fl'ft• • IUt..,._ ~.. f♦ t,1-ch, kkk-f prihl.twnt ~ "dtfo oralotiff 4a ....ivaai-,_,,.,., ...., . . . , _ ,._4•nka. Y ~ 1 . - u ~ t'_... m•dar,. . . ~ . - - st fftlbh ~V,IIQv. v-Ok•t,- '"' . . . . . . . . . ..,,.,,., 4iU wdt $fe~d t0f'(t ~u\ta ......._ ':a t#M~ . . IN-6 fm afc;ty~lc- t~ul)" 4 ► ....., ............. ..,... 1<1) w,I • • ~ • l ) tom. • ............ ,....• ..._,..._._.~•altou kr4tlcym veriovao)'-w orfv•tom. d•to1 oav.de1¥""a4d~ Slov•kov z Mndarwk• zad'akov•t l'oJ:,yU 11'.Ultf:t-,. ddta. uvfr.d lt, la hoct POdl• drll!dneJ matla.T$lu1J 11-t•H-s ~l..kv o,a! bye n.-.,,r. "' ot••h<-.i fht.Jab1Ul.~\t. 1,r,n ted«n StO"'•k. ,=el• nMC , . . . 19venak'-. N-. otllriru <, bot-p,odl..rs.kyi;.h pom•r<teh , Nlad'w.~\r-u • ;ffYOU.Om Prf•me:r• t•MoJ.lhl'bQ ~lo• "1e-1'a. h,n 1'tn1.lllf"CV•n• k#vlt ,ui.tc:ov. Ta><: !faPr d¥"ra l'-1••~, ~ f 1h••hH1( v M•d&l"llh tn.f: d • - •f-..t _ , IIJ .-ttt. 1>•~.a. l!a t:tetn ~...-~ ~..,. •*•tw. lt-(h>lf tt!'dfhl .... 'l-'.t.14, ~fn•du• n.1• <-•14! dv• k1r Jflbllol f"l•J• konm• tn• p.->1n~• yy-.01t• h-od nr:ttu • '"'• c•"• ,:tAle "rdr,11. l"'t.h, ,,,.,d nechlvno"' ,to n:ia.!tch Jv}nJn sulln Jt,cff-n " i,o-t rn;lll~• i:te,n-3 dnc-~ 1,:1 c~n• 1M N;C. t• ta fflil. Ptm•6. Robot111k v Mad1ar-.skt1, 1ii;,,..r9 l)l>df• vl~becnel u,l•-olry I• M.•dar:f.kn J,e: rnftvo. HOU) v~•'"'"' "odn.lky •lok •tona ft-t!-U';'."1V1.eobocit• O:lolno p0V4td.a(, ... V ,taller,flc- pla,en:t, dois-·h1no okofo f.-den • -poJ rn._ ,. n4l!IO-O<h,fk4 •• ttl-m«T nit!. Nlk'lq nd'lvntute. lobo kattltliht nl.ot.. D<,my-.. lnor:i, bo1y rotv61::tw6, •tl o.. t,,tl$len~. v~21.de •d rllmqvl•k• *-kO tell une:c'hata val'na. O(,r,r•vr,d PQffl~r,• Ml V'lfrnl s!..,_ Mof1110 cwvodat. L♦ fd1tl•n tv~l>Odil'.tka •ltut.c.Jw. &J♦ i:~i-kov4 PMl'.htf y v4k~.. •-0 u;f talt._ •ls:• lw)ly • • ~'"""'•n•tr.v htt•d' v pr-vJ'c.b d.lt&etl 1lo v-t"-eltffatt.f fr°"tu. V•tfflt •tt ,. to o•Jma a olac..-vwnfm a it f)bn~. 'ktor$'-h h<e,d:no1• l♦ •stH'WUH't'tidgll.,_ T•k twt1>r, ,.., -.:~..-,,nk tla.,. 150 ttYU. pat;tJC6~ -.. vark• n . . . .t•tNf •• )la.V"f n.JmA v vaDftarl a v •~« •kl4!~ ttodf'l4ta ,.,._bfl •t1Je ti:t._.._ • dn,_ u• • M..ad'an.kw obleb-taJO 10 mllt6nov♦ tt-.nkovllrr, Photo 5: "Kosice Welcomes Slovaks from Hungary," Demokrat newspaper April 5, 1946. 39 Sutaj , "The Magyar Minority in Slovakia before and after the Second World War " 277 40 Ibid. • 41 Ibid ., " Slovakia and the Hungarian Minority," 232 . SLOVAKIA-2017 95 Historian Stefan Sutaj calculates that a total of 362,679 (or just over 50 percent) of Hungarians in southern Slovakia re-Slovakized, the majority out of fear of oppression. 42 For many Slovaks, postwar re-Slovakization of Hungarians was the logical payback for being forced to assimilate to the Hungarian language and culture both during "magyarization" and from 1938-1945 . Thus, on paper, Czechoslovakia got rid of its Hungarians by means of population exchange, deportation to the Czech lands and re-Slovakization. Reality proved a different matter and is addressed later. Carpathian Germans Unlike Bohemia's Sudeten Germans, the Carpathian Germans (or Germans residing in Slovakia and Ukraine's Carpathian Mountain region) did not inhabit a single territorial block. Rather, they were primarily concentrated in three areas-Bratislava, the Spis region and the Kremnica-Pravno area. 43 Carpathian Germans had worked in this territory as miners, merchants, artisans and clerics since the 11 th century and, by the 14 th and 15 th centuries, comprised between one-quarter to one-fifth of the population in what is now 44 known as Slovakia. However, German influence in the region waned and by the Second World War only 150,000 Carpathian Germans remained in Slovakia, according to Ondrej Poss, director of the Museum of Carpathian German Culture at the Slovak National Mu45 seum. The German minority living in Slovakia began to fear for their lives when the Red Army approached eastern Slovakia in 1944, and they left the country in systematic evacuations as of November 194446 Evacuation numbers vary widely, but author Ernst Hochber- 42 Ibid; Ibid , Mad'arska mensina, 142. Pekar, 4 7. 44 Ondrej Poss, Dejiny a kultura, 6. 45 Ibid. (Germans acco unted for approximately five percent of the Slovak population in the interwar period-Pekar, 47). Additionally, many Germans in eastern Slovakia magyarized in the second half of the nineteenth century. 46 Poss, Dejiny a kultura, 14. 43 96 SLOVAKIA-2017 ger estimates that between 57 and 85 percent of Carpathian Germans left Slovakia before 1945.47 Photo 6: Print of German blacksmith by Wilhelm Gedeon. After the war 30,000 to 40,000 returned, hoping they could continue to live and work in what had been their ancestors' homeland for 800 years. 48 Many were interned in regional camps under inhumane conditions until roughly 32,000 were sent to Germany in 1946. 49 47 Ernst Hochberger, Die Karpatendeutschen in der Slowakei (Wien: bsterr. Landsmannschaft, 20 I 0), 76. 48 Poss, Dejiny a kultura, 16. 49 Ibid .; Hochberger, 77 . 97 SLOVAKIA-2017 However, not all of Slovakia's ethnic Germans were forced to leave at the end of the war. Approximately ten to fifteen percent remained, including skilled workers who were compelled to stay and work in state agricultural and industrial firms or those who could prove their wartime resistance to fascism. 50 Some of those who did not leave benefitted from exceptional circumstances, such as Wilhelm Gedeon and his family. 51 They lived in Medzev, a town just west of Kosice known as "the Mecca of Carpathian Germans in Slovakia. " 52 I Photo 7: Wilhelm Gedeon, spring 2012 50 Matej Spumy, " Political Authority and Popular Opinion: Czechos lovakia's German Population 1948-60," Social History Vol. 37, lss. 4, 2012, 458. 51 Poss, Karpatskonemecky spolok na Slovensku 20 rokov zaloienie, rozvoj (Kosice : Karpatskonemecky spolok na Slovensku, 2010), 12. 52 "Predseda Karpatskonemeckeho spolu Wilhelm Gedeon zaii l povojnove represie i roky normalizacie," Korzar/SME, Nov. 7, 2008 . Interestingly, former President of Slovakia Rudolf Schuster (1999-2004) hails from Medzev. 98 SLOVAKIA-2017 Born in Medzev in 1922, Gedeon was 23 years old at the end of the war. In October of 1945 an armed guard came to his family ' s home and informed them they had two hours to pack for deportation. Their belongings were to be placed in a wagon and they were to report to the school courtyard where other German families were assembled for relocation to Novaky, Slovakia, and interned until deportation to Germany. Gedeon, his uncle, grandmother and other family members dragged their wagon to the courtyard to join Medzev ' s sixth wave of deportations. However, while waiting in the courtyard, they were inspected by a doctor from the Swiss Red Cross who determined Gedeon's grandmother was too ill to go. He told the guards that Gedeon ' s whole family should be allowed to return home and stay in Medzev. The guards refused, arguing that only the grandmother and the other ill family member should stay; but the doctor persisted, asking the guards how the two elderly ones would survive by themselves. Thus the entire family was permitted to remain. Unfortunately , although they continued living in their family ' s homeland, the Germans who were not expelled faced discrimination for which they were unable to seek legal recourse. As Gedeon noted in his interview, "When we [Germans] lost our [Czechoslovak] citizenship, this was a very hard truth: if anyone beat or killed us, no penalty was levied because Germans were not citizens. " 53 Gedeon later moved to Kosice, where he worked as a civil engineer and eventually became head of the post-Communist Carpathian German Society in Kosice. 54 His story is the exception, yet it is also indicative of the unanticipated consequences of postwar Czechoslovakia' s attempt at ethnic cleansing. Unintended Outcomes What, then, were the significant unintended outcomes of the government's policies, which targeted Hungarians and Germans? First, concerning the population exchange of Slovaks and Hungarians, government officials clearly misjudged the situation when they mistakenly assumed that the number of Slovaks living in Hungary 53 Wilhelm Gedeon, interview by author, tape recording, 23-24 April 201 2, Kos ice, Slovakia. 54 Ibid. SLOVAKIA-2017 99 was only slightly smaller than the number of Hungarians in southern Slovakia 55 In actuality, 16,387 more Hungarians vacated Czechoslovakia than Slovaks returned to inhabit southern Slovakia. 56 This resulted in a problem for Czechoslovak officials who had intended to populate the southern borderland with Slovaks so as to create a barrier against potential Hungarian irredentist aspirations. Secondly, the re-Slovakization campaign did not go as planned. Although over 362,000 people in southern Slovakia changed their reported ethnic identity from Hungarian to Slovak after the war, many of these did so insincerely, providing whatever documentation necessary to re-Slovakize and remain in Czechoslovakia. Expedient, "situational" self-identification led many to affiliate with whatever nationality would allow them to stay in their families ' generational hometown, searching for stability at a time of immense uncertainty. Thousands took a chance amidst postwar chaos, deciding to reSlovakize and face whatever future challenges lay ahead at least from the known quantities of their hometowns. To a certain extent, their "insincere" decisions to identify as Slovak can be measured by the 1950 and 1961 Czechoslovak censuses, which revealed that many in the postwar period who had chosen the re-Slovakization option were ethnically Hungarian but had re-Slovakized out of fear of retaliation. 57 Sutaj records that, although some Hungarians who had " insincerely" re-Slovakized after the war did identify again as Hungarian in the 1950 census, the majority continued to identify as "Slovak." 58 Just ten years later, however, the percentage of individual s reporting as "Hungarian" on the 1960 Czechoslovak census increased by 46.4 percent from 354,532 reporting as Hungarian on the 1950 census to 518,782 on the 1960 census.59 Cultural historian Veronika Gayer, of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, describes 55 Sutaj , "S lovakia and the Hungari an Minority," 23 1. Ther, 57 and Sutaj , "Slovakia and the Hungarian Minority," 233-234. However, it is quite plausible that many of these "Slovaks" had settled in Hun ga ry centuries ago. Thus it is questionable how " Slovak" they really were. 57 Sutaj , " Magyar minority in Slovaki a be fore and after the Seco nd World War," 279. 58 Ibid ., Mad'arska mensina, 144. 59 Ibid. 56 100 SLOVAKIA-2017 this phenomenon as experienced by the citizens of Kosice during the 20 th century: The city changed control five times in the course of one generation .... These successive turns of state were [the] results of superpower decisions, so they could never reflect the actual will of citizens. A part of the citizens of thi s multi-lingual city always lost during these changes, while another part tried to align themselves with the changes, and changed language and nationality during official surveys. Many of the bilingual, dual-identity citizens could tum Czechoslovak from one year to the next, and then two decades later tum back into Hungarians, if the authorities wanted them to do so. 60 Many in southern Slovakia adjusted their ethnic affiliation as necessary, a practice which makes precise data comparisons and analyses nearly impossible for contemporary historians .6 1 Furthermore, after the Czechoslovak Communist coup in February 1948, many Hungarians (originally from southern Slovakia) who had been deported to work in Bohemia after the war, returned home and appealed for their property and rights.62 Consequently, southern Slovakia did not become purely Slovak after all. Sutaj concludes, "Despite the definite reduction of the number of Hungarian nationnality inhabitants, nonetheless the postwar measures were in vain, and the Hungarian minority in Slovakia maintained its compactness and ethnic identity." 63 Third, an entire reli gious denomination declined as a result of postwar anti-Hungarian measures and resulting linguistic battles. ReSlovakization drastically reduced the number of members in Slovakia 's Reformed Church since many could not worship in the Slovak language and, due to the state's removal of Hungarian clergy from their posts (those who did not re-Slovakize), there were not 60 Veronika Gayer, " From Kassa to Kosice, Kosice to Kassa," in Remembering 1he City: a Guide lhrough !he Pas/ of Kosice (Budapest: Terra Recognita Alapitvany, 20 13), 124. 61 See Sutaj , Mad'arska mensina, 143-144. 62 Sutaj , Mad'arskci mensina , 154. 63 Ibid. , 155 . SLOVAKIA-2017 101 enough Reformed pastors who spoke Slovak. 64 For example, in 1946, out of 195 active Reformed pastors, only 23 claimed Slovak nationality. Yet for eight of these 23, their nationality was questionnable (meaning they were considered to be Hungarian and were removed from their posts). On the other hand, 172 of these 195 claimed to be Hungarian and only 80 of these re-Slovakized. 65 Photo 8: Cemetery in Banska Stiavnica Thus there were too many parishioners becoming Slovak through re-Slovakization (despite the fact that many were not proficient in the Slovak language) and too few pastors who could capably lead them in the Slovak language . 64 Sutaj, "Magyar minority in Slovakia before and after the Second World War," 275; Sutaj, Reslovakizacia, 31. This same problem presented itself in the postwar Roman Catholic Church, among others. 65 Ibid. 102 SLOVAKIA-2017 The Slovak Reformed Church's experience is significant because, as the overwhelming majority of believers were Hungarian and lived in southern Slovak towns such as Kosice, they naturally became targets of re-Slovakization efforts, which severely impacted the denomination across Slovakia. Sutaj points out that postwar Reformed Church leaders often noted that the decline of Calvinists in the Slovak population happened at the same time as re-Slovakization.66 He adds that the chaotic situation between Slovaks and Hungarians in southern Slovakia during re-Slovakization greatly affected the situation in the Reformed Church after 1945 .67 On the whole, the number of Reformed believers in what is now Slovakia decreased from 145,829 in 1930 to 111,696 by 1950, an almost 25 · 68 percent re d uction. In addition to the blows dealt to Slovakia's Hungarian attenuating minority, only approximately 17,000 of the pre-war 150,000 Carpathian Germans remained in the country by 1947. 69 Moreover, as was also true of the Hungarian minority, a glaring consequence of their expulsion was the loss of skilled labor and business acumen. In the First Czechoslovak Republic, 44 percent of Slovakia's Germans 70 were involved in business, trade or industry. According to figures taken from the 1952 "Equalization of Burdens Law," the Carpathian Germans of Slovakia were forced to abandon an excess of 9,800 farms, over 8,000 residential estates, more than 2,000 commercial properties, and over 1,000 forestry operations as well as 1,000 wineries.71 The state realized its mistake when it lacked workers proficient in boosting Czechoslovakia's postwar industrialization campaign. Perhaps the most shocking unanticipated outcome of the administration ' s carefully-crafted efforts was the fact that, just three years after Czechoslovakia was liberated, local Communists seized control of the republic. They quickly enacted policies much more concerned 66 Sutaj , Reslovakizacia, 31. Ibid., 32. 68 Jan Pesek and Michal Barnovs ky, Staino Moc a Cirkvi na Slovensku. 1948- 1953 (Brati slava: Veda, 1997), 13-1 8. In Kosice after the war, two-thirds o f th e city 's Reformed Church reported themselves as Slovak and one third as Hungarian . " Kosice," Kalvinske hlasy, May 15, 1946. 69 Hochberger, 77. 70 Isidor Lasslob, Die Karpatendeutschen im Spiegelbild der Zahlen (Kes mark: Vi vit-Verl ag / Karpatendeutsche Landsmannschaft Stuttgart, 2004), 8. 71 Ibid., 7. 67 SLOVAKIA-2017 103 with Czechoslovak citizens ' class status than with their ethnic affiliation.72 The Hungarian minority remaining in the country received the right to Czechoslovak citizenship in 1948 and the German minority as early as 1949 and by 1953 at the latest. 73 The change of policy from postwar discrimination against ethnic minorities to the Communist regime's obsession with class status freed many Hungarians who had expediently re-Slovakized after the war to again identify as Hungarian on the 1951 and 1960 Czechoslovak censuses. Conclusion Although many are familiar with the postwar fate of Czechoslovakia ' s three million Sudeten Germans, it is often overlooked that roughly 600,000 Hungarians and 32,000 Carpathian Germans were forced to leave the country or assimilate at that time. As a result of the Benes administration's April 1945 Kosice Program, Czechoslovakia's German and Hungarian populations (some of whom had lived on the land for centuries) were pronounced guilty by association with Nazi Gennany and what became Nazi-controlled Hungary. This verdict represented a sharp reversal from the generous rights minorities had enjoyed during the First Czechoslovak Republic from 1918 to 1938. After the Second World War, however, Czechs and Slovaks harbored resentment for wartime injustices, and many sought retribution among their German and Hungarian neighbors . Even the Benes administration petitioned the Allies for permission to expel the country' s German and Hungarian populations. When the Allies agreed to the wholesale expulsion of the German minority but not to that of the Hungarians, the government devised three methods to rid Czechoslovakia of its over half a million Hungarians. What the Benes admini stration could not see at the time was that its efforts to expel all Germans and force Hungarians to assimilate or be relocated out of Slovakia would either fail or backfire against the future welfare of the republic. Approximately ten to fifteen percent of the Carpathian Germans were permitted to stay in Slovakia for a 72 See Pekar, 53. Sutaj , " Magyar minority in Slovaki a befo re and after the Second World War," 279-28 1; Some Germ ans received citizenship as earl y as 1949. See Spumy, 462464. 73 104 SLOVAKIA-2017 variety of reasons. Moreover, southern Slovakia remained largely Hungarian when the population exchange was shown to be lopsided , when those deported to the Czech lands returned home, and when over 360,000 Hungarians expediently chose to falsely identify as Slovak. They did so in order to avoid recrimination, to maintain their livelihoods, to remain with their families, and/or to face unknown future challenges from the security of their hometowns. The German and Hungarian minorities who were in fact expelled from Czechoslovakia took with them a rich tradition of culture, skilled labor and entrepreneurial expertise. Ultimately, it can be argued that Benes' policies proved incomplete, ineffective and even injurious to postwar Czechoslovakia.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Kicked Out: Czechoslovakia's Postwar Policy Toward Ethnic Minorities and its Unintended Outcomes Description An account of the resource Marty Manor Mullins Slovakia, Vol. 43 (No. 80-81), 2017 pp. 81-104 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Mullins, Marty Manor, 1976- Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2017 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/2a7db42a0de7e82305e7938edaf41f12.pdf d0d8d20af77aa5ed8a55583d38826676 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 31 need right now is a large, stiff dose of "Knowlandism" for the brain to clear our thinking so that we might resolve: NO MORAL AND/ OR MATERIAL AID FOR THE SOVIET UNION AND ITS SATELLITES! • • • A BELATED REPORT By CHARLES MURIN, Ph.D., LL.D. It seems to be inevitable during a war, when the stakes are high, that people reduce their thinking to two categories only: my side is identified with the good and moral purely and simply, the enemy, or the other side. is the embodiment pure of the principle of evil which is the root of all disorder in the world. It is understandable that this psychological attitude belongs to war, because one has to know what he is offering his life for. However, if this psychological factor seems to belong to the conditions required for the winning of a war, the same attitude is a disturbing factor when it enters among the considerations how to win the peace. This is exactly what we experienced after World War II in regard to the organization of post-war Europe. Besides this, Slovak refugees, among many others, have experienced in their own personal destinies the drawbacks in the application of the above-mentioned psychological attitude to the period immediately following the war. It took about two years until an about face had been brought about, and the writer of these lines had the peculiar opportunity of being personally involved in both stages of mind; the one that is supposed to win the war, and the one which aims at winning the peace. It goes without saying that the latter was infinitely more in accordance with common sense and reason and with what can be called the moral principles in politics. The psychological attitude of seeing only black and white becomes a real disaster when it is adopted by responsible statesmen and politicians. As a direct consequence, this attitude inevitably involves political and moral contradictions that do not fail to give, with on unerring �32 SLOVAKIA exactitude, the results of which are best illustrated by the present state of affairs in Europe. It is our intention to point out one instance of the application of the black and/ or white psychological attitude in connection with the conditions in the Danube valley and particularly in connection with the late President of the Slovak Republic, Msgr. Dr. Joseph Tiso. We shall not go into the analysis of the causes of this attitude in our case even though they can be, without any doubt, revealed quite easily. The Munich Agreement of 1938 was an affair of the big European powers of that time. The small nations could not help but take notice of the agreement by which Central Europe became the zone of influence of Germany. Since the great powers knew that it was a Nazi Germany, the small nations were compelled to take notice of this fact and steer the destiny of their respective nations through the troubled waters of the years to come. It is a curious fact, unfortunately not a unique one in the political history, that the same great powers, or more exactly a part of them, did not mind the putting to trial and sentencing of people, after World War II, simply because they had to accept what the great powers had agreed upon in Munich. Either they must concede that they were not able to see the immediate geopolitical consequence of what they were doing, or they must admit that they accepted a multiplicity of rights to life and rights to survive: one code for me, another, a modified one, to suit my interests for the others. First they objected to Nazi-Germany and later on - grace a Dieu to the Soviet Union. It is not difficult to see that a contradiction in regard to fundamental moral principles is involved in this case. However, let us look into the case which applies this time not directly to the whole area of Central Europe but specifically to Slovakia and only indirectly, though not less vitally, to the whole area of Central Europe. We are going to mention three instances of a public address of the late President Dr. Joseph Tiso which should not have escaped the attention of the people in charge of Central European affairs in respective Departments of Foreign Affairs in the Western World. The more so, since the Germans' reaction :n all the three cases was utterly hostile. �SLO\',\KIA 33 1. In the Western-Slovakia town of Trnava, some 30 miles from the capital of Slovakia, Dr. Tiso said in August 1939: "Slovaks, do not think that what the Germans are doing for us they do because of their love for us (literally, "because of our beautiful blue eyes" - this expression comes from a Slovak proverb). They do it because it is in their interest to do so." 2. In speaking to the District Governors of Slovakia, Dr. Tiso said in the Redoute Hall in Bratislava: "Our participation in the present war is but a symbolic one." 3. On the occasion of the opening of the new Strazske-Vranov rail line, Dr. Tiso proclaimed in Presov, a town situated in Eastern Slovakia: "The Slovak people will display more loyalty to the one who will help us to a more free life" (Not having the original texts at hand, the writer guarantees for the fidelity of the quoted sentences only as far as their genuine meaning is concerned). In all the three instances, the President's speeches were broadcast throughout the whole territory of the Slovak Republic and to the personal knowledge of the writer the last two quotations were objected to in strong terms by the Germans. The meaning of these speeches was clear to all concerned, including the Germans, and to the Benes clique at that time preparing its comeback via Moscow. What was the reaction to these speeches in Slovakia? What we were interested in was whether these speeches will be noticed by those in charge of Central Europe in the State Department of the United States. Confidence towards the Americans of Slovak origin was in the eyes of Slovaks extended to the whole of the United States. Even towards the end of the war, when the present writer discussed with President Tiso his preferences of the then unknown zones of occupation of Germany and of Austria, in the opinion of the President it was the American zone of occupation that he wished for in the first place. In reality, however, the facts have shown that the French have manifested more understanding for the complexities of the Central European politics than did the military administration of the United States. �34 SLOVAKIA There were two points around which revolved the thinking of Dr. Joseph Tiso as regards the future of the Slovak people. First, it was the confidence in the United States as to the country of Washington, Lincoln, etc., and, last but not least, as to the country of the American Slovaks. In other words, the Slovaks had expected that the Government of the United States would not oppose the will of a nation to freedom. Secondly, Dr. Tiso ruled out in his thinking the possibility of creating a political vacuum in Europe after the war, because he knew that any political vacuum would be but an invitation to the Soviets who would not fail to intervene if not opposed by a military force superior to their own. Now let us recall what was the situation during the war in Slovakia and what moves were expected by the Slovaks in regard to their political future. Call it whatever you want, call it unjustly a German protectorate or a German appendix, or call it according to no matter which names given to the Slovak Republic by the Benes people and the Communists, the fact remains that the Slovak people, during the short period of the Slovak Republic, made greater progress in all fields of their national existence than during any period of time, entirely out of proportion with the six years, in the last centuries. On the other hand, the Slovak nation was very much aware of the fact that the conditions of their freedom were rather precarious in more than one regard, concerning both some of the internal and also international factors. The only positive approach to the Slovak people leads through what hindered their freedom and not through questioning their right to fredom. This was the meaning of the above messages of President Joseph Tiso to the Western World and in particular to the United States. On the other hand, what was the political formula offered 'by the United Nations to the Slovak people? To put it bluntly, it can be briefly resumed in the following sentence: give up your freedom. Or in a more explicit way: if you want to get rid of what contradicts the way of life you are striving for, get rid of freedom. Or: there is no other way to cut loose from the accompanying phenomena that �SLOVAKIA 35 hinder your freedom than to kill the whole thing, which is tantamount to the advice: throw out the child together with the bath water. There was an inherent contradiction in this attitude that can be summed up as follows: in order to be free you must renounce freedom. In itself, this is a perfectly coherent assertion under the condition one qualifies the two meanings of freedom in a due way. Yet historically speaking the conditions were set either by the Nazis, on the one side, or by the Benes people and the Communists, on the other side. President Tiso hoped that there might be a third condition, that is, that of the Slovak people, and that the United States might understand this. Dr. Tiso's political vision aimed at the transition from freedom conditioned by Nazi Germany {the history of this condition is not a univocal one; there were changes for better and for worse) to the freedom conditioned by the Slovak people. Contrary to this legitimate expectation, on the Slovak people was imposed the Communist and the Benes version of freedom which by no means was lacking an univocal significance whose depth of cruelty the Western World seems to be grasping only after the Hungarian tragedy of last Fall. In Slovakia we had a chance to see this version of freedom i.n an extremely lucid way during the so-called August "uprising" of 1944. This political movement might pass into history as the most curious and most ineffective and futile piece of political thinking. Ill-timed, wrongly executed, without any real significance as to war operations, its only result was to bring the war on the territory of Slovakia and to help Benes to sell his version of "freedom" by building Potemkin villages to the West, yet replacing the rather humorous deceit of the famous Russian deceiver by the cruelty of the present-day power-holders of Russia. What about the Slovak version of their freedom? For the time being its highest symbol is President Dr. Joseph Tiso. Historical events have imposed upon him this significance. The German military police {Sicherheitsdienst) gathered material towards the end of the war for a process against Dr. Joseph Tiso. The forecluded result of his show process would have been most probably the last and the definite qualification of the Nazi-Germany version of the �36 SLOVAKIA Slovak freedom. Where the Germans were stopped by the victory of the United Nations, the Benes government faithfully carried on. The execution of the President of the Slovak Republic, the 10th anniversary of which the free Slovaks commemorated this year, was supposed to put an end to Slovak freedom. It would seem that there can be no freedom for this people at all; that the Slovaks have to choose between the two or more pseudo-versions of freedom which must be always conditioned for the benefit of one of their neighbors, not in the sense of a loyal cooperation as might be arranged with justice in a federation of nations, but in the sense of being politically, economically, and culturally subjected by one of its neighbors. The Slovaks are not shocked to hear this. Yet they beg to differ radically from this opinion, both because of their conviction that they have the moral and political right to live freely, the Slovak way of life, in full respect of other peoples, and because they trust that the vitality of the American spirit of freedom is keen and strong enough to overcome the contradiction implied in the wartime pattern of political thinking concerning the Slovaks. Western wartime reporters had failed to report the above-mentioned messages of the late Msgr. Dr. Joseph Tiso to the responsible personalities of the U. S. Government. I am using the opportunity to do this on the tenth anniversary of the death on the gallows of the priest of whom his ecclesiastical superior, Archbishop Dr. Kmefko, said: "It is because we knew him always as an exemplary priest that we wished him to accept the nomination for the Presidency of the Slovak Republic; he was a guarantee against the intrusion of Nazi ideology." Thus I am drawing attention of the United States Government to the political vision of Dr. Joseph Tiso, the vision of his Slovak people, i.e., not a Nazi version, nor a Comunist one, nor a Czech version of Slovak freedom, but an honest-to-goodness Washington version of freedom which is a human one. By .this I believe, I am only fulfilling, though somewhat belatedly, my duty connected with my being the former "personal secretary" of the late President of the Slovak Republic, Dr. Joseph Tiso. � SLOVAKIA 31 need right now is a large, stiff dose of "Knowlandism" for the brain to clear our thinking so that we might resolve: NO MORAL AND/ OR MATERIAL AID FOR THE SOVIET UNION AND ITS SATELLITES! • • • A BELATED REPORT By CHARLES MURIN, Ph.D., LL.D. It seems to be inevitable during a war, when the stakes are high, that people reduce their thinking to two categories only: my side is identified with the good and moral purely and simply, the enemy, or the other side. is the embodiment pure of the principle of evil which is the root of all disorder in the world. It is understandable that this psychological attitude belongs to war, because one has to know what he is offering his life for. However, if this psychological factor seems to belong to the conditions required for the winning of a war, the same attitude is a disturbing factor when it enters among the considerations how to win the peace. This is exactly what we experienced after World War II in regard to the organization of post-war Europe. Besides this, Slovak refugees, among many others, have experienced in their own personal destinies the drawbacks in the application of the above-mentioned psychological attitude to the period immediately following the war. It took about two years until an about face had been brought about, and the writer of these lines had the peculiar opportunity of being personally involved in both stages of mind; the one that is supposed to win the war, and the one which aims at winning the peace. It goes without saying that the latter was infinitely more in accordance with common sense and reason and with what can be called the moral principles in politics. The psychological attitude of seeing only black and white becomes a real disaster when it is adopted by responsible statesmen and politicians. As a direct consequence, this attitude inevitably involves political and moral contradictions that do not fail to give, with on unerring �32 SLOVAKIA exactitude, the results of which are best illustrated by the present state of affairs in Europe. It is our intention to point out one instance of the application of the black and/ or white psychological attitude in connection with the conditions in the Danube valley and particularly in connection with the late President of the Slovak Republic, Msgr. Dr. Joseph Tiso. We shall not go into the analysis of the causes of this attitude in our case even though they can be, without any doubt, revealed quite easily. The Munich Agreement of 1938 was an affair of the big European powers of that time. The small nations could not help but take notice of the agreement by which Central Europe became the zone of influence of Germany. Since the great powers knew that it was a Nazi Germany, the small nations were compelled to take notice of this fact and steer the destiny of their respective nations through the troubled waters of the years to come. It is a curious fact, unfortunately not a unique one in the political history, that the same great powers, or more exactly a part of them, did not mind the putting to trial and sentencing of people, after World War II, simply because they had to accept what the great powers had agreed upon in Munich. Either they must concede that they were not able to see the immediate geopolitical consequence of what they were doing, or they must admit that they accepted a multiplicity of rights to life and rights to survive: one code for me, another, a modified one, to suit my interests for the others. First they objected to Nazi-Germany and later on - grace a Dieu to the Soviet Union. It is not difficult to see that a contradiction in regard to fundamental moral principles is involved in this case. However, let us look into the case which applies this time not directly to the whole area of Central Europe but specifically to Slovakia and only indirectly, though not less vitally, to the whole area of Central Europe. We are going to mention three instances of a public address of the late President Dr. Joseph Tiso which should not have escaped the attention of the people in charge of Central European affairs in respective Departments of Foreign Affairs in the Western World. The more so, since the Germans' reaction :n all the three cases was utterly hostile. �SLO\',\KIA 33 1. In the Western-Slovakia town of Trnava, some 30 miles from the capital of Slovakia, Dr. Tiso said in August 1939: "Slovaks, do not think that what the Germans are doing for us they do because of their love for us (literally, "because of our beautiful blue eyes" - this expression comes from a Slovak proverb). They do it because it is in their interest to do so." 2. In speaking to the District Governors of Slovakia, Dr. Tiso said in the Redoute Hall in Bratislava: "Our participation in the present war is but a symbolic one." 3. On the occasion of the opening of the new Strazske-Vranov rail line, Dr. Tiso proclaimed in Presov, a town situated in Eastern Slovakia: "The Slovak people will display more loyalty to the one who will help us to a more free life" (Not having the original texts at hand, the writer guarantees for the fidelity of the quoted sentences only as far as their genuine meaning is concerned). In all the three instances, the President's speeches were broadcast throughout the whole territory of the Slovak Republic and to the personal knowledge of the writer the last two quotations were objected to in strong terms by the Germans. The meaning of these speeches was clear to all concerned, including the Germans, and to the Benes clique at that time preparing its comeback via Moscow. What was the reaction to these speeches in Slovakia? What we were interested in was whether these speeches will be noticed by those in charge of Central Europe in the State Department of the United States. Confidence towards the Americans of Slovak origin was in the eyes of Slovaks extended to the whole of the United States. Even towards the end of the war, when the present writer discussed with President Tiso his preferences of the then unknown zones of occupation of Germany and of Austria, in the opinion of the President it was the American zone of occupation that he wished for in the first place. In reality, however, the facts have shown that the French have manifested more understanding for the complexities of the Central European politics than did the military administration of the United States. �34 SLOVAKIA There were two points around which revolved the thinking of Dr. Joseph Tiso as regards the future of the Slovak people. First, it was the confidence in the United States as to the country of Washington, Lincoln, etc., and, last but not least, as to the country of the American Slovaks. In other words, the Slovaks had expected that the Government of the United States would not oppose the will of a nation to freedom. Secondly, Dr. Tiso ruled out in his thinking the possibility of creating a political vacuum in Europe after the war, because he knew that any political vacuum would be but an invitation to the Soviets who would not fail to intervene if not opposed by a military force superior to their own. Now let us recall what was the situation during the war in Slovakia and what moves were expected by the Slovaks in regard to their political future. Call it whatever you want, call it unjustly a German protectorate or a German appendix, or call it according to no matter which names given to the Slovak Republic by the Benes people and the Communists, the fact remains that the Slovak people, during the short period of the Slovak Republic, made greater progress in all fields of their national existence than during any period of time, entirely out of proportion with the six years, in the last centuries. On the other hand, the Slovak nation was very much aware of the fact that the conditions of their freedom were rather precarious in more than one regard, concerning both some of the internal and also international factors. The only positive approach to the Slovak people leads through what hindered their freedom and not through questioning their right to fredom. This was the meaning of the above messages of President Joseph Tiso to the Western World and in particular to the United States. On the other hand, what was the political formula offered 'by the United Nations to the Slovak people? To put it bluntly, it can be briefly resumed in the following sentence: give up your freedom. Or in a more explicit way: if you want to get rid of what contradicts the way of life you are striving for, get rid of freedom. Or: there is no other way to cut loose from the accompanying phenomena that �SLOVAKIA 35 hinder your freedom than to kill the whole thing, which is tantamount to the advice: throw out the child together with the bath water. There was an inherent contradiction in this attitude that can be summed up as follows: in order to be free you must renounce freedom. In itself, this is a perfectly coherent assertion under the condition one qualifies the two meanings of freedom in a due way. Yet historically speaking the conditions were set either by the Nazis, on the one side, or by the Benes people and the Communists, on the other side. President Tiso hoped that there might be a third condition, that is, that of the Slovak people, and that the United States might understand this. Dr. Tiso's political vision aimed at the transition from freedom conditioned by Nazi Germany {the history of this condition is not a univocal one; there were changes for better and for worse) to the freedom conditioned by the Slovak people. Contrary to this legitimate expectation, on the Slovak people was imposed the Communist and the Benes version of freedom which by no means was lacking an univocal significance whose depth of cruelty the Western World seems to be grasping only after the Hungarian tragedy of last Fall. In Slovakia we had a chance to see this version of freedom i.n an extremely lucid way during the so-called August "uprising" of 1944. This political movement might pass into history as the most curious and most ineffective and futile piece of political thinking. Ill-timed, wrongly executed, without any real significance as to war operations, its only result was to bring the war on the territory of Slovakia and to help Benes to sell his version of "freedom" by building Potemkin villages to the West, yet replacing the rather humorous deceit of the famous Russian deceiver by the cruelty of the present-day power-holders of Russia. What about the Slovak version of their freedom? For the time being its highest symbol is President Dr. Joseph Tiso. Historical events have imposed upon him this significance. The German military police {Sicherheitsdienst) gathered material towards the end of the war for a process against Dr. Joseph Tiso. The forecluded result of his show process would have been most probably the last and the definite qualification of the Nazi-Germany version of the �36 SLOVAKIA Slovak freedom. Where the Germans were stopped by the victory of the United Nations, the Benes government faithfully carried on. The execution of the President of the Slovak Republic, the 10th anniversary of which the free Slovaks commemorated this year, was supposed to put an end to Slovak freedom. It would seem that there can be no freedom for this people at all; that the Slovaks have to choose between the two or more pseudo-versions of freedom which must be always conditioned for the benefit of one of their neighbors, not in the sense of a loyal cooperation as might be arranged with justice in a federation of nations, but in the sense of being politically, economically, and culturally subjected by one of its neighbors. The Slovaks are not shocked to hear this. Yet they beg to differ radically from this opinion, both because of their conviction that they have the moral and political right to live freely, the Slovak way of life, in full respect of other peoples, and because they trust that the vitality of the American spirit of freedom is keen and strong enough to overcome the contradiction implied in the wartime pattern of political thinking concerning the Slovaks. Western wartime reporters had failed to report the above-mentioned messages of the late Msgr. Dr. Joseph Tiso to the responsible personalities of the U. S. Government. I am using the opportunity to do this on the tenth anniversary of the death on the gallows of the priest of whom his ecclesiastical superior, Archbishop Dr. Kmefko, said: "It is because we knew him always as an exemplary priest that we wished him to accept the nomination for the Presidency of the Slovak Republic; he was a guarantee against the intrusion of Nazi ideology." Thus I am drawing attention of the United States Government to the political vision of Dr. Joseph Tiso, the vision of his Slovak people, i.e., not a Nazi version, nor a Comunist one, nor a Czech version of Slovak freedom, but an honest-to-goodness Washington version of freedom which is a human one. By .this I believe, I am only fulfilling, though somewhat belatedly, my duty connected with my being the former "personal secretary" of the late President of the Slovak Republic, Dr. Joseph Tiso. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 31 need right now is a large, stiff dose of "Knowlandism" for the brain to clear our thinking so that we might resolve: NO MORAL AND/ OR MATERIAL AID FOR THE SOVIET UNION AND ITS SATELLITES! • • • A BELATED REPORT By CHARLES MURIN, Ph.D., LL.D. It seems to be inevitable during a war, when the stakes are high, that people reduce their thinking to two categories only: my side is identified with the good and moral purely and simply, the enemy, or the other side. is the embodiment pure of the principle of evil which is the root of all disorder in the world. It is understandable that this psychological attitude belongs to war, because one has to know what he is offering his life for. However, if this psychological factor seems to belong to the conditions required for the winning of a war, the same attitude is a disturbing factor when it enters among the considerations how to win the peace. This is exactly what we experienced after World War II in regard to the organization of post-war Europe. Besides this, Slovak refugees, among many others, have experienced in their own personal destinies the drawbacks in the application of the above-mentioned psychological attitude to the period immediately following the war. It took about two years until an about face had been brought about, and the writer of these lines had the peculiar opportunity of being personally involved in both stages of mind; the one that is supposed to win the war, and the one which aims at winning the peace. It goes without saying that the latter was infinitely more in accordance with common sense and reason and with what can be called the moral principles in politics. The psychological attitude of seeing only black and white becomes a real disaster when it is adopted by responsible statesmen and politicians. As a direct consequence, this attitude inevitably involves political and moral contradictions that do not fail to give, with on unerring 32 SLOVAKIA exactitude, the results of which are best illustrated by the present state of affairs in Europe. It is our intention to point out one instance of the application of the black and/ or white psychological attitude in connection with the conditions in the Danube valley and particularly in connection with the late President of the Slovak Republic, Msgr. Dr. Joseph Tiso. We shall not go into the analysis of the causes of this attitude in our case even though they can be, without any doubt, revealed quite easily. The Munich Agreement of 1938 was an affair of the big European powers of that time. The small nations could not help but take notice of the agreement by which Central Europe became the zone of influence of Germany. Since the great powers knew that it was a Nazi Germany, the small nations were compelled to take notice of this fact and steer the destiny of their respective nations through the troubled waters of the years to come. It is a curious fact, unfortunately not a unique one in the political history, that the same great powers, or more exactly a part of them, did not mind the putting to trial and sentencing of people, after World War II, simply because they had to accept what the great powers had agreed upon in Munich. Either they must concede that they were not able to see the immediate geopolitical consequence of what they were doing, or they must admit that they accepted a multiplicity of rights to life and rights to survive: one code for me, another, a modified one, to suit my interests for the others. First they objected to Nazi-Germany and later on - grace a Dieu to the Soviet Union. It is not difficult to see that a contradiction in regard to fundamental moral principles is involved in this case. However, let us look into the case which applies this time not directly to the whole area of Central Europe but specifically to Slovakia and only indirectly, though not less vitally, to the whole area of Central Europe. We are going to mention three instances of a public address of the late President Dr. Joseph Tiso which should not have escaped the attention of the people in charge of Central European affairs in respective Departments of Foreign Affairs in the Western World. The more so, since the Germans' reaction :n all the three cases was utterly hostile. SLO\',\KIA 33 1. In the Western-Slovakia town of Trnava, some 30 miles from the capital of Slovakia, Dr. Tiso said in August 1939: "Slovaks, do not think that what the Germans are doing for us they do because of their love for us (literally, "because of our beautiful blue eyes" - this expression comes from a Slovak proverb). They do it because it is in their interest to do so." 2. In speaking to the District Governors of Slovakia, Dr. Tiso said in the Redoute Hall in Bratislava: "Our participation in the present war is but a symbolic one." 3. On the occasion of the opening of the new Strazske-Vranov rail line, Dr. Tiso proclaimed in Presov, a town situated in Eastern Slovakia: "The Slovak people will display more loyalty to the one who will help us to a more free life" (Not having the original texts at hand, the writer guarantees for the fidelity of the quoted sentences only as far as their genuine meaning is concerned). In all the three instances, the President's speeches were broadcast throughout the whole territory of the Slovak Republic and to the personal knowledge of the writer the last two quotations were objected to in strong terms by the Germans. The meaning of these speeches was clear to all concerned, including the Germans, and to the Benes clique at that time preparing its comeback via Moscow. What was the reaction to these speeches in Slovakia? What we were interested in was whether these speeches will be noticed by those in charge of Central Europe in the State Department of the United States. Confidence towards the Americans of Slovak origin was in the eyes of Slovaks extended to the whole of the United States. Even towards the end of the war, when the present writer discussed with President Tiso his preferences of the then unknown zones of occupation of Germany and of Austria, in the opinion of the President it was the American zone of occupation that he wished for in the first place. In reality, however, the facts have shown that the French have manifested more understanding for the complexities of the Central European politics than did the military administration of the United States. 34 SLOVAKIA There were two points around which revolved the thinking of Dr. Joseph Tiso as regards the future of the Slovak people. First, it was the confidence in the United States as to the country of Washington, Lincoln, etc., and, last but not least, as to the country of the American Slovaks. In other words, the Slovaks had expected that the Government of the United States would not oppose the will of a nation to freedom. Secondly, Dr. Tiso ruled out in his thinking the possibility of creating a political vacuum in Europe after the war, because he knew that any political vacuum would be but an invitation to the Soviets who would not fail to intervene if not opposed by a military force superior to their own. Now let us recall what was the situation during the war in Slovakia and what moves were expected by the Slovaks in regard to their political future. Call it whatever you want, call it unjustly a German protectorate or a German appendix, or call it according to no matter which names given to the Slovak Republic by the Benes people and the Communists, the fact remains that the Slovak people, during the short period of the Slovak Republic, made greater progress in all fields of their national existence than during any period of time, entirely out of proportion with the six years, in the last centuries. On the other hand, the Slovak nation was very much aware of the fact that the conditions of their freedom were rather precarious in more than one regard, concerning both some of the internal and also international factors. The only positive approach to the Slovak people leads through what hindered their freedom and not through questioning their right to fredom. This was the meaning of the above messages of President Joseph Tiso to the Western World and in particular to the United States. On the other hand, what was the political formula offered 'by the United Nations to the Slovak people? To put it bluntly, it can be briefly resumed in the following sentence: give up your freedom. Or in a more explicit way: if you want to get rid of what contradicts the way of life you are striving for, get rid of freedom. Or: there is no other way to cut loose from the accompanying phenomena that SLOVAKIA 35 hinder your freedom than to kill the whole thing, which is tantamount to the advice: throw out the child together with the bath water. There was an inherent contradiction in this attitude that can be summed up as follows: in order to be free you must renounce freedom. In itself, this is a perfectly coherent assertion under the condition one qualifies the two meanings of freedom in a due way. Yet historically speaking the conditions were set either by the Nazis, on the one side, or by the Benes people and the Communists, on the other side. President Tiso hoped that there might be a third condition, that is, that of the Slovak people, and that the United States might understand this. Dr. Tiso's political vision aimed at the transition from freedom conditioned by Nazi Germany {the history of this condition is not a univocal one; there were changes for better and for worse) to the freedom conditioned by the Slovak people. Contrary to this legitimate expectation, on the Slovak people was imposed the Communist and the Benes version of freedom which by no means was lacking an univocal significance whose depth of cruelty the Western World seems to be grasping only after the Hungarian tragedy of last Fall. In Slovakia we had a chance to see this version of freedom i.n an extremely lucid way during the so-called August "uprising" of 1944. This political movement might pass into history as the most curious and most ineffective and futile piece of political thinking. Ill-timed, wrongly executed, without any real significance as to war operations, its only result was to bring the war on the territory of Slovakia and to help Benes to sell his version of "freedom" by building Potemkin villages to the West, yet replacing the rather humorous deceit of the famous Russian deceiver by the cruelty of the present-day power-holders of Russia. What about the Slovak version of their freedom? For the time being its highest symbol is President Dr. Joseph Tiso. Historical events have imposed upon him this significance. The German military police {Sicherheitsdienst) gathered material towards the end of the war for a process against Dr. Joseph Tiso. The forecluded result of his show process would have been most probably the last and the definite qualification of the Nazi-Germany version of the 36 SLOVAKIA Slovak freedom. Where the Germans were stopped by the victory of the United Nations, the Benes government faithfully carried on. The execution of the President of the Slovak Republic, the 10th anniversary of which the free Slovaks commemorated this year, was supposed to put an end to Slovak freedom. It would seem that there can be no freedom for this people at all; that the Slovaks have to choose between the two or more pseudo-versions of freedom which must be always conditioned for the benefit of one of their neighbors, not in the sense of a loyal cooperation as might be arranged with justice in a federation of nations, but in the sense of being politically, economically, and culturally subjected by one of its neighbors. The Slovaks are not shocked to hear this. Yet they beg to differ radically from this opinion, both because of their conviction that they have the moral and political right to live freely, the Slovak way of life, in full respect of other peoples, and because they trust that the vitality of the American spirit of freedom is keen and strong enough to overcome the contradiction implied in the wartime pattern of political thinking concerning the Slovaks. Western wartime reporters had failed to report the above-mentioned messages of the late Msgr. Dr. Joseph Tiso to the responsible personalities of the U. S. Government. I am using the opportunity to do this on the tenth anniversary of the death on the gallows of the priest of whom his ecclesiastical superior, Archbishop Dr. Kmefko, said: "It is because we knew him always as an exemplary priest that we wished him to accept the nomination for the Presidency of the Slovak Republic; he was a guarantee against the intrusion of Nazi ideology." Thus I am drawing attention of the United States Government to the political vision of Dr. Joseph Tiso, the vision of his Slovak people, i.e., not a Nazi version, nor a Comunist one, nor a Czech version of Slovak freedom, but an honest-to-goodness Washington version of freedom which is a human one. By .this I believe, I am only fulfilling, though somewhat belatedly, my duty connected with my being the former "personal secretary" of the late President of the Slovak Republic, Dr. Joseph Tiso.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Belated Report Description An account of the resource Charles Murin, Ph.D., LL.D. Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 2 (23), June 1957 pp. 31-36 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Murín, Karol, 1913-1998 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June 1957 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/2c017a6896daf026af8d5ac438d38ef0.pdf f8dbb8f2841770df75e3a36c27f9d70c PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 41 SLOVAK.IA AND CENTRAL EUROPE CHARLES MURilN, LL.D., Ph.D. "Slovakia Nation. at the Crossroads of Central Europe" by Jioseph M. Kirs·ch'baum, l.JL.D., Ph.D., 1proif.eS1Soc at the Univ•e rsity of 'Montreal, iDeipartment of Sl<avic Studies. Preif,a ce by U. S. Congressma•n Alvin M. Bentley, Member of the Committee olf Forei.gn A'llfo.irs. Pp. x~:x 3711,; 7'2 dlocumEmts, 2 maips, 22 p'ho,togr-a phs, bilbliography, index. Pulb · + lisher Robert S'pe!Ier and Sons, Inc., Ne<w Yol'k. $5.00. Can a book concerning a small nation of four million behind the Iron Curtain draw the attention of the American and Canadian public at a time when Khrushchev is explodin•g nuclear bombs, Castro is defying the powerful U. S., and the struggle between West and East in Asia, Africa, and Europe is intensifying? The American reader might sigh and say: let bygones be bygones, there are more pressing problems today than the fate of four million Slovaks in the immediate neighborhood of the Soviet Union. Actually this might be the reaction of the man in the street who restricts his interests to what is presented to his sight, to the sensational. Professor Kirschbaum's book is by no means sensational in this sense, since it is written for both the intelligent observer of the international politics and those whose task it is to participate in the shaping of the current international situation which seems to contain an amount of irrational elements to a degree probably never equaled in the period of modern history. Kirschbaum's book is a valuable contribution to the understanding of the premises and origins of the presentday situation, restricted to one of its sections: Central Europe. Genetically this seems to be the most important field though the quantitive aspects of the problems in Asia and Africa overshadow the European problems. The author relates the political history of Slovakia and of Central Europe. The period described, however, happens to be the one which preceded the Soviet hegemony over half of Europe. Thus the book contains excellent material offered to the English reader who wants to trace down the errors of the past and is willing both to learn from past errors and re- �42 SLOVAKIA think the categories of living ideas and for<:es which simultaneously are being shaped by and are shaping this world of ours. The basic service this book renders to the reader is that it shows him to what degree the conceptions of the West in regard to the political organization of one of the neuralgic spots in Europe were dominated by facts and to what degree by fancy. To show the interplay of reality and illusion, the genuine and the phony in the official views of the state departments of the West in regard to Central Europe seems to us to be the aim of the book. Further the author shows to what extent these conceptions contained inherent contradictions and were therefore doomed in the long run. Be it noted that some of the prejudfres discussed in the book represent an inheritance from the postW orld-War I arrangements. The book under discussion is divided in four parts : the first is concerned with the past; the second with the present-past; the third with the present-future; and the fourth contains documents, maps, bibliography, and index. Part I introduces the reader to the topic of the book 1by giving the historical background of the problem. The service rendered by the author in this part of the book is the presentation of the Czech and Magyar historians, who usually treat Slovak history as a peripheral phenomenon of the Czech or Magyar past respectively. The characteristics one can as a rule find in the works of Magyar and Czech writers are the following: (a) Functional approach: the Slovaks are simply denied ethnical, linguistic, cultural, social and political individuality and thus are made part of either the Czech or the Magyar nation; the intelligibility of the Slovak history, if they agree at least to take notice of the fact, comes from without, i.e., from Czech history for a Czech writer, and from Magyar history if the writer is a Magyar. The meaning of Slovak history is seen, still according to these views, in an orientation of Slovaks towards loosing their weak traces of identity and ultimately in melting together with the one or the other nation. �SLOVAKIA 43 (b) For the principle of interpretation of the history of Slovakia (some writers use this term exclusively in a geographical sense) they use concepts upon which the national aspirations and dreams of their own people are based. It is not unusual for them to project a modern concept of the nineteenth and twentieth century to the ninth and tenth century of Slovak history. An interesting observation follows from the use of this method. If a certain conception of man, society and reality is embraced as unconditionally and metaphysically true, this conception and the laws which constitute its explication can be used as the principle of interpretation of each and every man, society, event and situation. This is exactly what Marxists do. Therefore it was no surprise for those acquainted with Marxist philosophy that a book was recently published in Slovakia in which the Great Moravian Empire of the King Svatopluk of the tenth century is interpreted in terms of a class struggle. A similar method is used by some Czech and Magyar historical writers in their interpretation of Slovak history, however, with the difference that the supposedly universally valid laws of the dialectical and historical materialism are replaced by the concepts of the meaning of history (i.e., either Czech or Magyar history), of national destiny, of mission, of glory, of interests, etc. True, the validity of these concepts is not universal; it is restricted to the one or the other nation. But in relation to the Slovak history, they are purposefully given a universal character, because outside of these concepts the history of Slovakia becomes, in the view of these writers, unintelligible, an irrational collection of unrelated facts which might find their interpretation on the level of Nature but never on the level of Spirit. Many conclusions of the historians in question cannot be understood without knowing these tacit or openly avowed premises. Although Professor Kirschbaum raises no claim to be a professional historian, nevertheless, as the author of many historical essays and several biographies and monographies, he has mastered more than sufficiently the material he is dealing with and is in a solid position to give an accurate �SLOVAKIA 44 account on Slovak history, an account based on a sober relativistic character of historical events, thus avoiding the peculiar exclusivities not only of the Czech and Magyar writers, but also of their Slovak antipodes. In Part I , the author shows that the Slovaks belong to the group of the most ancient peoples in Central Europe, they were the first of the Slovanic peoples to adhere to Christianism, always belonged to the orbit .o f the Western world, never were willing to lose and never lost their individuality and ethnical identity. The meaning of all Slovak history can be found only within and never outside the events that make up the drama of the Slovak nation. Part II seems to us to be the central piece of the book. This is the author's proper domain containing the events .of founding the first Czecho-Slovak Republic, the causes of its disintegration, the period of the Slovak Republic, and, finally, the restoration of the Czecho-Slovak Republic .following World War IL By far the greatest attention is given to the period of the Slovak RepU'blic. This is under.standable since it is mainly in this period that the author was active in the political life of Slovakia until ousted from the political scene under pressure of Hitlerite Germans and the small number of Slovak-Nazi sympathizers. Both his 7-year-long stay in neutral Switzerland (for three years as diplomatic representative of the Slovak Republic) and a period of 15-20 years, from the events he describes, permit Professor Kirsch baum to reach a degree of objectivity seldom achieved in books in which the authors touch upon the problems they contributed intrinsically both to .shape and to solve. When a number of the pages is of an apologetic character, not a personal defense of the author is involved but a rejection of the distortions of historical facts and a reproach of not seeing events in their true .light. It is extremely difficult to summarize this part of the book without going into some details and without transgressing the material limits of this reflection. Therefore, we shall restrain ourselves to the essential points which might be of interest to intelligent observers of international politics. 1 �SLOVAKIA 45 Part II begins with a demyth!ing of the legends propagated rubout the foundation of the Czecho-Slovak Republic at the end of World War I. The principle which gave birth to the first Republic was self-determination. President Wilson consented to dismemberment of the ethnical mosaic of the Austro-Hungarian Empire in the name of the principle of self-determination, and it was in the name of the same principle that another ethnical mosaic was created, i.e., the Czecho-Slovak Republic. No one of the six ethnical groups included in the new state constituted a simple majority of the population. Therefore, the only admissible structure of the state, even if one does not use anything more than common horse sense, was a federation. The leading statesmen of the Paris Peace Conference somehow sensed this, but did not know the facts clearly enough, and the whole problem became in their eyes one of minor importance. In order that at least one of the ethnical nations might constitute a simple majority in the state, a fusion of the two nations into one was needed. This tour de force on the diplomatic level was achieved by the presentation of the one ethnic "Czechoslovak" nation by Masaryk and Benes. Concerning this illusion of a "Czechoslovak" nation, one can find two contradictory legends. According to the one, the Slovaks joined the first republic willingly, over-eagerly, renouncing their own ethnical identity, and adherence to the new state equaled to merging with the Czech ethnical nation (this is the Czech version). In terms of the second version, the Slovaks were forced, duped or tricked into joining the Czech state (the Magyar version). Now, the truth is that the Slovaks were willing cofounders of the Czecho-Slovak Republic and much, possibly too much hope had been placed in the new state. At the same time, however, they were cautious and did not enter the partnership with the Czechs without a written guaranty of their rights which were supposed to secure free and democratic development of their national life (see document No. 2, p. 235-236). The refusal to implement the au- �46 SLOVAKIA tonomy of Slovakia, promised by the Agreement of Pittsburgh of May 30, 1918, and signed by T. G. Masaryk, dominated the relations between the Slovaks and Czechs fer 20 years of the first Republic. Although this unsolved problem of the Republic reflected unfavorably on the military value and strength of the state integrated in a system of alliances headed by France, neither the latter nor any other western government ddsplayed any wisdom to exerting a friendly influence in favor of a solution of this basic problem until it was far too late. When the Sudeten~German problem was used by Hitler as an excuse of attacking Czecho-Slovakia, the lack of internal coherence of the Republic brought an end to the illusion of strength both abroad and within the Republic itself. The Second Czecho-Slovak (post-Munich) Republic, territorially mutilated, vanished from the Central European scene after a brief period of six months. The State was doomed by the very treaties by which it was founded and the Constitution of the Republic of 1920. They were based on too much fantasy and too little facts, too many political illusions and not enough sociological reality. Most of the attention is given by the author to the period of the Slovak Republic, 1939-1945, apparently this being the crux of the problem exposed by Professor Kirschbaum. His thesis, supported by many documents, can be shortly yet fairly resumed as follows: Slovakia, since the dawn of its history, went Westward. The central ideal of modern Slovak political history was and remains the idea of freedom as developed in the West. The right of self-determination of nations is but an insepara•ble aspect of the Western concept of freedom. However, when it comes to the concrete application of the concept of freedom, more than one of the great Western Powers simply ignore or even deny this right to the nations which are unable to support their claim to a free and independent life by physical force. The reasons for this virtual condemnation of some nations to third or fourth grade national existence are �SLOVAKIA 47 usually several: economic interests of powerful friends or weak friends who are to be made powerful; lack of information or much bad information, etc. The claims of Slovaks to a free life hit upon deaf ears. More than that. When the Slovaks made the best of a bad situation which they did not create, objections were raised and they were told: if you keep your freedom ( a difficult freedom in an extremely tense situation, it is true), we shall have to use force to put you back where you were in 1938, or even in 1920 ; but if you renounce your will to a free life, be.have as a good child, we shall spare you. Freedom is something you fight for - and this the Slovaks did. But freedom is also what you legitimately expect to be respected for in a community whose distinctive mark is respect for freedom - and this the Slovaks did not receive. There is no doubt that the West takes freedom seriously, as a mission to mankind, yet when it comes to putting into reality the ideal of freedom, the West remains somehow hesitantly in the abstract and condones situations which make the Western concept of freedom look vague and restricted in its application to some nations only, or even to only a segment of the nations. As a result, the cornerstone of Western society, the gospel of freedom and dignity of man assumes a verbal character that can be ultimately argued away by skillful dialectics even of the materialistic brand. This is the reason why the nations on the verge of making their choice between West and East do not easily recognize the difference between the concrete articulation of the freedom of the West and the steps taken to a systematic enslavement of man and nations by the Communist Marxists. The Slovaks do not have to make their decision, this they have done over eleven hundred years ago. No matter what treatment they receive from the Western Powers, they will remain West.Jbound because they cannot deny their own identity. At this point, the somehow apologetic character of the book turns out to be both a silent and delicate rebuke �48 SLOVAKIA to the Western Powers and an eloquent wavning to present and future policy-ma kers of the West no matter which area of the world they are dealing with. An air of tragedy surround s both the reproach and the warning as the nations enslaved by the Soviets might foreshado w the future destiny of those who still use or a,buse their freedom. In this light the mistakes committe d during the period of the Slovak Republic (some of them bearing the fatality of a natural force) become more understan dable. The author does not confine himself to pointing out the errors to be avoided. He proposes a formula for the future arrangem ent of the Central European area which offers the best chance to secure a sound developm ent of the crossroad s between Eastern and Wes tern Europe. Part III of the book, under the section entitled "For a New Democracy in Central Europe," contains the author's views concernin g the future, shared, we believe, by many. The geopolitical location of the nations in question between Germany and Russia, demands a federalist solution, no matter what the political ideologies of the two great neighbori ng powers happen to be. Only by uniting their forces can the Central European nations secure their freedom. This is beyond the point of discussion and, furthermore, being the only logical solution, it receives a conffrmatur by recent and remote history. The question of internal structure of the Central European Federatio n is a much more delicate and less evident one than its necessity in the field of inter-play of powers. The principle on which the author suggests to reconstruct the Central European area can be called, we think, without being unfair to the author who does not use this term, the principle of regional balance of power. This represent s a realistic implemen tation of the moral claim for freedom, the other point beyond discussion. The principle of regional balance of power takes into considera tion the political and economical deve}opment in the direction to greater units, with the ultimate result of a wo~ld (federated) governme nt to be establishe d in the future. At the same time the principle takes into account, human nature being what it is, that the organizat ion of �SLOVAKIA 49 greater units (e.g., Western Europe, Central Europe, etc.) must be such that they could safeguard the freedom of concerned nations more on the lowest level of the administration than on the level of the Central government, be the latter of regional, continental, or of world-wide character. The strength and efficiency of the Federal Central Government rests ultimately upon the concrete human persons at the bottom (lack of this was the greaitest weakness of the Czecho-Slovak Republic) who are at the same time the foundation and the aim of any government. There always will ar,ise problems among the nations, as there always will be problems among individuals. The point is that the structure of institutions and organizations must be such that it permits to give an adequate and just answer both to the existing problems and to those which may arise. In this regard again the Czecho-Slovak Republic did not meet these requirements, and the political status of 1918, 1938, or of 1945 stands for the Wes tern concept of the Centra1 European area, in that case, this is a desperately backward concept which lags well behind the development. The visible signs of a change in this concept are represented by some very vague promises and semi-official declarations, but on the whole it is rather hard to guess to what extent there really is a change. What Professor Kirschbaum proposes is this: there is and proba1bly there will remain in the foreseeable future a certa1in antagonism ( call it: problem) among the Central European nations, the outcome of a centuries-long historical developement of this area which will not be eliminated over night (even if the night is as dark as the night under Commuruism). In defense of their national ideal some writers and orators resort at times to real living forces shaped by history, but sometimes to political fossils whose symbolic force and imaginative attraction is a matter of the past because they are without any meaning for the man of the second half of the twentieth century. Let us speak a more concrete language. The Masaryk and Benes governments molded their national aspirations to the image of the former Bohemian kings who in a certain period of time happened to be Roman-Germanic em- �50 SLOVAKIA perors who ruled the Central European area. The Hungarian government, on the other hand, claJimed the title of makers and organizers of Central Europe in the restricted sense of the word, because there was a period in which the nations of "Hungaria" actively participated together with the Magyars in constructive work for the common good. The two nations, i.e., the Czechs and the Magyars, possessing roughly an equal potential force, set themselves on a search for a surplus of power which would give them an edge over the power of the respective partner-opponent. Both agreed that Slovakia could represent this hoped for surplus, and, to no one's surprise, political writers "uncovered historical facts which favored either the one or the other conception of Slovak history, with the result of what we called a:bove the functional approach to the past of Slovakia. As a matter of fact, the theory of the surplus value of Slovakia for the Czechs and for the Magyars seemed to have received a confirmation by the political events of the twentieth century. PTior to World War I, when Slovakia was a part of Hungary, the Magyars held a wide edge over the Czechs. When, however , Slovakia joined forces with the Czechs, the latter emerged as the stronger power in the valley of the Danube. The only trouble with these two solutions was that besides being radically unjust, they led to a catastrophy of all the involved nations. There are other theoretical possibilities, i.e., Slovakia as a part of Poland, or as part of the Ukraine or Russia, yet we think that they would not yield better results since they seem to us to be even of a more violent nature than those just mentioned. It follows that the only realistic way to secure a regional balance of power and to safeguard the freedom of all nations in this erea is to recognize Slovakia as one of the national units in the Central Europeon Federation. The more so that only this solution renders justice to the ideal of freedom of nations. Fo:vtunately, the CentTal European nations are begiinning to realize the imperative character of this solution, and there is more than one confirmation of the development in the political thinking of nations under the Communist yoke towards this solution. �SLOVAKIA 51 What is lagging in the most unfortunate way behind this evolution is, e.g., Radio Free Europe and the Voice of America (Canadian and British, Rome and Madrid broadcasts have their Slovak sections) and, it would seem, since these are related to some officials of the U. S. State Department in an unofficial way, that these officials of the State Department are behind recent developments. The fact that the "statesmen," who substantially contributed to the present predicament of Central Europe, find not only willing ears to listen and, but also active support from some official circles of the U. S. is in support of our opinion. Part IV of the book contains a valuable collection of documents, many of them available for the first time to the English reader. This ensemble of documents control the author's affirmation and let the reader see the other side of the medal which, up to now, has been presented to the Western public in a purely functional way. The weakest part of the book is the bibliography. It is extremely summary - some 150 books referred to in the book not being listed. We learned that this regrettable shortcoming in Professor Kirschbaum's book was due to an error with the printers and that it will be corrected in the second edition of the book. RADIO FREIE EUROPE continues its policy of ignoring the rightful demands of the Slovak people a,n d ignoring Americans o,£ Slovak des·c ent and the'ir organizations. Its "Czedhoslovak" desk is sti11 dominated by former Czech National F1ronters, Czech socialists of all shades who co11ialborated with the Czech Reds and Moscow dJUring the Benes-Gottwa~d coalition (1945-lMS). Accordi,n,g to them freedom is for evieryibody except the Slovaks; Czecho.Sl·o vakia and the Czechs must be liberated, but not the Sfovaks. The latter are supposed to be doomed to Czeclh domination eternaUy! What a moclcery of the fundamenml pr,inciples of d,emocracy! IN THE WORKERS' PARADISE, a~ording to Radio Bratislava: Sllova'kia is be-hind in dts milk quota 6,600,000 Lite-rs (4-Jli&-61); thus far the Trelbisov tlistrict owes the State 1,,085,000 liters of milk this year (3-10-61); Dolny Kulbi,n, Cadca, Prievidza, and Zilina did not produce even a deci'liiter per cow (3-9-61); -i n Bratisllava (Street of the De>fende-rs of Peace) women waitetl for meat from 2:00 to 6:30 P. M. (3'-20-61); there is a great albundan:ce of feed for cattle and calves, but it's all rotten-; t!he people work tlhe farim:s, but steal over hallf the production (3-2().,61•); we have no tires, but why? I heard the exiplanlation that the reason for this is the war in Laos (2-U-61.) � SLOVAKIA 41 SLOVAK.IA AND CENTRAL EUROPE CHARLES MURilN, LL.D., Ph.D. "Slovakia Nation. at the Crossroads of Central Europe" by Jioseph M. Kirs·ch'baum, l.JL.D., Ph.D., 1proif.eS1Soc at the Univ•e rsity of 'Montreal, iDeipartment of Sl<avic Studies. Preif,a ce by U. S. Congressma•n Alvin M. Bentley, Member of the Committee olf Forei.gn A'llfo.irs. Pp. x~:x 3711,; 7'2 dlocumEmts, 2 maips, 22 p'ho,togr-a phs, bilbliography, index. Pulb · + lisher Robert S'pe!Ier and Sons, Inc., Ne<w Yol'k. $5.00. Can a book concerning a small nation of four million behind the Iron Curtain draw the attention of the American and Canadian public at a time when Khrushchev is explodin•g nuclear bombs, Castro is defying the powerful U. S., and the struggle between West and East in Asia, Africa, and Europe is intensifying? The American reader might sigh and say: let bygones be bygones, there are more pressing problems today than the fate of four million Slovaks in the immediate neighborhood of the Soviet Union. Actually this might be the reaction of the man in the street who restricts his interests to what is presented to his sight, to the sensational. Professor Kirschbaum's book is by no means sensational in this sense, since it is written for both the intelligent observer of the international politics and those whose task it is to participate in the shaping of the current international situation which seems to contain an amount of irrational elements to a degree probably never equaled in the period of modern history. Kirschbaum's book is a valuable contribution to the understanding of the premises and origins of the presentday situation, restricted to one of its sections: Central Europe. Genetically this seems to be the most important field though the quantitive aspects of the problems in Asia and Africa overshadow the European problems. The author relates the political history of Slovakia and of Central Europe. The period described, however, happens to be the one which preceded the Soviet hegemony over half of Europe. Thus the book contains excellent material offered to the English reader who wants to trace down the errors of the past and is willing both to learn from past errors and re- �42 SLOVAKIA think the categories of living ideas and for<:es which simultaneously are being shaped by and are shaping this world of ours. The basic service this book renders to the reader is that it shows him to what degree the conceptions of the West in regard to the political organization of one of the neuralgic spots in Europe were dominated by facts and to what degree by fancy. To show the interplay of reality and illusion, the genuine and the phony in the official views of the state departments of the West in regard to Central Europe seems to us to be the aim of the book. Further the author shows to what extent these conceptions contained inherent contradictions and were therefore doomed in the long run. Be it noted that some of the prejudfres discussed in the book represent an inheritance from the postW orld-War I arrangements. The book under discussion is divided in four parts : the first is concerned with the past; the second with the present-past; the third with the present-future; and the fourth contains documents, maps, bibliography, and index. Part I introduces the reader to the topic of the book 1by giving the historical background of the problem. The service rendered by the author in this part of the book is the presentation of the Czech and Magyar historians, who usually treat Slovak history as a peripheral phenomenon of the Czech or Magyar past respectively. The characteristics one can as a rule find in the works of Magyar and Czech writers are the following: (a) Functional approach: the Slovaks are simply denied ethnical, linguistic, cultural, social and political individuality and thus are made part of either the Czech or the Magyar nation; the intelligibility of the Slovak history, if they agree at least to take notice of the fact, comes from without, i.e., from Czech history for a Czech writer, and from Magyar history if the writer is a Magyar. The meaning of Slovak history is seen, still according to these views, in an orientation of Slovaks towards loosing their weak traces of identity and ultimately in melting together with the one or the other nation. �SLOVAKIA 43 (b) For the principle of interpretation of the history of Slovakia (some writers use this term exclusively in a geographical sense) they use concepts upon which the national aspirations and dreams of their own people are based. It is not unusual for them to project a modern concept of the nineteenth and twentieth century to the ninth and tenth century of Slovak history. An interesting observation follows from the use of this method. If a certain conception of man, society and reality is embraced as unconditionally and metaphysically true, this conception and the laws which constitute its explication can be used as the principle of interpretation of each and every man, society, event and situation. This is exactly what Marxists do. Therefore it was no surprise for those acquainted with Marxist philosophy that a book was recently published in Slovakia in which the Great Moravian Empire of the King Svatopluk of the tenth century is interpreted in terms of a class struggle. A similar method is used by some Czech and Magyar historical writers in their interpretation of Slovak history, however, with the difference that the supposedly universally valid laws of the dialectical and historical materialism are replaced by the concepts of the meaning of history (i.e., either Czech or Magyar history), of national destiny, of mission, of glory, of interests, etc. True, the validity of these concepts is not universal; it is restricted to the one or the other nation. But in relation to the Slovak history, they are purposefully given a universal character, because outside of these concepts the history of Slovakia becomes, in the view of these writers, unintelligible, an irrational collection of unrelated facts which might find their interpretation on the level of Nature but never on the level of Spirit. Many conclusions of the historians in question cannot be understood without knowing these tacit or openly avowed premises. Although Professor Kirschbaum raises no claim to be a professional historian, nevertheless, as the author of many historical essays and several biographies and monographies, he has mastered more than sufficiently the material he is dealing with and is in a solid position to give an accurate �SLOVAKIA 44 account on Slovak history, an account based on a sober relativistic character of historical events, thus avoiding the peculiar exclusivities not only of the Czech and Magyar writers, but also of their Slovak antipodes. In Part I , the author shows that the Slovaks belong to the group of the most ancient peoples in Central Europe, they were the first of the Slovanic peoples to adhere to Christianism, always belonged to the orbit .o f the Western world, never were willing to lose and never lost their individuality and ethnical identity. The meaning of all Slovak history can be found only within and never outside the events that make up the drama of the Slovak nation. Part II seems to us to be the central piece of the book. This is the author's proper domain containing the events .of founding the first Czecho-Slovak Republic, the causes of its disintegration, the period of the Slovak Republic, and, finally, the restoration of the Czecho-Slovak Republic .following World War IL By far the greatest attention is given to the period of the Slovak RepU'blic. This is under.standable since it is mainly in this period that the author was active in the political life of Slovakia until ousted from the political scene under pressure of Hitlerite Germans and the small number of Slovak-Nazi sympathizers. Both his 7-year-long stay in neutral Switzerland (for three years as diplomatic representative of the Slovak Republic) and a period of 15-20 years, from the events he describes, permit Professor Kirsch baum to reach a degree of objectivity seldom achieved in books in which the authors touch upon the problems they contributed intrinsically both to .shape and to solve. When a number of the pages is of an apologetic character, not a personal defense of the author is involved but a rejection of the distortions of historical facts and a reproach of not seeing events in their true .light. It is extremely difficult to summarize this part of the book without going into some details and without transgressing the material limits of this reflection. Therefore, we shall restrain ourselves to the essential points which might be of interest to intelligent observers of international politics. 1 �SLOVAKIA 45 Part II begins with a demyth!ing of the legends propagated rubout the foundation of the Czecho-Slovak Republic at the end of World War I. The principle which gave birth to the first Republic was self-determination. President Wilson consented to dismemberment of the ethnical mosaic of the Austro-Hungarian Empire in the name of the principle of self-determination, and it was in the name of the same principle that another ethnical mosaic was created, i.e., the Czecho-Slovak Republic. No one of the six ethnical groups included in the new state constituted a simple majority of the population. Therefore, the only admissible structure of the state, even if one does not use anything more than common horse sense, was a federation. The leading statesmen of the Paris Peace Conference somehow sensed this, but did not know the facts clearly enough, and the whole problem became in their eyes one of minor importance. In order that at least one of the ethnical nations might constitute a simple majority in the state, a fusion of the two nations into one was needed. This tour de force on the diplomatic level was achieved by the presentation of the one ethnic "Czechoslovak" nation by Masaryk and Benes. Concerning this illusion of a "Czechoslovak" nation, one can find two contradictory legends. According to the one, the Slovaks joined the first republic willingly, over-eagerly, renouncing their own ethnical identity, and adherence to the new state equaled to merging with the Czech ethnical nation (this is the Czech version). In terms of the second version, the Slovaks were forced, duped or tricked into joining the Czech state (the Magyar version). Now, the truth is that the Slovaks were willing cofounders of the Czecho-Slovak Republic and much, possibly too much hope had been placed in the new state. At the same time, however, they were cautious and did not enter the partnership with the Czechs without a written guaranty of their rights which were supposed to secure free and democratic development of their national life (see document No. 2, p. 235-236). The refusal to implement the au- �46 SLOVAKIA tonomy of Slovakia, promised by the Agreement of Pittsburgh of May 30, 1918, and signed by T. G. Masaryk, dominated the relations between the Slovaks and Czechs fer 20 years of the first Republic. Although this unsolved problem of the Republic reflected unfavorably on the military value and strength of the state integrated in a system of alliances headed by France, neither the latter nor any other western government ddsplayed any wisdom to exerting a friendly influence in favor of a solution of this basic problem until it was far too late. When the Sudeten~German problem was used by Hitler as an excuse of attacking Czecho-Slovakia, the lack of internal coherence of the Republic brought an end to the illusion of strength both abroad and within the Republic itself. The Second Czecho-Slovak (post-Munich) Republic, territorially mutilated, vanished from the Central European scene after a brief period of six months. The State was doomed by the very treaties by which it was founded and the Constitution of the Republic of 1920. They were based on too much fantasy and too little facts, too many political illusions and not enough sociological reality. Most of the attention is given by the author to the period of the Slovak Republic, 1939-1945, apparently this being the crux of the problem exposed by Professor Kirschbaum. His thesis, supported by many documents, can be shortly yet fairly resumed as follows: Slovakia, since the dawn of its history, went Westward. The central ideal of modern Slovak political history was and remains the idea of freedom as developed in the West. The right of self-determination of nations is but an insepara•ble aspect of the Western concept of freedom. However, when it comes to the concrete application of the concept of freedom, more than one of the great Western Powers simply ignore or even deny this right to the nations which are unable to support their claim to a free and independent life by physical force. The reasons for this virtual condemnation of some nations to third or fourth grade national existence are �SLOVAKIA 47 usually several: economic interests of powerful friends or weak friends who are to be made powerful; lack of information or much bad information, etc. The claims of Slovaks to a free life hit upon deaf ears. More than that. When the Slovaks made the best of a bad situation which they did not create, objections were raised and they were told: if you keep your freedom ( a difficult freedom in an extremely tense situation, it is true), we shall have to use force to put you back where you were in 1938, or even in 1920 ; but if you renounce your will to a free life, be.have as a good child, we shall spare you. Freedom is something you fight for - and this the Slovaks did. But freedom is also what you legitimately expect to be respected for in a community whose distinctive mark is respect for freedom - and this the Slovaks did not receive. There is no doubt that the West takes freedom seriously, as a mission to mankind, yet when it comes to putting into reality the ideal of freedom, the West remains somehow hesitantly in the abstract and condones situations which make the Western concept of freedom look vague and restricted in its application to some nations only, or even to only a segment of the nations. As a result, the cornerstone of Western society, the gospel of freedom and dignity of man assumes a verbal character that can be ultimately argued away by skillful dialectics even of the materialistic brand. This is the reason why the nations on the verge of making their choice between West and East do not easily recognize the difference between the concrete articulation of the freedom of the West and the steps taken to a systematic enslavement of man and nations by the Communist Marxists. The Slovaks do not have to make their decision, this they have done over eleven hundred years ago. No matter what treatment they receive from the Western Powers, they will remain West.Jbound because they cannot deny their own identity. At this point, the somehow apologetic character of the book turns out to be both a silent and delicate rebuke �48 SLOVAKIA to the Western Powers and an eloquent wavning to present and future policy-ma kers of the West no matter which area of the world they are dealing with. An air of tragedy surround s both the reproach and the warning as the nations enslaved by the Soviets might foreshado w the future destiny of those who still use or a,buse their freedom. In this light the mistakes committe d during the period of the Slovak Republic (some of them bearing the fatality of a natural force) become more understan dable. The author does not confine himself to pointing out the errors to be avoided. He proposes a formula for the future arrangem ent of the Central European area which offers the best chance to secure a sound developm ent of the crossroad s between Eastern and Wes tern Europe. Part III of the book, under the section entitled "For a New Democracy in Central Europe," contains the author's views concernin g the future, shared, we believe, by many. The geopolitical location of the nations in question between Germany and Russia, demands a federalist solution, no matter what the political ideologies of the two great neighbori ng powers happen to be. Only by uniting their forces can the Central European nations secure their freedom. This is beyond the point of discussion and, furthermore, being the only logical solution, it receives a conffrmatur by recent and remote history. The question of internal structure of the Central European Federatio n is a much more delicate and less evident one than its necessity in the field of inter-play of powers. The principle on which the author suggests to reconstruct the Central European area can be called, we think, without being unfair to the author who does not use this term, the principle of regional balance of power. This represent s a realistic implemen tation of the moral claim for freedom, the other point beyond discussion. The principle of regional balance of power takes into considera tion the political and economical deve}opment in the direction to greater units, with the ultimate result of a wo~ld (federated) governme nt to be establishe d in the future. At the same time the principle takes into account, human nature being what it is, that the organizat ion of �SLOVAKIA 49 greater units (e.g., Western Europe, Central Europe, etc.) must be such that they could safeguard the freedom of concerned nations more on the lowest level of the administration than on the level of the Central government, be the latter of regional, continental, or of world-wide character. The strength and efficiency of the Federal Central Government rests ultimately upon the concrete human persons at the bottom (lack of this was the greaitest weakness of the Czecho-Slovak Republic) who are at the same time the foundation and the aim of any government. There always will ar,ise problems among the nations, as there always will be problems among individuals. The point is that the structure of institutions and organizations must be such that it permits to give an adequate and just answer both to the existing problems and to those which may arise. In this regard again the Czecho-Slovak Republic did not meet these requirements, and the political status of 1918, 1938, or of 1945 stands for the Wes tern concept of the Centra1 European area, in that case, this is a desperately backward concept which lags well behind the development. The visible signs of a change in this concept are represented by some very vague promises and semi-official declarations, but on the whole it is rather hard to guess to what extent there really is a change. What Professor Kirschbaum proposes is this: there is and proba1bly there will remain in the foreseeable future a certa1in antagonism ( call it: problem) among the Central European nations, the outcome of a centuries-long historical developement of this area which will not be eliminated over night (even if the night is as dark as the night under Commuruism). In defense of their national ideal some writers and orators resort at times to real living forces shaped by history, but sometimes to political fossils whose symbolic force and imaginative attraction is a matter of the past because they are without any meaning for the man of the second half of the twentieth century. Let us speak a more concrete language. The Masaryk and Benes governments molded their national aspirations to the image of the former Bohemian kings who in a certain period of time happened to be Roman-Germanic em- �50 SLOVAKIA perors who ruled the Central European area. The Hungarian government, on the other hand, claJimed the title of makers and organizers of Central Europe in the restricted sense of the word, because there was a period in which the nations of "Hungaria" actively participated together with the Magyars in constructive work for the common good. The two nations, i.e., the Czechs and the Magyars, possessing roughly an equal potential force, set themselves on a search for a surplus of power which would give them an edge over the power of the respective partner-opponent. Both agreed that Slovakia could represent this hoped for surplus, and, to no one's surprise, political writers "uncovered historical facts which favored either the one or the other conception of Slovak history, with the result of what we called a:bove the functional approach to the past of Slovakia. As a matter of fact, the theory of the surplus value of Slovakia for the Czechs and for the Magyars seemed to have received a confirmation by the political events of the twentieth century. PTior to World War I, when Slovakia was a part of Hungary, the Magyars held a wide edge over the Czechs. When, however , Slovakia joined forces with the Czechs, the latter emerged as the stronger power in the valley of the Danube. The only trouble with these two solutions was that besides being radically unjust, they led to a catastrophy of all the involved nations. There are other theoretical possibilities, i.e., Slovakia as a part of Poland, or as part of the Ukraine or Russia, yet we think that they would not yield better results since they seem to us to be even of a more violent nature than those just mentioned. It follows that the only realistic way to secure a regional balance of power and to safeguard the freedom of all nations in this erea is to recognize Slovakia as one of the national units in the Central Europeon Federation. The more so that only this solution renders justice to the ideal of freedom of nations. Fo:vtunately, the CentTal European nations are begiinning to realize the imperative character of this solution, and there is more than one confirmation of the development in the political thinking of nations under the Communist yoke towards this solution. �SLOVAKIA 51 What is lagging in the most unfortunate way behind this evolution is, e.g., Radio Free Europe and the Voice of America (Canadian and British, Rome and Madrid broadcasts have their Slovak sections) and, it would seem, since these are related to some officials of the U. S. State Department in an unofficial way, that these officials of the State Department are behind recent developments. The fact that the "statesmen," who substantially contributed to the present predicament of Central Europe, find not only willing ears to listen and, but also active support from some official circles of the U. S. is in support of our opinion. Part IV of the book contains a valuable collection of documents, many of them available for the first time to the English reader. This ensemble of documents control the author's affirmation and let the reader see the other side of the medal which, up to now, has been presented to the Western public in a purely functional way. The weakest part of the book is the bibliography. It is extremely summary - some 150 books referred to in the book not being listed. We learned that this regrettable shortcoming in Professor Kirschbaum's book was due to an error with the printers and that it will be corrected in the second edition of the book. RADIO FREIE EUROPE continues its policy of ignoring the rightful demands of the Slovak people a,n d ignoring Americans o,£ Slovak des·c ent and the'ir organizations. Its "Czedhoslovak" desk is sti11 dominated by former Czech National F1ronters, Czech socialists of all shades who co11ialborated with the Czech Reds and Moscow dJUring the Benes-Gottwa~d coalition (1945-lMS). Accordi,n,g to them freedom is for evieryibody except the Slovaks; Czecho.Sl·o vakia and the Czechs must be liberated, but not the Sfovaks. The latter are supposed to be doomed to Czeclh domination eternaUy! What a moclcery of the fundamenml pr,inciples of d,emocracy! IN THE WORKERS' PARADISE, a~ording to Radio Bratislava: Sllova'kia is be-hind in dts milk quota 6,600,000 Lite-rs (4-Jli&-61); thus far the Trelbisov tlistrict owes the State 1,,085,000 liters of milk this year (3-10-61); Dolny Kulbi,n, Cadca, Prievidza, and Zilina did not produce even a deci'liiter per cow (3-9-61); -i n Bratisllava (Street of the De>fende-rs of Peace) women waitetl for meat from 2:00 to 6:30 P. M. (3'-20-61); there is a great albundan:ce of feed for cattle and calves, but it's all rotten-; t!he people work tlhe farim:s, but steal over hallf the production (3-2().,61•); we have no tires, but why? I heard the exiplanlation that the reason for this is the war in Laos (2-U-61.) � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1961, Vol. 11 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 33), March-June 1961.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 34), September-December June 1961.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1961 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 41 SLOVAK.IA AND CENTRAL EUROPE CHARLES MURilN, LL.D., Ph.D. "Slovakia Nation. at the Crossroads of Central Europe" by Jioseph M. Kirs·ch'baum, l.JL.D., Ph.D., 1proif.eS1Soc at the Univ•e rsity of 'Montreal, iDeipartment of Sl<avic Studies. Preif,a ce by U. S. Congressma•n Alvin M. Bentley, Member of the Committee olf Forei.gn A'llfo.irs. Pp. x~:x 3711,; 7'2 dlocumEmts, 2 maips, 22 p'ho,togr-a phs, bilbliography, index. Pulb · + lisher Robert S'pe!Ier and Sons, Inc., Ne<w Yol'k. $5.00. Can a book concerning a small nation of four million behind the Iron Curtain draw the attention of the American and Canadian public at a time when Khrushchev is explodin•g nuclear bombs, Castro is defying the powerful U. S., and the struggle between West and East in Asia, Africa, and Europe is intensifying? The American reader might sigh and say: let bygones be bygones, there are more pressing problems today than the fate of four million Slovaks in the immediate neighborhood of the Soviet Union. Actually this might be the reaction of the man in the street who restricts his interests to what is presented to his sight, to the sensational. Professor Kirschbaum's book is by no means sensational in this sense, since it is written for both the intelligent observer of the international politics and those whose task it is to participate in the shaping of the current international situation which seems to contain an amount of irrational elements to a degree probably never equaled in the period of modern history. Kirschbaum's book is a valuable contribution to the understanding of the premises and origins of the presentday situation, restricted to one of its sections: Central Europe. Genetically this seems to be the most important field though the quantitive aspects of the problems in Asia and Africa overshadow the European problems. The author relates the political history of Slovakia and of Central Europe. The period described, however, happens to be the one which preceded the Soviet hegemony over half of Europe. Thus the book contains excellent material offered to the English reader who wants to trace down the errors of the past and is willing both to learn from past errors and re- 42 SLOVAKIA think the categories of living ideas and for<:es which simultaneously are being shaped by and are shaping this world of ours. The basic service this book renders to the reader is that it shows him to what degree the conceptions of the West in regard to the political organization of one of the neuralgic spots in Europe were dominated by facts and to what degree by fancy. To show the interplay of reality and illusion, the genuine and the phony in the official views of the state departments of the West in regard to Central Europe seems to us to be the aim of the book. Further the author shows to what extent these conceptions contained inherent contradictions and were therefore doomed in the long run. Be it noted that some of the prejudfres discussed in the book represent an inheritance from the postW orld-War I arrangements. The book under discussion is divided in four parts : the first is concerned with the past; the second with the present-past; the third with the present-future; and the fourth contains documents, maps, bibliography, and index. Part I introduces the reader to the topic of the book 1by giving the historical background of the problem. The service rendered by the author in this part of the book is the presentation of the Czech and Magyar historians, who usually treat Slovak history as a peripheral phenomenon of the Czech or Magyar past respectively. The characteristics one can as a rule find in the works of Magyar and Czech writers are the following: (a) Functional approach: the Slovaks are simply denied ethnical, linguistic, cultural, social and political individuality and thus are made part of either the Czech or the Magyar nation; the intelligibility of the Slovak history, if they agree at least to take notice of the fact, comes from without, i.e., from Czech history for a Czech writer, and from Magyar history if the writer is a Magyar. The meaning of Slovak history is seen, still according to these views, in an orientation of Slovaks towards loosing their weak traces of identity and ultimately in melting together with the one or the other nation. SLOVAKIA 43 (b) For the principle of interpretation of the history of Slovakia (some writers use this term exclusively in a geographical sense) they use concepts upon which the national aspirations and dreams of their own people are based. It is not unusual for them to project a modern concept of the nineteenth and twentieth century to the ninth and tenth century of Slovak history. An interesting observation follows from the use of this method. If a certain conception of man, society and reality is embraced as unconditionally and metaphysically true, this conception and the laws which constitute its explication can be used as the principle of interpretation of each and every man, society, event and situation. This is exactly what Marxists do. Therefore it was no surprise for those acquainted with Marxist philosophy that a book was recently published in Slovakia in which the Great Moravian Empire of the King Svatopluk of the tenth century is interpreted in terms of a class struggle. A similar method is used by some Czech and Magyar historical writers in their interpretation of Slovak history, however, with the difference that the supposedly universally valid laws of the dialectical and historical materialism are replaced by the concepts of the meaning of history (i.e., either Czech or Magyar history), of national destiny, of mission, of glory, of interests, etc. True, the validity of these concepts is not universal; it is restricted to the one or the other nation. But in relation to the Slovak history, they are purposefully given a universal character, because outside of these concepts the history of Slovakia becomes, in the view of these writers, unintelligible, an irrational collection of unrelated facts which might find their interpretation on the level of Nature but never on the level of Spirit. Many conclusions of the historians in question cannot be understood without knowing these tacit or openly avowed premises. Although Professor Kirschbaum raises no claim to be a professional historian, nevertheless, as the author of many historical essays and several biographies and monographies, he has mastered more than sufficiently the material he is dealing with and is in a solid position to give an accurate SLOVAKIA 44 account on Slovak history, an account based on a sober relativistic character of historical events, thus avoiding the peculiar exclusivities not only of the Czech and Magyar writers, but also of their Slovak antipodes. In Part I , the author shows that the Slovaks belong to the group of the most ancient peoples in Central Europe, they were the first of the Slovanic peoples to adhere to Christianism, always belonged to the orbit .o f the Western world, never were willing to lose and never lost their individuality and ethnical identity. The meaning of all Slovak history can be found only within and never outside the events that make up the drama of the Slovak nation. Part II seems to us to be the central piece of the book. This is the author's proper domain containing the events .of founding the first Czecho-Slovak Republic, the causes of its disintegration, the period of the Slovak Republic, and, finally, the restoration of the Czecho-Slovak Republic .following World War IL By far the greatest attention is given to the period of the Slovak RepU'blic. This is under.standable since it is mainly in this period that the author was active in the political life of Slovakia until ousted from the political scene under pressure of Hitlerite Germans and the small number of Slovak-Nazi sympathizers. Both his 7-year-long stay in neutral Switzerland (for three years as diplomatic representative of the Slovak Republic) and a period of 15-20 years, from the events he describes, permit Professor Kirsch baum to reach a degree of objectivity seldom achieved in books in which the authors touch upon the problems they contributed intrinsically both to .shape and to solve. When a number of the pages is of an apologetic character, not a personal defense of the author is involved but a rejection of the distortions of historical facts and a reproach of not seeing events in their true .light. It is extremely difficult to summarize this part of the book without going into some details and without transgressing the material limits of this reflection. Therefore, we shall restrain ourselves to the essential points which might be of interest to intelligent observers of international politics. 1 SLOVAKIA 45 Part II begins with a demyth!ing of the legends propagated rubout the foundation of the Czecho-Slovak Republic at the end of World War I. The principle which gave birth to the first Republic was self-determination. President Wilson consented to dismemberment of the ethnical mosaic of the Austro-Hungarian Empire in the name of the principle of self-determination, and it was in the name of the same principle that another ethnical mosaic was created, i.e., the Czecho-Slovak Republic. No one of the six ethnical groups included in the new state constituted a simple majority of the population. Therefore, the only admissible structure of the state, even if one does not use anything more than common horse sense, was a federation. The leading statesmen of the Paris Peace Conference somehow sensed this, but did not know the facts clearly enough, and the whole problem became in their eyes one of minor importance. In order that at least one of the ethnical nations might constitute a simple majority in the state, a fusion of the two nations into one was needed. This tour de force on the diplomatic level was achieved by the presentation of the one ethnic "Czechoslovak" nation by Masaryk and Benes. Concerning this illusion of a "Czechoslovak" nation, one can find two contradictory legends. According to the one, the Slovaks joined the first republic willingly, over-eagerly, renouncing their own ethnical identity, and adherence to the new state equaled to merging with the Czech ethnical nation (this is the Czech version). In terms of the second version, the Slovaks were forced, duped or tricked into joining the Czech state (the Magyar version). Now, the truth is that the Slovaks were willing cofounders of the Czecho-Slovak Republic and much, possibly too much hope had been placed in the new state. At the same time, however, they were cautious and did not enter the partnership with the Czechs without a written guaranty of their rights which were supposed to secure free and democratic development of their national life (see document No. 2, p. 235-236). The refusal to implement the au- 46 SLOVAKIA tonomy of Slovakia, promised by the Agreement of Pittsburgh of May 30, 1918, and signed by T. G. Masaryk, dominated the relations between the Slovaks and Czechs fer 20 years of the first Republic. Although this unsolved problem of the Republic reflected unfavorably on the military value and strength of the state integrated in a system of alliances headed by France, neither the latter nor any other western government ddsplayed any wisdom to exerting a friendly influence in favor of a solution of this basic problem until it was far too late. When the Sudeten~German problem was used by Hitler as an excuse of attacking Czecho-Slovakia, the lack of internal coherence of the Republic brought an end to the illusion of strength both abroad and within the Republic itself. The Second Czecho-Slovak (post-Munich) Republic, territorially mutilated, vanished from the Central European scene after a brief period of six months. The State was doomed by the very treaties by which it was founded and the Constitution of the Republic of 1920. They were based on too much fantasy and too little facts, too many political illusions and not enough sociological reality. Most of the attention is given by the author to the period of the Slovak Republic, 1939-1945, apparently this being the crux of the problem exposed by Professor Kirschbaum. His thesis, supported by many documents, can be shortly yet fairly resumed as follows: Slovakia, since the dawn of its history, went Westward. The central ideal of modern Slovak political history was and remains the idea of freedom as developed in the West. The right of self-determination of nations is but an insepara•ble aspect of the Western concept of freedom. However, when it comes to the concrete application of the concept of freedom, more than one of the great Western Powers simply ignore or even deny this right to the nations which are unable to support their claim to a free and independent life by physical force. The reasons for this virtual condemnation of some nations to third or fourth grade national existence are SLOVAKIA 47 usually several: economic interests of powerful friends or weak friends who are to be made powerful; lack of information or much bad information, etc. The claims of Slovaks to a free life hit upon deaf ears. More than that. When the Slovaks made the best of a bad situation which they did not create, objections were raised and they were told: if you keep your freedom ( a difficult freedom in an extremely tense situation, it is true), we shall have to use force to put you back where you were in 1938, or even in 1920 ; but if you renounce your will to a free life, be.have as a good child, we shall spare you. Freedom is something you fight for - and this the Slovaks did. But freedom is also what you legitimately expect to be respected for in a community whose distinctive mark is respect for freedom - and this the Slovaks did not receive. There is no doubt that the West takes freedom seriously, as a mission to mankind, yet when it comes to putting into reality the ideal of freedom, the West remains somehow hesitantly in the abstract and condones situations which make the Western concept of freedom look vague and restricted in its application to some nations only, or even to only a segment of the nations. As a result, the cornerstone of Western society, the gospel of freedom and dignity of man assumes a verbal character that can be ultimately argued away by skillful dialectics even of the materialistic brand. This is the reason why the nations on the verge of making their choice between West and East do not easily recognize the difference between the concrete articulation of the freedom of the West and the steps taken to a systematic enslavement of man and nations by the Communist Marxists. The Slovaks do not have to make their decision, this they have done over eleven hundred years ago. No matter what treatment they receive from the Western Powers, they will remain West.Jbound because they cannot deny their own identity. At this point, the somehow apologetic character of the book turns out to be both a silent and delicate rebuke 48 SLOVAKIA to the Western Powers and an eloquent wavning to present and future policy-ma kers of the West no matter which area of the world they are dealing with. An air of tragedy surround s both the reproach and the warning as the nations enslaved by the Soviets might foreshado w the future destiny of those who still use or a,buse their freedom. In this light the mistakes committe d during the period of the Slovak Republic (some of them bearing the fatality of a natural force) become more understan dable. The author does not confine himself to pointing out the errors to be avoided. He proposes a formula for the future arrangem ent of the Central European area which offers the best chance to secure a sound developm ent of the crossroad s between Eastern and Wes tern Europe. Part III of the book, under the section entitled "For a New Democracy in Central Europe," contains the author's views concernin g the future, shared, we believe, by many. The geopolitical location of the nations in question between Germany and Russia, demands a federalist solution, no matter what the political ideologies of the two great neighbori ng powers happen to be. Only by uniting their forces can the Central European nations secure their freedom. This is beyond the point of discussion and, furthermore, being the only logical solution, it receives a conffrmatur by recent and remote history. The question of internal structure of the Central European Federatio n is a much more delicate and less evident one than its necessity in the field of inter-play of powers. The principle on which the author suggests to reconstruct the Central European area can be called, we think, without being unfair to the author who does not use this term, the principle of regional balance of power. This represent s a realistic implemen tation of the moral claim for freedom, the other point beyond discussion. The principle of regional balance of power takes into considera tion the political and economical deve}opment in the direction to greater units, with the ultimate result of a wo~ld (federated) governme nt to be establishe d in the future. At the same time the principle takes into account, human nature being what it is, that the organizat ion of SLOVAKIA 49 greater units (e.g., Western Europe, Central Europe, etc.) must be such that they could safeguard the freedom of concerned nations more on the lowest level of the administration than on the level of the Central government, be the latter of regional, continental, or of world-wide character. The strength and efficiency of the Federal Central Government rests ultimately upon the concrete human persons at the bottom (lack of this was the greaitest weakness of the Czecho-Slovak Republic) who are at the same time the foundation and the aim of any government. There always will ar,ise problems among the nations, as there always will be problems among individuals. The point is that the structure of institutions and organizations must be such that it permits to give an adequate and just answer both to the existing problems and to those which may arise. In this regard again the Czecho-Slovak Republic did not meet these requirements, and the political status of 1918, 1938, or of 1945 stands for the Wes tern concept of the Centra1 European area, in that case, this is a desperately backward concept which lags well behind the development. The visible signs of a change in this concept are represented by some very vague promises and semi-official declarations, but on the whole it is rather hard to guess to what extent there really is a change. What Professor Kirschbaum proposes is this: there is and proba1bly there will remain in the foreseeable future a certa1in antagonism ( call it: problem) among the Central European nations, the outcome of a centuries-long historical developement of this area which will not be eliminated over night (even if the night is as dark as the night under Commuruism). In defense of their national ideal some writers and orators resort at times to real living forces shaped by history, but sometimes to political fossils whose symbolic force and imaginative attraction is a matter of the past because they are without any meaning for the man of the second half of the twentieth century. Let us speak a more concrete language. The Masaryk and Benes governments molded their national aspirations to the image of the former Bohemian kings who in a certain period of time happened to be Roman-Germanic em- 50 SLOVAKIA perors who ruled the Central European area. The Hungarian government, on the other hand, claJimed the title of makers and organizers of Central Europe in the restricted sense of the word, because there was a period in which the nations of "Hungaria" actively participated together with the Magyars in constructive work for the common good. The two nations, i.e., the Czechs and the Magyars, possessing roughly an equal potential force, set themselves on a search for a surplus of power which would give them an edge over the power of the respective partner-opponent. Both agreed that Slovakia could represent this hoped for surplus, and, to no one's surprise, political writers "uncovered historical facts which favored either the one or the other conception of Slovak history, with the result of what we called a:bove the functional approach to the past of Slovakia. As a matter of fact, the theory of the surplus value of Slovakia for the Czechs and for the Magyars seemed to have received a confirmation by the political events of the twentieth century. PTior to World War I, when Slovakia was a part of Hungary, the Magyars held a wide edge over the Czechs. When, however , Slovakia joined forces with the Czechs, the latter emerged as the stronger power in the valley of the Danube. The only trouble with these two solutions was that besides being radically unjust, they led to a catastrophy of all the involved nations. There are other theoretical possibilities, i.e., Slovakia as a part of Poland, or as part of the Ukraine or Russia, yet we think that they would not yield better results since they seem to us to be even of a more violent nature than those just mentioned. It follows that the only realistic way to secure a regional balance of power and to safeguard the freedom of all nations in this erea is to recognize Slovakia as one of the national units in the Central Europeon Federation. The more so that only this solution renders justice to the ideal of freedom of nations. Fo:vtunately, the CentTal European nations are begiinning to realize the imperative character of this solution, and there is more than one confirmation of the development in the political thinking of nations under the Communist yoke towards this solution. SLOVAKIA 51 What is lagging in the most unfortunate way behind this evolution is, e.g., Radio Free Europe and the Voice of America (Canadian and British, Rome and Madrid broadcasts have their Slovak sections) and, it would seem, since these are related to some officials of the U. S. State Department in an unofficial way, that these officials of the State Department are behind recent developments. The fact that the "statesmen," who substantially contributed to the present predicament of Central Europe, find not only willing ears to listen and, but also active support from some official circles of the U. S. is in support of our opinion. Part IV of the book contains a valuable collection of documents, many of them available for the first time to the English reader. This ensemble of documents control the author's affirmation and let the reader see the other side of the medal which, up to now, has been presented to the Western public in a purely functional way. The weakest part of the book is the bibliography. It is extremely summary - some 150 books referred to in the book not being listed. We learned that this regrettable shortcoming in Professor Kirschbaum's book was due to an error with the printers and that it will be corrected in the second edition of the book. RADIO FREIE EUROPE continues its policy of ignoring the rightful demands of the Slovak people a,n d ignoring Americans o,£ Slovak des·c ent and the'ir organizations. Its "Czedhoslovak" desk is sti11 dominated by former Czech National F1ronters, Czech socialists of all shades who co11ialborated with the Czech Reds and Moscow dJUring the Benes-Gottwa~d coalition (1945-lMS). Accordi,n,g to them freedom is for evieryibody except the Slovaks; Czecho.Sl·o vakia and the Czechs must be liberated, but not the Sfovaks. The latter are supposed to be doomed to Czeclh domination eternaUy! What a moclcery of the fundamenml pr,inciples of d,emocracy! IN THE WORKERS' PARADISE, a~ording to Radio Bratislava: Sllova'kia is be-hind in dts milk quota 6,600,000 Lite-rs (4-Jli&-61); thus far the Trelbisov tlistrict owes the State 1,,085,000 liters of milk this year (3-10-61); Dolny Kulbi,n, Cadca, Prievidza, and Zilina did not produce even a deci'liiter per cow (3-9-61); -i n Bratisllava (Street of the De>fende-rs of Peace) women waitetl for meat from 2:00 to 6:30 P. M. (3'-20-61); there is a great albundan:ce of feed for cattle and calves, but it's all rotten-; t!he people work tlhe farim:s, but steal over hallf the production (3-2().,61•); we have no tires, but why? I heard the exiplanlation that the reason for this is the war in Laos (2-U-61.)  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovakia and Central Europe Description An account of the resource Charles Murin, LL.D., Ph.D. Slovakia, Vol. 11, No. 2 (34), September-December 1961 pp. 41-51 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Murín, Karol, 1913-1998 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource September-December 1961 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/56bacb841e7207956374c07341cd4331.pdf 981e19dce89d5c113176023f9f6f41ac PDF Text Text 112 SLOVAKJA DOCUMENTATION: V Konstantin Culen' s Long Journey from Italy to Canada As Illustrated by his Correspondence with Juraj Rondos 1 Susumu Nagayo The emigration of post-World War II political emigres from Europe to North America was a long and complicated process. Both the United States and Canada had passed legislation severely restricting immigration to their respective countries in the l 920's and l 930's and this legislation made it virtually impossible for post-war refugees to gain easy access into either country. T o illustrate this difficulty I will focu s upon one such refugee - the 2 nationalist Slovak writer Konstantin Culen . This article is based ' I would like to thank the staff of the Archives and Special Collec tio ns of Mori sset Library at the Uni versity of Ottawa fo r their kind supp011 of my work. I also deeply th ank Professor M. M. Stolarik fo r his critical comme nts and English correcti o ns. 2 On Konstantin C\ilen ' s life see the fo llowing works and arti cles: Franti sek Vnuk, Zivotopis Konstantina Culena [Biograph y of Konstantin Cul en]. C le veland , the Sl ovak Institute, 1984; S/ovensk f biografick f s/ovnik (od roku 833 do roku 1990) I [Slovak Biographical Dictionary (from 833 to 1990)]. I. Martin. Matica slovenska, 1986, pp.433-434; "Kalend ari um zivota a d iela [Chro nicle of his life and work s]". · In Stefan Baranovic (ed.), Konstantin Cu/en (1904 Brodsk e - 1964 New York ). Z bomik vydanf na pocest' nedoiitfch deviit'desiatych naro- �113 SLOVAKJA on the unpublished correspondence between Konstantin Culen and Juraj Rondos, which is in the Slovak Archives of Morisset Library at the University of Ottawa. 3 We will reconstruct Culen 's case by extensively quoting from his correspondence, which was written in Slovak. dcnfn historika a novinara [Konstantfn Culen. Almanac Published in Ho nor of the Ninetieth Birthday of the Historian and Journalist]. Martin , Mati ca slove nska. 1995, pp.66-68: Augustfn Mat'ovcfk and others, Reprezentacny biografic- ky Jexik6n 5/ovenska [Representative Biographical Lexicon of Slovakia] Martin, Matica slovenska. 1999, pp.59-60. During his life Culen wrote many boo k s and articles. We still do not have his complete bibliography. Meanwhile see the following articles : Jozef Kirschbaum, "Bibliografia literarnych prac K. C ul e na [Bibliography of Literary Works of K. Culen]", Slovak v Amerike, Jul y 29 th. 1964: Frantisek Vnuk, :Zvotopis Konstantfna C ulena. pp.225-227; 5/ovensky biograficky s/ovmk. I, p. 434; Jozef Pauco, "Predstavitelia slovenskej kulturnej tvorby [Representati ves of Slovak Cultural Creation]. Konstantfn C ulen ", Jcdnota, September 19th , 1990; "Bibliografia literarncj tvorby [Bibliography of Literary Creation] ". in Stefan Baranovic (ed.), Konstantfn Culen , pp .55 -63. Among the above-mentioned bibliographies. the last has the most information . ' The correspondence between Konstantin Culen and Juraj Rond os is located in the Slovak Archives of the Archives and Special Co llecti ons. It belongs to th e Imrich Stolarik Fonds (ARCS 98 -1). which co nsists of 38 boxes. The material s were donated to the Uni ve rsity at the end of 1998 by the fo nner President of th e Canadian Slovak League, Inu·ich Stolarik ( 1909-2000). They consist mainly of the organi zational papers of the League . but also contai n personal materials of the founders of the League. such as Gabriel Kurdel, Andrej Kucera, and Juraj Rondos. At prese nt (November of 200 1). the Imric h Stolarik Fonds is still being processed. A Preliminary Guide to the Imrich Stolarik Fo nds is available in the reading room of the Archives . The corresponde nce of Juraj Rondos is in fo ur boxes (575-578). It co nsists of his official and personal documents and co ntains thousands of items. Among them are interestin g materials relating t o Rondos ·s mediation on behalf of Slovak refu gees seeking to enter Canada after World War II. The file of correspondence between Cul en and Ro ndos is fo und in box 577. This fi le co ntain s 165 letters (6 1 from C ul e n to Rondos, 42 from Rondos to Culen. and other letters) from 1947 to 1952. �SLOVAKIA 114 * * * By the end of March, 1945, as World War II in Europe was coming to an end, a group of people evacuated from Slovakia to escape capture by the Red Army and possible retribution in postwar Czechoslovakia. They were representatives of the independent Slovak State which was allied with Nazi Germany. These refugees briefly stayed in Holic and Skalica in Western Slovakia and , at the beginning of April, they entered Austrian territory. Finally, they settled in Kremsmiinster, a small city to the south of Linz. Among them was Konstantfn Culen with his wife and daughter. On May 8th, 1945, representatives of the Slovak government capitulated in Kremsmiinster to the American Army. At the beginning they were treated politely. However, on May 19th the former Prime Minister Stefan Tiso and three other former Cabinet Ministers were arrested by the United States Counterintelligence Corps (CIC) . On June 7th fifteen more people, including Culen, were arrested as " Nazi collaborators". They were detained in American Army camps in Peuerbach (until September of 1945) and then in Glasenbach. In March of 1946 Culen was released from the camp due to the intervention of his wife. The family met again in Ried im Innkreis in Upper Austria. At the end of April, avoiding "war criminal" hunters of the Czechoslovak authorities, Culen moved to Munich. But even here he did not feel secure, so at the end of August he returned to Austria. On September 20th, with the help of a friend in the CIC, he illegally crossed the border into Italy, hiding in the trunk of his friend's car. The next day he arrived in Rome, where he was reunited with his family. In Rome, under the protection of Karol Sidor, the former Slovak Minister to the Vatican, Culen started to work again as a �115 SLOVAKIA journalist. Utilizing newspapers and magazines from Slovakia as sources, he began to contribute articles to Slovak nationalist newspapers in the United States and Canada. At the same time, through connections with Slovak organizations abroad, Culen began to seek entry into Canada. The story begins with a letter dated June 6th, 1947, which Culen sent to Juraj Rondos4 in Winnipeg. Rondos was one of the leading members of the nationalist fraternal organization, the Canadian Slovak League. At that time he was president of its ' Juraj (George) Rondos ( 1900- 1985) was born in May 1900. the so n of a fam1er in the village of Vinne (Michalovce district, Zemplfn County ) in eastern Sl ovakia. In March 1926. he came to Canada looking for work. After engaging in various jobs, in October 1928, he opened in Winnipeg (Manitoba) a restaurant with a boarding house. In 1930 he became a member of the Winnipeg branch of the Slovenska liga v Amerike [the Slovak League of Ame1ica]. In 1932 he established, together with his friend s Andrej Kucera and Pavo! Sabo. the fraternal organization Slovenska liga v Kanade [the Slovak League in Canada] which was renamed in 1934 the Kanadska slovenska liga [the Canadian Sl ovak Leag ue]. At the beginning of the 1930's he received hi s Canadian ci ti ze ns hip. In 1936- 1938 he parti cipated in the organization of colonization of Slovak agricultural immigrants to Rosewood (Manitoba). In 1938 he brought hi s wife and children to Canada. After World War II. as an official of the Canadian Slo vak Leag ue. he helped many Slovak refugees (Displaced Persons) to emigrate t o Canada. Cule n' s case, which I reconstructed in this article. was one of them. After holding various important posts of the League. Rondos died in Winnipeg in March of 1985 at the age of 84. For Rondos's life see: Anonym (Ko nstant in Culen), "Ujo Rondos [Uncle Rondos]". Kalendar Kanadskej s/ovenskej ligy [Almanac of the Canadian Slovak Leag ue ], 1953, pp.209-212; Juraj Ro ndos. "V lete sli spat' na breh rieky [In the Summer They Slept on the Ri verbank] ". In lmrich Stolarik, ed .. Spomienky pionierov [Memories of Pio neers], Toro nto, Canadian Slovak Leag ue. 1978, pp.207-220: Juraj Rondos. "Moje rozpomie nky na zasle easy [My memories of lo ng-ago days] ", Jubilejnf kalendar Kanadskej s/ovenskej ligy [Jubilee Almanac of the Canadian Slovak League] , 1982. pp.51 55: Anton Hacko, "Posledne Zbohom Ju rajovi Ro ndosovi [Last Farewell to Juraj Rondos]". Kalend ar KanadskeJ slovenskej /igy.1 985- 1986. pp.1 27- 129. �116 SLOVAKIA Colonization Committee. 5 In this letter Culen informed Rondos, with whom he had never met, of his desire to immigrate to Canada. Culen introduced himself as follows: As you know, in 1945, with many others I emigrated on my own initiative. After much pain and suffering, I settled here (in Rome). Since Czech and Bolshevik agents will not leave me alone and there is still the danger of being arrested , we would like to find us a place where we could begin a new life and work and live in safety. I have many friends and relatives in America, but it is still hard to go there. They promise us much, but quotas are small, so perhaps we would have to wait for decades. To go to South America seems perhaps more easy, but, even so, it requires 5 In the Minutes of the 7th Convention of the Canadian Slovak League, which was held in October of 1946, we read the following passages: "News from the Colonization Committee - Brother Rondos, the chairperson of the Colonization Committee, made an oral report and added that he has close contacts with members of the Colonization Office of the Canadian National Railways, who offered him the necessary information regarding immigration to Canada. es pecially with regard to Slovaks. Other ethnic groups also exert pressure on the Canadian government with respect to immigration of Displaced Persons. demanding revision of the Canadian Immigration Act. ( ... ) Brother Rondos. based on their explanation about the settlement of immigrants on Canadian farn1s. assured the delegates that the Canadian government would admit Slovaks to Canada if the provincial offices would give them permission . Brother Rond os strongly appealed for sponsors for Slovak refugees and to help them to enter Canada. (. .. ) At the end Brother Rondos clarified who can immigrate to Canada and also referred to difficulties, such as temporary passports. the voyage across the Atlantic, and the lack of ships etc. At the same time he displayed so me application forms which he received from the Colonization Office." Zapisnica zo VII. kongresu Kanadskej s/ovenskej ligy vydriiavancho v diioch 28-29-30 a 31. okt6bra 1946 vo Windsoru, Ontario [Minutes of the 7th Convention of th e Canadian Slovak League. held on October 28th - 31st, 1946, in Windsor, On tario]. pp.9- 10. �117 SLOVAKJA time. So, I thought, what about Canada? I wrote a letter about this to Father Sprinc [Mikulas Sprinc], who in turn sent a letter to president [of the Canadian Slovak League] Kucera ([Andrej Kucera]. And he told us to send to you the necessary information . I have a brother in America [Stefan Culen in Chicago] who is also trying every possible means to get me nearer, so I want to try this as well . I would like to ask you the following : 1. Can we enter [Canada] ? There are three of us. 2. What do we need to do in order to enter? 3. How can you help us? Culen then provided his and his family's life histories. I was born on February 26th, 1904, in the village Brodske, District of Skalica, Slovakia. My occupation is engineer (do not worry about it; it is so registered in my passport. It is exact, because I studied engineering in high school.). Since April of 1945 I am in exile. The reason why I do not want to go back and cannot do so is an antipathy towards the domestic Bol shevik rule. I have a Red Cross passport iss ued in Rome . Alzbeta Culen, born on December 19th, 1906, m Bratislava, is my wife. She has a Red Cross passport too. Elena Eva Culen , born in January 22nd, 1929, m Bratislava, a student, is my daughter. She too has a Red Cross pass port. We are all stateless. As we can guess from Culen's defensive tone, this life history is not entirely accurate. Culen was no engineer. According to his biography, Culen was a middle-aged Slovak nationalist journalist. �SLOVAKIA 118 Although he did not have a university education, he had been a brilliant journalist even as a youth. At the time of political crisis in Czechoslovakia in 1938-39, Culen participated in the activities of the Hlinka Slovak People's Party for Slovak autonomy. After March of 1939, when the independent Slovak State was declared, he became its strong supporter. He was a Member of Parliament (December, 1938 - March, 1939, the Slovak Autonomy Parliament, then March, 1939 - spring of 1945, the Parliament of the independent Slovak State) and he served as a cultural attache at the Czecho-Slovak Legation in Washington (January - March , 1939). Although he was prevented from participating in political activities by his political rivals from the summer of 1940 on, he continued to be active in the field of culture and journalism until the end of the war. In his letter to Rondos, Culen explained the reason for his emigration as "an antipathy towards the domestic Bolshevik rule" . He told only half of the story. In June of 1947, when the letter was written, the Communist Party already held the leading pos ition and had great influence in Czec hoslovakia, but political pluralism still existed. The Communists did not seize power until February of 1948. More likely, Culen was afraid of "war criminal" hunters and the so-called "people's courts" of the Czec hos lo6 vak authorities . • "Being condemned a ·war criminal' by London [the Czechoslovak government in exile], Moscow [the Czechos lovak Communist group in exile], and Banska Bystrica [the headquarters of the Slovak National Uprising in 1944]. he [Culen] had to go into exile to escape the gallows." Frantisek Vnuk. Z i votopis K onstantfna Culen a. p. l 02. - "To my question why he [Cu len] fled abroad at the end of war, he answered that he had been afraid of Bencs 's revenge." Imrich Krnzliak, "Spomienky na Kon stantfna Culena [Memories of Konstantin Cu len]", in Stefan Baranovic (ed.), Konstantin Cu/en. p.48 . - "When the front [of the Red Anny] approached, Culen. who opposed. as a Member of the Parli ame nt �SLOVAKIA 119 Culen shifted the whole responsibility of his emigration onto the "Bolsheviks", because he knew that the independent Slovak State, which he had strongly supported during World War II, had been allied with Nazi Germany and Canada had fought the war on the side of the Allies. He was also counting on the emerging Cold War, which was shaping Canada's relations with Western countries . However, as we may guess from the tone of his reply, Rondos already understood Culen's delicate situation . It was common knowledge, not only in Slovakia, but also in the Slovak immigrant communities in North America, that Culen had a "s plendid past record" as a Slovak nationalist. Without hesitation , Rondos answered Culen's request with a skillful and kind reply dated June 23rd. I understood well your letter, and your wish to enter Canada with your family. You asked me to answer the three following question s: 1. Whether can you enter Canada with your family ? You can enter Canada as a farm worker. I have close friend s who occupy high positions in the Canadian Immigration Office. I had a long conversation with them. I explained briefl y your situation . I simply told them as a friend that you arc highly educated and the reason why you were expelled abroad. I also told them what are you thinking of doing if you enter Canada. They assured me that, after arriving in Canada, you will be free here, according to your ability. But if you want to and representative politician of the first Slovak Republic. Bo ls hevism and especiall y Benes ' s Czechos lovak politics. which did not even recognize the ex istence of the Slovak nat ion. had to evacuate from Slovaki a by government decree ." Dusan M. Janota. "Spomienk a [Memories]", in Stefan Baranovic (ed.), Ibid. p.52 . �SLOVAKJA 120 enter Canada as soon as possible, you have to be registered together with your family as farm workers. Please forget other worries. Canada needs people like you. Here everybody is free and everybody is responsible for their own future . 2. What do you need to do for that? You have to do nothing. I will find for you a good Slovak farmer who will submit an application to the Canadian Immigration Office. He will petition to admit you and your family to Canada and declare that he has work and lodging on his farm for all of you . 3. What could I do fo r you ? I could do what I ex plained to you in 1. and 2. I will begin the work with your permission and by Divine protection. And I hope that our work will be successful according to the information which I provided for you and your family . A responsible person (at the Immigration Office) told me that it will take you three to six months at most to enter Canada. It was a smooth beginning. Culen was very pleased with the reply. As promised, Rondos quickly fo und a sponsor for the Culen family and so informed him of it in a letter dated Jul y 9th: Your fe llow-countryman from Tmava named Jozef Vo lek submitted an application that he needs you and your fam il y for work on the farm. He also submitted an application to th e Canadian Immigration Office, a copy of which I am enclos ing with this letter. Please do not worry. Either a Canadian Immigration Officer there will personally visit you or they will inform you by letter as to where you should present yourself. In the correspondence between Culen and Rondos we fo und drafts of an application entitled "This form has been prepared by �121 SLOVAKIA the Immigration Branch, Department of Mines and Resources, for the use of persons applying for the admission to Canada of immigrants". There are two copies of the same form, for Konstantin Culen and his wife Alzbeta Culen, and for their daughter Elena Eva Culen. Both copies indicate at the end: "Dated at Rosewood Man. (Manitoba) this 4 day of July A.D.1947. Volek" Signed Jozef 7 In this application there are some misleading statements. In the space for "relationship to applicant" they filled out as "friend" (needless to say, neither Culen nor his wife had ever met Volek) and in the space for "citizenship" as "C.S.R. [the Czechoslovak Republic]" (in his first letter to Rondoas Culen wrote that they were "stateless"). To the question "occupation in own county" they filled out as "fam1er" (not "engineer" as Culen had written before) and to the question "intended occupation in Canada", they answered: "to work on a farm". The most serious falsehood was the answer to the question "Has Immigrant ever lived in Canada or the United States? If so, between what dates and what address?" They simply answered "No", which was not true. Culen had actually lived in the United States three times. The first time (1905-1909) it was as a child with his parents, who were migrant workers; the second time 7 Jozef Volek ( 1903- ?) was one of the Slovak fam1ers who lived in Rosewood (Manitoba). He was born in 1903 in Trnava (Western Slovakia), came to Canada in 1927 and later obtained his Canadian citizenship. He acted as the financial secretary of the Branch 19 (Rosewood) of the Canadian Slovak League (the head of the Branch was Juraj Rondos). Volek wrote in the application , which was sent to the Immigration Office of the Ministry of Mines and Re sources in Ju Iy of 1947: ··1 have clear title to 560 acres( ... ) Financial resurses (sic) $ 25.000.oo. Anaal (sic) income about $ 7.000.oo ." Culen wrote in his letter of August 1st, 1947, to Rondos that Volek was a friend of the famous Slovak historian exile. Frantisek Hrusovsky. in �SLOVAKIA 122 (December, 1935 - July, 1936) as one of members of the delegation sent by Matica slovenska (Slovak national cultural organization) to visit fellow-countrymen in the United State; the third time (January - December, 1939), as indicated above, as a cultural attache at the Czecho-Slovak Legation in Washington and then, after March, as an editor of the official organ of the Slovak League in America, Slovenska obrana [The Slovak Defence]. Certainly the purpose of the last two stays was not as a fam1er. His third stay in 1939 was especially significant and controversial. At that time Culen openly supported Slovak autonomy and, ultimately, independence. Even though Volek filled in the application, he probably only took dictation from Rondos. Rondos must have known about Culen's career in the United States. However, as reported in his letter dated June 23rd, he already had prior consultations with high-ranking officials in the Immigration Office in Winnipeg, so he probably considered this application as just a formality. Furthermore, Volek filled out after the sentence that "I have made the following arrangements for a home and employment for the above named immigrants," as "We will recive (sic) them on aur (sic) Farm and guarantee full maintenance and farm Employment at going Wages. " To the question "Is transportation to be prepaid?" he answered that "I will pay transportation," even though Volek must have known from the beginning that the Culen family had no intention of working on a farm. On July 15th Culen received Rondos's letter dated July 9th . Enclosed were copies of the application which Volek had submitted to the Immigration Office. In his reply dated August l st, Culen complained as follows: �SLOVAKIA 123 Well, now I would only ask you to take up this matter with the proper authorities, because there are several Slovaks here who have papers like this and have been waiting for a long time, but nothing is happening. The worst thing is that they write much about our difficulties and thousands of people live by talking about the necessity of doing something to solve the refugee problem, and make as if they have done and deliberated . Meanwhile, emigrants are perishing physically and morally, while the gentlemen are having a good time. America in particular pays much attention to the matter, but not even one refugee is admitted. The bill, which should have been passed, was pigeonholed . Congress went into recess for a vacation. It will be reconvened again only in January ( of next year) and undoubtedly the bill will not be touched until the summer of 1948. If it is passed, migration can be started in 1949 or 1950. However, who can bear it? [In reality the DP (Displaced Persons) Act was passed in Congress in the spring of I 948 and the migration started in October of that year.] Why don ' t they speak less, write less and act more? Of course, what can we, small and simple people, do against the roguery of gentlemen's politics ? In reply to Culen's complaint (the letter was not dated, but according to its contents it was perhaps written in the middle of August), Rondos reported as follows: You asked me to expedite the matter. Well , I will tell you what is happening. Mr. Volek was summoned to the Immigration Office where he was asked [to provide evidence regarding the following l: I. Evidence from the district office that he [Volek] is really the owner of 520 acres of land [according �SLOVAKIA 124 to the application which Volek submitted to the Immigration office, it was 560 acres of land] . He proved it by showing a private letter from the district office and also doc ume nts which proved that he has no debt. 2. Evide nce from a bank regarding his savings. We could prove that easil y enough. But after that they asked the third question. We were asked to explain how Mr. Vo lek came to know yo u. We answered that he went to school together with you and he remembers yo u as a farmer's son who was also trained in bl ac ksmithing. Thu s, when Mr. Volek left fo r Canada twe nty years ago, you [C ulen] remained at home working as a village bl acksmith a nd also as the cultivator of a small estate. We were asked wh y you lived in ex ile. Did you run away as a civilian or as a soldier? To this we answered that you were not a soldier and that you ran away as a civilian from communist terror. In his repl y, dated A ugust 28th , Culen humorously promised to "tell the same story": Thank yo u for the in formation about the examin ation by the Canadian office. Well , arri ving there , I will prese nt myse lf as the blac ksmith . It is not such a big lie, because my fa th er was a blacksmith , and, fro m childhood I was in his shop. If necessary, I pumped the bellows and helped with the bi g hammer, so th is is not a craft which I co uld not ac kn ow ledge . I coul d, perhaps, pass the examinatio n. By the end o f September the Canadian bureaucracy fin all y replied. Culen's sponsor, Jozef Volek, received the fo llowing pos iti ve notice dated Septem ber 29th from R.N. Mun roe , the �125 SLOVAKlA District Superintendent of the Immigration Branch of the fro [sic-for] the Department of Mines and Resources in Winnipeg: In connection with your application admission to Canada of your friends, Konstantin Culen, his wife, Alzbeta and their daughter, Elena Eva, of c/o Karel (sicKarol) Sidor, Citta del Vaticano, Italy, this is to advise that the settlement arrangements have been found satisfactory, and the necessary steps are being taken to have the proposed immigrants examined overseas. It will , of course, take some little time to complete these arrangements . A copy of this notice was immediately sent by Rondos to Culen who wrote about the news in his reply dated October 20th. These were the most delightful letters which I received during almost three years of exile. And especially, as I see, it is serious and we can judge according to the letter which you received [the above-mentioned letter by Munroe] that in fact the matter has already been arranged . Now it is only a question of time, according to the letter. Culen concluded optimistically: I am ending this letter with thanks for all which you have done for now. I caused you much concern, but I really had nobody else to ask. After all kinds of promises and assurances which I received, what you have done is most real and most clear. Well , once again sincere thanks and if that "some little time" in office is prolonged (I do not know how the bureaucrats function in Canada, but in Slovakia they say that a short �SLOVAKIA 126 time lasts one year), please expedite it again. In any case, I hope that by Christmas I will be with you. While awaiting a reply from the Canadian bureaucrats , Rondos reported to Culen in a letter dated November 3rd that he had already arranged for Culen's tickets: "I am informing you that today I purchased for you and your family the steamship tickets . It means the following: You have your fare paid from Southampton , England, to New York by ship and from New York to Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada, by train ." As we shall see later, Rondos paid the fare out of his own pocket. However, on November 18th, Rondos received a notice dated November 17th from the Cunard White Star Line, where he had booked the tickets. In the notice a certain Patterson , the person in charge, wrote: You will recall our conversation, in which I advised you that we are not permitted to sell Prepaid for non-Canadians resident in Italy, for the reason that the Canadian Government has not an Examining Office for immigrants in that country. Our Head Office Iin England] is moct lsic-mostl anxious to assist us , but point out very plainly that they cannot take the responsibility of bringing the family forward to Paris for examination by the Canadian Civil and Medical Authorities , on the chance that they might be turned down . Therefore, I give you the suggestion, for what it is worth, that if these people can legitimately leave Italy and establish themselves in Paris, and you will confirm to us the Paris address at which they are resident, we could then make _representations to have the Permit transferred to Paris and the examination take place there . �127 SLOVAKIA Rondos at once wrote a letter (dated November 18th) to Culen. I have very close contacts with the company regarding your matter. Just now I received a letter from them in which they say that they cannot start with your matter and that you have to go to Paris with your family by yourself and that in Italy they cannot arrange a medical examination. In order not to explain much, I enclose you with this letter a copy of the notice. I hope you will choose a trip to Paris. And please present yourself at their company. [... ] And show them the copy of the notice which I am _sending you and either they or you announce yourself as soon as probable to the main office in England where they already have all the best information about you and the registered ship tickets are waiting for you. The same day Rondos sent a letter to Stefan Culen 8 , Kon stan- tin's younger brother, who lived in Chicago: " [... ] I dared to pay for the steamship tickets of your brother and his family from England to New York and I also paid for train tickets from New York to Winnipeg out of my own pocket $636.42 [ .. . ] I did not want to tell this even to my friends , in order not to confuse somebody about my work." Rondos also enclosed as evidence the copy of the notice from the ship company of November 17th and continued: "From your letter I understood that you are willing to pay your brother's fare, in order to get him here as soon as possible. I dared to pay it out of my own pocket. I hope that I am cooperating with good peo' Sefan Culen ( 1909- ?), third of five brothers of Konstantin Culen , was born in Pennsy lvania (USA), and worked in Chicago as a manual laborer. �SLOVAKIA 128 pie and that my money will not be wasted." Rondos here suggested that, since he paid Culen's travelling expenses, Stefan Culen should reimburse him. Referring to "your letter, Rondos had in mind Stefan Culen's letter (stamped October 15th) in which Stefan wrote from Chicago that, "As soon as they [his brother's family] get visas, I would like immediately to send them plane tickets. If I could somehow help, please write me." Stefan Culen, after receiving Rondos 's letter of November 18th, answered on November 21st, and informed him of his intention to reimburse Rondos, as requested .9 Meanwhile, around November 22nd, Kon stantin Culen visited the Canadian Legation to Italy in Rome accompanied by an Italian friend, General Armando Mola. The Legation was newlyestablished and the Minister to Italy, Jean Desy' 0 had just been appointed on October 13th of that year. In a letter dated November 24th, Culen reported to Rondos the result of his visit: A while ago I returned from the Canadian Embassy. I went there with our friend, the general , who knows the Ambassador well. They received us warmly. We explained to them how our matter is going. We gave them an English tran- 9 Because of the complication in getting Culen ' s entrance visa to Canada. Ro n- dos cancelled in June 1948. the reserved tickets. See the notice of the Cunard Donaldson Limited Company of June 17th. 1948 . '" Jean Desy (1893-1960), Canadian diplomat. was born in Montreal (Q uebec) to a French Canadian family. In 1925 he entered the Department of External Affairs in Ottawa. He was one of the earliest Francophone diplomats in Canada. In I 941-1947 he was the Minister to Brazil (in 1943 promoted to Ambassador) . On October 13th, 1947, he was appoi nted Minister to Italy and on June 26th. 1948, was promoted to Ambassador and served in this position until 1952. In 1954-1958 he was the Ambassador to France and he died in Paris in 1960. �SLOVAKJA 129 slation of your last letter (of November 3rd) in which you wrote that travel expenses had been paid. We also gave them the letter (notice, dated September 29th) which the Immigration Office had sent to you. The Ambassador said that everything was O.K. He said that we do not even need to go to Paris and that he will arrange the matter himself, including a medical examination and visa. The only things you will need are the following: l. Confirmation from the (ship) company that travel expenses have been paid . 2. Confirmation from Ottawa (the Canadian government) that entry to Canada is permitted . We asked him (the Ambassador) to request the matter telegraphically on condition that we will pay the expense connected with it. He promised to arrange it in this way. We had already asked the agency of the Cunard Company here to obtain confirmation concerning the payment of travel expenses. It would be good, if you could call their attention to this matter as soon as possible. Because he [the Ambassador] said that, if he will have it [the Confirmation] in his hand , he may issue the visa, so we could depart about the middle of December. Well , we would truly like to do so. We would fly away from here to London and then we would await there the next ship and we would depart. Really, we are growing impatient, like children before Christmas , and already we would like to be on the road. We will rest only when our ship moves in your direction . Culen's optimism grew after he received two letters from Rondos (dated November I 8th and November 20th) and a copy of the notice from the ship company (dated November 17th). �130 SLOVAKIA Culen wrote in his letter dated November 27th as follows: "If the matter moves faster, we will be there (in Canada) even in December, if slower, we will be there in January. Anyway, our hope was never so clear, as it is now. We feel as if we have everything within reach." However, "Confirmation from Ottawa that entry to Canada is permitted," which they had asked the Legation to obtain did not come. As Culen reminded Rondos in his letter of December 3rd, "The Legation here is waiting for information from Ottawa that they may issue us visas. I think that he [the Ambassador] already requested it telegraphically. If you have an o pportunity , please ask them to send it here as soon as possible. Because, as long as we do not have a Canadian visa, we cannot take the next step." Feeling uneasy about the delay, Culen sent to Rondos the letter of General Mola written in English (dated December 13th). On behalf of Culen General Mola explained his situation as follows: I saw again this morning, Mr. [T.L.] CARTER, [Second] Secretary at the Canadian Legation , acting for the Ambassador Mr.[Jean] DESY, so as to facilitate matters in every possible way. 1) Everything is all right as regards prepaid tickets. since the Legation is satisfied with the written declaration given CULEN by the CUNARD Office (Mr. BROOKS). 2) Mr. CARTER took note of what you wrote about the permit to enter Canada having already been sent to Rome . Nothing, however, reached the Canadian Legation yet , though the latter wrote Ottawa about it Nov. 22nd already . 3) By same letter, the authorisation was asked of the Canadian Government for the Legation actually applying the �131 SLOVAKJA visas on the three passports, even though the immigration Officials, to whom such a task is usually entrusted, are still to arrive. In the opinion of the Legation, such an exception might be granted since all documents were checked and found all right, and since the Legation have already their own Doctor who'll be able to submit the CULENS to the required medical examination. Were the authorisation not granted, Mr. CARTER says there seems to be no hope for the proper office to be ready for work here before two months or so! It would seem therefore most advisable that you should kindly complete the extraordinary work you and Mr. VOLEK have already done in favour of our friends by personally going to the proper Department in OTTAW A and - making precise reference to the Legation's letter of Nov. 22nd insisting that it should be answered favourably, possibly by cable: mind, not for the permit only, but also for the power to be granted the Legation. This is also Mr. CARTER's advice. On December 14th, Culen sent Rondos a cable. Unfortunately, I could not find it in the files of the correspondence, but, according to the contents of the aforementioned letter, we may guess that Culen's cable asked Rondos to obtain the confirmation from Ottawa by cable and to give to the Legation the power to issue visas. Having received it on December 15th, Rondos visited the agency of the Cunard Company and the Immigration Office in Winnipeg without getting a favourable response. In those circumstances he decided to seek the intervention to his close friend, Senator John Thomas Haig 11 , and visited his law " John Thomas Haig (I 877-1962), Influential politician in Winnipeg (Mani- toba). He was born to a Scottish family in Ontario and was a lawyer by profession . In 19 I 4 he was elected to several tenures in the Manitoba Legislature In �SLOVAKIA 132 office in the city. Unfortunately Haig was attending Parliament in Ottawa. His brother, who had received Rondos, reported to Haig in a letter dated December 15th (to which was enclosed a notice from Munroe, dated September 29th and a copy of Culen's cable dated December 14th): Your old friend , Mr. Rondos was in the office today. He has applied under the Immigration Act, to bring out his friend, Konstantin Culen, his wife and daughter who are presently in Italy. [ ... ] The difficulty seems to be that we have no immigration authority in Rome. There is nothing there but a Legation and without special authority, they apparently have not the power to grant immigration permits. You will note the wire asking that the permit be cabled and that authority be given to the legation to Grant a visa. [... ] The only difficulty seems to be the permit and the visa. We know that you will do everything in your power to have this rushed to completion before you return from Ottawa. Mr. Rondos is exceedingly anxious, he has gone to a lot of trouble and spent a lot of money, and would certainly appreciate anything you could do to iron out the difficulties. 1935 he was appointed to the Senate, Dominion of Canada. in Ottawa. From 1945 on he was the leader of the opposition party (the Progressive Con serva- tive Party) in the Senate. In June 1957. through the victory of his party in the general election, he became the leader of the governme nt party. In October of that year he was appointed Minister without portfolio in the Diefenbaker Governme nt. In May of 1958 he resigned this position. �SLOVAKIA 133 Receiving the news from Winnipeg, Senator Haig met with his personal friend, Hugh Llewellyn Keenleyside 12 who was the Deputy Minister of the Department of Mines and Resources and in charge of Immigration. After being "probed", Haig answered Rondos in a letter dated December 22nd as follows: [ ... ] You also know that I am leader of the Opposition [the Progressive Conservative Party] in the Senate of Canada and I took the time off to go and see the Deputy Minister of Mines and Natural Resources who is also the Deputy Minister of Immigration. He assured me that in two weeks from the 14th of December, that they would either have one of their own officers in Rome to give Visas for Canada or authority would be given to the Canadian Legation to issue them. The Deputy is a personal friend of mine and I am sure he will do exactly that thing. I sent the Immigration letter, about the duties to the Deputy Minister and he said it would all be cleared up in two weeks so that your friend [Cul en I will be able to get his Visas not later than January first. " Hugh Llewellyn Keenleyside ( 1898- I 992). Canadian scholar. diplomat. and high-ranking civil servant. was born in Toronto. In 1928 he entered the Department of External Affairs in Ottawa. In 1929- 1936 he served in Tokyo as First Secretary of the Canadian Legation in Japan. During World War II he was opposed to the forced evacuation of Japanese Canadians. In 1944-1947 he became Minister to Mexico. and in 1947-1950 the Deputy Minister of the Department of Mines and Resources. In this period he published the article Canadian Immigration Policy. Vancouver, the University of British Columbia, 1948 . Later he held various important positions in the United Nations and in British Columbia. He published Memoirs of Hugh L. Keenleyside, Toronto, McClelland and Stewart Limited. 1981 -82. in two volumes. �134 SLOVAKIA On the same day Rondos, enclosing a copy of Haig's letter, answered General Mola in English: I was indeed pleased to receive your letter of December 13th with the detailed information therein. I also received the cable of Mr. Culen , and immediately took the necessary action with the Immigration officials in Ottawa. To assure you that immediate action will be taken by the Canadian Immigration authorities , I am enclosing herewith a copy of a letter written by Mr. John T. Haig, Leader of the Opposition in the Canadian Senate, which is self-explanatory . Many of Mr. Culen's Slovak friends in Canada are looking forward to his arrival. Culen described to Rondos, on December 31st how he felt when he received the letter: We were feeling very blue at the end of the year. It seemed that everything had gone wrong. And here, in the last hours of the passing year, your latest news, which you sent to General Mola, arrived. It delighted us very much and it gave us new hope. Yesterday General Mola told me: "I am 73 years old , I travelled around the world, I saw and experienced much, but I have never yet in my life met with such a case of a countryman's friendship, as I see here with Mr. Rondos. You can be proud of it not only as a human being, but especially as a Slovak." Meanwhile, on the same day General Mola went to petition the Canadian Legation with a copy of Senator Haig's letter of �SLOVAKIA 135 December 22nd which Rondos had sent him. Culen reported to Rondos about this episode at the end of his December 31st letter: Just a while ago the General returned from the Legation . They read the letter [from Haig] and they said that it is interesting, but according to the existing laws they may issue a visa only to Italian citizens, but not to foreigners. Until now they received nothing about our matter. They promised that they will send a cable and request an answer from Ottawa to the previous letter [dated November 22nd] about our matter. They have certain objections to our Red Cross passports and they say that we have to get others. In a word, there will be still many difficulties . By the way, the General is writing to you about this matter. They will have to get a special order to iss ue a visa to Culen and his family. While there is no order, nothing can be done. We also found in the file General Mola's letter to Rondos written in English (dated December 31st): Many thanks for your kind letter of Dec . 22nd and appended enclosure from Sen. JOHN T. HAIG . I immediately went to the Canadian Legation and showed them both letters to Mr.CARTER [Second Secretaryl . He was evidently impressed; but unfortunately he said that - though they already had authority to give visas without awaiting for the arrival of the Emigration Officials in Rome - this is for the time being applicable to Italians only. The Legation has as yet not received any similar instructions, neither for your specific case, nor for emigrants other than Italians. �SLOVAKIA 136 I saw H.E. DESY also, and he assured me they would do their showing their best good-will, since they promised me they would cable to-day to insist that OTT AWA should answer by cable to the letter the Legation originally wrote to the Department last November. Knowing unfortunately how slow burocracy [sic] is in all countries, may I suggest that - with this piece of news in hand - you should ask your powerful friends to specifically insist that a cable was immediately sent, as suggested by the Legation. General Mola wrote m detail about the passport problem which Culen mentioned only briefly: Another complication arose at the last moment: namely that the RED CROSS passports - which had been by the Legation declared valid - are now not considered fit , by some recent new regulations!!! It would be necessary to have them substituted by some C.S.I.R.O documents - which it would take an enormous time to obtain - even though the Legation promised their support to hasten matters. Couldn't it also be obtained from OTT AW A that they should cable and authorise the Legation to exceptionally accept the RED CROSS passports as valid for the CULENs case only? According to their expectation at the beginning, it would "take you [Culen's family] three to six months at most to enter Canada" (Rondos's letter of June 23rd, 1947). However, the barrier of the Canadian bureaucracy was greater than they imagined and 1947 drew to a close over the anxiety of obtaining a visa. In the second half of January 1948, Culen 's attempts to enter Canada looked hopeful. He reported in his letter to Rondos , dated January 16th as follows : �SLOVAKIA 137 Just a while ago they phoned me from the [Canadian] Legation, that. they already received the documents and perhaps within a week they will arrange the matter. They already fixed for us even the date of the medical examination. I hope it will end well, because we all feel ourselves quite healthy. [... ] If it will go well, we could perhaps get a visa by about [January] 23rd. Then it will take some time, while we receive an English and possibly an American [transit visa]. So we reckon that at the end of February we could arrive in Canada or in the United States. At that moment Culen thought that an entry visa to Canada was within reach. To his great disappointment, however, he failed his medical examination. Twenty-two years earlier Culen had suffered from a senous disease. At the end of August in 1926, when the twenty-one-yearold had worked in the editorial office of the daily Slovak in Bratislava, he was hospitalized for pleurisy. For two weeks he hovered between life and death. His temperature sometimes rose as high as 41 degrees. After three months of fighting the disease, he was allowed to leave the hospital. After convalescing for months at a sanatorium in the High Tatras, at the end of the year Culen returned to his regular life in Bratislava. 13 On January 28th, 1948, the Culen family reported to the newly established Canadian Immigration Office m Rome for a medical examination. Culen reported the results to Rondos in a letter dated the same day : It seemed that everything would be all right, when they suddenly looked at the X-ray of my bowels. Twenty-two " Frnntisck Ynuk. Zi votopis K onstantfna CuJena. p.45. �138 SLOVAKIA years ago I suffered from pleurisy. They said that even today one can see on the photograph traces of the inflammation. Since then I never got sick, but a Canadian doctor questioned it and postponed the issuance of our visas for later, only after the agreement of the Department of National Health and Welfare [for Canada] in London. They will send all the documents there. If they will agree, we can get visas, but if not, we can do nothing. We are for ever kept waiting. Culen continued in a pessimistic tone: Well, we truly did not expect it. Everything seemed all right. We received passports from the I.R.O. With the documents we had no problem, nor with the civil investigation . It never occurred to me that today they would call into question my illness of 22 years ago and that it would halt everything. My wife and daughter were recognised as healthy. This is sad and unexpected news for you and for us. So much work, so much running around and expenses, and finally this. You can hardly imagine what kind of medical examination we had. First of all the X-ray, then the medical and physical examination , then blood tests and then once more the face of a Canadian doctor. They were more strict than at the med ical check-ups for conscription. Now we have to wait for what they will decide in London. After so many experiences there is in our mind only a small spark of hope, si nce for emigrants things usually do not go well. What more can we do ? We arc truly bewildered and unhappy. We descended from hope into the abyss of hopelessness. �139 SLOVAKJA After he received Culen's "sad and unexpected news ", Rondos answered (in his letter of February 3rd) to keep his hopes up: .. . believe me, I and my whole family grieved when we read your letter. But, considering the whole matter, I think it will change for the better, because many people have suc h traces as you mentioned. The blood test will prove (that yo u are healthy) and in London they will reconsider the matter. I still believe in Almighty God and everything will be fin e. Please wait a couple of days, to see how they will answer yo u . And then, let me know instantly what kind of answer you get. If you do not fee l weak, I think it will pass and soon you can move in the direction of Canada. It was said that "within three weeks they will certainl y answer from London" (Culen's letter to Rondos of March 3rd), "at the latest within three weeks we will receive the answer" (his letter of March 20th ), but the repl y fro m the Department of National Health and Welfare for Canada in London was again delayed . Growing nervous, C ul en compl ained to Rondos on March 29th as fo ll ows : The Canadian gentlemen unpleasantl y trifled with us and in an un-Christian manner. The mos t unpl easant part is th at they said neither "yes" nor "no" . Government officials, havi ng a good life , tease poor emigrants. If one were not thoro ughl y affected by anti-Bolshevism, we ll , after such an ex perience one would like to give up, to leave for the other side and to say to them; "Forgive me, we wronged you." However, th e sorrowful truth is that the so-called democrats who chatter a lot about humanism and democracy practice such un - �140 SLOVAKIA Christian and such brutal things that on this point there are few differences between them and the Bolsheviks. [ ... ] Well, what shall we do? We all are against the heartlessness of the authorities and the stupidity of the bureaucracy and feel very helpless. You have done more than one could expect from a close family member. I am sorry that it turned out so badly. In Culen's letters we noticed several parts where he expressed dissatisfaction towards the immigration policy of Canada and the United States, and criticism and antipathy against the Western countries. Even the nationalist Culen, who professed to be a hardline anti-Bolshevik, reflected the emotional anti-Western sentiment of the contemporary left-wing intellectuals. Conversely, we found here and there sentences in which Culen praised the attitude of the Argentine and Spanish governments which gladly accepted immigrants . At the beginning of April Culen at last received a reply from London. The result was negative. In a letter to Rondoas of April 1st, Culen exploded in anger: Well, finally the obvious happened. Today we went to the Canadian ([Immigration] Office. They welcomed us very nicely, saying: "I just wanted to write you , you came just at the right time!" After such an introduction we were curious about the good news. They did not keep us waiting. They said:" You can not receive a visa for Canada. We received such an answer from our superiors." It did not surprise us. Because, after the long comedy which they subjected us to, we shouldn ' t have expected anything else. Your work was in vain . Our efforts were in �SLOVAKIA 141 vain. Even the intervention of Abbot Kojis of Cleveland was in vain and useless. It helped nothing. Canada needs men with strong fists such as Joe Louis, but it does not need men who dared once in their life to become sick. I am sorry about your efforts and work. Although on the other hand, I had a beautiful experience. And I see clearly the true character of the humanity and Christianity of the United States, Britain, and Canada in the international conferences against Bolshevism. They pretend as if only they are apostles of mercy. One is disgusted with it, when one hears these hypocritical speeches and sees these brutal behaviours. Believe me, they are as bad as the Communists . Culen also vented his anger on Senator Haig, who acted as an intermediary: I thought that such a Senator, as leader of the opposition, has yet some power and the right to speak. But it seems to me that he has not much. I was once an unimportant deputy, but when I petitioned to the Minister of the Interior [Alexander Mach I that there were several Polish refugees who were hunted by the Gestapo, and if they were arrested, they would be shot, it was sufficient for the Minister immediately to issue them Slovak passports and as Slovak citizens to place them in the state service. Our Minister did not send them to an X-ray examination in order to have a look at their lungs, whether they had not by chance some medical history. If you want , you may tell Mr. Senator that it is strange that such an important politician can do nothing even for such a trifle. We have to clench our teeth and regret the lost time. After such experiences, one has to consider what to do next. There are not �SLOVAKIA 142 many choices. One might even consider returning to the home country and to confess to the Bolsheviks as follows : "Forgive me, I was disappointed. In the West there is no democracy, no humanity, no Christianity, there are only forests for which they need cheap and absolutely healthy workers. No more, no less . Nothing had changed since the Americans carried slaves from Africa. The only difference is perhaps that now they check them even by X-ray, which they did not have one hundred years ago." In the morning of April 2nd , Culen received the notice with the same contents from the Canadian Immigration Office. Reporting to Rondos shortly thereafter, he wrote in a pessimistic tone that "otherwise I doubt that it is possible to change the matter" (letter dated April 2nd). To do justice to the Canadian authorities , it should be pointed out that they did not make a wrong diagnosis. In reality, in August of that year, Culen spat blood and was hospitalized . A spot was found in his right lung, but thanks to streptomycin and a calcium injection he was discharged from the hospital on September 10th. 14 In February of 1948, when Culen was disappointed by the medical examination and its aftermath, the Communist Party finally seized power in Czechoslovakia. When Culen suggested, perhaps only rhetorically, the possibility of returning to Czechoslovakia and of surrendering to the "Bolsheviks," in Czechoslovakia they were preparing a political trial against him. However, before Culen's trial started, the Communists organized another political trial against a group of people, including 14 Ibid. pp. 145-146. �SLOVAKIA 143 his youngest brother Ladislav Culen 15 , who remained in Slovakia. Ladislav was arrested in September of 1947, under suspicion of participating in the underground activities of the Slovak Action Committee [Slovensky akcny vybor] led by a nationalist politician in exile, Ferdinand Durcansky. Stefan Culen, Konstantin's younger brother, wrote in a letter to Rondos (stamped October 15th, 1947): I [Stefan Culenj received a letter from Slovakia. They arrested our brother [Ladislav Culen] who was a professor in Bratislava. We do not expect that he will come back alive, for many people were arrested and accused of wanting to assassinate Benes [then the Czechoslovak President] . It is nothing but pretence to murder them. Very many people are arrested . These poor guys will never return. Suspicions of plotting to assassinate President Edvard Benes were spread by the State Security Police (STB). However, it was true that these people, including Ladislav Culen , organized the underground, supporting the idea of an independent Slovak state , and supplied information to Dr. Duransky , one of the leaders of the Slovak independence movement, who was in exile in Italy (after July of 1947 in Argentina). 15 16 Ladislav Culen ( I 9 I 6- I 990 ), fi fth of fi ve brothers of Konstantin Cul en. stu - died history at Comenius University in Bratislava. During the independent Sl ovak State he served at the Slovak Embassy in Budapest. As me ntio ned above. he was arrested in September 1947, under suspicion o f participatin g in an anti - state conspiracy and was se ntenced in April 1948 . to 18 years in prison. He wa s released in 1962. 16 .. The organizational network of the Slovak Action Committee in Slovaki a was initiated at the suggestio n of J. Fickuli ak in May of 1947. The group o rganized aro und Jozef Dobrovodsky and parti cipated in this in iti ative through L �144 SLOVAKlA Otto Obuch, the central figure of the so-called "anti-state conspiracy", was a press officer who worked in the office of then deputy-Prime Minister of the Czechoslovak government, Jan Ursfny. Ursfny was one of the leaders of the Democratic Party, the largest political party in Slovakia at that time. Obuch was arrested in late September of 1947. By the end of October State Security, taking advantage of the affair, forced the deputy-P.M. Ursfny out of office. Slovakia fell into a political crisis (the so-called November crisis) and as a result, the Communist Party succeeded m weakening its rival, the Democratic Party, and strengthened its position in Slovak politics. 17 Culen. Members of this illegal organi zation. Action Committee - official ly named "the Sl ovak headqu arters in Brati slava", spread its acti vity to all of Slovakia, which was divided into three regions." Robert Letz, S/ovensk o v rokoch 1945- 1948 na ceste ku k onwnistickej to tali te [Sl ovakia in 1945- 1948 on the Road To Communist Totality]. Bratislava. Ustredie slovenskej t'anskej intc ligencic v Bratislavc. 1994. p. 157. Jozef Fickuliak supplied kres- "Obuch. Ladi slav Culen. and Durcansky with important material regarding the political backgro und. the negotiatio ns of the gove rnment. copies of laws and decrees. unusual articles in the press etc ." Robert Letz. "Slovenska politicka emigracia z rok u 1945 a ohlas na jej cinnost' doma [The Slovak Political Emi gration of 1945 and the Respo nse to its Activi ty at Home 1". In Slovenskf po vojnovf exil. Z bomfk materialov zo seminara Dejiny slovenskeho exilu p o roku 1945 v Matici s/ovenskej v Martine 27. -28. j1ina 1996 [The Slovak Pos t- war Emigres. Papers from the Seminar '·The History of the Slovak Emigres after 1945" organized by Matica slovenska in Martin on June 27th - 28th. 1996 ]. Martin, Matica slovenska . 1998 . p. 118 . 17 For details of the po litical bac kgro und of the "anti-state conspiracy" see : Michal Barnovsky. Na ceste k monopolu m oci. M ocensk opo/iticke zapasy na Slovensku v rokoch 1945- 1948 [On the Road to Monopoly of Power. Power- political Struggles in Slovakia in 1945 - 1948 ]. Bratislava. Archa. 1993. pp . I 6 1207: Robert Letz. Slovensk o v rok och 1945-1948 na ceste ku k omunistickej totali te. pp. 156- I 76 and p. 2 30. �145 SLOVAKIA After seizing power in February of 1948, between April 19th and 29th in Bratislava, the Communist regime tried Otto Obuch and his followers. Obuch was sentenced to 30 years' imprisonment. Ladislav Culen received 18 years for being a party to "the anti-state conspiracy" which intended to overthrow the Czechoslovak Government and to restore the independent Slovak State. Exdeputy-P.M. Ursfny, who was allegedly involved in the affair, was sentenced to seven years in prison . 18 Ladislav Culen was heavily punished, perhaps, as a warning to his older brother. Konstantin Culen wrote to Rondos on May 7th as follows: l- --1 in Bratislava they tried my brother as an "AngloAmerican" spy and the prosecutor demanded the death penalty. Well, we were in bitter and tense expectation of what would happen and how everything would develop. He received 18 years' imprisonment, which is the second heaviest sentence among the accused. The Czech judge [K.] Bedrna sentenced the accused in all to 85 years. In the Hungarian Kingdom, during the last century, Slovaks were sentenced to about 78 years and, now, at one stroke they got so much more, and it is still said that they are "liberated ." Besides , they treated my brother so badly that he will take it very hard. The worst thing is that everything was unnecessary, that if there had been no stupidity by [Ferdinand)] Durcansky , his unnecessary propagandizing and forecasting of war, his unneces""Jan Ursfny. byvaly podpredseda c-s vl:idy. bol ods udeny na 7 rokov viize nia ("Jan Ursfny. former Deputy Prime Minister of the Czechoslovak governme nt. was sentenced to 7 years in prison). Slovensk:i obrana. May 4th. 1948. On Ursfny 's memories of this episode see: J:in Ursfny. Zm6jho tivota (Prfspevok k vf- voju slovenskej n:irodnej mys/ienky). [From my Life (Co ntribution to the Deve lopment of the Slovak National Idea)]. Martin, Matica slovensk:i , 2000, pp. 134- 149. �146 SLOVAKIA sary instigating of young enthusiasts, of careless people, the trial would not have taken place. 19 Culen also wrote about the matter in his letter of May 13th: Otherwise from the country [Slovakia] there is always only news about trials. My brother was already sentenced as an "Anglo-American" spy; however, I can enter neither England nor America. Isn't it a little strange? In the country they would like to try me as a collaborator with Americans. How this world is confused! On May 28th and 29th, m the local court in Bratislava, Konstantfn Culen was tried m absentia. One of the Slovak newspapers reported : '""The State Security Police (STB) took advantage of the activities of the Slo vak Action Committee. Even th ough the activity of the Committee brought im portant arguments about the stru ggle for the Slovak statehood back home. it also enabled State Security to manufacture ··the anti-state conspiracy" and to accuse the Catholic wing of the Democratic Party of cooperating with po liti cal emigres. which they interpreted as anti-state activity. Robert Letz. "Slovenska emigracia z roku 1945 a ohlas na jej cinnost' doma" . In Slovensky povojnovy exil. pp.118- 11 9. For details of the illegal political movements in Slovakia after World War II see: Robert Letz. Slovensko v rokoch 1945- / 948 na ceste ku komunistickej totalite . pp. 129- 176. See also the memoirs of one of th e leading figures of the Slovak Action Committee. Stefan Polakovic. "Zaznam o cinnosti SA V-u [Records of the activity of the Slovak Action Committee]" . In Stefan Polakovic and Frantiasek Ynuk. Zahranicne akcie na zachranu a obnovcnie slovenskej samostatn osti (1943- / 948) [Activities Abroad for the Preservation and Renewal of Slovak Independence ( 1943-1948 )], Lakewood-Hamilton. Slovak Research Institute of America. 1988. pp . I 09-225 . politicka �SLOYAKJA 147 The people 's court in Bratislava, with Dr. Artur Sipka presiding, tried in absentia on the 28th of this month Konstantin Culen, former deputy of the Slovak Parliament. The Prosecutor accused Culen of the following crimes: that as an important politician he worked for the dissolution of the Czechoslovak Republic [in 1939], that he supported the military and political interests of Nazi Germany, that he supported the declaring and making of war against the Soviet Union, that he thwarted the struggle of the Slovak nation for the restoration of the Czec hoslovak Republic , that he became rich at the expense of other citizens , therefore he committed criminal acts of domestic treachery, collaboration, and treachery in the Uprising (of 1944). The public prosec utor of the trial is Dr. Amoast Barat. Vojteeh Vycanek spoke in his defence. The written statement and doc umentary material presented was proof of his guilt. The sentence will be passed on Saturday at 9 o'c lock.2' 1 Culen wrote in his diary of June 2nd , which is cited in Vnuk's biograph y, as fo llows: There is a newspaper with an article on my sentence "Cul en - 30 years' Imprisonment: [...)] Senate of Dr. Sipka of the people's court in Bratislava on Saturday of May 29 th passed judgement on Kon stantin Culen who was sentenced in his absentia to 30 years' imprisonment, 15 years' divestiture of citizenship, and confiscation of all his property ." Only 30 years! They fo und me guilty of so many cnmes and they gave me so few years! However, we two brothers, together with Laco [Ladislav Culen] got from the Czechs al- ' " Frantisek Vn uk. Zivotopis Konstantfna Cu/ena. pp.139- 140 . �148 SLOVAKIA most the same number of years as all Slovaks had gotten during the entire Hungarian regime. These gentlemen succeeded so well. The state prosecutor was Arnost Barath, a Hungarian from Nitra, whose two brothers, Elemer and Zoltan, are in exile, and one of them has just left for Venezuela. Vojta ([Vojtech] Vycanek, my old acquaintance, pleaded on my behalf. I am indeed curious how he did it. I wrote in a hurry an article for Jednota [a Slovak nationalist newspaper in the United States] where I just dealt with the curiosity that they could find for my trial neither a Slovak judge nor a Slovak lawyer. 21 Culen also wrote to Rondos on June 10th that "they sentenced my brother in Bratislava as an Anglo-American spy and confiscated all our property." These political trials perhaps dissuaded him from returning to Czechoslovakia and of surrendering to the "Bolsheviks". The trial of Kon stantin Culen belonged to a series of political trials which took place at that time in Bratislava. A group of Slovak nationalist intellectuals in exile were judged in absentia as well. Karol Sidor, Reverend Ferdinand Mondok, and Jozef M. Kirschbaum were each sentenced to 20 years in prison. The historian Frantisek Hrusovsky received ten years. It is worth mentioning that Culen received the heaviest sentence. In the meantime, Rondos, who had been informed by Culen 's letter of April 1st that London had turned down his visa application, once again visited Senator Haig. The Senator promised to bring to Ottawa the notice of the Canadian Immigration l l Ibid. p.140. �SLOVAKIA 149 Office in Rome, which Culen had sent, in order to tack.le the matter at first hand (Rondos's letter to Culen of April 8th). Late in May, when Rondos went to Ottawa as a member of the delegation of the Canadian Slovak League, he visited the office of the International Refugee Organization (IRO), where he found a file according to which the entrance visa to Canada for Culen and his family had already been issued on March 5th. Feeling doubtful about the situation , Rondos met the secretary of Senator Haig (at that time Haig was not in Ottawa), and asked about the matter (letter of June 16th). At Rondos 's request, Haig wrote a letter to the Department of Mines and Resources in Ottawa. He received an answer of July 6th from his acquaintance, Deputy Minister Keenleyside: Since Mr. Kulen (sic) has been refused a visa for reasons of health, any review must be on medical grounds. Accordingly, the Director of Immigration has forwarded the entire file to the Departmental medical advisor, in order that we may have the benefit of his professional opinion. The original certificate was severe and I would not wish , at this time, to raise any hope on the part of the applicant. Just as soon as the file is returned , I shall promptly advise you and , in view of your representation, I sincerely hope the medical findings arc favourable. On July 14th, Haig sent a copy of this letter to Rondos . In the morning of July 16th, Rondos visited the District Superintendent of the Immigration Branch, Munroe, who called him the day before. In Rondos's letter of July 15th to Culen, we have a detailed report of their conversation. Based on it, we will reproduce Rondos's petition. Rondos and Munroe talked for over one hour �150 SLOVAKIA about Culen's entrance into Canada. Naturally, they also talked about his medical examination in Rome: Munroe: They did not say that Mr. Culen is really weak, but he has a medical history. By the way, how do you know these people? Why did you help to raise the Culen matter? Rondos reported all the circumstances. Munroe: I know the Senator [Haig] from childhood and we are now very good friends. Well , how did you get in contact with Mr. [T.P.] Devlin, the chairman of the colonization of immigrants for West Canada? Rondos began to explain. Munroe: It is enough. I was informed by Mr. Devlin about what you are asking me. Do you support the application which Mr. Volek submitted? According to it Mr. Culcn will work on his farm . Rondos: I am sure from his letter that Mr. Culen will work on the farm. In Canada nobody will take care of him. He 1s responsible for himself. Munroe: I have information that he is highly educated. Rondoas: It is true , but he had his own farm in Slovakia and he understands farmer's work . Munroe: If Mr. Culen enters Canada and cannot work on Mr. Yolek's farm, I was told that your organization lthe Canadian Slovak League] would help him, because he is a writer and can write good anti-Communist articles . Is it true? Rondos: I have a secret which I would not normally reveal. But I recognise that I am talking with a high state official, so I confess to you . I have a close connection with the Royal Police in Canada I RCMP I and I provide them with information about Communist activities. When a Czech agita- �SLOVAKIA 151 tor comes here and the Police really want to know about his purpose, they ask me to participate in their meeting. Mr. Culen already sent me articles about what Communists write about Canada. These articles were sent long ago to the police office. If you want to know about them, call and ask s uchand-such an officer, whether or not I indeed provided the m with articles which Mr. Culen sent me from Rome. And our organization works against turnin g Canada " Red " . If Mr. Culen could not work for Mr. Volek, o ur organization will help him. If yo u need some ass urances for the help, I am ready to offer it. Munroe: I am satisfied with yo ur words . I do not demand any assurances. I already heard personally about your activity and , according to the information which state officials se nt me, I recognize your words as true. By the way, does Mr. Culen not have the intentio n to go to his brother [Stefan Culen] in America? R ondos: When Mr. Culen comes to Canada, he will become a citizen of thi s country. Because he is educated a nd we Slovaks in Canada do not have such people, we very much need ed ucated peo ple here. His brother in Chicago 1s only an ordinary worker. He cannot he lp him . Munroe: Is Mr. Vo lek sati sfied that he pro vided one year ago an applicatio n for Mr. Culcn 's entry to Canada? R ondo.s: Yes. If yo u do not believe me, please call the Senator. He knows Mr. Volek well and he will prove to you that Mr. Volek is waiting fo r Mr. Culen . Munroe: I am glad that you told me the truth. I will send a report to Ottawa that Mr. Culen is awaited in Canada. And I agree with it. �SLOVAKIA 152 At the end of the conversation, Munroe called his secretary and ordered him to dictate a letter to Ottawa that he (Munroe) supports Culen's entry into Canada. However, in spite of Rondos's "frank" petition and Munroe's "guarantee", on August 9th, Senator Haig received from the Acting Deputy Minister of the Department of Mines and Resources, R. A. Gibson , a polite notice of refusal (of July 30th): The [Culen] file has been returned to the Director of Immigration from the Departmental Medical Adviser and, I regret to inform you, the original diagnosis has been confirmed. Under the circumstances, the Immigration officials in Rome cannot be instructed to issue a visa for the Culen [sic] family . Undoubtedly Mr. Volek will be disappointed with these developments but the Immigration Branch can be of no further assistance in the matter. Haig transmitted the notice on the same day to Rondos with the short comment: "I got a very disappointing letter this mornin g which I enclose . I don't think anything further can be done ." Rondos reported to Culen in a letter of August 17th: "Believe me , it [the notice] shocked me so much that I lay down and fell asleep. t .. .] I waited while everything passed away. I went to the Senator's office. He was at home and said the following : Haig: George [Juraj), I am sorry about such mean news. Rondos: Mr. Senator, I had an important meeting with Mr. Munroe, the chief (of the Immigration Department) for Western Canada. It was July 15th. In the letter [from R. A. Gibson] he wrote that they received from England a message �SLOVAKIA 153 of decisive refusal. In my mind , an answer from England was hardly reached between July 15th and 30th , es pecially an official answer through Ottawa. I would like to know whether in Ottawa any Czech communist conducts the immigration administration or not. Munro e: I al so think that the an swer should have come later. George, go to the Immigration Department and onc e more ask directly for Mr. Munroe . Next Morning (perhaps on Aug ust 11th) Rondos called Munroe and got an appointment to meet at 2 o'clock in the afternoon. He was welcom ed. Rondos: Sorry about disturbing you, but I fee l nervo us and I would like to kn ow the situation tho rou g hl y. Rondos again explained to him, as he did to the Senator, and handed him the Jetter from Ottawa. Munroe read it and called his secretary, telling him to bring Cu/en's file. Wh en he brought it, Munroe read once m ore the Jetter which he had written concerning Cu/en to Ottawa on July 15th . Mun roe: Do not take the letter which yo u received from Ottawa seriously. It is written in Ottawa on Jul y 30th , but m y letter to them was sent onl y on Jul y 29th . So it is not the answer to my letter. Mr. Rondos, the fact th at I sent to Ottawa the letter is the same as if I pe rsonally went there in order to carry out the matter. Do not worry because I have not yet received an answer to my letter. And Munroe took the copy of his letter to read what he had written: "According to my special meeting with Mr. Rondos, I approve of the entrance of Mr. Cul en to Canada." Afterwards, Culen had a long wait. In his letters to Rondos we find such sentences as : "The Canadian [Immigration] Office has �SLOVAKIA 154 not replied yet." (Letter of September 6th, 1948), "We know how officials work, •so we are not surprised at all." (Letter of September 18th), "We are waiting until they finally invite us and say Here are your papers and here is your visa. Since nothing had happened, I went to ask them privately. We heard that they indeed received some letter and they have just answered it. We d o not know what kind of answer they received. Well, we can o nly guess as we wait, optimisticall y or pessimisticall y. However, it is certain that it will still take some time. But we are used to waiting patiently, so we will live with it. " (Letter of October 9th), "Besides, nothing special has happened . We are waiting, as we waited one year, two years, or three years ago. Slowly we will look like Jews who are also waiting for the Messiah." (Letter of Nove mber 6th), "We expected last year that we would not have to celebrate Christmas and Easter [sic] by letter, but that we would do it orally. Well , our plans did not materialize and we must one year later wish yo u Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year by letter. " (Letter of December 6th) , "Till now the local (Immigration) Office did not move even an inch on the matter, so to speak. We are still waiting for them to invite us, but in vain. We do no t know what has happened . Now it seems that it has been mo ved, somebody, somewhere, puts a brake on it. " (Letter of December 27th). In August of this year, when Rondos visited Haig's office, he sugges ted, half jokingly, the possibility of "sabotage by a Czech communist". Being psychologicall y exhausted from the long wait, Culen began to suspect that his entry to Canada had bee n bl ocked by the political intervention of "the enemies" . He wrote to Rondos on January l 0th, 1949: "It would be interesting to find out why it all happened. I think that my health was not the question, but it �SLOVAKJA 155 was Czech political interference." In his letter of March 29th, the conjecture changed into conviction: General (Mola) visited the Canadian (Immigration) office to ask whether by chance they had something new. There were new officials there, so they began to check various papers and finally revealed that the difficulty was not caused by an X-ray, but by something else. Well , it might be only political. And if political , it is clear that it was Czech interference. I know that they were not pleased with my appearance there. [ ... ] Because the fact is that there is not a greater enemy than a Czech . If it were possible, Czechs would drown us in a teaspoon[ul of water. Culen's biographer Ynuk also suggested the possibility of "enemy's intervention " .22 However, it is still unclear whether some pro-Czechoslovak groups (for example, the Czechoslovak National Alliance in Canada) or pro-Communist groups really did it o r not. Meanwhile, waiting for an answer from the Canadian Immigration Office, Culcn did not waste his time . After the Communist takeover in Czechoslovakia in February of 1948, the Slovak nationalist group in exile led by Karol Sidor began its political activities. In this period Culen participated, in addition to his ordinary work as a journalist, in two actions. The first was his radio broadcasting to Slovakia. We read in Culen's letter of November 16th, 1947, the following: u Ibid. p. 133. �SLOVAKIA 156 [.. .] the radio station Free Slovakia has started to operate in Europe. It broadcasts every day for two hours. Soon Radio Free Europe will have Slovak programmes, so the Iron curtain between Slovakia and the rest of the world will be breached and we can open our mouths again. There is much work with it, but it is joyful. Well, on such radio stations we already cite what your Kanadsky Slovak [the organ of the Canadian Slovak League] writes. We will have to arrange a quicker sending of the editorial page of Kanadsky Slovak in order to give our people at home more fresh news. Now we are waiting for a reaction from our homeland .2 3 In his letter of December 6th Culen also wrote the following: Now there is much to do. We prepare materials for our broadcasting to Slovakia. We hope it will be perfect. Well , every day half an hour is enough work for one person. One station is already operating . From the New Year on the Italian government will start short wave broadcasting every day for ten minutes. I hear that even in London [BBC] the Czech and Slovak broadcasting will be divided. If then the Canadian government wants the people in Slovakia to listen to their programmes [CBC International Service which started in 1945], they will have to do the same thing. If people at home will have the possibility to listen to programmes in the Slovak spirit, nobody 23 will tune in to the Czechoslovak jumble. The Czechoslovak section of Radi o Free Europe (RFE) began regular program- ming in May of 1951. However. the division between the Czech and Sl ov ak sections , which Culen had expected , did not materialize . On this problem see: Imrich Kruzliak , "Radio Slobodn a Europa a Slovaci [Radio Free Europe and the Slovaks]", In Slovensky povojnovy exil. pp.338-344. �SLOVAKIA 157 Everything which is connected with the Czechs is bad for the Slovaks. As Culen wrote, from the beginning of 1949 the Rome station began to provide Slovak programmes. He cooperated actively with it, writing articles and reading lectures. He wrote to Rondos on April 26th that "Now I have much work, for every Sunday I have a radio lecture for Slovakia and people there listen to it very carefully." Culen's second political activity of this period was participation in the newly established political organization of the Slovak nationalists in exile. In May of 1948 an agreement to establish a new organization was made between the group led by Karol Sidor and the Slovak National Council in London which was organized in January, 1944, by Peter Pridavok. On the front page of Kanadsky Slovak of December 16th, they announced the formation of the Slovak National Council Abroad as the coordinating body in the struggle for "the Slovak State within a federalized Europe" .24 It was dated Christmas of I 948 (in reality, it was published in the middle of December) and signed by Karol Sidor (as the president) and by Peter Prfdavok (as the general secretary). The main organizer was Jozef Kirschbaum. Culen supported him, and became one of its vice-presidents and at the same time chief of its Italian branch. 2 5 i, "Slovenska Narodna Rada v Zahranicf utvorcna [Creation of the Slovak Na- ti ona l Council Abroad]" , Kanadsky S lovak. December 16th. 1948 . is On the acti vities of the Slovak National Council Abroad see: Frantisek Vnuk. "S lovenska narodna rada v Londyne a v zahranicf (1943- 1948) (The Slovak National Council in London and Abroad (1943-1948))". In Stefan Polakovic and Frantisek Vnuk, Zahranicne akcie na zachran u a obnovenie s/ovenskej sa- mostatnosti (I 943-1948), pp.1-108; Genoveva Gracova , "Dve koncepcie boja za slovensku statnost' (Two conceptions of the struggle for Slovak statehood)", �158 SLOVAKIA With respect to this, Rondos wrote to Culen on December 18th that "the article of Mr. Sidor and Mr. Prfdavok [abovementioned] was published in [Kanadsky] Slovak and it provides evidence of the revival of the independence movement. [... ] As you are actively engaged in it, you are perhaps busy with it. Culen, meanwhile, reported to Rondos on January 18th, 1949: Otherwise we are led by the Slovak National Council [Abroad]. The press in Europe pays much attention to it. The Spanish press evaluated the meaning of this step as most important among all the European nations which are occupied by Communists. Even the Swiss press pays attention to our organization . We may say that until now not even one of our Slovak affairs created such a reaction . Yesterday American journalists visited the Minister [Sidor]. I was with them for half a day and we talked with them. In February of 1949 Culen departed for Paris, together with Sidor and Kirschbaum in order to negotiate with French government officials regarding the activities of the Slovak National Council Abroad. They arrived in Paris on February 20th . We found in the file of correspondence between Sidor and Rondos a post-card from Paris dated February 21st: "We sincerely greet you and on the occasion of the meeting of the Slovak National Council Abroad we remember you." The card was written by Culen and signed: Konsto [Konstantin] Culen, Karol Sidor, Laco [Ladislav)] Jankovic, and J. Kirschbaum . In S/ovensky povojnovy exil. pp.82-84: Frantisek Vnuk. "Aktivity exilu - obhajoba slovenskej statnosti v rokoch 1945- 1948 [Activities of the emigres The Defense of Slovak Statehood in I 945 - I 948 )". in Ibid. p.90 . �SLOVAKIA 159 On February 28th Culen returned to Rome. On March 29th he wrote: "There is now much work to do with the Slovak National Council IAbroadj. We described what had happened, and where we visited. I asked them to send you a copy in order to inform you. However, it is a confidential report and not for publication." Meanwhile, on May 6th, 1949, Senator Haig received a notice (dated April 30th) from the Deputy Minister of the Department of Mines and Resources, Keenleyside : You may recall that on July 30th, 1948 Mr. R. A. Gibso n [Acting Deputy Minister of the Department] wrote advising favourable consideration in the case of Konstantin Culen and family, Czechoslovakian refugees in the Vatican City, could not be extended due to Mr. Culen's failure to comply with our medical requirements. You will now be pleased to know that on rev1ewmg the entire situation it has been decided to allow this family to come forward provided Mr. Culen 's state of health is no worse than indicated and they can otherwise meet with the Immigration Regulations . The necessary advice in the matter has been transmitted to our office in Rome , Italy in order that appropriate action may be taken on behalf of these perso ns . I trust that it will not be too long before this family will be in a position to come forward. Having received the notice, Haig sent a short message to Rondos: "Dear George : I enclose lforl you a letter received this morning from Ottawa. This looks [like] better news . When you come in bring this letter back with you." Rondos , in tum , informed Culcn of the delightful news m a letter of May 8th: �160 SLOVAKIA I cannot stop myself from informing you. The day before yesterday I received a letter from the Senator in which he informed me that your matter had moved and that now everything is on track. He [the Senator] also sent me the letter which he had received , but he asked me to bring it back to him when I would visit his office. So I typed it once more , how Ottawa classified you, and I attach it with this letter. You will read in it that Ottawa informed the office in Italy I to issue a visal if you arc not weaker than at the last examination. I hope you understand the letter, so I did not write more . Indeed, Rondos did not mention in the letter any more about the matter. However, he could feel deep satisfaction that he had finally achieved his intended objective after a long struggle with the bureaucracy. Culcn received the good news about May 15th (Ynuk writes that Culen received on May 18th the invitation from the Canadian selection committcc). 26 He reported to Rondos further developments in his letter of May 22nd: On the day that I received your letter attached with the notice I from Kccnlcysidc I to the Senator, they already called me from the consulate and at the same time they invited me also by letter to come there. When we arrived. they were very nice to us, full of' willingness. If my health condition, they said , docs not worsen . they will give me the visa. I was sent again for a medical examination. I had to go to Naples where the IRO camp is. We spent three days there , and finally we received the medical report which we now have to hand over to IRO. They have to issue us a new passport, because the old 1 " Frantisek Vnuk. tivotopis Konstantina Culena. p. 147 . �SLOVAKIA 161 one is already invalid. Then I have to again go to the consulate and there we will be told the results. At this moment I do not know them, but before sending this letter I will perhaps know , so I inform you at the end of the letter. I am really curious as to whether they will give me the visa or not , whether the old comedy of sending the documents to London and then from London to Ottawa, repeats itself, as it did the first time. After the previous disappointments , Culen was very skeptical about the results, but this time they proved to be positive. In the second half of the same letter he wrote: "We just came back from the consulate. Well , my dear friend Rondos , you won . We have the visa and, if nothing else happens, I will take part in the Congress !the 8th Convention of the Canadian Slovak Leag ue I as you wished." It took Culen two years to sec ure the entry visa to Canada. He should have felt deep satisfaction . Instead , it caused him a new kind of anxiety. At the end of the same letter he added: "However, now, the most serious problem will be to find suitabl e work. Is it possible to become an assistant editor at Kanadsky Slovak'? Of course, the others would have to approve . Or, perhaps , I will find something else. Well , I think that many people succeeded there, so I will do so somehow as well ." Afterwards, Culen was busy for days preparing for the journey: "I already bought the steamship ticket and railway ticket. I will not use the IRO transportation as I originally had to , but I will go privatel y, because this month there is no transportation and next month they still do not know when. So, I bought a ticket for Yulkania Iperhaps Culcn 's mistake. It had to be Saturnia I, the Italian ship, which will leave on June 21st direct to Halifax . So �162 SLOYAKlA perhaps about July 1st I will arrive in Canada. Then , I will board a train and depart for Winnipeg. [ ... ] Now we are just packing and saying good-bye to Rome." (Letter of June I Ith) "Just now the ship company called that my ship Satumia will leave port not on the 21st, as I was originally informed, but on the 18th. In one word, this week. So I am packing quickly, since it changed unexpectedly." (Letter of June 12th) Culen then sent a post-card to Rondos on June 15th from Lido di Ostia, a port in the suburbs of Rome. He wrote: "Saying good-bye to Rome, I am looking forward to seeing you soon" . Beside his signature there are several others: A. Culenova (his wife), Eva Culcnova (daughter), Karol Sidor, Angela Sidorova (Sidor's wife), M. Doranska (Jan Doransky's wife), Ladislav Pudis , and J. Kirschbaum etc. Another post-card was sent to Rondos on June 17th, this time from Naples : " Dear friend, saying good-bye to friends on the beach, we all remember you most heartily. We send you our greetings and I look forward to seeing you soon ." We noticed the signatures of Konstantin Culen, A. Culenova, Angela Sidorova , Karol Sidor, and Ferdinand Mondok. Perhaps they came from Rome to Naples to sec him off. Culen 's Italian friend, General Armando Mola also signed with a short English message: "We arc all happy & and unhappy! " Needless to say that they were "unhappy" to part with Culen . However, before the departure, one more problem arose. The steamship on which Culen was supposed to sail from Naples on June 18th, cancelled the voyage. In a letter of June 22nd from Naples he explained: Certainly you read in the newspaper that here in Italy the crew of the steamship Satumia, on which I was to depart, �SLOYAKJA 163 went on strike. I have been stuck here in Naples for a week. I am sick with worry. Nobody knows anything, so they tell us "Come tomorrow" . The next day they tell us " In the afternoon", in the afternoon they tell us "Tomorrow". Fortunately, I take it with some humour, so I do not get angry, not even insulted . I tell myself that I will at last find some ship on which they do not strike and I will depart on it. Today they promised us that the steamship So bieski will carry us. [ ... ] According to tod ay's information this ship will depart on Jun e 28th . In spite of Culcn ·s skepticism, the ship did , indeed , depart o n June 28th. He wrote in a letter of the same day from Naples: "Well , finally it appears that I will indeed say good-bye to Europe and the Sobieski will finally move out with us. So sometime around July 14th I will arrive in Canada." Culen departed a lone , because his family planned to leave Italy a nwnth later. Culcn's protector Sidor wrote from the Vatican to Ro nd os on June 29th (in the file of correspondence between Sidor and Rondos): "We arc all really happy that on June 28th on the steamship Sobieski Kon sto Culcn left Italy." It is interesting to note that Sidor in the same letter continued as follows : I do not know what you intend to do with Ko nsto Culen . My personal opinion is that it will be best for him to go to the editor of Kanadsky Slo vak , !Stefan) Hreha. Hreha and he could make of Kanadsky Slovak such a new spaper which even Slovaks in the United States do not have. I wrote to editor Hreha, too, but I would like to ask you to disc uss with your friends the proposal of acceptance of Culcn as an �SLOVAKIA 164 assistant editor, to recommend it and suggest to the competent authorities of the Canadian Slovak League to accept it. It is not clear whether Sidor made the suggestion on his own initiative, or whether Culen asked him to do so. In either case, judging by the prestige which Sidor had at that time as the president of the Slovak National Council Abroad, it could almost be interpreted as an order. The steamship Jan Sobieski stopped at Genoa (on June 29th), Cannes (on June 30th), and Gibraltar (on July 2nd). On that day Culen sent to Rondos his last letter from Europe: My journey was delayed whole ten days owing to the sailors' strike. [ ... ] Life on board ship is quite good. It is full of Italian emigrants who go to Canada. There are some Jews too , but they go to USA. We can hear many languages. However, most people are travelling with the hope that their life abroad will be better than at home. [ ... ] Today the sea is slightly stormy, so most passengers sigh and feed the fish . For me, nothing ever happened on the sea. Otherwise I am using my time on the ship to study English, everyday for several hours . I hope that in Canada, when I will have the opportunity to listen and speak, it will come to me fairly quickly. And I believe that in a short time I will master English so that I will be able to communicate fairly well. Otherwise, I read books and newspapers quite well. At the end of the letter Culcn wrote with some emotion: This is the last letter from European shores which I will send you. We have exchanged many letters. I sometimes felt pity for you and admired you. Because I saw that other �165 SLOYAKJA people also received many letters from you. Where did this person find the time ? I asked myself. · You will certainly be glad that one of your troublemakers will drop off your list. I will always remember your struggle on my behalf and I intend to somehow record it. This letter was written on a typewriter with Slovak phonetic characters. Perhaps Culen brought his favourite typewriter with him. The voyage and the arrival in Canada witnessed no problems . The Sobieski smoothly crossed the Atlantic Ocean in one week and arrived in Halifax on July 10th. On the same day Culcn sent a telegram to Rondos in English: "Safely arrived to [sic] Halifax expect me about Sunday". The second half of the telegraph meant that he would arrive in Winnipeg by train around July 17th. In his letter of July 11th, which was written on the train from Halifax to Montreal , Culen reported as follows : "In [Halifax I harbour a young Slovak named Janega awaited me. They say that Mr. Kunda sent him. He helped me with my baggage; we had a chat and a snack. His willingness was very much appreciated ." Culen arrived in Montreal on the evening of July 11th. Kanadsky Slovak of July 21st reported as follows : "Writer K. Culen in Canada - on the way to the West he stopped at Montreal and Toronto ." 27 It then continued , In the evening of Monday IJuly I l th I arrived in Montreal one of the prominent Slovak writers, politicians and publicists, a nationalist and uncompromising defender of Slo' vak truth [an independent Slovak state] - Konstantin Culen. 17 "Spisovater K. Culen v Kanade (The Writer K. Culen in Canada]". Kanadskf Slovak.July 21st. 1949 . �SLOVAKIA 166 At the Windsor Station prominent members of the Slovak community in Montreal welcomed him, along with a group of Slovak emigres . On Tuesday, in the National Home of the Canadian Slovak League, a small party was organized in his honour. Officials of the League and the Canadian Jednota and other persons took part in it. On behalf of Slovaks living in Montreal, chairpersons of associations welcomed K. Culen . In his speech Mr. Culen promised to cooperate, declaring that every Slovak emigrant should have participated in the national activities of the Canadian Slovaks . On July 14th Culen left Montreal and, after stopping m Toronto, in the morning of July 16th he departed for Winnipeg, sending again a telegram in English to Rondos : "Arriving CPR (Canadian Pacific Railway) 9 A.M. standard time Sunday". As expected, he arrived in Winnipeg in the morning of July 17th and was welcomed by Rondos . It must have been a very dramatic scene. Culen then participated in the 8th Convention of the Canadian 28 Slovak League in Winnipeg . 1 ' At the convention he was elected According to the Minutes of the 8th Convention. Culen said the following on the first day (July 25th) : ··1 do not want to speak long. I intend to visit all Sl ovak colonies (i n Canada). I bring you the greetings of Minister Sidor. the presi dent of the Slovak National Council Abroad. and also the greetin gs of st udents . theologians. and other Slovaks from Italy !The greetin gs. with the signatures of Karol Sidor and Jozef Kirschbaum of May 19th. 1949. were published at the end of the Minutes] . I bow down to your work. I come to you to contribute to the prosperity and en largement of the Canadian Slovak League." Zapisnica z VIII. k ongresu Kanadskej s/ovenskej ligy. vydriiavaneho v diioch 25.. 26.. 27. a 28. ju/a 1949 v hoteli Marlborough [The Minutes of the 8th Convention of the Canadian Slovak League. held on July 25th - 28th, 1949. in the Hotel Marlborough], Winnipeg. Manitoba, Canada, p.2. On the second day (July 26th) parti cipants discussed the "Sidor versus Dursansky" problem. The following com- �167 SLOVAKIA as an assistant editor of the League 's newspaper Kanadskf Slovak . The convention also resolved that the Canad ian Slovak League, along with the Slovak League of America, recognized the Slovak National Council Abroad as "the competent representative to speak on behalf of the subjugated Slovak nation at home" (Kanadskf Slovak , August 11th, 1949) . At the beginning of August Culen returned from Winnipeg to Montreal where the editorial offices of Kanadsk f Slovak were located. His wife and dau g hter, who entered Canada through New York, on August 11th, came to Mo ntreal as well. After havin g found an apartment, Culen began to again work as a jo urnalist. Although it took two long years, Culen had finally succeeded in finding "a place where we could begin a new life and work and live in safety" (Letter of June 6th, 1947). Although this article should end on this happy note, it cannot. Even though he became an assistant editor of the newspaper promise was reac hed: '" they concluded th at brother preside nt [Andrej Kucera ] sho uld read the resolution on the recogn ition of the Slovak Nat io nal Co un ci l Abroad and th at th e Co uncil headed by Karo l Sidor. wh o is the compe te nt representative tn speak on be half nf the subjugated Slovak nation at home. Fo r Dr. Durcansky a letter has to be written in w hich they rronounce their esteem for hi s work for the freed om o f the Slovak nati on. Ibid. p. 18 . In the mo rning session of the last day (J ul y 28 th ) Ro ndos made a proposal to accept C ul en int o the edi torial office of Kanadsky S lovak. Kami Murin (fom1er pers1,11al secretary of Jozef Tiso) and Father Jan Zeman supported the proposal and it met wi th ge neral approval. In the evening sessio n "Konstantin Culen was elected as an assistant editor with applause. He is grateful for his election and promises to make efforts to build up the newspaper. He also will do his best to propagate the Ca nad ian Slovak Leag ue with all his might. He promises editor [Stefan] Hreha that he will be a loyal workmate. T hey will help each other. for brother Hreha knows Canad a and the Canadian si tuatio n well and he [Culen) knows in tum Slovaki a and the European situation." Ibid. pp.27-28. Also see the articl e "Po VIII. kongrese Kanadskej slovenskej ligy [After the 8th Conve ntion of the Canad ian Slovak League] ". Kanadsky S lovak. August I Ith . 1949. �SLOVAKIA 168 Kanadsky Slovak, Culen moved to Winnipeg in March of 1952, because the League had bought a small printery there. At that time he became the editor-in-chief. However, he became dissatisfied with this position, resigned in July, 1956, and moved to the United States. In September of the same year he became director of the Slovak Institute in Cleveland (Ohio) after the sudden death of the former director, the historian Frantisek Hrusovsky. Now his personal relations with leading members of Slovak organizations in the United States became complicated (His mimeographed work "V zajatf fa/osnych Jegiend a nenavistneho srdca (In the Grip of False Legends and an Unforgiving Heart)" which was published in New York in 1961, deals with this problem). Therefore, in September of 1958 he was dismissed from the Institute. Culen continued to write until his death on April 7th, 1964 in New York. His simple tombstone with the English inscription: "Culen / Konstantfn / Slovak historian / and writer / born in 1904 I died in 1964" stands modes ti y on the grounds of the Slovak cemetery in Passaic (New Jersey) . * * * Having reconstructed Cul en 's tortuous attempts to emigrate to Canada, we may conclude the following. Someone as famous as the nationalist journalist Culen could have had some advantages; he received the help of the influential Juraj Rondos, who shared Culen's nationalism. Thanks to Rondos ' s strong personal connections with Senator J. T. Haig, Culcn's matter was dealt with by the local government official, R. N. Munroe in Winnipeg. The matter reached even the Deputy Minister of the Department of Mines and Resources, H. L. Keenlcyside, who was in charge of immigration to Canada. In Rome Culen was helped by the former Slovak �SLOYAKJA l69 Minister to the Vatican, Karol Sidor, and also by the Italian General A. Mola who had connections with the Canadian Minister to Italy, J. Desy. In spite of such advantages, Culen had to struggle for two years with the Canadian burea ucracy before sec uring an entry visa to Canada. Owing to Culen 's past as a stron g supporter of the independent Slovak State, which during World War II was allied with Nazi Germany , he had to make some false statements in his application. However, it seems that the Canadian authorities did not care much about them. Culen 's standin g as an "anti -co mmu nist writer" may have helped him. It is clear that Culen 's health record complicated and delayed the process of hi s entry to Canada. It is not clear whether it had been blocked by the political intervention of his "enemies". Juraj Rondos's self-sac rificing efforts on behalf o f Culcn were impressive. His strong will and activities, which were evident in the struggle with the Canadian bureaucracy, were trul y surpri sing. Culcn expressed admiration and gratitude to' him : "Whenever I meet with Minister Sidor, we almost always talk about your work with admiration , which will remain as a beautiful example of quiet and determined efforts with patriotic eagerness . Very seldom in life docs one ex perience such work." (C ulcn 's letter to Rondos of December 6th, 1948). When Kon stantfn 's younger brother, Stefan Culcn visited his brother in Montreal at the end of October, 1949, " he IStefan Culen I was also very thankful to you !Rondos I and he just does not understand that a man, who did not know us at all, could fight for us so courageously and finally win." (Letter of Konstantfn Culen's wife, Alzbeta Culenova, to the Rondos family of October 31st, 1949). Later a rumour was circulated among Slovak immigrant communities in Canada, according to which Rondos received mo- �SLOVAKlA 170 ney from the Canadian government for helping immigrants. However, Culen doubted the rumour and Rondos rejected it decisively in his memoirs. Judging by the contents of his correspondence, Rondos 's good faith is clear and we probably can accept his explanation that " I worked from love of Slovak affairs and not for money" .29 19 K. Culen wrote in an ano nymo us article as fo ll ows: "There are many of us in Canada who may thank the Canadian Slovak League for ou r emigration and for the fact that we again live as human beings and that we again stand on our feet and we are out of the camps of poverty . They may also thank brother Rond os who did this wo rk in the name of the League. He [Ro nd os] did it co urageo us ly and conscientio usly. Many know well the Slovak ' s worst failing. namely envy. and they began to spread gossi p. sayi ng that he [Ro nd os] is a good business man who receives JOO dollars from the Canadian government for every emi grant. Many emigrants were also angry with his alleged earning of 100 dollars for this purpose. When once someone to ld me that. I [Culen I answered him : ··1 feel offe nded . In my mind. Ro nd os sho uld ge t for me at least 1.000 dollars. If I was rich and had the money. and if the Canadian gove rnment did not give him the mo ney . as in reality it did not. I would give him for every me mber of my family 1.000 do ll ars. Even so. it wo uld not be enough for all that he has d o nc . •• Anonym [Konstantfn Culen J. "Ujo Rondos". Ka/cnd;ir Kanadskcj s/ovcnskcj ligy. I 953, p.211. Rondos himself remini sced about the episode in his later years as follows : "When after World War II o ur fellow -co untrymen dispersed around the world. I tried to get as many of them to Canada as possi ble. I took charge of the help and the !Canadian I Co lonization Office helped me. I managed to get many families and individuals into this country. However. there were certain people who accused me of being paid by the Canadian government up to 2,000 dollars for single families . Of course. this was just a fairy talc. I worked from love of Slovak affairs and not for money . I even spent my ow n money by constant running around and arranging of documents for Slovak emigrants. " Juraj Rondos . "Moje rozpomienky na zasle easy". Ibid. I 982, p.54. �SLOVAKJA 171 In his correspondence Konstantfn Culen repeatedly promised to write the story of his immigration to Canada. He 0 never did so.' This article is an attempt to do it for him. 111 Meanwhile. we identified the following articles in which Culen mentioned Rondos: Konstantin Culen. "Dolczitc pre novych emigrantov [Important News for New Emigrants]". Kan.1dsky Slovak. September 15th. 1949: Anonym [Kon stantin Culen]. "Ujo Rondos ". Kalendar Kanadskej s/ovenskej ligy. /953. pp . 209-212 . � 112 SLOVAKJA DOCUMENTATION: V Konstantin Culen' s Long Journey from Italy to Canada As Illustrated by his Correspondence with Juraj Rondos 1 Susumu Nagayo The emigration of post-World War II political emigres from Europe to North America was a long and complicated process. Both the United States and Canada had passed legislation severely restricting immigration to their respective countries in the l 920's and l 930's and this legislation made it virtually impossible for post-war refugees to gain easy access into either country. T o illustrate this difficulty I will focu s upon one such refugee - the 2 nationalist Slovak writer Konstantin Culen . This article is based ' I would like to thank the staff of the Archives and Special Collec tio ns of Mori sset Library at the Uni versity of Ottawa fo r their kind supp011 of my work. I also deeply th ank Professor M. M. Stolarik fo r his critical comme nts and English correcti o ns. 2 On Konstantin C\ilen ' s life see the fo llowing works and arti cles: Franti sek Vnuk, Zivotopis Konstantina Culena [Biograph y of Konstantin Cul en]. C le veland , the Sl ovak Institute, 1984; S/ovensk f biografick f s/ovnik (od roku 833 do roku 1990) I [Slovak Biographical Dictionary (from 833 to 1990)]. I. Martin. Matica slovenska, 1986, pp.433-434; "Kalend ari um zivota a d iela [Chro nicle of his life and work s]". · In Stefan Baranovic (ed.), Konstantin Cu/en (1904 Brodsk e - 1964 New York ). Z bomik vydanf na pocest' nedoiitfch deviit'desiatych naro- �113 SLOVAKJA on the unpublished correspondence between Konstantin Culen and Juraj Rondos, which is in the Slovak Archives of Morisset Library at the University of Ottawa. 3 We will reconstruct Culen 's case by extensively quoting from his correspondence, which was written in Slovak. dcnfn historika a novinara [Konstantfn Culen. Almanac Published in Ho nor of the Ninetieth Birthday of the Historian and Journalist]. Martin , Mati ca slove nska. 1995, pp.66-68: Augustfn Mat'ovcfk and others, Reprezentacny biografic- ky Jexik6n 5/ovenska [Representative Biographical Lexicon of Slovakia] Martin, Matica slovenska. 1999, pp.59-60. During his life Culen wrote many boo k s and articles. We still do not have his complete bibliography. Meanwhile see the following articles : Jozef Kirschbaum, "Bibliografia literarnych prac K. C ul e na [Bibliography of Literary Works of K. Culen]", Slovak v Amerike, Jul y 29 th. 1964: Frantisek Vnuk, :Zvotopis Konstantfna C ulena. pp.225-227; 5/ovensky biograficky s/ovmk. I, p. 434; Jozef Pauco, "Predstavitelia slovenskej kulturnej tvorby [Representati ves of Slovak Cultural Creation]. Konstantfn C ulen ", Jcdnota, September 19th , 1990; "Bibliografia literarncj tvorby [Bibliography of Literary Creation] ". in Stefan Baranovic (ed.), Konstantfn Culen , pp .55 -63. Among the above-mentioned bibliographies. the last has the most information . ' The correspondence between Konstantin Culen and Juraj Rond os is located in the Slovak Archives of the Archives and Special Co llecti ons. It belongs to th e Imrich Stolarik Fonds (ARCS 98 -1). which co nsists of 38 boxes. The material s were donated to the Uni ve rsity at the end of 1998 by the fo nner President of th e Canadian Slovak League, Inu·ich Stolarik ( 1909-2000). They consist mainly of the organi zational papers of the League . but also contai n personal materials of the founders of the League. such as Gabriel Kurdel, Andrej Kucera, and Juraj Rondos. At prese nt (November of 200 1). the Imric h Stolarik Fonds is still being processed. A Preliminary Guide to the Imrich Stolarik Fo nds is available in the reading room of the Archives . The corresponde nce of Juraj Rondos is in fo ur boxes (575-578). It co nsists of his official and personal documents and co ntains thousands of items. Among them are interestin g materials relating t o Rondos ·s mediation on behalf of Slovak refu gees seeking to enter Canada after World War II. The file of correspondence between Cul en and Ro ndos is fo und in box 577. This fi le co ntain s 165 letters (6 1 from C ul e n to Rondos, 42 from Rondos to Culen. and other letters) from 1947 to 1952. �SLOVAKIA 114 * * * By the end of March, 1945, as World War II in Europe was coming to an end, a group of people evacuated from Slovakia to escape capture by the Red Army and possible retribution in postwar Czechoslovakia. They were representatives of the independent Slovak State which was allied with Nazi Germany. These refugees briefly stayed in Holic and Skalica in Western Slovakia and , at the beginning of April, they entered Austrian territory. Finally, they settled in Kremsmiinster, a small city to the south of Linz. Among them was Konstantfn Culen with his wife and daughter. On May 8th, 1945, representatives of the Slovak government capitulated in Kremsmiinster to the American Army. At the beginning they were treated politely. However, on May 19th the former Prime Minister Stefan Tiso and three other former Cabinet Ministers were arrested by the United States Counterintelligence Corps (CIC) . On June 7th fifteen more people, including Culen, were arrested as " Nazi collaborators". They were detained in American Army camps in Peuerbach (until September of 1945) and then in Glasenbach. In March of 1946 Culen was released from the camp due to the intervention of his wife. The family met again in Ried im Innkreis in Upper Austria. At the end of April, avoiding "war criminal" hunters of the Czechoslovak authorities, Culen moved to Munich. But even here he did not feel secure, so at the end of August he returned to Austria. On September 20th, with the help of a friend in the CIC, he illegally crossed the border into Italy, hiding in the trunk of his friend's car. The next day he arrived in Rome, where he was reunited with his family. In Rome, under the protection of Karol Sidor, the former Slovak Minister to the Vatican, Culen started to work again as a �115 SLOVAKIA journalist. Utilizing newspapers and magazines from Slovakia as sources, he began to contribute articles to Slovak nationalist newspapers in the United States and Canada. At the same time, through connections with Slovak organizations abroad, Culen began to seek entry into Canada. The story begins with a letter dated June 6th, 1947, which Culen sent to Juraj Rondos4 in Winnipeg. Rondos was one of the leading members of the nationalist fraternal organization, the Canadian Slovak League. At that time he was president of its ' Juraj (George) Rondos ( 1900- 1985) was born in May 1900. the so n of a fam1er in the village of Vinne (Michalovce district, Zemplfn County ) in eastern Sl ovakia. In March 1926. he came to Canada looking for work. After engaging in various jobs, in October 1928, he opened in Winnipeg (Manitoba) a restaurant with a boarding house. In 1930 he became a member of the Winnipeg branch of the Slovenska liga v Amerike [the Slovak League of Ame1ica]. In 1932 he established, together with his friend s Andrej Kucera and Pavo! Sabo. the fraternal organization Slovenska liga v Kanade [the Slovak League in Canada] which was renamed in 1934 the Kanadska slovenska liga [the Canadian Sl ovak Leag ue]. At the beginning of the 1930's he received hi s Canadian ci ti ze ns hip. In 1936- 1938 he parti cipated in the organization of colonization of Slovak agricultural immigrants to Rosewood (Manitoba). In 1938 he brought hi s wife and children to Canada. After World War II. as an official of the Canadian Slo vak Leag ue. he helped many Slovak refugees (Displaced Persons) to emigrate t o Canada. Cule n' s case, which I reconstructed in this article. was one of them. After holding various important posts of the League. Rondos died in Winnipeg in March of 1985 at the age of 84. For Rondos's life see: Anonym (Ko nstant in Culen), "Ujo Rondos [Uncle Rondos]". Kalendar Kanadskej s/ovenskej ligy [Almanac of the Canadian Slovak Leag ue ], 1953, pp.209-212; Juraj Ro ndos. "V lete sli spat' na breh rieky [In the Summer They Slept on the Ri verbank] ". In lmrich Stolarik, ed .. Spomienky pionierov [Memories of Pio neers], Toro nto, Canadian Slovak Leag ue. 1978, pp.207-220: Juraj Rondos. "Moje rozpomie nky na zasle easy [My memories of lo ng-ago days] ", Jubilejnf kalendar Kanadskej s/ovenskej ligy [Jubilee Almanac of the Canadian Slovak League] , 1982. pp.51 55: Anton Hacko, "Posledne Zbohom Ju rajovi Ro ndosovi [Last Farewell to Juraj Rondos]". Kalend ar KanadskeJ slovenskej /igy.1 985- 1986. pp.1 27- 129. �116 SLOVAKIA Colonization Committee. 5 In this letter Culen informed Rondos, with whom he had never met, of his desire to immigrate to Canada. Culen introduced himself as follows: As you know, in 1945, with many others I emigrated on my own initiative. After much pain and suffering, I settled here (in Rome). Since Czech and Bolshevik agents will not leave me alone and there is still the danger of being arrested , we would like to find us a place where we could begin a new life and work and live in safety. I have many friends and relatives in America, but it is still hard to go there. They promise us much, but quotas are small, so perhaps we would have to wait for decades. To go to South America seems perhaps more easy, but, even so, it requires 5 In the Minutes of the 7th Convention of the Canadian Slovak League, which was held in October of 1946, we read the following passages: "News from the Colonization Committee - Brother Rondos, the chairperson of the Colonization Committee, made an oral report and added that he has close contacts with members of the Colonization Office of the Canadian National Railways, who offered him the necessary information regarding immigration to Canada. es pecially with regard to Slovaks. Other ethnic groups also exert pressure on the Canadian government with respect to immigration of Displaced Persons. demanding revision of the Canadian Immigration Act. ( ... ) Brother Rondos. based on their explanation about the settlement of immigrants on Canadian farn1s. assured the delegates that the Canadian government would admit Slovaks to Canada if the provincial offices would give them permission . Brother Rond os strongly appealed for sponsors for Slovak refugees and to help them to enter Canada. (. .. ) At the end Brother Rondos clarified who can immigrate to Canada and also referred to difficulties, such as temporary passports. the voyage across the Atlantic, and the lack of ships etc. At the same time he displayed so me application forms which he received from the Colonization Office." Zapisnica zo VII. kongresu Kanadskej s/ovenskej ligy vydriiavancho v diioch 28-29-30 a 31. okt6bra 1946 vo Windsoru, Ontario [Minutes of the 7th Convention of th e Canadian Slovak League. held on October 28th - 31st, 1946, in Windsor, On tario]. pp.9- 10. �117 SLOVAKJA time. So, I thought, what about Canada? I wrote a letter about this to Father Sprinc [Mikulas Sprinc], who in turn sent a letter to president [of the Canadian Slovak League] Kucera ([Andrej Kucera]. And he told us to send to you the necessary information . I have a brother in America [Stefan Culen in Chicago] who is also trying every possible means to get me nearer, so I want to try this as well . I would like to ask you the following : 1. Can we enter [Canada] ? There are three of us. 2. What do we need to do in order to enter? 3. How can you help us? Culen then provided his and his family's life histories. I was born on February 26th, 1904, in the village Brodske, District of Skalica, Slovakia. My occupation is engineer (do not worry about it; it is so registered in my passport. It is exact, because I studied engineering in high school.). Since April of 1945 I am in exile. The reason why I do not want to go back and cannot do so is an antipathy towards the domestic Bol shevik rule. I have a Red Cross passport iss ued in Rome . Alzbeta Culen, born on December 19th, 1906, m Bratislava, is my wife. She has a Red Cross passport too. Elena Eva Culen , born in January 22nd, 1929, m Bratislava, a student, is my daughter. She too has a Red Cross pass port. We are all stateless. As we can guess from Culen's defensive tone, this life history is not entirely accurate. Culen was no engineer. According to his biography, Culen was a middle-aged Slovak nationalist journalist. �SLOVAKIA 118 Although he did not have a university education, he had been a brilliant journalist even as a youth. At the time of political crisis in Czechoslovakia in 1938-39, Culen participated in the activities of the Hlinka Slovak People's Party for Slovak autonomy. After March of 1939, when the independent Slovak State was declared, he became its strong supporter. He was a Member of Parliament (December, 1938 - March, 1939, the Slovak Autonomy Parliament, then March, 1939 - spring of 1945, the Parliament of the independent Slovak State) and he served as a cultural attache at the Czecho-Slovak Legation in Washington (January - March , 1939). Although he was prevented from participating in political activities by his political rivals from the summer of 1940 on, he continued to be active in the field of culture and journalism until the end of the war. In his letter to Rondos, Culen explained the reason for his emigration as "an antipathy towards the domestic Bolshevik rule" . He told only half of the story. In June of 1947, when the letter was written, the Communist Party already held the leading pos ition and had great influence in Czec hoslovakia, but political pluralism still existed. The Communists did not seize power until February of 1948. More likely, Culen was afraid of "war criminal" hunters and the so-called "people's courts" of the Czec hos lo6 vak authorities . • "Being condemned a ·war criminal' by London [the Czechoslovak government in exile], Moscow [the Czechos lovak Communist group in exile], and Banska Bystrica [the headquarters of the Slovak National Uprising in 1944]. he [Culen] had to go into exile to escape the gallows." Frantisek Vnuk. Z i votopis K onstantfna Culen a. p. l 02. - "To my question why he [Cu len] fled abroad at the end of war, he answered that he had been afraid of Bencs 's revenge." Imrich Krnzliak, "Spomienky na Kon stantfna Culena [Memories of Konstantin Cu len]", in Stefan Baranovic (ed.), Konstantin Cu/en. p.48 . - "When the front [of the Red Anny] approached, Culen. who opposed. as a Member of the Parli ame nt �SLOVAKIA 119 Culen shifted the whole responsibility of his emigration onto the "Bolsheviks", because he knew that the independent Slovak State, which he had strongly supported during World War II, had been allied with Nazi Germany and Canada had fought the war on the side of the Allies. He was also counting on the emerging Cold War, which was shaping Canada's relations with Western countries . However, as we may guess from the tone of his reply, Rondos already understood Culen's delicate situation . It was common knowledge, not only in Slovakia, but also in the Slovak immigrant communities in North America, that Culen had a "s plendid past record" as a Slovak nationalist. Without hesitation , Rondos answered Culen's request with a skillful and kind reply dated June 23rd. I understood well your letter, and your wish to enter Canada with your family. You asked me to answer the three following question s: 1. Whether can you enter Canada with your family ? You can enter Canada as a farm worker. I have close friend s who occupy high positions in the Canadian Immigration Office. I had a long conversation with them. I explained briefl y your situation . I simply told them as a friend that you arc highly educated and the reason why you were expelled abroad. I also told them what are you thinking of doing if you enter Canada. They assured me that, after arriving in Canada, you will be free here, according to your ability. But if you want to and representative politician of the first Slovak Republic. Bo ls hevism and especiall y Benes ' s Czechos lovak politics. which did not even recognize the ex istence of the Slovak nat ion. had to evacuate from Slovaki a by government decree ." Dusan M. Janota. "Spomienk a [Memories]", in Stefan Baranovic (ed.), Ibid. p.52 . �SLOVAKJA 120 enter Canada as soon as possible, you have to be registered together with your family as farm workers. Please forget other worries. Canada needs people like you. Here everybody is free and everybody is responsible for their own future . 2. What do you need to do for that? You have to do nothing. I will find for you a good Slovak farmer who will submit an application to the Canadian Immigration Office. He will petition to admit you and your family to Canada and declare that he has work and lodging on his farm for all of you . 3. What could I do fo r you ? I could do what I ex plained to you in 1. and 2. I will begin the work with your permission and by Divine protection. And I hope that our work will be successful according to the information which I provided for you and your family . A responsible person (at the Immigration Office) told me that it will take you three to six months at most to enter Canada. It was a smooth beginning. Culen was very pleased with the reply. As promised, Rondos quickly fo und a sponsor for the Culen family and so informed him of it in a letter dated Jul y 9th: Your fe llow-countryman from Tmava named Jozef Vo lek submitted an application that he needs you and your fam il y for work on the farm. He also submitted an application to th e Canadian Immigration Office, a copy of which I am enclos ing with this letter. Please do not worry. Either a Canadian Immigration Officer there will personally visit you or they will inform you by letter as to where you should present yourself. In the correspondence between Culen and Rondos we fo und drafts of an application entitled "This form has been prepared by �121 SLOVAKIA the Immigration Branch, Department of Mines and Resources, for the use of persons applying for the admission to Canada of immigrants". There are two copies of the same form, for Konstantin Culen and his wife Alzbeta Culen, and for their daughter Elena Eva Culen. Both copies indicate at the end: "Dated at Rosewood Man. (Manitoba) this 4 day of July A.D.1947. Volek" Signed Jozef 7 In this application there are some misleading statements. In the space for "relationship to applicant" they filled out as "friend" (needless to say, neither Culen nor his wife had ever met Volek) and in the space for "citizenship" as "C.S.R. [the Czechoslovak Republic]" (in his first letter to Rondoas Culen wrote that they were "stateless"). To the question "occupation in own county" they filled out as "fam1er" (not "engineer" as Culen had written before) and to the question "intended occupation in Canada", they answered: "to work on a farm". The most serious falsehood was the answer to the question "Has Immigrant ever lived in Canada or the United States? If so, between what dates and what address?" They simply answered "No", which was not true. Culen had actually lived in the United States three times. The first time (1905-1909) it was as a child with his parents, who were migrant workers; the second time 7 Jozef Volek ( 1903- ?) was one of the Slovak fam1ers who lived in Rosewood (Manitoba). He was born in 1903 in Trnava (Western Slovakia), came to Canada in 1927 and later obtained his Canadian citizenship. He acted as the financial secretary of the Branch 19 (Rosewood) of the Canadian Slovak League (the head of the Branch was Juraj Rondos). Volek wrote in the application , which was sent to the Immigration Office of the Ministry of Mines and Re sources in Ju Iy of 1947: ··1 have clear title to 560 acres( ... ) Financial resurses (sic) $ 25.000.oo. Anaal (sic) income about $ 7.000.oo ." Culen wrote in his letter of August 1st, 1947, to Rondos that Volek was a friend of the famous Slovak historian exile. Frantisek Hrusovsky. in �SLOVAKIA 122 (December, 1935 - July, 1936) as one of members of the delegation sent by Matica slovenska (Slovak national cultural organization) to visit fellow-countrymen in the United State; the third time (January - December, 1939), as indicated above, as a cultural attache at the Czecho-Slovak Legation in Washington and then, after March, as an editor of the official organ of the Slovak League in America, Slovenska obrana [The Slovak Defence]. Certainly the purpose of the last two stays was not as a fam1er. His third stay in 1939 was especially significant and controversial. At that time Culen openly supported Slovak autonomy and, ultimately, independence. Even though Volek filled in the application, he probably only took dictation from Rondos. Rondos must have known about Culen's career in the United States. However, as reported in his letter dated June 23rd, he already had prior consultations with high-ranking officials in the Immigration Office in Winnipeg, so he probably considered this application as just a formality. Furthermore, Volek filled out after the sentence that "I have made the following arrangements for a home and employment for the above named immigrants," as "We will recive (sic) them on aur (sic) Farm and guarantee full maintenance and farm Employment at going Wages. " To the question "Is transportation to be prepaid?" he answered that "I will pay transportation," even though Volek must have known from the beginning that the Culen family had no intention of working on a farm. On July 15th Culen received Rondos's letter dated July 9th . Enclosed were copies of the application which Volek had submitted to the Immigration Office. In his reply dated August l st, Culen complained as follows: �SLOVAKIA 123 Well, now I would only ask you to take up this matter with the proper authorities, because there are several Slovaks here who have papers like this and have been waiting for a long time, but nothing is happening. The worst thing is that they write much about our difficulties and thousands of people live by talking about the necessity of doing something to solve the refugee problem, and make as if they have done and deliberated . Meanwhile, emigrants are perishing physically and morally, while the gentlemen are having a good time. America in particular pays much attention to the matter, but not even one refugee is admitted. The bill, which should have been passed, was pigeonholed . Congress went into recess for a vacation. It will be reconvened again only in January ( of next year) and undoubtedly the bill will not be touched until the summer of 1948. If it is passed, migration can be started in 1949 or 1950. However, who can bear it? [In reality the DP (Displaced Persons) Act was passed in Congress in the spring of I 948 and the migration started in October of that year.] Why don ' t they speak less, write less and act more? Of course, what can we, small and simple people, do against the roguery of gentlemen's politics ? In reply to Culen's complaint (the letter was not dated, but according to its contents it was perhaps written in the middle of August), Rondos reported as follows: You asked me to expedite the matter. Well , I will tell you what is happening. Mr. Volek was summoned to the Immigration Office where he was asked [to provide evidence regarding the following l: I. Evidence from the district office that he [Volek] is really the owner of 520 acres of land [according �SLOVAKIA 124 to the application which Volek submitted to the Immigration office, it was 560 acres of land] . He proved it by showing a private letter from the district office and also doc ume nts which proved that he has no debt. 2. Evide nce from a bank regarding his savings. We could prove that easil y enough. But after that they asked the third question. We were asked to explain how Mr. Vo lek came to know yo u. We answered that he went to school together with you and he remembers yo u as a farmer's son who was also trained in bl ac ksmithing. Thu s, when Mr. Volek left fo r Canada twe nty years ago, you [C ulen] remained at home working as a village bl acksmith a nd also as the cultivator of a small estate. We were asked wh y you lived in ex ile. Did you run away as a civilian or as a soldier? To this we answered that you were not a soldier and that you ran away as a civilian from communist terror. In his repl y, dated A ugust 28th , Culen humorously promised to "tell the same story": Thank yo u for the in formation about the examin ation by the Canadian office. Well , arri ving there , I will prese nt myse lf as the blac ksmith . It is not such a big lie, because my fa th er was a blacksmith , and, fro m childhood I was in his shop. If necessary, I pumped the bellows and helped with the bi g hammer, so th is is not a craft which I co uld not ac kn ow ledge . I coul d, perhaps, pass the examinatio n. By the end o f September the Canadian bureaucracy fin all y replied. Culen's sponsor, Jozef Volek, received the fo llowing pos iti ve notice dated Septem ber 29th from R.N. Mun roe , the �125 SLOVAKlA District Superintendent of the Immigration Branch of the fro [sic-for] the Department of Mines and Resources in Winnipeg: In connection with your application admission to Canada of your friends, Konstantin Culen, his wife, Alzbeta and their daughter, Elena Eva, of c/o Karel (sicKarol) Sidor, Citta del Vaticano, Italy, this is to advise that the settlement arrangements have been found satisfactory, and the necessary steps are being taken to have the proposed immigrants examined overseas. It will , of course, take some little time to complete these arrangements . A copy of this notice was immediately sent by Rondos to Culen who wrote about the news in his reply dated October 20th. These were the most delightful letters which I received during almost three years of exile. And especially, as I see, it is serious and we can judge according to the letter which you received [the above-mentioned letter by Munroe] that in fact the matter has already been arranged . Now it is only a question of time, according to the letter. Culen concluded optimistically: I am ending this letter with thanks for all which you have done for now. I caused you much concern, but I really had nobody else to ask. After all kinds of promises and assurances which I received, what you have done is most real and most clear. Well , once again sincere thanks and if that "some little time" in office is prolonged (I do not know how the bureaucrats function in Canada, but in Slovakia they say that a short �SLOVAKIA 126 time lasts one year), please expedite it again. In any case, I hope that by Christmas I will be with you. While awaiting a reply from the Canadian bureaucrats , Rondos reported to Culen in a letter dated November 3rd that he had already arranged for Culen's tickets: "I am informing you that today I purchased for you and your family the steamship tickets . It means the following: You have your fare paid from Southampton , England, to New York by ship and from New York to Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada, by train ." As we shall see later, Rondos paid the fare out of his own pocket. However, on November 18th, Rondos received a notice dated November 17th from the Cunard White Star Line, where he had booked the tickets. In the notice a certain Patterson , the person in charge, wrote: You will recall our conversation, in which I advised you that we are not permitted to sell Prepaid for non-Canadians resident in Italy, for the reason that the Canadian Government has not an Examining Office for immigrants in that country. Our Head Office Iin England] is moct lsic-mostl anxious to assist us , but point out very plainly that they cannot take the responsibility of bringing the family forward to Paris for examination by the Canadian Civil and Medical Authorities , on the chance that they might be turned down . Therefore, I give you the suggestion, for what it is worth, that if these people can legitimately leave Italy and establish themselves in Paris, and you will confirm to us the Paris address at which they are resident, we could then make _representations to have the Permit transferred to Paris and the examination take place there . �127 SLOVAKIA Rondos at once wrote a letter (dated November 18th) to Culen. I have very close contacts with the company regarding your matter. Just now I received a letter from them in which they say that they cannot start with your matter and that you have to go to Paris with your family by yourself and that in Italy they cannot arrange a medical examination. In order not to explain much, I enclose you with this letter a copy of the notice. I hope you will choose a trip to Paris. And please present yourself at their company. [... ] And show them the copy of the notice which I am _sending you and either they or you announce yourself as soon as probable to the main office in England where they already have all the best information about you and the registered ship tickets are waiting for you. The same day Rondos sent a letter to Stefan Culen 8 , Kon stan- tin's younger brother, who lived in Chicago: " [... ] I dared to pay for the steamship tickets of your brother and his family from England to New York and I also paid for train tickets from New York to Winnipeg out of my own pocket $636.42 [ .. . ] I did not want to tell this even to my friends , in order not to confuse somebody about my work." Rondos also enclosed as evidence the copy of the notice from the ship company of November 17th and continued: "From your letter I understood that you are willing to pay your brother's fare, in order to get him here as soon as possible. I dared to pay it out of my own pocket. I hope that I am cooperating with good peo' Sefan Culen ( 1909- ?), third of five brothers of Konstantin Culen , was born in Pennsy lvania (USA), and worked in Chicago as a manual laborer. �SLOVAKIA 128 pie and that my money will not be wasted." Rondos here suggested that, since he paid Culen's travelling expenses, Stefan Culen should reimburse him. Referring to "your letter, Rondos had in mind Stefan Culen's letter (stamped October 15th) in which Stefan wrote from Chicago that, "As soon as they [his brother's family] get visas, I would like immediately to send them plane tickets. If I could somehow help, please write me." Stefan Culen, after receiving Rondos 's letter of November 18th, answered on November 21st, and informed him of his intention to reimburse Rondos, as requested .9 Meanwhile, around November 22nd, Kon stantin Culen visited the Canadian Legation to Italy in Rome accompanied by an Italian friend, General Armando Mola. The Legation was newlyestablished and the Minister to Italy, Jean Desy' 0 had just been appointed on October 13th of that year. In a letter dated November 24th, Culen reported to Rondos the result of his visit: A while ago I returned from the Canadian Embassy. I went there with our friend, the general , who knows the Ambassador well. They received us warmly. We explained to them how our matter is going. We gave them an English tran- 9 Because of the complication in getting Culen ' s entrance visa to Canada. Ro n- dos cancelled in June 1948. the reserved tickets. See the notice of the Cunard Donaldson Limited Company of June 17th. 1948 . '" Jean Desy (1893-1960), Canadian diplomat. was born in Montreal (Q uebec) to a French Canadian family. In 1925 he entered the Department of External Affairs in Ottawa. He was one of the earliest Francophone diplomats in Canada. In I 941-1947 he was the Minister to Brazil (in 1943 promoted to Ambassador) . On October 13th, 1947, he was appoi nted Minister to Italy and on June 26th. 1948, was promoted to Ambassador and served in this position until 1952. In 1954-1958 he was the Ambassador to France and he died in Paris in 1960. �SLOVAKJA 129 slation of your last letter (of November 3rd) in which you wrote that travel expenses had been paid. We also gave them the letter (notice, dated September 29th) which the Immigration Office had sent to you. The Ambassador said that everything was O.K. He said that we do not even need to go to Paris and that he will arrange the matter himself, including a medical examination and visa. The only things you will need are the following: l. Confirmation from the (ship) company that travel expenses have been paid . 2. Confirmation from Ottawa (the Canadian government) that entry to Canada is permitted . We asked him (the Ambassador) to request the matter telegraphically on condition that we will pay the expense connected with it. He promised to arrange it in this way. We had already asked the agency of the Cunard Company here to obtain confirmation concerning the payment of travel expenses. It would be good, if you could call their attention to this matter as soon as possible. Because he [the Ambassador] said that, if he will have it [the Confirmation] in his hand , he may issue the visa, so we could depart about the middle of December. Well , we would truly like to do so. We would fly away from here to London and then we would await there the next ship and we would depart. Really, we are growing impatient, like children before Christmas , and already we would like to be on the road. We will rest only when our ship moves in your direction . Culen's optimism grew after he received two letters from Rondos (dated November I 8th and November 20th) and a copy of the notice from the ship company (dated November 17th). �130 SLOVAKIA Culen wrote in his letter dated November 27th as follows: "If the matter moves faster, we will be there (in Canada) even in December, if slower, we will be there in January. Anyway, our hope was never so clear, as it is now. We feel as if we have everything within reach." However, "Confirmation from Ottawa that entry to Canada is permitted," which they had asked the Legation to obtain did not come. As Culen reminded Rondos in his letter of December 3rd, "The Legation here is waiting for information from Ottawa that they may issue us visas. I think that he [the Ambassador] already requested it telegraphically. If you have an o pportunity , please ask them to send it here as soon as possible. Because, as long as we do not have a Canadian visa, we cannot take the next step." Feeling uneasy about the delay, Culen sent to Rondos the letter of General Mola written in English (dated December 13th). On behalf of Culen General Mola explained his situation as follows: I saw again this morning, Mr. [T.L.] CARTER, [Second] Secretary at the Canadian Legation , acting for the Ambassador Mr.[Jean] DESY, so as to facilitate matters in every possible way. 1) Everything is all right as regards prepaid tickets. since the Legation is satisfied with the written declaration given CULEN by the CUNARD Office (Mr. BROOKS). 2) Mr. CARTER took note of what you wrote about the permit to enter Canada having already been sent to Rome . Nothing, however, reached the Canadian Legation yet , though the latter wrote Ottawa about it Nov. 22nd already . 3) By same letter, the authorisation was asked of the Canadian Government for the Legation actually applying the �131 SLOVAKJA visas on the three passports, even though the immigration Officials, to whom such a task is usually entrusted, are still to arrive. In the opinion of the Legation, such an exception might be granted since all documents were checked and found all right, and since the Legation have already their own Doctor who'll be able to submit the CULENS to the required medical examination. Were the authorisation not granted, Mr. CARTER says there seems to be no hope for the proper office to be ready for work here before two months or so! It would seem therefore most advisable that you should kindly complete the extraordinary work you and Mr. VOLEK have already done in favour of our friends by personally going to the proper Department in OTTAW A and - making precise reference to the Legation's letter of Nov. 22nd insisting that it should be answered favourably, possibly by cable: mind, not for the permit only, but also for the power to be granted the Legation. This is also Mr. CARTER's advice. On December 14th, Culen sent Rondos a cable. Unfortunately, I could not find it in the files of the correspondence, but, according to the contents of the aforementioned letter, we may guess that Culen's cable asked Rondos to obtain the confirmation from Ottawa by cable and to give to the Legation the power to issue visas. Having received it on December 15th, Rondos visited the agency of the Cunard Company and the Immigration Office in Winnipeg without getting a favourable response. In those circumstances he decided to seek the intervention to his close friend, Senator John Thomas Haig 11 , and visited his law " John Thomas Haig (I 877-1962), Influential politician in Winnipeg (Mani- toba). He was born to a Scottish family in Ontario and was a lawyer by profession . In 19 I 4 he was elected to several tenures in the Manitoba Legislature In �SLOVAKIA 132 office in the city. Unfortunately Haig was attending Parliament in Ottawa. His brother, who had received Rondos, reported to Haig in a letter dated December 15th (to which was enclosed a notice from Munroe, dated September 29th and a copy of Culen's cable dated December 14th): Your old friend , Mr. Rondos was in the office today. He has applied under the Immigration Act, to bring out his friend, Konstantin Culen, his wife and daughter who are presently in Italy. [ ... ] The difficulty seems to be that we have no immigration authority in Rome. There is nothing there but a Legation and without special authority, they apparently have not the power to grant immigration permits. You will note the wire asking that the permit be cabled and that authority be given to the legation to Grant a visa. [... ] The only difficulty seems to be the permit and the visa. We know that you will do everything in your power to have this rushed to completion before you return from Ottawa. Mr. Rondos is exceedingly anxious, he has gone to a lot of trouble and spent a lot of money, and would certainly appreciate anything you could do to iron out the difficulties. 1935 he was appointed to the Senate, Dominion of Canada. in Ottawa. From 1945 on he was the leader of the opposition party (the Progressive Con serva- tive Party) in the Senate. In June 1957. through the victory of his party in the general election, he became the leader of the governme nt party. In October of that year he was appointed Minister without portfolio in the Diefenbaker Governme nt. In May of 1958 he resigned this position. �SLOVAKIA 133 Receiving the news from Winnipeg, Senator Haig met with his personal friend, Hugh Llewellyn Keenleyside 12 who was the Deputy Minister of the Department of Mines and Resources and in charge of Immigration. After being "probed", Haig answered Rondos in a letter dated December 22nd as follows: [ ... ] You also know that I am leader of the Opposition [the Progressive Conservative Party] in the Senate of Canada and I took the time off to go and see the Deputy Minister of Mines and Natural Resources who is also the Deputy Minister of Immigration. He assured me that in two weeks from the 14th of December, that they would either have one of their own officers in Rome to give Visas for Canada or authority would be given to the Canadian Legation to issue them. The Deputy is a personal friend of mine and I am sure he will do exactly that thing. I sent the Immigration letter, about the duties to the Deputy Minister and he said it would all be cleared up in two weeks so that your friend [Cul en I will be able to get his Visas not later than January first. " Hugh Llewellyn Keenleyside ( 1898- I 992). Canadian scholar. diplomat. and high-ranking civil servant. was born in Toronto. In 1928 he entered the Department of External Affairs in Ottawa. In 1929- 1936 he served in Tokyo as First Secretary of the Canadian Legation in Japan. During World War II he was opposed to the forced evacuation of Japanese Canadians. In 1944-1947 he became Minister to Mexico. and in 1947-1950 the Deputy Minister of the Department of Mines and Resources. In this period he published the article Canadian Immigration Policy. Vancouver, the University of British Columbia, 1948 . Later he held various important positions in the United Nations and in British Columbia. He published Memoirs of Hugh L. Keenleyside, Toronto, McClelland and Stewart Limited. 1981 -82. in two volumes. �134 SLOVAKIA On the same day Rondos, enclosing a copy of Haig's letter, answered General Mola in English: I was indeed pleased to receive your letter of December 13th with the detailed information therein. I also received the cable of Mr. Culen , and immediately took the necessary action with the Immigration officials in Ottawa. To assure you that immediate action will be taken by the Canadian Immigration authorities , I am enclosing herewith a copy of a letter written by Mr. John T. Haig, Leader of the Opposition in the Canadian Senate, which is self-explanatory . Many of Mr. Culen's Slovak friends in Canada are looking forward to his arrival. Culen described to Rondos, on December 31st how he felt when he received the letter: We were feeling very blue at the end of the year. It seemed that everything had gone wrong. And here, in the last hours of the passing year, your latest news, which you sent to General Mola, arrived. It delighted us very much and it gave us new hope. Yesterday General Mola told me: "I am 73 years old , I travelled around the world, I saw and experienced much, but I have never yet in my life met with such a case of a countryman's friendship, as I see here with Mr. Rondos. You can be proud of it not only as a human being, but especially as a Slovak." Meanwhile, on the same day General Mola went to petition the Canadian Legation with a copy of Senator Haig's letter of �SLOVAKIA 135 December 22nd which Rondos had sent him. Culen reported to Rondos about this episode at the end of his December 31st letter: Just a while ago the General returned from the Legation . They read the letter [from Haig] and they said that it is interesting, but according to the existing laws they may issue a visa only to Italian citizens, but not to foreigners. Until now they received nothing about our matter. They promised that they will send a cable and request an answer from Ottawa to the previous letter [dated November 22nd] about our matter. They have certain objections to our Red Cross passports and they say that we have to get others. In a word, there will be still many difficulties . By the way, the General is writing to you about this matter. They will have to get a special order to iss ue a visa to Culen and his family. While there is no order, nothing can be done. We also found in the file General Mola's letter to Rondos written in English (dated December 31st): Many thanks for your kind letter of Dec . 22nd and appended enclosure from Sen. JOHN T. HAIG . I immediately went to the Canadian Legation and showed them both letters to Mr.CARTER [Second Secretaryl . He was evidently impressed; but unfortunately he said that - though they already had authority to give visas without awaiting for the arrival of the Emigration Officials in Rome - this is for the time being applicable to Italians only. The Legation has as yet not received any similar instructions, neither for your specific case, nor for emigrants other than Italians. �SLOVAKIA 136 I saw H.E. DESY also, and he assured me they would do their showing their best good-will, since they promised me they would cable to-day to insist that OTT AWA should answer by cable to the letter the Legation originally wrote to the Department last November. Knowing unfortunately how slow burocracy [sic] is in all countries, may I suggest that - with this piece of news in hand - you should ask your powerful friends to specifically insist that a cable was immediately sent, as suggested by the Legation. General Mola wrote m detail about the passport problem which Culen mentioned only briefly: Another complication arose at the last moment: namely that the RED CROSS passports - which had been by the Legation declared valid - are now not considered fit , by some recent new regulations!!! It would be necessary to have them substituted by some C.S.I.R.O documents - which it would take an enormous time to obtain - even though the Legation promised their support to hasten matters. Couldn't it also be obtained from OTT AW A that they should cable and authorise the Legation to exceptionally accept the RED CROSS passports as valid for the CULENs case only? According to their expectation at the beginning, it would "take you [Culen's family] three to six months at most to enter Canada" (Rondos's letter of June 23rd, 1947). However, the barrier of the Canadian bureaucracy was greater than they imagined and 1947 drew to a close over the anxiety of obtaining a visa. In the second half of January 1948, Culen 's attempts to enter Canada looked hopeful. He reported in his letter to Rondos , dated January 16th as follows : �SLOVAKIA 137 Just a while ago they phoned me from the [Canadian] Legation, that. they already received the documents and perhaps within a week they will arrange the matter. They already fixed for us even the date of the medical examination. I hope it will end well, because we all feel ourselves quite healthy. [... ] If it will go well, we could perhaps get a visa by about [January] 23rd. Then it will take some time, while we receive an English and possibly an American [transit visa]. So we reckon that at the end of February we could arrive in Canada or in the United States. At that moment Culen thought that an entry visa to Canada was within reach. To his great disappointment, however, he failed his medical examination. Twenty-two years earlier Culen had suffered from a senous disease. At the end of August in 1926, when the twenty-one-yearold had worked in the editorial office of the daily Slovak in Bratislava, he was hospitalized for pleurisy. For two weeks he hovered between life and death. His temperature sometimes rose as high as 41 degrees. After three months of fighting the disease, he was allowed to leave the hospital. After convalescing for months at a sanatorium in the High Tatras, at the end of the year Culen returned to his regular life in Bratislava. 13 On January 28th, 1948, the Culen family reported to the newly established Canadian Immigration Office m Rome for a medical examination. Culen reported the results to Rondos in a letter dated the same day : It seemed that everything would be all right, when they suddenly looked at the X-ray of my bowels. Twenty-two " Frnntisck Ynuk. Zi votopis K onstantfna CuJena. p.45. �138 SLOVAKIA years ago I suffered from pleurisy. They said that even today one can see on the photograph traces of the inflammation. Since then I never got sick, but a Canadian doctor questioned it and postponed the issuance of our visas for later, only after the agreement of the Department of National Health and Welfare [for Canada] in London. They will send all the documents there. If they will agree, we can get visas, but if not, we can do nothing. We are for ever kept waiting. Culen continued in a pessimistic tone: Well, we truly did not expect it. Everything seemed all right. We received passports from the I.R.O. With the documents we had no problem, nor with the civil investigation . It never occurred to me that today they would call into question my illness of 22 years ago and that it would halt everything. My wife and daughter were recognised as healthy. This is sad and unexpected news for you and for us. So much work, so much running around and expenses, and finally this. You can hardly imagine what kind of medical examination we had. First of all the X-ray, then the medical and physical examination , then blood tests and then once more the face of a Canadian doctor. They were more strict than at the med ical check-ups for conscription. Now we have to wait for what they will decide in London. After so many experiences there is in our mind only a small spark of hope, si nce for emigrants things usually do not go well. What more can we do ? We arc truly bewildered and unhappy. We descended from hope into the abyss of hopelessness. �139 SLOVAKJA After he received Culen's "sad and unexpected news ", Rondos answered (in his letter of February 3rd) to keep his hopes up: .. . believe me, I and my whole family grieved when we read your letter. But, considering the whole matter, I think it will change for the better, because many people have suc h traces as you mentioned. The blood test will prove (that yo u are healthy) and in London they will reconsider the matter. I still believe in Almighty God and everything will be fin e. Please wait a couple of days, to see how they will answer yo u . And then, let me know instantly what kind of answer you get. If you do not fee l weak, I think it will pass and soon you can move in the direction of Canada. It was said that "within three weeks they will certainl y answer from London" (Culen's letter to Rondos of March 3rd), "at the latest within three weeks we will receive the answer" (his letter of March 20th ), but the repl y fro m the Department of National Health and Welfare for Canada in London was again delayed . Growing nervous, C ul en compl ained to Rondos on March 29th as fo ll ows : The Canadian gentlemen unpleasantl y trifled with us and in an un-Christian manner. The mos t unpl easant part is th at they said neither "yes" nor "no" . Government officials, havi ng a good life , tease poor emigrants. If one were not thoro ughl y affected by anti-Bolshevism, we ll , after such an ex perience one would like to give up, to leave for the other side and to say to them; "Forgive me, we wronged you." However, th e sorrowful truth is that the so-called democrats who chatter a lot about humanism and democracy practice such un - �140 SLOVAKIA Christian and such brutal things that on this point there are few differences between them and the Bolsheviks. [ ... ] Well, what shall we do? We all are against the heartlessness of the authorities and the stupidity of the bureaucracy and feel very helpless. You have done more than one could expect from a close family member. I am sorry that it turned out so badly. In Culen's letters we noticed several parts where he expressed dissatisfaction towards the immigration policy of Canada and the United States, and criticism and antipathy against the Western countries. Even the nationalist Culen, who professed to be a hardline anti-Bolshevik, reflected the emotional anti-Western sentiment of the contemporary left-wing intellectuals. Conversely, we found here and there sentences in which Culen praised the attitude of the Argentine and Spanish governments which gladly accepted immigrants . At the beginning of April Culen at last received a reply from London. The result was negative. In a letter to Rondoas of April 1st, Culen exploded in anger: Well, finally the obvious happened. Today we went to the Canadian ([Immigration] Office. They welcomed us very nicely, saying: "I just wanted to write you , you came just at the right time!" After such an introduction we were curious about the good news. They did not keep us waiting. They said:" You can not receive a visa for Canada. We received such an answer from our superiors." It did not surprise us. Because, after the long comedy which they subjected us to, we shouldn ' t have expected anything else. Your work was in vain . Our efforts were in �SLOVAKIA 141 vain. Even the intervention of Abbot Kojis of Cleveland was in vain and useless. It helped nothing. Canada needs men with strong fists such as Joe Louis, but it does not need men who dared once in their life to become sick. I am sorry about your efforts and work. Although on the other hand, I had a beautiful experience. And I see clearly the true character of the humanity and Christianity of the United States, Britain, and Canada in the international conferences against Bolshevism. They pretend as if only they are apostles of mercy. One is disgusted with it, when one hears these hypocritical speeches and sees these brutal behaviours. Believe me, they are as bad as the Communists . Culen also vented his anger on Senator Haig, who acted as an intermediary: I thought that such a Senator, as leader of the opposition, has yet some power and the right to speak. But it seems to me that he has not much. I was once an unimportant deputy, but when I petitioned to the Minister of the Interior [Alexander Mach I that there were several Polish refugees who were hunted by the Gestapo, and if they were arrested, they would be shot, it was sufficient for the Minister immediately to issue them Slovak passports and as Slovak citizens to place them in the state service. Our Minister did not send them to an X-ray examination in order to have a look at their lungs, whether they had not by chance some medical history. If you want , you may tell Mr. Senator that it is strange that such an important politician can do nothing even for such a trifle. We have to clench our teeth and regret the lost time. After such experiences, one has to consider what to do next. There are not �SLOVAKIA 142 many choices. One might even consider returning to the home country and to confess to the Bolsheviks as follows : "Forgive me, I was disappointed. In the West there is no democracy, no humanity, no Christianity, there are only forests for which they need cheap and absolutely healthy workers. No more, no less . Nothing had changed since the Americans carried slaves from Africa. The only difference is perhaps that now they check them even by X-ray, which they did not have one hundred years ago." In the morning of April 2nd , Culen received the notice with the same contents from the Canadian Immigration Office. Reporting to Rondos shortly thereafter, he wrote in a pessimistic tone that "otherwise I doubt that it is possible to change the matter" (letter dated April 2nd). To do justice to the Canadian authorities , it should be pointed out that they did not make a wrong diagnosis. In reality, in August of that year, Culen spat blood and was hospitalized . A spot was found in his right lung, but thanks to streptomycin and a calcium injection he was discharged from the hospital on September 10th. 14 In February of 1948, when Culen was disappointed by the medical examination and its aftermath, the Communist Party finally seized power in Czechoslovakia. When Culen suggested, perhaps only rhetorically, the possibility of returning to Czechoslovakia and of surrendering to the "Bolsheviks," in Czechoslovakia they were preparing a political trial against him. However, before Culen's trial started, the Communists organized another political trial against a group of people, including 14 Ibid. pp. 145-146. �SLOVAKIA 143 his youngest brother Ladislav Culen 15 , who remained in Slovakia. Ladislav was arrested in September of 1947, under suspicion of participating in the underground activities of the Slovak Action Committee [Slovensky akcny vybor] led by a nationalist politician in exile, Ferdinand Durcansky. Stefan Culen, Konstantin's younger brother, wrote in a letter to Rondos (stamped October 15th, 1947): I [Stefan Culenj received a letter from Slovakia. They arrested our brother [Ladislav Culen] who was a professor in Bratislava. We do not expect that he will come back alive, for many people were arrested and accused of wanting to assassinate Benes [then the Czechoslovak President] . It is nothing but pretence to murder them. Very many people are arrested . These poor guys will never return. Suspicions of plotting to assassinate President Edvard Benes were spread by the State Security Police (STB). However, it was true that these people, including Ladislav Culen , organized the underground, supporting the idea of an independent Slovak state , and supplied information to Dr. Duransky , one of the leaders of the Slovak independence movement, who was in exile in Italy (after July of 1947 in Argentina). 15 16 Ladislav Culen ( I 9 I 6- I 990 ), fi fth of fi ve brothers of Konstantin Cul en. stu - died history at Comenius University in Bratislava. During the independent Sl ovak State he served at the Slovak Embassy in Budapest. As me ntio ned above. he was arrested in September 1947, under suspicion o f participatin g in an anti - state conspiracy and was se ntenced in April 1948 . to 18 years in prison. He wa s released in 1962. 16 .. The organizational network of the Slovak Action Committee in Slovaki a was initiated at the suggestio n of J. Fickuli ak in May of 1947. The group o rganized aro und Jozef Dobrovodsky and parti cipated in this in iti ative through L �144 SLOVAKlA Otto Obuch, the central figure of the so-called "anti-state conspiracy", was a press officer who worked in the office of then deputy-Prime Minister of the Czechoslovak government, Jan Ursfny. Ursfny was one of the leaders of the Democratic Party, the largest political party in Slovakia at that time. Obuch was arrested in late September of 1947. By the end of October State Security, taking advantage of the affair, forced the deputy-P.M. Ursfny out of office. Slovakia fell into a political crisis (the so-called November crisis) and as a result, the Communist Party succeeded m weakening its rival, the Democratic Party, and strengthened its position in Slovak politics. 17 Culen. Members of this illegal organi zation. Action Committee - official ly named "the Sl ovak headqu arters in Brati slava", spread its acti vity to all of Slovakia, which was divided into three regions." Robert Letz, S/ovensk o v rokoch 1945- 1948 na ceste ku k onwnistickej to tali te [Sl ovakia in 1945- 1948 on the Road To Communist Totality]. Bratislava. Ustredie slovenskej t'anskej intc ligencic v Bratislavc. 1994. p. 157. Jozef Fickuliak supplied kres- "Obuch. Ladi slav Culen. and Durcansky with important material regarding the political backgro und. the negotiatio ns of the gove rnment. copies of laws and decrees. unusual articles in the press etc ." Robert Letz. "Slovenska politicka emigracia z rok u 1945 a ohlas na jej cinnost' doma [The Slovak Political Emi gration of 1945 and the Respo nse to its Activi ty at Home 1". In Slovenskf po vojnovf exil. Z bomfk materialov zo seminara Dejiny slovenskeho exilu p o roku 1945 v Matici s/ovenskej v Martine 27. -28. j1ina 1996 [The Slovak Pos t- war Emigres. Papers from the Seminar '·The History of the Slovak Emigres after 1945" organized by Matica slovenska in Martin on June 27th - 28th. 1996 ]. Martin, Matica slovenska . 1998 . p. 118 . 17 For details of the po litical bac kgro und of the "anti-state conspiracy" see : Michal Barnovsky. Na ceste k monopolu m oci. M ocensk opo/iticke zapasy na Slovensku v rokoch 1945- 1948 [On the Road to Monopoly of Power. Power- political Struggles in Slovakia in 1945 - 1948 ]. Bratislava. Archa. 1993. pp . I 6 1207: Robert Letz. Slovensk o v rok och 1945-1948 na ceste ku k omunistickej totali te. pp. 156- I 76 and p. 2 30. �145 SLOVAKIA After seizing power in February of 1948, between April 19th and 29th in Bratislava, the Communist regime tried Otto Obuch and his followers. Obuch was sentenced to 30 years' imprisonment. Ladislav Culen received 18 years for being a party to "the anti-state conspiracy" which intended to overthrow the Czechoslovak Government and to restore the independent Slovak State. Exdeputy-P.M. Ursfny, who was allegedly involved in the affair, was sentenced to seven years in prison . 18 Ladislav Culen was heavily punished, perhaps, as a warning to his older brother. Konstantin Culen wrote to Rondos on May 7th as follows: l- --1 in Bratislava they tried my brother as an "AngloAmerican" spy and the prosecutor demanded the death penalty. Well, we were in bitter and tense expectation of what would happen and how everything would develop. He received 18 years' imprisonment, which is the second heaviest sentence among the accused. The Czech judge [K.] Bedrna sentenced the accused in all to 85 years. In the Hungarian Kingdom, during the last century, Slovaks were sentenced to about 78 years and, now, at one stroke they got so much more, and it is still said that they are "liberated ." Besides , they treated my brother so badly that he will take it very hard. The worst thing is that everything was unnecessary, that if there had been no stupidity by [Ferdinand)] Durcansky , his unnecessary propagandizing and forecasting of war, his unneces""Jan Ursfny. byvaly podpredseda c-s vl:idy. bol ods udeny na 7 rokov viize nia ("Jan Ursfny. former Deputy Prime Minister of the Czechoslovak governme nt. was sentenced to 7 years in prison). Slovensk:i obrana. May 4th. 1948. On Ursfny 's memories of this episode see: J:in Ursfny. Zm6jho tivota (Prfspevok k vf- voju slovenskej n:irodnej mys/ienky). [From my Life (Co ntribution to the Deve lopment of the Slovak National Idea)]. Martin, Matica slovensk:i , 2000, pp. 134- 149. �146 SLOVAKIA sary instigating of young enthusiasts, of careless people, the trial would not have taken place. 19 Culen also wrote about the matter in his letter of May 13th: Otherwise from the country [Slovakia] there is always only news about trials. My brother was already sentenced as an "Anglo-American" spy; however, I can enter neither England nor America. Isn't it a little strange? In the country they would like to try me as a collaborator with Americans. How this world is confused! On May 28th and 29th, m the local court in Bratislava, Konstantfn Culen was tried m absentia. One of the Slovak newspapers reported : '""The State Security Police (STB) took advantage of the activities of the Slo vak Action Committee. Even th ough the activity of the Committee brought im portant arguments about the stru ggle for the Slovak statehood back home. it also enabled State Security to manufacture ··the anti-state conspiracy" and to accuse the Catholic wing of the Democratic Party of cooperating with po liti cal emigres. which they interpreted as anti-state activity. Robert Letz. "Slovenska emigracia z roku 1945 a ohlas na jej cinnost' doma" . In Slovensky povojnovy exil. pp.118- 11 9. For details of the illegal political movements in Slovakia after World War II see: Robert Letz. Slovensko v rokoch 1945- / 948 na ceste ku komunistickej totalite . pp. 129- 176. See also the memoirs of one of th e leading figures of the Slovak Action Committee. Stefan Polakovic. "Zaznam o cinnosti SA V-u [Records of the activity of the Slovak Action Committee]" . In Stefan Polakovic and Frantiasek Ynuk. Zahranicne akcie na zachranu a obnovcnie slovenskej samostatn osti (1943- / 948) [Activities Abroad for the Preservation and Renewal of Slovak Independence ( 1943-1948 )], Lakewood-Hamilton. Slovak Research Institute of America. 1988. pp . I 09-225 . politicka �SLOYAKJA 147 The people 's court in Bratislava, with Dr. Artur Sipka presiding, tried in absentia on the 28th of this month Konstantin Culen, former deputy of the Slovak Parliament. The Prosecutor accused Culen of the following crimes: that as an important politician he worked for the dissolution of the Czechoslovak Republic [in 1939], that he supported the military and political interests of Nazi Germany, that he supported the declaring and making of war against the Soviet Union, that he thwarted the struggle of the Slovak nation for the restoration of the Czec hoslovak Republic , that he became rich at the expense of other citizens , therefore he committed criminal acts of domestic treachery, collaboration, and treachery in the Uprising (of 1944). The public prosec utor of the trial is Dr. Amoast Barat. Vojteeh Vycanek spoke in his defence. The written statement and doc umentary material presented was proof of his guilt. The sentence will be passed on Saturday at 9 o'c lock.2' 1 Culen wrote in his diary of June 2nd , which is cited in Vnuk's biograph y, as fo llows: There is a newspaper with an article on my sentence "Cul en - 30 years' Imprisonment: [...)] Senate of Dr. Sipka of the people's court in Bratislava on Saturday of May 29 th passed judgement on Kon stantin Culen who was sentenced in his absentia to 30 years' imprisonment, 15 years' divestiture of citizenship, and confiscation of all his property ." Only 30 years! They fo und me guilty of so many cnmes and they gave me so few years! However, we two brothers, together with Laco [Ladislav Culen] got from the Czechs al- ' " Frantisek Vn uk. Zivotopis Konstantfna Cu/ena. pp.139- 140 . �148 SLOVAKIA most the same number of years as all Slovaks had gotten during the entire Hungarian regime. These gentlemen succeeded so well. The state prosecutor was Arnost Barath, a Hungarian from Nitra, whose two brothers, Elemer and Zoltan, are in exile, and one of them has just left for Venezuela. Vojta ([Vojtech] Vycanek, my old acquaintance, pleaded on my behalf. I am indeed curious how he did it. I wrote in a hurry an article for Jednota [a Slovak nationalist newspaper in the United States] where I just dealt with the curiosity that they could find for my trial neither a Slovak judge nor a Slovak lawyer. 21 Culen also wrote to Rondos on June 10th that "they sentenced my brother in Bratislava as an Anglo-American spy and confiscated all our property." These political trials perhaps dissuaded him from returning to Czechoslovakia and of surrendering to the "Bolsheviks". The trial of Kon stantin Culen belonged to a series of political trials which took place at that time in Bratislava. A group of Slovak nationalist intellectuals in exile were judged in absentia as well. Karol Sidor, Reverend Ferdinand Mondok, and Jozef M. Kirschbaum were each sentenced to 20 years in prison. The historian Frantisek Hrusovsky received ten years. It is worth mentioning that Culen received the heaviest sentence. In the meantime, Rondos, who had been informed by Culen 's letter of April 1st that London had turned down his visa application, once again visited Senator Haig. The Senator promised to bring to Ottawa the notice of the Canadian Immigration l l Ibid. p.140. �SLOVAKIA 149 Office in Rome, which Culen had sent, in order to tack.le the matter at first hand (Rondos's letter to Culen of April 8th). Late in May, when Rondos went to Ottawa as a member of the delegation of the Canadian Slovak League, he visited the office of the International Refugee Organization (IRO), where he found a file according to which the entrance visa to Canada for Culen and his family had already been issued on March 5th. Feeling doubtful about the situation , Rondos met the secretary of Senator Haig (at that time Haig was not in Ottawa), and asked about the matter (letter of June 16th). At Rondos 's request, Haig wrote a letter to the Department of Mines and Resources in Ottawa. He received an answer of July 6th from his acquaintance, Deputy Minister Keenleyside: Since Mr. Kulen (sic) has been refused a visa for reasons of health, any review must be on medical grounds. Accordingly, the Director of Immigration has forwarded the entire file to the Departmental medical advisor, in order that we may have the benefit of his professional opinion. The original certificate was severe and I would not wish , at this time, to raise any hope on the part of the applicant. Just as soon as the file is returned , I shall promptly advise you and , in view of your representation, I sincerely hope the medical findings arc favourable. On July 14th, Haig sent a copy of this letter to Rondos . In the morning of July 16th, Rondos visited the District Superintendent of the Immigration Branch, Munroe, who called him the day before. In Rondos's letter of July 15th to Culen, we have a detailed report of their conversation. Based on it, we will reproduce Rondos's petition. Rondos and Munroe talked for over one hour �150 SLOVAKIA about Culen's entrance into Canada. Naturally, they also talked about his medical examination in Rome: Munroe: They did not say that Mr. Culen is really weak, but he has a medical history. By the way, how do you know these people? Why did you help to raise the Culen matter? Rondos reported all the circumstances. Munroe: I know the Senator [Haig] from childhood and we are now very good friends. Well , how did you get in contact with Mr. [T.P.] Devlin, the chairman of the colonization of immigrants for West Canada? Rondos began to explain. Munroe: It is enough. I was informed by Mr. Devlin about what you are asking me. Do you support the application which Mr. Volek submitted? According to it Mr. Culcn will work on his farm . Rondos: I am sure from his letter that Mr. Culen will work on the farm. In Canada nobody will take care of him. He 1s responsible for himself. Munroe: I have information that he is highly educated. Rondoas: It is true , but he had his own farm in Slovakia and he understands farmer's work . Munroe: If Mr. Culen enters Canada and cannot work on Mr. Yolek's farm, I was told that your organization lthe Canadian Slovak League] would help him, because he is a writer and can write good anti-Communist articles . Is it true? Rondos: I have a secret which I would not normally reveal. But I recognise that I am talking with a high state official, so I confess to you . I have a close connection with the Royal Police in Canada I RCMP I and I provide them with information about Communist activities. When a Czech agita- �SLOVAKIA 151 tor comes here and the Police really want to know about his purpose, they ask me to participate in their meeting. Mr. Culen already sent me articles about what Communists write about Canada. These articles were sent long ago to the police office. If you want to know about them, call and ask s uchand-such an officer, whether or not I indeed provided the m with articles which Mr. Culen sent me from Rome. And our organization works against turnin g Canada " Red " . If Mr. Culen could not work for Mr. Volek, o ur organization will help him. If yo u need some ass urances for the help, I am ready to offer it. Munroe: I am satisfied with yo ur words . I do not demand any assurances. I already heard personally about your activity and , according to the information which state officials se nt me, I recognize your words as true. By the way, does Mr. Culen not have the intentio n to go to his brother [Stefan Culen] in America? R ondos: When Mr. Culen comes to Canada, he will become a citizen of thi s country. Because he is educated a nd we Slovaks in Canada do not have such people, we very much need ed ucated peo ple here. His brother in Chicago 1s only an ordinary worker. He cannot he lp him . Munroe: Is Mr. Vo lek sati sfied that he pro vided one year ago an applicatio n for Mr. Culcn 's entry to Canada? R ondo.s: Yes. If yo u do not believe me, please call the Senator. He knows Mr. Volek well and he will prove to you that Mr. Volek is waiting fo r Mr. Culen . Munroe: I am glad that you told me the truth. I will send a report to Ottawa that Mr. Culen is awaited in Canada. And I agree with it. �SLOVAKIA 152 At the end of the conversation, Munroe called his secretary and ordered him to dictate a letter to Ottawa that he (Munroe) supports Culen's entry into Canada. However, in spite of Rondos's "frank" petition and Munroe's "guarantee", on August 9th, Senator Haig received from the Acting Deputy Minister of the Department of Mines and Resources, R. A. Gibson , a polite notice of refusal (of July 30th): The [Culen] file has been returned to the Director of Immigration from the Departmental Medical Adviser and, I regret to inform you, the original diagnosis has been confirmed. Under the circumstances, the Immigration officials in Rome cannot be instructed to issue a visa for the Culen [sic] family . Undoubtedly Mr. Volek will be disappointed with these developments but the Immigration Branch can be of no further assistance in the matter. Haig transmitted the notice on the same day to Rondos with the short comment: "I got a very disappointing letter this mornin g which I enclose . I don't think anything further can be done ." Rondos reported to Culen in a letter of August 17th: "Believe me , it [the notice] shocked me so much that I lay down and fell asleep. t .. .] I waited while everything passed away. I went to the Senator's office. He was at home and said the following : Haig: George [Juraj), I am sorry about such mean news. Rondos: Mr. Senator, I had an important meeting with Mr. Munroe, the chief (of the Immigration Department) for Western Canada. It was July 15th. In the letter [from R. A. Gibson] he wrote that they received from England a message �SLOVAKIA 153 of decisive refusal. In my mind , an answer from England was hardly reached between July 15th and 30th , es pecially an official answer through Ottawa. I would like to know whether in Ottawa any Czech communist conducts the immigration administration or not. Munro e: I al so think that the an swer should have come later. George, go to the Immigration Department and onc e more ask directly for Mr. Munroe . Next Morning (perhaps on Aug ust 11th) Rondos called Munroe and got an appointment to meet at 2 o'clock in the afternoon. He was welcom ed. Rondos: Sorry about disturbing you, but I fee l nervo us and I would like to kn ow the situation tho rou g hl y. Rondos again explained to him, as he did to the Senator, and handed him the Jetter from Ottawa. Munroe read it and called his secretary, telling him to bring Cu/en's file. Wh en he brought it, Munroe read once m ore the Jetter which he had written concerning Cu/en to Ottawa on July 15th . Mun roe: Do not take the letter which yo u received from Ottawa seriously. It is written in Ottawa on Jul y 30th , but m y letter to them was sent onl y on Jul y 29th . So it is not the answer to my letter. Mr. Rondos, the fact th at I sent to Ottawa the letter is the same as if I pe rsonally went there in order to carry out the matter. Do not worry because I have not yet received an answer to my letter. And Munroe took the copy of his letter to read what he had written: "According to my special meeting with Mr. Rondos, I approve of the entrance of Mr. Cul en to Canada." Afterwards, Culen had a long wait. In his letters to Rondos we find such sentences as : "The Canadian [Immigration] Office has �SLOVAKIA 154 not replied yet." (Letter of September 6th, 1948), "We know how officials work, •so we are not surprised at all." (Letter of September 18th), "We are waiting until they finally invite us and say Here are your papers and here is your visa. Since nothing had happened, I went to ask them privately. We heard that they indeed received some letter and they have just answered it. We d o not know what kind of answer they received. Well, we can o nly guess as we wait, optimisticall y or pessimisticall y. However, it is certain that it will still take some time. But we are used to waiting patiently, so we will live with it. " (Letter of October 9th), "Besides, nothing special has happened . We are waiting, as we waited one year, two years, or three years ago. Slowly we will look like Jews who are also waiting for the Messiah." (Letter of Nove mber 6th), "We expected last year that we would not have to celebrate Christmas and Easter [sic] by letter, but that we would do it orally. Well , our plans did not materialize and we must one year later wish yo u Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year by letter. " (Letter of December 6th) , "Till now the local (Immigration) Office did not move even an inch on the matter, so to speak. We are still waiting for them to invite us, but in vain. We do no t know what has happened . Now it seems that it has been mo ved, somebody, somewhere, puts a brake on it. " (Letter of December 27th). In August of this year, when Rondos visited Haig's office, he sugges ted, half jokingly, the possibility of "sabotage by a Czech communist". Being psychologicall y exhausted from the long wait, Culen began to suspect that his entry to Canada had bee n bl ocked by the political intervention of "the enemies" . He wrote to Rondos on January l 0th, 1949: "It would be interesting to find out why it all happened. I think that my health was not the question, but it �SLOVAKJA 155 was Czech political interference." In his letter of March 29th, the conjecture changed into conviction: General (Mola) visited the Canadian (Immigration) office to ask whether by chance they had something new. There were new officials there, so they began to check various papers and finally revealed that the difficulty was not caused by an X-ray, but by something else. Well , it might be only political. And if political , it is clear that it was Czech interference. I know that they were not pleased with my appearance there. [ ... ] Because the fact is that there is not a greater enemy than a Czech . If it were possible, Czechs would drown us in a teaspoon[ul of water. Culen's biographer Ynuk also suggested the possibility of "enemy's intervention " .22 However, it is still unclear whether some pro-Czechoslovak groups (for example, the Czechoslovak National Alliance in Canada) or pro-Communist groups really did it o r not. Meanwhile, waiting for an answer from the Canadian Immigration Office, Culcn did not waste his time . After the Communist takeover in Czechoslovakia in February of 1948, the Slovak nationalist group in exile led by Karol Sidor began its political activities. In this period Culen participated, in addition to his ordinary work as a journalist, in two actions. The first was his radio broadcasting to Slovakia. We read in Culen's letter of November 16th, 1947, the following: u Ibid. p. 133. �SLOVAKIA 156 [.. .] the radio station Free Slovakia has started to operate in Europe. It broadcasts every day for two hours. Soon Radio Free Europe will have Slovak programmes, so the Iron curtain between Slovakia and the rest of the world will be breached and we can open our mouths again. There is much work with it, but it is joyful. Well, on such radio stations we already cite what your Kanadsky Slovak [the organ of the Canadian Slovak League] writes. We will have to arrange a quicker sending of the editorial page of Kanadsky Slovak in order to give our people at home more fresh news. Now we are waiting for a reaction from our homeland .2 3 In his letter of December 6th Culen also wrote the following: Now there is much to do. We prepare materials for our broadcasting to Slovakia. We hope it will be perfect. Well , every day half an hour is enough work for one person. One station is already operating . From the New Year on the Italian government will start short wave broadcasting every day for ten minutes. I hear that even in London [BBC] the Czech and Slovak broadcasting will be divided. If then the Canadian government wants the people in Slovakia to listen to their programmes [CBC International Service which started in 1945], they will have to do the same thing. If people at home will have the possibility to listen to programmes in the Slovak spirit, nobody 23 will tune in to the Czechoslovak jumble. The Czechoslovak section of Radi o Free Europe (RFE) began regular program- ming in May of 1951. However. the division between the Czech and Sl ov ak sections , which Culen had expected , did not materialize . On this problem see: Imrich Kruzliak , "Radio Slobodn a Europa a Slovaci [Radio Free Europe and the Slovaks]", In Slovensky povojnovy exil. pp.338-344. �SLOVAKIA 157 Everything which is connected with the Czechs is bad for the Slovaks. As Culen wrote, from the beginning of 1949 the Rome station began to provide Slovak programmes. He cooperated actively with it, writing articles and reading lectures. He wrote to Rondos on April 26th that "Now I have much work, for every Sunday I have a radio lecture for Slovakia and people there listen to it very carefully." Culen's second political activity of this period was participation in the newly established political organization of the Slovak nationalists in exile. In May of 1948 an agreement to establish a new organization was made between the group led by Karol Sidor and the Slovak National Council in London which was organized in January, 1944, by Peter Pridavok. On the front page of Kanadsky Slovak of December 16th, they announced the formation of the Slovak National Council Abroad as the coordinating body in the struggle for "the Slovak State within a federalized Europe" .24 It was dated Christmas of I 948 (in reality, it was published in the middle of December) and signed by Karol Sidor (as the president) and by Peter Prfdavok (as the general secretary). The main organizer was Jozef Kirschbaum. Culen supported him, and became one of its vice-presidents and at the same time chief of its Italian branch. 2 5 i, "Slovenska Narodna Rada v Zahranicf utvorcna [Creation of the Slovak Na- ti ona l Council Abroad]" , Kanadsky S lovak. December 16th. 1948 . is On the acti vities of the Slovak National Council Abroad see: Frantisek Vnuk. "S lovenska narodna rada v Londyne a v zahranicf (1943- 1948) (The Slovak National Council in London and Abroad (1943-1948))". In Stefan Polakovic and Frantisek Vnuk, Zahranicne akcie na zachran u a obnovenie s/ovenskej sa- mostatnosti (I 943-1948), pp.1-108; Genoveva Gracova , "Dve koncepcie boja za slovensku statnost' (Two conceptions of the struggle for Slovak statehood)", �158 SLOVAKIA With respect to this, Rondos wrote to Culen on December 18th that "the article of Mr. Sidor and Mr. Prfdavok [abovementioned] was published in [Kanadsky] Slovak and it provides evidence of the revival of the independence movement. [... ] As you are actively engaged in it, you are perhaps busy with it. Culen, meanwhile, reported to Rondos on January 18th, 1949: Otherwise we are led by the Slovak National Council [Abroad]. The press in Europe pays much attention to it. The Spanish press evaluated the meaning of this step as most important among all the European nations which are occupied by Communists. Even the Swiss press pays attention to our organization . We may say that until now not even one of our Slovak affairs created such a reaction . Yesterday American journalists visited the Minister [Sidor]. I was with them for half a day and we talked with them. In February of 1949 Culen departed for Paris, together with Sidor and Kirschbaum in order to negotiate with French government officials regarding the activities of the Slovak National Council Abroad. They arrived in Paris on February 20th . We found in the file of correspondence between Sidor and Rondos a post-card from Paris dated February 21st: "We sincerely greet you and on the occasion of the meeting of the Slovak National Council Abroad we remember you." The card was written by Culen and signed: Konsto [Konstantin] Culen, Karol Sidor, Laco [Ladislav)] Jankovic, and J. Kirschbaum . In S/ovensky povojnovy exil. pp.82-84: Frantisek Vnuk. "Aktivity exilu - obhajoba slovenskej statnosti v rokoch 1945- 1948 [Activities of the emigres The Defense of Slovak Statehood in I 945 - I 948 )". in Ibid. p.90 . �SLOVAKIA 159 On February 28th Culen returned to Rome. On March 29th he wrote: "There is now much work to do with the Slovak National Council IAbroadj. We described what had happened, and where we visited. I asked them to send you a copy in order to inform you. However, it is a confidential report and not for publication." Meanwhile, on May 6th, 1949, Senator Haig received a notice (dated April 30th) from the Deputy Minister of the Department of Mines and Resources, Keenleyside : You may recall that on July 30th, 1948 Mr. R. A. Gibso n [Acting Deputy Minister of the Department] wrote advising favourable consideration in the case of Konstantin Culen and family, Czechoslovakian refugees in the Vatican City, could not be extended due to Mr. Culen's failure to comply with our medical requirements. You will now be pleased to know that on rev1ewmg the entire situation it has been decided to allow this family to come forward provided Mr. Culen 's state of health is no worse than indicated and they can otherwise meet with the Immigration Regulations . The necessary advice in the matter has been transmitted to our office in Rome , Italy in order that appropriate action may be taken on behalf of these perso ns . I trust that it will not be too long before this family will be in a position to come forward. Having received the notice, Haig sent a short message to Rondos: "Dear George : I enclose lforl you a letter received this morning from Ottawa. This looks [like] better news . When you come in bring this letter back with you." Rondos , in tum , informed Culcn of the delightful news m a letter of May 8th: �160 SLOVAKIA I cannot stop myself from informing you. The day before yesterday I received a letter from the Senator in which he informed me that your matter had moved and that now everything is on track. He [the Senator] also sent me the letter which he had received , but he asked me to bring it back to him when I would visit his office. So I typed it once more , how Ottawa classified you, and I attach it with this letter. You will read in it that Ottawa informed the office in Italy I to issue a visal if you arc not weaker than at the last examination. I hope you understand the letter, so I did not write more . Indeed, Rondos did not mention in the letter any more about the matter. However, he could feel deep satisfaction that he had finally achieved his intended objective after a long struggle with the bureaucracy. Culcn received the good news about May 15th (Ynuk writes that Culen received on May 18th the invitation from the Canadian selection committcc). 26 He reported to Rondos further developments in his letter of May 22nd: On the day that I received your letter attached with the notice I from Kccnlcysidc I to the Senator, they already called me from the consulate and at the same time they invited me also by letter to come there. When we arrived. they were very nice to us, full of' willingness. If my health condition, they said , docs not worsen . they will give me the visa. I was sent again for a medical examination. I had to go to Naples where the IRO camp is. We spent three days there , and finally we received the medical report which we now have to hand over to IRO. They have to issue us a new passport, because the old 1 " Frantisek Vnuk. tivotopis Konstantina Culena. p. 147 . �SLOVAKIA 161 one is already invalid. Then I have to again go to the consulate and there we will be told the results. At this moment I do not know them, but before sending this letter I will perhaps know , so I inform you at the end of the letter. I am really curious as to whether they will give me the visa or not , whether the old comedy of sending the documents to London and then from London to Ottawa, repeats itself, as it did the first time. After the previous disappointments , Culen was very skeptical about the results, but this time they proved to be positive. In the second half of the same letter he wrote: "We just came back from the consulate. Well , my dear friend Rondos , you won . We have the visa and, if nothing else happens, I will take part in the Congress !the 8th Convention of the Canadian Slovak Leag ue I as you wished." It took Culen two years to sec ure the entry visa to Canada. He should have felt deep satisfaction . Instead , it caused him a new kind of anxiety. At the end of the same letter he added: "However, now, the most serious problem will be to find suitabl e work. Is it possible to become an assistant editor at Kanadsky Slovak'? Of course, the others would have to approve . Or, perhaps , I will find something else. Well , I think that many people succeeded there, so I will do so somehow as well ." Afterwards, Culen was busy for days preparing for the journey: "I already bought the steamship ticket and railway ticket. I will not use the IRO transportation as I originally had to , but I will go privatel y, because this month there is no transportation and next month they still do not know when. So, I bought a ticket for Yulkania Iperhaps Culcn 's mistake. It had to be Saturnia I, the Italian ship, which will leave on June 21st direct to Halifax . So �162 SLOYAKlA perhaps about July 1st I will arrive in Canada. Then , I will board a train and depart for Winnipeg. [ ... ] Now we are just packing and saying good-bye to Rome." (Letter of June I Ith) "Just now the ship company called that my ship Satumia will leave port not on the 21st, as I was originally informed, but on the 18th. In one word, this week. So I am packing quickly, since it changed unexpectedly." (Letter of June 12th) Culen then sent a post-card to Rondos on June 15th from Lido di Ostia, a port in the suburbs of Rome. He wrote: "Saying good-bye to Rome, I am looking forward to seeing you soon" . Beside his signature there are several others: A. Culenova (his wife), Eva Culcnova (daughter), Karol Sidor, Angela Sidorova (Sidor's wife), M. Doranska (Jan Doransky's wife), Ladislav Pudis , and J. Kirschbaum etc. Another post-card was sent to Rondos on June 17th, this time from Naples : " Dear friend, saying good-bye to friends on the beach, we all remember you most heartily. We send you our greetings and I look forward to seeing you soon ." We noticed the signatures of Konstantin Culen, A. Culenova, Angela Sidorova , Karol Sidor, and Ferdinand Mondok. Perhaps they came from Rome to Naples to sec him off. Culen 's Italian friend, General Armando Mola also signed with a short English message: "We arc all happy & and unhappy! " Needless to say that they were "unhappy" to part with Culen . However, before the departure, one more problem arose. The steamship on which Culen was supposed to sail from Naples on June 18th, cancelled the voyage. In a letter of June 22nd from Naples he explained: Certainly you read in the newspaper that here in Italy the crew of the steamship Satumia, on which I was to depart, �SLOYAKJA 163 went on strike. I have been stuck here in Naples for a week. I am sick with worry. Nobody knows anything, so they tell us "Come tomorrow" . The next day they tell us " In the afternoon", in the afternoon they tell us "Tomorrow". Fortunately, I take it with some humour, so I do not get angry, not even insulted . I tell myself that I will at last find some ship on which they do not strike and I will depart on it. Today they promised us that the steamship So bieski will carry us. [ ... ] According to tod ay's information this ship will depart on Jun e 28th . In spite of Culcn ·s skepticism, the ship did , indeed , depart o n June 28th. He wrote in a letter of the same day from Naples: "Well , finally it appears that I will indeed say good-bye to Europe and the Sobieski will finally move out with us. So sometime around July 14th I will arrive in Canada." Culen departed a lone , because his family planned to leave Italy a nwnth later. Culcn's protector Sidor wrote from the Vatican to Ro nd os on June 29th (in the file of correspondence between Sidor and Rondos): "We arc all really happy that on June 28th on the steamship Sobieski Kon sto Culcn left Italy." It is interesting to note that Sidor in the same letter continued as follows : I do not know what you intend to do with Ko nsto Culen . My personal opinion is that it will be best for him to go to the editor of Kanadsky Slo vak , !Stefan) Hreha. Hreha and he could make of Kanadsky Slovak such a new spaper which even Slovaks in the United States do not have. I wrote to editor Hreha, too, but I would like to ask you to disc uss with your friends the proposal of acceptance of Culcn as an �SLOVAKIA 164 assistant editor, to recommend it and suggest to the competent authorities of the Canadian Slovak League to accept it. It is not clear whether Sidor made the suggestion on his own initiative, or whether Culen asked him to do so. In either case, judging by the prestige which Sidor had at that time as the president of the Slovak National Council Abroad, it could almost be interpreted as an order. The steamship Jan Sobieski stopped at Genoa (on June 29th), Cannes (on June 30th), and Gibraltar (on July 2nd). On that day Culen sent to Rondos his last letter from Europe: My journey was delayed whole ten days owing to the sailors' strike. [ ... ] Life on board ship is quite good. It is full of Italian emigrants who go to Canada. There are some Jews too , but they go to USA. We can hear many languages. However, most people are travelling with the hope that their life abroad will be better than at home. [ ... ] Today the sea is slightly stormy, so most passengers sigh and feed the fish . For me, nothing ever happened on the sea. Otherwise I am using my time on the ship to study English, everyday for several hours . I hope that in Canada, when I will have the opportunity to listen and speak, it will come to me fairly quickly. And I believe that in a short time I will master English so that I will be able to communicate fairly well. Otherwise, I read books and newspapers quite well. At the end of the letter Culcn wrote with some emotion: This is the last letter from European shores which I will send you. We have exchanged many letters. I sometimes felt pity for you and admired you. Because I saw that other �165 SLOYAKJA people also received many letters from you. Where did this person find the time ? I asked myself. · You will certainly be glad that one of your troublemakers will drop off your list. I will always remember your struggle on my behalf and I intend to somehow record it. This letter was written on a typewriter with Slovak phonetic characters. Perhaps Culen brought his favourite typewriter with him. The voyage and the arrival in Canada witnessed no problems . The Sobieski smoothly crossed the Atlantic Ocean in one week and arrived in Halifax on July 10th. On the same day Culcn sent a telegram to Rondos in English: "Safely arrived to [sic] Halifax expect me about Sunday". The second half of the telegraph meant that he would arrive in Winnipeg by train around July 17th. In his letter of July 11th, which was written on the train from Halifax to Montreal , Culen reported as follows : "In [Halifax I harbour a young Slovak named Janega awaited me. They say that Mr. Kunda sent him. He helped me with my baggage; we had a chat and a snack. His willingness was very much appreciated ." Culen arrived in Montreal on the evening of July 11th. Kanadsky Slovak of July 21st reported as follows : "Writer K. Culen in Canada - on the way to the West he stopped at Montreal and Toronto ." 27 It then continued , In the evening of Monday IJuly I l th I arrived in Montreal one of the prominent Slovak writers, politicians and publicists, a nationalist and uncompromising defender of Slo' vak truth [an independent Slovak state] - Konstantin Culen. 17 "Spisovater K. Culen v Kanade (The Writer K. Culen in Canada]". Kanadskf Slovak.July 21st. 1949 . �SLOVAKIA 166 At the Windsor Station prominent members of the Slovak community in Montreal welcomed him, along with a group of Slovak emigres . On Tuesday, in the National Home of the Canadian Slovak League, a small party was organized in his honour. Officials of the League and the Canadian Jednota and other persons took part in it. On behalf of Slovaks living in Montreal, chairpersons of associations welcomed K. Culen . In his speech Mr. Culen promised to cooperate, declaring that every Slovak emigrant should have participated in the national activities of the Canadian Slovaks . On July 14th Culen left Montreal and, after stopping m Toronto, in the morning of July 16th he departed for Winnipeg, sending again a telegram in English to Rondos : "Arriving CPR (Canadian Pacific Railway) 9 A.M. standard time Sunday". As expected, he arrived in Winnipeg in the morning of July 17th and was welcomed by Rondos . It must have been a very dramatic scene. Culen then participated in the 8th Convention of the Canadian 28 Slovak League in Winnipeg . 1 ' At the convention he was elected According to the Minutes of the 8th Convention. Culen said the following on the first day (July 25th) : ··1 do not want to speak long. I intend to visit all Sl ovak colonies (i n Canada). I bring you the greetings of Minister Sidor. the presi dent of the Slovak National Council Abroad. and also the greetin gs of st udents . theologians. and other Slovaks from Italy !The greetin gs. with the signatures of Karol Sidor and Jozef Kirschbaum of May 19th. 1949. were published at the end of the Minutes] . I bow down to your work. I come to you to contribute to the prosperity and en largement of the Canadian Slovak League." Zapisnica z VIII. k ongresu Kanadskej s/ovenskej ligy. vydriiavaneho v diioch 25.. 26.. 27. a 28. ju/a 1949 v hoteli Marlborough [The Minutes of the 8th Convention of the Canadian Slovak League. held on July 25th - 28th, 1949. in the Hotel Marlborough], Winnipeg. Manitoba, Canada, p.2. On the second day (July 26th) parti cipants discussed the "Sidor versus Dursansky" problem. The following com- �167 SLOVAKIA as an assistant editor of the League 's newspaper Kanadskf Slovak . The convention also resolved that the Canad ian Slovak League, along with the Slovak League of America, recognized the Slovak National Council Abroad as "the competent representative to speak on behalf of the subjugated Slovak nation at home" (Kanadskf Slovak , August 11th, 1949) . At the beginning of August Culen returned from Winnipeg to Montreal where the editorial offices of Kanadsk f Slovak were located. His wife and dau g hter, who entered Canada through New York, on August 11th, came to Mo ntreal as well. After havin g found an apartment, Culen began to again work as a jo urnalist. Although it took two long years, Culen had finally succeeded in finding "a place where we could begin a new life and work and live in safety" (Letter of June 6th, 1947). Although this article should end on this happy note, it cannot. Even though he became an assistant editor of the newspaper promise was reac hed: '" they concluded th at brother preside nt [Andrej Kucera ] sho uld read the resolution on the recogn ition of the Slovak Nat io nal Co un ci l Abroad and th at th e Co uncil headed by Karo l Sidor. wh o is the compe te nt representative tn speak on be half nf the subjugated Slovak nation at home. Fo r Dr. Durcansky a letter has to be written in w hich they rronounce their esteem for hi s work for the freed om o f the Slovak nati on. Ibid. p. 18 . In the mo rning session of the last day (J ul y 28 th ) Ro ndos made a proposal to accept C ul en int o the edi torial office of Kanadsky S lovak. Kami Murin (fom1er pers1,11al secretary of Jozef Tiso) and Father Jan Zeman supported the proposal and it met wi th ge neral approval. In the evening sessio n "Konstantin Culen was elected as an assistant editor with applause. He is grateful for his election and promises to make efforts to build up the newspaper. He also will do his best to propagate the Ca nad ian Slovak Leag ue with all his might. He promises editor [Stefan] Hreha that he will be a loyal workmate. T hey will help each other. for brother Hreha knows Canad a and the Canadian si tuatio n well and he [Culen) knows in tum Slovaki a and the European situation." Ibid. pp.27-28. Also see the articl e "Po VIII. kongrese Kanadskej slovenskej ligy [After the 8th Conve ntion of the Canad ian Slovak League] ". Kanadsky S lovak. August I Ith . 1949. �SLOVAKIA 168 Kanadsky Slovak, Culen moved to Winnipeg in March of 1952, because the League had bought a small printery there. At that time he became the editor-in-chief. However, he became dissatisfied with this position, resigned in July, 1956, and moved to the United States. In September of the same year he became director of the Slovak Institute in Cleveland (Ohio) after the sudden death of the former director, the historian Frantisek Hrusovsky. Now his personal relations with leading members of Slovak organizations in the United States became complicated (His mimeographed work "V zajatf fa/osnych Jegiend a nenavistneho srdca (In the Grip of False Legends and an Unforgiving Heart)" which was published in New York in 1961, deals with this problem). Therefore, in September of 1958 he was dismissed from the Institute. Culen continued to write until his death on April 7th, 1964 in New York. His simple tombstone with the English inscription: "Culen / Konstantfn / Slovak historian / and writer / born in 1904 I died in 1964" stands modes ti y on the grounds of the Slovak cemetery in Passaic (New Jersey) . * * * Having reconstructed Cul en 's tortuous attempts to emigrate to Canada, we may conclude the following. Someone as famous as the nationalist journalist Culen could have had some advantages; he received the help of the influential Juraj Rondos, who shared Culen's nationalism. Thanks to Rondos ' s strong personal connections with Senator J. T. Haig, Culcn's matter was dealt with by the local government official, R. N. Munroe in Winnipeg. The matter reached even the Deputy Minister of the Department of Mines and Resources, H. L. Keenlcyside, who was in charge of immigration to Canada. In Rome Culen was helped by the former Slovak �SLOYAKJA l69 Minister to the Vatican, Karol Sidor, and also by the Italian General A. Mola who had connections with the Canadian Minister to Italy, J. Desy. In spite of such advantages, Culen had to struggle for two years with the Canadian burea ucracy before sec uring an entry visa to Canada. Owing to Culen 's past as a stron g supporter of the independent Slovak State, which during World War II was allied with Nazi Germany , he had to make some false statements in his application. However, it seems that the Canadian authorities did not care much about them. Culen 's standin g as an "anti -co mmu nist writer" may have helped him. It is clear that Culen 's health record complicated and delayed the process of hi s entry to Canada. It is not clear whether it had been blocked by the political intervention of his "enemies". Juraj Rondos's self-sac rificing efforts on behalf o f Culcn were impressive. His strong will and activities, which were evident in the struggle with the Canadian bureaucracy, were trul y surpri sing. Culcn expressed admiration and gratitude to' him : "Whenever I meet with Minister Sidor, we almost always talk about your work with admiration , which will remain as a beautiful example of quiet and determined efforts with patriotic eagerness . Very seldom in life docs one ex perience such work." (C ulcn 's letter to Rondos of December 6th, 1948). When Kon stantfn 's younger brother, Stefan Culcn visited his brother in Montreal at the end of October, 1949, " he IStefan Culen I was also very thankful to you !Rondos I and he just does not understand that a man, who did not know us at all, could fight for us so courageously and finally win." (Letter of Konstantfn Culen's wife, Alzbeta Culenova, to the Rondos family of October 31st, 1949). Later a rumour was circulated among Slovak immigrant communities in Canada, according to which Rondos received mo- �SLOVAKlA 170 ney from the Canadian government for helping immigrants. However, Culen doubted the rumour and Rondos rejected it decisively in his memoirs. Judging by the contents of his correspondence, Rondos 's good faith is clear and we probably can accept his explanation that " I worked from love of Slovak affairs and not for money" .29 19 K. Culen wrote in an ano nymo us article as fo ll ows: "There are many of us in Canada who may thank the Canadian Slovak League for ou r emigration and for the fact that we again live as human beings and that we again stand on our feet and we are out of the camps of poverty . They may also thank brother Rond os who did this wo rk in the name of the League. He [Ro nd os] did it co urageo us ly and conscientio usly. Many know well the Slovak ' s worst failing. namely envy. and they began to spread gossi p. sayi ng that he [Ro nd os] is a good business man who receives JOO dollars from the Canadian government for every emi grant. Many emigrants were also angry with his alleged earning of 100 dollars for this purpose. When once someone to ld me that. I [Culen I answered him : ··1 feel offe nded . In my mind. Ro nd os sho uld ge t for me at least 1.000 dollars. If I was rich and had the money. and if the Canadian gove rnment did not give him the mo ney . as in reality it did not. I would give him for every me mber of my family 1.000 do ll ars. Even so. it wo uld not be enough for all that he has d o nc . •• Anonym [Konstantfn Culen J. "Ujo Rondos". Ka/cnd;ir Kanadskcj s/ovcnskcj ligy. I 953, p.211. Rondos himself remini sced about the episode in his later years as follows : "When after World War II o ur fellow -co untrymen dispersed around the world. I tried to get as many of them to Canada as possi ble. I took charge of the help and the !Canadian I Co lonization Office helped me. I managed to get many families and individuals into this country. However. there were certain people who accused me of being paid by the Canadian government up to 2,000 dollars for single families . Of course. this was just a fairy talc. I worked from love of Slovak affairs and not for money . I even spent my ow n money by constant running around and arranging of documents for Slovak emigrants. " Juraj Rondos . "Moje rozpomienky na zasle easy". Ibid. I 982, p.54. �SLOVAKJA 171 In his correspondence Konstantfn Culen repeatedly promised to write the story of his immigration to Canada. He 0 never did so.' This article is an attempt to do it for him. 111 Meanwhile. we identified the following articles in which Culen mentioned Rondos: Konstantin Culen. "Dolczitc pre novych emigrantov [Important News for New Emigrants]". Kan.1dsky Slovak. September 15th. 1949: Anonym [Kon stantin Culen]. "Ujo Rondos ". Kalendar Kanadskej s/ovenskej ligy. /953. pp . 209-212 . � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2003, Vol. 37 Description An account of the resource Vol. 37 (No. 68-69), 2003. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2003 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 112 SLOVAKJA DOCUMENTATION: V Konstantin Culen' s Long Journey from Italy to Canada As Illustrated by his Correspondence with Juraj Rondos 1 Susumu Nagayo The emigration of post-World War II political emigres from Europe to North America was a long and complicated process. Both the United States and Canada had passed legislation severely restricting immigration to their respective countries in the l 920's and l 930's and this legislation made it virtually impossible for post-war refugees to gain easy access into either country. T o illustrate this difficulty I will focu s upon one such refugee - the 2 nationalist Slovak writer Konstantin Culen . This article is based ' I would like to thank the staff of the Archives and Special Collec tio ns of Mori sset Library at the Uni versity of Ottawa fo r their kind supp011 of my work. I also deeply th ank Professor M. M. Stolarik fo r his critical comme nts and English correcti o ns. 2 On Konstantin C\ilen ' s life see the fo llowing works and arti cles: Franti sek Vnuk, Zivotopis Konstantina Culena [Biograph y of Konstantin Cul en]. C le veland , the Sl ovak Institute, 1984; S/ovensk f biografick f s/ovnik (od roku 833 do roku 1990) I [Slovak Biographical Dictionary (from 833 to 1990)]. I. Martin. Matica slovenska, 1986, pp.433-434; "Kalend ari um zivota a d iela [Chro nicle of his life and work s]". · In Stefan Baranovic (ed.), Konstantin Cu/en (1904 Brodsk e - 1964 New York ). Z bomik vydanf na pocest' nedoiitfch deviit'desiatych naro- 113 SLOVAKJA on the unpublished correspondence between Konstantin Culen and Juraj Rondos, which is in the Slovak Archives of Morisset Library at the University of Ottawa. 3 We will reconstruct Culen 's case by extensively quoting from his correspondence, which was written in Slovak. dcnfn historika a novinara [Konstantfn Culen. Almanac Published in Ho nor of the Ninetieth Birthday of the Historian and Journalist]. Martin , Mati ca slove nska. 1995, pp.66-68: Augustfn Mat'ovcfk and others, Reprezentacny biografic- ky Jexik6n 5/ovenska [Representative Biographical Lexicon of Slovakia] Martin, Matica slovenska. 1999, pp.59-60. During his life Culen wrote many boo k s and articles. We still do not have his complete bibliography. Meanwhile see the following articles : Jozef Kirschbaum, "Bibliografia literarnych prac K. C ul e na [Bibliography of Literary Works of K. Culen]", Slovak v Amerike, Jul y 29 th. 1964: Frantisek Vnuk, :Zvotopis Konstantfna C ulena. pp.225-227; 5/ovensky biograficky s/ovmk. I, p. 434; Jozef Pauco, "Predstavitelia slovenskej kulturnej tvorby [Representati ves of Slovak Cultural Creation]. Konstantfn C ulen ", Jcdnota, September 19th , 1990; "Bibliografia literarncj tvorby [Bibliography of Literary Creation] ". in Stefan Baranovic (ed.), Konstantfn Culen , pp .55 -63. Among the above-mentioned bibliographies. the last has the most information . ' The correspondence between Konstantin Culen and Juraj Rond os is located in the Slovak Archives of the Archives and Special Co llecti ons. It belongs to th e Imrich Stolarik Fonds (ARCS 98 -1). which co nsists of 38 boxes. The material s were donated to the Uni ve rsity at the end of 1998 by the fo nner President of th e Canadian Slovak League, Inu·ich Stolarik ( 1909-2000). They consist mainly of the organi zational papers of the League . but also contai n personal materials of the founders of the League. such as Gabriel Kurdel, Andrej Kucera, and Juraj Rondos. At prese nt (November of 200 1). the Imric h Stolarik Fonds is still being processed. A Preliminary Guide to the Imrich Stolarik Fo nds is available in the reading room of the Archives . The corresponde nce of Juraj Rondos is in fo ur boxes (575-578). It co nsists of his official and personal documents and co ntains thousands of items. Among them are interestin g materials relating t o Rondos ·s mediation on behalf of Slovak refu gees seeking to enter Canada after World War II. The file of correspondence between Cul en and Ro ndos is fo und in box 577. This fi le co ntain s 165 letters (6 1 from C ul e n to Rondos, 42 from Rondos to Culen. and other letters) from 1947 to 1952. SLOVAKIA 114 * * * By the end of March, 1945, as World War II in Europe was coming to an end, a group of people evacuated from Slovakia to escape capture by the Red Army and possible retribution in postwar Czechoslovakia. They were representatives of the independent Slovak State which was allied with Nazi Germany. These refugees briefly stayed in Holic and Skalica in Western Slovakia and , at the beginning of April, they entered Austrian territory. Finally, they settled in Kremsmiinster, a small city to the south of Linz. Among them was Konstantfn Culen with his wife and daughter. On May 8th, 1945, representatives of the Slovak government capitulated in Kremsmiinster to the American Army. At the beginning they were treated politely. However, on May 19th the former Prime Minister Stefan Tiso and three other former Cabinet Ministers were arrested by the United States Counterintelligence Corps (CIC) . On June 7th fifteen more people, including Culen, were arrested as " Nazi collaborators". They were detained in American Army camps in Peuerbach (until September of 1945) and then in Glasenbach. In March of 1946 Culen was released from the camp due to the intervention of his wife. The family met again in Ried im Innkreis in Upper Austria. At the end of April, avoiding "war criminal" hunters of the Czechoslovak authorities, Culen moved to Munich. But even here he did not feel secure, so at the end of August he returned to Austria. On September 20th, with the help of a friend in the CIC, he illegally crossed the border into Italy, hiding in the trunk of his friend's car. The next day he arrived in Rome, where he was reunited with his family. In Rome, under the protection of Karol Sidor, the former Slovak Minister to the Vatican, Culen started to work again as a 115 SLOVAKIA journalist. Utilizing newspapers and magazines from Slovakia as sources, he began to contribute articles to Slovak nationalist newspapers in the United States and Canada. At the same time, through connections with Slovak organizations abroad, Culen began to seek entry into Canada. The story begins with a letter dated June 6th, 1947, which Culen sent to Juraj Rondos4 in Winnipeg. Rondos was one of the leading members of the nationalist fraternal organization, the Canadian Slovak League. At that time he was president of its ' Juraj (George) Rondos ( 1900- 1985) was born in May 1900. the so n of a fam1er in the village of Vinne (Michalovce district, Zemplfn County ) in eastern Sl ovakia. In March 1926. he came to Canada looking for work. After engaging in various jobs, in October 1928, he opened in Winnipeg (Manitoba) a restaurant with a boarding house. In 1930 he became a member of the Winnipeg branch of the Slovenska liga v Amerike [the Slovak League of Ame1ica]. In 1932 he established, together with his friend s Andrej Kucera and Pavo! Sabo. the fraternal organization Slovenska liga v Kanade [the Slovak League in Canada] which was renamed in 1934 the Kanadska slovenska liga [the Canadian Sl ovak Leag ue]. At the beginning of the 1930's he received hi s Canadian ci ti ze ns hip. In 1936- 1938 he parti cipated in the organization of colonization of Slovak agricultural immigrants to Rosewood (Manitoba). In 1938 he brought hi s wife and children to Canada. After World War II. as an official of the Canadian Slo vak Leag ue. he helped many Slovak refugees (Displaced Persons) to emigrate t o Canada. Cule n' s case, which I reconstructed in this article. was one of them. After holding various important posts of the League. Rondos died in Winnipeg in March of 1985 at the age of 84. For Rondos's life see: Anonym (Ko nstant in Culen), "Ujo Rondos [Uncle Rondos]". Kalendar Kanadskej s/ovenskej ligy [Almanac of the Canadian Slovak Leag ue ], 1953, pp.209-212; Juraj Ro ndos. "V lete sli spat' na breh rieky [In the Summer They Slept on the Ri verbank] ". In lmrich Stolarik, ed .. Spomienky pionierov [Memories of Pio neers], Toro nto, Canadian Slovak Leag ue. 1978, pp.207-220: Juraj Rondos. "Moje rozpomie nky na zasle easy [My memories of lo ng-ago days] ", Jubilejnf kalendar Kanadskej s/ovenskej ligy [Jubilee Almanac of the Canadian Slovak League] , 1982. pp.51 55: Anton Hacko, "Posledne Zbohom Ju rajovi Ro ndosovi [Last Farewell to Juraj Rondos]". Kalend ar KanadskeJ slovenskej /igy.1 985- 1986. pp.1 27- 129. 116 SLOVAKIA Colonization Committee. 5 In this letter Culen informed Rondos, with whom he had never met, of his desire to immigrate to Canada. Culen introduced himself as follows: As you know, in 1945, with many others I emigrated on my own initiative. After much pain and suffering, I settled here (in Rome). Since Czech and Bolshevik agents will not leave me alone and there is still the danger of being arrested , we would like to find us a place where we could begin a new life and work and live in safety. I have many friends and relatives in America, but it is still hard to go there. They promise us much, but quotas are small, so perhaps we would have to wait for decades. To go to South America seems perhaps more easy, but, even so, it requires 5 In the Minutes of the 7th Convention of the Canadian Slovak League, which was held in October of 1946, we read the following passages: "News from the Colonization Committee - Brother Rondos, the chairperson of the Colonization Committee, made an oral report and added that he has close contacts with members of the Colonization Office of the Canadian National Railways, who offered him the necessary information regarding immigration to Canada. es pecially with regard to Slovaks. Other ethnic groups also exert pressure on the Canadian government with respect to immigration of Displaced Persons. demanding revision of the Canadian Immigration Act. ( ... ) Brother Rondos. based on their explanation about the settlement of immigrants on Canadian farn1s. assured the delegates that the Canadian government would admit Slovaks to Canada if the provincial offices would give them permission . Brother Rond os strongly appealed for sponsors for Slovak refugees and to help them to enter Canada. (. .. ) At the end Brother Rondos clarified who can immigrate to Canada and also referred to difficulties, such as temporary passports. the voyage across the Atlantic, and the lack of ships etc. At the same time he displayed so me application forms which he received from the Colonization Office." Zapisnica zo VII. kongresu Kanadskej s/ovenskej ligy vydriiavancho v diioch 28-29-30 a 31. okt6bra 1946 vo Windsoru, Ontario [Minutes of the 7th Convention of th e Canadian Slovak League. held on October 28th - 31st, 1946, in Windsor, On tario]. pp.9- 10. 117 SLOVAKJA time. So, I thought, what about Canada? I wrote a letter about this to Father Sprinc [Mikulas Sprinc], who in turn sent a letter to president [of the Canadian Slovak League] Kucera ([Andrej Kucera]. And he told us to send to you the necessary information . I have a brother in America [Stefan Culen in Chicago] who is also trying every possible means to get me nearer, so I want to try this as well . I would like to ask you the following : 1. Can we enter [Canada] ? There are three of us. 2. What do we need to do in order to enter? 3. How can you help us? Culen then provided his and his family's life histories. I was born on February 26th, 1904, in the village Brodske, District of Skalica, Slovakia. My occupation is engineer (do not worry about it; it is so registered in my passport. It is exact, because I studied engineering in high school.). Since April of 1945 I am in exile. The reason why I do not want to go back and cannot do so is an antipathy towards the domestic Bol shevik rule. I have a Red Cross passport iss ued in Rome . Alzbeta Culen, born on December 19th, 1906, m Bratislava, is my wife. She has a Red Cross passport too. Elena Eva Culen , born in January 22nd, 1929, m Bratislava, a student, is my daughter. She too has a Red Cross pass port. We are all stateless. As we can guess from Culen's defensive tone, this life history is not entirely accurate. Culen was no engineer. According to his biography, Culen was a middle-aged Slovak nationalist journalist. SLOVAKIA 118 Although he did not have a university education, he had been a brilliant journalist even as a youth. At the time of political crisis in Czechoslovakia in 1938-39, Culen participated in the activities of the Hlinka Slovak People's Party for Slovak autonomy. After March of 1939, when the independent Slovak State was declared, he became its strong supporter. He was a Member of Parliament (December, 1938 - March, 1939, the Slovak Autonomy Parliament, then March, 1939 - spring of 1945, the Parliament of the independent Slovak State) and he served as a cultural attache at the Czecho-Slovak Legation in Washington (January - March , 1939). Although he was prevented from participating in political activities by his political rivals from the summer of 1940 on, he continued to be active in the field of culture and journalism until the end of the war. In his letter to Rondos, Culen explained the reason for his emigration as "an antipathy towards the domestic Bolshevik rule" . He told only half of the story. In June of 1947, when the letter was written, the Communist Party already held the leading pos ition and had great influence in Czec hoslovakia, but political pluralism still existed. The Communists did not seize power until February of 1948. More likely, Culen was afraid of "war criminal" hunters and the so-called "people's courts" of the Czec hos lo6 vak authorities . • "Being condemned a ·war criminal' by London [the Czechoslovak government in exile], Moscow [the Czechos lovak Communist group in exile], and Banska Bystrica [the headquarters of the Slovak National Uprising in 1944]. he [Culen] had to go into exile to escape the gallows." Frantisek Vnuk. Z i votopis K onstantfna Culen a. p. l 02. - "To my question why he [Cu len] fled abroad at the end of war, he answered that he had been afraid of Bencs 's revenge." Imrich Krnzliak, "Spomienky na Kon stantfna Culena [Memories of Konstantin Cu len]", in Stefan Baranovic (ed.), Konstantin Cu/en. p.48 . - "When the front [of the Red Anny] approached, Culen. who opposed. as a Member of the Parli ame nt SLOVAKIA 119 Culen shifted the whole responsibility of his emigration onto the "Bolsheviks", because he knew that the independent Slovak State, which he had strongly supported during World War II, had been allied with Nazi Germany and Canada had fought the war on the side of the Allies. He was also counting on the emerging Cold War, which was shaping Canada's relations with Western countries . However, as we may guess from the tone of his reply, Rondos already understood Culen's delicate situation . It was common knowledge, not only in Slovakia, but also in the Slovak immigrant communities in North America, that Culen had a "s plendid past record" as a Slovak nationalist. Without hesitation , Rondos answered Culen's request with a skillful and kind reply dated June 23rd. I understood well your letter, and your wish to enter Canada with your family. You asked me to answer the three following question s: 1. Whether can you enter Canada with your family ? You can enter Canada as a farm worker. I have close friend s who occupy high positions in the Canadian Immigration Office. I had a long conversation with them. I explained briefl y your situation . I simply told them as a friend that you arc highly educated and the reason why you were expelled abroad. I also told them what are you thinking of doing if you enter Canada. They assured me that, after arriving in Canada, you will be free here, according to your ability. But if you want to and representative politician of the first Slovak Republic. Bo ls hevism and especiall y Benes ' s Czechos lovak politics. which did not even recognize the ex istence of the Slovak nat ion. had to evacuate from Slovaki a by government decree ." Dusan M. Janota. "Spomienk a [Memories]", in Stefan Baranovic (ed.), Ibid. p.52 . SLOVAKJA 120 enter Canada as soon as possible, you have to be registered together with your family as farm workers. Please forget other worries. Canada needs people like you. Here everybody is free and everybody is responsible for their own future . 2. What do you need to do for that? You have to do nothing. I will find for you a good Slovak farmer who will submit an application to the Canadian Immigration Office. He will petition to admit you and your family to Canada and declare that he has work and lodging on his farm for all of you . 3. What could I do fo r you ? I could do what I ex plained to you in 1. and 2. I will begin the work with your permission and by Divine protection. And I hope that our work will be successful according to the information which I provided for you and your family . A responsible person (at the Immigration Office) told me that it will take you three to six months at most to enter Canada. It was a smooth beginning. Culen was very pleased with the reply. As promised, Rondos quickly fo und a sponsor for the Culen family and so informed him of it in a letter dated Jul y 9th: Your fe llow-countryman from Tmava named Jozef Vo lek submitted an application that he needs you and your fam il y for work on the farm. He also submitted an application to th e Canadian Immigration Office, a copy of which I am enclos ing with this letter. Please do not worry. Either a Canadian Immigration Officer there will personally visit you or they will inform you by letter as to where you should present yourself. In the correspondence between Culen and Rondos we fo und drafts of an application entitled "This form has been prepared by 121 SLOVAKIA the Immigration Branch, Department of Mines and Resources, for the use of persons applying for the admission to Canada of immigrants". There are two copies of the same form, for Konstantin Culen and his wife Alzbeta Culen, and for their daughter Elena Eva Culen. Both copies indicate at the end: "Dated at Rosewood Man. (Manitoba) this 4 day of July A.D.1947. Volek" Signed Jozef 7 In this application there are some misleading statements. In the space for "relationship to applicant" they filled out as "friend" (needless to say, neither Culen nor his wife had ever met Volek) and in the space for "citizenship" as "C.S.R. [the Czechoslovak Republic]" (in his first letter to Rondoas Culen wrote that they were "stateless"). To the question "occupation in own county" they filled out as "fam1er" (not "engineer" as Culen had written before) and to the question "intended occupation in Canada", they answered: "to work on a farm". The most serious falsehood was the answer to the question "Has Immigrant ever lived in Canada or the United States? If so, between what dates and what address?" They simply answered "No", which was not true. Culen had actually lived in the United States three times. The first time (1905-1909) it was as a child with his parents, who were migrant workers; the second time 7 Jozef Volek ( 1903- ?) was one of the Slovak fam1ers who lived in Rosewood (Manitoba). He was born in 1903 in Trnava (Western Slovakia), came to Canada in 1927 and later obtained his Canadian citizenship. He acted as the financial secretary of the Branch 19 (Rosewood) of the Canadian Slovak League (the head of the Branch was Juraj Rondos). Volek wrote in the application , which was sent to the Immigration Office of the Ministry of Mines and Re sources in Ju Iy of 1947: ··1 have clear title to 560 acres( ... ) Financial resurses (sic) $ 25.000.oo. Anaal (sic) income about $ 7.000.oo ." Culen wrote in his letter of August 1st, 1947, to Rondos that Volek was a friend of the famous Slovak historian exile. Frantisek Hrusovsky. in SLOVAKIA 122 (December, 1935 - July, 1936) as one of members of the delegation sent by Matica slovenska (Slovak national cultural organization) to visit fellow-countrymen in the United State; the third time (January - December, 1939), as indicated above, as a cultural attache at the Czecho-Slovak Legation in Washington and then, after March, as an editor of the official organ of the Slovak League in America, Slovenska obrana [The Slovak Defence]. Certainly the purpose of the last two stays was not as a fam1er. His third stay in 1939 was especially significant and controversial. At that time Culen openly supported Slovak autonomy and, ultimately, independence. Even though Volek filled in the application, he probably only took dictation from Rondos. Rondos must have known about Culen's career in the United States. However, as reported in his letter dated June 23rd, he already had prior consultations with high-ranking officials in the Immigration Office in Winnipeg, so he probably considered this application as just a formality. Furthermore, Volek filled out after the sentence that "I have made the following arrangements for a home and employment for the above named immigrants," as "We will recive (sic) them on aur (sic) Farm and guarantee full maintenance and farm Employment at going Wages. " To the question "Is transportation to be prepaid?" he answered that "I will pay transportation," even though Volek must have known from the beginning that the Culen family had no intention of working on a farm. On July 15th Culen received Rondos's letter dated July 9th . Enclosed were copies of the application which Volek had submitted to the Immigration Office. In his reply dated August l st, Culen complained as follows: SLOVAKIA 123 Well, now I would only ask you to take up this matter with the proper authorities, because there are several Slovaks here who have papers like this and have been waiting for a long time, but nothing is happening. The worst thing is that they write much about our difficulties and thousands of people live by talking about the necessity of doing something to solve the refugee problem, and make as if they have done and deliberated . Meanwhile, emigrants are perishing physically and morally, while the gentlemen are having a good time. America in particular pays much attention to the matter, but not even one refugee is admitted. The bill, which should have been passed, was pigeonholed . Congress went into recess for a vacation. It will be reconvened again only in January ( of next year) and undoubtedly the bill will not be touched until the summer of 1948. If it is passed, migration can be started in 1949 or 1950. However, who can bear it? [In reality the DP (Displaced Persons) Act was passed in Congress in the spring of I 948 and the migration started in October of that year.] Why don ' t they speak less, write less and act more? Of course, what can we, small and simple people, do against the roguery of gentlemen's politics ? In reply to Culen's complaint (the letter was not dated, but according to its contents it was perhaps written in the middle of August), Rondos reported as follows: You asked me to expedite the matter. Well , I will tell you what is happening. Mr. Volek was summoned to the Immigration Office where he was asked [to provide evidence regarding the following l: I. Evidence from the district office that he [Volek] is really the owner of 520 acres of land [according SLOVAKIA 124 to the application which Volek submitted to the Immigration office, it was 560 acres of land] . He proved it by showing a private letter from the district office and also doc ume nts which proved that he has no debt. 2. Evide nce from a bank regarding his savings. We could prove that easil y enough. But after that they asked the third question. We were asked to explain how Mr. Vo lek came to know yo u. We answered that he went to school together with you and he remembers yo u as a farmer's son who was also trained in bl ac ksmithing. Thu s, when Mr. Volek left fo r Canada twe nty years ago, you [C ulen] remained at home working as a village bl acksmith a nd also as the cultivator of a small estate. We were asked wh y you lived in ex ile. Did you run away as a civilian or as a soldier? To this we answered that you were not a soldier and that you ran away as a civilian from communist terror. In his repl y, dated A ugust 28th , Culen humorously promised to "tell the same story": Thank yo u for the in formation about the examin ation by the Canadian office. Well , arri ving there , I will prese nt myse lf as the blac ksmith . It is not such a big lie, because my fa th er was a blacksmith , and, fro m childhood I was in his shop. If necessary, I pumped the bellows and helped with the bi g hammer, so th is is not a craft which I co uld not ac kn ow ledge . I coul d, perhaps, pass the examinatio n. By the end o f September the Canadian bureaucracy fin all y replied. Culen's sponsor, Jozef Volek, received the fo llowing pos iti ve notice dated Septem ber 29th from R.N. Mun roe , the 125 SLOVAKlA District Superintendent of the Immigration Branch of the fro [sic-for] the Department of Mines and Resources in Winnipeg: In connection with your application admission to Canada of your friends, Konstantin Culen, his wife, Alzbeta and their daughter, Elena Eva, of c/o Karel (sicKarol) Sidor, Citta del Vaticano, Italy, this is to advise that the settlement arrangements have been found satisfactory, and the necessary steps are being taken to have the proposed immigrants examined overseas. It will , of course, take some little time to complete these arrangements . A copy of this notice was immediately sent by Rondos to Culen who wrote about the news in his reply dated October 20th. These were the most delightful letters which I received during almost three years of exile. And especially, as I see, it is serious and we can judge according to the letter which you received [the above-mentioned letter by Munroe] that in fact the matter has already been arranged . Now it is only a question of time, according to the letter. Culen concluded optimistically: I am ending this letter with thanks for all which you have done for now. I caused you much concern, but I really had nobody else to ask. After all kinds of promises and assurances which I received, what you have done is most real and most clear. Well , once again sincere thanks and if that "some little time" in office is prolonged (I do not know how the bureaucrats function in Canada, but in Slovakia they say that a short SLOVAKIA 126 time lasts one year), please expedite it again. In any case, I hope that by Christmas I will be with you. While awaiting a reply from the Canadian bureaucrats , Rondos reported to Culen in a letter dated November 3rd that he had already arranged for Culen's tickets: "I am informing you that today I purchased for you and your family the steamship tickets . It means the following: You have your fare paid from Southampton , England, to New York by ship and from New York to Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada, by train ." As we shall see later, Rondos paid the fare out of his own pocket. However, on November 18th, Rondos received a notice dated November 17th from the Cunard White Star Line, where he had booked the tickets. In the notice a certain Patterson , the person in charge, wrote: You will recall our conversation, in which I advised you that we are not permitted to sell Prepaid for non-Canadians resident in Italy, for the reason that the Canadian Government has not an Examining Office for immigrants in that country. Our Head Office Iin England] is moct lsic-mostl anxious to assist us , but point out very plainly that they cannot take the responsibility of bringing the family forward to Paris for examination by the Canadian Civil and Medical Authorities , on the chance that they might be turned down . Therefore, I give you the suggestion, for what it is worth, that if these people can legitimately leave Italy and establish themselves in Paris, and you will confirm to us the Paris address at which they are resident, we could then make _representations to have the Permit transferred to Paris and the examination take place there . 127 SLOVAKIA Rondos at once wrote a letter (dated November 18th) to Culen. I have very close contacts with the company regarding your matter. Just now I received a letter from them in which they say that they cannot start with your matter and that you have to go to Paris with your family by yourself and that in Italy they cannot arrange a medical examination. In order not to explain much, I enclose you with this letter a copy of the notice. I hope you will choose a trip to Paris. And please present yourself at their company. [... ] And show them the copy of the notice which I am _sending you and either they or you announce yourself as soon as probable to the main office in England where they already have all the best information about you and the registered ship tickets are waiting for you. The same day Rondos sent a letter to Stefan Culen 8 , Kon stan- tin's younger brother, who lived in Chicago: " [... ] I dared to pay for the steamship tickets of your brother and his family from England to New York and I also paid for train tickets from New York to Winnipeg out of my own pocket $636.42 [ .. . ] I did not want to tell this even to my friends , in order not to confuse somebody about my work." Rondos also enclosed as evidence the copy of the notice from the ship company of November 17th and continued: "From your letter I understood that you are willing to pay your brother's fare, in order to get him here as soon as possible. I dared to pay it out of my own pocket. I hope that I am cooperating with good peo' Sefan Culen ( 1909- ?), third of five brothers of Konstantin Culen , was born in Pennsy lvania (USA), and worked in Chicago as a manual laborer. SLOVAKIA 128 pie and that my money will not be wasted." Rondos here suggested that, since he paid Culen's travelling expenses, Stefan Culen should reimburse him. Referring to "your letter, Rondos had in mind Stefan Culen's letter (stamped October 15th) in which Stefan wrote from Chicago that, "As soon as they [his brother's family] get visas, I would like immediately to send them plane tickets. If I could somehow help, please write me." Stefan Culen, after receiving Rondos 's letter of November 18th, answered on November 21st, and informed him of his intention to reimburse Rondos, as requested .9 Meanwhile, around November 22nd, Kon stantin Culen visited the Canadian Legation to Italy in Rome accompanied by an Italian friend, General Armando Mola. The Legation was newlyestablished and the Minister to Italy, Jean Desy' 0 had just been appointed on October 13th of that year. In a letter dated November 24th, Culen reported to Rondos the result of his visit: A while ago I returned from the Canadian Embassy. I went there with our friend, the general , who knows the Ambassador well. They received us warmly. We explained to them how our matter is going. We gave them an English tran- 9 Because of the complication in getting Culen ' s entrance visa to Canada. Ro n- dos cancelled in June 1948. the reserved tickets. See the notice of the Cunard Donaldson Limited Company of June 17th. 1948 . '" Jean Desy (1893-1960), Canadian diplomat. was born in Montreal (Q uebec) to a French Canadian family. In 1925 he entered the Department of External Affairs in Ottawa. He was one of the earliest Francophone diplomats in Canada. In I 941-1947 he was the Minister to Brazil (in 1943 promoted to Ambassador) . On October 13th, 1947, he was appoi nted Minister to Italy and on June 26th. 1948, was promoted to Ambassador and served in this position until 1952. In 1954-1958 he was the Ambassador to France and he died in Paris in 1960. SLOVAKJA 129 slation of your last letter (of November 3rd) in which you wrote that travel expenses had been paid. We also gave them the letter (notice, dated September 29th) which the Immigration Office had sent to you. The Ambassador said that everything was O.K. He said that we do not even need to go to Paris and that he will arrange the matter himself, including a medical examination and visa. The only things you will need are the following: l. Confirmation from the (ship) company that travel expenses have been paid . 2. Confirmation from Ottawa (the Canadian government) that entry to Canada is permitted . We asked him (the Ambassador) to request the matter telegraphically on condition that we will pay the expense connected with it. He promised to arrange it in this way. We had already asked the agency of the Cunard Company here to obtain confirmation concerning the payment of travel expenses. It would be good, if you could call their attention to this matter as soon as possible. Because he [the Ambassador] said that, if he will have it [the Confirmation] in his hand , he may issue the visa, so we could depart about the middle of December. Well , we would truly like to do so. We would fly away from here to London and then we would await there the next ship and we would depart. Really, we are growing impatient, like children before Christmas , and already we would like to be on the road. We will rest only when our ship moves in your direction . Culen's optimism grew after he received two letters from Rondos (dated November I 8th and November 20th) and a copy of the notice from the ship company (dated November 17th). 130 SLOVAKIA Culen wrote in his letter dated November 27th as follows: "If the matter moves faster, we will be there (in Canada) even in December, if slower, we will be there in January. Anyway, our hope was never so clear, as it is now. We feel as if we have everything within reach." However, "Confirmation from Ottawa that entry to Canada is permitted," which they had asked the Legation to obtain did not come. As Culen reminded Rondos in his letter of December 3rd, "The Legation here is waiting for information from Ottawa that they may issue us visas. I think that he [the Ambassador] already requested it telegraphically. If you have an o pportunity , please ask them to send it here as soon as possible. Because, as long as we do not have a Canadian visa, we cannot take the next step." Feeling uneasy about the delay, Culen sent to Rondos the letter of General Mola written in English (dated December 13th). On behalf of Culen General Mola explained his situation as follows: I saw again this morning, Mr. [T.L.] CARTER, [Second] Secretary at the Canadian Legation , acting for the Ambassador Mr.[Jean] DESY, so as to facilitate matters in every possible way. 1) Everything is all right as regards prepaid tickets. since the Legation is satisfied with the written declaration given CULEN by the CUNARD Office (Mr. BROOKS). 2) Mr. CARTER took note of what you wrote about the permit to enter Canada having already been sent to Rome . Nothing, however, reached the Canadian Legation yet , though the latter wrote Ottawa about it Nov. 22nd already . 3) By same letter, the authorisation was asked of the Canadian Government for the Legation actually applying the 131 SLOVAKJA visas on the three passports, even though the immigration Officials, to whom such a task is usually entrusted, are still to arrive. In the opinion of the Legation, such an exception might be granted since all documents were checked and found all right, and since the Legation have already their own Doctor who'll be able to submit the CULENS to the required medical examination. Were the authorisation not granted, Mr. CARTER says there seems to be no hope for the proper office to be ready for work here before two months or so! It would seem therefore most advisable that you should kindly complete the extraordinary work you and Mr. VOLEK have already done in favour of our friends by personally going to the proper Department in OTTAW A and - making precise reference to the Legation's letter of Nov. 22nd insisting that it should be answered favourably, possibly by cable: mind, not for the permit only, but also for the power to be granted the Legation. This is also Mr. CARTER's advice. On December 14th, Culen sent Rondos a cable. Unfortunately, I could not find it in the files of the correspondence, but, according to the contents of the aforementioned letter, we may guess that Culen's cable asked Rondos to obtain the confirmation from Ottawa by cable and to give to the Legation the power to issue visas. Having received it on December 15th, Rondos visited the agency of the Cunard Company and the Immigration Office in Winnipeg without getting a favourable response. In those circumstances he decided to seek the intervention to his close friend, Senator John Thomas Haig 11 , and visited his law " John Thomas Haig (I 877-1962), Influential politician in Winnipeg (Mani- toba). He was born to a Scottish family in Ontario and was a lawyer by profession . In 19 I 4 he was elected to several tenures in the Manitoba Legislature In SLOVAKIA 132 office in the city. Unfortunately Haig was attending Parliament in Ottawa. His brother, who had received Rondos, reported to Haig in a letter dated December 15th (to which was enclosed a notice from Munroe, dated September 29th and a copy of Culen's cable dated December 14th): Your old friend , Mr. Rondos was in the office today. He has applied under the Immigration Act, to bring out his friend, Konstantin Culen, his wife and daughter who are presently in Italy. [ ... ] The difficulty seems to be that we have no immigration authority in Rome. There is nothing there but a Legation and without special authority, they apparently have not the power to grant immigration permits. You will note the wire asking that the permit be cabled and that authority be given to the legation to Grant a visa. [... ] The only difficulty seems to be the permit and the visa. We know that you will do everything in your power to have this rushed to completion before you return from Ottawa. Mr. Rondos is exceedingly anxious, he has gone to a lot of trouble and spent a lot of money, and would certainly appreciate anything you could do to iron out the difficulties. 1935 he was appointed to the Senate, Dominion of Canada. in Ottawa. From 1945 on he was the leader of the opposition party (the Progressive Con serva- tive Party) in the Senate. In June 1957. through the victory of his party in the general election, he became the leader of the governme nt party. In October of that year he was appointed Minister without portfolio in the Diefenbaker Governme nt. In May of 1958 he resigned this position. SLOVAKIA 133 Receiving the news from Winnipeg, Senator Haig met with his personal friend, Hugh Llewellyn Keenleyside 12 who was the Deputy Minister of the Department of Mines and Resources and in charge of Immigration. After being "probed", Haig answered Rondos in a letter dated December 22nd as follows: [ ... ] You also know that I am leader of the Opposition [the Progressive Conservative Party] in the Senate of Canada and I took the time off to go and see the Deputy Minister of Mines and Natural Resources who is also the Deputy Minister of Immigration. He assured me that in two weeks from the 14th of December, that they would either have one of their own officers in Rome to give Visas for Canada or authority would be given to the Canadian Legation to issue them. The Deputy is a personal friend of mine and I am sure he will do exactly that thing. I sent the Immigration letter, about the duties to the Deputy Minister and he said it would all be cleared up in two weeks so that your friend [Cul en I will be able to get his Visas not later than January first. " Hugh Llewellyn Keenleyside ( 1898- I 992). Canadian scholar. diplomat. and high-ranking civil servant. was born in Toronto. In 1928 he entered the Department of External Affairs in Ottawa. In 1929- 1936 he served in Tokyo as First Secretary of the Canadian Legation in Japan. During World War II he was opposed to the forced evacuation of Japanese Canadians. In 1944-1947 he became Minister to Mexico. and in 1947-1950 the Deputy Minister of the Department of Mines and Resources. In this period he published the article Canadian Immigration Policy. Vancouver, the University of British Columbia, 1948 . Later he held various important positions in the United Nations and in British Columbia. He published Memoirs of Hugh L. Keenleyside, Toronto, McClelland and Stewart Limited. 1981 -82. in two volumes. 134 SLOVAKIA On the same day Rondos, enclosing a copy of Haig's letter, answered General Mola in English: I was indeed pleased to receive your letter of December 13th with the detailed information therein. I also received the cable of Mr. Culen , and immediately took the necessary action with the Immigration officials in Ottawa. To assure you that immediate action will be taken by the Canadian Immigration authorities , I am enclosing herewith a copy of a letter written by Mr. John T. Haig, Leader of the Opposition in the Canadian Senate, which is self-explanatory . Many of Mr. Culen's Slovak friends in Canada are looking forward to his arrival. Culen described to Rondos, on December 31st how he felt when he received the letter: We were feeling very blue at the end of the year. It seemed that everything had gone wrong. And here, in the last hours of the passing year, your latest news, which you sent to General Mola, arrived. It delighted us very much and it gave us new hope. Yesterday General Mola told me: "I am 73 years old , I travelled around the world, I saw and experienced much, but I have never yet in my life met with such a case of a countryman's friendship, as I see here with Mr. Rondos. You can be proud of it not only as a human being, but especially as a Slovak." Meanwhile, on the same day General Mola went to petition the Canadian Legation with a copy of Senator Haig's letter of SLOVAKIA 135 December 22nd which Rondos had sent him. Culen reported to Rondos about this episode at the end of his December 31st letter: Just a while ago the General returned from the Legation . They read the letter [from Haig] and they said that it is interesting, but according to the existing laws they may issue a visa only to Italian citizens, but not to foreigners. Until now they received nothing about our matter. They promised that they will send a cable and request an answer from Ottawa to the previous letter [dated November 22nd] about our matter. They have certain objections to our Red Cross passports and they say that we have to get others. In a word, there will be still many difficulties . By the way, the General is writing to you about this matter. They will have to get a special order to iss ue a visa to Culen and his family. While there is no order, nothing can be done. We also found in the file General Mola's letter to Rondos written in English (dated December 31st): Many thanks for your kind letter of Dec . 22nd and appended enclosure from Sen. JOHN T. HAIG . I immediately went to the Canadian Legation and showed them both letters to Mr.CARTER [Second Secretaryl . He was evidently impressed; but unfortunately he said that - though they already had authority to give visas without awaiting for the arrival of the Emigration Officials in Rome - this is for the time being applicable to Italians only. The Legation has as yet not received any similar instructions, neither for your specific case, nor for emigrants other than Italians. SLOVAKIA 136 I saw H.E. DESY also, and he assured me they would do their showing their best good-will, since they promised me they would cable to-day to insist that OTT AWA should answer by cable to the letter the Legation originally wrote to the Department last November. Knowing unfortunately how slow burocracy [sic] is in all countries, may I suggest that - with this piece of news in hand - you should ask your powerful friends to specifically insist that a cable was immediately sent, as suggested by the Legation. General Mola wrote m detail about the passport problem which Culen mentioned only briefly: Another complication arose at the last moment: namely that the RED CROSS passports - which had been by the Legation declared valid - are now not considered fit , by some recent new regulations!!! It would be necessary to have them substituted by some C.S.I.R.O documents - which it would take an enormous time to obtain - even though the Legation promised their support to hasten matters. Couldn't it also be obtained from OTT AW A that they should cable and authorise the Legation to exceptionally accept the RED CROSS passports as valid for the CULENs case only? According to their expectation at the beginning, it would "take you [Culen's family] three to six months at most to enter Canada" (Rondos's letter of June 23rd, 1947). However, the barrier of the Canadian bureaucracy was greater than they imagined and 1947 drew to a close over the anxiety of obtaining a visa. In the second half of January 1948, Culen 's attempts to enter Canada looked hopeful. He reported in his letter to Rondos , dated January 16th as follows : SLOVAKIA 137 Just a while ago they phoned me from the [Canadian] Legation, that. they already received the documents and perhaps within a week they will arrange the matter. They already fixed for us even the date of the medical examination. I hope it will end well, because we all feel ourselves quite healthy. [... ] If it will go well, we could perhaps get a visa by about [January] 23rd. Then it will take some time, while we receive an English and possibly an American [transit visa]. So we reckon that at the end of February we could arrive in Canada or in the United States. At that moment Culen thought that an entry visa to Canada was within reach. To his great disappointment, however, he failed his medical examination. Twenty-two years earlier Culen had suffered from a senous disease. At the end of August in 1926, when the twenty-one-yearold had worked in the editorial office of the daily Slovak in Bratislava, he was hospitalized for pleurisy. For two weeks he hovered between life and death. His temperature sometimes rose as high as 41 degrees. After three months of fighting the disease, he was allowed to leave the hospital. After convalescing for months at a sanatorium in the High Tatras, at the end of the year Culen returned to his regular life in Bratislava. 13 On January 28th, 1948, the Culen family reported to the newly established Canadian Immigration Office m Rome for a medical examination. Culen reported the results to Rondos in a letter dated the same day : It seemed that everything would be all right, when they suddenly looked at the X-ray of my bowels. Twenty-two " Frnntisck Ynuk. Zi votopis K onstantfna CuJena. p.45. 138 SLOVAKIA years ago I suffered from pleurisy. They said that even today one can see on the photograph traces of the inflammation. Since then I never got sick, but a Canadian doctor questioned it and postponed the issuance of our visas for later, only after the agreement of the Department of National Health and Welfare [for Canada] in London. They will send all the documents there. If they will agree, we can get visas, but if not, we can do nothing. We are for ever kept waiting. Culen continued in a pessimistic tone: Well, we truly did not expect it. Everything seemed all right. We received passports from the I.R.O. With the documents we had no problem, nor with the civil investigation . It never occurred to me that today they would call into question my illness of 22 years ago and that it would halt everything. My wife and daughter were recognised as healthy. This is sad and unexpected news for you and for us. So much work, so much running around and expenses, and finally this. You can hardly imagine what kind of medical examination we had. First of all the X-ray, then the medical and physical examination , then blood tests and then once more the face of a Canadian doctor. They were more strict than at the med ical check-ups for conscription. Now we have to wait for what they will decide in London. After so many experiences there is in our mind only a small spark of hope, si nce for emigrants things usually do not go well. What more can we do ? We arc truly bewildered and unhappy. We descended from hope into the abyss of hopelessness. 139 SLOVAKJA After he received Culen's "sad and unexpected news ", Rondos answered (in his letter of February 3rd) to keep his hopes up: .. . believe me, I and my whole family grieved when we read your letter. But, considering the whole matter, I think it will change for the better, because many people have suc h traces as you mentioned. The blood test will prove (that yo u are healthy) and in London they will reconsider the matter. I still believe in Almighty God and everything will be fin e. Please wait a couple of days, to see how they will answer yo u . And then, let me know instantly what kind of answer you get. If you do not fee l weak, I think it will pass and soon you can move in the direction of Canada. It was said that "within three weeks they will certainl y answer from London" (Culen's letter to Rondos of March 3rd), "at the latest within three weeks we will receive the answer" (his letter of March 20th ), but the repl y fro m the Department of National Health and Welfare for Canada in London was again delayed . Growing nervous, C ul en compl ained to Rondos on March 29th as fo ll ows : The Canadian gentlemen unpleasantl y trifled with us and in an un-Christian manner. The mos t unpl easant part is th at they said neither "yes" nor "no" . Government officials, havi ng a good life , tease poor emigrants. If one were not thoro ughl y affected by anti-Bolshevism, we ll , after such an ex perience one would like to give up, to leave for the other side and to say to them; "Forgive me, we wronged you." However, th e sorrowful truth is that the so-called democrats who chatter a lot about humanism and democracy practice such un - 140 SLOVAKIA Christian and such brutal things that on this point there are few differences between them and the Bolsheviks. [ ... ] Well, what shall we do? We all are against the heartlessness of the authorities and the stupidity of the bureaucracy and feel very helpless. You have done more than one could expect from a close family member. I am sorry that it turned out so badly. In Culen's letters we noticed several parts where he expressed dissatisfaction towards the immigration policy of Canada and the United States, and criticism and antipathy against the Western countries. Even the nationalist Culen, who professed to be a hardline anti-Bolshevik, reflected the emotional anti-Western sentiment of the contemporary left-wing intellectuals. Conversely, we found here and there sentences in which Culen praised the attitude of the Argentine and Spanish governments which gladly accepted immigrants . At the beginning of April Culen at last received a reply from London. The result was negative. In a letter to Rondoas of April 1st, Culen exploded in anger: Well, finally the obvious happened. Today we went to the Canadian ([Immigration] Office. They welcomed us very nicely, saying: "I just wanted to write you , you came just at the right time!" After such an introduction we were curious about the good news. They did not keep us waiting. They said:" You can not receive a visa for Canada. We received such an answer from our superiors." It did not surprise us. Because, after the long comedy which they subjected us to, we shouldn ' t have expected anything else. Your work was in vain . Our efforts were in SLOVAKIA 141 vain. Even the intervention of Abbot Kojis of Cleveland was in vain and useless. It helped nothing. Canada needs men with strong fists such as Joe Louis, but it does not need men who dared once in their life to become sick. I am sorry about your efforts and work. Although on the other hand, I had a beautiful experience. And I see clearly the true character of the humanity and Christianity of the United States, Britain, and Canada in the international conferences against Bolshevism. They pretend as if only they are apostles of mercy. One is disgusted with it, when one hears these hypocritical speeches and sees these brutal behaviours. Believe me, they are as bad as the Communists . Culen also vented his anger on Senator Haig, who acted as an intermediary: I thought that such a Senator, as leader of the opposition, has yet some power and the right to speak. But it seems to me that he has not much. I was once an unimportant deputy, but when I petitioned to the Minister of the Interior [Alexander Mach I that there were several Polish refugees who were hunted by the Gestapo, and if they were arrested, they would be shot, it was sufficient for the Minister immediately to issue them Slovak passports and as Slovak citizens to place them in the state service. Our Minister did not send them to an X-ray examination in order to have a look at their lungs, whether they had not by chance some medical history. If you want , you may tell Mr. Senator that it is strange that such an important politician can do nothing even for such a trifle. We have to clench our teeth and regret the lost time. After such experiences, one has to consider what to do next. There are not SLOVAKIA 142 many choices. One might even consider returning to the home country and to confess to the Bolsheviks as follows : "Forgive me, I was disappointed. In the West there is no democracy, no humanity, no Christianity, there are only forests for which they need cheap and absolutely healthy workers. No more, no less . Nothing had changed since the Americans carried slaves from Africa. The only difference is perhaps that now they check them even by X-ray, which they did not have one hundred years ago." In the morning of April 2nd , Culen received the notice with the same contents from the Canadian Immigration Office. Reporting to Rondos shortly thereafter, he wrote in a pessimistic tone that "otherwise I doubt that it is possible to change the matter" (letter dated April 2nd). To do justice to the Canadian authorities , it should be pointed out that they did not make a wrong diagnosis. In reality, in August of that year, Culen spat blood and was hospitalized . A spot was found in his right lung, but thanks to streptomycin and a calcium injection he was discharged from the hospital on September 10th. 14 In February of 1948, when Culen was disappointed by the medical examination and its aftermath, the Communist Party finally seized power in Czechoslovakia. When Culen suggested, perhaps only rhetorically, the possibility of returning to Czechoslovakia and of surrendering to the "Bolsheviks," in Czechoslovakia they were preparing a political trial against him. However, before Culen's trial started, the Communists organized another political trial against a group of people, including 14 Ibid. pp. 145-146. SLOVAKIA 143 his youngest brother Ladislav Culen 15 , who remained in Slovakia. Ladislav was arrested in September of 1947, under suspicion of participating in the underground activities of the Slovak Action Committee [Slovensky akcny vybor] led by a nationalist politician in exile, Ferdinand Durcansky. Stefan Culen, Konstantin's younger brother, wrote in a letter to Rondos (stamped October 15th, 1947): I [Stefan Culenj received a letter from Slovakia. They arrested our brother [Ladislav Culen] who was a professor in Bratislava. We do not expect that he will come back alive, for many people were arrested and accused of wanting to assassinate Benes [then the Czechoslovak President] . It is nothing but pretence to murder them. Very many people are arrested . These poor guys will never return. Suspicions of plotting to assassinate President Edvard Benes were spread by the State Security Police (STB). However, it was true that these people, including Ladislav Culen , organized the underground, supporting the idea of an independent Slovak state , and supplied information to Dr. Duransky , one of the leaders of the Slovak independence movement, who was in exile in Italy (after July of 1947 in Argentina). 15 16 Ladislav Culen ( I 9 I 6- I 990 ), fi fth of fi ve brothers of Konstantin Cul en. stu - died history at Comenius University in Bratislava. During the independent Sl ovak State he served at the Slovak Embassy in Budapest. As me ntio ned above. he was arrested in September 1947, under suspicion o f participatin g in an anti - state conspiracy and was se ntenced in April 1948 . to 18 years in prison. He wa s released in 1962. 16 .. The organizational network of the Slovak Action Committee in Slovaki a was initiated at the suggestio n of J. Fickuli ak in May of 1947. The group o rganized aro und Jozef Dobrovodsky and parti cipated in this in iti ative through L 144 SLOVAKlA Otto Obuch, the central figure of the so-called "anti-state conspiracy", was a press officer who worked in the office of then deputy-Prime Minister of the Czechoslovak government, Jan Ursfny. Ursfny was one of the leaders of the Democratic Party, the largest political party in Slovakia at that time. Obuch was arrested in late September of 1947. By the end of October State Security, taking advantage of the affair, forced the deputy-P.M. Ursfny out of office. Slovakia fell into a political crisis (the so-called November crisis) and as a result, the Communist Party succeeded m weakening its rival, the Democratic Party, and strengthened its position in Slovak politics. 17 Culen. Members of this illegal organi zation. Action Committee - official ly named "the Sl ovak headqu arters in Brati slava", spread its acti vity to all of Slovakia, which was divided into three regions." Robert Letz, S/ovensk o v rokoch 1945- 1948 na ceste ku k onwnistickej to tali te [Sl ovakia in 1945- 1948 on the Road To Communist Totality]. Bratislava. Ustredie slovenskej t'anskej intc ligencic v Bratislavc. 1994. p. 157. Jozef Fickuliak supplied kres- "Obuch. Ladi slav Culen. and Durcansky with important material regarding the political backgro und. the negotiatio ns of the gove rnment. copies of laws and decrees. unusual articles in the press etc ." Robert Letz. "Slovenska politicka emigracia z rok u 1945 a ohlas na jej cinnost' doma [The Slovak Political Emi gration of 1945 and the Respo nse to its Activi ty at Home 1". In Slovenskf po vojnovf exil. Z bomfk materialov zo seminara Dejiny slovenskeho exilu p o roku 1945 v Matici s/ovenskej v Martine 27. -28. j1ina 1996 [The Slovak Pos t- war Emigres. Papers from the Seminar '·The History of the Slovak Emigres after 1945" organized by Matica slovenska in Martin on June 27th - 28th. 1996 ]. Martin, Matica slovenska . 1998 . p. 118 . 17 For details of the po litical bac kgro und of the "anti-state conspiracy" see : Michal Barnovsky. Na ceste k monopolu m oci. M ocensk opo/iticke zapasy na Slovensku v rokoch 1945- 1948 [On the Road to Monopoly of Power. Power- political Struggles in Slovakia in 1945 - 1948 ]. Bratislava. Archa. 1993. pp . I 6 1207: Robert Letz. Slovensk o v rok och 1945-1948 na ceste ku k omunistickej totali te. pp. 156- I 76 and p. 2 30. 145 SLOVAKIA After seizing power in February of 1948, between April 19th and 29th in Bratislava, the Communist regime tried Otto Obuch and his followers. Obuch was sentenced to 30 years' imprisonment. Ladislav Culen received 18 years for being a party to "the anti-state conspiracy" which intended to overthrow the Czechoslovak Government and to restore the independent Slovak State. Exdeputy-P.M. Ursfny, who was allegedly involved in the affair, was sentenced to seven years in prison . 18 Ladislav Culen was heavily punished, perhaps, as a warning to his older brother. Konstantin Culen wrote to Rondos on May 7th as follows: l- --1 in Bratislava they tried my brother as an "AngloAmerican" spy and the prosecutor demanded the death penalty. Well, we were in bitter and tense expectation of what would happen and how everything would develop. He received 18 years' imprisonment, which is the second heaviest sentence among the accused. The Czech judge [K.] Bedrna sentenced the accused in all to 85 years. In the Hungarian Kingdom, during the last century, Slovaks were sentenced to about 78 years and, now, at one stroke they got so much more, and it is still said that they are "liberated ." Besides , they treated my brother so badly that he will take it very hard. The worst thing is that everything was unnecessary, that if there had been no stupidity by [Ferdinand)] Durcansky , his unnecessary propagandizing and forecasting of war, his unneces""Jan Ursfny. byvaly podpredseda c-s vl:idy. bol ods udeny na 7 rokov viize nia ("Jan Ursfny. former Deputy Prime Minister of the Czechoslovak governme nt. was sentenced to 7 years in prison). Slovensk:i obrana. May 4th. 1948. On Ursfny 's memories of this episode see: J:in Ursfny. Zm6jho tivota (Prfspevok k vf- voju slovenskej n:irodnej mys/ienky). [From my Life (Co ntribution to the Deve lopment of the Slovak National Idea)]. Martin, Matica slovensk:i , 2000, pp. 134- 149. 146 SLOVAKIA sary instigating of young enthusiasts, of careless people, the trial would not have taken place. 19 Culen also wrote about the matter in his letter of May 13th: Otherwise from the country [Slovakia] there is always only news about trials. My brother was already sentenced as an "Anglo-American" spy; however, I can enter neither England nor America. Isn't it a little strange? In the country they would like to try me as a collaborator with Americans. How this world is confused! On May 28th and 29th, m the local court in Bratislava, Konstantfn Culen was tried m absentia. One of the Slovak newspapers reported : '""The State Security Police (STB) took advantage of the activities of the Slo vak Action Committee. Even th ough the activity of the Committee brought im portant arguments about the stru ggle for the Slovak statehood back home. it also enabled State Security to manufacture ··the anti-state conspiracy" and to accuse the Catholic wing of the Democratic Party of cooperating with po liti cal emigres. which they interpreted as anti-state activity. Robert Letz. "Slovenska emigracia z roku 1945 a ohlas na jej cinnost' doma" . In Slovensky povojnovy exil. pp.118- 11 9. For details of the illegal political movements in Slovakia after World War II see: Robert Letz. Slovensko v rokoch 1945- / 948 na ceste ku komunistickej totalite . pp. 129- 176. See also the memoirs of one of th e leading figures of the Slovak Action Committee. Stefan Polakovic. "Zaznam o cinnosti SA V-u [Records of the activity of the Slovak Action Committee]" . In Stefan Polakovic and Frantiasek Ynuk. Zahranicne akcie na zachranu a obnovcnie slovenskej samostatn osti (1943- / 948) [Activities Abroad for the Preservation and Renewal of Slovak Independence ( 1943-1948 )], Lakewood-Hamilton. Slovak Research Institute of America. 1988. pp . I 09-225 . politicka SLOYAKJA 147 The people 's court in Bratislava, with Dr. Artur Sipka presiding, tried in absentia on the 28th of this month Konstantin Culen, former deputy of the Slovak Parliament. The Prosecutor accused Culen of the following crimes: that as an important politician he worked for the dissolution of the Czechoslovak Republic [in 1939], that he supported the military and political interests of Nazi Germany, that he supported the declaring and making of war against the Soviet Union, that he thwarted the struggle of the Slovak nation for the restoration of the Czec hoslovak Republic , that he became rich at the expense of other citizens , therefore he committed criminal acts of domestic treachery, collaboration, and treachery in the Uprising (of 1944). The public prosec utor of the trial is Dr. Amoast Barat. Vojteeh Vycanek spoke in his defence. The written statement and doc umentary material presented was proof of his guilt. The sentence will be passed on Saturday at 9 o'c lock.2' 1 Culen wrote in his diary of June 2nd , which is cited in Vnuk's biograph y, as fo llows: There is a newspaper with an article on my sentence "Cul en - 30 years' Imprisonment: [...)] Senate of Dr. Sipka of the people's court in Bratislava on Saturday of May 29 th passed judgement on Kon stantin Culen who was sentenced in his absentia to 30 years' imprisonment, 15 years' divestiture of citizenship, and confiscation of all his property ." Only 30 years! They fo und me guilty of so many cnmes and they gave me so few years! However, we two brothers, together with Laco [Ladislav Culen] got from the Czechs al- ' " Frantisek Vn uk. Zivotopis Konstantfna Cu/ena. pp.139- 140 . 148 SLOVAKIA most the same number of years as all Slovaks had gotten during the entire Hungarian regime. These gentlemen succeeded so well. The state prosecutor was Arnost Barath, a Hungarian from Nitra, whose two brothers, Elemer and Zoltan, are in exile, and one of them has just left for Venezuela. Vojta ([Vojtech] Vycanek, my old acquaintance, pleaded on my behalf. I am indeed curious how he did it. I wrote in a hurry an article for Jednota [a Slovak nationalist newspaper in the United States] where I just dealt with the curiosity that they could find for my trial neither a Slovak judge nor a Slovak lawyer. 21 Culen also wrote to Rondos on June 10th that "they sentenced my brother in Bratislava as an Anglo-American spy and confiscated all our property." These political trials perhaps dissuaded him from returning to Czechoslovakia and of surrendering to the "Bolsheviks". The trial of Kon stantin Culen belonged to a series of political trials which took place at that time in Bratislava. A group of Slovak nationalist intellectuals in exile were judged in absentia as well. Karol Sidor, Reverend Ferdinand Mondok, and Jozef M. Kirschbaum were each sentenced to 20 years in prison. The historian Frantisek Hrusovsky received ten years. It is worth mentioning that Culen received the heaviest sentence. In the meantime, Rondos, who had been informed by Culen 's letter of April 1st that London had turned down his visa application, once again visited Senator Haig. The Senator promised to bring to Ottawa the notice of the Canadian Immigration l l Ibid. p.140. SLOVAKIA 149 Office in Rome, which Culen had sent, in order to tack.le the matter at first hand (Rondos's letter to Culen of April 8th). Late in May, when Rondos went to Ottawa as a member of the delegation of the Canadian Slovak League, he visited the office of the International Refugee Organization (IRO), where he found a file according to which the entrance visa to Canada for Culen and his family had already been issued on March 5th. Feeling doubtful about the situation , Rondos met the secretary of Senator Haig (at that time Haig was not in Ottawa), and asked about the matter (letter of June 16th). At Rondos 's request, Haig wrote a letter to the Department of Mines and Resources in Ottawa. He received an answer of July 6th from his acquaintance, Deputy Minister Keenleyside: Since Mr. Kulen (sic) has been refused a visa for reasons of health, any review must be on medical grounds. Accordingly, the Director of Immigration has forwarded the entire file to the Departmental medical advisor, in order that we may have the benefit of his professional opinion. The original certificate was severe and I would not wish , at this time, to raise any hope on the part of the applicant. Just as soon as the file is returned , I shall promptly advise you and , in view of your representation, I sincerely hope the medical findings arc favourable. On July 14th, Haig sent a copy of this letter to Rondos . In the morning of July 16th, Rondos visited the District Superintendent of the Immigration Branch, Munroe, who called him the day before. In Rondos's letter of July 15th to Culen, we have a detailed report of their conversation. Based on it, we will reproduce Rondos's petition. Rondos and Munroe talked for over one hour 150 SLOVAKIA about Culen's entrance into Canada. Naturally, they also talked about his medical examination in Rome: Munroe: They did not say that Mr. Culen is really weak, but he has a medical history. By the way, how do you know these people? Why did you help to raise the Culen matter? Rondos reported all the circumstances. Munroe: I know the Senator [Haig] from childhood and we are now very good friends. Well , how did you get in contact with Mr. [T.P.] Devlin, the chairman of the colonization of immigrants for West Canada? Rondos began to explain. Munroe: It is enough. I was informed by Mr. Devlin about what you are asking me. Do you support the application which Mr. Volek submitted? According to it Mr. Culcn will work on his farm . Rondos: I am sure from his letter that Mr. Culen will work on the farm. In Canada nobody will take care of him. He 1s responsible for himself. Munroe: I have information that he is highly educated. Rondoas: It is true , but he had his own farm in Slovakia and he understands farmer's work . Munroe: If Mr. Culen enters Canada and cannot work on Mr. Yolek's farm, I was told that your organization lthe Canadian Slovak League] would help him, because he is a writer and can write good anti-Communist articles . Is it true? Rondos: I have a secret which I would not normally reveal. But I recognise that I am talking with a high state official, so I confess to you . I have a close connection with the Royal Police in Canada I RCMP I and I provide them with information about Communist activities. When a Czech agita- SLOVAKIA 151 tor comes here and the Police really want to know about his purpose, they ask me to participate in their meeting. Mr. Culen already sent me articles about what Communists write about Canada. These articles were sent long ago to the police office. If you want to know about them, call and ask s uchand-such an officer, whether or not I indeed provided the m with articles which Mr. Culen sent me from Rome. And our organization works against turnin g Canada " Red " . If Mr. Culen could not work for Mr. Volek, o ur organization will help him. If yo u need some ass urances for the help, I am ready to offer it. Munroe: I am satisfied with yo ur words . I do not demand any assurances. I already heard personally about your activity and , according to the information which state officials se nt me, I recognize your words as true. By the way, does Mr. Culen not have the intentio n to go to his brother [Stefan Culen] in America? R ondos: When Mr. Culen comes to Canada, he will become a citizen of thi s country. Because he is educated a nd we Slovaks in Canada do not have such people, we very much need ed ucated peo ple here. His brother in Chicago 1s only an ordinary worker. He cannot he lp him . Munroe: Is Mr. Vo lek sati sfied that he pro vided one year ago an applicatio n for Mr. Culcn 's entry to Canada? R ondo.s: Yes. If yo u do not believe me, please call the Senator. He knows Mr. Volek well and he will prove to you that Mr. Volek is waiting fo r Mr. Culen . Munroe: I am glad that you told me the truth. I will send a report to Ottawa that Mr. Culen is awaited in Canada. And I agree with it. SLOVAKIA 152 At the end of the conversation, Munroe called his secretary and ordered him to dictate a letter to Ottawa that he (Munroe) supports Culen's entry into Canada. However, in spite of Rondos's "frank" petition and Munroe's "guarantee", on August 9th, Senator Haig received from the Acting Deputy Minister of the Department of Mines and Resources, R. A. Gibson , a polite notice of refusal (of July 30th): The [Culen] file has been returned to the Director of Immigration from the Departmental Medical Adviser and, I regret to inform you, the original diagnosis has been confirmed. Under the circumstances, the Immigration officials in Rome cannot be instructed to issue a visa for the Culen [sic] family . Undoubtedly Mr. Volek will be disappointed with these developments but the Immigration Branch can be of no further assistance in the matter. Haig transmitted the notice on the same day to Rondos with the short comment: "I got a very disappointing letter this mornin g which I enclose . I don't think anything further can be done ." Rondos reported to Culen in a letter of August 17th: "Believe me , it [the notice] shocked me so much that I lay down and fell asleep. t .. .] I waited while everything passed away. I went to the Senator's office. He was at home and said the following : Haig: George [Juraj), I am sorry about such mean news. Rondos: Mr. Senator, I had an important meeting with Mr. Munroe, the chief (of the Immigration Department) for Western Canada. It was July 15th. In the letter [from R. A. Gibson] he wrote that they received from England a message SLOVAKIA 153 of decisive refusal. In my mind , an answer from England was hardly reached between July 15th and 30th , es pecially an official answer through Ottawa. I would like to know whether in Ottawa any Czech communist conducts the immigration administration or not. Munro e: I al so think that the an swer should have come later. George, go to the Immigration Department and onc e more ask directly for Mr. Munroe . Next Morning (perhaps on Aug ust 11th) Rondos called Munroe and got an appointment to meet at 2 o'clock in the afternoon. He was welcom ed. Rondos: Sorry about disturbing you, but I fee l nervo us and I would like to kn ow the situation tho rou g hl y. Rondos again explained to him, as he did to the Senator, and handed him the Jetter from Ottawa. Munroe read it and called his secretary, telling him to bring Cu/en's file. Wh en he brought it, Munroe read once m ore the Jetter which he had written concerning Cu/en to Ottawa on July 15th . Mun roe: Do not take the letter which yo u received from Ottawa seriously. It is written in Ottawa on Jul y 30th , but m y letter to them was sent onl y on Jul y 29th . So it is not the answer to my letter. Mr. Rondos, the fact th at I sent to Ottawa the letter is the same as if I pe rsonally went there in order to carry out the matter. Do not worry because I have not yet received an answer to my letter. And Munroe took the copy of his letter to read what he had written: "According to my special meeting with Mr. Rondos, I approve of the entrance of Mr. Cul en to Canada." Afterwards, Culen had a long wait. In his letters to Rondos we find such sentences as : "The Canadian [Immigration] Office has SLOVAKIA 154 not replied yet." (Letter of September 6th, 1948), "We know how officials work, •so we are not surprised at all." (Letter of September 18th), "We are waiting until they finally invite us and say Here are your papers and here is your visa. Since nothing had happened, I went to ask them privately. We heard that they indeed received some letter and they have just answered it. We d o not know what kind of answer they received. Well, we can o nly guess as we wait, optimisticall y or pessimisticall y. However, it is certain that it will still take some time. But we are used to waiting patiently, so we will live with it. " (Letter of October 9th), "Besides, nothing special has happened . We are waiting, as we waited one year, two years, or three years ago. Slowly we will look like Jews who are also waiting for the Messiah." (Letter of Nove mber 6th), "We expected last year that we would not have to celebrate Christmas and Easter [sic] by letter, but that we would do it orally. Well , our plans did not materialize and we must one year later wish yo u Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year by letter. " (Letter of December 6th) , "Till now the local (Immigration) Office did not move even an inch on the matter, so to speak. We are still waiting for them to invite us, but in vain. We do no t know what has happened . Now it seems that it has been mo ved, somebody, somewhere, puts a brake on it. " (Letter of December 27th). In August of this year, when Rondos visited Haig's office, he sugges ted, half jokingly, the possibility of "sabotage by a Czech communist". Being psychologicall y exhausted from the long wait, Culen began to suspect that his entry to Canada had bee n bl ocked by the political intervention of "the enemies" . He wrote to Rondos on January l 0th, 1949: "It would be interesting to find out why it all happened. I think that my health was not the question, but it SLOVAKJA 155 was Czech political interference." In his letter of March 29th, the conjecture changed into conviction: General (Mola) visited the Canadian (Immigration) office to ask whether by chance they had something new. There were new officials there, so they began to check various papers and finally revealed that the difficulty was not caused by an X-ray, but by something else. Well , it might be only political. And if political , it is clear that it was Czech interference. I know that they were not pleased with my appearance there. [ ... ] Because the fact is that there is not a greater enemy than a Czech . If it were possible, Czechs would drown us in a teaspoon[ul of water. Culen's biographer Ynuk also suggested the possibility of "enemy's intervention " .22 However, it is still unclear whether some pro-Czechoslovak groups (for example, the Czechoslovak National Alliance in Canada) or pro-Communist groups really did it o r not. Meanwhile, waiting for an answer from the Canadian Immigration Office, Culcn did not waste his time . After the Communist takeover in Czechoslovakia in February of 1948, the Slovak nationalist group in exile led by Karol Sidor began its political activities. In this period Culen participated, in addition to his ordinary work as a journalist, in two actions. The first was his radio broadcasting to Slovakia. We read in Culen's letter of November 16th, 1947, the following: u Ibid. p. 133. SLOVAKIA 156 [.. .] the radio station Free Slovakia has started to operate in Europe. It broadcasts every day for two hours. Soon Radio Free Europe will have Slovak programmes, so the Iron curtain between Slovakia and the rest of the world will be breached and we can open our mouths again. There is much work with it, but it is joyful. Well, on such radio stations we already cite what your Kanadsky Slovak [the organ of the Canadian Slovak League] writes. We will have to arrange a quicker sending of the editorial page of Kanadsky Slovak in order to give our people at home more fresh news. Now we are waiting for a reaction from our homeland .2 3 In his letter of December 6th Culen also wrote the following: Now there is much to do. We prepare materials for our broadcasting to Slovakia. We hope it will be perfect. Well , every day half an hour is enough work for one person. One station is already operating . From the New Year on the Italian government will start short wave broadcasting every day for ten minutes. I hear that even in London [BBC] the Czech and Slovak broadcasting will be divided. If then the Canadian government wants the people in Slovakia to listen to their programmes [CBC International Service which started in 1945], they will have to do the same thing. If people at home will have the possibility to listen to programmes in the Slovak spirit, nobody 23 will tune in to the Czechoslovak jumble. The Czechoslovak section of Radi o Free Europe (RFE) began regular program- ming in May of 1951. However. the division between the Czech and Sl ov ak sections , which Culen had expected , did not materialize . On this problem see: Imrich Kruzliak , "Radio Slobodn a Europa a Slovaci [Radio Free Europe and the Slovaks]", In Slovensky povojnovy exil. pp.338-344. SLOVAKIA 157 Everything which is connected with the Czechs is bad for the Slovaks. As Culen wrote, from the beginning of 1949 the Rome station began to provide Slovak programmes. He cooperated actively with it, writing articles and reading lectures. He wrote to Rondos on April 26th that "Now I have much work, for every Sunday I have a radio lecture for Slovakia and people there listen to it very carefully." Culen's second political activity of this period was participation in the newly established political organization of the Slovak nationalists in exile. In May of 1948 an agreement to establish a new organization was made between the group led by Karol Sidor and the Slovak National Council in London which was organized in January, 1944, by Peter Pridavok. On the front page of Kanadsky Slovak of December 16th, they announced the formation of the Slovak National Council Abroad as the coordinating body in the struggle for "the Slovak State within a federalized Europe" .24 It was dated Christmas of I 948 (in reality, it was published in the middle of December) and signed by Karol Sidor (as the president) and by Peter Prfdavok (as the general secretary). The main organizer was Jozef Kirschbaum. Culen supported him, and became one of its vice-presidents and at the same time chief of its Italian branch. 2 5 i, "Slovenska Narodna Rada v Zahranicf utvorcna [Creation of the Slovak Na- ti ona l Council Abroad]" , Kanadsky S lovak. December 16th. 1948 . is On the acti vities of the Slovak National Council Abroad see: Frantisek Vnuk. "S lovenska narodna rada v Londyne a v zahranicf (1943- 1948) (The Slovak National Council in London and Abroad (1943-1948))". In Stefan Polakovic and Frantisek Vnuk, Zahranicne akcie na zachran u a obnovenie s/ovenskej sa- mostatnosti (I 943-1948), pp.1-108; Genoveva Gracova , "Dve koncepcie boja za slovensku statnost' (Two conceptions of the struggle for Slovak statehood)", 158 SLOVAKIA With respect to this, Rondos wrote to Culen on December 18th that "the article of Mr. Sidor and Mr. Prfdavok [abovementioned] was published in [Kanadsky] Slovak and it provides evidence of the revival of the independence movement. [... ] As you are actively engaged in it, you are perhaps busy with it. Culen, meanwhile, reported to Rondos on January 18th, 1949: Otherwise we are led by the Slovak National Council [Abroad]. The press in Europe pays much attention to it. The Spanish press evaluated the meaning of this step as most important among all the European nations which are occupied by Communists. Even the Swiss press pays attention to our organization . We may say that until now not even one of our Slovak affairs created such a reaction . Yesterday American journalists visited the Minister [Sidor]. I was with them for half a day and we talked with them. In February of 1949 Culen departed for Paris, together with Sidor and Kirschbaum in order to negotiate with French government officials regarding the activities of the Slovak National Council Abroad. They arrived in Paris on February 20th . We found in the file of correspondence between Sidor and Rondos a post-card from Paris dated February 21st: "We sincerely greet you and on the occasion of the meeting of the Slovak National Council Abroad we remember you." The card was written by Culen and signed: Konsto [Konstantin] Culen, Karol Sidor, Laco [Ladislav)] Jankovic, and J. Kirschbaum . In S/ovensky povojnovy exil. pp.82-84: Frantisek Vnuk. "Aktivity exilu - obhajoba slovenskej statnosti v rokoch 1945- 1948 [Activities of the emigres The Defense of Slovak Statehood in I 945 - I 948 )". in Ibid. p.90 . SLOVAKIA 159 On February 28th Culen returned to Rome. On March 29th he wrote: "There is now much work to do with the Slovak National Council IAbroadj. We described what had happened, and where we visited. I asked them to send you a copy in order to inform you. However, it is a confidential report and not for publication." Meanwhile, on May 6th, 1949, Senator Haig received a notice (dated April 30th) from the Deputy Minister of the Department of Mines and Resources, Keenleyside : You may recall that on July 30th, 1948 Mr. R. A. Gibso n [Acting Deputy Minister of the Department] wrote advising favourable consideration in the case of Konstantin Culen and family, Czechoslovakian refugees in the Vatican City, could not be extended due to Mr. Culen's failure to comply with our medical requirements. You will now be pleased to know that on rev1ewmg the entire situation it has been decided to allow this family to come forward provided Mr. Culen 's state of health is no worse than indicated and they can otherwise meet with the Immigration Regulations . The necessary advice in the matter has been transmitted to our office in Rome , Italy in order that appropriate action may be taken on behalf of these perso ns . I trust that it will not be too long before this family will be in a position to come forward. Having received the notice, Haig sent a short message to Rondos: "Dear George : I enclose lforl you a letter received this morning from Ottawa. This looks [like] better news . When you come in bring this letter back with you." Rondos , in tum , informed Culcn of the delightful news m a letter of May 8th: 160 SLOVAKIA I cannot stop myself from informing you. The day before yesterday I received a letter from the Senator in which he informed me that your matter had moved and that now everything is on track. He [the Senator] also sent me the letter which he had received , but he asked me to bring it back to him when I would visit his office. So I typed it once more , how Ottawa classified you, and I attach it with this letter. You will read in it that Ottawa informed the office in Italy I to issue a visal if you arc not weaker than at the last examination. I hope you understand the letter, so I did not write more . Indeed, Rondos did not mention in the letter any more about the matter. However, he could feel deep satisfaction that he had finally achieved his intended objective after a long struggle with the bureaucracy. Culcn received the good news about May 15th (Ynuk writes that Culen received on May 18th the invitation from the Canadian selection committcc). 26 He reported to Rondos further developments in his letter of May 22nd: On the day that I received your letter attached with the notice I from Kccnlcysidc I to the Senator, they already called me from the consulate and at the same time they invited me also by letter to come there. When we arrived. they were very nice to us, full of' willingness. If my health condition, they said , docs not worsen . they will give me the visa. I was sent again for a medical examination. I had to go to Naples where the IRO camp is. We spent three days there , and finally we received the medical report which we now have to hand over to IRO. They have to issue us a new passport, because the old 1 " Frantisek Vnuk. tivotopis Konstantina Culena. p. 147 . SLOVAKIA 161 one is already invalid. Then I have to again go to the consulate and there we will be told the results. At this moment I do not know them, but before sending this letter I will perhaps know , so I inform you at the end of the letter. I am really curious as to whether they will give me the visa or not , whether the old comedy of sending the documents to London and then from London to Ottawa, repeats itself, as it did the first time. After the previous disappointments , Culen was very skeptical about the results, but this time they proved to be positive. In the second half of the same letter he wrote: "We just came back from the consulate. Well , my dear friend Rondos , you won . We have the visa and, if nothing else happens, I will take part in the Congress !the 8th Convention of the Canadian Slovak Leag ue I as you wished." It took Culen two years to sec ure the entry visa to Canada. He should have felt deep satisfaction . Instead , it caused him a new kind of anxiety. At the end of the same letter he added: "However, now, the most serious problem will be to find suitabl e work. Is it possible to become an assistant editor at Kanadsky Slovak'? Of course, the others would have to approve . Or, perhaps , I will find something else. Well , I think that many people succeeded there, so I will do so somehow as well ." Afterwards, Culen was busy for days preparing for the journey: "I already bought the steamship ticket and railway ticket. I will not use the IRO transportation as I originally had to , but I will go privatel y, because this month there is no transportation and next month they still do not know when. So, I bought a ticket for Yulkania Iperhaps Culcn 's mistake. It had to be Saturnia I, the Italian ship, which will leave on June 21st direct to Halifax . So 162 SLOYAKlA perhaps about July 1st I will arrive in Canada. Then , I will board a train and depart for Winnipeg. [ ... ] Now we are just packing and saying good-bye to Rome." (Letter of June I Ith) "Just now the ship company called that my ship Satumia will leave port not on the 21st, as I was originally informed, but on the 18th. In one word, this week. So I am packing quickly, since it changed unexpectedly." (Letter of June 12th) Culen then sent a post-card to Rondos on June 15th from Lido di Ostia, a port in the suburbs of Rome. He wrote: "Saying good-bye to Rome, I am looking forward to seeing you soon" . Beside his signature there are several others: A. Culenova (his wife), Eva Culcnova (daughter), Karol Sidor, Angela Sidorova (Sidor's wife), M. Doranska (Jan Doransky's wife), Ladislav Pudis , and J. Kirschbaum etc. Another post-card was sent to Rondos on June 17th, this time from Naples : " Dear friend, saying good-bye to friends on the beach, we all remember you most heartily. We send you our greetings and I look forward to seeing you soon ." We noticed the signatures of Konstantin Culen, A. Culenova, Angela Sidorova , Karol Sidor, and Ferdinand Mondok. Perhaps they came from Rome to Naples to sec him off. Culen 's Italian friend, General Armando Mola also signed with a short English message: "We arc all happy & and unhappy! " Needless to say that they were "unhappy" to part with Culen . However, before the departure, one more problem arose. The steamship on which Culen was supposed to sail from Naples on June 18th, cancelled the voyage. In a letter of June 22nd from Naples he explained: Certainly you read in the newspaper that here in Italy the crew of the steamship Satumia, on which I was to depart, SLOYAKJA 163 went on strike. I have been stuck here in Naples for a week. I am sick with worry. Nobody knows anything, so they tell us "Come tomorrow" . The next day they tell us " In the afternoon", in the afternoon they tell us "Tomorrow". Fortunately, I take it with some humour, so I do not get angry, not even insulted . I tell myself that I will at last find some ship on which they do not strike and I will depart on it. Today they promised us that the steamship So bieski will carry us. [ ... ] According to tod ay's information this ship will depart on Jun e 28th . In spite of Culcn ·s skepticism, the ship did , indeed , depart o n June 28th. He wrote in a letter of the same day from Naples: "Well , finally it appears that I will indeed say good-bye to Europe and the Sobieski will finally move out with us. So sometime around July 14th I will arrive in Canada." Culen departed a lone , because his family planned to leave Italy a nwnth later. Culcn's protector Sidor wrote from the Vatican to Ro nd os on June 29th (in the file of correspondence between Sidor and Rondos): "We arc all really happy that on June 28th on the steamship Sobieski Kon sto Culcn left Italy." It is interesting to note that Sidor in the same letter continued as follows : I do not know what you intend to do with Ko nsto Culen . My personal opinion is that it will be best for him to go to the editor of Kanadsky Slo vak , !Stefan) Hreha. Hreha and he could make of Kanadsky Slovak such a new spaper which even Slovaks in the United States do not have. I wrote to editor Hreha, too, but I would like to ask you to disc uss with your friends the proposal of acceptance of Culcn as an SLOVAKIA 164 assistant editor, to recommend it and suggest to the competent authorities of the Canadian Slovak League to accept it. It is not clear whether Sidor made the suggestion on his own initiative, or whether Culen asked him to do so. In either case, judging by the prestige which Sidor had at that time as the president of the Slovak National Council Abroad, it could almost be interpreted as an order. The steamship Jan Sobieski stopped at Genoa (on June 29th), Cannes (on June 30th), and Gibraltar (on July 2nd). On that day Culen sent to Rondos his last letter from Europe: My journey was delayed whole ten days owing to the sailors' strike. [ ... ] Life on board ship is quite good. It is full of Italian emigrants who go to Canada. There are some Jews too , but they go to USA. We can hear many languages. However, most people are travelling with the hope that their life abroad will be better than at home. [ ... ] Today the sea is slightly stormy, so most passengers sigh and feed the fish . For me, nothing ever happened on the sea. Otherwise I am using my time on the ship to study English, everyday for several hours . I hope that in Canada, when I will have the opportunity to listen and speak, it will come to me fairly quickly. And I believe that in a short time I will master English so that I will be able to communicate fairly well. Otherwise, I read books and newspapers quite well. At the end of the letter Culcn wrote with some emotion: This is the last letter from European shores which I will send you. We have exchanged many letters. I sometimes felt pity for you and admired you. Because I saw that other 165 SLOYAKJA people also received many letters from you. Where did this person find the time ? I asked myself. · You will certainly be glad that one of your troublemakers will drop off your list. I will always remember your struggle on my behalf and I intend to somehow record it. This letter was written on a typewriter with Slovak phonetic characters. Perhaps Culen brought his favourite typewriter with him. The voyage and the arrival in Canada witnessed no problems . The Sobieski smoothly crossed the Atlantic Ocean in one week and arrived in Halifax on July 10th. On the same day Culcn sent a telegram to Rondos in English: "Safely arrived to [sic] Halifax expect me about Sunday". The second half of the telegraph meant that he would arrive in Winnipeg by train around July 17th. In his letter of July 11th, which was written on the train from Halifax to Montreal , Culen reported as follows : "In [Halifax I harbour a young Slovak named Janega awaited me. They say that Mr. Kunda sent him. He helped me with my baggage; we had a chat and a snack. His willingness was very much appreciated ." Culen arrived in Montreal on the evening of July 11th. Kanadsky Slovak of July 21st reported as follows : "Writer K. Culen in Canada - on the way to the West he stopped at Montreal and Toronto ." 27 It then continued , In the evening of Monday IJuly I l th I arrived in Montreal one of the prominent Slovak writers, politicians and publicists, a nationalist and uncompromising defender of Slo' vak truth [an independent Slovak state] - Konstantin Culen. 17 "Spisovater K. Culen v Kanade (The Writer K. Culen in Canada]". Kanadskf Slovak.July 21st. 1949 . SLOVAKIA 166 At the Windsor Station prominent members of the Slovak community in Montreal welcomed him, along with a group of Slovak emigres . On Tuesday, in the National Home of the Canadian Slovak League, a small party was organized in his honour. Officials of the League and the Canadian Jednota and other persons took part in it. On behalf of Slovaks living in Montreal, chairpersons of associations welcomed K. Culen . In his speech Mr. Culen promised to cooperate, declaring that every Slovak emigrant should have participated in the national activities of the Canadian Slovaks . On July 14th Culen left Montreal and, after stopping m Toronto, in the morning of July 16th he departed for Winnipeg, sending again a telegram in English to Rondos : "Arriving CPR (Canadian Pacific Railway) 9 A.M. standard time Sunday". As expected, he arrived in Winnipeg in the morning of July 17th and was welcomed by Rondos . It must have been a very dramatic scene. Culen then participated in the 8th Convention of the Canadian 28 Slovak League in Winnipeg . 1 ' At the convention he was elected According to the Minutes of the 8th Convention. Culen said the following on the first day (July 25th) : ··1 do not want to speak long. I intend to visit all Sl ovak colonies (i n Canada). I bring you the greetings of Minister Sidor. the presi dent of the Slovak National Council Abroad. and also the greetin gs of st udents . theologians. and other Slovaks from Italy !The greetin gs. with the signatures of Karol Sidor and Jozef Kirschbaum of May 19th. 1949. were published at the end of the Minutes] . I bow down to your work. I come to you to contribute to the prosperity and en largement of the Canadian Slovak League." Zapisnica z VIII. k ongresu Kanadskej s/ovenskej ligy. vydriiavaneho v diioch 25.. 26.. 27. a 28. ju/a 1949 v hoteli Marlborough [The Minutes of the 8th Convention of the Canadian Slovak League. held on July 25th - 28th, 1949. in the Hotel Marlborough], Winnipeg. Manitoba, Canada, p.2. On the second day (July 26th) parti cipants discussed the "Sidor versus Dursansky" problem. The following com- 167 SLOVAKIA as an assistant editor of the League 's newspaper Kanadskf Slovak . The convention also resolved that the Canad ian Slovak League, along with the Slovak League of America, recognized the Slovak National Council Abroad as "the competent representative to speak on behalf of the subjugated Slovak nation at home" (Kanadskf Slovak , August 11th, 1949) . At the beginning of August Culen returned from Winnipeg to Montreal where the editorial offices of Kanadsk f Slovak were located. His wife and dau g hter, who entered Canada through New York, on August 11th, came to Mo ntreal as well. After havin g found an apartment, Culen began to again work as a jo urnalist. Although it took two long years, Culen had finally succeeded in finding "a place where we could begin a new life and work and live in safety" (Letter of June 6th, 1947). Although this article should end on this happy note, it cannot. Even though he became an assistant editor of the newspaper promise was reac hed: '" they concluded th at brother preside nt [Andrej Kucera ] sho uld read the resolution on the recogn ition of the Slovak Nat io nal Co un ci l Abroad and th at th e Co uncil headed by Karo l Sidor. wh o is the compe te nt representative tn speak on be half nf the subjugated Slovak nation at home. Fo r Dr. Durcansky a letter has to be written in w hich they rronounce their esteem for hi s work for the freed om o f the Slovak nati on. Ibid. p. 18 . In the mo rning session of the last day (J ul y 28 th ) Ro ndos made a proposal to accept C ul en int o the edi torial office of Kanadsky S lovak. Kami Murin (fom1er pers1,11al secretary of Jozef Tiso) and Father Jan Zeman supported the proposal and it met wi th ge neral approval. In the evening sessio n "Konstantin Culen was elected as an assistant editor with applause. He is grateful for his election and promises to make efforts to build up the newspaper. He also will do his best to propagate the Ca nad ian Slovak Leag ue with all his might. He promises editor [Stefan] Hreha that he will be a loyal workmate. T hey will help each other. for brother Hreha knows Canad a and the Canadian si tuatio n well and he [Culen) knows in tum Slovaki a and the European situation." Ibid. pp.27-28. Also see the articl e "Po VIII. kongrese Kanadskej slovenskej ligy [After the 8th Conve ntion of the Canad ian Slovak League] ". Kanadsky S lovak. August I Ith . 1949. SLOVAKIA 168 Kanadsky Slovak, Culen moved to Winnipeg in March of 1952, because the League had bought a small printery there. At that time he became the editor-in-chief. However, he became dissatisfied with this position, resigned in July, 1956, and moved to the United States. In September of the same year he became director of the Slovak Institute in Cleveland (Ohio) after the sudden death of the former director, the historian Frantisek Hrusovsky. Now his personal relations with leading members of Slovak organizations in the United States became complicated (His mimeographed work "V zajatf fa/osnych Jegiend a nenavistneho srdca (In the Grip of False Legends and an Unforgiving Heart)" which was published in New York in 1961, deals with this problem). Therefore, in September of 1958 he was dismissed from the Institute. Culen continued to write until his death on April 7th, 1964 in New York. His simple tombstone with the English inscription: "Culen / Konstantfn / Slovak historian / and writer / born in 1904 I died in 1964" stands modes ti y on the grounds of the Slovak cemetery in Passaic (New Jersey) . * * * Having reconstructed Cul en 's tortuous attempts to emigrate to Canada, we may conclude the following. Someone as famous as the nationalist journalist Culen could have had some advantages; he received the help of the influential Juraj Rondos, who shared Culen's nationalism. Thanks to Rondos ' s strong personal connections with Senator J. T. Haig, Culcn's matter was dealt with by the local government official, R. N. Munroe in Winnipeg. The matter reached even the Deputy Minister of the Department of Mines and Resources, H. L. Keenlcyside, who was in charge of immigration to Canada. In Rome Culen was helped by the former Slovak SLOYAKJA l69 Minister to the Vatican, Karol Sidor, and also by the Italian General A. Mola who had connections with the Canadian Minister to Italy, J. Desy. In spite of such advantages, Culen had to struggle for two years with the Canadian burea ucracy before sec uring an entry visa to Canada. Owing to Culen 's past as a stron g supporter of the independent Slovak State, which during World War II was allied with Nazi Germany , he had to make some false statements in his application. However, it seems that the Canadian authorities did not care much about them. Culen 's standin g as an "anti -co mmu nist writer" may have helped him. It is clear that Culen 's health record complicated and delayed the process of hi s entry to Canada. It is not clear whether it had been blocked by the political intervention of his "enemies". Juraj Rondos's self-sac rificing efforts on behalf o f Culcn were impressive. His strong will and activities, which were evident in the struggle with the Canadian bureaucracy, were trul y surpri sing. Culcn expressed admiration and gratitude to' him : "Whenever I meet with Minister Sidor, we almost always talk about your work with admiration , which will remain as a beautiful example of quiet and determined efforts with patriotic eagerness . Very seldom in life docs one ex perience such work." (C ulcn 's letter to Rondos of December 6th, 1948). When Kon stantfn 's younger brother, Stefan Culcn visited his brother in Montreal at the end of October, 1949, " he IStefan Culen I was also very thankful to you !Rondos I and he just does not understand that a man, who did not know us at all, could fight for us so courageously and finally win." (Letter of Konstantfn Culen's wife, Alzbeta Culenova, to the Rondos family of October 31st, 1949). Later a rumour was circulated among Slovak immigrant communities in Canada, according to which Rondos received mo- SLOVAKlA 170 ney from the Canadian government for helping immigrants. However, Culen doubted the rumour and Rondos rejected it decisively in his memoirs. Judging by the contents of his correspondence, Rondos 's good faith is clear and we probably can accept his explanation that " I worked from love of Slovak affairs and not for money" .29 19 K. Culen wrote in an ano nymo us article as fo ll ows: "There are many of us in Canada who may thank the Canadian Slovak League for ou r emigration and for the fact that we again live as human beings and that we again stand on our feet and we are out of the camps of poverty . They may also thank brother Rond os who did this wo rk in the name of the League. He [Ro nd os] did it co urageo us ly and conscientio usly. Many know well the Slovak ' s worst failing. namely envy. and they began to spread gossi p. sayi ng that he [Ro nd os] is a good business man who receives JOO dollars from the Canadian government for every emi grant. Many emigrants were also angry with his alleged earning of 100 dollars for this purpose. When once someone to ld me that. I [Culen I answered him : ··1 feel offe nded . In my mind. Ro nd os sho uld ge t for me at least 1.000 dollars. If I was rich and had the money. and if the Canadian gove rnment did not give him the mo ney . as in reality it did not. I would give him for every me mber of my family 1.000 do ll ars. Even so. it wo uld not be enough for all that he has d o nc . •• Anonym [Konstantfn Culen J. "Ujo Rondos". Ka/cnd;ir Kanadskcj s/ovcnskcj ligy. I 953, p.211. Rondos himself remini sced about the episode in his later years as follows : "When after World War II o ur fellow -co untrymen dispersed around the world. I tried to get as many of them to Canada as possi ble. I took charge of the help and the !Canadian I Co lonization Office helped me. I managed to get many families and individuals into this country. However. there were certain people who accused me of being paid by the Canadian government up to 2,000 dollars for single families . Of course. this was just a fairy talc. I worked from love of Slovak affairs and not for money . I even spent my ow n money by constant running around and arranging of documents for Slovak emigrants. " Juraj Rondos . "Moje rozpomienky na zasle easy". Ibid. I 982, p.54. SLOVAKJA 171 In his correspondence Konstantfn Culen repeatedly promised to write the story of his immigration to Canada. He 0 never did so.' This article is an attempt to do it for him. 111 Meanwhile. we identified the following articles in which Culen mentioned Rondos: Konstantin Culen. "Dolczitc pre novych emigrantov [Important News for New Emigrants]". Kan.1dsky Slovak. September 15th. 1949: Anonym [Kon stantin Culen]. "Ujo Rondos ". Kalendar Kanadskej s/ovenskej ligy. /953. pp . 209-212 .  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Konštantín Čulen's Long Journey from Italy to Canada as illustrated by his correspondence with Juraj Rondoš Description An account of the resource Susumu Nagayo Slovakia, Vol. 37 (No. 68-69), 2003 pp. 112-171 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Nagayo, Susumu Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2003 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/765bc103ba58fb3af349d96c74fafee3.pdf 792c7e0706d68c7f49b1f660b2c03934 PDF Text Text 16 SLOVAKIA HUNGARIAN EXILES AND SLOVAK INDEPENDENCE BY GEORGE N,AGY In his article, which appeared in the September-Decem ber (1960) issue of "SLOVAKIA" entitled "Magyar Exiles and Slovakia," Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum brings up the question why official Hungarian exile circles, notably the Hungarian National Council of New York, are not cooperating w'ith the exiled Slovak independence movement and why several Hungarian "journalists and more or less known diplomats," notably Andrew Gyorgy, Stephen Kertesz, and Stephen Borsody, in their scientific works show a lack of objectively regarding Slovakia and the Slovaks. Before trying to clarify these questions, I have to object to Dr. Kirschbaum's constant use of the expression "Magyar" instead of "Hungarian." While, in the Hungarian language, the terms "Hungaria" and "Hungarian" are unknown, they are generally used throughout the Western world and can, therefore, not arbitrarily be replaced in English (French, German, etc.) by the expression "Magyar." To use the word "Hungary" as a geographical term - intending to indicate that historical Hungary against present-day Hungary has been inha!bited not by "Magyars" alone, but by Slovaks, Croatians, and other nationalities, too - might serve as an artificial justification for certain Slovak claims to parts of Hunga11ian history, coat-ofarms, etc., but is both historically wrong and linguistically mistaken, because originally the expression "Hungarian," derived from the words "Onogur," "Ungur," was the name by which the Hungarian tribes were called in Europe (mainly by the Germans) before entering the Danube Basin. Returning now to the questions brought up by Dr. Kirschbaum, I have to deal with the different aspects involved in this problem. First of all, up to now, due to an outdated political misconception supported by legalistic conservatism, the United States Government recognizes Czecho-Slovakia, and, consequently, the Czecho-Slovak, and not the Czech and �SLOVAKIA 17 Slovak exile groups and their organizations only. For this reason, all other exile groups which are recognized by the U. S. Administratio n, including the Hungarian National Council, have to deal with the "Council of Free Czechoslovakia" as the only officially recognized representative organization of both Czech and Slovak exile groups. Apart from this fact, it is undeniable that many Hungarian politicians, especially those of the elder generation, considered the Czechs and not the Slovaks as the ones with whom Hungary had to deal in questions regarding relations between Hungary and Czecho~Slovakia. The reason for this attitude is plausible, if we consider the historical developments of the past. Since medieval times, the Czechs played an important part in the history of Central Europe and their influence was often prominent, if not dominant, in directing both external and domestic affairs of the Habsburg Monarchy. Then, after the First World War, when Czecho-Slovak ia was born, Benes and Masaryk, who forged the new and unha,ppy order of Central Europe, became de facto dictators of the international affairs of that area. So great was their prestige and their influence in the chancelaries of Western Europe that there was hardly any chance to conduct successful political negotiations in the Danube Basin, and, of course, regarding Czecho-Slovakia, without their participation. In spite of the lessons taught to us by the history of the past forty years, and particularly since 1945, much of the false glory of Benes's political conception is still alive, especially in American official and intellectual circles. The influence of this spirit is felt strongly in many a scientific work written even in recent times and a clear indication of it can be found in the preface of Borsody's book, too. Another reason for the lack of understanding of the Slovak problem is the fact that Slovak national consciousness is of a rather recent or~gin. While Slovak intellectuals cherished the idea of Slovak autonomy long ago and fought later for independence, the broad masses of the people embraced these aspirations fully only after Slovakia did gain its independence in 1939 and made a success of it. There- �18 SLOVAKIA fore, any outsider, who did not follow closely the developments which led to Slovak independence and the astonishing achievements of the Slovak State during its short-lived existence, is naturally inclined to underestimate the effect that these events had on the minds of the Slovak people. Hungarian politicians of that time were mostly too preoccupied with the mounting pressure of international events upon the fate of Hungary itself to devote much of their attention to a thorough study of the developments in Slovakia. Few of them had a chance, as I did, to witness closely what went on beyond Hungary's northern border. It is the duty of the few of us who followed the Slovak independence movement closely to take the initiative and eliminate past misunderstandings. The differences between Slovaks and Hungarians have to be settled between Bratislava and Budapest, without outside interference by Czechs or anybody else. But, as our peoples in our homelands are at present prevented from expressing their free will, it is up to us, exile groups in the Free World, to join forces and to pave the way for a sincere understanding and friendship between our two peoples. I am convinced that our close cooperation in working together for the restoration of Slovak independence could become a key factor in creating a new and healthy political order in the Danube Basin after its liberation from Soviet domination. X X IX X MORE CLARl,FICA1110N N1E1EOEO I fuilly appreciate the effort of Mr. George Nagy, SecretaryGeneral of the Canadian.Jlungarian Federation, to clarify some questions relating to Hungaria1w ~agyar)'5lovak relations. He is, of course, entitled to his opinions. History, however, is - rather should lbe - based on facts. And the fact is that Mlagyar historians, politicians, statesmen, and even religious leaders have thus far preferred either to iglill().fll the Slovaks of both past and present Hungary or to humiliate and vHMy them when re!ferrincg to them rn their writings. Certainly it is a situation that should be corrected. In his attempt to clarify the question r,a,i sed by Dr. Joseph Kirscblbaum, '.Mr. Nagy malres several good points, but i,n several instances, unfortunately, on1y adds to the confusion whioh he attempts to dispel. He objects "to the constant use of the expression 'Magyar' i,nstead of 'Hung•arian', because," he says: "While, in the Hungarian language, the terms 'Hungaria' and 'Hungarian' are unknown, they �19 SLOVAKIA are generally used throughout the Western world and can, therefore, not ar:bitrarily 'be replaced in Engli'Sh, (French, German, etc.), by the expression 'M!a,gy1ar'." What is Mr. Nagy trying to sell? Now, why are those terms unknown in the HilliNG!A!RIDAlN language? Simply because there is no HUING.AlR!tAN language! But there is a MAGYIAiR la,ngua,ge. 11he terms, however, ar,e very well known - and have been for centuries - in the SrLOVAK language. Hum•gary is a ,p olitioal entity, a multi-national state. The official language of the c,o untry, since the Magyars domiinlaited it, hras ailiways been MAGIY'iAR - anld to tlhe Magyrars -tlhe land of Hungary has always been, MAGYARORSZAG - Magya1'land, present!~ Magyar Nepkozt.trsasag - People's Repulblic of Magyarland), and so they always ~n6isted on using the English HUNGARY fur the Magyar MAGYAR0RSZAG, even though the term IIDNGAlRY, as Nagy says, does not exis't in the HUiNGA!R!liAN (he means Malgyiar) l anguage. Therr-e is no Hungarian language, but p11actically all Magyar periodicals, writers, schoiars, scienltists and arti'Sts are lafbeled Hungarian. Gyufa von Zathure:czky, we read just recently (SUl)iET.IDN BUILlJEIDIN, Dec. 1961), now residling in Munich, Germany, is a freelamce writer, "formerly editor-in-chief of the Hungarian daily iELLElN~ElK and BerHn corresponldent for variolll.S Hungarian parpers." Furthermore, the Slovaks do not have to resort to "artificial justification" forr any claims they may ha,v e "to parts of Hungarian" histor,y. The hist-ori~al fact is that the forefathers of the Slovaks i.nhafbited the teru-itory of Hum•g,ariy long before the forebears of the Magyars invaded it. "It is both historicaUy wr.o ng and linguistically mistaken" to use the term Magyar instead of Hungary, declares Mr. Nagy, '"because originally the expression 'Hungarran' deri'Ved from the words '0nogur', 'Ungur' - was the name by which the Hungarian tribes were called in Europe (ma·ionly by the Ge!'lman,s) before entering the 1 Danube basin." This I cannot bu,y. 'I1he "Hun~r'ian trilbes," referred to by Nagy could hardly ha.ve beeru "Hungarian triib es" before they entered the Da,nwbian basin, the territory of Hungary. If the Germans or ,a ny other peorple called those tri!bes "Onogur" or "Ungur," as Nragy claims, they must harve had some reason for it. Nagy's attempt to ma•k e Hungary MAGYAR f.aills shol1t aga,in. Those terms, Nagy had told us, ai"e wniknown in the M-agy,ai- language. But they are kn()IWn in the Slovak language (uhor; uhorie; U:hor; Uhry; uhorsky). But there is no "uhorctna" - Hunlg arian language, just as there is no "ceskoslovencina" - Czechoslovak language. The ''Hum•gari,an trtbes" re'feNed to must ha,ve beem, the forebears of the Slovaks. What Mr. Na-gy has to say a/bout Ozecho-Slovakra (use the hyphen, pJease!), and T. G. Masarylk and Dr. Edlwarrd Bene§, is in a large sense true. But that is hardly sulfiicienit reaSOIIl! - iif it is real11Jy interested in truth and justice - that the Hungarian National Coundl should "HAVE TO" deal wi.1lh the so-called Ooun·cil ,o:f Fu-ee Cze~hoslovakia. I say th'at even though it still may be "the onLy offi.cia•Hy recognized repr,esentatirve organization of both Czech and Slo- = �20 SLOVAKIA vak exile groups" - recognized as such by the United States Government or a,ny other govexin,ment. Mr. Nagy a,n d the Hungarian National CounJCH know that the "Council of Free Czechosltov,aki,a " is completely dominated by the Benes Czechs, the Czech socialists who collalbor•a ted fully with the Czech Reds amd Moscow, especially stnce 11945. If Magyars or Hungadans prefer to dea'l with the people of the "Council of ftee Czechoslo,vakia" - who deny the right of self-determin•altion to the Slovak nab-on and aire in princi'p le opposed to Slovak freedom and i,n d•eipeliltdence - they do so at their own peril. To go along with such people because they still enjoy prestige a,nd recognition means to make a mockery of democralcy, justice and the right. Principles should not be saori'ficed for expediency. Slovak nationalism, Mr. Nagy i:ndticates, i'S of "rather rec•e nt origi,n ." HOIW receinit? When did national states· originate in Europe? How many were there before the 19th century? Wti.11 Mr. Na•gy deny that the Mag,y ars· considered themselves the "State-nation" and really became chauvinistic after the estalblishment of the Dual-Mor.iarchy tn 1867? Preoccupation with anything else but matters of State can make for the downlfaH of a political formation. The fa.te of Austria-<Hunigary was decidted by politicians who were "too preodcurpi·e d with mounting pressure of i,nterna'tional ev,e nts" to see what was happening inside the countriy. The Magyars of Huin,gary adamantl,y opposed Slovak autonoony ~ and 1ost Slovakia. The Masarytk-lBenes "democracy" of Ozecho-Slovatkiia - a bad copy of old Austria~unigary - also coUaipsed: the Czedhs, even tlhough T. G. Masaryk had guaranteed it im, writing (The Pittsburgh Pact, May 30, HHS), denied autonomy to the Slovaks - and lost them. Sure, Czecho.Slovatkia still exists on paper a·n d is recognized as the land of the Slovaks and the Czechs, but as far as the Slovaks are concerned, it is deader than the proverbi<al door naH. The time to work for Magyar-Hungarian and Slo,v ak independeinice is NOW - and not after Magya1".<ffungar~ans and S1ovatks a•r e li'bernted from Soviet domination. The Slovaks at home and albroad will continue to fight the plague of Communiism - as they have fought it for the past 100 y,e ars - even id' the Ma,g yars and Czechs, Hungariain-s and Czechosloval~s do collalborate with it or with its former collaiborators. They do not wairnt to be tofd that they MIUST join wiith the CZIDOHJS to f,i ght the Reds - and specifically with those Czechs who, after February 25, 1948, suddenly became "democratic, anti-Oommunist exiles froon Czecho-Sl-01Vakia." The Slovaks are in the same boat as the Magyar-<Hungarians, the Ozechs, the Senbo-Slovenia,nC:rtoat'iain Yu·goslavs, the Poles, Chinese, U1rnaiinians, Byelorussians, East Germans, Estonians, Latvians and L'ithuanfans, and others who were sacrificed to the Red Molo>ch of Moscow by the drun'k-'withvictory Uniited N~tions. All wainit to be :ftree and independent of alien ruile, no matter how benevolent it may appear to be; all want to be masters of their own destiny. Let us remember: expedients are for the hour; pr~niciples for the ages. Justice delayed, is justice denied. P. A. H!ROBtAJK. � 16 SLOVAKIA HUNGARIAN EXILES AND SLOVAK INDEPENDENCE BY GEORGE N,AGY In his article, which appeared in the September-Decem ber (1960) issue of "SLOVAKIA" entitled "Magyar Exiles and Slovakia," Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum brings up the question why official Hungarian exile circles, notably the Hungarian National Council of New York, are not cooperating w'ith the exiled Slovak independence movement and why several Hungarian "journalists and more or less known diplomats," notably Andrew Gyorgy, Stephen Kertesz, and Stephen Borsody, in their scientific works show a lack of objectively regarding Slovakia and the Slovaks. Before trying to clarify these questions, I have to object to Dr. Kirschbaum's constant use of the expression "Magyar" instead of "Hungarian." While, in the Hungarian language, the terms "Hungaria" and "Hungarian" are unknown, they are generally used throughout the Western world and can, therefore, not arbitrarily be replaced in English (French, German, etc.) by the expression "Magyar." To use the word "Hungary" as a geographical term - intending to indicate that historical Hungary against present-day Hungary has been inha!bited not by "Magyars" alone, but by Slovaks, Croatians, and other nationalities, too - might serve as an artificial justification for certain Slovak claims to parts of Hunga11ian history, coat-ofarms, etc., but is both historically wrong and linguistically mistaken, because originally the expression "Hungarian," derived from the words "Onogur," "Ungur," was the name by which the Hungarian tribes were called in Europe (mainly by the Germans) before entering the Danube Basin. Returning now to the questions brought up by Dr. Kirschbaum, I have to deal with the different aspects involved in this problem. First of all, up to now, due to an outdated political misconception supported by legalistic conservatism, the United States Government recognizes Czecho-Slovakia, and, consequently, the Czecho-Slovak, and not the Czech and �SLOVAKIA 17 Slovak exile groups and their organizations only. For this reason, all other exile groups which are recognized by the U. S. Administratio n, including the Hungarian National Council, have to deal with the "Council of Free Czechoslovakia" as the only officially recognized representative organization of both Czech and Slovak exile groups. Apart from this fact, it is undeniable that many Hungarian politicians, especially those of the elder generation, considered the Czechs and not the Slovaks as the ones with whom Hungary had to deal in questions regarding relations between Hungary and Czecho~Slovakia. The reason for this attitude is plausible, if we consider the historical developments of the past. Since medieval times, the Czechs played an important part in the history of Central Europe and their influence was often prominent, if not dominant, in directing both external and domestic affairs of the Habsburg Monarchy. Then, after the First World War, when Czecho-Slovak ia was born, Benes and Masaryk, who forged the new and unha,ppy order of Central Europe, became de facto dictators of the international affairs of that area. So great was their prestige and their influence in the chancelaries of Western Europe that there was hardly any chance to conduct successful political negotiations in the Danube Basin, and, of course, regarding Czecho-Slovakia, without their participation. In spite of the lessons taught to us by the history of the past forty years, and particularly since 1945, much of the false glory of Benes's political conception is still alive, especially in American official and intellectual circles. The influence of this spirit is felt strongly in many a scientific work written even in recent times and a clear indication of it can be found in the preface of Borsody's book, too. Another reason for the lack of understanding of the Slovak problem is the fact that Slovak national consciousness is of a rather recent or~gin. While Slovak intellectuals cherished the idea of Slovak autonomy long ago and fought later for independence, the broad masses of the people embraced these aspirations fully only after Slovakia did gain its independence in 1939 and made a success of it. There- �18 SLOVAKIA fore, any outsider, who did not follow closely the developments which led to Slovak independence and the astonishing achievements of the Slovak State during its short-lived existence, is naturally inclined to underestimate the effect that these events had on the minds of the Slovak people. Hungarian politicians of that time were mostly too preoccupied with the mounting pressure of international events upon the fate of Hungary itself to devote much of their attention to a thorough study of the developments in Slovakia. Few of them had a chance, as I did, to witness closely what went on beyond Hungary's northern border. It is the duty of the few of us who followed the Slovak independence movement closely to take the initiative and eliminate past misunderstandings. The differences between Slovaks and Hungarians have to be settled between Bratislava and Budapest, without outside interference by Czechs or anybody else. But, as our peoples in our homelands are at present prevented from expressing their free will, it is up to us, exile groups in the Free World, to join forces and to pave the way for a sincere understanding and friendship between our two peoples. I am convinced that our close cooperation in working together for the restoration of Slovak independence could become a key factor in creating a new and healthy political order in the Danube Basin after its liberation from Soviet domination. X X IX X MORE CLARl,FICA1110N N1E1EOEO I fuilly appreciate the effort of Mr. George Nagy, SecretaryGeneral of the Canadian.Jlungarian Federation, to clarify some questions relating to Hungaria1w ~agyar)'5lovak relations. He is, of course, entitled to his opinions. History, however, is - rather should lbe - based on facts. And the fact is that Mlagyar historians, politicians, statesmen, and even religious leaders have thus far preferred either to iglill().fll the Slovaks of both past and present Hungary or to humiliate and vHMy them when re!ferrincg to them rn their writings. Certainly it is a situation that should be corrected. In his attempt to clarify the question r,a,i sed by Dr. Joseph Kirscblbaum, '.Mr. Nagy malres several good points, but i,n several instances, unfortunately, on1y adds to the confusion whioh he attempts to dispel. He objects "to the constant use of the expression 'Magyar' i,nstead of 'Hung•arian', because," he says: "While, in the Hungarian language, the terms 'Hungaria' and 'Hungarian' are unknown, they �19 SLOVAKIA are generally used throughout the Western world and can, therefore, not ar:bitrarily 'be replaced in Engli'Sh, (French, German, etc.), by the expression 'M!a,gy1ar'." What is Mr. Nagy trying to sell? Now, why are those terms unknown in the HilliNG!A!RIDAlN language? Simply because there is no HUING.AlR!tAN language! But there is a MAGYIAiR la,ngua,ge. 11he terms, however, ar,e very well known - and have been for centuries - in the SrLOVAK language. Hum•gary is a ,p olitioal entity, a multi-national state. The official language of the c,o untry, since the Magyars domiinlaited it, hras ailiways been MAGIY'iAR - anld to tlhe Magyrars -tlhe land of Hungary has always been, MAGYARORSZAG - Magya1'land, present!~ Magyar Nepkozt.trsasag - People's Repulblic of Magyarland), and so they always ~n6isted on using the English HUNGARY fur the Magyar MAGYAR0RSZAG, even though the term IIDNGAlRY, as Nagy says, does not exis't in the HUiNGA!R!liAN (he means Malgyiar) l anguage. Therr-e is no Hungarian language, but p11actically all Magyar periodicals, writers, schoiars, scienltists and arti'Sts are lafbeled Hungarian. Gyufa von Zathure:czky, we read just recently (SUl)iET.IDN BUILlJEIDIN, Dec. 1961), now residling in Munich, Germany, is a freelamce writer, "formerly editor-in-chief of the Hungarian daily iELLElN~ElK and BerHn corresponldent for variolll.S Hungarian parpers." Furthermore, the Slovaks do not have to resort to "artificial justification" forr any claims they may ha,v e "to parts of Hungarian" histor,y. The hist-ori~al fact is that the forefathers of the Slovaks i.nhafbited the teru-itory of Hum•g,ariy long before the forebears of the Magyars invaded it. "It is both historicaUy wr.o ng and linguistically mistaken" to use the term Magyar instead of Hungary, declares Mr. Nagy, '"because originally the expression 'Hungarran' deri'Ved from the words '0nogur', 'Ungur' - was the name by which the Hungarian tribes were called in Europe (ma·ionly by the Ge!'lman,s) before entering the 1 Danube basin." This I cannot bu,y. 'I1he "Hun~r'ian trilbes," referred to by Nagy could hardly ha.ve beeru "Hungarian triib es" before they entered the Da,nwbian basin, the territory of Hungary. If the Germans or ,a ny other peorple called those tri!bes "Onogur" or "Ungur," as Nragy claims, they must harve had some reason for it. Nagy's attempt to ma•k e Hungary MAGYAR f.aills shol1t aga,in. Those terms, Nagy had told us, ai"e wniknown in the M-agy,ai- language. But they are kn()IWn in the Slovak language (uhor; uhorie; U:hor; Uhry; uhorsky). But there is no "uhorctna" - Hunlg arian language, just as there is no "ceskoslovencina" - Czechoslovak language. The ''Hum•gari,an trtbes" re'feNed to must ha,ve beem, the forebears of the Slovaks. What Mr. Na-gy has to say a/bout Ozecho-Slovakra (use the hyphen, pJease!), and T. G. Masarylk and Dr. Edlwarrd Bene§, is in a large sense true. But that is hardly sulfiicienit reaSOIIl! - iif it is real11Jy interested in truth and justice - that the Hungarian National Coundl should "HAVE TO" deal wi.1lh the so-called Ooun·cil ,o:f Fu-ee Cze~hoslovakia. I say th'at even though it still may be "the onLy offi.cia•Hy recognized repr,esentatirve organization of both Czech and Slo- = �20 SLOVAKIA vak exile groups" - recognized as such by the United States Government or a,ny other govexin,ment. Mr. Nagy a,n d the Hungarian National CounJCH know that the "Council of Free Czechosltov,aki,a " is completely dominated by the Benes Czechs, the Czech socialists who collalbor•a ted fully with the Czech Reds amd Moscow, especially stnce 11945. If Magyars or Hungadans prefer to dea'l with the people of the "Council of ftee Czechoslo,vakia" - who deny the right of self-determin•altion to the Slovak nab-on and aire in princi'p le opposed to Slovak freedom and i,n d•eipeliltdence - they do so at their own peril. To go along with such people because they still enjoy prestige a,nd recognition means to make a mockery of democralcy, justice and the right. Principles should not be saori'ficed for expediency. Slovak nationalism, Mr. Nagy i:ndticates, i'S of "rather rec•e nt origi,n ." HOIW receinit? When did national states· originate in Europe? How many were there before the 19th century? Wti.11 Mr. Na•gy deny that the Mag,y ars· considered themselves the "State-nation" and really became chauvinistic after the estalblishment of the Dual-Mor.iarchy tn 1867? Preoccupation with anything else but matters of State can make for the downlfaH of a political formation. The fa.te of Austria-<Hunigary was decidted by politicians who were "too preodcurpi·e d with mounting pressure of i,nterna'tional ev,e nts" to see what was happening inside the countriy. The Magyars of Huin,gary adamantl,y opposed Slovak autonoony ~ and 1ost Slovakia. The Masarytk-lBenes "democracy" of Ozecho-Slovatkiia - a bad copy of old Austria~unigary - also coUaipsed: the Czedhs, even tlhough T. G. Masaryk had guaranteed it im, writing (The Pittsburgh Pact, May 30, HHS), denied autonomy to the Slovaks - and lost them. Sure, Czecho.Slovatkia still exists on paper a·n d is recognized as the land of the Slovaks and the Czechs, but as far as the Slovaks are concerned, it is deader than the proverbi<al door naH. The time to work for Magyar-Hungarian and Slo,v ak independeinice is NOW - and not after Magya1".<ffungar~ans and S1ovatks a•r e li'bernted from Soviet domination. The Slovaks at home and albroad will continue to fight the plague of Communiism - as they have fought it for the past 100 y,e ars - even id' the Ma,g yars and Czechs, Hungariain-s and Czechosloval~s do collalborate with it or with its former collaiborators. They do not wairnt to be tofd that they MIUST join wiith the CZIDOHJS to f,i ght the Reds - and specifically with those Czechs who, after February 25, 1948, suddenly became "democratic, anti-Oommunist exiles froon Czecho-Sl-01Vakia." The Slovaks are in the same boat as the Magyar-<Hungarians, the Ozechs, the Senbo-Slovenia,nC:rtoat'iain Yu·goslavs, the Poles, Chinese, U1rnaiinians, Byelorussians, East Germans, Estonians, Latvians and L'ithuanfans, and others who were sacrificed to the Red Molo>ch of Moscow by the drun'k-'withvictory Uniited N~tions. All wainit to be :ftree and independent of alien ruile, no matter how benevolent it may appear to be; all want to be masters of their own destiny. Let us remember: expedients are for the hour; pr~niciples for the ages. Justice delayed, is justice denied. P. A. H!ROBtAJK. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1961, Vol. 11 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 33), March-June 1961.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 34), September-December June 1961.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1961 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 16 SLOVAKIA HUNGARIAN EXILES AND SLOVAK INDEPENDENCE BY GEORGE N,AGY In his article, which appeared in the September-Decem ber (1960) issue of "SLOVAKIA" entitled "Magyar Exiles and Slovakia," Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum brings up the question why official Hungarian exile circles, notably the Hungarian National Council of New York, are not cooperating w'ith the exiled Slovak independence movement and why several Hungarian "journalists and more or less known diplomats," notably Andrew Gyorgy, Stephen Kertesz, and Stephen Borsody, in their scientific works show a lack of objectively regarding Slovakia and the Slovaks. Before trying to clarify these questions, I have to object to Dr. Kirschbaum's constant use of the expression "Magyar" instead of "Hungarian." While, in the Hungarian language, the terms "Hungaria" and "Hungarian" are unknown, they are generally used throughout the Western world and can, therefore, not arbitrarily be replaced in English (French, German, etc.) by the expression "Magyar." To use the word "Hungary" as a geographical term - intending to indicate that historical Hungary against present-day Hungary has been inha!bited not by "Magyars" alone, but by Slovaks, Croatians, and other nationalities, too - might serve as an artificial justification for certain Slovak claims to parts of Hunga11ian history, coat-ofarms, etc., but is both historically wrong and linguistically mistaken, because originally the expression "Hungarian," derived from the words "Onogur," "Ungur," was the name by which the Hungarian tribes were called in Europe (mainly by the Germans) before entering the Danube Basin. Returning now to the questions brought up by Dr. Kirschbaum, I have to deal with the different aspects involved in this problem. First of all, up to now, due to an outdated political misconception supported by legalistic conservatism, the United States Government recognizes Czecho-Slovakia, and, consequently, the Czecho-Slovak, and not the Czech and SLOVAKIA 17 Slovak exile groups and their organizations only. For this reason, all other exile groups which are recognized by the U. S. Administratio n, including the Hungarian National Council, have to deal with the "Council of Free Czechoslovakia" as the only officially recognized representative organization of both Czech and Slovak exile groups. Apart from this fact, it is undeniable that many Hungarian politicians, especially those of the elder generation, considered the Czechs and not the Slovaks as the ones with whom Hungary had to deal in questions regarding relations between Hungary and Czecho~Slovakia. The reason for this attitude is plausible, if we consider the historical developments of the past. Since medieval times, the Czechs played an important part in the history of Central Europe and their influence was often prominent, if not dominant, in directing both external and domestic affairs of the Habsburg Monarchy. Then, after the First World War, when Czecho-Slovak ia was born, Benes and Masaryk, who forged the new and unha,ppy order of Central Europe, became de facto dictators of the international affairs of that area. So great was their prestige and their influence in the chancelaries of Western Europe that there was hardly any chance to conduct successful political negotiations in the Danube Basin, and, of course, regarding Czecho-Slovakia, without their participation. In spite of the lessons taught to us by the history of the past forty years, and particularly since 1945, much of the false glory of Benes's political conception is still alive, especially in American official and intellectual circles. The influence of this spirit is felt strongly in many a scientific work written even in recent times and a clear indication of it can be found in the preface of Borsody's book, too. Another reason for the lack of understanding of the Slovak problem is the fact that Slovak national consciousness is of a rather recent or~gin. While Slovak intellectuals cherished the idea of Slovak autonomy long ago and fought later for independence, the broad masses of the people embraced these aspirations fully only after Slovakia did gain its independence in 1939 and made a success of it. There- 18 SLOVAKIA fore, any outsider, who did not follow closely the developments which led to Slovak independence and the astonishing achievements of the Slovak State during its short-lived existence, is naturally inclined to underestimate the effect that these events had on the minds of the Slovak people. Hungarian politicians of that time were mostly too preoccupied with the mounting pressure of international events upon the fate of Hungary itself to devote much of their attention to a thorough study of the developments in Slovakia. Few of them had a chance, as I did, to witness closely what went on beyond Hungary's northern border. It is the duty of the few of us who followed the Slovak independence movement closely to take the initiative and eliminate past misunderstandings. The differences between Slovaks and Hungarians have to be settled between Bratislava and Budapest, without outside interference by Czechs or anybody else. But, as our peoples in our homelands are at present prevented from expressing their free will, it is up to us, exile groups in the Free World, to join forces and to pave the way for a sincere understanding and friendship between our two peoples. I am convinced that our close cooperation in working together for the restoration of Slovak independence could become a key factor in creating a new and healthy political order in the Danube Basin after its liberation from Soviet domination. X X IX X MORE CLARl,FICA1110N N1E1EOEO I fuilly appreciate the effort of Mr. George Nagy, SecretaryGeneral of the Canadian.Jlungarian Federation, to clarify some questions relating to Hungaria1w ~agyar)'5lovak relations. He is, of course, entitled to his opinions. History, however, is - rather should lbe - based on facts. And the fact is that Mlagyar historians, politicians, statesmen, and even religious leaders have thus far preferred either to iglill().fll the Slovaks of both past and present Hungary or to humiliate and vHMy them when re!ferrincg to them rn their writings. Certainly it is a situation that should be corrected. In his attempt to clarify the question r,a,i sed by Dr. Joseph Kirscblbaum, '.Mr. Nagy malres several good points, but i,n several instances, unfortunately, on1y adds to the confusion whioh he attempts to dispel. He objects "to the constant use of the expression 'Magyar' i,nstead of 'Hung•arian', because," he says: "While, in the Hungarian language, the terms 'Hungaria' and 'Hungarian' are unknown, they 19 SLOVAKIA are generally used throughout the Western world and can, therefore, not ar:bitrarily 'be replaced in Engli'Sh, (French, German, etc.), by the expression 'M!a,gy1ar'." What is Mr. Nagy trying to sell? Now, why are those terms unknown in the HilliNG!A!RIDAlN language? Simply because there is no HUING.AlR!tAN language! But there is a MAGYIAiR la,ngua,ge. 11he terms, however, ar,e very well known - and have been for centuries - in the SrLOVAK language. Hum•gary is a ,p olitioal entity, a multi-national state. The official language of the c,o untry, since the Magyars domiinlaited it, hras ailiways been MAGIY'iAR - anld to tlhe Magyrars -tlhe land of Hungary has always been, MAGYARORSZAG - Magya1'land, present!~ Magyar Nepkozt.trsasag - People's Repulblic of Magyarland), and so they always ~n6isted on using the English HUNGARY fur the Magyar MAGYAR0RSZAG, even though the term IIDNGAlRY, as Nagy says, does not exis't in the HUiNGA!R!liAN (he means Malgyiar) l anguage. Therr-e is no Hungarian language, but p11actically all Magyar periodicals, writers, schoiars, scienltists and arti'Sts are lafbeled Hungarian. Gyufa von Zathure:czky, we read just recently (SUl)iET.IDN BUILlJEIDIN, Dec. 1961), now residling in Munich, Germany, is a freelamce writer, "formerly editor-in-chief of the Hungarian daily iELLElN~ElK and BerHn corresponldent for variolll.S Hungarian parpers." Furthermore, the Slovaks do not have to resort to "artificial justification" forr any claims they may ha,v e "to parts of Hungarian" histor,y. The hist-ori~al fact is that the forefathers of the Slovaks i.nhafbited the teru-itory of Hum•g,ariy long before the forebears of the Magyars invaded it. "It is both historicaUy wr.o ng and linguistically mistaken" to use the term Magyar instead of Hungary, declares Mr. Nagy, '"because originally the expression 'Hungarran' deri'Ved from the words '0nogur', 'Ungur' - was the name by which the Hungarian tribes were called in Europe (ma·ionly by the Ge!'lman,s) before entering the 1 Danube basin." This I cannot bu,y. 'I1he "Hun~r'ian trilbes," referred to by Nagy could hardly ha.ve beeru "Hungarian triib es" before they entered the Da,nwbian basin, the territory of Hungary. If the Germans or ,a ny other peorple called those tri!bes "Onogur" or "Ungur," as Nragy claims, they must harve had some reason for it. Nagy's attempt to ma•k e Hungary MAGYAR f.aills shol1t aga,in. Those terms, Nagy had told us, ai"e wniknown in the M-agy,ai- language. But they are kn()IWn in the Slovak language (uhor; uhorie; U:hor; Uhry; uhorsky). But there is no "uhorctna" - Hunlg arian language, just as there is no "ceskoslovencina" - Czechoslovak language. The ''Hum•gari,an trtbes" re'feNed to must ha,ve beem, the forebears of the Slovaks. What Mr. Na-gy has to say a/bout Ozecho-Slovakra (use the hyphen, pJease!), and T. G. Masarylk and Dr. Edlwarrd Bene§, is in a large sense true. But that is hardly sulfiicienit reaSOIIl! - iif it is real11Jy interested in truth and justice - that the Hungarian National Coundl should "HAVE TO" deal wi.1lh the so-called Ooun·cil ,o:f Fu-ee Cze~hoslovakia. I say th'at even though it still may be "the onLy offi.cia•Hy recognized repr,esentatirve organization of both Czech and Slo- = 20 SLOVAKIA vak exile groups" - recognized as such by the United States Government or a,ny other govexin,ment. Mr. Nagy a,n d the Hungarian National CounJCH know that the "Council of Free Czechosltov,aki,a " is completely dominated by the Benes Czechs, the Czech socialists who collalbor•a ted fully with the Czech Reds amd Moscow, especially stnce 11945. If Magyars or Hungadans prefer to dea'l with the people of the "Council of ftee Czechoslo,vakia" - who deny the right of self-determin•altion to the Slovak nab-on and aire in princi'p le opposed to Slovak freedom and i,n d•eipeliltdence - they do so at their own peril. To go along with such people because they still enjoy prestige a,nd recognition means to make a mockery of democralcy, justice and the right. Principles should not be saori'ficed for expediency. Slovak nationalism, Mr. Nagy i:ndticates, i'S of "rather rec•e nt origi,n ." HOIW receinit? When did national states· originate in Europe? How many were there before the 19th century? Wti.11 Mr. Na•gy deny that the Mag,y ars· considered themselves the "State-nation" and really became chauvinistic after the estalblishment of the Dual-Mor.iarchy tn 1867? Preoccupation with anything else but matters of State can make for the downlfaH of a political formation. The fa.te of Austria-<Hunigary was decidted by politicians who were "too preodcurpi·e d with mounting pressure of i,nterna'tional ev,e nts" to see what was happening inside the countriy. The Magyars of Huin,gary adamantl,y opposed Slovak autonoony ~ and 1ost Slovakia. The Masarytk-lBenes "democracy" of Ozecho-Slovatkiia - a bad copy of old Austria~unigary - also coUaipsed: the Czedhs, even tlhough T. G. Masaryk had guaranteed it im, writing (The Pittsburgh Pact, May 30, HHS), denied autonomy to the Slovaks - and lost them. Sure, Czecho.Slovatkia still exists on paper a·n d is recognized as the land of the Slovaks and the Czechs, but as far as the Slovaks are concerned, it is deader than the proverbi<al door naH. The time to work for Magyar-Hungarian and Slo,v ak independeinice is NOW - and not after Magya1".<ffungar~ans and S1ovatks a•r e li'bernted from Soviet domination. The Slovaks at home and albroad will continue to fight the plague of Communiism - as they have fought it for the past 100 y,e ars - even id' the Ma,g yars and Czechs, Hungariain-s and Czechosloval~s do collalborate with it or with its former collaiborators. They do not wairnt to be tofd that they MIUST join wiith the CZIDOHJS to f,i ght the Reds - and specifically with those Czechs who, after February 25, 1948, suddenly became "democratic, anti-Oommunist exiles froon Czecho-Sl-01Vakia." The Slovaks are in the same boat as the Magyar-<Hungarians, the Ozechs, the Senbo-Slovenia,nC:rtoat'iain Yu·goslavs, the Poles, Chinese, U1rnaiinians, Byelorussians, East Germans, Estonians, Latvians and L'ithuanfans, and others who were sacrificed to the Red Molo>ch of Moscow by the drun'k-'withvictory Uniited N~tions. All wainit to be :ftree and independent of alien ruile, no matter how benevolent it may appear to be; all want to be masters of their own destiny. Let us remember: expedients are for the hour; pr~niciples for the ages. Justice delayed, is justice denied. P. A. H!ROBtAJK.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Hungarian Exiles and Slovak Independence Description An account of the resource George Nagy Slovakia, Vol. 11, No. 2 (34), September-December 1961 pp. 16-20 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Nagy, George Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource September-December 1961 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/3713ef3cc29fa218ec421bdfd7454552.pdf e8b954324f7ce1bf2097ef4c3d59ab5b PDF Text Text 112 SLOVAKIA-2015 CORRUPTION IN SLOVAKIA: TIME TO RECLAIM THE STATE 1 Tom Nicholson On the way home one March night, I lost a hubcap. I heard it pop off the front right wheel of my car as I smashed into a massive pothole on the main road from Bratislava to Svaty Jur. The impact was so severe that it bent the wheel rim and punctured the tire. If my son had been present he might have learned a few new English cusswords to go with his rich Slovak collection. I didn't own a car when I first came to Slovakia in 1992, so I can't say whether there are more potholes now than then. But it seems to me there are altogether too many potholes here for a European Union member country (the closest comparison I can come to Slovak roads in the spring is Moldova, or maybe rural Cuba). And there are definitely way too many potholes - and it takes way too long to fill them in - for a country that has had twenty years to get its shit together. Sure, they have potholes in Canada (I can no longer say 'we' because I have long since transferred my allegiance to Slovak potholes). But even though the winters in the Great White North are far more severe, and Canada has about a quintillion miles more roads, potholes are infrequent, and drivers are alerted to them with a homey Canadian solicitousness - a SO-meter flashing DANGER sign, say, or a cordon of Mounties in reflecto-vests. Not here. Even on Racianska ulica, a four-lane artery into the heart of the capital, the worst holes after three weeks get a perfunctory monocle of paint, promising a pending repair in the indefinite future (that paint is the Slovak equivalent of the Mexican 'manana'). For me, Slovakia's potholes are another entry on the list of basic Slovak things that don't work as they should. It's a depressingly long list - education, health care, justice, politics (especially politics). And it provides a starting point for understanding why corruption continues to flourish in this country. 1 This is a revised and updated version ofmy original article "Je cas dat tomuto statu zmysel," in Odkial' a kam ? Dvadsat' rokov samostatnosti, ed. by Martin Butora et. al. (Bratislava: Kalligram, 2013), 281-304. �SLOV AKIA-2015 113 *** If I had been asked to write an essay about corruption in Slovakia a few years ago, I know what I would have come up with - a rogues' gallery of powerful figures who had abused other people's trust over the years to enrich themselves. But last year I was swept up in the Gori/a scandal, a political tempest that challenged my certainties and changed my life. As much as I wanted to remain detached as a journalist, I found myself speaking at public rallies and giving interviews . Suddenly, I was expected to tell people not just where corruption could be found , but how to defeat it as well. And I discovered that I actually knew very little about it. For starters, the story of corruption in Slovakia is not just one of rich people gaming the system. Corruption takes many forms and has many causes - such as that the country presents innumerable small but vexing barriers to living one's life without vexation. Some of these barriers encourage people to give small bribes (the box of chocolates for the doctor, the cash envelope for the building permit officer). Others - a plague of potholes, for example - just let everyone know that public servants could care less about serving the public interest, creating an atmosphere that indirectly encourages bribery. But none of these stories, it seems to me, answer the key question: why corruption flourishes after twenty years of independence and a decade of EU membership, six general elections and countless devastating political scandals. We now know, thanks to Gori/a, exactly what high- level corruption looks like. We see oligarchs enriching themselves, we see politicians and civil servants abusing their offices and neglecting their duties to us. And still it continues, and still the potholes proliferate. So why don't Slovaks do something about it? *** Over the past year, I've often been told how ironic it is that a foreigner had to bring the Gori/a scandal to light, as if a Slovak journalist would have done differently. This does a great disservice to the probity of my colleagues, and greatly exaggerates my own. If a foreigner can be of service here, it is perhaps to see things in a context that is not available to Slovaks, not having grown up elsewhere. �114 SLOV AKIA-2015 Now, I' ve read enough foreign descriptions of Slovak life to know how flawed this 'vision' can be, especially when delivered to foreign audiences that have no opportunity to verify its authenticity (the film Hostel comes to mind). But I'm hoping I can be an exception. As a transplanted Canadian who has spent twenty years in this country, I am still struck by the loyalty that people feel to their tribes - to family, to friends, to old classmates, to other people who come from their hometowns. These tribal bonds are what Slovaks living abroad miss most about their country . In modem Slovakia, there are still no higher loyalties. This is striking for a Canadian because our country does not run on informal networks. Sure, we have tribal loyalties, but they often divide us - there isn't much that Greek Canadians have in common with Chinese Canadians, say, or with Jamaican Canadians, except the fact that we all live in Canada. Perhaps that's why Canada has such a strong political identity: without ethnic, cultural or other natural bonds, we need it to hold us together. After all, we have few common traditions or national dishes in the sense that Slovaks have bryndzove halusky. But I'm pretty sure most Canadians could tell you what values the country stands for - tolerance, social solidarity, respect for human rights, and caring more about the rest of the world than Americans, for starters. How many Slovaks could do the same? While I'm sure people could name traits that Slovaks have as an ethnic nation - you can't live here for twenty years without hearing a thing or two about zavist or pohostinnost', for example - what about the ideals and principles their country is founded on? Slovaks can be forgiven for not having a clear idea of what values the modem Slovak state stands for. The average person, after all, was not consulted before the division of Czechoslovakia in 1993, despite repeated promises of a referendum, and probably regarded the project of an independent Slovakia as something foisted on him from above. And because he had no hand in creating the state - and in many cases probably hadn't even wanted it, or at least hadn ' t wanted it yet - it's understandable that the average person might have felt that the modem Slovak state was someone else's responsibility. Common ideals, like the Constitution, would be scripted by old, grey men behind closed doors, while Slovakia's tribes would go about their business as they always had. �SLOV AKIA-2015 115 You could say that 'the state', on Slovak territory, had always been someone else's responsibility. Magyars, Austrians, Czechs, Germans, Russians, then Czechs again . After centuries of having someone else to fill in the potholes and make sure people paid their taxes, it's understandable that Slovaks were slow to respond to the call to administer their own affairs. But everything might have worked out differently if the Slovak Republic had come into being from a statotvorny akt, by which I mean an experience that unites a people as a political nation rather than just an ethnic one. Americans had their War of Independence, the Brits had Napoleon, while early Canadians ran a cruel gauntlet of Constitutional Conferences (a punishment that continues to be imposed on Canadian history students as an object lesson in the burning sincerity of all boredom). Slovaks, meanwhile, had no birthing experience that could rival the moral, economic and civilizational value of Czechoslovakia. They had nothing to comfort or inspire them when Czechoslovakia was dismantled, beyond the sour nationalism of pubs and football matches. The way Slovakia came into the world, as a child welcomed only by nationalists and political opportunists, left a dangerous vacuum at the center of the Slovak body politic. People naturally shrank from any new duties towards a state they hadn't wanted or had a hand in creating. In doing so, they abandoned public affairs to anyone claiming to want the responsibility. And there was no shortage of applicants. Twenty years later, this vacuum is still full of dark matter, dead stars and other space junk - stuff that absorbs light rather than produces it. It is responsible for many of the ills that afflict Slovakia, among them the indifference that ordinary people feel towards their state and towards the millions of strangers who inhabit it. If I had to give this ailment a name, I would call it the "mam v pici" disease. *** Let me describe some of the symptoms of this disease. Slovaks rarely sing their national anthem at sporting events, even at important internationals in front of tens of thousands of people (compare that to British football fans or Canadian hockey fans) . People complain incessantly about corruption in politics, and according to a recent survey trust their leaders less than almost any country on earth - but few �116 SLOVAKIA-2015 are willing to even get off the couch to attend a protest rally. More than half of each secondary school graduating class intends to emigrate, rather than stay home and help fix what ails the country. Or, if you prefer a local perspective: truck drivers in my village regularly make their deliveries while blocking traffic in both directions, reasoning that they have work to do so everyone else can just wait. People shovel snow from in front of their houses into the street, apparently indifferent to the inconvenience of other drivers. Private homes are beautifully renovated and tenderly cared for, while discarded bottles and other garbage litter the edges of public streets and walkways. In the summer, even though signs claim the forest above the village is a protected area and off-limits to vehicles, motorcycles and A TVs constantly disturb the peace of man and beast. And the potholes would be a disgrace anywhere. I know that a great many objections can be raised to each example I have mentioned . Maybe Slovaks don't know the words to their national anthem; maybe it's just not a very sing-able song. And Slovakia hardly has a monopoly on apathy, selfishness and bad roads . But after twenty years in this country, I'm convinced there is something else going on here. For a country to work, it has to inspire its citizens with an idea that is bigger than themselves individually. It has to give them areason to look beyond their tribes and take an interest in public affairs. It has to give people a sense of political community, of mutual responsibility to each other as citizens. Without this sense of community, people will rarely have the confidence to resist social diseases like corruption, or to stand up for unwritten standards of public behavior. I got a taste of this in 1984 as a tipsy 17-year-old returning by train from a baseball game in Toronto. They had been giving away free bars of soap that day, and my friend and I thought it would be fun to mark up the backs of the seats in front of us. As I scrawled away, an older man behind me leaned over and told me to stop . Cowed, but still insolent, I asked why I should. "Because he told you to," said another man, and I had the feeling the entire train carriage was sharing in and approving my humiliation. As much as the public embarrassment stung at the time, the experience left a deeper impression - that in Canada, you could stand up to bullies and miscreants, and other people would have your back. �SLOVAKIA-2015 117 A decade later, in late 1992, I was sitting in the U Kuba pub in Senec with my best friend Sean Ellacott. We were both in our 20s, university graduates taking a year off to teach English in Czechoslovakia. At a nearby table were two dark-skinned men whom we wouldn't have noticed if not for the fact that they were slowly getting beaten up. Twice I had seen a young man from a party of youths come over and punch one of the dark-skinned men in the face - hard, repeatedly, drawing blood. The victim made no attempt to protect himself, and no one else seemed to pay the slightest attention. As the young puncher approached for a third round, I had had enough and grabbed him from behind by the shoulders. He wasn't big, and seemed more surprised than belligerent, so we wrestled to a standoff and he went back to his chair and I to mine. At no point did anyone else in the bar intervene in our little drama or give any sign they supported my actions. On the contrary, as the waiter brought me a brandy ordered by the battered victim, an older patron drew up a chair at our table. The men who had been attacked were Gypsies, he said, and in Slovakia one didn't help them. We should be wary of the young attacker and his friends . It didn't occur to me at the time, but as the years passed, I came to see that incident as illustrative of an important difference between Canadian and Slovak society. At home, if something similar had happened, I would have been risking much less because most patrons of the bar would have approved of what I did, and would presumably have come to my aid if the young man had put up more resistance. But in Slovakia, you are on your own in such situations. As much as other people may sympathize with you, and may be sickened by what is happening, they will rarely do anything to help a stranger in trouble (especially if the stranger is a Gypsy). It's not a matter of cowardice or indifference to another's fate - it's that people aren't sure of what they can expect from one another when the chips are down. They lack the confidence you derive from a shared community and shared values, such as that one does not suffer a weaker person to be hurt. In Slovakia, no such glue binds strangers together. No social contract exists. *** �118 SLOV AKIA-2015 Again, it's hopelessly anecdotal, but I came to believe that I learned something fundamental about Slovaks in U Kuba that day in 1992. Confronted with an obnoxious teenager on a train, people will tend to look out the window rather than intervene, even if they are no fonder of public vandalism or casual violence than Canadians. The problem is that such incidents leave you with a horrible feeling inside if you don 't do anything. Whether you like it or not, you are involved, and looking out the window causes your soul to ache in a way that no punch on the nose can. Is it the same with corruption? Are we all like passengers on a train, every day witnessing gross misconduct by strangers and yet somehow failing to protest? Hating the offenders, but hating ourselves as well for looking out the window? For me, this is as good an explanation as any . Think back for a minute on the modem history of corruption in Slovakia: First came authoritarian PM Vladimir Meciar, who was captain of the ship when Czechoslovakia went down. Deciding not to risk a referendum on Slovak independence, Meciar soon revealed his hand. Everything revolved around privatization, around the use of public assets to create a "domestic capital group" that was politically loyal to the prime minister and his HZDS party . As we were later told by Stefan Gavomik, head of the FNM privatization agency, every Wednesday the Meciar government met privately to decide who would be allowed to buy what companies (Monday's regular cabinet meetings were devoted to public matters). Most sales were announced only after they had happened, leaving the media scrambling to find out who really stood behind "white horse" purchasers. In many instances, the purchase price was only a fraction of the real worth of the shares (onesixth, in the case of gas storage company Nafta Gbely, for instance). And even then, agreed purchase prices were often spread over many years, or could be paid in the form of unverifiable ' investments' into the privatized company. Information on privatization was closely guarded, none more so than by the secret service, whose director, Ivan Lexa, had been Meciar's first choice as privatization minister before President Michal Kovac refused to appoint him to the post. Understandably, privatization was a major campaign issue in the 1998 elections, which proved so crucial to Slovakia's future direction as a country. Mikulas Dzurinda, who defeated Meciar, promised that his government would go after malefactors, and ministers in the �SLOV AKIA-2015 119 first Dzurinda government began compiling 'black books' of misdeeds by their predecessors. And then - silence. The new leadership of the FNM, we were told, had realized there was little point in launching some 700 legal challenges to past privatization deals victory would take many years and countless man-hours, it was far from certain that the courts would side with the government, while the fall-out in terms of social unrest and damage to the principle of legal certainty might be severe. And so the first Dzurinda government reached 'an accommodation' with Meciar's privatizers, allowing almost all of them to keep their assets. Knowledge of human nature tells us that this detente must have been built on payoffs by privatizers to the new stewards of state property. Regardless, the Dzurinda administration soon had privatization scandals of its own, including some involving ' financial groups' that had arisen at the end of the 1990s. While these groups featured a few names from the past - the son of a Meciar-era state bank chief (Patrik Tkcic), for example, or the last boss of the Communist-era secret police (Aloiz Lorenz) - on the whole they were far more sophisticated than Meciar's crude privatizers, and invested far more in public relations. When these groups bought state assets for suspiciously little money, stripped them down and achieved enormous profits - Penta group boss Jaroslav Hascak once said he wouldn't look at a deal that did not yield at least a 30 percent annual return on investment - they were actually bringing efficiency to the business environment, we were told. Their partnership with the first and second Dzurinda administrations was so close that, according to leaked cables from the US embassy in Bratislava, they helped draft legislation and bribed MPs to pass it (which is the very definition of 'state capture '). And when the second Dzurinda government fell in 2005, leaving undone some key privatization deals, Penta financed the purchase of a new parliamentary majority from independent MPs. Meanwhile, a professed social democrat named Robert Fico was waiting in the wings . Fico's Smer party was reportedly sponsored by people who had become rich under Meciar, and who had changed horses following his defeat in 1998 after realizing that the authoritarian former PM would never again lead a government. Fico finally came to power in 2006 by criticizing insensitive economic reforms and corruption under Dzurinda. But again, no further action was tak- �120 SLOV AKIA-2015 en against the alleged malefactors, while Fico himself battled charges of massive corruption in public procurement to the benefit of his alleged sponsors. And so it went, through another change in government in 2010, and back to Fico two years later. At the end of December in 2011 , on one of the darkest days of the year, a file was uploaded to the Internet containing transcripts of conversations that took place in a Bratislava apartment in 2006 . Dubbed "the Gorilla file," the document was the result of a secret service surveillance operation that had monitored meetings between top government officials and politicians on the one hand, and Hascak of Penta on the other. The transcripts suggested that financial groups were not only benefiting from privatization decisions but in some cases were also helping to make them; that they had managed to have their own employees named to key state posts; and that they used a sophisticated system of bribery and kickbacks to get what they wanted from public servants. The Gorilla file also revealed that incumbent officials had refused to aid police investigations of their predecessors, a practice in keeping with what Interior Minister Daniel Lipsie described as an "unspoken agreement" among the political elite that no one important would ever go to jail in Slovakia. When I first read the Gorilla file over five years ago, I was struck not just by the extent of the corruption, but also by how well organized it was, how brisk and businesslike. Now I am more amazed at the lack of public response - for all the anger and disgust people felt on reading the Gorilla file , for all the suspicions confirmed and then exceeded, the largest public demonstration at the height of the Gorilla scandal in February 2012 still only drew a few thousand people to SNP Square in Bratislava. What was everyone else doing? *** All that is necessary for evil to succeed is for good people to do nothing, the saying goes, and the modem history of Slovakia is as good a case as any . So what will it take to get people to act? I am confident the problem is not one of indifference. A book I wrote in 2012 on the Gorilla case sold over 50,000 copies, a record for nonfiction in this country, which is a pretty reliable sign that people wanted to know about it. And having met with thousands of people around Slovakia over the past two years, I know that they are still �SLOVAKIA-2015 121 angry and upset. But for some reason all that emotion remains bottled up . One popular and very persuasive explanation goes as follows: the reason that Slovaks don't respond more vigorously to corruption is that most people, if they had the opportunity, would behave exactly the same as the main actors in the Gorilla file. Lacking that opportunity, most people are just as likely to be corrupt in their daily lives. Corruption may be technically illegal in Slovakia, but it is far from clear that it violates the informal rules that govern how Slovak society actually works. On the surface this argument makes sense, but upon examination it has important flaws . I have taught at a dozen Slovak postsecondary schools over the past twenty years (currently I teach at five). I have always had problems with cheating and plagiarism in my courses, despite the fact that in the first lesson I always warn my students against it (even this year, I had to fail seven out of twentyeight students in an investigative journalism course because they plagiarized their term papers). So yes, I would say students here cheat more than they do in Canada. In trying to get Slovak students to stop cheating, however, I have never had the support of a single school administratr beyond the obligatory verbal commitments. Once, in 2009, a student submitted as his term paper a 500-word article that had been published in the SME newspaper that I worked for at the time. He hadn't bothered to do more than change the font, perhaps believing that as the brother of a Slovak film producer he didn't need to break a sweat. A couple of queries established that he had done the same to other course instructors. But even a joint submission before the disciplinary commission failed to produce more than a promise to supervise the student's future work. A few years ago I had a chance to ask a student and a university professor about plagiarism over a few beers. The student admitted that she and many of her peers did it, but asked why they should behave differently given that their teachers never read their papers. Why make the effort, if no one cares one way or another? For his part, the professor admitted that full-time teaching duties at three different universities - a load he had to carry in order to support his family - left him with no time to do more than make sure students met the formal requirements to hand in an essay and attend class. No �122 SLOV AKIA-2015 time, that is, to actually read anything beyond exam papers and dissertation theses. I'm convinced that while it may appear that ordinary Slovaks are as corrupt as their political and economic leaders, their corruption has different roots. It springs from the fact that basic things don ' t work in this country, which turns 'low-level' corruption into a coping mechanism. Rather than waste three hours at the doctor's office, or risk an indifferent diagnosis or treatment, people go through informal, tribal channels to get what they need . Rather than spend several hours at a police station to get a car registered, they may give a cop friend twenty euros to speed things up. Rather than spend two weeks on a school assignment that will end up in the waste bin, unread, they copy and paste from Wikipedia . 'High-level' corruption, on the other hand, is not a coping mechanism. It is a strategy to capture the state, to hijack democratic mechanisms for personal gain. It is not the result of a malfunctioning public sector; it is the direct cause of it. Clearly, if the Slovak state could be rescued from the hijackers, several things would happen. First, ordinary people would have fewer reasons to cheat or offer bribes, because basic services would improve. Without the massive financial drain of systemic corruption, teachers and medical staff could be paid more; free from its captors, the state and its servants could once again serve the public interest, including making sure that teachers and doctors did their (now better-paid) jobs properly. There would be more money for fixing potholes and building better roads, and more pressure on civil servants to provide them . The garbage littering public spaces, in a figurative sense, would be cleaned up, improving everyone's mood and challenging the belief that "things don't work" in Slovakia. In other words - if we could fix high-level corruption, we would at the same time be eliminating the largest cause of low-level corruption. Easier said than done, of course. But perhaps not impossible. *** One thing you learn from reading about successful anticorruption fights around the world is that there is no magic formula. Successful strategies do have common elements, however: they engage the widest possible spectrum of society by giving people small, �SLOVAKIA-2015 123 non-confrontational tasks that allow them to participate without fear of sanction. In Slovakia, if the objective is to retake the state from the oligarchs who captured it, the battle will have to be fought on several fronts. First, we need to create a community of people united by other than ethnic or tribal loyalties; one that is united by shared beliefs, such as that the Slovak state belongs to its people. Building this community requires more than just putting people in touch with each other, however. It requires a statotvorny akt of the kind that was lacking before 1993 . Then, we have to offer this community small but tangible acts of resistance that they can perform. We have to enable them to recapture their state through a kind of guerilla warfare, which while peaceful must be fought on multiple fronts at the same time. After Slovakia's gold medal victory in 2002 at the World Hockey Championships in Sweden, it did indeed seem, as sociologist Sona Szomolanyi claimed, that in the ensuing celebration we were witnessing the birth of the modem Slovak nation. People were finally assembling on city squares for reasons other than political protest; the winning team had a multi-ethnic roster; and team captain Miroslav Satan was even scolding politicians for betraying the interests of the nation : "this is what we can achieve when we play as a team," he said during a parliamentary address. How brief and how shallow that moment of triumph now seems. A hockey championship could never have triggered the birth of the modem Slovak nation because the brilliant play of the hockey team was in such stark contrast to the dysfunction of the rest of the country. Calling it a statotvorny moment was thus merely wishful thinking; in reality, states arise when a critical mass of people agrees that they need it, want it and can run it themselves. This year, the 25 th anniversary of the end of Communism, we are officially too old for wishful thinking. We know now that our state has been kidnapped and is being used by wealthy men hidden from our sight. We lack a community of like-minded people to oppose them, and to take their state back. Can one be created, before this second coming of normalizacia entrenches the oligarchs in power for a generation to come? This is the challenge facing all third-sector (non-profit) actors whose focus is on corruption and public activism. One thing we have �124 SLOVAKIA-2015 learned is that people need to be better informed - it is not enough to simply expect that they will be able to decipher politics from the occasional evening news broadcast or from their morning tabloids. They must be shown how power is used in this country - how politics really works. They need - and incredibly, still do not have - a history of the past twenty years that puts all the scandals and the disappointments and the betrayals in a context that will help voters make better choices at election time. Above all, they need to be connected to each other. Everyone who despairs at the state of Slovakia and wants to do something about it needs to feel part of a community of likeminded strangers. Only then will they be able to overcome the apathy that they feel as individuals. Shortly after the 2012 elections I founded a civic association, Pod povrchom, that aims to do these things - educate people about politics and public affairs, and provide an Internet platform for them to associate with each other. Through regular meetings with secondary school and university students (sixty-two schools so far), we are slowly building up a database of contacts to people who are concerned about corruption and want to do something about it (over 2,000 to date). We have also set up a Center for Independent Journalism that publishes investigative articles and provides training and mentoring for young would-be journalists. But as the months go by, it has become clear to me that the people leading the fight against corruption - NGOs, journalists, political activists - must themselves unite if we can hope to create a strong and lasting community of concerned Slovaks. Because on the other side of the barriers, the process of state capture is accelerating, not only in politics but everywhere that society remains open and independent. In a development that would have been inconceivable at the height of the Gorilla demonstrations, the giant holding company Penta and its managing partner Jaroslav Hascak have rolled out an aggressive strategy to buy up over half a dozen Slovak TV, online and print media assets. In early September of 2014 he announced the capture of the tabloid publisher 7 Plus (which gives him the mostread weekly Plus 7 dni and the second-most read daily Plus 1 den), as well as of the respected business weekly Trend. Later in the month Hascak admitted he had bid for a controlling share in Petit Press, �SLOV AKIA-2015 125 publisher of over thirty titles including the iconic and feisty Sme broadsheet, which remains a symbol of journalistic independence. If his bid is accepted - and at the time of writing this essay there was nothing standing in his way - the Sme newsroom and management will be gutted, which was perhaps Hascak:' s true purpose in buying the paper in the first place. After all, it was Petit Press that published my book on the Gorilla scandal - and Petit Press that Penta sued, unsuccessfully, to keep the book off the shelves. �� 112 SLOVAKIA-2015 CORRUPTION IN SLOVAKIA: TIME TO RECLAIM THE STATE 1 Tom Nicholson On the way home one March night, I lost a hubcap. I heard it pop off the front right wheel of my car as I smashed into a massive pothole on the main road from Bratislava to Svaty Jur. The impact was so severe that it bent the wheel rim and punctured the tire. If my son had been present he might have learned a few new English cusswords to go with his rich Slovak collection. I didn't own a car when I first came to Slovakia in 1992, so I can't say whether there are more potholes now than then. But it seems to me there are altogether too many potholes here for a European Union member country (the closest comparison I can come to Slovak roads in the spring is Moldova, or maybe rural Cuba). And there are definitely way too many potholes - and it takes way too long to fill them in - for a country that has had twenty years to get its shit together. Sure, they have potholes in Canada (I can no longer say 'we' because I have long since transferred my allegiance to Slovak potholes). But even though the winters in the Great White North are far more severe, and Canada has about a quintillion miles more roads, potholes are infrequent, and drivers are alerted to them with a homey Canadian solicitousness - a SO-meter flashing DANGER sign, say, or a cordon of Mounties in reflecto-vests. Not here. Even on Racianska ulica, a four-lane artery into the heart of the capital, the worst holes after three weeks get a perfunctory monocle of paint, promising a pending repair in the indefinite future (that paint is the Slovak equivalent of the Mexican 'manana'). For me, Slovakia's potholes are another entry on the list of basic Slovak things that don't work as they should. It's a depressingly long list - education, health care, justice, politics (especially politics). And it provides a starting point for understanding why corruption continues to flourish in this country. 1 This is a revised and updated version ofmy original article "Je cas dat tomuto statu zmysel," in Odkial' a kam ? Dvadsat' rokov samostatnosti, ed. by Martin Butora et. al. (Bratislava: Kalligram, 2013), 281-304. �SLOV AKIA-2015 113 *** If I had been asked to write an essay about corruption in Slovakia a few years ago, I know what I would have come up with - a rogues' gallery of powerful figures who had abused other people's trust over the years to enrich themselves. But last year I was swept up in the Gori/a scandal, a political tempest that challenged my certainties and changed my life. As much as I wanted to remain detached as a journalist, I found myself speaking at public rallies and giving interviews . Suddenly, I was expected to tell people not just where corruption could be found , but how to defeat it as well. And I discovered that I actually knew very little about it. For starters, the story of corruption in Slovakia is not just one of rich people gaming the system. Corruption takes many forms and has many causes - such as that the country presents innumerable small but vexing barriers to living one's life without vexation. Some of these barriers encourage people to give small bribes (the box of chocolates for the doctor, the cash envelope for the building permit officer). Others - a plague of potholes, for example - just let everyone know that public servants could care less about serving the public interest, creating an atmosphere that indirectly encourages bribery. But none of these stories, it seems to me, answer the key question: why corruption flourishes after twenty years of independence and a decade of EU membership, six general elections and countless devastating political scandals. We now know, thanks to Gori/a, exactly what high- level corruption looks like. We see oligarchs enriching themselves, we see politicians and civil servants abusing their offices and neglecting their duties to us. And still it continues, and still the potholes proliferate. So why don't Slovaks do something about it? *** Over the past year, I've often been told how ironic it is that a foreigner had to bring the Gori/a scandal to light, as if a Slovak journalist would have done differently. This does a great disservice to the probity of my colleagues, and greatly exaggerates my own. If a foreigner can be of service here, it is perhaps to see things in a context that is not available to Slovaks, not having grown up elsewhere. �114 SLOV AKIA-2015 Now, I' ve read enough foreign descriptions of Slovak life to know how flawed this 'vision' can be, especially when delivered to foreign audiences that have no opportunity to verify its authenticity (the film Hostel comes to mind). But I'm hoping I can be an exception. As a transplanted Canadian who has spent twenty years in this country, I am still struck by the loyalty that people feel to their tribes - to family, to friends, to old classmates, to other people who come from their hometowns. These tribal bonds are what Slovaks living abroad miss most about their country . In modem Slovakia, there are still no higher loyalties. This is striking for a Canadian because our country does not run on informal networks. Sure, we have tribal loyalties, but they often divide us - there isn't much that Greek Canadians have in common with Chinese Canadians, say, or with Jamaican Canadians, except the fact that we all live in Canada. Perhaps that's why Canada has such a strong political identity: without ethnic, cultural or other natural bonds, we need it to hold us together. After all, we have few common traditions or national dishes in the sense that Slovaks have bryndzove halusky. But I'm pretty sure most Canadians could tell you what values the country stands for - tolerance, social solidarity, respect for human rights, and caring more about the rest of the world than Americans, for starters. How many Slovaks could do the same? While I'm sure people could name traits that Slovaks have as an ethnic nation - you can't live here for twenty years without hearing a thing or two about zavist or pohostinnost', for example - what about the ideals and principles their country is founded on? Slovaks can be forgiven for not having a clear idea of what values the modem Slovak state stands for. The average person, after all, was not consulted before the division of Czechoslovakia in 1993, despite repeated promises of a referendum, and probably regarded the project of an independent Slovakia as something foisted on him from above. And because he had no hand in creating the state - and in many cases probably hadn't even wanted it, or at least hadn ' t wanted it yet - it's understandable that the average person might have felt that the modem Slovak state was someone else's responsibility. Common ideals, like the Constitution, would be scripted by old, grey men behind closed doors, while Slovakia's tribes would go about their business as they always had. �SLOV AKIA-2015 115 You could say that 'the state', on Slovak territory, had always been someone else's responsibility. Magyars, Austrians, Czechs, Germans, Russians, then Czechs again . After centuries of having someone else to fill in the potholes and make sure people paid their taxes, it's understandable that Slovaks were slow to respond to the call to administer their own affairs. But everything might have worked out differently if the Slovak Republic had come into being from a statotvorny akt, by which I mean an experience that unites a people as a political nation rather than just an ethnic one. Americans had their War of Independence, the Brits had Napoleon, while early Canadians ran a cruel gauntlet of Constitutional Conferences (a punishment that continues to be imposed on Canadian history students as an object lesson in the burning sincerity of all boredom). Slovaks, meanwhile, had no birthing experience that could rival the moral, economic and civilizational value of Czechoslovakia. They had nothing to comfort or inspire them when Czechoslovakia was dismantled, beyond the sour nationalism of pubs and football matches. The way Slovakia came into the world, as a child welcomed only by nationalists and political opportunists, left a dangerous vacuum at the center of the Slovak body politic. People naturally shrank from any new duties towards a state they hadn't wanted or had a hand in creating. In doing so, they abandoned public affairs to anyone claiming to want the responsibility. And there was no shortage of applicants. Twenty years later, this vacuum is still full of dark matter, dead stars and other space junk - stuff that absorbs light rather than produces it. It is responsible for many of the ills that afflict Slovakia, among them the indifference that ordinary people feel towards their state and towards the millions of strangers who inhabit it. If I had to give this ailment a name, I would call it the "mam v pici" disease. *** Let me describe some of the symptoms of this disease. Slovaks rarely sing their national anthem at sporting events, even at important internationals in front of tens of thousands of people (compare that to British football fans or Canadian hockey fans) . People complain incessantly about corruption in politics, and according to a recent survey trust their leaders less than almost any country on earth - but few �116 SLOVAKIA-2015 are willing to even get off the couch to attend a protest rally. More than half of each secondary school graduating class intends to emigrate, rather than stay home and help fix what ails the country. Or, if you prefer a local perspective: truck drivers in my village regularly make their deliveries while blocking traffic in both directions, reasoning that they have work to do so everyone else can just wait. People shovel snow from in front of their houses into the street, apparently indifferent to the inconvenience of other drivers. Private homes are beautifully renovated and tenderly cared for, while discarded bottles and other garbage litter the edges of public streets and walkways. In the summer, even though signs claim the forest above the village is a protected area and off-limits to vehicles, motorcycles and A TVs constantly disturb the peace of man and beast. And the potholes would be a disgrace anywhere. I know that a great many objections can be raised to each example I have mentioned . Maybe Slovaks don't know the words to their national anthem; maybe it's just not a very sing-able song. And Slovakia hardly has a monopoly on apathy, selfishness and bad roads . But after twenty years in this country, I'm convinced there is something else going on here. For a country to work, it has to inspire its citizens with an idea that is bigger than themselves individually. It has to give them areason to look beyond their tribes and take an interest in public affairs. It has to give people a sense of political community, of mutual responsibility to each other as citizens. Without this sense of community, people will rarely have the confidence to resist social diseases like corruption, or to stand up for unwritten standards of public behavior. I got a taste of this in 1984 as a tipsy 17-year-old returning by train from a baseball game in Toronto. They had been giving away free bars of soap that day, and my friend and I thought it would be fun to mark up the backs of the seats in front of us. As I scrawled away, an older man behind me leaned over and told me to stop . Cowed, but still insolent, I asked why I should. "Because he told you to," said another man, and I had the feeling the entire train carriage was sharing in and approving my humiliation. As much as the public embarrassment stung at the time, the experience left a deeper impression - that in Canada, you could stand up to bullies and miscreants, and other people would have your back. �SLOVAKIA-2015 117 A decade later, in late 1992, I was sitting in the U Kuba pub in Senec with my best friend Sean Ellacott. We were both in our 20s, university graduates taking a year off to teach English in Czechoslovakia. At a nearby table were two dark-skinned men whom we wouldn't have noticed if not for the fact that they were slowly getting beaten up. Twice I had seen a young man from a party of youths come over and punch one of the dark-skinned men in the face - hard, repeatedly, drawing blood. The victim made no attempt to protect himself, and no one else seemed to pay the slightest attention. As the young puncher approached for a third round, I had had enough and grabbed him from behind by the shoulders. He wasn't big, and seemed more surprised than belligerent, so we wrestled to a standoff and he went back to his chair and I to mine. At no point did anyone else in the bar intervene in our little drama or give any sign they supported my actions. On the contrary, as the waiter brought me a brandy ordered by the battered victim, an older patron drew up a chair at our table. The men who had been attacked were Gypsies, he said, and in Slovakia one didn't help them. We should be wary of the young attacker and his friends . It didn't occur to me at the time, but as the years passed, I came to see that incident as illustrative of an important difference between Canadian and Slovak society. At home, if something similar had happened, I would have been risking much less because most patrons of the bar would have approved of what I did, and would presumably have come to my aid if the young man had put up more resistance. But in Slovakia, you are on your own in such situations. As much as other people may sympathize with you, and may be sickened by what is happening, they will rarely do anything to help a stranger in trouble (especially if the stranger is a Gypsy). It's not a matter of cowardice or indifference to another's fate - it's that people aren't sure of what they can expect from one another when the chips are down. They lack the confidence you derive from a shared community and shared values, such as that one does not suffer a weaker person to be hurt. In Slovakia, no such glue binds strangers together. No social contract exists. *** �118 SLOV AKIA-2015 Again, it's hopelessly anecdotal, but I came to believe that I learned something fundamental about Slovaks in U Kuba that day in 1992. Confronted with an obnoxious teenager on a train, people will tend to look out the window rather than intervene, even if they are no fonder of public vandalism or casual violence than Canadians. The problem is that such incidents leave you with a horrible feeling inside if you don 't do anything. Whether you like it or not, you are involved, and looking out the window causes your soul to ache in a way that no punch on the nose can. Is it the same with corruption? Are we all like passengers on a train, every day witnessing gross misconduct by strangers and yet somehow failing to protest? Hating the offenders, but hating ourselves as well for looking out the window? For me, this is as good an explanation as any . Think back for a minute on the modem history of corruption in Slovakia: First came authoritarian PM Vladimir Meciar, who was captain of the ship when Czechoslovakia went down. Deciding not to risk a referendum on Slovak independence, Meciar soon revealed his hand. Everything revolved around privatization, around the use of public assets to create a "domestic capital group" that was politically loyal to the prime minister and his HZDS party . As we were later told by Stefan Gavomik, head of the FNM privatization agency, every Wednesday the Meciar government met privately to decide who would be allowed to buy what companies (Monday's regular cabinet meetings were devoted to public matters). Most sales were announced only after they had happened, leaving the media scrambling to find out who really stood behind "white horse" purchasers. In many instances, the purchase price was only a fraction of the real worth of the shares (onesixth, in the case of gas storage company Nafta Gbely, for instance). And even then, agreed purchase prices were often spread over many years, or could be paid in the form of unverifiable ' investments' into the privatized company. Information on privatization was closely guarded, none more so than by the secret service, whose director, Ivan Lexa, had been Meciar's first choice as privatization minister before President Michal Kovac refused to appoint him to the post. Understandably, privatization was a major campaign issue in the 1998 elections, which proved so crucial to Slovakia's future direction as a country. Mikulas Dzurinda, who defeated Meciar, promised that his government would go after malefactors, and ministers in the �SLOV AKIA-2015 119 first Dzurinda government began compiling 'black books' of misdeeds by their predecessors. And then - silence. The new leadership of the FNM, we were told, had realized there was little point in launching some 700 legal challenges to past privatization deals victory would take many years and countless man-hours, it was far from certain that the courts would side with the government, while the fall-out in terms of social unrest and damage to the principle of legal certainty might be severe. And so the first Dzurinda government reached 'an accommodation' with Meciar's privatizers, allowing almost all of them to keep their assets. Knowledge of human nature tells us that this detente must have been built on payoffs by privatizers to the new stewards of state property. Regardless, the Dzurinda administration soon had privatization scandals of its own, including some involving ' financial groups' that had arisen at the end of the 1990s. While these groups featured a few names from the past - the son of a Meciar-era state bank chief (Patrik Tkcic), for example, or the last boss of the Communist-era secret police (Aloiz Lorenz) - on the whole they were far more sophisticated than Meciar's crude privatizers, and invested far more in public relations. When these groups bought state assets for suspiciously little money, stripped them down and achieved enormous profits - Penta group boss Jaroslav Hascak once said he wouldn't look at a deal that did not yield at least a 30 percent annual return on investment - they were actually bringing efficiency to the business environment, we were told. Their partnership with the first and second Dzurinda administrations was so close that, according to leaked cables from the US embassy in Bratislava, they helped draft legislation and bribed MPs to pass it (which is the very definition of 'state capture '). And when the second Dzurinda government fell in 2005, leaving undone some key privatization deals, Penta financed the purchase of a new parliamentary majority from independent MPs. Meanwhile, a professed social democrat named Robert Fico was waiting in the wings . Fico's Smer party was reportedly sponsored by people who had become rich under Meciar, and who had changed horses following his defeat in 1998 after realizing that the authoritarian former PM would never again lead a government. Fico finally came to power in 2006 by criticizing insensitive economic reforms and corruption under Dzurinda. But again, no further action was tak- �120 SLOV AKIA-2015 en against the alleged malefactors, while Fico himself battled charges of massive corruption in public procurement to the benefit of his alleged sponsors. And so it went, through another change in government in 2010, and back to Fico two years later. At the end of December in 2011 , on one of the darkest days of the year, a file was uploaded to the Internet containing transcripts of conversations that took place in a Bratislava apartment in 2006 . Dubbed "the Gorilla file," the document was the result of a secret service surveillance operation that had monitored meetings between top government officials and politicians on the one hand, and Hascak of Penta on the other. The transcripts suggested that financial groups were not only benefiting from privatization decisions but in some cases were also helping to make them; that they had managed to have their own employees named to key state posts; and that they used a sophisticated system of bribery and kickbacks to get what they wanted from public servants. The Gorilla file also revealed that incumbent officials had refused to aid police investigations of their predecessors, a practice in keeping with what Interior Minister Daniel Lipsie described as an "unspoken agreement" among the political elite that no one important would ever go to jail in Slovakia. When I first read the Gorilla file over five years ago, I was struck not just by the extent of the corruption, but also by how well organized it was, how brisk and businesslike. Now I am more amazed at the lack of public response - for all the anger and disgust people felt on reading the Gorilla file , for all the suspicions confirmed and then exceeded, the largest public demonstration at the height of the Gorilla scandal in February 2012 still only drew a few thousand people to SNP Square in Bratislava. What was everyone else doing? *** All that is necessary for evil to succeed is for good people to do nothing, the saying goes, and the modem history of Slovakia is as good a case as any . So what will it take to get people to act? I am confident the problem is not one of indifference. A book I wrote in 2012 on the Gorilla case sold over 50,000 copies, a record for nonfiction in this country, which is a pretty reliable sign that people wanted to know about it. And having met with thousands of people around Slovakia over the past two years, I know that they are still �SLOVAKIA-2015 121 angry and upset. But for some reason all that emotion remains bottled up . One popular and very persuasive explanation goes as follows: the reason that Slovaks don't respond more vigorously to corruption is that most people, if they had the opportunity, would behave exactly the same as the main actors in the Gorilla file. Lacking that opportunity, most people are just as likely to be corrupt in their daily lives. Corruption may be technically illegal in Slovakia, but it is far from clear that it violates the informal rules that govern how Slovak society actually works. On the surface this argument makes sense, but upon examination it has important flaws . I have taught at a dozen Slovak postsecondary schools over the past twenty years (currently I teach at five). I have always had problems with cheating and plagiarism in my courses, despite the fact that in the first lesson I always warn my students against it (even this year, I had to fail seven out of twentyeight students in an investigative journalism course because they plagiarized their term papers). So yes, I would say students here cheat more than they do in Canada. In trying to get Slovak students to stop cheating, however, I have never had the support of a single school administratr beyond the obligatory verbal commitments. Once, in 2009, a student submitted as his term paper a 500-word article that had been published in the SME newspaper that I worked for at the time. He hadn't bothered to do more than change the font, perhaps believing that as the brother of a Slovak film producer he didn't need to break a sweat. A couple of queries established that he had done the same to other course instructors. But even a joint submission before the disciplinary commission failed to produce more than a promise to supervise the student's future work. A few years ago I had a chance to ask a student and a university professor about plagiarism over a few beers. The student admitted that she and many of her peers did it, but asked why they should behave differently given that their teachers never read their papers. Why make the effort, if no one cares one way or another? For his part, the professor admitted that full-time teaching duties at three different universities - a load he had to carry in order to support his family - left him with no time to do more than make sure students met the formal requirements to hand in an essay and attend class. No �122 SLOV AKIA-2015 time, that is, to actually read anything beyond exam papers and dissertation theses. I'm convinced that while it may appear that ordinary Slovaks are as corrupt as their political and economic leaders, their corruption has different roots. It springs from the fact that basic things don ' t work in this country, which turns 'low-level' corruption into a coping mechanism. Rather than waste three hours at the doctor's office, or risk an indifferent diagnosis or treatment, people go through informal, tribal channels to get what they need . Rather than spend several hours at a police station to get a car registered, they may give a cop friend twenty euros to speed things up. Rather than spend two weeks on a school assignment that will end up in the waste bin, unread, they copy and paste from Wikipedia . 'High-level' corruption, on the other hand, is not a coping mechanism. It is a strategy to capture the state, to hijack democratic mechanisms for personal gain. It is not the result of a malfunctioning public sector; it is the direct cause of it. Clearly, if the Slovak state could be rescued from the hijackers, several things would happen. First, ordinary people would have fewer reasons to cheat or offer bribes, because basic services would improve. Without the massive financial drain of systemic corruption, teachers and medical staff could be paid more; free from its captors, the state and its servants could once again serve the public interest, including making sure that teachers and doctors did their (now better-paid) jobs properly. There would be more money for fixing potholes and building better roads, and more pressure on civil servants to provide them . The garbage littering public spaces, in a figurative sense, would be cleaned up, improving everyone's mood and challenging the belief that "things don't work" in Slovakia. In other words - if we could fix high-level corruption, we would at the same time be eliminating the largest cause of low-level corruption. Easier said than done, of course. But perhaps not impossible. *** One thing you learn from reading about successful anticorruption fights around the world is that there is no magic formula. Successful strategies do have common elements, however: they engage the widest possible spectrum of society by giving people small, �SLOVAKIA-2015 123 non-confrontational tasks that allow them to participate without fear of sanction. In Slovakia, if the objective is to retake the state from the oligarchs who captured it, the battle will have to be fought on several fronts. First, we need to create a community of people united by other than ethnic or tribal loyalties; one that is united by shared beliefs, such as that the Slovak state belongs to its people. Building this community requires more than just putting people in touch with each other, however. It requires a statotvorny akt of the kind that was lacking before 1993 . Then, we have to offer this community small but tangible acts of resistance that they can perform. We have to enable them to recapture their state through a kind of guerilla warfare, which while peaceful must be fought on multiple fronts at the same time. After Slovakia's gold medal victory in 2002 at the World Hockey Championships in Sweden, it did indeed seem, as sociologist Sona Szomolanyi claimed, that in the ensuing celebration we were witnessing the birth of the modem Slovak nation. People were finally assembling on city squares for reasons other than political protest; the winning team had a multi-ethnic roster; and team captain Miroslav Satan was even scolding politicians for betraying the interests of the nation : "this is what we can achieve when we play as a team," he said during a parliamentary address. How brief and how shallow that moment of triumph now seems. A hockey championship could never have triggered the birth of the modem Slovak nation because the brilliant play of the hockey team was in such stark contrast to the dysfunction of the rest of the country. Calling it a statotvorny moment was thus merely wishful thinking; in reality, states arise when a critical mass of people agrees that they need it, want it and can run it themselves. This year, the 25 th anniversary of the end of Communism, we are officially too old for wishful thinking. We know now that our state has been kidnapped and is being used by wealthy men hidden from our sight. We lack a community of like-minded people to oppose them, and to take their state back. Can one be created, before this second coming of normalizacia entrenches the oligarchs in power for a generation to come? This is the challenge facing all third-sector (non-profit) actors whose focus is on corruption and public activism. One thing we have �124 SLOVAKIA-2015 learned is that people need to be better informed - it is not enough to simply expect that they will be able to decipher politics from the occasional evening news broadcast or from their morning tabloids. They must be shown how power is used in this country - how politics really works. They need - and incredibly, still do not have - a history of the past twenty years that puts all the scandals and the disappointments and the betrayals in a context that will help voters make better choices at election time. Above all, they need to be connected to each other. Everyone who despairs at the state of Slovakia and wants to do something about it needs to feel part of a community of likeminded strangers. Only then will they be able to overcome the apathy that they feel as individuals. Shortly after the 2012 elections I founded a civic association, Pod povrchom, that aims to do these things - educate people about politics and public affairs, and provide an Internet platform for them to associate with each other. Through regular meetings with secondary school and university students (sixty-two schools so far), we are slowly building up a database of contacts to people who are concerned about corruption and want to do something about it (over 2,000 to date). We have also set up a Center for Independent Journalism that publishes investigative articles and provides training and mentoring for young would-be journalists. But as the months go by, it has become clear to me that the people leading the fight against corruption - NGOs, journalists, political activists - must themselves unite if we can hope to create a strong and lasting community of concerned Slovaks. Because on the other side of the barriers, the process of state capture is accelerating, not only in politics but everywhere that society remains open and independent. In a development that would have been inconceivable at the height of the Gorilla demonstrations, the giant holding company Penta and its managing partner Jaroslav Hascak have rolled out an aggressive strategy to buy up over half a dozen Slovak TV, online and print media assets. In early September of 2014 he announced the capture of the tabloid publisher 7 Plus (which gives him the mostread weekly Plus 7 dni and the second-most read daily Plus 1 den), as well as of the respected business weekly Trend. Later in the month Hascak admitted he had bid for a controlling share in Petit Press, �SLOV AKIA-2015 125 publisher of over thirty titles including the iconic and feisty Sme broadsheet, which remains a symbol of journalistic independence. If his bid is accepted - and at the time of writing this essay there was nothing standing in his way - the Sme newsroom and management will be gutted, which was perhaps Hascak:' s true purpose in buying the paper in the first place. After all, it was Petit Press that published my book on the Gorilla scandal - and Petit Press that Penta sued, unsuccessfully, to keep the book off the shelves. �� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2015, Vol. 42 Description An account of the resource Vol. 42 (No. 78-79), 2015. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 112 SLOVAKIA-2015 CORRUPTION IN SLOVAKIA: TIME TO RECLAIM THE STATE 1 Tom Nicholson On the way home one March night, I lost a hubcap. I heard it pop off the front right wheel of my car as I smashed into a massive pothole on the main road from Bratislava to Svaty Jur. The impact was so severe that it bent the wheel rim and punctured the tire. If my son had been present he might have learned a few new English cusswords to go with his rich Slovak collection. I didn't own a car when I first came to Slovakia in 1992, so I can't say whether there are more potholes now than then. But it seems to me there are altogether too many potholes here for a European Union member country (the closest comparison I can come to Slovak roads in the spring is Moldova, or maybe rural Cuba). And there are definitely way too many potholes - and it takes way too long to fill them in - for a country that has had twenty years to get its shit together. Sure, they have potholes in Canada (I can no longer say 'we' because I have long since transferred my allegiance to Slovak potholes). But even though the winters in the Great White North are far more severe, and Canada has about a quintillion miles more roads, potholes are infrequent, and drivers are alerted to them with a homey Canadian solicitousness - a SO-meter flashing DANGER sign, say, or a cordon of Mounties in reflecto-vests. Not here. Even on Racianska ulica, a four-lane artery into the heart of the capital, the worst holes after three weeks get a perfunctory monocle of paint, promising a pending repair in the indefinite future (that paint is the Slovak equivalent of the Mexican 'manana'). For me, Slovakia's potholes are another entry on the list of basic Slovak things that don't work as they should. It's a depressingly long list - education, health care, justice, politics (especially politics). And it provides a starting point for understanding why corruption continues to flourish in this country. 1 This is a revised and updated version ofmy original article "Je cas dat tomuto statu zmysel," in Odkial' a kam ? Dvadsat' rokov samostatnosti, ed. by Martin Butora et. al. (Bratislava: Kalligram, 2013), 281-304. SLOV AKIA-2015 113 *** If I had been asked to write an essay about corruption in Slovakia a few years ago, I know what I would have come up with - a rogues' gallery of powerful figures who had abused other people's trust over the years to enrich themselves. But last year I was swept up in the Gori/a scandal, a political tempest that challenged my certainties and changed my life. As much as I wanted to remain detached as a journalist, I found myself speaking at public rallies and giving interviews . Suddenly, I was expected to tell people not just where corruption could be found , but how to defeat it as well. And I discovered that I actually knew very little about it. For starters, the story of corruption in Slovakia is not just one of rich people gaming the system. Corruption takes many forms and has many causes - such as that the country presents innumerable small but vexing barriers to living one's life without vexation. Some of these barriers encourage people to give small bribes (the box of chocolates for the doctor, the cash envelope for the building permit officer). Others - a plague of potholes, for example - just let everyone know that public servants could care less about serving the public interest, creating an atmosphere that indirectly encourages bribery. But none of these stories, it seems to me, answer the key question: why corruption flourishes after twenty years of independence and a decade of EU membership, six general elections and countless devastating political scandals. We now know, thanks to Gori/a, exactly what high- level corruption looks like. We see oligarchs enriching themselves, we see politicians and civil servants abusing their offices and neglecting their duties to us. And still it continues, and still the potholes proliferate. So why don't Slovaks do something about it? *** Over the past year, I've often been told how ironic it is that a foreigner had to bring the Gori/a scandal to light, as if a Slovak journalist would have done differently. This does a great disservice to the probity of my colleagues, and greatly exaggerates my own. If a foreigner can be of service here, it is perhaps to see things in a context that is not available to Slovaks, not having grown up elsewhere. 114 SLOV AKIA-2015 Now, I' ve read enough foreign descriptions of Slovak life to know how flawed this 'vision' can be, especially when delivered to foreign audiences that have no opportunity to verify its authenticity (the film Hostel comes to mind). But I'm hoping I can be an exception. As a transplanted Canadian who has spent twenty years in this country, I am still struck by the loyalty that people feel to their tribes - to family, to friends, to old classmates, to other people who come from their hometowns. These tribal bonds are what Slovaks living abroad miss most about their country . In modem Slovakia, there are still no higher loyalties. This is striking for a Canadian because our country does not run on informal networks. Sure, we have tribal loyalties, but they often divide us - there isn't much that Greek Canadians have in common with Chinese Canadians, say, or with Jamaican Canadians, except the fact that we all live in Canada. Perhaps that's why Canada has such a strong political identity: without ethnic, cultural or other natural bonds, we need it to hold us together. After all, we have few common traditions or national dishes in the sense that Slovaks have bryndzove halusky. But I'm pretty sure most Canadians could tell you what values the country stands for - tolerance, social solidarity, respect for human rights, and caring more about the rest of the world than Americans, for starters. How many Slovaks could do the same? While I'm sure people could name traits that Slovaks have as an ethnic nation - you can't live here for twenty years without hearing a thing or two about zavist or pohostinnost', for example - what about the ideals and principles their country is founded on? Slovaks can be forgiven for not having a clear idea of what values the modem Slovak state stands for. The average person, after all, was not consulted before the division of Czechoslovakia in 1993, despite repeated promises of a referendum, and probably regarded the project of an independent Slovakia as something foisted on him from above. And because he had no hand in creating the state - and in many cases probably hadn't even wanted it, or at least hadn ' t wanted it yet - it's understandable that the average person might have felt that the modem Slovak state was someone else's responsibility. Common ideals, like the Constitution, would be scripted by old, grey men behind closed doors, while Slovakia's tribes would go about their business as they always had. SLOV AKIA-2015 115 You could say that 'the state', on Slovak territory, had always been someone else's responsibility. Magyars, Austrians, Czechs, Germans, Russians, then Czechs again . After centuries of having someone else to fill in the potholes and make sure people paid their taxes, it's understandable that Slovaks were slow to respond to the call to administer their own affairs. But everything might have worked out differently if the Slovak Republic had come into being from a statotvorny akt, by which I mean an experience that unites a people as a political nation rather than just an ethnic one. Americans had their War of Independence, the Brits had Napoleon, while early Canadians ran a cruel gauntlet of Constitutional Conferences (a punishment that continues to be imposed on Canadian history students as an object lesson in the burning sincerity of all boredom). Slovaks, meanwhile, had no birthing experience that could rival the moral, economic and civilizational value of Czechoslovakia. They had nothing to comfort or inspire them when Czechoslovakia was dismantled, beyond the sour nationalism of pubs and football matches. The way Slovakia came into the world, as a child welcomed only by nationalists and political opportunists, left a dangerous vacuum at the center of the Slovak body politic. People naturally shrank from any new duties towards a state they hadn't wanted or had a hand in creating. In doing so, they abandoned public affairs to anyone claiming to want the responsibility. And there was no shortage of applicants. Twenty years later, this vacuum is still full of dark matter, dead stars and other space junk - stuff that absorbs light rather than produces it. It is responsible for many of the ills that afflict Slovakia, among them the indifference that ordinary people feel towards their state and towards the millions of strangers who inhabit it. If I had to give this ailment a name, I would call it the "mam v pici" disease. *** Let me describe some of the symptoms of this disease. Slovaks rarely sing their national anthem at sporting events, even at important internationals in front of tens of thousands of people (compare that to British football fans or Canadian hockey fans) . People complain incessantly about corruption in politics, and according to a recent survey trust their leaders less than almost any country on earth - but few 116 SLOVAKIA-2015 are willing to even get off the couch to attend a protest rally. More than half of each secondary school graduating class intends to emigrate, rather than stay home and help fix what ails the country. Or, if you prefer a local perspective: truck drivers in my village regularly make their deliveries while blocking traffic in both directions, reasoning that they have work to do so everyone else can just wait. People shovel snow from in front of their houses into the street, apparently indifferent to the inconvenience of other drivers. Private homes are beautifully renovated and tenderly cared for, while discarded bottles and other garbage litter the edges of public streets and walkways. In the summer, even though signs claim the forest above the village is a protected area and off-limits to vehicles, motorcycles and A TVs constantly disturb the peace of man and beast. And the potholes would be a disgrace anywhere. I know that a great many objections can be raised to each example I have mentioned . Maybe Slovaks don't know the words to their national anthem; maybe it's just not a very sing-able song. And Slovakia hardly has a monopoly on apathy, selfishness and bad roads . But after twenty years in this country, I'm convinced there is something else going on here. For a country to work, it has to inspire its citizens with an idea that is bigger than themselves individually. It has to give them areason to look beyond their tribes and take an interest in public affairs. It has to give people a sense of political community, of mutual responsibility to each other as citizens. Without this sense of community, people will rarely have the confidence to resist social diseases like corruption, or to stand up for unwritten standards of public behavior. I got a taste of this in 1984 as a tipsy 17-year-old returning by train from a baseball game in Toronto. They had been giving away free bars of soap that day, and my friend and I thought it would be fun to mark up the backs of the seats in front of us. As I scrawled away, an older man behind me leaned over and told me to stop . Cowed, but still insolent, I asked why I should. "Because he told you to," said another man, and I had the feeling the entire train carriage was sharing in and approving my humiliation. As much as the public embarrassment stung at the time, the experience left a deeper impression - that in Canada, you could stand up to bullies and miscreants, and other people would have your back. SLOVAKIA-2015 117 A decade later, in late 1992, I was sitting in the U Kuba pub in Senec with my best friend Sean Ellacott. We were both in our 20s, university graduates taking a year off to teach English in Czechoslovakia. At a nearby table were two dark-skinned men whom we wouldn't have noticed if not for the fact that they were slowly getting beaten up. Twice I had seen a young man from a party of youths come over and punch one of the dark-skinned men in the face - hard, repeatedly, drawing blood. The victim made no attempt to protect himself, and no one else seemed to pay the slightest attention. As the young puncher approached for a third round, I had had enough and grabbed him from behind by the shoulders. He wasn't big, and seemed more surprised than belligerent, so we wrestled to a standoff and he went back to his chair and I to mine. At no point did anyone else in the bar intervene in our little drama or give any sign they supported my actions. On the contrary, as the waiter brought me a brandy ordered by the battered victim, an older patron drew up a chair at our table. The men who had been attacked were Gypsies, he said, and in Slovakia one didn't help them. We should be wary of the young attacker and his friends . It didn't occur to me at the time, but as the years passed, I came to see that incident as illustrative of an important difference between Canadian and Slovak society. At home, if something similar had happened, I would have been risking much less because most patrons of the bar would have approved of what I did, and would presumably have come to my aid if the young man had put up more resistance. But in Slovakia, you are on your own in such situations. As much as other people may sympathize with you, and may be sickened by what is happening, they will rarely do anything to help a stranger in trouble (especially if the stranger is a Gypsy). It's not a matter of cowardice or indifference to another's fate - it's that people aren't sure of what they can expect from one another when the chips are down. They lack the confidence you derive from a shared community and shared values, such as that one does not suffer a weaker person to be hurt. In Slovakia, no such glue binds strangers together. No social contract exists. *** 118 SLOV AKIA-2015 Again, it's hopelessly anecdotal, but I came to believe that I learned something fundamental about Slovaks in U Kuba that day in 1992. Confronted with an obnoxious teenager on a train, people will tend to look out the window rather than intervene, even if they are no fonder of public vandalism or casual violence than Canadians. The problem is that such incidents leave you with a horrible feeling inside if you don 't do anything. Whether you like it or not, you are involved, and looking out the window causes your soul to ache in a way that no punch on the nose can. Is it the same with corruption? Are we all like passengers on a train, every day witnessing gross misconduct by strangers and yet somehow failing to protest? Hating the offenders, but hating ourselves as well for looking out the window? For me, this is as good an explanation as any . Think back for a minute on the modem history of corruption in Slovakia: First came authoritarian PM Vladimir Meciar, who was captain of the ship when Czechoslovakia went down. Deciding not to risk a referendum on Slovak independence, Meciar soon revealed his hand. Everything revolved around privatization, around the use of public assets to create a "domestic capital group" that was politically loyal to the prime minister and his HZDS party . As we were later told by Stefan Gavomik, head of the FNM privatization agency, every Wednesday the Meciar government met privately to decide who would be allowed to buy what companies (Monday's regular cabinet meetings were devoted to public matters). Most sales were announced only after they had happened, leaving the media scrambling to find out who really stood behind "white horse" purchasers. In many instances, the purchase price was only a fraction of the real worth of the shares (onesixth, in the case of gas storage company Nafta Gbely, for instance). And even then, agreed purchase prices were often spread over many years, or could be paid in the form of unverifiable ' investments' into the privatized company. Information on privatization was closely guarded, none more so than by the secret service, whose director, Ivan Lexa, had been Meciar's first choice as privatization minister before President Michal Kovac refused to appoint him to the post. Understandably, privatization was a major campaign issue in the 1998 elections, which proved so crucial to Slovakia's future direction as a country. Mikulas Dzurinda, who defeated Meciar, promised that his government would go after malefactors, and ministers in the SLOV AKIA-2015 119 first Dzurinda government began compiling 'black books' of misdeeds by their predecessors. And then - silence. The new leadership of the FNM, we were told, had realized there was little point in launching some 700 legal challenges to past privatization deals victory would take many years and countless man-hours, it was far from certain that the courts would side with the government, while the fall-out in terms of social unrest and damage to the principle of legal certainty might be severe. And so the first Dzurinda government reached 'an accommodation' with Meciar's privatizers, allowing almost all of them to keep their assets. Knowledge of human nature tells us that this detente must have been built on payoffs by privatizers to the new stewards of state property. Regardless, the Dzurinda administration soon had privatization scandals of its own, including some involving ' financial groups' that had arisen at the end of the 1990s. While these groups featured a few names from the past - the son of a Meciar-era state bank chief (Patrik Tkcic), for example, or the last boss of the Communist-era secret police (Aloiz Lorenz) - on the whole they were far more sophisticated than Meciar's crude privatizers, and invested far more in public relations. When these groups bought state assets for suspiciously little money, stripped them down and achieved enormous profits - Penta group boss Jaroslav Hascak once said he wouldn't look at a deal that did not yield at least a 30 percent annual return on investment - they were actually bringing efficiency to the business environment, we were told. Their partnership with the first and second Dzurinda administrations was so close that, according to leaked cables from the US embassy in Bratislava, they helped draft legislation and bribed MPs to pass it (which is the very definition of 'state capture '). And when the second Dzurinda government fell in 2005, leaving undone some key privatization deals, Penta financed the purchase of a new parliamentary majority from independent MPs. Meanwhile, a professed social democrat named Robert Fico was waiting in the wings . Fico's Smer party was reportedly sponsored by people who had become rich under Meciar, and who had changed horses following his defeat in 1998 after realizing that the authoritarian former PM would never again lead a government. Fico finally came to power in 2006 by criticizing insensitive economic reforms and corruption under Dzurinda. But again, no further action was tak- 120 SLOV AKIA-2015 en against the alleged malefactors, while Fico himself battled charges of massive corruption in public procurement to the benefit of his alleged sponsors. And so it went, through another change in government in 2010, and back to Fico two years later. At the end of December in 2011 , on one of the darkest days of the year, a file was uploaded to the Internet containing transcripts of conversations that took place in a Bratislava apartment in 2006 . Dubbed "the Gorilla file," the document was the result of a secret service surveillance operation that had monitored meetings between top government officials and politicians on the one hand, and Hascak of Penta on the other. The transcripts suggested that financial groups were not only benefiting from privatization decisions but in some cases were also helping to make them; that they had managed to have their own employees named to key state posts; and that they used a sophisticated system of bribery and kickbacks to get what they wanted from public servants. The Gorilla file also revealed that incumbent officials had refused to aid police investigations of their predecessors, a practice in keeping with what Interior Minister Daniel Lipsie described as an "unspoken agreement" among the political elite that no one important would ever go to jail in Slovakia. When I first read the Gorilla file over five years ago, I was struck not just by the extent of the corruption, but also by how well organized it was, how brisk and businesslike. Now I am more amazed at the lack of public response - for all the anger and disgust people felt on reading the Gorilla file , for all the suspicions confirmed and then exceeded, the largest public demonstration at the height of the Gorilla scandal in February 2012 still only drew a few thousand people to SNP Square in Bratislava. What was everyone else doing? *** All that is necessary for evil to succeed is for good people to do nothing, the saying goes, and the modem history of Slovakia is as good a case as any . So what will it take to get people to act? I am confident the problem is not one of indifference. A book I wrote in 2012 on the Gorilla case sold over 50,000 copies, a record for nonfiction in this country, which is a pretty reliable sign that people wanted to know about it. And having met with thousands of people around Slovakia over the past two years, I know that they are still SLOVAKIA-2015 121 angry and upset. But for some reason all that emotion remains bottled up . One popular and very persuasive explanation goes as follows: the reason that Slovaks don't respond more vigorously to corruption is that most people, if they had the opportunity, would behave exactly the same as the main actors in the Gorilla file. Lacking that opportunity, most people are just as likely to be corrupt in their daily lives. Corruption may be technically illegal in Slovakia, but it is far from clear that it violates the informal rules that govern how Slovak society actually works. On the surface this argument makes sense, but upon examination it has important flaws . I have taught at a dozen Slovak postsecondary schools over the past twenty years (currently I teach at five). I have always had problems with cheating and plagiarism in my courses, despite the fact that in the first lesson I always warn my students against it (even this year, I had to fail seven out of twentyeight students in an investigative journalism course because they plagiarized their term papers). So yes, I would say students here cheat more than they do in Canada. In trying to get Slovak students to stop cheating, however, I have never had the support of a single school administratr beyond the obligatory verbal commitments. Once, in 2009, a student submitted as his term paper a 500-word article that had been published in the SME newspaper that I worked for at the time. He hadn't bothered to do more than change the font, perhaps believing that as the brother of a Slovak film producer he didn't need to break a sweat. A couple of queries established that he had done the same to other course instructors. But even a joint submission before the disciplinary commission failed to produce more than a promise to supervise the student's future work. A few years ago I had a chance to ask a student and a university professor about plagiarism over a few beers. The student admitted that she and many of her peers did it, but asked why they should behave differently given that their teachers never read their papers. Why make the effort, if no one cares one way or another? For his part, the professor admitted that full-time teaching duties at three different universities - a load he had to carry in order to support his family - left him with no time to do more than make sure students met the formal requirements to hand in an essay and attend class. No 122 SLOV AKIA-2015 time, that is, to actually read anything beyond exam papers and dissertation theses. I'm convinced that while it may appear that ordinary Slovaks are as corrupt as their political and economic leaders, their corruption has different roots. It springs from the fact that basic things don ' t work in this country, which turns 'low-level' corruption into a coping mechanism. Rather than waste three hours at the doctor's office, or risk an indifferent diagnosis or treatment, people go through informal, tribal channels to get what they need . Rather than spend several hours at a police station to get a car registered, they may give a cop friend twenty euros to speed things up. Rather than spend two weeks on a school assignment that will end up in the waste bin, unread, they copy and paste from Wikipedia . 'High-level' corruption, on the other hand, is not a coping mechanism. It is a strategy to capture the state, to hijack democratic mechanisms for personal gain. It is not the result of a malfunctioning public sector; it is the direct cause of it. Clearly, if the Slovak state could be rescued from the hijackers, several things would happen. First, ordinary people would have fewer reasons to cheat or offer bribes, because basic services would improve. Without the massive financial drain of systemic corruption, teachers and medical staff could be paid more; free from its captors, the state and its servants could once again serve the public interest, including making sure that teachers and doctors did their (now better-paid) jobs properly. There would be more money for fixing potholes and building better roads, and more pressure on civil servants to provide them . The garbage littering public spaces, in a figurative sense, would be cleaned up, improving everyone's mood and challenging the belief that "things don't work" in Slovakia. In other words - if we could fix high-level corruption, we would at the same time be eliminating the largest cause of low-level corruption. Easier said than done, of course. But perhaps not impossible. *** One thing you learn from reading about successful anticorruption fights around the world is that there is no magic formula. Successful strategies do have common elements, however: they engage the widest possible spectrum of society by giving people small, SLOVAKIA-2015 123 non-confrontational tasks that allow them to participate without fear of sanction. In Slovakia, if the objective is to retake the state from the oligarchs who captured it, the battle will have to be fought on several fronts. First, we need to create a community of people united by other than ethnic or tribal loyalties; one that is united by shared beliefs, such as that the Slovak state belongs to its people. Building this community requires more than just putting people in touch with each other, however. It requires a statotvorny akt of the kind that was lacking before 1993 . Then, we have to offer this community small but tangible acts of resistance that they can perform. We have to enable them to recapture their state through a kind of guerilla warfare, which while peaceful must be fought on multiple fronts at the same time. After Slovakia's gold medal victory in 2002 at the World Hockey Championships in Sweden, it did indeed seem, as sociologist Sona Szomolanyi claimed, that in the ensuing celebration we were witnessing the birth of the modem Slovak nation. People were finally assembling on city squares for reasons other than political protest; the winning team had a multi-ethnic roster; and team captain Miroslav Satan was even scolding politicians for betraying the interests of the nation : "this is what we can achieve when we play as a team," he said during a parliamentary address. How brief and how shallow that moment of triumph now seems. A hockey championship could never have triggered the birth of the modem Slovak nation because the brilliant play of the hockey team was in such stark contrast to the dysfunction of the rest of the country. Calling it a statotvorny moment was thus merely wishful thinking; in reality, states arise when a critical mass of people agrees that they need it, want it and can run it themselves. This year, the 25 th anniversary of the end of Communism, we are officially too old for wishful thinking. We know now that our state has been kidnapped and is being used by wealthy men hidden from our sight. We lack a community of like-minded people to oppose them, and to take their state back. Can one be created, before this second coming of normalizacia entrenches the oligarchs in power for a generation to come? This is the challenge facing all third-sector (non-profit) actors whose focus is on corruption and public activism. One thing we have 124 SLOVAKIA-2015 learned is that people need to be better informed - it is not enough to simply expect that they will be able to decipher politics from the occasional evening news broadcast or from their morning tabloids. They must be shown how power is used in this country - how politics really works. They need - and incredibly, still do not have - a history of the past twenty years that puts all the scandals and the disappointments and the betrayals in a context that will help voters make better choices at election time. Above all, they need to be connected to each other. Everyone who despairs at the state of Slovakia and wants to do something about it needs to feel part of a community of likeminded strangers. Only then will they be able to overcome the apathy that they feel as individuals. Shortly after the 2012 elections I founded a civic association, Pod povrchom, that aims to do these things - educate people about politics and public affairs, and provide an Internet platform for them to associate with each other. Through regular meetings with secondary school and university students (sixty-two schools so far), we are slowly building up a database of contacts to people who are concerned about corruption and want to do something about it (over 2,000 to date). We have also set up a Center for Independent Journalism that publishes investigative articles and provides training and mentoring for young would-be journalists. But as the months go by, it has become clear to me that the people leading the fight against corruption - NGOs, journalists, political activists - must themselves unite if we can hope to create a strong and lasting community of concerned Slovaks. Because on the other side of the barriers, the process of state capture is accelerating, not only in politics but everywhere that society remains open and independent. In a development that would have been inconceivable at the height of the Gorilla demonstrations, the giant holding company Penta and its managing partner Jaroslav Hascak have rolled out an aggressive strategy to buy up over half a dozen Slovak TV, online and print media assets. In early September of 2014 he announced the capture of the tabloid publisher 7 Plus (which gives him the mostread weekly Plus 7 dni and the second-most read daily Plus 1 den), as well as of the respected business weekly Trend. Later in the month Hascak admitted he had bid for a controlling share in Petit Press, SLOV AKIA-2015 125 publisher of over thirty titles including the iconic and feisty Sme broadsheet, which remains a symbol of journalistic independence. If his bid is accepted - and at the time of writing this essay there was nothing standing in his way - the Sme newsroom and management will be gutted, which was perhaps Hascak:' s true purpose in buying the paper in the first place. After all, it was Petit Press that published my book on the Gorilla scandal - and Petit Press that Penta sued, unsuccessfully, to keep the book off the shelves.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Corruption in Slovakia: Time to Reclaim the State Description An account of the resource Tom Nicholson Slovakia, Vol. 42 (No. 78-79), 2015 pp. 112-125 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Nicholson, Tom, 1966- Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/515b0e4ac86bbf6f0063a375becb5f25.pdf 9f300ab3cdcf65f756d206de1ede1137 PDF Text Text 162 SLOVAKIA WINNING ESSAYS Slovak League of America Scholarship Program I. SLOVAK BACKGROUND OF EVENTS THROUGH THE SOVIET TAKEOVER IN 1968 By Jane N o o n a n Prior to World War I and the formation of the CzechoSlovak State, the Czech lands and Slovakia were contiguous but separate and geographically situated in the heart of central Europe, at the crossroads of the continent, between the Carpathian Mountains on the north and the Danube and Tisza Rivers on the south. Its inhabitants are known as Slovaks and Czechs and with the Poles of Poland belong to the group of Western Slavs. Since early in the Middle Ages, these and other Slavic peoples have been involved in the great European struggles. During World War I, the spirit of nationalism was greatly stimulated within the Austro-Hungarian Empire. This spirit was reflected by increasing demands for outright independence for the different nations within that empire. In the course of that war, Czech political leaders established a secret committee which directed the activities of the Czech nationalists at home and abroad. Thomas G. Masaryk, as the leader of this movement, toured Europe and the United States where he received encouragement and support. Meanwhile, a movement arose among the large number of Americans of Slovak descent promoting Slovakia's separation from Hungary. Three different solutions of the Slovak problem were imagined-Slovakia as a new state, as a partner of a Czecho-Slovak Federation, and as a territory forming a political union with the prospective Polish Republic. �SLOVAKIA 163 The Slovak League of America entered into contact with the Americans of Czech descent and in 1915 signed with their organization the Cleveland Agreement, and in 1918 the Pittsburgh Pact, both of which aimed at the creation of a Czecho-Slovak federal state. In these documents, the Slovak organization stipulated that Slovakia should be an equal member with the Czech lands and have complete legislative, executive, judicial, and cultural independence in strictly national matters, while matters of common interest, such as foreign affairs and defense, should be within the competence of a common parliament. History shows that Masaryk did not live up to the commitments of the Pittsburgh Pact even though he was one of its signers. Redistributio n of land was an urgent problem facing the new government and a Land Reform Act, therefore, was one of the first measures passed by the Czecho-Slovak Parliament. This act entitled the state to take over, after compensation , all land from the great estates in excess of a fixed maximum, and to permit land purchases by those who needed it most. Thus, the agrarian reform program greatly improved the material conditions of the rural population and averted disturbances. The cultural level of the Slovaks and Czechs was high and their passion for education prompted the new republic t o establish additional free schools and by improving existing schools. The Czecho-Slovak State also forged ahead in the field of social improvement . All groups and interests possessed the right of organization and thus organized labor had its trade unions, farmers their societies, and white-collar workers and businessmen their associations. Health and other types of social insurance were either provided for or encouraged by the State and provision was made for State assistance to housing and co-ops. As to the religious situation, 80 % of the population was Roman Catholic, but the Protestant element played a role far beyond its numerical strength. Many prominent political leaders, Thomas G. Masaryk among them, belonged to the Protestant faith . Economically and financially, Czecho-Slovakia was a sound state in central Europe. As an exporting country it was severly hit by the world economic depression of the �164 SLOVAKIA early thirties, but, by timely adjustments to new price and exchange levels, it was one of the first European countries to weather the crisis. Before Hitler came to power in 1933, Czecho-Slovakia was an enthusiastic supporter of the League of Nations and collaborated whole-heartedly in the negotiations which brought Germany and the Soviet Union into the League. However, when Hitler came to power, Czecho-Slovakia's foreign relations entered into a critical phase. Desperately anxious to avert a new war, France and Great Britain proposed in 1938 to Czecho-Slovakia that she not oppose the leaders of the Sudeten German movement, and further cede to Germany all areas with a German majority. When Czecho-Slovakia demurred, she was informed that she must accept the proposal or bear the consequences alone. The result was that Czecho-Slovakia gave in and the country was divided on the lines dictated by Hitler. After Munich'~' , Czecho-Slovakia tried to adjust itself to the new situation. President Benes resigned and left the country - and the transition to Hitler's New Order was swift. The administration was purged, the press put under rigorous control and anti-democratic measures were enacted. According to the Nuremberg documents, Hitler at that time had already decided to destroy Czecho-Slovakia. But there was apparently no definite decision on Slovakia as to whether to place it under German occupation or to have it occupied by Hungary. On March 14, 1939, the government of Dr. Jozef Tiso of Slovakia proclaimed Slovakia as an independent republic. Dr. Tiso was a Monsignor in the Roman Catholic Church and Vice-President of the People's Party of Slovakia. The Slovak people considered the act was the result of the Prague regime's violations of agreements that had been signed between Prague ( the Czech capital) and Bratislava (the capital of Slovakia) and which agreements had been incorporated in their Constitution. Public demonstrations spread throughout Slovakia. Hitler then suggested, in order to prevent Hungary possibly taking over Slovakia, that there be a declaration of Slovakia's independence. Even though the Slovak State was largely the result of a tense international situation, it nevertheless corresponded to the aspirations of the Slovak people for freedom �SLOVAKIA 165 and the principle of self-determination and self-government. The Slovak state was far from being a perfect democracy in the traditional sense. It, however, reflected a compromise between the past and present, between an old tradition and a temporarily determined political dynamism in Central Europe. But, in general, it was an expression of the selfpreservation instinct of the Slovak nation. In 1941, the Slovak Government found it necessary, because of circumstances, to join Germany in the war against the Soviet Union. However, the Slovak forces, during the Second World War, did not engage in combat against any of the Western Powers. In 1944, an uprising, improvised by Russian Communists as well as Slovak communists, took place and of course the Germans intervened. It took the Nazis exactly two months to crush this rebellion and in the meantime the Red Army laying the ground work for its invasion, held up for more than three months on the Carpathian Mountains, watching this national tragedy quietly. Around 30,000 Slovaks of all political shades were killed in this uprising. Once the uprising had been liquidated, the Soviet Army began to advance and finally occupied Slovakia's territory by mid-April, 1945. Meanwhile, Dr. Benes and most of the Cabinet flew to Moscow where the new Czecho-Slovak Government was to be formed. Dr. Benes and his political entourage believed, or at least hoped, that collaboration between democracy and communism was possible and that co-existence could be achieved without the loss of freedom. They fostered the illusion that the Czech and Slovak Communists were different from other Reds and that their methods would turn out to be evolutionary rather than revolutionary. Thus, the Communist seizure of power in 1948 may be traced back to the 1945 Moscow meeting, and so it was that in April of 1945, Benes proclaimed the so-called 'Kosice Program' for the new Government of re-established CzechoSlovakia. The 'Kosice Program' was in effect a death sentence for the past. In July, 1947, an important event illustrated the new course of Czecho-Slovakia's foreign relations when the Czecho-Slovak Government had unanimously accepted the invitation to a conference of the Marshall Plan, which was �166 SLOVAKIA to be held in Paris. But Moscow reacted vehemently, asserting that Czecho-Slovakia, by accepting the Marshall Plan, would be participating in a political scheme directed against the Soviet Union and demanded that the Government reverse its decision. The Government complied. This was just the beginning of open interference by the Soviets in Czecho-Slovakia's foreign affairs. Then, with the Communist undermining the February, 1948 elections in Czecho-Slovakia, and Benes because of the Communistic pressure accepting the resignations of the 12 Democratic Minister, the Iron Curtain descended on the Czecho-Slovak frontier. Since 1948, Czechs and Slovaks had no independent foreign policy of their own, while internally both the Slovaks and Czechs have been forced to accept systematically 'introduced Soviet institutions which were designed to submerge their national and ethnic consciousness. Furthermore, the Russians have recklessly fostered heavy industry in Slovakia to serve Soviet military and economic needs, while wishes and well-being of the local people go almost totally unheeded. Hence, the Russians enjoy scant confidence and support from the bulk of the Slovak people who look upon them not as "socialist brothers" but instead as tyrans. The government of Czecho-Slovakia is communist, although people qualified to estimate have guessed that no more than 12 to 15 % are Party members or are unqualified supporters of communism. Thus, the peoples of Czecho-Slovakia were pitifully robbed of their economic, spiritual, and intellectual will under the terror of Stalin. This continued for approximately two decades. By the latter part of 1967, Party Chief Novotny of Czecho-Slovakia found himself enmeshed in a political crisis of major proportions; he had alienated the country's educated factions, the economy was in a mess and no one trusted or approved of his efforts to improve the situation, and finally, the Slovaks, led by Alexander Dubcek were daily gaining power towards the goal of getting more of their own people in high government office. Eventually, on February 18, 1968, Novotny lost his job as Party Chief to Alexander Dubcek. The inevitable pressure of circumstances caused Dubcek, a proud Slovak, to transform Czecho-Slovakia into the most liberal state east of the Iron Curtain. �SLOVAKIA 167 Literary and press censorship was abolished, many victims of the Stalinist terror trials were publicly rehabilitated, freedom of minority opinion was guaranteed, travel and trade restrictions with the West were eased, the first strike of Czecho-Slovakia workers under communism was allowed, the police were required to wear numbered badges for identification, the church was partially freed of restraints, and finally the National Assembly was allowed to develop real legislative powers. Mr. Dubcek wanted the government to reflect the will of the people and to respect their traditions. On April 15, 1968, Dubcek unveiled his plans for the future as he published his "Action Program" in which he outlined his plans for even more freedom of the press, rights of assembly, and even larger increase of trade with the rest of Europe, especially with West Germany. Hence, in early 1968, Alexander Dubcek, who began as a leader of the aggrieved Slovaks, ended up as a national symbol for the entire nation. This event, however, created a situation that was both unique and dangerous to continued Russian domination of Eastern Europe. The reforms contemplated for Czecho-Slovakia went far beyond anything attempted before in the Soviet Bloc. Furthermore, there was a clearly pronounced anti-Soviet character to the popular responses to the planned liberalization reforms. Dubcek, although an ardent socialist, attempted to apply the principle that practicing socialism must respect the traditions of the country. All of the foregoing consequently alarmed the Russians, who publicly sought, at every opportunity available, to confer with Dubcek and privately to undermine his support and popularity in every way possible. And so on the night of August 21, 1968,' great hordes of Russian-led tanks and troops crossed into Czecho-Slovakia from neighboring Iron Curtain countries to end the most valiant and extensive attempt to liberalize a communist dominated land. This protest movement, although initiated to a large degree by Slovaks and led by a Slovak Dubcek, had nevertheless succeeded in rallying all segments of the country to seek a freer, more democratic way of life. The Soviets dared not let the noble experiment last, and therefore, in contradiction to all moral and international treaty �168 SLOVAKIA law, they intimidated the Slovaks and Czechs into partial submission by massed military might. Dubcek pleaded with his fellow countrymen that the only way to keep the nation from being literally destroyed by the Russians was to maintain strict discipline and order, as the withdrawal of Russian military force depended on the order in the country. However, the dislike for the invaders was so strong that the Slovaks and Czechs did protest and cursed and spat upon the troops, and some futile attempts at armed resistance was made by courageous young Slovaks who hurled gasoline bombs on tanks, thereby setting them ablaze and their crews scurrying. On August 21, 1968, Russian tanks ended a period of approximately 71/2 months of comparative freedom for the Slovaks and Czechs, and in one brutal week's work, the U.S.S.R. with its "rape of Czecho-Slovakia" made it crystalclear that even a little freedom is more than Soviet communism can tolerate. In conclusion, one must remember it has been said that the longest journey always starts with a single step, and possibly this can be applied to the efforts of the Slovak people to free themselves from the heavy burden of Russian oppression. Hopefully someday in the near future, they will be able to take more, even broader strides towards their freedom. In any case, it does not seem probable that the Slovaks will be forced to step back again. No other nation has suffered so much nor been more misunderstood as had been Slovakia and yet still possesses a fire of determination for its freedom and self-determination. Slovakia did emerge but unfortunately was stifled; yet she will again someday rise up to stand among the free and independent peoples of the earth as mistress of her own household. So be it! an agreement signed in Munich, Germany on September 30, 1938 forcing Czecho-Slovakia to give up the Sudetenland, part of its territory, to Nazi Germany. • Munich - (First place - College) BIBLIOGRAPHY BOOKS Freidin, Seymour, The Forgotten P eople, 1962, Charles Scribner & Soru. Kavka, Frantisek, A n Outline of Czecho-Slovak History, Prague, Orbis, 1963. �SLOVAKIA 169 Kirschbaum, Joseph M., "Twenty Years of Czech and Communist Rule in Slovakia," SLovakia, 1965. Levine, Isaac D., Intervention, 1969, Van Rees Press. Oddo, Gilbert L., Slovakia and its People, 1960, Robert Speller and Sons. Pauco, Joseph (ed.), Slovakia, 1966, 1968, 1969, Slovak League of America. Roberts, Adam and Windsor, Philip, Czechoslovakia 1968, 1969, Columbia University Press. Schwartz, Harry, Prague's 200 Days, 1969, Frederick A. Praeger, Inc. Zubek, T. J ., O.F.M., Church of Silence in Slovakia, 1969, J. J . Lach. MAGAZINES Newsweek, Prague Defies the Kremlin, July 29, 1968. Reader's Digest, The Rape of Czechoslovakia, November, 1968. Time, Self-Determination for Czechoslovakia, April 5, 1968; Czechoslovakia-Approaching Total Eclipse, April 6, 1970; Alexander Dubcek's AU Too Human Face, May 18, 1970. PAMPHLETS AND PAPERS Committee on Un-American Activities, Soviet Total War, 1956. Embassy of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, Background Notes Department of State, Socialist Republic Background Notes. New York Times, February 10, 1970, Students in Prague Now Know Their Beautiful Dream is Over, by Alvin Shuster. Hrobak, Philip A., Who Betrayed Slovakia to the Reds. THE SLOVAK ARTS IN PERSPECTIVE Marlene B a rt o s It is \from the vantage point of a multi-ethnic democracy such as the United States that Slovak cultural history can best be placed in true perspective. This paper is an attempt to do so. Because Slovak cultural history has so many ramifications that reach deeply in the histories of neighboring nations, this presentation considers only the theatrical and musical arts, and then only in historical delineation. Analyses and evaluations must remain for the future. The earliest recorded report of a theatrical presentation in Slovakia is the performance of a Christmas play in Bratislava in 1439. By the mid-1500's, plays seem to have been regularly presented. The year 1544 to 1545, for example, records the performances of two plays in German; the one entitled Judith, the other, The Five Wise and Unwise Maidens. Similar reports record activity in Bardejov and Kremnica. (Dejiny slovenskej literatury, 1960. History of Slovak Literature.) � 162 SLOVAKIA WINNING ESSAYS Slovak League of America Scholarship Program I. SLOVAK BACKGROUND OF EVENTS THROUGH THE SOVIET TAKEOVER IN 1968 By Jane N o o n a n Prior to World War I and the formation of the CzechoSlovak State, the Czech lands and Slovakia were contiguous but separate and geographically situated in the heart of central Europe, at the crossroads of the continent, between the Carpathian Mountains on the north and the Danube and Tisza Rivers on the south. Its inhabitants are known as Slovaks and Czechs and with the Poles of Poland belong to the group of Western Slavs. Since early in the Middle Ages, these and other Slavic peoples have been involved in the great European struggles. During World War I, the spirit of nationalism was greatly stimulated within the Austro-Hungarian Empire. This spirit was reflected by increasing demands for outright independence for the different nations within that empire. In the course of that war, Czech political leaders established a secret committee which directed the activities of the Czech nationalists at home and abroad. Thomas G. Masaryk, as the leader of this movement, toured Europe and the United States where he received encouragement and support. Meanwhile, a movement arose among the large number of Americans of Slovak descent promoting Slovakia's separation from Hungary. Three different solutions of the Slovak problem were imagined-Slovakia as a new state, as a partner of a Czecho-Slovak Federation, and as a territory forming a political union with the prospective Polish Republic. �SLOVAKIA 163 The Slovak League of America entered into contact with the Americans of Czech descent and in 1915 signed with their organization the Cleveland Agreement, and in 1918 the Pittsburgh Pact, both of which aimed at the creation of a Czecho-Slovak federal state. In these documents, the Slovak organization stipulated that Slovakia should be an equal member with the Czech lands and have complete legislative, executive, judicial, and cultural independence in strictly national matters, while matters of common interest, such as foreign affairs and defense, should be within the competence of a common parliament. History shows that Masaryk did not live up to the commitments of the Pittsburgh Pact even though he was one of its signers. Redistributio n of land was an urgent problem facing the new government and a Land Reform Act, therefore, was one of the first measures passed by the Czecho-Slovak Parliament. This act entitled the state to take over, after compensation , all land from the great estates in excess of a fixed maximum, and to permit land purchases by those who needed it most. Thus, the agrarian reform program greatly improved the material conditions of the rural population and averted disturbances. The cultural level of the Slovaks and Czechs was high and their passion for education prompted the new republic t o establish additional free schools and by improving existing schools. The Czecho-Slovak State also forged ahead in the field of social improvement . All groups and interests possessed the right of organization and thus organized labor had its trade unions, farmers their societies, and white-collar workers and businessmen their associations. Health and other types of social insurance were either provided for or encouraged by the State and provision was made for State assistance to housing and co-ops. As to the religious situation, 80 % of the population was Roman Catholic, but the Protestant element played a role far beyond its numerical strength. Many prominent political leaders, Thomas G. Masaryk among them, belonged to the Protestant faith . Economically and financially, Czecho-Slovakia was a sound state in central Europe. As an exporting country it was severly hit by the world economic depression of the �164 SLOVAKIA early thirties, but, by timely adjustments to new price and exchange levels, it was one of the first European countries to weather the crisis. Before Hitler came to power in 1933, Czecho-Slovakia was an enthusiastic supporter of the League of Nations and collaborated whole-heartedly in the negotiations which brought Germany and the Soviet Union into the League. However, when Hitler came to power, Czecho-Slovakia's foreign relations entered into a critical phase. Desperately anxious to avert a new war, France and Great Britain proposed in 1938 to Czecho-Slovakia that she not oppose the leaders of the Sudeten German movement, and further cede to Germany all areas with a German majority. When Czecho-Slovakia demurred, she was informed that she must accept the proposal or bear the consequences alone. The result was that Czecho-Slovakia gave in and the country was divided on the lines dictated by Hitler. After Munich'~' , Czecho-Slovakia tried to adjust itself to the new situation. President Benes resigned and left the country - and the transition to Hitler's New Order was swift. The administration was purged, the press put under rigorous control and anti-democratic measures were enacted. According to the Nuremberg documents, Hitler at that time had already decided to destroy Czecho-Slovakia. But there was apparently no definite decision on Slovakia as to whether to place it under German occupation or to have it occupied by Hungary. On March 14, 1939, the government of Dr. Jozef Tiso of Slovakia proclaimed Slovakia as an independent republic. Dr. Tiso was a Monsignor in the Roman Catholic Church and Vice-President of the People's Party of Slovakia. The Slovak people considered the act was the result of the Prague regime's violations of agreements that had been signed between Prague ( the Czech capital) and Bratislava (the capital of Slovakia) and which agreements had been incorporated in their Constitution. Public demonstrations spread throughout Slovakia. Hitler then suggested, in order to prevent Hungary possibly taking over Slovakia, that there be a declaration of Slovakia's independence. Even though the Slovak State was largely the result of a tense international situation, it nevertheless corresponded to the aspirations of the Slovak people for freedom �SLOVAKIA 165 and the principle of self-determination and self-government. The Slovak state was far from being a perfect democracy in the traditional sense. It, however, reflected a compromise between the past and present, between an old tradition and a temporarily determined political dynamism in Central Europe. But, in general, it was an expression of the selfpreservation instinct of the Slovak nation. In 1941, the Slovak Government found it necessary, because of circumstances, to join Germany in the war against the Soviet Union. However, the Slovak forces, during the Second World War, did not engage in combat against any of the Western Powers. In 1944, an uprising, improvised by Russian Communists as well as Slovak communists, took place and of course the Germans intervened. It took the Nazis exactly two months to crush this rebellion and in the meantime the Red Army laying the ground work for its invasion, held up for more than three months on the Carpathian Mountains, watching this national tragedy quietly. Around 30,000 Slovaks of all political shades were killed in this uprising. Once the uprising had been liquidated, the Soviet Army began to advance and finally occupied Slovakia's territory by mid-April, 1945. Meanwhile, Dr. Benes and most of the Cabinet flew to Moscow where the new Czecho-Slovak Government was to be formed. Dr. Benes and his political entourage believed, or at least hoped, that collaboration between democracy and communism was possible and that co-existence could be achieved without the loss of freedom. They fostered the illusion that the Czech and Slovak Communists were different from other Reds and that their methods would turn out to be evolutionary rather than revolutionary. Thus, the Communist seizure of power in 1948 may be traced back to the 1945 Moscow meeting, and so it was that in April of 1945, Benes proclaimed the so-called 'Kosice Program' for the new Government of re-established CzechoSlovakia. The 'Kosice Program' was in effect a death sentence for the past. In July, 1947, an important event illustrated the new course of Czecho-Slovakia's foreign relations when the Czecho-Slovak Government had unanimously accepted the invitation to a conference of the Marshall Plan, which was �166 SLOVAKIA to be held in Paris. But Moscow reacted vehemently, asserting that Czecho-Slovakia, by accepting the Marshall Plan, would be participating in a political scheme directed against the Soviet Union and demanded that the Government reverse its decision. The Government complied. This was just the beginning of open interference by the Soviets in Czecho-Slovakia's foreign affairs. Then, with the Communist undermining the February, 1948 elections in Czecho-Slovakia, and Benes because of the Communistic pressure accepting the resignations of the 12 Democratic Minister, the Iron Curtain descended on the Czecho-Slovak frontier. Since 1948, Czechs and Slovaks had no independent foreign policy of their own, while internally both the Slovaks and Czechs have been forced to accept systematically 'introduced Soviet institutions which were designed to submerge their national and ethnic consciousness. Furthermore, the Russians have recklessly fostered heavy industry in Slovakia to serve Soviet military and economic needs, while wishes and well-being of the local people go almost totally unheeded. Hence, the Russians enjoy scant confidence and support from the bulk of the Slovak people who look upon them not as "socialist brothers" but instead as tyrans. The government of Czecho-Slovakia is communist, although people qualified to estimate have guessed that no more than 12 to 15 % are Party members or are unqualified supporters of communism. Thus, the peoples of Czecho-Slovakia were pitifully robbed of their economic, spiritual, and intellectual will under the terror of Stalin. This continued for approximately two decades. By the latter part of 1967, Party Chief Novotny of Czecho-Slovakia found himself enmeshed in a political crisis of major proportions; he had alienated the country's educated factions, the economy was in a mess and no one trusted or approved of his efforts to improve the situation, and finally, the Slovaks, led by Alexander Dubcek were daily gaining power towards the goal of getting more of their own people in high government office. Eventually, on February 18, 1968, Novotny lost his job as Party Chief to Alexander Dubcek. The inevitable pressure of circumstances caused Dubcek, a proud Slovak, to transform Czecho-Slovakia into the most liberal state east of the Iron Curtain. �SLOVAKIA 167 Literary and press censorship was abolished, many victims of the Stalinist terror trials were publicly rehabilitated, freedom of minority opinion was guaranteed, travel and trade restrictions with the West were eased, the first strike of Czecho-Slovakia workers under communism was allowed, the police were required to wear numbered badges for identification, the church was partially freed of restraints, and finally the National Assembly was allowed to develop real legislative powers. Mr. Dubcek wanted the government to reflect the will of the people and to respect their traditions. On April 15, 1968, Dubcek unveiled his plans for the future as he published his "Action Program" in which he outlined his plans for even more freedom of the press, rights of assembly, and even larger increase of trade with the rest of Europe, especially with West Germany. Hence, in early 1968, Alexander Dubcek, who began as a leader of the aggrieved Slovaks, ended up as a national symbol for the entire nation. This event, however, created a situation that was both unique and dangerous to continued Russian domination of Eastern Europe. The reforms contemplated for Czecho-Slovakia went far beyond anything attempted before in the Soviet Bloc. Furthermore, there was a clearly pronounced anti-Soviet character to the popular responses to the planned liberalization reforms. Dubcek, although an ardent socialist, attempted to apply the principle that practicing socialism must respect the traditions of the country. All of the foregoing consequently alarmed the Russians, who publicly sought, at every opportunity available, to confer with Dubcek and privately to undermine his support and popularity in every way possible. And so on the night of August 21, 1968,' great hordes of Russian-led tanks and troops crossed into Czecho-Slovakia from neighboring Iron Curtain countries to end the most valiant and extensive attempt to liberalize a communist dominated land. This protest movement, although initiated to a large degree by Slovaks and led by a Slovak Dubcek, had nevertheless succeeded in rallying all segments of the country to seek a freer, more democratic way of life. The Soviets dared not let the noble experiment last, and therefore, in contradiction to all moral and international treaty �168 SLOVAKIA law, they intimidated the Slovaks and Czechs into partial submission by massed military might. Dubcek pleaded with his fellow countrymen that the only way to keep the nation from being literally destroyed by the Russians was to maintain strict discipline and order, as the withdrawal of Russian military force depended on the order in the country. However, the dislike for the invaders was so strong that the Slovaks and Czechs did protest and cursed and spat upon the troops, and some futile attempts at armed resistance was made by courageous young Slovaks who hurled gasoline bombs on tanks, thereby setting them ablaze and their crews scurrying. On August 21, 1968, Russian tanks ended a period of approximately 71/2 months of comparative freedom for the Slovaks and Czechs, and in one brutal week's work, the U.S.S.R. with its "rape of Czecho-Slovakia" made it crystalclear that even a little freedom is more than Soviet communism can tolerate. In conclusion, one must remember it has been said that the longest journey always starts with a single step, and possibly this can be applied to the efforts of the Slovak people to free themselves from the heavy burden of Russian oppression. Hopefully someday in the near future, they will be able to take more, even broader strides towards their freedom. In any case, it does not seem probable that the Slovaks will be forced to step back again. No other nation has suffered so much nor been more misunderstood as had been Slovakia and yet still possesses a fire of determination for its freedom and self-determination. Slovakia did emerge but unfortunately was stifled; yet she will again someday rise up to stand among the free and independent peoples of the earth as mistress of her own household. So be it! an agreement signed in Munich, Germany on September 30, 1938 forcing Czecho-Slovakia to give up the Sudetenland, part of its territory, to Nazi Germany. • Munich - (First place - College) BIBLIOGRAPHY BOOKS Freidin, Seymour, The Forgotten P eople, 1962, Charles Scribner & Soru. Kavka, Frantisek, A n Outline of Czecho-Slovak History, Prague, Orbis, 1963. �SLOVAKIA 169 Kirschbaum, Joseph M., "Twenty Years of Czech and Communist Rule in Slovakia," SLovakia, 1965. Levine, Isaac D., Intervention, 1969, Van Rees Press. Oddo, Gilbert L., Slovakia and its People, 1960, Robert Speller and Sons. Pauco, Joseph (ed.), Slovakia, 1966, 1968, 1969, Slovak League of America. Roberts, Adam and Windsor, Philip, Czechoslovakia 1968, 1969, Columbia University Press. Schwartz, Harry, Prague's 200 Days, 1969, Frederick A. Praeger, Inc. Zubek, T. J ., O.F.M., Church of Silence in Slovakia, 1969, J. J . Lach. MAGAZINES Newsweek, Prague Defies the Kremlin, July 29, 1968. Reader's Digest, The Rape of Czechoslovakia, November, 1968. Time, Self-Determination for Czechoslovakia, April 5, 1968; Czechoslovakia-Approaching Total Eclipse, April 6, 1970; Alexander Dubcek's AU Too Human Face, May 18, 1970. PAMPHLETS AND PAPERS Committee on Un-American Activities, Soviet Total War, 1956. Embassy of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, Background Notes Department of State, Socialist Republic Background Notes. New York Times, February 10, 1970, Students in Prague Now Know Their Beautiful Dream is Over, by Alvin Shuster. Hrobak, Philip A., Who Betrayed Slovakia to the Reds. THE SLOVAK ARTS IN PERSPECTIVE Marlene B a rt o s It is \from the vantage point of a multi-ethnic democracy such as the United States that Slovak cultural history can best be placed in true perspective. This paper is an attempt to do so. Because Slovak cultural history has so many ramifications that reach deeply in the histories of neighboring nations, this presentation considers only the theatrical and musical arts, and then only in historical delineation. Analyses and evaluations must remain for the future. The earliest recorded report of a theatrical presentation in Slovakia is the performance of a Christmas play in Bratislava in 1439. By the mid-1500's, plays seem to have been regularly presented. The year 1544 to 1545, for example, records the performances of two plays in German; the one entitled Judith, the other, The Five Wise and Unwise Maidens. Similar reports record activity in Bardejov and Kremnica. (Dejiny slovenskej literatury, 1960. History of Slovak Literature.) � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1974, Vol. 24 Description An account of the resource Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1974 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 162 SLOVAKIA WINNING ESSAYS Slovak League of America Scholarship Program I. SLOVAK BACKGROUND OF EVENTS THROUGH THE SOVIET TAKEOVER IN 1968 By Jane N o o n a n Prior to World War I and the formation of the CzechoSlovak State, the Czech lands and Slovakia were contiguous but separate and geographically situated in the heart of central Europe, at the crossroads of the continent, between the Carpathian Mountains on the north and the Danube and Tisza Rivers on the south. Its inhabitants are known as Slovaks and Czechs and with the Poles of Poland belong to the group of Western Slavs. Since early in the Middle Ages, these and other Slavic peoples have been involved in the great European struggles. During World War I, the spirit of nationalism was greatly stimulated within the Austro-Hungarian Empire. This spirit was reflected by increasing demands for outright independence for the different nations within that empire. In the course of that war, Czech political leaders established a secret committee which directed the activities of the Czech nationalists at home and abroad. Thomas G. Masaryk, as the leader of this movement, toured Europe and the United States where he received encouragement and support. Meanwhile, a movement arose among the large number of Americans of Slovak descent promoting Slovakia's separation from Hungary. Three different solutions of the Slovak problem were imagined-Slovakia as a new state, as a partner of a Czecho-Slovak Federation, and as a territory forming a political union with the prospective Polish Republic. SLOVAKIA 163 The Slovak League of America entered into contact with the Americans of Czech descent and in 1915 signed with their organization the Cleveland Agreement, and in 1918 the Pittsburgh Pact, both of which aimed at the creation of a Czecho-Slovak federal state. In these documents, the Slovak organization stipulated that Slovakia should be an equal member with the Czech lands and have complete legislative, executive, judicial, and cultural independence in strictly national matters, while matters of common interest, such as foreign affairs and defense, should be within the competence of a common parliament. History shows that Masaryk did not live up to the commitments of the Pittsburgh Pact even though he was one of its signers. Redistributio n of land was an urgent problem facing the new government and a Land Reform Act, therefore, was one of the first measures passed by the Czecho-Slovak Parliament. This act entitled the state to take over, after compensation , all land from the great estates in excess of a fixed maximum, and to permit land purchases by those who needed it most. Thus, the agrarian reform program greatly improved the material conditions of the rural population and averted disturbances. The cultural level of the Slovaks and Czechs was high and their passion for education prompted the new republic t o establish additional free schools and by improving existing schools. The Czecho-Slovak State also forged ahead in the field of social improvement . All groups and interests possessed the right of organization and thus organized labor had its trade unions, farmers their societies, and white-collar workers and businessmen their associations. Health and other types of social insurance were either provided for or encouraged by the State and provision was made for State assistance to housing and co-ops. As to the religious situation, 80 % of the population was Roman Catholic, but the Protestant element played a role far beyond its numerical strength. Many prominent political leaders, Thomas G. Masaryk among them, belonged to the Protestant faith . Economically and financially, Czecho-Slovakia was a sound state in central Europe. As an exporting country it was severly hit by the world economic depression of the 164 SLOVAKIA early thirties, but, by timely adjustments to new price and exchange levels, it was one of the first European countries to weather the crisis. Before Hitler came to power in 1933, Czecho-Slovakia was an enthusiastic supporter of the League of Nations and collaborated whole-heartedly in the negotiations which brought Germany and the Soviet Union into the League. However, when Hitler came to power, Czecho-Slovakia's foreign relations entered into a critical phase. Desperately anxious to avert a new war, France and Great Britain proposed in 1938 to Czecho-Slovakia that she not oppose the leaders of the Sudeten German movement, and further cede to Germany all areas with a German majority. When Czecho-Slovakia demurred, she was informed that she must accept the proposal or bear the consequences alone. The result was that Czecho-Slovakia gave in and the country was divided on the lines dictated by Hitler. After Munich'~' , Czecho-Slovakia tried to adjust itself to the new situation. President Benes resigned and left the country - and the transition to Hitler's New Order was swift. The administration was purged, the press put under rigorous control and anti-democratic measures were enacted. According to the Nuremberg documents, Hitler at that time had already decided to destroy Czecho-Slovakia. But there was apparently no definite decision on Slovakia as to whether to place it under German occupation or to have it occupied by Hungary. On March 14, 1939, the government of Dr. Jozef Tiso of Slovakia proclaimed Slovakia as an independent republic. Dr. Tiso was a Monsignor in the Roman Catholic Church and Vice-President of the People's Party of Slovakia. The Slovak people considered the act was the result of the Prague regime's violations of agreements that had been signed between Prague ( the Czech capital) and Bratislava (the capital of Slovakia) and which agreements had been incorporated in their Constitution. Public demonstrations spread throughout Slovakia. Hitler then suggested, in order to prevent Hungary possibly taking over Slovakia, that there be a declaration of Slovakia's independence. Even though the Slovak State was largely the result of a tense international situation, it nevertheless corresponded to the aspirations of the Slovak people for freedom SLOVAKIA 165 and the principle of self-determination and self-government. The Slovak state was far from being a perfect democracy in the traditional sense. It, however, reflected a compromise between the past and present, between an old tradition and a temporarily determined political dynamism in Central Europe. But, in general, it was an expression of the selfpreservation instinct of the Slovak nation. In 1941, the Slovak Government found it necessary, because of circumstances, to join Germany in the war against the Soviet Union. However, the Slovak forces, during the Second World War, did not engage in combat against any of the Western Powers. In 1944, an uprising, improvised by Russian Communists as well as Slovak communists, took place and of course the Germans intervened. It took the Nazis exactly two months to crush this rebellion and in the meantime the Red Army laying the ground work for its invasion, held up for more than three months on the Carpathian Mountains, watching this national tragedy quietly. Around 30,000 Slovaks of all political shades were killed in this uprising. Once the uprising had been liquidated, the Soviet Army began to advance and finally occupied Slovakia's territory by mid-April, 1945. Meanwhile, Dr. Benes and most of the Cabinet flew to Moscow where the new Czecho-Slovak Government was to be formed. Dr. Benes and his political entourage believed, or at least hoped, that collaboration between democracy and communism was possible and that co-existence could be achieved without the loss of freedom. They fostered the illusion that the Czech and Slovak Communists were different from other Reds and that their methods would turn out to be evolutionary rather than revolutionary. Thus, the Communist seizure of power in 1948 may be traced back to the 1945 Moscow meeting, and so it was that in April of 1945, Benes proclaimed the so-called 'Kosice Program' for the new Government of re-established CzechoSlovakia. The 'Kosice Program' was in effect a death sentence for the past. In July, 1947, an important event illustrated the new course of Czecho-Slovakia's foreign relations when the Czecho-Slovak Government had unanimously accepted the invitation to a conference of the Marshall Plan, which was 166 SLOVAKIA to be held in Paris. But Moscow reacted vehemently, asserting that Czecho-Slovakia, by accepting the Marshall Plan, would be participating in a political scheme directed against the Soviet Union and demanded that the Government reverse its decision. The Government complied. This was just the beginning of open interference by the Soviets in Czecho-Slovakia's foreign affairs. Then, with the Communist undermining the February, 1948 elections in Czecho-Slovakia, and Benes because of the Communistic pressure accepting the resignations of the 12 Democratic Minister, the Iron Curtain descended on the Czecho-Slovak frontier. Since 1948, Czechs and Slovaks had no independent foreign policy of their own, while internally both the Slovaks and Czechs have been forced to accept systematically 'introduced Soviet institutions which were designed to submerge their national and ethnic consciousness. Furthermore, the Russians have recklessly fostered heavy industry in Slovakia to serve Soviet military and economic needs, while wishes and well-being of the local people go almost totally unheeded. Hence, the Russians enjoy scant confidence and support from the bulk of the Slovak people who look upon them not as "socialist brothers" but instead as tyrans. The government of Czecho-Slovakia is communist, although people qualified to estimate have guessed that no more than 12 to 15 % are Party members or are unqualified supporters of communism. Thus, the peoples of Czecho-Slovakia were pitifully robbed of their economic, spiritual, and intellectual will under the terror of Stalin. This continued for approximately two decades. By the latter part of 1967, Party Chief Novotny of Czecho-Slovakia found himself enmeshed in a political crisis of major proportions; he had alienated the country's educated factions, the economy was in a mess and no one trusted or approved of his efforts to improve the situation, and finally, the Slovaks, led by Alexander Dubcek were daily gaining power towards the goal of getting more of their own people in high government office. Eventually, on February 18, 1968, Novotny lost his job as Party Chief to Alexander Dubcek. The inevitable pressure of circumstances caused Dubcek, a proud Slovak, to transform Czecho-Slovakia into the most liberal state east of the Iron Curtain. SLOVAKIA 167 Literary and press censorship was abolished, many victims of the Stalinist terror trials were publicly rehabilitated, freedom of minority opinion was guaranteed, travel and trade restrictions with the West were eased, the first strike of Czecho-Slovakia workers under communism was allowed, the police were required to wear numbered badges for identification, the church was partially freed of restraints, and finally the National Assembly was allowed to develop real legislative powers. Mr. Dubcek wanted the government to reflect the will of the people and to respect their traditions. On April 15, 1968, Dubcek unveiled his plans for the future as he published his "Action Program" in which he outlined his plans for even more freedom of the press, rights of assembly, and even larger increase of trade with the rest of Europe, especially with West Germany. Hence, in early 1968, Alexander Dubcek, who began as a leader of the aggrieved Slovaks, ended up as a national symbol for the entire nation. This event, however, created a situation that was both unique and dangerous to continued Russian domination of Eastern Europe. The reforms contemplated for Czecho-Slovakia went far beyond anything attempted before in the Soviet Bloc. Furthermore, there was a clearly pronounced anti-Soviet character to the popular responses to the planned liberalization reforms. Dubcek, although an ardent socialist, attempted to apply the principle that practicing socialism must respect the traditions of the country. All of the foregoing consequently alarmed the Russians, who publicly sought, at every opportunity available, to confer with Dubcek and privately to undermine his support and popularity in every way possible. And so on the night of August 21, 1968,' great hordes of Russian-led tanks and troops crossed into Czecho-Slovakia from neighboring Iron Curtain countries to end the most valiant and extensive attempt to liberalize a communist dominated land. This protest movement, although initiated to a large degree by Slovaks and led by a Slovak Dubcek, had nevertheless succeeded in rallying all segments of the country to seek a freer, more democratic way of life. The Soviets dared not let the noble experiment last, and therefore, in contradiction to all moral and international treaty 168 SLOVAKIA law, they intimidated the Slovaks and Czechs into partial submission by massed military might. Dubcek pleaded with his fellow countrymen that the only way to keep the nation from being literally destroyed by the Russians was to maintain strict discipline and order, as the withdrawal of Russian military force depended on the order in the country. However, the dislike for the invaders was so strong that the Slovaks and Czechs did protest and cursed and spat upon the troops, and some futile attempts at armed resistance was made by courageous young Slovaks who hurled gasoline bombs on tanks, thereby setting them ablaze and their crews scurrying. On August 21, 1968, Russian tanks ended a period of approximately 71/2 months of comparative freedom for the Slovaks and Czechs, and in one brutal week's work, the U.S.S.R. with its "rape of Czecho-Slovakia" made it crystalclear that even a little freedom is more than Soviet communism can tolerate. In conclusion, one must remember it has been said that the longest journey always starts with a single step, and possibly this can be applied to the efforts of the Slovak people to free themselves from the heavy burden of Russian oppression. Hopefully someday in the near future, they will be able to take more, even broader strides towards their freedom. In any case, it does not seem probable that the Slovaks will be forced to step back again. No other nation has suffered so much nor been more misunderstood as had been Slovakia and yet still possesses a fire of determination for its freedom and self-determination. Slovakia did emerge but unfortunately was stifled; yet she will again someday rise up to stand among the free and independent peoples of the earth as mistress of her own household. So be it! an agreement signed in Munich, Germany on September 30, 1938 forcing Czecho-Slovakia to give up the Sudetenland, part of its territory, to Nazi Germany. • Munich - (First place - College) BIBLIOGRAPHY BOOKS Freidin, Seymour, The Forgotten P eople, 1962, Charles Scribner & Soru. Kavka, Frantisek, A n Outline of Czecho-Slovak History, Prague, Orbis, 1963. SLOVAKIA 169 Kirschbaum, Joseph M., "Twenty Years of Czech and Communist Rule in Slovakia," SLovakia, 1965. Levine, Isaac D., Intervention, 1969, Van Rees Press. Oddo, Gilbert L., Slovakia and its People, 1960, Robert Speller and Sons. Pauco, Joseph (ed.), Slovakia, 1966, 1968, 1969, Slovak League of America. Roberts, Adam and Windsor, Philip, Czechoslovakia 1968, 1969, Columbia University Press. Schwartz, Harry, Prague's 200 Days, 1969, Frederick A. Praeger, Inc. Zubek, T. J ., O.F.M., Church of Silence in Slovakia, 1969, J. J . Lach. MAGAZINES Newsweek, Prague Defies the Kremlin, July 29, 1968. Reader's Digest, The Rape of Czechoslovakia, November, 1968. Time, Self-Determination for Czechoslovakia, April 5, 1968; Czechoslovakia-Approaching Total Eclipse, April 6, 1970; Alexander Dubcek's AU Too Human Face, May 18, 1970. PAMPHLETS AND PAPERS Committee on Un-American Activities, Soviet Total War, 1956. Embassy of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, Background Notes Department of State, Socialist Republic Background Notes. New York Times, February 10, 1970, Students in Prague Now Know Their Beautiful Dream is Over, by Alvin Shuster. Hrobak, Philip A., Who Betrayed Slovakia to the Reds. THE SLOVAK ARTS IN PERSPECTIVE Marlene B a rt o s It is \from the vantage point of a multi-ethnic democracy such as the United States that Slovak cultural history can best be placed in true perspective. This paper is an attempt to do so. Because Slovak cultural history has so many ramifications that reach deeply in the histories of neighboring nations, this presentation considers only the theatrical and musical arts, and then only in historical delineation. Analyses and evaluations must remain for the future. The earliest recorded report of a theatrical presentation in Slovakia is the performance of a Christmas play in Bratislava in 1439. By the mid-1500's, plays seem to have been regularly presented. The year 1544 to 1545, for example, records the performances of two plays in German; the one entitled Judith, the other, The Five Wise and Unwise Maidens. Similar reports record activity in Bardejov and Kremnica. (Dejiny slovenskej literatury, 1960. History of Slovak Literature.)  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak Background of Events Through the Soviet Takeover in 1968 Description An account of the resource Jane Noonan Slovakia, Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974 pp. 162-169 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Noonan, Jane Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1974 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/1df83948b28be53f41f1a49d27467cd0.pdf 64cadc0dbdfe4aaeb00fb33597bbf71f PDF Text Text 96 SLOVAKIA One Species, Many Cultures Michael N ov ak Bounded by the slow Danube River on the south and by the rugged Carpathian Mountains on the north, the ancestral land of the Slovak people lies at the axis of Westem lcivilization. For centuries, the vast armies of Attila, Genghis Khan, the Turks, the Germans and the Russians have risen like a tide toward Europe and in due course have been broken in or near the mountains of Slovakia. In the ninth century, Saints Cyril and Methodius established there the Byzantine influence of the Cyrillic alphabet and the Old Slavonic liturgy; but ambitious German rulers later imposed the Latin language, in order to draw Slovakia back toward the West. The rivers of Slovakia run southward and the cultivation of grapes makes Slovakia a wine-drinking nation; the sensibility pf the Slovaks is partly Mediterranean and partly Nordic. For two thousand years, the Slovak people, often to their woe, have abhorred large governmental units and preferred local rule. For a thousand years they have endured almost unbroken political oppression. Just before the Johnstown flood of 1889, one of my grandfathers came from Slovakia to the United States; within a few years, all three of my other grandparents had done the same. During the thirty-nine years from 1875 to 1914, nearly a third of the population of Slovakia emigrated. They left from sheer hunger, to escape military conscription in the h~ted Hungarian army, to find some was to break the political oppression of Hungarian "magyarization," "" and to 'fulfill the ancient Slovak legends and myths of freedom. The Slovaks, like many other Slavs, tend to be suspicious of governments, activism and politicians. "Every official has a tail, to sweep in goods," runs a Slovak proverb. Better to concentrate on home, family and work. No other Slavic people is so inventive in song; over fifteen thousand folk songs Qf the Slovaks have been catalogued, and a Slavic saying goes: "See. a Slovak, hear a song." Nearly all the arts of the Slovaks focus on the home. �SLOVAKIA 97 The great Slovak names Svatopluk, Janosik, Benovsky and Stefanik mean little to most Americans. But this is only to say that an ordinary American education is remarkably ethnocentric. About one-third of our population is of Anglo-Saxon ancestry. Yet so far is our nation from fulfilling its own pluralistic destiny that our education is almost entirely Anglo-American. (Indeed, not even all social classes, religious traditions, or regions of Anglo-Americans are equally represented in our educational cultures-"rednecks," evangelicals, Appalachians, for example.) Perhaps the dominance of Anglo-Saxon ethnocentrism in the past necessitates its continued dominance; it has shaped our history. Every American should learn about and, to some extent, assimilate English political history and literature. But is a virtually total concentration on the upper-class culture based in the northeastern section of the nation a sufficient intellectual guide to actual American life, or to the character of the other cultures on this planet? Not long ago, "the humanities" meant, not humanity, but "Western civilization." More than that, it meant "Western civilization as seen through English, Protestant, upperclass eyes." Not many of the graduates of Harvard, Princeton and Yale now in their fifties learned very much in their college days about the other cultures of the world - about Buddhism, or Slavic history, or Jewish family life, or Chinese civilization, or Latin America, or the history of slavery. What they were instructed in as "liberal arts" was not quite fully liberating; what passed before their eyes as "the humanities" was, rather astonishingly, a mirror image of their own ethnicity. The phrase "our common culture" has in recent years been used with more glibness than hard reflection. A culture is not put on like a suit of clothes. One can mimic a culture, absorb it, even use it as a vehicle of one's own self-expression. If, however, the culture does not flow out of one's own tutored instincts and aspirations, it is not yet one's own and does not yet exhaust one's own intelligence, perceptions or dreams. So for many millions of immigrants and their descendants-for a majority of Americans-what is currently available as "mainstream culture" does not spring from the heart. Hundreds of thousands of freshmen tapping their feet in classrooms in Providence, Buffalo, �98 SLOVAKIA Pittsburgh, Detroit, Miami, Houston and Los Angeles do not hear, in the voice of their professors, their own voices - and this is not only because of television, or a generation gap, or the collapsing of "the great tradition." The great tradition itself has been in America too narrowly, too ethnocentrically, perceived. I concur, there is a great tradition. There is a "common" Western culture, distinct from other cultures. But ever since Kant, scholars have sought this tradition in a premature and inaccurately projected "universality." They have tried to emphasize what is common in all men, what is universal, those qualities in which we all share and are alike, those characteristics that do not divide, but rather unite us. A laudable but grievously mistaken impulse. A profound irony is involved in our common identity as members of the human species. The species to which we belong in a historical species; it possesses consciousness, and this consciousness is at once symbolic and concrete. That is, our species lives not only within the physical atmosphere surrounding this blue green planet but also within a variety of concrete, historical cultures. We are the species that lives within cultures - within spheres of meaning, sensibility, selective perception and patterned action. What we have in common is that we are diverse. Our diversity is proof that we are human. We are not so many ants crawling on a soundless orb, nor so many apes obeying laws of natural selection. We generate distinctive cultures. Within cultures, we develop endlessly complex, distinctive individuals. We live within symbolic worlds all our own, both as individuals and as cultures. In the twentieth century (which is itself, a friend reminds me, a somewhat "culture-bound" concept), the relativity of each of our identities is borne in upon us because we inescapably encounter so many who differ from us. In this relativity we meet a second and novel kind of common identity. What we have in common are our finitude and interdependence. Our diversity does not mean we are intrinsically divided from each other, only that we are intrinsically different from each other. Our future unity lies not in "overcoming our differences" but in seeing how they are analogous: in learning to see that my struggle to become a moral human being is rather like (not the same �SLOVAKIA 99 as, only analogous to) your struggle to become a moral human being. In a word, the way to become moral is not to become universal, but to become concrete. I need not become the same as you. But my struggle to realize my own moral identity - solely my own, concrete, unique - has many parallels to your struggle to realize your own identity. We face, for example, many similar obstacles: social inequities, ill fortune, self-deception, aging, death. How you face these obstacles in your life illuminates possibilities by which I may, allowing for our differences, conduct my life as well. A nun may define her life around her chastity, as a chosen symbol of God's transcendent love; whereas I, a sensual man, may see in her struggles to protect virginity (of spirit and of flesh) illumination for the perplexities surrounding the central value by which I define my life. The world's literature opens up for me a world of analogy, where flashes of illumination ricochet in unpredictable patterns off a thousand mirrors. The critic of literature who reads Nietzsche after having learned Goethe may catch different reflections from one who reads him after studying Russell, Hare and Austin. What "the great tradition" concerns is wisdom, the voyages individuals take toward moral maturity and moral growth, and the analogous "stages on the way," the analogous "moves," the analogous "dilemmas," "ironies" and "tragedies" they encounter. These words, of course, are already heavy with cultural specificity; they conjure up Aeschylus, Kierkegaard, Hesse and a hundred German scholars. Still, every human life is a structuring of time; each begins with birth, each ends. "Voyage," therefore, is a universal motif. It is the kind of motif that allows for infinite variation, for concrete diversity, for cultural and personal uniqueness. Cultures structure time quite differently. Cultures imagine the model of human fulfillment differently. Yet in every culture individuals voyage from birth to death, and from moral beginnings to moral development. Many of our present perplexities arise from two confusions: one is a misperception of class, the other a misperception of culture. Some young blacks from Hough may not be literate, but that does not mean that the basic human voyage is closed to them. Both the Autobiography �100 SLOVAKIA of Malcolm X and Sou l on Ice are classically Greek and Christian in the metanoia they narrate, and in the structure of decision and liberation they exhibit. (Note even their chapter headings.) It is a mistake to hold that the fundamental moral struggle is restricted to upper-class AngloSaxons - or to the "oppressed." Whatever one's social class, the struggle against self-deception (never decisively won), the struggle for clear vision, and the struggle to respect concrete human persons different from oneself is always present. Bourgeois morality, the morality of appearances and proprieties, must be distinguished from fundamental human morality. "The habit doth not make the monk." One may be an attorney general of the United States without becoming a moral hero to whom others look for illumination on how to become a moral man. It is not easy to be moral simply because one is wellborn, nor simply because one is born in a slum. The voyage toward moral development in either case is analogous to the others - essentially different, yet sufficiently parallel to cast mutual illumination. No human life is so different from all others that it cannot shed morally profitable light; thus the fascination of stories even about moral monsters. When a culture is highly articulated, a "cultivated" person is skilled both in discerning movements of the soul and in giving names to them. He will have a full range of references and allusions with which to speak of what he feels. It is not enough, for example, to be "an atheist." Like Sartre? Or like Merleau-Ponty? Or like Malraux? Or like Camus? Like John Dewey? Or like Corliss Lamont? Or like some churchgoer going through empty motions? The state of soul is remarkably various in every case. Nevertheless, a lack of words does not necessarily indicate an incapacity of soul. It is true (it certainly seems true) that many persons are indeed shallow of soul and contemptuous of introspection. It does not necessarily follow that an abundance of words indicates greatness of soul, or poverty of words powerty of spirit. There are some professors, disdainful of the "cultural deprivation" of those they are obliged to instruct, who are sterile of soul; and in some of their students there are depths untongued. Among some of the Indian chiefs of American history, �SLOVAKIA 101 for example, there is an eloquence, dignity and precision of speech worthy of the ancient Greeks. Or, to state the matter differently, some of the heroes of Homer utter sentiments worthy of the Indian nations. Want of reading does not disbar human beings from profound moral insight or from classical eloquence. One does not have to read Greek to encounter ancient wisdom. (The American Indians produced no Aristotle; neither has New York.) On the other hand, a university education in the humanities today is not aimed at profound moral insight or classical eloquence. They are lucky indeed whose insight and eloquence are not destroyed by a university education today. For the culture of the universities today is not the culture of "the great tradition," not the culture of Western civilization, not even the culture of upper-class Anglo-Americans. In some few persons, it may be these things. In most administrators, professors, teaching assistants and students a university education exhibits a different culture altogether. Let me call it "the culture of the professionals" and attempt to draw attention to its pervasiveness. Not long ago, a major corporation took an ad in the Wall Street Journal to honor one of its employees. Above his picture was a single word, "Professionalism ... " and below it a definition: "More than education ... More than experience . . . More than training ... it's a state of mind." Who today are proud to call themselves professionals? Football players, stockbrockers, doctors, lawyers, journal• ists, gangsters and professors of literature, philosophy and other fields. "Professionalism. " "State of Mind." These are terms of considerable power. Implied are choices, special• izations, narrowings down for purposes of efficiency and effect. Implied, indeed, is the disciplining of an entire life, a concentration upon a limited field of expertise. "A state of mind." "A way of life." A major, driving, powerful culture in our midst is the culture of professionals. Football is its major public liturgy, its dramatic expression, its mirror-image festival. In the daily world of politics, the word "professional" is used in fascinating ways. Of some lifelong politicians, an informed opinion of their performance is "hack" or "fake." By contrast, the most sober and comforting praise �102 SLOVAKIA for a public figure or for this or that person on his staff is, "He's a real pro." An intermediate word of praise, spoken with a faintly baffled sort of affection, is the phrase, "an old pro." The meaning is that the person in question - Senator Sam Ervin, let us say - lacks some of the technical sophistication and scientific art of modern professionalism, but is, so to speak, an artist of an older style, in a different sort of way, and by God, admirable nevertheless. He "knows his way around," "knows what he's doing," and so one "shouldn't be fooled" by his apparent naivete or folksy style. There are some jobs, among some constituencies, that maybe "the old pro" tackles with a surer grasp that "the real pro." It's a very good feeling to be called by one's peers "a pro." Certification (college degrees, a tough job assignment) confers the objective status. But not all who have the certification are truly considered by their peers to be "the real pros." Such hints suggest that an accurate discussion of culture must move on several levels. The first meaning of culture applies to the "state of mind," or the "way of life," of our professional classes. This is the class that manages our institutions of certification the schools, the universities, the media and the new institutes of research, development and consultantship. This same class also manages many of our traditional institutions - business corporations, government, foundations, churches and national organizations. By no means a majority of Americans experiences the culture of professionalizatio n. But most of the high-salaried and/or organizing, articulating, managing and "influential" people do. "Above" the level of the professional culture lies the "high culture" of family tradition, and/or money, and/ or dedication to the classical, recognized arts. Nurture in a certain kind of family tradition - children of Cabots or Lodges, or of concert violinists or professors of the clasics - sometimes provides the requisite sensibility. Money that can buy a new generation the education denied its parents may provide it. (There are many "middle-brow" participants in high culture who enjoy its fruits without being creators.) Finally, sheer talent and desire, an "innate" capacity for the flowering of one's spirit, and the good �SLOVAKIA 103 fortune of schooling of some sort may provide it. Thus, not a few of our ablest artists and scholars today, like Abraham Lincoln and William Shakespeare, although not "wellborn," have advanced the reaches of the human spirit. It is true that the "high culture," once it has been achieved, is in some respects more accessible to the wealthy than to the poor. The wealthy can travel. They have leisure. They are provided with instruction. They finance artists and scholars. They buy the materials, the time spent and the fruits of artistic endeavor; they are the patrons of art and learning. Yet by their nature the achievements of high culture speak to - and belong to - the human spirit, not to wealth. Instrumentally both a society and individuals require sufficient wealth to gain that freedom from necessity without which there are no liberal arts. Such wealth can be very modest. Even in the caves, humans began to draw, and already by the fireside the spirit of Lincoln was being forged. High culture, nonetheless, requires a culture in which leisure is available; it requires wealth. This instrumental tie between wealth and high culture occasions a certain embarrassment in a ruthlessly egalitarian society. Common speech, we recall, distinguishes several kinds of professional performance. The main force of the word "professional" points toward a specialized commitment: one professes one line of work rather than another. A "hack" is a fellow who has not really mastered all the skills he needs, or else does not really commit the whole of himself to the skills does possess. A "slick professional," or "operator," or apparatchik is a fellow who has the skills but no larger commitment to the whole reality of the world within which he operates, he is "a gun for hire." We respect his skills, but not the spirit of their use. When we say "real pro," however, we mean that the person has not been distorted by his specialized techniques. We mean that his intelligence and instincts reach out for all the complex, ambiguous, even mysterious elements of the social realities within which he operates. We mean that, both regarding himself and regarding the world of his activities, he maintains a certain realism. He is "in touch." His professionalism is an instrument of his commitment to reality, not a defense against that reality. He is neither an operator, nor a hack, nor a mere specialist. �104 SLOVAKIA Hacks are easy to understand but what is the culture of the operator? We are afflicted with operators in America. As testimony to their "cultivation," they may take homemovies, or become amateur photographers, or be buffs of considerable artistic skill in one field or another. They may attend concerts or go to all the arty flicks. They may be articulate and even, in some sense, well and broadly educated. Yet there is a sense in which, used in this context, the word "culture" gives off a tinny ring. No doubt anthropologists should study their "culture," too; in a perfectly neutral scene, they represent a "state of mind," a "way of life," as surely as do primitive tribes in New Guinea. But in some way they are rootless, rudderless, without depth. They have made themselves rather into instruments than into ends. The phrase "new barbarians" points to their shallowness. It suggests that smooth, civil persons, persons of considerable education and articulateness, are somehow empty and lacking. Empty of what? Lacking what? No tradition, it seems, lives in them; no long-range, virtually unchangeable, perennial values guide them; their moral universe is without a center; no passionate inwardness directs them. They are, in a sense, larger than David Riesman intended, "other-directed." Success, power, expertise - their guides are extrinsic, changeable, consulted for the short term. The social realities of our "temporary society" do not discourage the flexibility such men exemplify. The state, as Plato says, is man writ large; so men are often their society writ small. Operators, then, are quintessentially American; their role has been mythically established in Huck Finn and in Melville's The Confidence Man. They are outsiders, from the city (or the university), traveling salesmen, "experts." But what about the local cultures, those millions who admire and understand "the old pros" but dislike operators? When Senator Sam Ervin quotes the Bible and Shakespeare, he makes reverberate a network of trustworthy and illuminating traditions. He plays on symbolic strings that have shaped the consciousness of perhaps eightly million Americans. Many, indeed, find the language of a "country lawyer" a good deal more persuasive than the language of the new professionals. Many, indeed, can scarcely discriminate among the several languages of the new professionals. To �SLOVAKIA 105 them, they are all the same: the smooth articulateness of John Dean and Gary Hart, of David Brinkley and Professor Galbraith, of Doctor Kildare and Doctor Spock, of Jeb Stuart Magruder and William Coffin. Often today ideology does not divide people (liberal versus conservative) so much as cultural style does. The old pros remain connected to the symbolic worlds of this nation's many diverse cultures; the operators leave and "do not go home again." Region, ethnicity, religion, race and other cultural factors shape symbolic consciousness in different ways. The Irish of Boston are not exactly like those of Minnesota or Texas; contrasts among John Kennedy, Eugene McCarthy, Joseph McCarthy, Richard Daley and John Connally suggest several of the most significant Irish traditions in the nation. Both George McGovern and George Wallace spring from fundamentalist Scotch-Irish traditions, but in regions whose history has been profoundly different. The symbolic worlds within which they speak set off intense but opposite vibrations. Of the French-Canadians of New Hampshire and Maine; the Appalachians of West Virginia and Kentucky, the poor whites of Alabama and the Florida Panhandle; the AngloAmericans of Wyoming and Idaho; the Oregonians; the Mormons of Utah; the Slavic farmers of Illinois and Nebraska, contrasted with the Slavic miners and millworkers of Pennsylvania, Ohio and Michigan; the Italians contrasted with the upper-class and the lower-class Jews of New York City; the Anglo-American Protestants who supported George Wallace in the 1968 Indiana primary in proportions far heavier than did German-American Protestants of similar economic class - of such diverse and crisscross variety is this nation composed. Among blacks, there are differences depending on origins in Africa: on the generations of colonial experience whether in the West Indies, or rural Mississippi, or the cities of the South; and on length of time in the urban North. The Spanish-speaking population of Miami, New York, Chicago, Los Angeles, San Antonio and Albuquerque are significantly different. The experiences of Oriental Americans - including, without benefit of "Protestant ethic," their astonishing capacity for work and for success - are better admitted into consciousness if one approaches �106 SLOVAKIA American pluralism from Hawaii and California, than from Boston and New York. The variety of cultural worlds in the United States is a powerful, subterranean influence in our national life. It remains subterranean because it is often repressed, as thought it were something "dirty," disfunctional, and doomed to disappear. In its place, a "national" ideology has been created, divided into three parts. First, there is the ideology of "the American way of life," popular, patriotic, capitalistic, chauvinistic. Second, there is the ideology of the mobile, educated, "committed," professional classes what one writer has called "the ideocracy." Third, there is the ideology of the neutral, meritocratic, incommitted, objective professional classes, neither conservative nor liberal, but comfortably in charge. All three of these ideologies, for their own various purposes, try to eliminate cultural diversity. Each carries with it its own ethnic and regional biases. Some, for example, make provision for black, Hispanic and Indian diversity - and, pressed a little, perhaps, they might expand the list. But the terms of their analyses do not give cultural diversity the prominence reality demands. It is true, we have seen, that there is a "common culture" in the West, a set of achievements that represents the most profound insights, wrested from suffering, that Western peoples for some five millennia have attained. But it is not true that even highly educated people in any part of the West are well versed in all the subtraditions of this "common culture." A young Italian from New Jersey who attends the University of Notre Dame will have as part of the furniture of his mind and sensibility materials that the young Jew from Brooklyn who attends City College of New York will not share, and vice versa. When I compare, for example, my years of reading in St. Augustine, St. Bernard, Thomas Aquinas, Cardinal Newman and others, my virtual neglect of Marx, and my dislike of Enlightenment writers like Kant and Mill, with the reading patterns exhibited by, say, Irving Howe, it is vividly clear to me that American intellectual life is profoundly diverse. So it is also with Protestant colleagues of mine in philosophy and religious studies who respond in significantly different ways to materials we jointly consider. Other colleagues have �SLOVAKIA 107 interests and training in the sciences or social sciences; their symbolic world is, again, quite different from mine. "Where did you grow up? Where did you go to school? What is your religious and ethnic background? What do these mean to you?" These are important questions, not for purpose of stereotyping, but for intelligent and sensitive perception. In order to come to learn and to appreciate the cultural background within which the words of others gain their full and familiar meaning, we must be able to answer such questions. What we have most to gain from each other is generated by our mutual differences. The different horizon, standpoint and way of perceiving we each bring to our common world are instruments of spiritual wealth. Consider the following propositions: 1. There is a common Western culture of high intellectual and humanizing potency, instructing all who journey into it in inexhaustible wisdom, insight and spiritual depth. 2. This common culture is composed of many related but divergent traditions, and no one can master all of them. 3. Beyond the boundaries of Western culture, there are also other "common cultures" of great complexity and diversity. In some of these non-Western riches, westerners are also beginning to share in ways both superficial and serious. 4. In higher education and in museums and other instrumentalities of culture in the United States, Protestant traditions within the common culture have been favored over Catholic and Jewish traditions. English literature and philosophy have been favored over Continental literatures and philosophies. Post-Enlightenment materials have virtually driven pre-Enlightenment materials from the field. Agnostic or atheistic materials are favored over religious materials. A rather positivistic ideology of the modern, the progressive and the "factual" has dominated our dictionaries and encyclopedias, as well as our schools, our journalism and our business world. (Dictionaries do not list under "rose" one of its most important cultural meanings: that it is the flower of love, fate and war.) 5. Education is commonly regarded, not as a device for strengthening and benefiting by local, regional, ethnic and religious differences but for "overcoming" them, �108 SLOVAKIA for replacing them with a more or less universal culture. The underlying model for this "universal" ideological outlook is not perfectly neutral as regards those who enter into it. Even if they are of equal talent, some will find cultural models, heroes, texts and materials related to their own cultural background, and others will not. 6. The preferred and most prestigious model for the "high culture" in the United States coincides with the background of our most wealthy and powerful citizens. This model illustrates the history of some, at least, of our major institutions, and partially grounds the dominant language of the land. Hence even though it is biased, it cannot be ignored. Let us attend, first, to proposition 6. Andover, Groton, Milton, Choate and the other prestigious private schools nurture a good part of one major wing of the nation's financial and governmental elites. Yet with every year that passes, in order to understand American reality, students have to go further beyond the limits of Anglo-American traditions. How can one understand Mailer, Malamud, Trilling, Chomsky or Howe without understanding the Jewish traditions of Eastern Europe and America? How can one understand Kennedy, McCarthy or Daley without learning about the Irish experience in America? Will anyone comprehend Detroit without learning about black history in America and Polish history in America - two out of every three citizens of that city being either black or Polish, while virtually all the wealth and power of the city's elites remain Anglo-American and Jewish? Power in America is essentially Anglo-American, hence it is a condition of survival (and of eventual justice) that all the others penetrate the intricacies of the Anglo-American mind. The Yankee pride in "candor," fo example, has generated unique deceptions, especially self-deceptions, whose routes must be painfully traced and plainly marked Yankee appeals to "morality" and leadership" and "integrity" require most careful scrutiny; these are the banners of the most powerful elites. Thus those whose heritage is not Anglo-American, have every right (and duty) both to assimilate all that is good in Anglo-American culture, and to be clear-eyed about what assimilation entails. Two years ago, Irving Howe quoted in these pages �SLOVAKIA 109 the argument of Louis Kampf that "initiating the 'underpriviledged' to the cultural treasures of the West could be a form of oppression - a weapon in the hands of those who rule . .. High culture itself ... tends to reinforce the given alignments of powers within the society." Against Kampf, Howe is able to quote Trotsky: "Mastery of the art of the past is ... a necessary precondition not only for the creation of new art but also for the building of a new society . . . If we were groundlessly to repudiate the art of the past, we should at once become poorer spiritually." Cultural backwardness is not required for political advance. And yet, what is meant by "backwardness"? In order to be fully moral man must one be a professor, or at minimum a college graduate? Is it necessary to have read many books? "Man is not saved by dialectics," a Christian aphorism insists. The simple, too, have their own precious wisdom and the learned their patent foolishness. It is not necessary to romanticize either side in order to recognize that there are analogies between the life stories of the uneducated and those of the college trained. A democracy needs an early discernment system, to spot young persons of talent in every social condition. But it also needs a way to encourage young persons of talent to remain (if they so wish) in living contact with their own roots. They should encouraged not to be parochial, and yet to be rooted. Neither our egalitarians nor our meritocrats, it seems, have a sufficiently cultural perspective; both proceed somewhat atomically, somewhat mechanically. According to egalitarian sentimentality, any student admitted to college through "open admissions" has within him the makings of a student. According to meritocratic arrogance, each student should be judged according to his own performance. The egalitarian forgets that a university is an institution not all citizens are graced with the talent to appreciate; perhaps not one person in ten ought to be admitted to a genuine university. The meritocrat forgets that persons are not individuals merely but also creatures of culture, and that the institutions of high culture in the United States are inequitably and inhumanely ethnocentric. When as a young Slovak-American I read ( with eagerness and delight) "English literature," I learned as well �110 SLOVAKIA a latent message: "These are the kinds of people literature is about; not about families like yours, feeling like yours, dilemmas like yours." Literature was not (except by analogy) about myself; it was about those fascinating, foreign "others." In our part of town, when I was very young, we called them "the Americans." (With less than accurate perception, we included the Irish among "the Americans." We seldom dealt directly with Anglo-Americans.) The heart of the matter comes down to this. There are three main locations of culture. The actual ways of life of ordinary people, in their diverse, loose and permeable communities are one location. The humanities are, in this sense, not primarily what is written down in books, or celebrated in works of art, but what is lived. Those relatively few artists, scholars and critical persons in whom a genuinely high culture is alive are a second location. The swarming army of professionals, highly educated but not necessarily in tune with the high traditions of the past, are a third location. Among these new professionals are many who call themselves humanists . Each of these groups is to be taken seriously. Each enhances our own identity. We need, in America, a public and popular humanities - a pluralism of stories, myths, accurate histories, detailed studies that touch our various peopl8 in all their variety. As a boy, I wish I had learned of the exploits of Janosik as well as of Robin Hood, and had been taught in public and parochial school of the democratic traditions of the early Slovak tribes. I wish I had learned that, after the origins of feudalism, my ancestors endured a thousand-year struggle against oppression that is not yet complete. I wish I had learned officially and fully of the bitter deaths of so many of my countrymen in the mills and mines and strikes of Pennsylvania. (The murder of the Jablonski.s of the United Mine Workers is a recent episode in a hundredyear war.) My sense of injustice and untruth in America would have come earlier than it did. I would have learned earlier both a tragic sense of life and fierce desire to remedy injustice. I would have had a way to discern what made me culturally different, and what my peculiar contribution might have been. I would have had personal parallels by which to judge more accurately what America had done to the Indians, blacks and others in Amei:ica. (What was �SLOVAKIA 111 I doing, cheering for Custer in They Died with Their Boots On?) We also need, of course, a high culture. We need continuity with the visions and sources of judgment upon us that derive from the great spiritual achievements of our past. In many American towns, counties and cities, one family or a small number of families controls the politics, economics and media of communication. Against their vulgar power, the arts and critical skills of the high culture are as powerful a threat as human beings have. Indeed even our highest national elites, our best and our brightest, suffer embarrassment compared to the best our race has seen before. I recognize that our elites sometimes use "taste" and "culture" as weapon of intimidation, which only proves their own vulgarity. The proof that a person has attained a genuine high culture in his unselfconscious respect for the moral analogies between his life and those of others. Portrayed in myth and narrative as the nobleman at home with peasants, the saint with sinners, the learned doctor with children and the ignorant, the political leader sharing his people's crusts of bread, this is the excellence by which our culture measures us. It is not exactly an egalitarian standard, for differences of station and talent are not blurred, but it is, at least, a standard of fraternity, and of the human spirit's radical equality in the eyes of God. Finally, we need the professionals. It is true that concerning the large and important issues, they are almost always wrong. But this is exactly what we should expect; it is their profession to attend scrupulously to a part of the whole; they almost necessarily distort. Yet specialization is no cause for excommunication. Professionals are our brothers, too. We need their powerful skills. One could wish that more of them would turn their skills toward many neglected problems. To mention but one: toward the history and culture of each of the diverse peoples of the United States. Toward an accurate history of our actual pluralism. '' From 1896 to 1908, 508 Slovaks were arrested and convicted for using the Slovak language in public. (Reprinted from The American Scholar, Volume 43, Number 1, Winter, 1973-74. Copyright 1973 by the United Chapters of Phi Beta Kappa. By permission of the publishers.) � 96 SLOVAKIA One Species, Many Cultures Michael N ov ak Bounded by the slow Danube River on the south and by the rugged Carpathian Mountains on the north, the ancestral land of the Slovak people lies at the axis of Westem lcivilization. For centuries, the vast armies of Attila, Genghis Khan, the Turks, the Germans and the Russians have risen like a tide toward Europe and in due course have been broken in or near the mountains of Slovakia. In the ninth century, Saints Cyril and Methodius established there the Byzantine influence of the Cyrillic alphabet and the Old Slavonic liturgy; but ambitious German rulers later imposed the Latin language, in order to draw Slovakia back toward the West. The rivers of Slovakia run southward and the cultivation of grapes makes Slovakia a wine-drinking nation; the sensibility pf the Slovaks is partly Mediterranean and partly Nordic. For two thousand years, the Slovak people, often to their woe, have abhorred large governmental units and preferred local rule. For a thousand years they have endured almost unbroken political oppression. Just before the Johnstown flood of 1889, one of my grandfathers came from Slovakia to the United States; within a few years, all three of my other grandparents had done the same. During the thirty-nine years from 1875 to 1914, nearly a third of the population of Slovakia emigrated. They left from sheer hunger, to escape military conscription in the h~ted Hungarian army, to find some was to break the political oppression of Hungarian "magyarization," "" and to 'fulfill the ancient Slovak legends and myths of freedom. The Slovaks, like many other Slavs, tend to be suspicious of governments, activism and politicians. "Every official has a tail, to sweep in goods," runs a Slovak proverb. Better to concentrate on home, family and work. No other Slavic people is so inventive in song; over fifteen thousand folk songs Qf the Slovaks have been catalogued, and a Slavic saying goes: "See. a Slovak, hear a song." Nearly all the arts of the Slovaks focus on the home. �SLOVAKIA 97 The great Slovak names Svatopluk, Janosik, Benovsky and Stefanik mean little to most Americans. But this is only to say that an ordinary American education is remarkably ethnocentric. About one-third of our population is of Anglo-Saxon ancestry. Yet so far is our nation from fulfilling its own pluralistic destiny that our education is almost entirely Anglo-American. (Indeed, not even all social classes, religious traditions, or regions of Anglo-Americans are equally represented in our educational cultures-"rednecks," evangelicals, Appalachians, for example.) Perhaps the dominance of Anglo-Saxon ethnocentrism in the past necessitates its continued dominance; it has shaped our history. Every American should learn about and, to some extent, assimilate English political history and literature. But is a virtually total concentration on the upper-class culture based in the northeastern section of the nation a sufficient intellectual guide to actual American life, or to the character of the other cultures on this planet? Not long ago, "the humanities" meant, not humanity, but "Western civilization." More than that, it meant "Western civilization as seen through English, Protestant, upperclass eyes." Not many of the graduates of Harvard, Princeton and Yale now in their fifties learned very much in their college days about the other cultures of the world - about Buddhism, or Slavic history, or Jewish family life, or Chinese civilization, or Latin America, or the history of slavery. What they were instructed in as "liberal arts" was not quite fully liberating; what passed before their eyes as "the humanities" was, rather astonishingly, a mirror image of their own ethnicity. The phrase "our common culture" has in recent years been used with more glibness than hard reflection. A culture is not put on like a suit of clothes. One can mimic a culture, absorb it, even use it as a vehicle of one's own self-expression. If, however, the culture does not flow out of one's own tutored instincts and aspirations, it is not yet one's own and does not yet exhaust one's own intelligence, perceptions or dreams. So for many millions of immigrants and their descendants-for a majority of Americans-what is currently available as "mainstream culture" does not spring from the heart. Hundreds of thousands of freshmen tapping their feet in classrooms in Providence, Buffalo, �98 SLOVAKIA Pittsburgh, Detroit, Miami, Houston and Los Angeles do not hear, in the voice of their professors, their own voices - and this is not only because of television, or a generation gap, or the collapsing of "the great tradition." The great tradition itself has been in America too narrowly, too ethnocentrically, perceived. I concur, there is a great tradition. There is a "common" Western culture, distinct from other cultures. But ever since Kant, scholars have sought this tradition in a premature and inaccurately projected "universality." They have tried to emphasize what is common in all men, what is universal, those qualities in which we all share and are alike, those characteristics that do not divide, but rather unite us. A laudable but grievously mistaken impulse. A profound irony is involved in our common identity as members of the human species. The species to which we belong in a historical species; it possesses consciousness, and this consciousness is at once symbolic and concrete. That is, our species lives not only within the physical atmosphere surrounding this blue green planet but also within a variety of concrete, historical cultures. We are the species that lives within cultures - within spheres of meaning, sensibility, selective perception and patterned action. What we have in common is that we are diverse. Our diversity is proof that we are human. We are not so many ants crawling on a soundless orb, nor so many apes obeying laws of natural selection. We generate distinctive cultures. Within cultures, we develop endlessly complex, distinctive individuals. We live within symbolic worlds all our own, both as individuals and as cultures. In the twentieth century (which is itself, a friend reminds me, a somewhat "culture-bound" concept), the relativity of each of our identities is borne in upon us because we inescapably encounter so many who differ from us. In this relativity we meet a second and novel kind of common identity. What we have in common are our finitude and interdependence. Our diversity does not mean we are intrinsically divided from each other, only that we are intrinsically different from each other. Our future unity lies not in "overcoming our differences" but in seeing how they are analogous: in learning to see that my struggle to become a moral human being is rather like (not the same �SLOVAKIA 99 as, only analogous to) your struggle to become a moral human being. In a word, the way to become moral is not to become universal, but to become concrete. I need not become the same as you. But my struggle to realize my own moral identity - solely my own, concrete, unique - has many parallels to your struggle to realize your own identity. We face, for example, many similar obstacles: social inequities, ill fortune, self-deception, aging, death. How you face these obstacles in your life illuminates possibilities by which I may, allowing for our differences, conduct my life as well. A nun may define her life around her chastity, as a chosen symbol of God's transcendent love; whereas I, a sensual man, may see in her struggles to protect virginity (of spirit and of flesh) illumination for the perplexities surrounding the central value by which I define my life. The world's literature opens up for me a world of analogy, where flashes of illumination ricochet in unpredictable patterns off a thousand mirrors. The critic of literature who reads Nietzsche after having learned Goethe may catch different reflections from one who reads him after studying Russell, Hare and Austin. What "the great tradition" concerns is wisdom, the voyages individuals take toward moral maturity and moral growth, and the analogous "stages on the way," the analogous "moves," the analogous "dilemmas," "ironies" and "tragedies" they encounter. These words, of course, are already heavy with cultural specificity; they conjure up Aeschylus, Kierkegaard, Hesse and a hundred German scholars. Still, every human life is a structuring of time; each begins with birth, each ends. "Voyage," therefore, is a universal motif. It is the kind of motif that allows for infinite variation, for concrete diversity, for cultural and personal uniqueness. Cultures structure time quite differently. Cultures imagine the model of human fulfillment differently. Yet in every culture individuals voyage from birth to death, and from moral beginnings to moral development. Many of our present perplexities arise from two confusions: one is a misperception of class, the other a misperception of culture. Some young blacks from Hough may not be literate, but that does not mean that the basic human voyage is closed to them. Both the Autobiography �100 SLOVAKIA of Malcolm X and Sou l on Ice are classically Greek and Christian in the metanoia they narrate, and in the structure of decision and liberation they exhibit. (Note even their chapter headings.) It is a mistake to hold that the fundamental moral struggle is restricted to upper-class AngloSaxons - or to the "oppressed." Whatever one's social class, the struggle against self-deception (never decisively won), the struggle for clear vision, and the struggle to respect concrete human persons different from oneself is always present. Bourgeois morality, the morality of appearances and proprieties, must be distinguished from fundamental human morality. "The habit doth not make the monk." One may be an attorney general of the United States without becoming a moral hero to whom others look for illumination on how to become a moral man. It is not easy to be moral simply because one is wellborn, nor simply because one is born in a slum. The voyage toward moral development in either case is analogous to the others - essentially different, yet sufficiently parallel to cast mutual illumination. No human life is so different from all others that it cannot shed morally profitable light; thus the fascination of stories even about moral monsters. When a culture is highly articulated, a "cultivated" person is skilled both in discerning movements of the soul and in giving names to them. He will have a full range of references and allusions with which to speak of what he feels. It is not enough, for example, to be "an atheist." Like Sartre? Or like Merleau-Ponty? Or like Malraux? Or like Camus? Like John Dewey? Or like Corliss Lamont? Or like some churchgoer going through empty motions? The state of soul is remarkably various in every case. Nevertheless, a lack of words does not necessarily indicate an incapacity of soul. It is true (it certainly seems true) that many persons are indeed shallow of soul and contemptuous of introspection. It does not necessarily follow that an abundance of words indicates greatness of soul, or poverty of words powerty of spirit. There are some professors, disdainful of the "cultural deprivation" of those they are obliged to instruct, who are sterile of soul; and in some of their students there are depths untongued. Among some of the Indian chiefs of American history, �SLOVAKIA 101 for example, there is an eloquence, dignity and precision of speech worthy of the ancient Greeks. Or, to state the matter differently, some of the heroes of Homer utter sentiments worthy of the Indian nations. Want of reading does not disbar human beings from profound moral insight or from classical eloquence. One does not have to read Greek to encounter ancient wisdom. (The American Indians produced no Aristotle; neither has New York.) On the other hand, a university education in the humanities today is not aimed at profound moral insight or classical eloquence. They are lucky indeed whose insight and eloquence are not destroyed by a university education today. For the culture of the universities today is not the culture of "the great tradition," not the culture of Western civilization, not even the culture of upper-class Anglo-Americans. In some few persons, it may be these things. In most administrators, professors, teaching assistants and students a university education exhibits a different culture altogether. Let me call it "the culture of the professionals" and attempt to draw attention to its pervasiveness. Not long ago, a major corporation took an ad in the Wall Street Journal to honor one of its employees. Above his picture was a single word, "Professionalism ... " and below it a definition: "More than education ... More than experience . . . More than training ... it's a state of mind." Who today are proud to call themselves professionals? Football players, stockbrockers, doctors, lawyers, journal• ists, gangsters and professors of literature, philosophy and other fields. "Professionalism. " "State of Mind." These are terms of considerable power. Implied are choices, special• izations, narrowings down for purposes of efficiency and effect. Implied, indeed, is the disciplining of an entire life, a concentration upon a limited field of expertise. "A state of mind." "A way of life." A major, driving, powerful culture in our midst is the culture of professionals. Football is its major public liturgy, its dramatic expression, its mirror-image festival. In the daily world of politics, the word "professional" is used in fascinating ways. Of some lifelong politicians, an informed opinion of their performance is "hack" or "fake." By contrast, the most sober and comforting praise �102 SLOVAKIA for a public figure or for this or that person on his staff is, "He's a real pro." An intermediate word of praise, spoken with a faintly baffled sort of affection, is the phrase, "an old pro." The meaning is that the person in question - Senator Sam Ervin, let us say - lacks some of the technical sophistication and scientific art of modern professionalism, but is, so to speak, an artist of an older style, in a different sort of way, and by God, admirable nevertheless. He "knows his way around," "knows what he's doing," and so one "shouldn't be fooled" by his apparent naivete or folksy style. There are some jobs, among some constituencies, that maybe "the old pro" tackles with a surer grasp that "the real pro." It's a very good feeling to be called by one's peers "a pro." Certification (college degrees, a tough job assignment) confers the objective status. But not all who have the certification are truly considered by their peers to be "the real pros." Such hints suggest that an accurate discussion of culture must move on several levels. The first meaning of culture applies to the "state of mind," or the "way of life," of our professional classes. This is the class that manages our institutions of certification the schools, the universities, the media and the new institutes of research, development and consultantship. This same class also manages many of our traditional institutions - business corporations, government, foundations, churches and national organizations. By no means a majority of Americans experiences the culture of professionalizatio n. But most of the high-salaried and/or organizing, articulating, managing and "influential" people do. "Above" the level of the professional culture lies the "high culture" of family tradition, and/or money, and/ or dedication to the classical, recognized arts. Nurture in a certain kind of family tradition - children of Cabots or Lodges, or of concert violinists or professors of the clasics - sometimes provides the requisite sensibility. Money that can buy a new generation the education denied its parents may provide it. (There are many "middle-brow" participants in high culture who enjoy its fruits without being creators.) Finally, sheer talent and desire, an "innate" capacity for the flowering of one's spirit, and the good �SLOVAKIA 103 fortune of schooling of some sort may provide it. Thus, not a few of our ablest artists and scholars today, like Abraham Lincoln and William Shakespeare, although not "wellborn," have advanced the reaches of the human spirit. It is true that the "high culture," once it has been achieved, is in some respects more accessible to the wealthy than to the poor. The wealthy can travel. They have leisure. They are provided with instruction. They finance artists and scholars. They buy the materials, the time spent and the fruits of artistic endeavor; they are the patrons of art and learning. Yet by their nature the achievements of high culture speak to - and belong to - the human spirit, not to wealth. Instrumentally both a society and individuals require sufficient wealth to gain that freedom from necessity without which there are no liberal arts. Such wealth can be very modest. Even in the caves, humans began to draw, and already by the fireside the spirit of Lincoln was being forged. High culture, nonetheless, requires a culture in which leisure is available; it requires wealth. This instrumental tie between wealth and high culture occasions a certain embarrassment in a ruthlessly egalitarian society. Common speech, we recall, distinguishes several kinds of professional performance. The main force of the word "professional" points toward a specialized commitment: one professes one line of work rather than another. A "hack" is a fellow who has not really mastered all the skills he needs, or else does not really commit the whole of himself to the skills does possess. A "slick professional," or "operator," or apparatchik is a fellow who has the skills but no larger commitment to the whole reality of the world within which he operates, he is "a gun for hire." We respect his skills, but not the spirit of their use. When we say "real pro," however, we mean that the person has not been distorted by his specialized techniques. We mean that his intelligence and instincts reach out for all the complex, ambiguous, even mysterious elements of the social realities within which he operates. We mean that, both regarding himself and regarding the world of his activities, he maintains a certain realism. He is "in touch." His professionalism is an instrument of his commitment to reality, not a defense against that reality. He is neither an operator, nor a hack, nor a mere specialist. �104 SLOVAKIA Hacks are easy to understand but what is the culture of the operator? We are afflicted with operators in America. As testimony to their "cultivation," they may take homemovies, or become amateur photographers, or be buffs of considerable artistic skill in one field or another. They may attend concerts or go to all the arty flicks. They may be articulate and even, in some sense, well and broadly educated. Yet there is a sense in which, used in this context, the word "culture" gives off a tinny ring. No doubt anthropologists should study their "culture," too; in a perfectly neutral scene, they represent a "state of mind," a "way of life," as surely as do primitive tribes in New Guinea. But in some way they are rootless, rudderless, without depth. They have made themselves rather into instruments than into ends. The phrase "new barbarians" points to their shallowness. It suggests that smooth, civil persons, persons of considerable education and articulateness, are somehow empty and lacking. Empty of what? Lacking what? No tradition, it seems, lives in them; no long-range, virtually unchangeable, perennial values guide them; their moral universe is without a center; no passionate inwardness directs them. They are, in a sense, larger than David Riesman intended, "other-directed." Success, power, expertise - their guides are extrinsic, changeable, consulted for the short term. The social realities of our "temporary society" do not discourage the flexibility such men exemplify. The state, as Plato says, is man writ large; so men are often their society writ small. Operators, then, are quintessentially American; their role has been mythically established in Huck Finn and in Melville's The Confidence Man. They are outsiders, from the city (or the university), traveling salesmen, "experts." But what about the local cultures, those millions who admire and understand "the old pros" but dislike operators? When Senator Sam Ervin quotes the Bible and Shakespeare, he makes reverberate a network of trustworthy and illuminating traditions. He plays on symbolic strings that have shaped the consciousness of perhaps eightly million Americans. Many, indeed, find the language of a "country lawyer" a good deal more persuasive than the language of the new professionals. Many, indeed, can scarcely discriminate among the several languages of the new professionals. To �SLOVAKIA 105 them, they are all the same: the smooth articulateness of John Dean and Gary Hart, of David Brinkley and Professor Galbraith, of Doctor Kildare and Doctor Spock, of Jeb Stuart Magruder and William Coffin. Often today ideology does not divide people (liberal versus conservative) so much as cultural style does. The old pros remain connected to the symbolic worlds of this nation's many diverse cultures; the operators leave and "do not go home again." Region, ethnicity, religion, race and other cultural factors shape symbolic consciousness in different ways. The Irish of Boston are not exactly like those of Minnesota or Texas; contrasts among John Kennedy, Eugene McCarthy, Joseph McCarthy, Richard Daley and John Connally suggest several of the most significant Irish traditions in the nation. Both George McGovern and George Wallace spring from fundamentalist Scotch-Irish traditions, but in regions whose history has been profoundly different. The symbolic worlds within which they speak set off intense but opposite vibrations. Of the French-Canadians of New Hampshire and Maine; the Appalachians of West Virginia and Kentucky, the poor whites of Alabama and the Florida Panhandle; the AngloAmericans of Wyoming and Idaho; the Oregonians; the Mormons of Utah; the Slavic farmers of Illinois and Nebraska, contrasted with the Slavic miners and millworkers of Pennsylvania, Ohio and Michigan; the Italians contrasted with the upper-class and the lower-class Jews of New York City; the Anglo-American Protestants who supported George Wallace in the 1968 Indiana primary in proportions far heavier than did German-American Protestants of similar economic class - of such diverse and crisscross variety is this nation composed. Among blacks, there are differences depending on origins in Africa: on the generations of colonial experience whether in the West Indies, or rural Mississippi, or the cities of the South; and on length of time in the urban North. The Spanish-speaking population of Miami, New York, Chicago, Los Angeles, San Antonio and Albuquerque are significantly different. The experiences of Oriental Americans - including, without benefit of "Protestant ethic," their astonishing capacity for work and for success - are better admitted into consciousness if one approaches �106 SLOVAKIA American pluralism from Hawaii and California, than from Boston and New York. The variety of cultural worlds in the United States is a powerful, subterranean influence in our national life. It remains subterranean because it is often repressed, as thought it were something "dirty," disfunctional, and doomed to disappear. In its place, a "national" ideology has been created, divided into three parts. First, there is the ideology of "the American way of life," popular, patriotic, capitalistic, chauvinistic. Second, there is the ideology of the mobile, educated, "committed," professional classes what one writer has called "the ideocracy." Third, there is the ideology of the neutral, meritocratic, incommitted, objective professional classes, neither conservative nor liberal, but comfortably in charge. All three of these ideologies, for their own various purposes, try to eliminate cultural diversity. Each carries with it its own ethnic and regional biases. Some, for example, make provision for black, Hispanic and Indian diversity - and, pressed a little, perhaps, they might expand the list. But the terms of their analyses do not give cultural diversity the prominence reality demands. It is true, we have seen, that there is a "common culture" in the West, a set of achievements that represents the most profound insights, wrested from suffering, that Western peoples for some five millennia have attained. But it is not true that even highly educated people in any part of the West are well versed in all the subtraditions of this "common culture." A young Italian from New Jersey who attends the University of Notre Dame will have as part of the furniture of his mind and sensibility materials that the young Jew from Brooklyn who attends City College of New York will not share, and vice versa. When I compare, for example, my years of reading in St. Augustine, St. Bernard, Thomas Aquinas, Cardinal Newman and others, my virtual neglect of Marx, and my dislike of Enlightenment writers like Kant and Mill, with the reading patterns exhibited by, say, Irving Howe, it is vividly clear to me that American intellectual life is profoundly diverse. So it is also with Protestant colleagues of mine in philosophy and religious studies who respond in significantly different ways to materials we jointly consider. Other colleagues have �SLOVAKIA 107 interests and training in the sciences or social sciences; their symbolic world is, again, quite different from mine. "Where did you grow up? Where did you go to school? What is your religious and ethnic background? What do these mean to you?" These are important questions, not for purpose of stereotyping, but for intelligent and sensitive perception. In order to come to learn and to appreciate the cultural background within which the words of others gain their full and familiar meaning, we must be able to answer such questions. What we have most to gain from each other is generated by our mutual differences. The different horizon, standpoint and way of perceiving we each bring to our common world are instruments of spiritual wealth. Consider the following propositions: 1. There is a common Western culture of high intellectual and humanizing potency, instructing all who journey into it in inexhaustible wisdom, insight and spiritual depth. 2. This common culture is composed of many related but divergent traditions, and no one can master all of them. 3. Beyond the boundaries of Western culture, there are also other "common cultures" of great complexity and diversity. In some of these non-Western riches, westerners are also beginning to share in ways both superficial and serious. 4. In higher education and in museums and other instrumentalities of culture in the United States, Protestant traditions within the common culture have been favored over Catholic and Jewish traditions. English literature and philosophy have been favored over Continental literatures and philosophies. Post-Enlightenment materials have virtually driven pre-Enlightenment materials from the field. Agnostic or atheistic materials are favored over religious materials. A rather positivistic ideology of the modern, the progressive and the "factual" has dominated our dictionaries and encyclopedias, as well as our schools, our journalism and our business world. (Dictionaries do not list under "rose" one of its most important cultural meanings: that it is the flower of love, fate and war.) 5. Education is commonly regarded, not as a device for strengthening and benefiting by local, regional, ethnic and religious differences but for "overcoming" them, �108 SLOVAKIA for replacing them with a more or less universal culture. The underlying model for this "universal" ideological outlook is not perfectly neutral as regards those who enter into it. Even if they are of equal talent, some will find cultural models, heroes, texts and materials related to their own cultural background, and others will not. 6. The preferred and most prestigious model for the "high culture" in the United States coincides with the background of our most wealthy and powerful citizens. This model illustrates the history of some, at least, of our major institutions, and partially grounds the dominant language of the land. Hence even though it is biased, it cannot be ignored. Let us attend, first, to proposition 6. Andover, Groton, Milton, Choate and the other prestigious private schools nurture a good part of one major wing of the nation's financial and governmental elites. Yet with every year that passes, in order to understand American reality, students have to go further beyond the limits of Anglo-American traditions. How can one understand Mailer, Malamud, Trilling, Chomsky or Howe without understanding the Jewish traditions of Eastern Europe and America? How can one understand Kennedy, McCarthy or Daley without learning about the Irish experience in America? Will anyone comprehend Detroit without learning about black history in America and Polish history in America - two out of every three citizens of that city being either black or Polish, while virtually all the wealth and power of the city's elites remain Anglo-American and Jewish? Power in America is essentially Anglo-American, hence it is a condition of survival (and of eventual justice) that all the others penetrate the intricacies of the Anglo-American mind. The Yankee pride in "candor," fo example, has generated unique deceptions, especially self-deceptions, whose routes must be painfully traced and plainly marked Yankee appeals to "morality" and leadership" and "integrity" require most careful scrutiny; these are the banners of the most powerful elites. Thus those whose heritage is not Anglo-American, have every right (and duty) both to assimilate all that is good in Anglo-American culture, and to be clear-eyed about what assimilation entails. Two years ago, Irving Howe quoted in these pages �SLOVAKIA 109 the argument of Louis Kampf that "initiating the 'underpriviledged' to the cultural treasures of the West could be a form of oppression - a weapon in the hands of those who rule . .. High culture itself ... tends to reinforce the given alignments of powers within the society." Against Kampf, Howe is able to quote Trotsky: "Mastery of the art of the past is ... a necessary precondition not only for the creation of new art but also for the building of a new society . . . If we were groundlessly to repudiate the art of the past, we should at once become poorer spiritually." Cultural backwardness is not required for political advance. And yet, what is meant by "backwardness"? In order to be fully moral man must one be a professor, or at minimum a college graduate? Is it necessary to have read many books? "Man is not saved by dialectics," a Christian aphorism insists. The simple, too, have their own precious wisdom and the learned their patent foolishness. It is not necessary to romanticize either side in order to recognize that there are analogies between the life stories of the uneducated and those of the college trained. A democracy needs an early discernment system, to spot young persons of talent in every social condition. But it also needs a way to encourage young persons of talent to remain (if they so wish) in living contact with their own roots. They should encouraged not to be parochial, and yet to be rooted. Neither our egalitarians nor our meritocrats, it seems, have a sufficiently cultural perspective; both proceed somewhat atomically, somewhat mechanically. According to egalitarian sentimentality, any student admitted to college through "open admissions" has within him the makings of a student. According to meritocratic arrogance, each student should be judged according to his own performance. The egalitarian forgets that a university is an institution not all citizens are graced with the talent to appreciate; perhaps not one person in ten ought to be admitted to a genuine university. The meritocrat forgets that persons are not individuals merely but also creatures of culture, and that the institutions of high culture in the United States are inequitably and inhumanely ethnocentric. When as a young Slovak-American I read ( with eagerness and delight) "English literature," I learned as well �110 SLOVAKIA a latent message: "These are the kinds of people literature is about; not about families like yours, feeling like yours, dilemmas like yours." Literature was not (except by analogy) about myself; it was about those fascinating, foreign "others." In our part of town, when I was very young, we called them "the Americans." (With less than accurate perception, we included the Irish among "the Americans." We seldom dealt directly with Anglo-Americans.) The heart of the matter comes down to this. There are three main locations of culture. The actual ways of life of ordinary people, in their diverse, loose and permeable communities are one location. The humanities are, in this sense, not primarily what is written down in books, or celebrated in works of art, but what is lived. Those relatively few artists, scholars and critical persons in whom a genuinely high culture is alive are a second location. The swarming army of professionals, highly educated but not necessarily in tune with the high traditions of the past, are a third location. Among these new professionals are many who call themselves humanists . Each of these groups is to be taken seriously. Each enhances our own identity. We need, in America, a public and popular humanities - a pluralism of stories, myths, accurate histories, detailed studies that touch our various peopl8 in all their variety. As a boy, I wish I had learned of the exploits of Janosik as well as of Robin Hood, and had been taught in public and parochial school of the democratic traditions of the early Slovak tribes. I wish I had learned that, after the origins of feudalism, my ancestors endured a thousand-year struggle against oppression that is not yet complete. I wish I had learned officially and fully of the bitter deaths of so many of my countrymen in the mills and mines and strikes of Pennsylvania. (The murder of the Jablonski.s of the United Mine Workers is a recent episode in a hundredyear war.) My sense of injustice and untruth in America would have come earlier than it did. I would have learned earlier both a tragic sense of life and fierce desire to remedy injustice. I would have had a way to discern what made me culturally different, and what my peculiar contribution might have been. I would have had personal parallels by which to judge more accurately what America had done to the Indians, blacks and others in Amei:ica. (What was �SLOVAKIA 111 I doing, cheering for Custer in They Died with Their Boots On?) We also need, of course, a high culture. We need continuity with the visions and sources of judgment upon us that derive from the great spiritual achievements of our past. In many American towns, counties and cities, one family or a small number of families controls the politics, economics and media of communication. Against their vulgar power, the arts and critical skills of the high culture are as powerful a threat as human beings have. Indeed even our highest national elites, our best and our brightest, suffer embarrassment compared to the best our race has seen before. I recognize that our elites sometimes use "taste" and "culture" as weapon of intimidation, which only proves their own vulgarity. The proof that a person has attained a genuine high culture in his unselfconscious respect for the moral analogies between his life and those of others. Portrayed in myth and narrative as the nobleman at home with peasants, the saint with sinners, the learned doctor with children and the ignorant, the political leader sharing his people's crusts of bread, this is the excellence by which our culture measures us. It is not exactly an egalitarian standard, for differences of station and talent are not blurred, but it is, at least, a standard of fraternity, and of the human spirit's radical equality in the eyes of God. Finally, we need the professionals. It is true that concerning the large and important issues, they are almost always wrong. But this is exactly what we should expect; it is their profession to attend scrupulously to a part of the whole; they almost necessarily distort. Yet specialization is no cause for excommunication. Professionals are our brothers, too. We need their powerful skills. One could wish that more of them would turn their skills toward many neglected problems. To mention but one: toward the history and culture of each of the diverse peoples of the United States. Toward an accurate history of our actual pluralism. '' From 1896 to 1908, 508 Slovaks were arrested and convicted for using the Slovak language in public. (Reprinted from The American Scholar, Volume 43, Number 1, Winter, 1973-74. Copyright 1973 by the United Chapters of Phi Beta Kappa. By permission of the publishers.) � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1974, Vol. 24 Description An account of the resource Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1974 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 96 SLOVAKIA One Species, Many Cultures Michael N ov ak Bounded by the slow Danube River on the south and by the rugged Carpathian Mountains on the north, the ancestral land of the Slovak people lies at the axis of Westem lcivilization. For centuries, the vast armies of Attila, Genghis Khan, the Turks, the Germans and the Russians have risen like a tide toward Europe and in due course have been broken in or near the mountains of Slovakia. In the ninth century, Saints Cyril and Methodius established there the Byzantine influence of the Cyrillic alphabet and the Old Slavonic liturgy; but ambitious German rulers later imposed the Latin language, in order to draw Slovakia back toward the West. The rivers of Slovakia run southward and the cultivation of grapes makes Slovakia a wine-drinking nation; the sensibility pf the Slovaks is partly Mediterranean and partly Nordic. For two thousand years, the Slovak people, often to their woe, have abhorred large governmental units and preferred local rule. For a thousand years they have endured almost unbroken political oppression. Just before the Johnstown flood of 1889, one of my grandfathers came from Slovakia to the United States; within a few years, all three of my other grandparents had done the same. During the thirty-nine years from 1875 to 1914, nearly a third of the population of Slovakia emigrated. They left from sheer hunger, to escape military conscription in the h~ted Hungarian army, to find some was to break the political oppression of Hungarian "magyarization," "" and to 'fulfill the ancient Slovak legends and myths of freedom. The Slovaks, like many other Slavs, tend to be suspicious of governments, activism and politicians. "Every official has a tail, to sweep in goods," runs a Slovak proverb. Better to concentrate on home, family and work. No other Slavic people is so inventive in song; over fifteen thousand folk songs Qf the Slovaks have been catalogued, and a Slavic saying goes: "See. a Slovak, hear a song." Nearly all the arts of the Slovaks focus on the home. SLOVAKIA 97 The great Slovak names Svatopluk, Janosik, Benovsky and Stefanik mean little to most Americans. But this is only to say that an ordinary American education is remarkably ethnocentric. About one-third of our population is of Anglo-Saxon ancestry. Yet so far is our nation from fulfilling its own pluralistic destiny that our education is almost entirely Anglo-American. (Indeed, not even all social classes, religious traditions, or regions of Anglo-Americans are equally represented in our educational cultures-"rednecks," evangelicals, Appalachians, for example.) Perhaps the dominance of Anglo-Saxon ethnocentrism in the past necessitates its continued dominance; it has shaped our history. Every American should learn about and, to some extent, assimilate English political history and literature. But is a virtually total concentration on the upper-class culture based in the northeastern section of the nation a sufficient intellectual guide to actual American life, or to the character of the other cultures on this planet? Not long ago, "the humanities" meant, not humanity, but "Western civilization." More than that, it meant "Western civilization as seen through English, Protestant, upperclass eyes." Not many of the graduates of Harvard, Princeton and Yale now in their fifties learned very much in their college days about the other cultures of the world - about Buddhism, or Slavic history, or Jewish family life, or Chinese civilization, or Latin America, or the history of slavery. What they were instructed in as "liberal arts" was not quite fully liberating; what passed before their eyes as "the humanities" was, rather astonishingly, a mirror image of their own ethnicity. The phrase "our common culture" has in recent years been used with more glibness than hard reflection. A culture is not put on like a suit of clothes. One can mimic a culture, absorb it, even use it as a vehicle of one's own self-expression. If, however, the culture does not flow out of one's own tutored instincts and aspirations, it is not yet one's own and does not yet exhaust one's own intelligence, perceptions or dreams. So for many millions of immigrants and their descendants-for a majority of Americans-what is currently available as "mainstream culture" does not spring from the heart. Hundreds of thousands of freshmen tapping their feet in classrooms in Providence, Buffalo, 98 SLOVAKIA Pittsburgh, Detroit, Miami, Houston and Los Angeles do not hear, in the voice of their professors, their own voices - and this is not only because of television, or a generation gap, or the collapsing of "the great tradition." The great tradition itself has been in America too narrowly, too ethnocentrically, perceived. I concur, there is a great tradition. There is a "common" Western culture, distinct from other cultures. But ever since Kant, scholars have sought this tradition in a premature and inaccurately projected "universality." They have tried to emphasize what is common in all men, what is universal, those qualities in which we all share and are alike, those characteristics that do not divide, but rather unite us. A laudable but grievously mistaken impulse. A profound irony is involved in our common identity as members of the human species. The species to which we belong in a historical species; it possesses consciousness, and this consciousness is at once symbolic and concrete. That is, our species lives not only within the physical atmosphere surrounding this blue green planet but also within a variety of concrete, historical cultures. We are the species that lives within cultures - within spheres of meaning, sensibility, selective perception and patterned action. What we have in common is that we are diverse. Our diversity is proof that we are human. We are not so many ants crawling on a soundless orb, nor so many apes obeying laws of natural selection. We generate distinctive cultures. Within cultures, we develop endlessly complex, distinctive individuals. We live within symbolic worlds all our own, both as individuals and as cultures. In the twentieth century (which is itself, a friend reminds me, a somewhat "culture-bound" concept), the relativity of each of our identities is borne in upon us because we inescapably encounter so many who differ from us. In this relativity we meet a second and novel kind of common identity. What we have in common are our finitude and interdependence. Our diversity does not mean we are intrinsically divided from each other, only that we are intrinsically different from each other. Our future unity lies not in "overcoming our differences" but in seeing how they are analogous: in learning to see that my struggle to become a moral human being is rather like (not the same SLOVAKIA 99 as, only analogous to) your struggle to become a moral human being. In a word, the way to become moral is not to become universal, but to become concrete. I need not become the same as you. But my struggle to realize my own moral identity - solely my own, concrete, unique - has many parallels to your struggle to realize your own identity. We face, for example, many similar obstacles: social inequities, ill fortune, self-deception, aging, death. How you face these obstacles in your life illuminates possibilities by which I may, allowing for our differences, conduct my life as well. A nun may define her life around her chastity, as a chosen symbol of God's transcendent love; whereas I, a sensual man, may see in her struggles to protect virginity (of spirit and of flesh) illumination for the perplexities surrounding the central value by which I define my life. The world's literature opens up for me a world of analogy, where flashes of illumination ricochet in unpredictable patterns off a thousand mirrors. The critic of literature who reads Nietzsche after having learned Goethe may catch different reflections from one who reads him after studying Russell, Hare and Austin. What "the great tradition" concerns is wisdom, the voyages individuals take toward moral maturity and moral growth, and the analogous "stages on the way," the analogous "moves," the analogous "dilemmas," "ironies" and "tragedies" they encounter. These words, of course, are already heavy with cultural specificity; they conjure up Aeschylus, Kierkegaard, Hesse and a hundred German scholars. Still, every human life is a structuring of time; each begins with birth, each ends. "Voyage," therefore, is a universal motif. It is the kind of motif that allows for infinite variation, for concrete diversity, for cultural and personal uniqueness. Cultures structure time quite differently. Cultures imagine the model of human fulfillment differently. Yet in every culture individuals voyage from birth to death, and from moral beginnings to moral development. Many of our present perplexities arise from two confusions: one is a misperception of class, the other a misperception of culture. Some young blacks from Hough may not be literate, but that does not mean that the basic human voyage is closed to them. Both the Autobiography 100 SLOVAKIA of Malcolm X and Sou l on Ice are classically Greek and Christian in the metanoia they narrate, and in the structure of decision and liberation they exhibit. (Note even their chapter headings.) It is a mistake to hold that the fundamental moral struggle is restricted to upper-class AngloSaxons - or to the "oppressed." Whatever one's social class, the struggle against self-deception (never decisively won), the struggle for clear vision, and the struggle to respect concrete human persons different from oneself is always present. Bourgeois morality, the morality of appearances and proprieties, must be distinguished from fundamental human morality. "The habit doth not make the monk." One may be an attorney general of the United States without becoming a moral hero to whom others look for illumination on how to become a moral man. It is not easy to be moral simply because one is wellborn, nor simply because one is born in a slum. The voyage toward moral development in either case is analogous to the others - essentially different, yet sufficiently parallel to cast mutual illumination. No human life is so different from all others that it cannot shed morally profitable light; thus the fascination of stories even about moral monsters. When a culture is highly articulated, a "cultivated" person is skilled both in discerning movements of the soul and in giving names to them. He will have a full range of references and allusions with which to speak of what he feels. It is not enough, for example, to be "an atheist." Like Sartre? Or like Merleau-Ponty? Or like Malraux? Or like Camus? Like John Dewey? Or like Corliss Lamont? Or like some churchgoer going through empty motions? The state of soul is remarkably various in every case. Nevertheless, a lack of words does not necessarily indicate an incapacity of soul. It is true (it certainly seems true) that many persons are indeed shallow of soul and contemptuous of introspection. It does not necessarily follow that an abundance of words indicates greatness of soul, or poverty of words powerty of spirit. There are some professors, disdainful of the "cultural deprivation" of those they are obliged to instruct, who are sterile of soul; and in some of their students there are depths untongued. Among some of the Indian chiefs of American history, SLOVAKIA 101 for example, there is an eloquence, dignity and precision of speech worthy of the ancient Greeks. Or, to state the matter differently, some of the heroes of Homer utter sentiments worthy of the Indian nations. Want of reading does not disbar human beings from profound moral insight or from classical eloquence. One does not have to read Greek to encounter ancient wisdom. (The American Indians produced no Aristotle; neither has New York.) On the other hand, a university education in the humanities today is not aimed at profound moral insight or classical eloquence. They are lucky indeed whose insight and eloquence are not destroyed by a university education today. For the culture of the universities today is not the culture of "the great tradition," not the culture of Western civilization, not even the culture of upper-class Anglo-Americans. In some few persons, it may be these things. In most administrators, professors, teaching assistants and students a university education exhibits a different culture altogether. Let me call it "the culture of the professionals" and attempt to draw attention to its pervasiveness. Not long ago, a major corporation took an ad in the Wall Street Journal to honor one of its employees. Above his picture was a single word, "Professionalism ... " and below it a definition: "More than education ... More than experience . . . More than training ... it's a state of mind." Who today are proud to call themselves professionals? Football players, stockbrockers, doctors, lawyers, journal• ists, gangsters and professors of literature, philosophy and other fields. "Professionalism. " "State of Mind." These are terms of considerable power. Implied are choices, special• izations, narrowings down for purposes of efficiency and effect. Implied, indeed, is the disciplining of an entire life, a concentration upon a limited field of expertise. "A state of mind." "A way of life." A major, driving, powerful culture in our midst is the culture of professionals. Football is its major public liturgy, its dramatic expression, its mirror-image festival. In the daily world of politics, the word "professional" is used in fascinating ways. Of some lifelong politicians, an informed opinion of their performance is "hack" or "fake." By contrast, the most sober and comforting praise 102 SLOVAKIA for a public figure or for this or that person on his staff is, "He's a real pro." An intermediate word of praise, spoken with a faintly baffled sort of affection, is the phrase, "an old pro." The meaning is that the person in question - Senator Sam Ervin, let us say - lacks some of the technical sophistication and scientific art of modern professionalism, but is, so to speak, an artist of an older style, in a different sort of way, and by God, admirable nevertheless. He "knows his way around," "knows what he's doing," and so one "shouldn't be fooled" by his apparent naivete or folksy style. There are some jobs, among some constituencies, that maybe "the old pro" tackles with a surer grasp that "the real pro." It's a very good feeling to be called by one's peers "a pro." Certification (college degrees, a tough job assignment) confers the objective status. But not all who have the certification are truly considered by their peers to be "the real pros." Such hints suggest that an accurate discussion of culture must move on several levels. The first meaning of culture applies to the "state of mind," or the "way of life," of our professional classes. This is the class that manages our institutions of certification the schools, the universities, the media and the new institutes of research, development and consultantship. This same class also manages many of our traditional institutions - business corporations, government, foundations, churches and national organizations. By no means a majority of Americans experiences the culture of professionalizatio n. But most of the high-salaried and/or organizing, articulating, managing and "influential" people do. "Above" the level of the professional culture lies the "high culture" of family tradition, and/or money, and/ or dedication to the classical, recognized arts. Nurture in a certain kind of family tradition - children of Cabots or Lodges, or of concert violinists or professors of the clasics - sometimes provides the requisite sensibility. Money that can buy a new generation the education denied its parents may provide it. (There are many "middle-brow" participants in high culture who enjoy its fruits without being creators.) Finally, sheer talent and desire, an "innate" capacity for the flowering of one's spirit, and the good SLOVAKIA 103 fortune of schooling of some sort may provide it. Thus, not a few of our ablest artists and scholars today, like Abraham Lincoln and William Shakespeare, although not "wellborn," have advanced the reaches of the human spirit. It is true that the "high culture," once it has been achieved, is in some respects more accessible to the wealthy than to the poor. The wealthy can travel. They have leisure. They are provided with instruction. They finance artists and scholars. They buy the materials, the time spent and the fruits of artistic endeavor; they are the patrons of art and learning. Yet by their nature the achievements of high culture speak to - and belong to - the human spirit, not to wealth. Instrumentally both a society and individuals require sufficient wealth to gain that freedom from necessity without which there are no liberal arts. Such wealth can be very modest. Even in the caves, humans began to draw, and already by the fireside the spirit of Lincoln was being forged. High culture, nonetheless, requires a culture in which leisure is available; it requires wealth. This instrumental tie between wealth and high culture occasions a certain embarrassment in a ruthlessly egalitarian society. Common speech, we recall, distinguishes several kinds of professional performance. The main force of the word "professional" points toward a specialized commitment: one professes one line of work rather than another. A "hack" is a fellow who has not really mastered all the skills he needs, or else does not really commit the whole of himself to the skills does possess. A "slick professional," or "operator," or apparatchik is a fellow who has the skills but no larger commitment to the whole reality of the world within which he operates, he is "a gun for hire." We respect his skills, but not the spirit of their use. When we say "real pro," however, we mean that the person has not been distorted by his specialized techniques. We mean that his intelligence and instincts reach out for all the complex, ambiguous, even mysterious elements of the social realities within which he operates. We mean that, both regarding himself and regarding the world of his activities, he maintains a certain realism. He is "in touch." His professionalism is an instrument of his commitment to reality, not a defense against that reality. He is neither an operator, nor a hack, nor a mere specialist. 104 SLOVAKIA Hacks are easy to understand but what is the culture of the operator? We are afflicted with operators in America. As testimony to their "cultivation," they may take homemovies, or become amateur photographers, or be buffs of considerable artistic skill in one field or another. They may attend concerts or go to all the arty flicks. They may be articulate and even, in some sense, well and broadly educated. Yet there is a sense in which, used in this context, the word "culture" gives off a tinny ring. No doubt anthropologists should study their "culture," too; in a perfectly neutral scene, they represent a "state of mind," a "way of life," as surely as do primitive tribes in New Guinea. But in some way they are rootless, rudderless, without depth. They have made themselves rather into instruments than into ends. The phrase "new barbarians" points to their shallowness. It suggests that smooth, civil persons, persons of considerable education and articulateness, are somehow empty and lacking. Empty of what? Lacking what? No tradition, it seems, lives in them; no long-range, virtually unchangeable, perennial values guide them; their moral universe is without a center; no passionate inwardness directs them. They are, in a sense, larger than David Riesman intended, "other-directed." Success, power, expertise - their guides are extrinsic, changeable, consulted for the short term. The social realities of our "temporary society" do not discourage the flexibility such men exemplify. The state, as Plato says, is man writ large; so men are often their society writ small. Operators, then, are quintessentially American; their role has been mythically established in Huck Finn and in Melville's The Confidence Man. They are outsiders, from the city (or the university), traveling salesmen, "experts." But what about the local cultures, those millions who admire and understand "the old pros" but dislike operators? When Senator Sam Ervin quotes the Bible and Shakespeare, he makes reverberate a network of trustworthy and illuminating traditions. He plays on symbolic strings that have shaped the consciousness of perhaps eightly million Americans. Many, indeed, find the language of a "country lawyer" a good deal more persuasive than the language of the new professionals. Many, indeed, can scarcely discriminate among the several languages of the new professionals. To SLOVAKIA 105 them, they are all the same: the smooth articulateness of John Dean and Gary Hart, of David Brinkley and Professor Galbraith, of Doctor Kildare and Doctor Spock, of Jeb Stuart Magruder and William Coffin. Often today ideology does not divide people (liberal versus conservative) so much as cultural style does. The old pros remain connected to the symbolic worlds of this nation's many diverse cultures; the operators leave and "do not go home again." Region, ethnicity, religion, race and other cultural factors shape symbolic consciousness in different ways. The Irish of Boston are not exactly like those of Minnesota or Texas; contrasts among John Kennedy, Eugene McCarthy, Joseph McCarthy, Richard Daley and John Connally suggest several of the most significant Irish traditions in the nation. Both George McGovern and George Wallace spring from fundamentalist Scotch-Irish traditions, but in regions whose history has been profoundly different. The symbolic worlds within which they speak set off intense but opposite vibrations. Of the French-Canadians of New Hampshire and Maine; the Appalachians of West Virginia and Kentucky, the poor whites of Alabama and the Florida Panhandle; the AngloAmericans of Wyoming and Idaho; the Oregonians; the Mormons of Utah; the Slavic farmers of Illinois and Nebraska, contrasted with the Slavic miners and millworkers of Pennsylvania, Ohio and Michigan; the Italians contrasted with the upper-class and the lower-class Jews of New York City; the Anglo-American Protestants who supported George Wallace in the 1968 Indiana primary in proportions far heavier than did German-American Protestants of similar economic class - of such diverse and crisscross variety is this nation composed. Among blacks, there are differences depending on origins in Africa: on the generations of colonial experience whether in the West Indies, or rural Mississippi, or the cities of the South; and on length of time in the urban North. The Spanish-speaking population of Miami, New York, Chicago, Los Angeles, San Antonio and Albuquerque are significantly different. The experiences of Oriental Americans - including, without benefit of "Protestant ethic," their astonishing capacity for work and for success - are better admitted into consciousness if one approaches 106 SLOVAKIA American pluralism from Hawaii and California, than from Boston and New York. The variety of cultural worlds in the United States is a powerful, subterranean influence in our national life. It remains subterranean because it is often repressed, as thought it were something "dirty," disfunctional, and doomed to disappear. In its place, a "national" ideology has been created, divided into three parts. First, there is the ideology of "the American way of life," popular, patriotic, capitalistic, chauvinistic. Second, there is the ideology of the mobile, educated, "committed," professional classes what one writer has called "the ideocracy." Third, there is the ideology of the neutral, meritocratic, incommitted, objective professional classes, neither conservative nor liberal, but comfortably in charge. All three of these ideologies, for their own various purposes, try to eliminate cultural diversity. Each carries with it its own ethnic and regional biases. Some, for example, make provision for black, Hispanic and Indian diversity - and, pressed a little, perhaps, they might expand the list. But the terms of their analyses do not give cultural diversity the prominence reality demands. It is true, we have seen, that there is a "common culture" in the West, a set of achievements that represents the most profound insights, wrested from suffering, that Western peoples for some five millennia have attained. But it is not true that even highly educated people in any part of the West are well versed in all the subtraditions of this "common culture." A young Italian from New Jersey who attends the University of Notre Dame will have as part of the furniture of his mind and sensibility materials that the young Jew from Brooklyn who attends City College of New York will not share, and vice versa. When I compare, for example, my years of reading in St. Augustine, St. Bernard, Thomas Aquinas, Cardinal Newman and others, my virtual neglect of Marx, and my dislike of Enlightenment writers like Kant and Mill, with the reading patterns exhibited by, say, Irving Howe, it is vividly clear to me that American intellectual life is profoundly diverse. So it is also with Protestant colleagues of mine in philosophy and religious studies who respond in significantly different ways to materials we jointly consider. Other colleagues have SLOVAKIA 107 interests and training in the sciences or social sciences; their symbolic world is, again, quite different from mine. "Where did you grow up? Where did you go to school? What is your religious and ethnic background? What do these mean to you?" These are important questions, not for purpose of stereotyping, but for intelligent and sensitive perception. In order to come to learn and to appreciate the cultural background within which the words of others gain their full and familiar meaning, we must be able to answer such questions. What we have most to gain from each other is generated by our mutual differences. The different horizon, standpoint and way of perceiving we each bring to our common world are instruments of spiritual wealth. Consider the following propositions: 1. There is a common Western culture of high intellectual and humanizing potency, instructing all who journey into it in inexhaustible wisdom, insight and spiritual depth. 2. This common culture is composed of many related but divergent traditions, and no one can master all of them. 3. Beyond the boundaries of Western culture, there are also other "common cultures" of great complexity and diversity. In some of these non-Western riches, westerners are also beginning to share in ways both superficial and serious. 4. In higher education and in museums and other instrumentalities of culture in the United States, Protestant traditions within the common culture have been favored over Catholic and Jewish traditions. English literature and philosophy have been favored over Continental literatures and philosophies. Post-Enlightenment materials have virtually driven pre-Enlightenment materials from the field. Agnostic or atheistic materials are favored over religious materials. A rather positivistic ideology of the modern, the progressive and the "factual" has dominated our dictionaries and encyclopedias, as well as our schools, our journalism and our business world. (Dictionaries do not list under "rose" one of its most important cultural meanings: that it is the flower of love, fate and war.) 5. Education is commonly regarded, not as a device for strengthening and benefiting by local, regional, ethnic and religious differences but for "overcoming" them, 108 SLOVAKIA for replacing them with a more or less universal culture. The underlying model for this "universal" ideological outlook is not perfectly neutral as regards those who enter into it. Even if they are of equal talent, some will find cultural models, heroes, texts and materials related to their own cultural background, and others will not. 6. The preferred and most prestigious model for the "high culture" in the United States coincides with the background of our most wealthy and powerful citizens. This model illustrates the history of some, at least, of our major institutions, and partially grounds the dominant language of the land. Hence even though it is biased, it cannot be ignored. Let us attend, first, to proposition 6. Andover, Groton, Milton, Choate and the other prestigious private schools nurture a good part of one major wing of the nation's financial and governmental elites. Yet with every year that passes, in order to understand American reality, students have to go further beyond the limits of Anglo-American traditions. How can one understand Mailer, Malamud, Trilling, Chomsky or Howe without understanding the Jewish traditions of Eastern Europe and America? How can one understand Kennedy, McCarthy or Daley without learning about the Irish experience in America? Will anyone comprehend Detroit without learning about black history in America and Polish history in America - two out of every three citizens of that city being either black or Polish, while virtually all the wealth and power of the city's elites remain Anglo-American and Jewish? Power in America is essentially Anglo-American, hence it is a condition of survival (and of eventual justice) that all the others penetrate the intricacies of the Anglo-American mind. The Yankee pride in "candor," fo example, has generated unique deceptions, especially self-deceptions, whose routes must be painfully traced and plainly marked Yankee appeals to "morality" and leadership" and "integrity" require most careful scrutiny; these are the banners of the most powerful elites. Thus those whose heritage is not Anglo-American, have every right (and duty) both to assimilate all that is good in Anglo-American culture, and to be clear-eyed about what assimilation entails. Two years ago, Irving Howe quoted in these pages SLOVAKIA 109 the argument of Louis Kampf that "initiating the 'underpriviledged' to the cultural treasures of the West could be a form of oppression - a weapon in the hands of those who rule . .. High culture itself ... tends to reinforce the given alignments of powers within the society." Against Kampf, Howe is able to quote Trotsky: "Mastery of the art of the past is ... a necessary precondition not only for the creation of new art but also for the building of a new society . . . If we were groundlessly to repudiate the art of the past, we should at once become poorer spiritually." Cultural backwardness is not required for political advance. And yet, what is meant by "backwardness"? In order to be fully moral man must one be a professor, or at minimum a college graduate? Is it necessary to have read many books? "Man is not saved by dialectics," a Christian aphorism insists. The simple, too, have their own precious wisdom and the learned their patent foolishness. It is not necessary to romanticize either side in order to recognize that there are analogies between the life stories of the uneducated and those of the college trained. A democracy needs an early discernment system, to spot young persons of talent in every social condition. But it also needs a way to encourage young persons of talent to remain (if they so wish) in living contact with their own roots. They should encouraged not to be parochial, and yet to be rooted. Neither our egalitarians nor our meritocrats, it seems, have a sufficiently cultural perspective; both proceed somewhat atomically, somewhat mechanically. According to egalitarian sentimentality, any student admitted to college through "open admissions" has within him the makings of a student. According to meritocratic arrogance, each student should be judged according to his own performance. The egalitarian forgets that a university is an institution not all citizens are graced with the talent to appreciate; perhaps not one person in ten ought to be admitted to a genuine university. The meritocrat forgets that persons are not individuals merely but also creatures of culture, and that the institutions of high culture in the United States are inequitably and inhumanely ethnocentric. When as a young Slovak-American I read ( with eagerness and delight) "English literature," I learned as well 110 SLOVAKIA a latent message: "These are the kinds of people literature is about; not about families like yours, feeling like yours, dilemmas like yours." Literature was not (except by analogy) about myself; it was about those fascinating, foreign "others." In our part of town, when I was very young, we called them "the Americans." (With less than accurate perception, we included the Irish among "the Americans." We seldom dealt directly with Anglo-Americans.) The heart of the matter comes down to this. There are three main locations of culture. The actual ways of life of ordinary people, in their diverse, loose and permeable communities are one location. The humanities are, in this sense, not primarily what is written down in books, or celebrated in works of art, but what is lived. Those relatively few artists, scholars and critical persons in whom a genuinely high culture is alive are a second location. The swarming army of professionals, highly educated but not necessarily in tune with the high traditions of the past, are a third location. Among these new professionals are many who call themselves humanists . Each of these groups is to be taken seriously. Each enhances our own identity. We need, in America, a public and popular humanities - a pluralism of stories, myths, accurate histories, detailed studies that touch our various peopl8 in all their variety. As a boy, I wish I had learned of the exploits of Janosik as well as of Robin Hood, and had been taught in public and parochial school of the democratic traditions of the early Slovak tribes. I wish I had learned that, after the origins of feudalism, my ancestors endured a thousand-year struggle against oppression that is not yet complete. I wish I had learned officially and fully of the bitter deaths of so many of my countrymen in the mills and mines and strikes of Pennsylvania. (The murder of the Jablonski.s of the United Mine Workers is a recent episode in a hundredyear war.) My sense of injustice and untruth in America would have come earlier than it did. I would have learned earlier both a tragic sense of life and fierce desire to remedy injustice. I would have had a way to discern what made me culturally different, and what my peculiar contribution might have been. I would have had personal parallels by which to judge more accurately what America had done to the Indians, blacks and others in Amei:ica. (What was SLOVAKIA 111 I doing, cheering for Custer in They Died with Their Boots On?) We also need, of course, a high culture. We need continuity with the visions and sources of judgment upon us that derive from the great spiritual achievements of our past. In many American towns, counties and cities, one family or a small number of families controls the politics, economics and media of communication. Against their vulgar power, the arts and critical skills of the high culture are as powerful a threat as human beings have. Indeed even our highest national elites, our best and our brightest, suffer embarrassment compared to the best our race has seen before. I recognize that our elites sometimes use "taste" and "culture" as weapon of intimidation, which only proves their own vulgarity. The proof that a person has attained a genuine high culture in his unselfconscious respect for the moral analogies between his life and those of others. Portrayed in myth and narrative as the nobleman at home with peasants, the saint with sinners, the learned doctor with children and the ignorant, the political leader sharing his people's crusts of bread, this is the excellence by which our culture measures us. It is not exactly an egalitarian standard, for differences of station and talent are not blurred, but it is, at least, a standard of fraternity, and of the human spirit's radical equality in the eyes of God. Finally, we need the professionals. It is true that concerning the large and important issues, they are almost always wrong. But this is exactly what we should expect; it is their profession to attend scrupulously to a part of the whole; they almost necessarily distort. Yet specialization is no cause for excommunication. Professionals are our brothers, too. We need their powerful skills. One could wish that more of them would turn their skills toward many neglected problems. To mention but one: toward the history and culture of each of the diverse peoples of the United States. Toward an accurate history of our actual pluralism. '' From 1896 to 1908, 508 Slovaks were arrested and convicted for using the Slovak language in public. (Reprinted from The American Scholar, Volume 43, Number 1, Winter, 1973-74. Copyright 1973 by the United Chapters of Phi Beta Kappa. By permission of the publishers.)  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource One Species, Many Cultures Description An account of the resource Michael Novak Slovakia, Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974 pp. 96-111 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Novak, Michael, 1933-2017 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1974 LCNAF+dates https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/c247e2c7570f7bf2de98c9cec570ebf9.pdf 3fdf69d96d085d8b8c30e45e7af4efc8 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 35 A. R. NYKL: "EDVARD BENES ON MUNICH DAYS" The article "Edvard Benes on Munich Days" in the "Journal of Central European Affairs," (January, 1957 pp. 384-393), reveals that the author, Otokar Odlozilik, was not an eyewitness of the days between September 4 and 25, 1938, in Bohemia, and especially in the capital. "Rigid precepts of historical scholarship" cannot be applied to documents, even if the latter were bona fide and not doctored up post factum by captious commentaries. Both Edvard Benes and his mentor T. G. Masaryk were great hindsight wizards. It would be idle to cite proofs of this phenomenon here, because hundreds of quotations have appeared and are still appearing in the publications of the Slovak League of America. The diplomats mentioned in the article very wisely kept, and those who are living still keep, quiet which is, they perhaps believe, better than lying. In my opinion Frantisek Chvalkovsky, who with Ha.cha went through the terrible ordeal in Berlin before they finally signed their consent to Hitler's ultimatum of March 14, 1939, at 3 a. m., was the most reliable and honest person whose story might have cleared up many doubts, surmises, and suspicions. Krofta could unfortunately not go beyond the spring of 1938, when in May the first rumors of war began to spread. Henlein and his right hand man Frank were feverishly preparing the ground for autonomy and secession, by speeches and press campaigns, in which they constantly harped on Benes's doctoral thesis, published in 1907 at Dijon, wherein he advocated a complete separation of the German-speaking and the Czech-speaking regions of Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia. During the summer months Lord Runciman was sent to the Sudetenland by Chamberlain with the special mission to find the right solution by "fact finding." For the most part he was the guest of German nobility and paid no attention to the claims of the Czech "hranicari," inhabitants of the frontier regions. The Sudeten Germans knew perfectly well that he was �36 SLOVAKIA merely playing a comedy and facetiously spoke of him as Lord "Runzelmann." Because of my absolute command of the German tongue, and as an American visitor, I could engage in countless conversations with the natives of Karlovy Vary, where I was writing a book on Japan and curing my nervous stomach by drinking MUhlbrunn - "Mlynsky prame" - hot alkaline water. Among the Egerlander there reigned an atmosphere of calm optimism: to them the annexation of the Sudeten by the Third Reich was a foregone , conclusion. Some of them even hinted already at a further step - the Protectorate - anticipating March 14, 1939. Nervousness reigned only in the small Czech minority, which was being increasingly frightened by occasional "blackout" exercises and talk about air raid shelters. To me it was quite plain that the Germans were being supplied with oral propaganda, which they called Fllisterpropaganda, and were absolutely convinced that Runciman's antics were a subterfuge to hide a fait accompli: a perfect agreement of the English and French - the latter somewhat sheepishly and reluctantly - that the "phantom" republic should be trimmed to suit the Nazis and the Magyars, in connivance with Mr. Beck, the Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs whose contempt for Benes knew no bounds. This I knew from my trip through Poland in August, 1936, where Czechs were talked about as "lajdaci" (loafers). Goring was Beck's honored guest, Benes the "cackling pygmy." At Cracow, Moscicki was helping to raise the Pilsudski mound: was he likely to listen to Benes 's plea in 1938? In July 1935, I wrote an article for the "Narodni Listy," recommending a solid steel wall from the Carpathians to Gdynia with a friendly Polish nation, whom Benes and Masaryk, however, regarded as Fascists. Later I was told that the article was suppressed at Benes's orders, who bypassed the Poles and went to see Stalin about that time. It is evident that the ambassadors named in the Odlozilik article (Osusky, Masaryk, Mastny, Chvalkovsky, Hurban, Slavik) must have known the real state of affairs and �SLOVAKIA 37 therefore kept silent. With the help of German and Italian aviation the Nationalists in Spain were pushing the socalled "Loyalists" toward the Pyrenees, ·and Daladier was worried about the impending invasion of the defeated 300,000 "Reds" into southern France, while Charles Maurras in "EAction Francaise" was ridiculing the idea of a war "pour les Tcheques." In the Kurhaus or Lazensky Dum, I could read the "Daily Mail" and "Corriere della Sera." I recall distinctly a map in the former showing the distribution of the three and one-half million Sudeten-Germans along the frontier as reported by Lord Runciman - and an article by Mussolini stating that the artificial and unnatural "sausage" state in Central Europe should be dismembered in the same way as the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy had been. Where is Odlozilik's "authentic description" of events by Benes? If Benes had a "unique knowledge of the situation," he would have had to admit that he knew full well in August that England and France were determined to back Hitler's claims. Krofta wisely kept silent in order not to implicate himself. The important documents sent abroad in the early days of October, 1938, most likely were destroyed, in order not to compromise the guilty parties. It would seem that the German and Italian military aviation was so formidable that the French and still less the British, aviation was no match for it at the time. Mr. Beck's clique in Poland was maliciously rejoicing at Benes's defeat. And Stalin, of course, was not going to help a dying man. My own estimate of the situation, on the basis of my observations and reading of the foreign press - English, French, Italian, Scandinavian, Polish, Rumanian, Yugoslav - was that there would be no war, because the sellout by England and F r ance was an obvious fait accompli. Hence I finished my manuscript and went by bus to Prague, in order to arrange with the publisher the printing of my book. For all eventualities I bought a second-class ticket to Praha-Merano, because my friends recommended to me the "Traubenkur" in Merano as the best thing for a nervous stomach. It consisted in eating plenty of ripe blue grapes and walking in the hills. Another friend - a phy- �38 SLOVAKIA sician - took a good look into my stomach, and finding nothing really serious, recommended that I should go to the Riesengebirge (Krkonose) to a place called Benecko and drink plenty of radioactive water. While the Sudeten-Germans were calm and smiling, awaiting their revanche, the Czech population was naturally feeling uneasy in the expectation of the great Hitler harangue at Nuremberg, listed for September 12. There was a tense atmosphere in Prague. The Communists were dreaming of a great Russian airborne army which would destroy Berlin and of making every town and hamlet in Bohemia a fortress like the "Loyalists" were doing in Spain who, by the way, were being painted as heroes in the Benes-controlled press. Only the "Narodni Listy," the organ of the Czech National Democrats, was favorable to Mussolini and to Franco. The journey on Sunday, September 4, through the fertile fields promising a good harvest, via Chlumec natl Cidlinou, where the peasants once were beaten by the noblemen ("vyhrajes jako sedlak v Chlumce"), north to the Krkonose, was calm and uneventful. After Trutnov-Trautenau, we began to enter the mixed Sudeten region. From what I could see and hear, the German agrarians had no sympathy with the Nazis at all, although in the last moment they joined the Henlein group so as to save themselves from reprisals and persecutions. This very step indicated that Henlein was certain of winning without war. Benecko proved to be a combined summer and winter resort. The summer guests were all gone, and I was the only guest at the hotel. In winter, the place changed into a ski resort. The owner was a sincere man, a great admirer of Kramar, and a great, scathing critic of Benes. The Germans had a nice new school building in the village, "Deutsche Volkschule." Hitler's ravings about the suffer- . ings of the Germans were the invention of his maniacal imagination. The hotel and its immediate neighborhood formed a Czech enclave in a region which further north was inhabited by Sudeten-Germans. From the far distance one could hear the noise of their Henlein meetings. But otherwise, �SLOVAKIA 39 perfect peace reigned in the pine forests and on the green meadows, where I spent most of my time walking between meals and drinking radioactive water. Within a few days my nervous stomach was restored to its normal functions. Sunday, the 11th of September, being a pleasantly warm, sunny day, I decided in the afternoon to walk to the summit of the wooded hill which I well remembered from my school days, reading about the sad departure of Czech Protestants in the years which followed the battle of the White Mountain, in 1620-1628. These emigres had to leave everything behind and seek refuge in the Protestant regions of Germany northeast of the Krkonose. Jan Amos Komensky, later bishop of the Moravian Brethren, was among them. On this hill, named Zaly, according to the legend, they were taking the last look of their native country, and were kissing the snow-covered ground goodbye in tears. Nevzali jsme se sebou nic, nic, po vsem veta jen Bibli Kralickou, Labyrint sveta. "We took nothing along, nothing, all is lost; only the Kraliky Bible, and the Labyrinth of the World." Reference is maqe to the Protestant version of the Bible made at Kraliky (German Grulich) on the Bohemian-Silesian frontier, and the well-known work of Comenius. These memories came to my mind as I slowly walked to the summit where I found a tourist restaurant and a lookout tower. The atmosphere was gloomy, very much in keeping with the name 2aly: the presentiment of grave events reminded me of what it must have been like in 1628 - three centuries ago. The sufferings of the Czech nation were of no concern to France, and still less to England. The large wooden structure of the hotel was silent, when I returned. For supper I had the last but one real Wiener Schnitzel in my memory - or shall I call it costoletta alla milanese? Or vidensky rizek? The owner of the hotel who knew very little German asked me whether I would listen to the radio the next day and tell him what Adolf was going to broadcast from Ntirnberg. Since I was not to be directly affected, I could sleep soundly and in the forenoon take another long walk in the pine woods. �40 SLOVAKIA The great speech was booked for about 2 p. m. sun time, since Germany had not adopted the foolish fad of daylight saving time. If I had my notes at hand, I could recall the situation with more precision, but since I was more intersted in "kava a buchty" (coffee and doughnuts) , my recollection is rather hazy at present. First of all, the reception was very weak and spoiled by frequent static due to thick thunder clouds hanging over the mountain range. Second, Hitler's speeches on the Sudeten question, the same as on the Klajpeda and Gdansk question, were a repetition of dramatically worded accusations of the same content : the Volksgenossen were being persecuted and mistreated, hence they were fleeing in constantly increasing numbers across the border: five thousand, ten thousand, fifty thousand; Long afterwards I saw in the contemporary lliustrierte Zeitung file pictures of these "refugees" being lovingly provided with food and clothing by their brethren in the Third Reich. There could be no doubt as to Adolf's purpose, namely, to convince France and England of the absolute justice of the Nazi position. "We do not ask except what is ours on the basis of selfdetermination - not one inch of a foreign territory. The Czechs will have theirs and we will have ours: after that we will have no further demands. " The next day at night we could hear the rumbling of a thunderstorm in the direction of Harrach's Glass Works at the frontier, but my host and his family were so frightened that they took it for the rumbling of heavy artillery. On Thursday, September 15, I decided that there was no use prolonging my stay and inviting another spell of stomach nervousness: after lunch I took the bus to the railway station and from there the train to Prague. Though there was no panic anywhere, the train was already filled with refugees: the wealthier and white-collared class. In Prague I returned to my hotel on Namesti Petra Osvoboditele (the Square of Peter, the Liberator) - formerly Komensky Square - in the Vinohrady district, where I paid 20 crowns for a single room, the equivalent of 70 cents. Excellent regular meals cost 10 crowns - 35 cents - and read all the Czech, German, French, and English �SLOYAKIA 41 newspapers while sipping excellent coffee. In one of the rooms they had a permanent guest - a frequently tipsy female of unpleasant appearance. She was one of the ten Communist deputies in the Parliament. Unfortunately for me, moratorium had been proclaimed with regard to withdrawals from bank accounts and I could only draw 5000 crowns at the Zivnobanka. One rapid transaction became imperative and unavoidable: I had to go to Karlovy Vary and have several trunks of my books shipped from there to Prague. The dream of staying in the pleasant spa and writing books vanished: where were the solemn promises of "enduring peace" after fighting "the war to end all wars" in 1919? On Friday afternoon I took the "rychlovlak" (express) and arrived at the Karlovy Vary station, which is located at some distance from the center of the town, in the evening. Detachments of Czech troops were already stationed round. No bus was operating. After showing my passport I was allowed to go to the town on foot and there I found another detachment of youthful-looking soldiers round some sort of war machinery, near Park Street. For reasons, which would take long to explain, I decided to go to one of the Kurgas1; rooming houses on Park Street. In situations of this kind one must act with lightning speed and complete calm. I was able to arrange with a shipper to forward my trunks to Prague next Monday, "express," at the fabulous cost of 2000 crowns. Saturday, Sunday, and Monday I spent eating the best food and spending as many crowns as I could, buying the best shirts, socks, a light overcoat, and other articles of clothing at Nastopil's on Alte Wiese. Why not, when I could buy the best shirts at 16 crowns (50 cents) which in America would cost five dollars? I still have two of those. When one sees an inevitable debacle in the offing one can easily adopt the philosophy of "you can't take it with you." While consuming an excellent chicken dinner for 25 crowns (70 cents) in the restaurant of the house "Schwedischer Hof," I was discussing the situation with the waiter, who happened to be a Pole, in Polish. He admired my remarkable calm and sound judgement, and made me the compliment "Pan jest okropny czlowiek." All the Germans I spoke with, showed smiling optimism. �42 SLOVAKIA On Monday evening, September 19th, I was in the "rychlovlak" Eger-Prague, in the company of two lieutenants of the Czechoslovak army, both Czechs less than 25 years of age, hence products of the MasarykBenes regime. There also was a captain of the frontier constabulary (strazmistr - cetnik), a former legionnaire, less than fifty years of age. The "porucici" (second lieutenants) were not exactly in a merry mood, but seemed to face the facts without whimpering and with a sort of grim humor. I knew nothing of what was going on in diplomatic circles, but I can repeat that all the Germans in Karlovy Vary, with whom I spoke about the future , were gloriously optimistic. They already knew that the Nazis would give them 1 mark for ten crowns instead of eight, yet seemed to be quite willing to take the loss. I recall one instance particularly, when I said: "Ich sehe Wolken am Horizont," and my interlocutor said: "Im Gegenthal, ich sehe alles rosig." This opinion was general. Now an expellee in Germany, my young friend may remember our conversation. If the scheme mentioned by Odlozilik on p. 387 ( "to avoid war") was worked out on September 18, "after the conference in London of French and British statesmen," it must have already been known throughout the Sudeten on September 19. And this was also the reason why I met the elderly cetnik on this train; he was leaving his post in Jachymov and was on his way to Slovakia, like the rest of Czech "cetnici" (gendarmes), because it was already known that the territory in which they were employed would be ceded to the Third Reich. This cetnik was very sad and spoke of his ruined existence, with a son in school, and with no future ahead of him. The two "porucici" stated to me emphatically what I later heard so much in Prague: "Uz je to ujednano a uz jsme prodani" (it's all settled and we are already sold out). And their comments on this "noble" action of France and England were rather scathing. Two days later in Prague the Czech legionnaires were in front of the French Legation discarding the medals which they had received from France in 1919. If Mr. Benes devotes a fairly long passage in his "Mnichovske dny" to �SLOVAKIA -13 an audience when "on Wednesday, September 21, in the small hours of that morning the British and French envoys requested it," to me it is quite clear that he is telling a story to cover up what already was a fait accompli. The people in the Sudeten knew that the matter had been settled, and the Czechs living there knew it also. To speak of collecting statements made by Benes and his critics and to "evaluate them in accordance with rigid precepts of historical scholarship" is as idle a talk as that about the authenticity of the Kensington stone and many other legends which need not be mentioned here. Furthermore I, as a personal witness, can say that the news of the sellout was already known in Prague that very evening, September 19, which in my memory is a terrible accusation of the treacherous action of British and French diplomats, not their respective nations. That evening, at about 10 o'clock, Prague was a city of stunned ghosts groping in the darkness under the impact of a deadly blow. I have seen through many situations when a family was suddenly stunned by a tragic blow, but here a whole ancient city with a glorious history, and a trusting people, had been stabbed in the back by those who professed to be their allies. The streets were almost deserted - deadly anguish was visible on all faces. Being a Czech, I fully felt their despair. They already visualized the return of the German conqueror to Praga caput regni, left at the mercy of a horde of fanaticists. The anguish was gripping the souls of the Czechs, together with a hatred of Masaryk and Benes, whose lies had brought the nation into this horrible plight. Only one who has once found himself at the brink of death could approximately realize that tragic, silent grief coupled with dread of an impending, yet inevitable peril. La nu.it porte conseil is a proverb fraught with a deep significance. The morning will· bring a solution. September 20 found the streets filled with milling crowds, hardly listening to the blaring loudspeakers. When passing by the barracks where young soldiers looked nonchalantly from the windows, a group of patriots would yell occasionally: �.J4 SLOVAKIA "Af z1Je armada!" (Long live the army). But there was no real enthusiasm - it seemed as if the soldiers knew that there was not to be any fighting. The anguish and terror of the previous night gave way to the real Czech calm fatalism, bred into the nation by centuries of hard knocks. Hemmed in, right in the heart of Europe, by hostile neighbors, the Czechs were always governed by one uppermost thought, namely, holding their own against terrible odds and in the end surviving their enemies. No one knew anything about what was going on in diplomatic circles, but all the intelligent people with whom I discussed the situation, unanimously and with a quiet, also typically Czech resignation, were saying: "Uz je to ujednano. Uz jsme prodani." In the evening I walked on the Vaclavske namesti (Wenceslaus Square) which was literally packed with people going to and fro without any passionate outbursts. Round the pedestal of Myslbek's famous St. Wenceslaus group, a solid mass of young Communists from Nusle was sitting with a defiant expression on their faces. "Co zde delate"? (What are you doing here?) I asked a group of young men and women. "My chceme bojovat a hajit svateho Vaclava." (We want to fight and to defend St. Wenceslaus). The streets were guarded by a special force of policemen with black helmets calm, young, determined men. I asked one of them: "Prosim vas, co ti mladi blazni zde delaji ?" (Pardon me, what are those young fools doing here?) His answer was typical of a Czech who has seen too many upheavals in his time to be surprised at anything. Just one word: "Para!" If a dictionary linguist would search in a number of volumes, in order to get the full meaning of this simple word, he might find such equivalents as "vapor, steam, fog, mist," but these would not give him the inner vibration. The nearest equivalent in American English would be : "Just generating so much worthless hot air!". The same milling of crowds and blaring of loudspeakers to which no one listened went on the two following days, namely, on Wednesday and Thursday, September 21 and 22. Whatever Mr. Benes says about his conferences and �SLOVAKIA 45 plans must be set aside as a legend and post factum invention to cover up the incontrovertible fact that the final decision had already been made in London on September 18; all these so-called conferences were a mere comedy to deceive the nation, which however, was not deceived at all. I listened to Mr. Benes's broadcast at 7 p. m., on Thursday, September 22. This was the second and last time I ever heard the sound of his voice and his halting way of reading from a typewritten text with his dark-rimmed glasses on his clumsy nose. The first time was on Sunday, September 19, 1937, at Masaryk's funeral. He was either unable or afraid to say anything powerful and sonorous ex-tempore. "Mluvil jako kdyz by to tahal z chlupate rukavice." (He talked as if he were pulling it out of a shaggy glove). Utterly insipid was the boast about having made a plan: "Mam plan pro vsechny pripady." (I have a plan for all eventualities). Then he also said, or rather read something in Slovak in such a poor way that Slovaks must have laughed at his pronunciation. Though the two languages are quite similar, it is extremely difficult for a Czech to speak Slovak with a Slovak intonation, just like a Spaniard is utterly unable to speak Portuguese with a Portuguese intonation. People laughed and repeated in the Prague dialect: "A Benes ma plan a usme prodany," i.e., uz jsme prodani: "Benes has a plan and we are already sold out." This reminded me of Paris and Pichegru. During the night the "civil defense" observers were frequently yelling: "Zhasnout svetla !" (lights out), in order to have a complete blackout. It was utterly amusing - almost as amusing as were the blackouts in Cambridge, Mass., in 1943 - because no sane person could have expected an air attack, which would have killed not only the Czechs, but the VolksgenossE)n as well. Nevertheless, on Friday the 23rd, people were being scared into buying gas masks, and I saw a long line on Betlemske namesti (Bethlehem Square) near the chapel where Hus used to preach in 1400 A.D., waiting to get a gas mask for 150 crowns! However, their number was insignificant in comparison with the whole population. �46 SLOVAKIA The librarian of the Naprstek Museum was to take care of my books, because I planned to leave by the express to Vienna on Saturday afternoon. I visited a few friends at the Orientalni Ustav. In the evening, when walking on Jecna ulice near Karlovo namesti (Charles Square), I met my great friend, the late professor Bedrich Hrozny, who was very calm; he knew as I did that there would be no war and no bombing, because to challenge the German Air Force would have meant useless suicide. He never mentioned anything about Benes's "plan." My publisher, the printer, my physician, repeated colloquially the same refrain "uz jsme prodany." The legionnaires, as I said before, were discarding their French medals in front of the legation. But there was no panic, no passionate outbursts. We are told that general mobilization was promulgated at 10 p. m. that evening. In view of the situation it was an amusing comedy of which I saw a part on Saturday and Sunday. What Benes says is a novelesque invention, calculated to mislead posterity into the belief of his great powers as a thinker: this method he copied from his master and from the French historians who dramatized the German retreat on September 6, 1914, into a great victory on the Marne. The night for me was indeed hectic: All of a sudden bed bugs appeared from nowhere, and the night clerk had to give me another mattress; the night was completely dark, except for an isolated little light that appeared in an attic, and some "civil defense" fool was constantly and uselessly yelling somewhere on the roof "Zhasnete svetlo" (Put out the light) ! When Mr. Benes writes, and the author of the article (Odlozilik) muses on a supposed tenseness in Prague that night, they are telling a story. The tenseness existed only on Monday evening, September 19th: after that the people were fully aware of the great comedy "uz jsme prodani." Friday noon I had my last "pecena husa s knedliky a zelim" (roast goose with dumplings and kraut) in the P. R. D. - Prazsky representacni dfun) - with the usual first class waiter service in coat tails, with Pilsen beer for 35 crowns, about one dollar. At �S LOVAKIA 47 that time we had no inkling of the "vseobecna mobilisace" (general mobilization) being thought of or planned by the great Edvard. As I perfectly recall it, the people as a whole were resigned to see the occupation of the Sudeten as a fait accompli since September 18th. On Saturday morning, when I came down to the cafe, I saw myself in a queer predicament. General mobilization was in progress and, as a consequence, there were no taxis, and even the street cars did not seem to function. Suddenly I saw a familiar face coming into the parlor: Vojta Benes - whom I knew so well since the time he made fiery speeches against Austria, in 1916-1918, in America - then lived like a satrap in a beautiful villa in Jevany as a great Socialist Minister of Education, who fought the Roman Catholic Church, while his brother was a matriculated "paper" Catholic. He was surrounded by a number of friends and they were talking about going abroad. I had to take my two hand bags and walk all the way to the Masaryk - former Franz Josef - station using the trusty power of my arm muscles. The streets were swarming with silent reservists on their way to the railroad stations, each carrying a small hand bag. There was no military preparedness among them: they looked more like excursionists. The whole station was likewise swarming with men between thirty and fifty years of age. Toward noon it became somewhat warm, and these masses of men were quenching their thirst with steins of beer, laughing and joking. The "rychlovlak" Berlin-Vienna was to arrive at about 2 p. m., and was to be the last train leaving the country in that direction. My only concern were my books. At about 1:30 p. m., I telephoned to the shipping agency and was told that my books had arrived in good order and were to be delivered the next week at their destination. The express did not arrive on time and there was an hourly announcement of its being late. If the Czecho-Slovak generals were wondering why the Luftwaffe did not bomb Ceska Trebova - Bohumin, on September 23rd, they must have been completely misled by Benes's comedy. The Luftwaffe knew full well that the occupation of the Sudeten was a fait accompli. The �48 SLOVAKIA whole inside of the station, with thousands of reservists drinking beer, eating frankfurters, and joking, bespoke a total confidence that there would be no war, no air raid, no shooting. The express finally arrived at about six p. m. I had a second class ticket, but found at once that this meant nothing, because all the compartments were being taken by reservists; all seats were occupied and the gangways were likewise filled. In a second class compartment I found two foreigners, a South African of Jewish origin and a young German dancing girl from Budapest. The express soon started on its way in the twilight through the central part of Bohemia, via Kolin and Pardubice to Ceska Trebova. In the fields and meadows the peasants were still working and were waving "Na zdaaar!" (Success!) to the occupants of the train - the defenders of the fatherland on their way to the frontier. As I think of it now, I cannot refrain from shedding tears at recalling how these simple folks were being deceived and sold down the river by England and France as if they were an African Zulu tribe or Gurkhas of India, or Bambaras. These were my people: here I was born, here I grew up, and I knew the simple soul and the good heart of these country people who foolishly trusted Masaryk and Benes. Now I recall that on Friday voices were heard: "Povesit Benese na brane hradu" (Hang Benes on the castle gate). And if, on Monday, General Syrovy urged Benes to leave Prague, it was not because of any fear of the Luftwaffe, but because of the wrath of the people. One of the tricks of the general mobilization was to send the German reservists to Slovakia and the Slovaks to the Sudeten regions. Standing in the gangway, while the express was speeding forward to Ceska Trebova without intermediate stops, I listened to the story of a young German reservist. He seemed to be quite loyal to the Republic and no Nazi enthusiast, but he explained to me the situation which faced all non-Czechs, namely, that of obtaining positions to make a living. The Germans could never hope to become as perfect in Czech as the Czechs and, therefore, where a �SLOVAKIA 49 perfect knowledge of Czech was required, they never could obtain the most advantageous job. Many of the young Sudeten Germans were trying to obtain work in the Third Reich. This was really the primary determining factor of the defection of the Germans, Magyars and Slovaks. Remedy? Either birth control or emigration. The young dancer was quite optimistic: "That whole thing will be settled in two weeks. I am now going to Budapest, and then I will come back to Prague." I had to stand all the way to Brno. There most of the crowd dispersed. From Brno we were to continue to Breclava-Lundenburg, and then on to Vienna. At Breclava we were told that the frontier was closed. We could go to Bratislava if we so wished. The South African found in me a willing cicerone. We had to pay additional fare of some 20 crowns. We arrived in Bratislava about midnight. The station was literally swarming with reservists, each with his little bag, moving to and fro like a mob without any organization. When an elderly man with a small baggage cart came along, in the scanty light, I engaged him to take my two bags and the South African's baggage to the nearest hotel opposite the station. When we arrived there the night clerk told us that all rooms were occupied by Czecho-Slovak army officers. He presumed that all the hotels in the city had been similarly taken over as a mobilization measure, but he volunteered to telephone to Hotel Carlton and find out what the situation was. We were lucky: there were still two single rooms available at 20 crowns (75 cents) with "raiiajky" (breakfast). Carlton Hotel was to send a taxi to bring us downtown which was quite a distance from the station. It was about one a. m., and the city, scantily lighted, was remarkably quiet: one would not have suspected at all that the station was swarming with reservists speeding to their destination, to the frontier. The hotel proved to be quite modern and well appointed. In the morning, when at about 9 a. m. - it was Sunday, September 25th - I came down to have my breakfast, I saw the South African leaving in a great hurry in a taxi. He said he had a visa for Hungary and had tOI �50 SLOVAKIA make haste to reach the frontier before it might be closed. The hotel personnel could not give me any information as to what the situation was on the Austrian frontier. Since March, Austria was a part of the Third Reich. Consequently, I had to set out in an adventurous quest of information by taking the electric tramway to Petrzalka and then walk along the highway to where the frontier could be distinguished by curious quonsset-like structures. Detachments of soldiers were distributed along the road. They were all Magyars and not perturbed in the least: certainly not like troops expecting a sudden attack from anywhere. It was about eleven a. m. and fairly warm, the sun was brightly shining. When I came to a quonsset and asked where I could cross the frontier, I was waved back and asked to try the other quonsset about half a mile further to the right. There I was told that the queer structures were "military objects" or a part of a chain of fortifications. The Czecho-Slovak Magyar soldiers seemed to be quite amused at my confusion seeing me going up and down across fields, but, even though it was quite obvious that I was a foreigner, no one stopped me to ask for identification papers. Finally I emerged from the fields on another main highway which seemed to lose itself among tall poplar trees in the distance. It was about one p. m. The whole countryside was completely deserted. Suddenly I espied a hatless young man walking toward me from the Austrian frontier; he proved to be a German from Vienna who had to escape from the police - he said - because he was a Socialist and not friendly to the Nazis. He hoped to be able to reach Reichenberg (Liberec) in Bohemia where he had friends. This certainly was a lucky encounter. First of all, he told me that the frontier was open, though barricaded on the Slovak side, and that the tramway to Vienna was functioning. Furthermore, he had about 8 marks and needed Czecho-Slovak crowns. I had only 5 marks and about 200 crowns left. I offered to ·buy his marks at 8 crowns. We walked to a restaurant on the right bank of the Danube, opposite the Stefanik monument, and had a good lunch of roast pork, dumplings, and sauerkraut at 10 crowns each, �SLOVAKIA 51 and some beer. After I paid the bill, we crossed the river on a ferry to the monument. It was a beautiful Sunday afternoon and everything was perfectly calm. I returned to the hotel and told the young man to meet me at 3 p. m., when I expected to be ready to leave by taxi for the frontier: the chauffeur asked double fare, because it was Sunday, namely, 66 crowns. The fugitive came to the hotel punctually at 3 p. m. I gave him 60 crowns for his eight marks and he gave me an envelope with a key which he said was from his room in Vienna: all I had to do was to drop it in a post office box after reaching Vienna. We parted. I paid my bill at the hotel, and the taxi took less than half an hour to reach the Austrian frontier. The Czech custom officers at the barricade let me go through after looking at my passport; then I had to carry my two bags to the German Customs quite a ways off. The commanding officer was a Prussian from Berlin; he was supposed to wean the Austrians from their Gemlitlickeit and make them fast and efficient. Occasionally, an airplane lazily crossed the horizon. Not a sign of any soldiers or prepartions for warlike movements. The Berliner looked at my passport, did not even ask me to open my bags. All he wanted to know was what was going on in Bratislava. "General mobilization," I said. He wanted to know whether I had noticed the numbers of the regiments. "I noticed nothing; all I wanted to do was to cross the frontier and go to Vienna by the electric tramway." "Danke, mein Herr," he said very politely, "die elektrische Bahn geht um ungefiihr flinf Uhr ab." I took my bags to a sort of an open waiting room where I found other passengers waiting: Austrians who had the appearance of excursionists, curious about what was going on. During the two-hour wait, which was rather tedious, I noticed another plane lazily patroling the sky. In comparison with the swarming crowds of reservists I had seen on the night previous, this Austrian countryside looked like a calm picnic park. We left toward six p. m. and in all the stations Sunday excursionists were boarding the train. My interrupted ticket to Merano was valid. At about 8 p. m. we were in Vienna. One solitary airplane was circling �52 SLOVAKIA about the city. I took the streetcar to the Slidbahnhof and went to a hotel which I knew from my previous trips. The rooms which formerly cost 6 shillings now cost 6 marks: the clerk told me on the sly that the liberation and incorporation in the Great Fatherland had been a rather costly affair for the gemlitliche Austrians. In the morning, before boarding the train for San Candido (formerly Innichen) in the Dolomites - formerly a part of the Austrian Tyrol - I dropped the envelope containing the key in the post office box. Then the train transported me from a congested military atmosphere into the old time freedom which my soul always craved ever since I left Austria-Hungary in 1903. In many ways it was a memorable day for me this Monday, September 26th. In the soft beams of the morning sun I could see old Vienna for the last time in its stiU gemtitlich aspect - this Vindobona, where Marcus Aurelius jotted down his thoughts in Greek, the Imperial city, saved in 1683 from the Turkish hordes of Kara Mustafa by Czech defenders and Jan Sobieski's Polish army, and the merry center of West-Eastern melodies of Mozart and the Lustige Witwe in 1909, with the rumblings of the first world war in the distance. The city of many races and languages and strange love habits which a Moravian Jewish medic mistook for something universal. Before leaving the hotel at Bratislava on the foregoing Sunday afternoon, I could read my last feuilleton in the Narodni Listy, in which I pleaded for keeping Karlovy Vary free from all political strife and agitation. As the train was speeding through the Austrian and later Styrian country side, I mused over my recollections. The parade in Prague on the first of May, 1934, when at the very end of a long defile of Workers Socialist organizations I was looking, on the corner of Jecna ulice and Karlovo namesti, at the small motley group of Communists guarded by two policemen. They stopped right in front of my vantage point, because the defile had to stop marching somewhere on Vodickova ulice. There must have been a silent mockery in my look which provoked one of the Commies to step forward and come near me with a some- �SLOVAKIA 53 what menacing look. But he had to moderate himself in the policeman's presence. " Co se tak posmesne usmivate ?" (What are you smiling so scoffingly) he asked with a Podskalak accent mixed with Jewish intonation. "Coz kdybych vam tak jednu lajsknul ?" (Suppose I smack you one?) he went on and added: "No jste starej clovek .. .. " (But you are an old man). This was rather ludricous fanfarronade, but indicated how daring a Commie could be at the time, knowing that old Masaryk needed the ten Communist votes in the Parliament for his reelection which was to take place on May 24th. I asked the little Jew what he was so angry about - and he said: "If you had six kids at home and not much to eat ... " and I said - "Why have six kids?" The policeman motioned to him to join his group - about fifty in all - and the defile resumed its march. Who could have dreamt then that this little group of riffraff would one day rule Bohemia? And I recalled October, 1934, when I saw between six and ten thousand German Socialists march along the main street of Karlovy Vary, Vfidelni ulice, with their red flags, boldly sticking out their clenched fists and shouting "Freiheit!" The Czech state police protected their march, a very provocative gesture in a 100 percent rightist, bourgeois city. I asked the policeman: "Proc je zde nechali pochodovat ?" (Why did they let them march here?) - "Protoze jsou statotvorna strana" (because they are a regular political party in the State). This was perhaps intended to discourage the Germans in Karlovy Vary from becoming partisans of Konrad Henlein, Hitler's agent. But the Sudeten Germans had only three choices: Caor as they called it tholic, Socialist or Nationalist "schwarz, Sozi oder Nazi," and this was the reason why a large number voted Nazi without being exactly admirers of Adolf Hitler. To me this Socialist defile was a surprise I had seen the same type of people march in Madrid on May first the year before with clenched fists and shouting: "U Ache Pe" - which stood for "Unios Hermanos Proletarios" or "Proletarians of all lands unite!" And three weeks later after the Socialist march in Karlovy Vary, I happened to be in Munich on the Parteitag, November 8th, �54 SLOVAKIA when that great Catholic city was flooded with huge red flags with the Swastika or Hakenkreuz. On the 9th I was told that university professors had to take an oath of loyalty to Hitler: "Wie werden auf Hitler vereidigt!" After the vote on January 13, 1935, when I was in Rome, France let Hitler occupy the Saar; in March, France and England allowed Hitler to rearm and no energetic steps were taken against the projected invasion of Ethiopia which started on October 3rd. On February 16, 1936, I saw the elections in Spain in Granada. I saw how the socalled Republican government did not stop violent acts against the Rightists, and I left for France at the end of May when I saw that a conflict was imminent. It actually started on July 18th when Berlin was beflagged on the occasion of Olympic games. Paris blamed London quite rightly, but had no courage to act independently And I especially thought of that evening at WUrzburg on May 25, 1935, when I had to sit out the whole radio address by Adolf Hitler about the immense danger which an unarmed Germany was exposed to in view of the Bolshevik menace. Hitler was enumerating the warships which Germany had to sink in accordance with the Treaty of Versailles and emphasized her present helplessness to face the great menace from the East. In view of the mighty Republic of Poland and the Little Entente no such danger existed. One phrase I remember well with all the inner vibration of Hitler's voice: "Wir Nazionalsozialisten sind fanatische Gegner des Bolschewismus: zwischen uns und den Bolschewiken kann nie eine Freundschaft bestehen." (We National Socialists are fanatical opponents of Bolshevism: there can never be friendship between us and the Bolsheviks). The hotel guests had to stand up and sing Horst Wessel Lied - I alone remained seated, no one said a word of protest. They knew I was a foreigner and had nothing to do with their national problems. The next day I was discussing the situation with young Germans. _Not only did they not oppose the rearming of Germany, but strangely enough they had the same argument which I have heard the militarists advance everywhere in the world: "Der Militardienst macht einen Kerl �SLOVAKIA 55 aus Einem." (Military service makes a man out of a boy). In Berlin I saw everywhere defiant posters with the legend: "Die feinen Flugmaschinen, die unserm Flihrer dienen." (Fine airplanes that serve our Flihrer) . And trainloads of huge logs were coming to Germany from Carpatho-Russian forests furnishing wood for the airplanes. Could not the English and French diplomats and military attaches see all this? There still was time for a concerted action to stop the Hitler-Goring madness. In Erlangen - Bavaria - the people were expecting the CzechoSlovak army to march in at any rrioment in accordance with the Versailles Treaty. But nothing happened, because the British opposed strong action in order not to spoil good business. And now I saw my native land sacrificed by Western diplomacy, so the brilliant embassy parties and dances and cocktail drinking could go on undisturbed in Paris and London. And what was true of the Bohemian Crown lands was mutatis mutandis true of Slovakia and Carpatho-Russia. Recollections! The train arrived at Klagenfurt, via Graz and Zidani Most, the territory of germanized Slovenes. I was the only foreigner on board, and when we crossed into the Italian territory I was the only passenger from the frontier to San Candido. When we were somewhere between Klagenfurt and the frontier on the Austrian territory, the conductors would quickly sprint inside the station to listen to the radio which between eight and nine in the evening was blaring Hitler's violent attack on Benes at the Sportpalast. Only once was I sufficiently interested to get off and listen to the shrill tones of Hitler's voice familiar to me since the two and one-half hour speech at Wlirzburg three years before. At Benecko it was dampened by static. By chance I caught exactly the passage when Adolf was roaring in his best form, as if he were challenging Edward to a duel: "Hier stehe ich, dort steht Herr Benesch" (here I stand and there stands Benes) and the rest I do not remember because I had to board the train again. At Innichen - San Candido I found myself in the old Austrian atmosphere of my youth. The hotel was an old �56 SLOVAKIA fashioned Tyrolese inn with large and quiet rooms, without any running water, but a huge comfortable bed. Though it was very late - after eleven p. m. - a good Tyrolese housewife made a Wiener Schnitzel for me which was even better than the one I had eaten at Benecko. I slept wonderfully well and in the morning could admire the splendid sight of the Dolomiten without the slightest thought of war. From there I went to Merano and followed the Traubenkur a whole month while the Munich comedy was being played by Chamberlain, Daladier, Hitler, and Mussolini, who in the end got the most credit in the Corriere della Sera for having saved the peace. Merano was filled with all types of strange refugees, male and female, of the Milena characteristics which might have interested a Kraft-Ebbing. It is to be deplored that many university professors in Europe and America are muckracking in this sort of "literature." In view of the factual observations of an eyewitness possessing a perfect knowledge of Czech, German, Slovak, Polish, Russian, French, English and Italian - namely the languages involved in the great sellout - the idle musings and speculations both of Benes and the reviewer (Odlozilik) of Mnichovske dny, fade into the realm of Hollywood make-believe of Cecil de Mille's Ten Commandments. The general mobilization did not electrify the people at all, but was a huge comedy smacking to some extent of the good soldier Svejk. The reservists drank beer, ate frankfurters, joked, and knew that the whole thing was a picnic. Those of the Sudeten Germans among them, who knew Czech well, acted as Henlein's spies. The chain of fortifi~ations on which Benes spent over a billion crowns was just as useless as the French Maginot line proved to be later. Nothing could have stopped the Nazi tanks and the Czech regions could have been reduced to ashes by the Luftwaffe which had reportedly 15,000 planes, or ten times more than the reputed Czech air force. The 800,000 reservists were merely a mob compared to the disciplined nazi war machine. All this can be clearly seen from the illustrations showing Adolf "the savior" at the head of his Panzers on the Theaterplatz in Karlovy Vary, speaking to the enthusiastic crowds on October 15th. There is only one "author" whose methods resemble �SLOVAKIA 57 those of Benes, namely Harry Truman, when it comes to complete distortion of facts. However, the Czech people of today, just like the American people of today, will not be easily persuaded to believe fairy tales. • • • MARTIN RAZUS (1883-1937) JOSEPH A. MIKUS The era, which opened for the Slovak nation in 1918, marks a rapid advance in the direction of the realization of its political aspirations. This is indubitably connected with the fall of feudalism and with the over-all extension of the significance of national individualities as political realities in Central Europe. To these external factors there are added also internal forces. And here, from among the many personalities which contributed handsomely to the spiritual and political crystallization of conditions in Slovakia, it behooves us today to recall one name: Martin Razus. While Andrew Hlinka, a Catholic priest, was becoming the leading figure of the political movement for Slovak autonomy for rather social reasons, in the meantime his contemporary and friend, Martin Razus, a Lutheran minister, poet and writer, was emerging as a defender of the political individuality of the Slovak nation for cultural and psychological reasons. In another respect, while Andrew Hlinka, as a man of action, engages in the fight against the leftist, religious, moral and political relativism of Masaryk's school and is drawn into the violent whirlpool of national activity, thus becoming top guard of national awareness, in the meantime, Martin Razus, with fire in his soul and the laurel of a man of letters on his head, devotes himself, according to his nature, rather to the spiritual processes of the national development of the Slovaks. With his ear close to the bosom of the nation, he catches the spiritual vibrations of the people in order to present them in his work a bit later to the public whom he chose to serve. It was thus that Razus became the "conscience of the nation." Even though the motives of Hlinka and Razus for po- � SLOVAKIA 35 A. R. NYKL: "EDVARD BENES ON MUNICH DAYS" The article "Edvard Benes on Munich Days" in the "Journal of Central European Affairs," (January, 1957 pp. 384-393), reveals that the author, Otokar Odlozilik, was not an eyewitness of the days between September 4 and 25, 1938, in Bohemia, and especially in the capital. "Rigid precepts of historical scholarship" cannot be applied to documents, even if the latter were bona fide and not doctored up post factum by captious commentaries. Both Edvard Benes and his mentor T. G. Masaryk were great hindsight wizards. It would be idle to cite proofs of this phenomenon here, because hundreds of quotations have appeared and are still appearing in the publications of the Slovak League of America. The diplomats mentioned in the article very wisely kept, and those who are living still keep, quiet which is, they perhaps believe, better than lying. In my opinion Frantisek Chvalkovsky, who with Ha.cha went through the terrible ordeal in Berlin before they finally signed their consent to Hitler's ultimatum of March 14, 1939, at 3 a. m., was the most reliable and honest person whose story might have cleared up many doubts, surmises, and suspicions. Krofta could unfortunately not go beyond the spring of 1938, when in May the first rumors of war began to spread. Henlein and his right hand man Frank were feverishly preparing the ground for autonomy and secession, by speeches and press campaigns, in which they constantly harped on Benes's doctoral thesis, published in 1907 at Dijon, wherein he advocated a complete separation of the German-speaking and the Czech-speaking regions of Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia. During the summer months Lord Runciman was sent to the Sudetenland by Chamberlain with the special mission to find the right solution by "fact finding." For the most part he was the guest of German nobility and paid no attention to the claims of the Czech "hranicari," inhabitants of the frontier regions. The Sudeten Germans knew perfectly well that he was �36 SLOVAKIA merely playing a comedy and facetiously spoke of him as Lord "Runzelmann." Because of my absolute command of the German tongue, and as an American visitor, I could engage in countless conversations with the natives of Karlovy Vary, where I was writing a book on Japan and curing my nervous stomach by drinking MUhlbrunn - "Mlynsky prame" - hot alkaline water. Among the Egerlander there reigned an atmosphere of calm optimism: to them the annexation of the Sudeten by the Third Reich was a foregone , conclusion. Some of them even hinted already at a further step - the Protectorate - anticipating March 14, 1939. Nervousness reigned only in the small Czech minority, which was being increasingly frightened by occasional "blackout" exercises and talk about air raid shelters. To me it was quite plain that the Germans were being supplied with oral propaganda, which they called Fllisterpropaganda, and were absolutely convinced that Runciman's antics were a subterfuge to hide a fait accompli: a perfect agreement of the English and French - the latter somewhat sheepishly and reluctantly - that the "phantom" republic should be trimmed to suit the Nazis and the Magyars, in connivance with Mr. Beck, the Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs whose contempt for Benes knew no bounds. This I knew from my trip through Poland in August, 1936, where Czechs were talked about as "lajdaci" (loafers). Goring was Beck's honored guest, Benes the "cackling pygmy." At Cracow, Moscicki was helping to raise the Pilsudski mound: was he likely to listen to Benes 's plea in 1938? In July 1935, I wrote an article for the "Narodni Listy," recommending a solid steel wall from the Carpathians to Gdynia with a friendly Polish nation, whom Benes and Masaryk, however, regarded as Fascists. Later I was told that the article was suppressed at Benes's orders, who bypassed the Poles and went to see Stalin about that time. It is evident that the ambassadors named in the Odlozilik article (Osusky, Masaryk, Mastny, Chvalkovsky, Hurban, Slavik) must have known the real state of affairs and �SLOVAKIA 37 therefore kept silent. With the help of German and Italian aviation the Nationalists in Spain were pushing the socalled "Loyalists" toward the Pyrenees, ·and Daladier was worried about the impending invasion of the defeated 300,000 "Reds" into southern France, while Charles Maurras in "EAction Francaise" was ridiculing the idea of a war "pour les Tcheques." In the Kurhaus or Lazensky Dum, I could read the "Daily Mail" and "Corriere della Sera." I recall distinctly a map in the former showing the distribution of the three and one-half million Sudeten-Germans along the frontier as reported by Lord Runciman - and an article by Mussolini stating that the artificial and unnatural "sausage" state in Central Europe should be dismembered in the same way as the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy had been. Where is Odlozilik's "authentic description" of events by Benes? If Benes had a "unique knowledge of the situation," he would have had to admit that he knew full well in August that England and France were determined to back Hitler's claims. Krofta wisely kept silent in order not to implicate himself. The important documents sent abroad in the early days of October, 1938, most likely were destroyed, in order not to compromise the guilty parties. It would seem that the German and Italian military aviation was so formidable that the French and still less the British, aviation was no match for it at the time. Mr. Beck's clique in Poland was maliciously rejoicing at Benes's defeat. And Stalin, of course, was not going to help a dying man. My own estimate of the situation, on the basis of my observations and reading of the foreign press - English, French, Italian, Scandinavian, Polish, Rumanian, Yugoslav - was that there would be no war, because the sellout by England and F r ance was an obvious fait accompli. Hence I finished my manuscript and went by bus to Prague, in order to arrange with the publisher the printing of my book. For all eventualities I bought a second-class ticket to Praha-Merano, because my friends recommended to me the "Traubenkur" in Merano as the best thing for a nervous stomach. It consisted in eating plenty of ripe blue grapes and walking in the hills. Another friend - a phy- �38 SLOVAKIA sician - took a good look into my stomach, and finding nothing really serious, recommended that I should go to the Riesengebirge (Krkonose) to a place called Benecko and drink plenty of radioactive water. While the Sudeten-Germans were calm and smiling, awaiting their revanche, the Czech population was naturally feeling uneasy in the expectation of the great Hitler harangue at Nuremberg, listed for September 12. There was a tense atmosphere in Prague. The Communists were dreaming of a great Russian airborne army which would destroy Berlin and of making every town and hamlet in Bohemia a fortress like the "Loyalists" were doing in Spain who, by the way, were being painted as heroes in the Benes-controlled press. Only the "Narodni Listy," the organ of the Czech National Democrats, was favorable to Mussolini and to Franco. The journey on Sunday, September 4, through the fertile fields promising a good harvest, via Chlumec natl Cidlinou, where the peasants once were beaten by the noblemen ("vyhrajes jako sedlak v Chlumce"), north to the Krkonose, was calm and uneventful. After Trutnov-Trautenau, we began to enter the mixed Sudeten region. From what I could see and hear, the German agrarians had no sympathy with the Nazis at all, although in the last moment they joined the Henlein group so as to save themselves from reprisals and persecutions. This very step indicated that Henlein was certain of winning without war. Benecko proved to be a combined summer and winter resort. The summer guests were all gone, and I was the only guest at the hotel. In winter, the place changed into a ski resort. The owner was a sincere man, a great admirer of Kramar, and a great, scathing critic of Benes. The Germans had a nice new school building in the village, "Deutsche Volkschule." Hitler's ravings about the suffer- . ings of the Germans were the invention of his maniacal imagination. The hotel and its immediate neighborhood formed a Czech enclave in a region which further north was inhabited by Sudeten-Germans. From the far distance one could hear the noise of their Henlein meetings. But otherwise, �SLOVAKIA 39 perfect peace reigned in the pine forests and on the green meadows, where I spent most of my time walking between meals and drinking radioactive water. Within a few days my nervous stomach was restored to its normal functions. Sunday, the 11th of September, being a pleasantly warm, sunny day, I decided in the afternoon to walk to the summit of the wooded hill which I well remembered from my school days, reading about the sad departure of Czech Protestants in the years which followed the battle of the White Mountain, in 1620-1628. These emigres had to leave everything behind and seek refuge in the Protestant regions of Germany northeast of the Krkonose. Jan Amos Komensky, later bishop of the Moravian Brethren, was among them. On this hill, named Zaly, according to the legend, they were taking the last look of their native country, and were kissing the snow-covered ground goodbye in tears. Nevzali jsme se sebou nic, nic, po vsem veta jen Bibli Kralickou, Labyrint sveta. "We took nothing along, nothing, all is lost; only the Kraliky Bible, and the Labyrinth of the World." Reference is maqe to the Protestant version of the Bible made at Kraliky (German Grulich) on the Bohemian-Silesian frontier, and the well-known work of Comenius. These memories came to my mind as I slowly walked to the summit where I found a tourist restaurant and a lookout tower. The atmosphere was gloomy, very much in keeping with the name 2aly: the presentiment of grave events reminded me of what it must have been like in 1628 - three centuries ago. The sufferings of the Czech nation were of no concern to France, and still less to England. The large wooden structure of the hotel was silent, when I returned. For supper I had the last but one real Wiener Schnitzel in my memory - or shall I call it costoletta alla milanese? Or vidensky rizek? The owner of the hotel who knew very little German asked me whether I would listen to the radio the next day and tell him what Adolf was going to broadcast from Ntirnberg. Since I was not to be directly affected, I could sleep soundly and in the forenoon take another long walk in the pine woods. �40 SLOVAKIA The great speech was booked for about 2 p. m. sun time, since Germany had not adopted the foolish fad of daylight saving time. If I had my notes at hand, I could recall the situation with more precision, but since I was more intersted in "kava a buchty" (coffee and doughnuts) , my recollection is rather hazy at present. First of all, the reception was very weak and spoiled by frequent static due to thick thunder clouds hanging over the mountain range. Second, Hitler's speeches on the Sudeten question, the same as on the Klajpeda and Gdansk question, were a repetition of dramatically worded accusations of the same content : the Volksgenossen were being persecuted and mistreated, hence they were fleeing in constantly increasing numbers across the border: five thousand, ten thousand, fifty thousand; Long afterwards I saw in the contemporary lliustrierte Zeitung file pictures of these "refugees" being lovingly provided with food and clothing by their brethren in the Third Reich. There could be no doubt as to Adolf's purpose, namely, to convince France and England of the absolute justice of the Nazi position. "We do not ask except what is ours on the basis of selfdetermination - not one inch of a foreign territory. The Czechs will have theirs and we will have ours: after that we will have no further demands. " The next day at night we could hear the rumbling of a thunderstorm in the direction of Harrach's Glass Works at the frontier, but my host and his family were so frightened that they took it for the rumbling of heavy artillery. On Thursday, September 15, I decided that there was no use prolonging my stay and inviting another spell of stomach nervousness: after lunch I took the bus to the railway station and from there the train to Prague. Though there was no panic anywhere, the train was already filled with refugees: the wealthier and white-collared class. In Prague I returned to my hotel on Namesti Petra Osvoboditele (the Square of Peter, the Liberator) - formerly Komensky Square - in the Vinohrady district, where I paid 20 crowns for a single room, the equivalent of 70 cents. Excellent regular meals cost 10 crowns - 35 cents - and read all the Czech, German, French, and English �SLOYAKIA 41 newspapers while sipping excellent coffee. In one of the rooms they had a permanent guest - a frequently tipsy female of unpleasant appearance. She was one of the ten Communist deputies in the Parliament. Unfortunately for me, moratorium had been proclaimed with regard to withdrawals from bank accounts and I could only draw 5000 crowns at the Zivnobanka. One rapid transaction became imperative and unavoidable: I had to go to Karlovy Vary and have several trunks of my books shipped from there to Prague. The dream of staying in the pleasant spa and writing books vanished: where were the solemn promises of "enduring peace" after fighting "the war to end all wars" in 1919? On Friday afternoon I took the "rychlovlak" (express) and arrived at the Karlovy Vary station, which is located at some distance from the center of the town, in the evening. Detachments of Czech troops were already stationed round. No bus was operating. After showing my passport I was allowed to go to the town on foot and there I found another detachment of youthful-looking soldiers round some sort of war machinery, near Park Street. For reasons, which would take long to explain, I decided to go to one of the Kurgas1; rooming houses on Park Street. In situations of this kind one must act with lightning speed and complete calm. I was able to arrange with a shipper to forward my trunks to Prague next Monday, "express," at the fabulous cost of 2000 crowns. Saturday, Sunday, and Monday I spent eating the best food and spending as many crowns as I could, buying the best shirts, socks, a light overcoat, and other articles of clothing at Nastopil's on Alte Wiese. Why not, when I could buy the best shirts at 16 crowns (50 cents) which in America would cost five dollars? I still have two of those. When one sees an inevitable debacle in the offing one can easily adopt the philosophy of "you can't take it with you." While consuming an excellent chicken dinner for 25 crowns (70 cents) in the restaurant of the house "Schwedischer Hof," I was discussing the situation with the waiter, who happened to be a Pole, in Polish. He admired my remarkable calm and sound judgement, and made me the compliment "Pan jest okropny czlowiek." All the Germans I spoke with, showed smiling optimism. �42 SLOVAKIA On Monday evening, September 19th, I was in the "rychlovlak" Eger-Prague, in the company of two lieutenants of the Czechoslovak army, both Czechs less than 25 years of age, hence products of the MasarykBenes regime. There also was a captain of the frontier constabulary (strazmistr - cetnik), a former legionnaire, less than fifty years of age. The "porucici" (second lieutenants) were not exactly in a merry mood, but seemed to face the facts without whimpering and with a sort of grim humor. I knew nothing of what was going on in diplomatic circles, but I can repeat that all the Germans in Karlovy Vary, with whom I spoke about the future , were gloriously optimistic. They already knew that the Nazis would give them 1 mark for ten crowns instead of eight, yet seemed to be quite willing to take the loss. I recall one instance particularly, when I said: "Ich sehe Wolken am Horizont," and my interlocutor said: "Im Gegenthal, ich sehe alles rosig." This opinion was general. Now an expellee in Germany, my young friend may remember our conversation. If the scheme mentioned by Odlozilik on p. 387 ( "to avoid war") was worked out on September 18, "after the conference in London of French and British statesmen," it must have already been known throughout the Sudeten on September 19. And this was also the reason why I met the elderly cetnik on this train; he was leaving his post in Jachymov and was on his way to Slovakia, like the rest of Czech "cetnici" (gendarmes), because it was already known that the territory in which they were employed would be ceded to the Third Reich. This cetnik was very sad and spoke of his ruined existence, with a son in school, and with no future ahead of him. The two "porucici" stated to me emphatically what I later heard so much in Prague: "Uz je to ujednano a uz jsme prodani" (it's all settled and we are already sold out). And their comments on this "noble" action of France and England were rather scathing. Two days later in Prague the Czech legionnaires were in front of the French Legation discarding the medals which they had received from France in 1919. If Mr. Benes devotes a fairly long passage in his "Mnichovske dny" to �SLOVAKIA -13 an audience when "on Wednesday, September 21, in the small hours of that morning the British and French envoys requested it," to me it is quite clear that he is telling a story to cover up what already was a fait accompli. The people in the Sudeten knew that the matter had been settled, and the Czechs living there knew it also. To speak of collecting statements made by Benes and his critics and to "evaluate them in accordance with rigid precepts of historical scholarship" is as idle a talk as that about the authenticity of the Kensington stone and many other legends which need not be mentioned here. Furthermore I, as a personal witness, can say that the news of the sellout was already known in Prague that very evening, September 19, which in my memory is a terrible accusation of the treacherous action of British and French diplomats, not their respective nations. That evening, at about 10 o'clock, Prague was a city of stunned ghosts groping in the darkness under the impact of a deadly blow. I have seen through many situations when a family was suddenly stunned by a tragic blow, but here a whole ancient city with a glorious history, and a trusting people, had been stabbed in the back by those who professed to be their allies. The streets were almost deserted - deadly anguish was visible on all faces. Being a Czech, I fully felt their despair. They already visualized the return of the German conqueror to Praga caput regni, left at the mercy of a horde of fanaticists. The anguish was gripping the souls of the Czechs, together with a hatred of Masaryk and Benes, whose lies had brought the nation into this horrible plight. Only one who has once found himself at the brink of death could approximately realize that tragic, silent grief coupled with dread of an impending, yet inevitable peril. La nu.it porte conseil is a proverb fraught with a deep significance. The morning will· bring a solution. September 20 found the streets filled with milling crowds, hardly listening to the blaring loudspeakers. When passing by the barracks where young soldiers looked nonchalantly from the windows, a group of patriots would yell occasionally: �.J4 SLOVAKIA "Af z1Je armada!" (Long live the army). But there was no real enthusiasm - it seemed as if the soldiers knew that there was not to be any fighting. The anguish and terror of the previous night gave way to the real Czech calm fatalism, bred into the nation by centuries of hard knocks. Hemmed in, right in the heart of Europe, by hostile neighbors, the Czechs were always governed by one uppermost thought, namely, holding their own against terrible odds and in the end surviving their enemies. No one knew anything about what was going on in diplomatic circles, but all the intelligent people with whom I discussed the situation, unanimously and with a quiet, also typically Czech resignation, were saying: "Uz je to ujednano. Uz jsme prodani." In the evening I walked on the Vaclavske namesti (Wenceslaus Square) which was literally packed with people going to and fro without any passionate outbursts. Round the pedestal of Myslbek's famous St. Wenceslaus group, a solid mass of young Communists from Nusle was sitting with a defiant expression on their faces. "Co zde delate"? (What are you doing here?) I asked a group of young men and women. "My chceme bojovat a hajit svateho Vaclava." (We want to fight and to defend St. Wenceslaus). The streets were guarded by a special force of policemen with black helmets calm, young, determined men. I asked one of them: "Prosim vas, co ti mladi blazni zde delaji ?" (Pardon me, what are those young fools doing here?) His answer was typical of a Czech who has seen too many upheavals in his time to be surprised at anything. Just one word: "Para!" If a dictionary linguist would search in a number of volumes, in order to get the full meaning of this simple word, he might find such equivalents as "vapor, steam, fog, mist," but these would not give him the inner vibration. The nearest equivalent in American English would be : "Just generating so much worthless hot air!". The same milling of crowds and blaring of loudspeakers to which no one listened went on the two following days, namely, on Wednesday and Thursday, September 21 and 22. Whatever Mr. Benes says about his conferences and �SLOVAKIA 45 plans must be set aside as a legend and post factum invention to cover up the incontrovertible fact that the final decision had already been made in London on September 18; all these so-called conferences were a mere comedy to deceive the nation, which however, was not deceived at all. I listened to Mr. Benes's broadcast at 7 p. m., on Thursday, September 22. This was the second and last time I ever heard the sound of his voice and his halting way of reading from a typewritten text with his dark-rimmed glasses on his clumsy nose. The first time was on Sunday, September 19, 1937, at Masaryk's funeral. He was either unable or afraid to say anything powerful and sonorous ex-tempore. "Mluvil jako kdyz by to tahal z chlupate rukavice." (He talked as if he were pulling it out of a shaggy glove). Utterly insipid was the boast about having made a plan: "Mam plan pro vsechny pripady." (I have a plan for all eventualities). Then he also said, or rather read something in Slovak in such a poor way that Slovaks must have laughed at his pronunciation. Though the two languages are quite similar, it is extremely difficult for a Czech to speak Slovak with a Slovak intonation, just like a Spaniard is utterly unable to speak Portuguese with a Portuguese intonation. People laughed and repeated in the Prague dialect: "A Benes ma plan a usme prodany," i.e., uz jsme prodani: "Benes has a plan and we are already sold out." This reminded me of Paris and Pichegru. During the night the "civil defense" observers were frequently yelling: "Zhasnout svetla !" (lights out), in order to have a complete blackout. It was utterly amusing - almost as amusing as were the blackouts in Cambridge, Mass., in 1943 - because no sane person could have expected an air attack, which would have killed not only the Czechs, but the VolksgenossE)n as well. Nevertheless, on Friday the 23rd, people were being scared into buying gas masks, and I saw a long line on Betlemske namesti (Bethlehem Square) near the chapel where Hus used to preach in 1400 A.D., waiting to get a gas mask for 150 crowns! However, their number was insignificant in comparison with the whole population. �46 SLOVAKIA The librarian of the Naprstek Museum was to take care of my books, because I planned to leave by the express to Vienna on Saturday afternoon. I visited a few friends at the Orientalni Ustav. In the evening, when walking on Jecna ulice near Karlovo namesti (Charles Square), I met my great friend, the late professor Bedrich Hrozny, who was very calm; he knew as I did that there would be no war and no bombing, because to challenge the German Air Force would have meant useless suicide. He never mentioned anything about Benes's "plan." My publisher, the printer, my physician, repeated colloquially the same refrain "uz jsme prodany." The legionnaires, as I said before, were discarding their French medals in front of the legation. But there was no panic, no passionate outbursts. We are told that general mobilization was promulgated at 10 p. m. that evening. In view of the situation it was an amusing comedy of which I saw a part on Saturday and Sunday. What Benes says is a novelesque invention, calculated to mislead posterity into the belief of his great powers as a thinker: this method he copied from his master and from the French historians who dramatized the German retreat on September 6, 1914, into a great victory on the Marne. The night for me was indeed hectic: All of a sudden bed bugs appeared from nowhere, and the night clerk had to give me another mattress; the night was completely dark, except for an isolated little light that appeared in an attic, and some "civil defense" fool was constantly and uselessly yelling somewhere on the roof "Zhasnete svetlo" (Put out the light) ! When Mr. Benes writes, and the author of the article (Odlozilik) muses on a supposed tenseness in Prague that night, they are telling a story. The tenseness existed only on Monday evening, September 19th: after that the people were fully aware of the great comedy "uz jsme prodani." Friday noon I had my last "pecena husa s knedliky a zelim" (roast goose with dumplings and kraut) in the P. R. D. - Prazsky representacni dfun) - with the usual first class waiter service in coat tails, with Pilsen beer for 35 crowns, about one dollar. At �S LOVAKIA 47 that time we had no inkling of the "vseobecna mobilisace" (general mobilization) being thought of or planned by the great Edvard. As I perfectly recall it, the people as a whole were resigned to see the occupation of the Sudeten as a fait accompli since September 18th. On Saturday morning, when I came down to the cafe, I saw myself in a queer predicament. General mobilization was in progress and, as a consequence, there were no taxis, and even the street cars did not seem to function. Suddenly I saw a familiar face coming into the parlor: Vojta Benes - whom I knew so well since the time he made fiery speeches against Austria, in 1916-1918, in America - then lived like a satrap in a beautiful villa in Jevany as a great Socialist Minister of Education, who fought the Roman Catholic Church, while his brother was a matriculated "paper" Catholic. He was surrounded by a number of friends and they were talking about going abroad. I had to take my two hand bags and walk all the way to the Masaryk - former Franz Josef - station using the trusty power of my arm muscles. The streets were swarming with silent reservists on their way to the railroad stations, each carrying a small hand bag. There was no military preparedness among them: they looked more like excursionists. The whole station was likewise swarming with men between thirty and fifty years of age. Toward noon it became somewhat warm, and these masses of men were quenching their thirst with steins of beer, laughing and joking. The "rychlovlak" Berlin-Vienna was to arrive at about 2 p. m., and was to be the last train leaving the country in that direction. My only concern were my books. At about 1:30 p. m., I telephoned to the shipping agency and was told that my books had arrived in good order and were to be delivered the next week at their destination. The express did not arrive on time and there was an hourly announcement of its being late. If the Czecho-Slovak generals were wondering why the Luftwaffe did not bomb Ceska Trebova - Bohumin, on September 23rd, they must have been completely misled by Benes's comedy. The Luftwaffe knew full well that the occupation of the Sudeten was a fait accompli. The �48 SLOVAKIA whole inside of the station, with thousands of reservists drinking beer, eating frankfurters, and joking, bespoke a total confidence that there would be no war, no air raid, no shooting. The express finally arrived at about six p. m. I had a second class ticket, but found at once that this meant nothing, because all the compartments were being taken by reservists; all seats were occupied and the gangways were likewise filled. In a second class compartment I found two foreigners, a South African of Jewish origin and a young German dancing girl from Budapest. The express soon started on its way in the twilight through the central part of Bohemia, via Kolin and Pardubice to Ceska Trebova. In the fields and meadows the peasants were still working and were waving "Na zdaaar!" (Success!) to the occupants of the train - the defenders of the fatherland on their way to the frontier. As I think of it now, I cannot refrain from shedding tears at recalling how these simple folks were being deceived and sold down the river by England and France as if they were an African Zulu tribe or Gurkhas of India, or Bambaras. These were my people: here I was born, here I grew up, and I knew the simple soul and the good heart of these country people who foolishly trusted Masaryk and Benes. Now I recall that on Friday voices were heard: "Povesit Benese na brane hradu" (Hang Benes on the castle gate). And if, on Monday, General Syrovy urged Benes to leave Prague, it was not because of any fear of the Luftwaffe, but because of the wrath of the people. One of the tricks of the general mobilization was to send the German reservists to Slovakia and the Slovaks to the Sudeten regions. Standing in the gangway, while the express was speeding forward to Ceska Trebova without intermediate stops, I listened to the story of a young German reservist. He seemed to be quite loyal to the Republic and no Nazi enthusiast, but he explained to me the situation which faced all non-Czechs, namely, that of obtaining positions to make a living. The Germans could never hope to become as perfect in Czech as the Czechs and, therefore, where a �SLOVAKIA 49 perfect knowledge of Czech was required, they never could obtain the most advantageous job. Many of the young Sudeten Germans were trying to obtain work in the Third Reich. This was really the primary determining factor of the defection of the Germans, Magyars and Slovaks. Remedy? Either birth control or emigration. The young dancer was quite optimistic: "That whole thing will be settled in two weeks. I am now going to Budapest, and then I will come back to Prague." I had to stand all the way to Brno. There most of the crowd dispersed. From Brno we were to continue to Breclava-Lundenburg, and then on to Vienna. At Breclava we were told that the frontier was closed. We could go to Bratislava if we so wished. The South African found in me a willing cicerone. We had to pay additional fare of some 20 crowns. We arrived in Bratislava about midnight. The station was literally swarming with reservists, each with his little bag, moving to and fro like a mob without any organization. When an elderly man with a small baggage cart came along, in the scanty light, I engaged him to take my two bags and the South African's baggage to the nearest hotel opposite the station. When we arrived there the night clerk told us that all rooms were occupied by Czecho-Slovak army officers. He presumed that all the hotels in the city had been similarly taken over as a mobilization measure, but he volunteered to telephone to Hotel Carlton and find out what the situation was. We were lucky: there were still two single rooms available at 20 crowns (75 cents) with "raiiajky" (breakfast). Carlton Hotel was to send a taxi to bring us downtown which was quite a distance from the station. It was about one a. m., and the city, scantily lighted, was remarkably quiet: one would not have suspected at all that the station was swarming with reservists speeding to their destination, to the frontier. The hotel proved to be quite modern and well appointed. In the morning, when at about 9 a. m. - it was Sunday, September 25th - I came down to have my breakfast, I saw the South African leaving in a great hurry in a taxi. He said he had a visa for Hungary and had tOI �50 SLOVAKIA make haste to reach the frontier before it might be closed. The hotel personnel could not give me any information as to what the situation was on the Austrian frontier. Since March, Austria was a part of the Third Reich. Consequently, I had to set out in an adventurous quest of information by taking the electric tramway to Petrzalka and then walk along the highway to where the frontier could be distinguished by curious quonsset-like structures. Detachments of soldiers were distributed along the road. They were all Magyars and not perturbed in the least: certainly not like troops expecting a sudden attack from anywhere. It was about eleven a. m. and fairly warm, the sun was brightly shining. When I came to a quonsset and asked where I could cross the frontier, I was waved back and asked to try the other quonsset about half a mile further to the right. There I was told that the queer structures were "military objects" or a part of a chain of fortifications. The Czecho-Slovak Magyar soldiers seemed to be quite amused at my confusion seeing me going up and down across fields, but, even though it was quite obvious that I was a foreigner, no one stopped me to ask for identification papers. Finally I emerged from the fields on another main highway which seemed to lose itself among tall poplar trees in the distance. It was about one p. m. The whole countryside was completely deserted. Suddenly I espied a hatless young man walking toward me from the Austrian frontier; he proved to be a German from Vienna who had to escape from the police - he said - because he was a Socialist and not friendly to the Nazis. He hoped to be able to reach Reichenberg (Liberec) in Bohemia where he had friends. This certainly was a lucky encounter. First of all, he told me that the frontier was open, though barricaded on the Slovak side, and that the tramway to Vienna was functioning. Furthermore, he had about 8 marks and needed Czecho-Slovak crowns. I had only 5 marks and about 200 crowns left. I offered to ·buy his marks at 8 crowns. We walked to a restaurant on the right bank of the Danube, opposite the Stefanik monument, and had a good lunch of roast pork, dumplings, and sauerkraut at 10 crowns each, �SLOVAKIA 51 and some beer. After I paid the bill, we crossed the river on a ferry to the monument. It was a beautiful Sunday afternoon and everything was perfectly calm. I returned to the hotel and told the young man to meet me at 3 p. m., when I expected to be ready to leave by taxi for the frontier: the chauffeur asked double fare, because it was Sunday, namely, 66 crowns. The fugitive came to the hotel punctually at 3 p. m. I gave him 60 crowns for his eight marks and he gave me an envelope with a key which he said was from his room in Vienna: all I had to do was to drop it in a post office box after reaching Vienna. We parted. I paid my bill at the hotel, and the taxi took less than half an hour to reach the Austrian frontier. The Czech custom officers at the barricade let me go through after looking at my passport; then I had to carry my two bags to the German Customs quite a ways off. The commanding officer was a Prussian from Berlin; he was supposed to wean the Austrians from their Gemlitlickeit and make them fast and efficient. Occasionally, an airplane lazily crossed the horizon. Not a sign of any soldiers or prepartions for warlike movements. The Berliner looked at my passport, did not even ask me to open my bags. All he wanted to know was what was going on in Bratislava. "General mobilization," I said. He wanted to know whether I had noticed the numbers of the regiments. "I noticed nothing; all I wanted to do was to cross the frontier and go to Vienna by the electric tramway." "Danke, mein Herr," he said very politely, "die elektrische Bahn geht um ungefiihr flinf Uhr ab." I took my bags to a sort of an open waiting room where I found other passengers waiting: Austrians who had the appearance of excursionists, curious about what was going on. During the two-hour wait, which was rather tedious, I noticed another plane lazily patroling the sky. In comparison with the swarming crowds of reservists I had seen on the night previous, this Austrian countryside looked like a calm picnic park. We left toward six p. m. and in all the stations Sunday excursionists were boarding the train. My interrupted ticket to Merano was valid. At about 8 p. m. we were in Vienna. One solitary airplane was circling �52 SLOVAKIA about the city. I took the streetcar to the Slidbahnhof and went to a hotel which I knew from my previous trips. The rooms which formerly cost 6 shillings now cost 6 marks: the clerk told me on the sly that the liberation and incorporation in the Great Fatherland had been a rather costly affair for the gemlitliche Austrians. In the morning, before boarding the train for San Candido (formerly Innichen) in the Dolomites - formerly a part of the Austrian Tyrol - I dropped the envelope containing the key in the post office box. Then the train transported me from a congested military atmosphere into the old time freedom which my soul always craved ever since I left Austria-Hungary in 1903. In many ways it was a memorable day for me this Monday, September 26th. In the soft beams of the morning sun I could see old Vienna for the last time in its stiU gemtitlich aspect - this Vindobona, where Marcus Aurelius jotted down his thoughts in Greek, the Imperial city, saved in 1683 from the Turkish hordes of Kara Mustafa by Czech defenders and Jan Sobieski's Polish army, and the merry center of West-Eastern melodies of Mozart and the Lustige Witwe in 1909, with the rumblings of the first world war in the distance. The city of many races and languages and strange love habits which a Moravian Jewish medic mistook for something universal. Before leaving the hotel at Bratislava on the foregoing Sunday afternoon, I could read my last feuilleton in the Narodni Listy, in which I pleaded for keeping Karlovy Vary free from all political strife and agitation. As the train was speeding through the Austrian and later Styrian country side, I mused over my recollections. The parade in Prague on the first of May, 1934, when at the very end of a long defile of Workers Socialist organizations I was looking, on the corner of Jecna ulice and Karlovo namesti, at the small motley group of Communists guarded by two policemen. They stopped right in front of my vantage point, because the defile had to stop marching somewhere on Vodickova ulice. There must have been a silent mockery in my look which provoked one of the Commies to step forward and come near me with a some- �SLOVAKIA 53 what menacing look. But he had to moderate himself in the policeman's presence. " Co se tak posmesne usmivate ?" (What are you smiling so scoffingly) he asked with a Podskalak accent mixed with Jewish intonation. "Coz kdybych vam tak jednu lajsknul ?" (Suppose I smack you one?) he went on and added: "No jste starej clovek .. .. " (But you are an old man). This was rather ludricous fanfarronade, but indicated how daring a Commie could be at the time, knowing that old Masaryk needed the ten Communist votes in the Parliament for his reelection which was to take place on May 24th. I asked the little Jew what he was so angry about - and he said: "If you had six kids at home and not much to eat ... " and I said - "Why have six kids?" The policeman motioned to him to join his group - about fifty in all - and the defile resumed its march. Who could have dreamt then that this little group of riffraff would one day rule Bohemia? And I recalled October, 1934, when I saw between six and ten thousand German Socialists march along the main street of Karlovy Vary, Vfidelni ulice, with their red flags, boldly sticking out their clenched fists and shouting "Freiheit!" The Czech state police protected their march, a very provocative gesture in a 100 percent rightist, bourgeois city. I asked the policeman: "Proc je zde nechali pochodovat ?" (Why did they let them march here?) - "Protoze jsou statotvorna strana" (because they are a regular political party in the State). This was perhaps intended to discourage the Germans in Karlovy Vary from becoming partisans of Konrad Henlein, Hitler's agent. But the Sudeten Germans had only three choices: Caor as they called it tholic, Socialist or Nationalist "schwarz, Sozi oder Nazi," and this was the reason why a large number voted Nazi without being exactly admirers of Adolf Hitler. To me this Socialist defile was a surprise I had seen the same type of people march in Madrid on May first the year before with clenched fists and shouting: "U Ache Pe" - which stood for "Unios Hermanos Proletarios" or "Proletarians of all lands unite!" And three weeks later after the Socialist march in Karlovy Vary, I happened to be in Munich on the Parteitag, November 8th, �54 SLOVAKIA when that great Catholic city was flooded with huge red flags with the Swastika or Hakenkreuz. On the 9th I was told that university professors had to take an oath of loyalty to Hitler: "Wie werden auf Hitler vereidigt!" After the vote on January 13, 1935, when I was in Rome, France let Hitler occupy the Saar; in March, France and England allowed Hitler to rearm and no energetic steps were taken against the projected invasion of Ethiopia which started on October 3rd. On February 16, 1936, I saw the elections in Spain in Granada. I saw how the socalled Republican government did not stop violent acts against the Rightists, and I left for France at the end of May when I saw that a conflict was imminent. It actually started on July 18th when Berlin was beflagged on the occasion of Olympic games. Paris blamed London quite rightly, but had no courage to act independently And I especially thought of that evening at WUrzburg on May 25, 1935, when I had to sit out the whole radio address by Adolf Hitler about the immense danger which an unarmed Germany was exposed to in view of the Bolshevik menace. Hitler was enumerating the warships which Germany had to sink in accordance with the Treaty of Versailles and emphasized her present helplessness to face the great menace from the East. In view of the mighty Republic of Poland and the Little Entente no such danger existed. One phrase I remember well with all the inner vibration of Hitler's voice: "Wir Nazionalsozialisten sind fanatische Gegner des Bolschewismus: zwischen uns und den Bolschewiken kann nie eine Freundschaft bestehen." (We National Socialists are fanatical opponents of Bolshevism: there can never be friendship between us and the Bolsheviks). The hotel guests had to stand up and sing Horst Wessel Lied - I alone remained seated, no one said a word of protest. They knew I was a foreigner and had nothing to do with their national problems. The next day I was discussing the situation with young Germans. _Not only did they not oppose the rearming of Germany, but strangely enough they had the same argument which I have heard the militarists advance everywhere in the world: "Der Militardienst macht einen Kerl �SLOVAKIA 55 aus Einem." (Military service makes a man out of a boy). In Berlin I saw everywhere defiant posters with the legend: "Die feinen Flugmaschinen, die unserm Flihrer dienen." (Fine airplanes that serve our Flihrer) . And trainloads of huge logs were coming to Germany from Carpatho-Russian forests furnishing wood for the airplanes. Could not the English and French diplomats and military attaches see all this? There still was time for a concerted action to stop the Hitler-Goring madness. In Erlangen - Bavaria - the people were expecting the CzechoSlovak army to march in at any rrioment in accordance with the Versailles Treaty. But nothing happened, because the British opposed strong action in order not to spoil good business. And now I saw my native land sacrificed by Western diplomacy, so the brilliant embassy parties and dances and cocktail drinking could go on undisturbed in Paris and London. And what was true of the Bohemian Crown lands was mutatis mutandis true of Slovakia and Carpatho-Russia. Recollections! The train arrived at Klagenfurt, via Graz and Zidani Most, the territory of germanized Slovenes. I was the only foreigner on board, and when we crossed into the Italian territory I was the only passenger from the frontier to San Candido. When we were somewhere between Klagenfurt and the frontier on the Austrian territory, the conductors would quickly sprint inside the station to listen to the radio which between eight and nine in the evening was blaring Hitler's violent attack on Benes at the Sportpalast. Only once was I sufficiently interested to get off and listen to the shrill tones of Hitler's voice familiar to me since the two and one-half hour speech at Wlirzburg three years before. At Benecko it was dampened by static. By chance I caught exactly the passage when Adolf was roaring in his best form, as if he were challenging Edward to a duel: "Hier stehe ich, dort steht Herr Benesch" (here I stand and there stands Benes) and the rest I do not remember because I had to board the train again. At Innichen - San Candido I found myself in the old Austrian atmosphere of my youth. The hotel was an old �56 SLOVAKIA fashioned Tyrolese inn with large and quiet rooms, without any running water, but a huge comfortable bed. Though it was very late - after eleven p. m. - a good Tyrolese housewife made a Wiener Schnitzel for me which was even better than the one I had eaten at Benecko. I slept wonderfully well and in the morning could admire the splendid sight of the Dolomiten without the slightest thought of war. From there I went to Merano and followed the Traubenkur a whole month while the Munich comedy was being played by Chamberlain, Daladier, Hitler, and Mussolini, who in the end got the most credit in the Corriere della Sera for having saved the peace. Merano was filled with all types of strange refugees, male and female, of the Milena characteristics which might have interested a Kraft-Ebbing. It is to be deplored that many university professors in Europe and America are muckracking in this sort of "literature." In view of the factual observations of an eyewitness possessing a perfect knowledge of Czech, German, Slovak, Polish, Russian, French, English and Italian - namely the languages involved in the great sellout - the idle musings and speculations both of Benes and the reviewer (Odlozilik) of Mnichovske dny, fade into the realm of Hollywood make-believe of Cecil de Mille's Ten Commandments. The general mobilization did not electrify the people at all, but was a huge comedy smacking to some extent of the good soldier Svejk. The reservists drank beer, ate frankfurters, joked, and knew that the whole thing was a picnic. Those of the Sudeten Germans among them, who knew Czech well, acted as Henlein's spies. The chain of fortifi~ations on which Benes spent over a billion crowns was just as useless as the French Maginot line proved to be later. Nothing could have stopped the Nazi tanks and the Czech regions could have been reduced to ashes by the Luftwaffe which had reportedly 15,000 planes, or ten times more than the reputed Czech air force. The 800,000 reservists were merely a mob compared to the disciplined nazi war machine. All this can be clearly seen from the illustrations showing Adolf "the savior" at the head of his Panzers on the Theaterplatz in Karlovy Vary, speaking to the enthusiastic crowds on October 15th. There is only one "author" whose methods resemble �SLOVAKIA 57 those of Benes, namely Harry Truman, when it comes to complete distortion of facts. However, the Czech people of today, just like the American people of today, will not be easily persuaded to believe fairy tales. • • • MARTIN RAZUS (1883-1937) JOSEPH A. MIKUS The era, which opened for the Slovak nation in 1918, marks a rapid advance in the direction of the realization of its political aspirations. This is indubitably connected with the fall of feudalism and with the over-all extension of the significance of national individualities as political realities in Central Europe. To these external factors there are added also internal forces. And here, from among the many personalities which contributed handsomely to the spiritual and political crystallization of conditions in Slovakia, it behooves us today to recall one name: Martin Razus. While Andrew Hlinka, a Catholic priest, was becoming the leading figure of the political movement for Slovak autonomy for rather social reasons, in the meantime his contemporary and friend, Martin Razus, a Lutheran minister, poet and writer, was emerging as a defender of the political individuality of the Slovak nation for cultural and psychological reasons. In another respect, while Andrew Hlinka, as a man of action, engages in the fight against the leftist, religious, moral and political relativism of Masaryk's school and is drawn into the violent whirlpool of national activity, thus becoming top guard of national awareness, in the meantime, Martin Razus, with fire in his soul and the laurel of a man of letters on his head, devotes himself, according to his nature, rather to the spiritual processes of the national development of the Slovaks. With his ear close to the bosom of the nation, he catches the spiritual vibrations of the people in order to present them in his work a bit later to the public whom he chose to serve. It was thus that Razus became the "conscience of the nation." Even though the motives of Hlinka and Razus for po- � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 35 A. R. NYKL: "EDVARD BENES ON MUNICH DAYS" The article "Edvard Benes on Munich Days" in the "Journal of Central European Affairs," (January, 1957 pp. 384-393), reveals that the author, Otokar Odlozilik, was not an eyewitness of the days between September 4 and 25, 1938, in Bohemia, and especially in the capital. "Rigid precepts of historical scholarship" cannot be applied to documents, even if the latter were bona fide and not doctored up post factum by captious commentaries. Both Edvard Benes and his mentor T. G. Masaryk were great hindsight wizards. It would be idle to cite proofs of this phenomenon here, because hundreds of quotations have appeared and are still appearing in the publications of the Slovak League of America. The diplomats mentioned in the article very wisely kept, and those who are living still keep, quiet which is, they perhaps believe, better than lying. In my opinion Frantisek Chvalkovsky, who with Ha.cha went through the terrible ordeal in Berlin before they finally signed their consent to Hitler's ultimatum of March 14, 1939, at 3 a. m., was the most reliable and honest person whose story might have cleared up many doubts, surmises, and suspicions. Krofta could unfortunately not go beyond the spring of 1938, when in May the first rumors of war began to spread. Henlein and his right hand man Frank were feverishly preparing the ground for autonomy and secession, by speeches and press campaigns, in which they constantly harped on Benes's doctoral thesis, published in 1907 at Dijon, wherein he advocated a complete separation of the German-speaking and the Czech-speaking regions of Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia. During the summer months Lord Runciman was sent to the Sudetenland by Chamberlain with the special mission to find the right solution by "fact finding." For the most part he was the guest of German nobility and paid no attention to the claims of the Czech "hranicari," inhabitants of the frontier regions. The Sudeten Germans knew perfectly well that he was 36 SLOVAKIA merely playing a comedy and facetiously spoke of him as Lord "Runzelmann." Because of my absolute command of the German tongue, and as an American visitor, I could engage in countless conversations with the natives of Karlovy Vary, where I was writing a book on Japan and curing my nervous stomach by drinking MUhlbrunn - "Mlynsky prame" - hot alkaline water. Among the Egerlander there reigned an atmosphere of calm optimism: to them the annexation of the Sudeten by the Third Reich was a foregone , conclusion. Some of them even hinted already at a further step - the Protectorate - anticipating March 14, 1939. Nervousness reigned only in the small Czech minority, which was being increasingly frightened by occasional "blackout" exercises and talk about air raid shelters. To me it was quite plain that the Germans were being supplied with oral propaganda, which they called Fllisterpropaganda, and were absolutely convinced that Runciman's antics were a subterfuge to hide a fait accompli: a perfect agreement of the English and French - the latter somewhat sheepishly and reluctantly - that the "phantom" republic should be trimmed to suit the Nazis and the Magyars, in connivance with Mr. Beck, the Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs whose contempt for Benes knew no bounds. This I knew from my trip through Poland in August, 1936, where Czechs were talked about as "lajdaci" (loafers). Goring was Beck's honored guest, Benes the "cackling pygmy." At Cracow, Moscicki was helping to raise the Pilsudski mound: was he likely to listen to Benes 's plea in 1938? In July 1935, I wrote an article for the "Narodni Listy," recommending a solid steel wall from the Carpathians to Gdynia with a friendly Polish nation, whom Benes and Masaryk, however, regarded as Fascists. Later I was told that the article was suppressed at Benes's orders, who bypassed the Poles and went to see Stalin about that time. It is evident that the ambassadors named in the Odlozilik article (Osusky, Masaryk, Mastny, Chvalkovsky, Hurban, Slavik) must have known the real state of affairs and SLOVAKIA 37 therefore kept silent. With the help of German and Italian aviation the Nationalists in Spain were pushing the socalled "Loyalists" toward the Pyrenees, ·and Daladier was worried about the impending invasion of the defeated 300,000 "Reds" into southern France, while Charles Maurras in "EAction Francaise" was ridiculing the idea of a war "pour les Tcheques." In the Kurhaus or Lazensky Dum, I could read the "Daily Mail" and "Corriere della Sera." I recall distinctly a map in the former showing the distribution of the three and one-half million Sudeten-Germans along the frontier as reported by Lord Runciman - and an article by Mussolini stating that the artificial and unnatural "sausage" state in Central Europe should be dismembered in the same way as the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy had been. Where is Odlozilik's "authentic description" of events by Benes? If Benes had a "unique knowledge of the situation," he would have had to admit that he knew full well in August that England and France were determined to back Hitler's claims. Krofta wisely kept silent in order not to implicate himself. The important documents sent abroad in the early days of October, 1938, most likely were destroyed, in order not to compromise the guilty parties. It would seem that the German and Italian military aviation was so formidable that the French and still less the British, aviation was no match for it at the time. Mr. Beck's clique in Poland was maliciously rejoicing at Benes's defeat. And Stalin, of course, was not going to help a dying man. My own estimate of the situation, on the basis of my observations and reading of the foreign press - English, French, Italian, Scandinavian, Polish, Rumanian, Yugoslav - was that there would be no war, because the sellout by England and F r ance was an obvious fait accompli. Hence I finished my manuscript and went by bus to Prague, in order to arrange with the publisher the printing of my book. For all eventualities I bought a second-class ticket to Praha-Merano, because my friends recommended to me the "Traubenkur" in Merano as the best thing for a nervous stomach. It consisted in eating plenty of ripe blue grapes and walking in the hills. Another friend - a phy- 38 SLOVAKIA sician - took a good look into my stomach, and finding nothing really serious, recommended that I should go to the Riesengebirge (Krkonose) to a place called Benecko and drink plenty of radioactive water. While the Sudeten-Germans were calm and smiling, awaiting their revanche, the Czech population was naturally feeling uneasy in the expectation of the great Hitler harangue at Nuremberg, listed for September 12. There was a tense atmosphere in Prague. The Communists were dreaming of a great Russian airborne army which would destroy Berlin and of making every town and hamlet in Bohemia a fortress like the "Loyalists" were doing in Spain who, by the way, were being painted as heroes in the Benes-controlled press. Only the "Narodni Listy," the organ of the Czech National Democrats, was favorable to Mussolini and to Franco. The journey on Sunday, September 4, through the fertile fields promising a good harvest, via Chlumec natl Cidlinou, where the peasants once were beaten by the noblemen ("vyhrajes jako sedlak v Chlumce"), north to the Krkonose, was calm and uneventful. After Trutnov-Trautenau, we began to enter the mixed Sudeten region. From what I could see and hear, the German agrarians had no sympathy with the Nazis at all, although in the last moment they joined the Henlein group so as to save themselves from reprisals and persecutions. This very step indicated that Henlein was certain of winning without war. Benecko proved to be a combined summer and winter resort. The summer guests were all gone, and I was the only guest at the hotel. In winter, the place changed into a ski resort. The owner was a sincere man, a great admirer of Kramar, and a great, scathing critic of Benes. The Germans had a nice new school building in the village, "Deutsche Volkschule." Hitler's ravings about the suffer- . ings of the Germans were the invention of his maniacal imagination. The hotel and its immediate neighborhood formed a Czech enclave in a region which further north was inhabited by Sudeten-Germans. From the far distance one could hear the noise of their Henlein meetings. But otherwise, SLOVAKIA 39 perfect peace reigned in the pine forests and on the green meadows, where I spent most of my time walking between meals and drinking radioactive water. Within a few days my nervous stomach was restored to its normal functions. Sunday, the 11th of September, being a pleasantly warm, sunny day, I decided in the afternoon to walk to the summit of the wooded hill which I well remembered from my school days, reading about the sad departure of Czech Protestants in the years which followed the battle of the White Mountain, in 1620-1628. These emigres had to leave everything behind and seek refuge in the Protestant regions of Germany northeast of the Krkonose. Jan Amos Komensky, later bishop of the Moravian Brethren, was among them. On this hill, named Zaly, according to the legend, they were taking the last look of their native country, and were kissing the snow-covered ground goodbye in tears. Nevzali jsme se sebou nic, nic, po vsem veta jen Bibli Kralickou, Labyrint sveta. "We took nothing along, nothing, all is lost; only the Kraliky Bible, and the Labyrinth of the World." Reference is maqe to the Protestant version of the Bible made at Kraliky (German Grulich) on the Bohemian-Silesian frontier, and the well-known work of Comenius. These memories came to my mind as I slowly walked to the summit where I found a tourist restaurant and a lookout tower. The atmosphere was gloomy, very much in keeping with the name 2aly: the presentiment of grave events reminded me of what it must have been like in 1628 - three centuries ago. The sufferings of the Czech nation were of no concern to France, and still less to England. The large wooden structure of the hotel was silent, when I returned. For supper I had the last but one real Wiener Schnitzel in my memory - or shall I call it costoletta alla milanese? Or vidensky rizek? The owner of the hotel who knew very little German asked me whether I would listen to the radio the next day and tell him what Adolf was going to broadcast from Ntirnberg. Since I was not to be directly affected, I could sleep soundly and in the forenoon take another long walk in the pine woods. 40 SLOVAKIA The great speech was booked for about 2 p. m. sun time, since Germany had not adopted the foolish fad of daylight saving time. If I had my notes at hand, I could recall the situation with more precision, but since I was more intersted in "kava a buchty" (coffee and doughnuts) , my recollection is rather hazy at present. First of all, the reception was very weak and spoiled by frequent static due to thick thunder clouds hanging over the mountain range. Second, Hitler's speeches on the Sudeten question, the same as on the Klajpeda and Gdansk question, were a repetition of dramatically worded accusations of the same content : the Volksgenossen were being persecuted and mistreated, hence they were fleeing in constantly increasing numbers across the border: five thousand, ten thousand, fifty thousand; Long afterwards I saw in the contemporary lliustrierte Zeitung file pictures of these "refugees" being lovingly provided with food and clothing by their brethren in the Third Reich. There could be no doubt as to Adolf's purpose, namely, to convince France and England of the absolute justice of the Nazi position. "We do not ask except what is ours on the basis of selfdetermination - not one inch of a foreign territory. The Czechs will have theirs and we will have ours: after that we will have no further demands. " The next day at night we could hear the rumbling of a thunderstorm in the direction of Harrach's Glass Works at the frontier, but my host and his family were so frightened that they took it for the rumbling of heavy artillery. On Thursday, September 15, I decided that there was no use prolonging my stay and inviting another spell of stomach nervousness: after lunch I took the bus to the railway station and from there the train to Prague. Though there was no panic anywhere, the train was already filled with refugees: the wealthier and white-collared class. In Prague I returned to my hotel on Namesti Petra Osvoboditele (the Square of Peter, the Liberator) - formerly Komensky Square - in the Vinohrady district, where I paid 20 crowns for a single room, the equivalent of 70 cents. Excellent regular meals cost 10 crowns - 35 cents - and read all the Czech, German, French, and English SLOYAKIA 41 newspapers while sipping excellent coffee. In one of the rooms they had a permanent guest - a frequently tipsy female of unpleasant appearance. She was one of the ten Communist deputies in the Parliament. Unfortunately for me, moratorium had been proclaimed with regard to withdrawals from bank accounts and I could only draw 5000 crowns at the Zivnobanka. One rapid transaction became imperative and unavoidable: I had to go to Karlovy Vary and have several trunks of my books shipped from there to Prague. The dream of staying in the pleasant spa and writing books vanished: where were the solemn promises of "enduring peace" after fighting "the war to end all wars" in 1919? On Friday afternoon I took the "rychlovlak" (express) and arrived at the Karlovy Vary station, which is located at some distance from the center of the town, in the evening. Detachments of Czech troops were already stationed round. No bus was operating. After showing my passport I was allowed to go to the town on foot and there I found another detachment of youthful-looking soldiers round some sort of war machinery, near Park Street. For reasons, which would take long to explain, I decided to go to one of the Kurgas1; rooming houses on Park Street. In situations of this kind one must act with lightning speed and complete calm. I was able to arrange with a shipper to forward my trunks to Prague next Monday, "express," at the fabulous cost of 2000 crowns. Saturday, Sunday, and Monday I spent eating the best food and spending as many crowns as I could, buying the best shirts, socks, a light overcoat, and other articles of clothing at Nastopil's on Alte Wiese. Why not, when I could buy the best shirts at 16 crowns (50 cents) which in America would cost five dollars? I still have two of those. When one sees an inevitable debacle in the offing one can easily adopt the philosophy of "you can't take it with you." While consuming an excellent chicken dinner for 25 crowns (70 cents) in the restaurant of the house "Schwedischer Hof," I was discussing the situation with the waiter, who happened to be a Pole, in Polish. He admired my remarkable calm and sound judgement, and made me the compliment "Pan jest okropny czlowiek." All the Germans I spoke with, showed smiling optimism. 42 SLOVAKIA On Monday evening, September 19th, I was in the "rychlovlak" Eger-Prague, in the company of two lieutenants of the Czechoslovak army, both Czechs less than 25 years of age, hence products of the MasarykBenes regime. There also was a captain of the frontier constabulary (strazmistr - cetnik), a former legionnaire, less than fifty years of age. The "porucici" (second lieutenants) were not exactly in a merry mood, but seemed to face the facts without whimpering and with a sort of grim humor. I knew nothing of what was going on in diplomatic circles, but I can repeat that all the Germans in Karlovy Vary, with whom I spoke about the future , were gloriously optimistic. They already knew that the Nazis would give them 1 mark for ten crowns instead of eight, yet seemed to be quite willing to take the loss. I recall one instance particularly, when I said: "Ich sehe Wolken am Horizont," and my interlocutor said: "Im Gegenthal, ich sehe alles rosig." This opinion was general. Now an expellee in Germany, my young friend may remember our conversation. If the scheme mentioned by Odlozilik on p. 387 ( "to avoid war") was worked out on September 18, "after the conference in London of French and British statesmen," it must have already been known throughout the Sudeten on September 19. And this was also the reason why I met the elderly cetnik on this train; he was leaving his post in Jachymov and was on his way to Slovakia, like the rest of Czech "cetnici" (gendarmes), because it was already known that the territory in which they were employed would be ceded to the Third Reich. This cetnik was very sad and spoke of his ruined existence, with a son in school, and with no future ahead of him. The two "porucici" stated to me emphatically what I later heard so much in Prague: "Uz je to ujednano a uz jsme prodani" (it's all settled and we are already sold out). And their comments on this "noble" action of France and England were rather scathing. Two days later in Prague the Czech legionnaires were in front of the French Legation discarding the medals which they had received from France in 1919. If Mr. Benes devotes a fairly long passage in his "Mnichovske dny" to SLOVAKIA -13 an audience when "on Wednesday, September 21, in the small hours of that morning the British and French envoys requested it," to me it is quite clear that he is telling a story to cover up what already was a fait accompli. The people in the Sudeten knew that the matter had been settled, and the Czechs living there knew it also. To speak of collecting statements made by Benes and his critics and to "evaluate them in accordance with rigid precepts of historical scholarship" is as idle a talk as that about the authenticity of the Kensington stone and many other legends which need not be mentioned here. Furthermore I, as a personal witness, can say that the news of the sellout was already known in Prague that very evening, September 19, which in my memory is a terrible accusation of the treacherous action of British and French diplomats, not their respective nations. That evening, at about 10 o'clock, Prague was a city of stunned ghosts groping in the darkness under the impact of a deadly blow. I have seen through many situations when a family was suddenly stunned by a tragic blow, but here a whole ancient city with a glorious history, and a trusting people, had been stabbed in the back by those who professed to be their allies. The streets were almost deserted - deadly anguish was visible on all faces. Being a Czech, I fully felt their despair. They already visualized the return of the German conqueror to Praga caput regni, left at the mercy of a horde of fanaticists. The anguish was gripping the souls of the Czechs, together with a hatred of Masaryk and Benes, whose lies had brought the nation into this horrible plight. Only one who has once found himself at the brink of death could approximately realize that tragic, silent grief coupled with dread of an impending, yet inevitable peril. La nu.it porte conseil is a proverb fraught with a deep significance. The morning will· bring a solution. September 20 found the streets filled with milling crowds, hardly listening to the blaring loudspeakers. When passing by the barracks where young soldiers looked nonchalantly from the windows, a group of patriots would yell occasionally: .J4 SLOVAKIA "Af z1Je armada!" (Long live the army). But there was no real enthusiasm - it seemed as if the soldiers knew that there was not to be any fighting. The anguish and terror of the previous night gave way to the real Czech calm fatalism, bred into the nation by centuries of hard knocks. Hemmed in, right in the heart of Europe, by hostile neighbors, the Czechs were always governed by one uppermost thought, namely, holding their own against terrible odds and in the end surviving their enemies. No one knew anything about what was going on in diplomatic circles, but all the intelligent people with whom I discussed the situation, unanimously and with a quiet, also typically Czech resignation, were saying: "Uz je to ujednano. Uz jsme prodani." In the evening I walked on the Vaclavske namesti (Wenceslaus Square) which was literally packed with people going to and fro without any passionate outbursts. Round the pedestal of Myslbek's famous St. Wenceslaus group, a solid mass of young Communists from Nusle was sitting with a defiant expression on their faces. "Co zde delate"? (What are you doing here?) I asked a group of young men and women. "My chceme bojovat a hajit svateho Vaclava." (We want to fight and to defend St. Wenceslaus). The streets were guarded by a special force of policemen with black helmets calm, young, determined men. I asked one of them: "Prosim vas, co ti mladi blazni zde delaji ?" (Pardon me, what are those young fools doing here?) His answer was typical of a Czech who has seen too many upheavals in his time to be surprised at anything. Just one word: "Para!" If a dictionary linguist would search in a number of volumes, in order to get the full meaning of this simple word, he might find such equivalents as "vapor, steam, fog, mist," but these would not give him the inner vibration. The nearest equivalent in American English would be : "Just generating so much worthless hot air!". The same milling of crowds and blaring of loudspeakers to which no one listened went on the two following days, namely, on Wednesday and Thursday, September 21 and 22. Whatever Mr. Benes says about his conferences and SLOVAKIA 45 plans must be set aside as a legend and post factum invention to cover up the incontrovertible fact that the final decision had already been made in London on September 18; all these so-called conferences were a mere comedy to deceive the nation, which however, was not deceived at all. I listened to Mr. Benes's broadcast at 7 p. m., on Thursday, September 22. This was the second and last time I ever heard the sound of his voice and his halting way of reading from a typewritten text with his dark-rimmed glasses on his clumsy nose. The first time was on Sunday, September 19, 1937, at Masaryk's funeral. He was either unable or afraid to say anything powerful and sonorous ex-tempore. "Mluvil jako kdyz by to tahal z chlupate rukavice." (He talked as if he were pulling it out of a shaggy glove). Utterly insipid was the boast about having made a plan: "Mam plan pro vsechny pripady." (I have a plan for all eventualities). Then he also said, or rather read something in Slovak in such a poor way that Slovaks must have laughed at his pronunciation. Though the two languages are quite similar, it is extremely difficult for a Czech to speak Slovak with a Slovak intonation, just like a Spaniard is utterly unable to speak Portuguese with a Portuguese intonation. People laughed and repeated in the Prague dialect: "A Benes ma plan a usme prodany," i.e., uz jsme prodani: "Benes has a plan and we are already sold out." This reminded me of Paris and Pichegru. During the night the "civil defense" observers were frequently yelling: "Zhasnout svetla !" (lights out), in order to have a complete blackout. It was utterly amusing - almost as amusing as were the blackouts in Cambridge, Mass., in 1943 - because no sane person could have expected an air attack, which would have killed not only the Czechs, but the VolksgenossE)n as well. Nevertheless, on Friday the 23rd, people were being scared into buying gas masks, and I saw a long line on Betlemske namesti (Bethlehem Square) near the chapel where Hus used to preach in 1400 A.D., waiting to get a gas mask for 150 crowns! However, their number was insignificant in comparison with the whole population. 46 SLOVAKIA The librarian of the Naprstek Museum was to take care of my books, because I planned to leave by the express to Vienna on Saturday afternoon. I visited a few friends at the Orientalni Ustav. In the evening, when walking on Jecna ulice near Karlovo namesti (Charles Square), I met my great friend, the late professor Bedrich Hrozny, who was very calm; he knew as I did that there would be no war and no bombing, because to challenge the German Air Force would have meant useless suicide. He never mentioned anything about Benes's "plan." My publisher, the printer, my physician, repeated colloquially the same refrain "uz jsme prodany." The legionnaires, as I said before, were discarding their French medals in front of the legation. But there was no panic, no passionate outbursts. We are told that general mobilization was promulgated at 10 p. m. that evening. In view of the situation it was an amusing comedy of which I saw a part on Saturday and Sunday. What Benes says is a novelesque invention, calculated to mislead posterity into the belief of his great powers as a thinker: this method he copied from his master and from the French historians who dramatized the German retreat on September 6, 1914, into a great victory on the Marne. The night for me was indeed hectic: All of a sudden bed bugs appeared from nowhere, and the night clerk had to give me another mattress; the night was completely dark, except for an isolated little light that appeared in an attic, and some "civil defense" fool was constantly and uselessly yelling somewhere on the roof "Zhasnete svetlo" (Put out the light) ! When Mr. Benes writes, and the author of the article (Odlozilik) muses on a supposed tenseness in Prague that night, they are telling a story. The tenseness existed only on Monday evening, September 19th: after that the people were fully aware of the great comedy "uz jsme prodani." Friday noon I had my last "pecena husa s knedliky a zelim" (roast goose with dumplings and kraut) in the P. R. D. - Prazsky representacni dfun) - with the usual first class waiter service in coat tails, with Pilsen beer for 35 crowns, about one dollar. At S LOVAKIA 47 that time we had no inkling of the "vseobecna mobilisace" (general mobilization) being thought of or planned by the great Edvard. As I perfectly recall it, the people as a whole were resigned to see the occupation of the Sudeten as a fait accompli since September 18th. On Saturday morning, when I came down to the cafe, I saw myself in a queer predicament. General mobilization was in progress and, as a consequence, there were no taxis, and even the street cars did not seem to function. Suddenly I saw a familiar face coming into the parlor: Vojta Benes - whom I knew so well since the time he made fiery speeches against Austria, in 1916-1918, in America - then lived like a satrap in a beautiful villa in Jevany as a great Socialist Minister of Education, who fought the Roman Catholic Church, while his brother was a matriculated "paper" Catholic. He was surrounded by a number of friends and they were talking about going abroad. I had to take my two hand bags and walk all the way to the Masaryk - former Franz Josef - station using the trusty power of my arm muscles. The streets were swarming with silent reservists on their way to the railroad stations, each carrying a small hand bag. There was no military preparedness among them: they looked more like excursionists. The whole station was likewise swarming with men between thirty and fifty years of age. Toward noon it became somewhat warm, and these masses of men were quenching their thirst with steins of beer, laughing and joking. The "rychlovlak" Berlin-Vienna was to arrive at about 2 p. m., and was to be the last train leaving the country in that direction. My only concern were my books. At about 1:30 p. m., I telephoned to the shipping agency and was told that my books had arrived in good order and were to be delivered the next week at their destination. The express did not arrive on time and there was an hourly announcement of its being late. If the Czecho-Slovak generals were wondering why the Luftwaffe did not bomb Ceska Trebova - Bohumin, on September 23rd, they must have been completely misled by Benes's comedy. The Luftwaffe knew full well that the occupation of the Sudeten was a fait accompli. The 48 SLOVAKIA whole inside of the station, with thousands of reservists drinking beer, eating frankfurters, and joking, bespoke a total confidence that there would be no war, no air raid, no shooting. The express finally arrived at about six p. m. I had a second class ticket, but found at once that this meant nothing, because all the compartments were being taken by reservists; all seats were occupied and the gangways were likewise filled. In a second class compartment I found two foreigners, a South African of Jewish origin and a young German dancing girl from Budapest. The express soon started on its way in the twilight through the central part of Bohemia, via Kolin and Pardubice to Ceska Trebova. In the fields and meadows the peasants were still working and were waving "Na zdaaar!" (Success!) to the occupants of the train - the defenders of the fatherland on their way to the frontier. As I think of it now, I cannot refrain from shedding tears at recalling how these simple folks were being deceived and sold down the river by England and France as if they were an African Zulu tribe or Gurkhas of India, or Bambaras. These were my people: here I was born, here I grew up, and I knew the simple soul and the good heart of these country people who foolishly trusted Masaryk and Benes. Now I recall that on Friday voices were heard: "Povesit Benese na brane hradu" (Hang Benes on the castle gate). And if, on Monday, General Syrovy urged Benes to leave Prague, it was not because of any fear of the Luftwaffe, but because of the wrath of the people. One of the tricks of the general mobilization was to send the German reservists to Slovakia and the Slovaks to the Sudeten regions. Standing in the gangway, while the express was speeding forward to Ceska Trebova without intermediate stops, I listened to the story of a young German reservist. He seemed to be quite loyal to the Republic and no Nazi enthusiast, but he explained to me the situation which faced all non-Czechs, namely, that of obtaining positions to make a living. The Germans could never hope to become as perfect in Czech as the Czechs and, therefore, where a SLOVAKIA 49 perfect knowledge of Czech was required, they never could obtain the most advantageous job. Many of the young Sudeten Germans were trying to obtain work in the Third Reich. This was really the primary determining factor of the defection of the Germans, Magyars and Slovaks. Remedy? Either birth control or emigration. The young dancer was quite optimistic: "That whole thing will be settled in two weeks. I am now going to Budapest, and then I will come back to Prague." I had to stand all the way to Brno. There most of the crowd dispersed. From Brno we were to continue to Breclava-Lundenburg, and then on to Vienna. At Breclava we were told that the frontier was closed. We could go to Bratislava if we so wished. The South African found in me a willing cicerone. We had to pay additional fare of some 20 crowns. We arrived in Bratislava about midnight. The station was literally swarming with reservists, each with his little bag, moving to and fro like a mob without any organization. When an elderly man with a small baggage cart came along, in the scanty light, I engaged him to take my two bags and the South African's baggage to the nearest hotel opposite the station. When we arrived there the night clerk told us that all rooms were occupied by Czecho-Slovak army officers. He presumed that all the hotels in the city had been similarly taken over as a mobilization measure, but he volunteered to telephone to Hotel Carlton and find out what the situation was. We were lucky: there were still two single rooms available at 20 crowns (75 cents) with "raiiajky" (breakfast). Carlton Hotel was to send a taxi to bring us downtown which was quite a distance from the station. It was about one a. m., and the city, scantily lighted, was remarkably quiet: one would not have suspected at all that the station was swarming with reservists speeding to their destination, to the frontier. The hotel proved to be quite modern and well appointed. In the morning, when at about 9 a. m. - it was Sunday, September 25th - I came down to have my breakfast, I saw the South African leaving in a great hurry in a taxi. He said he had a visa for Hungary and had tOI 50 SLOVAKIA make haste to reach the frontier before it might be closed. The hotel personnel could not give me any information as to what the situation was on the Austrian frontier. Since March, Austria was a part of the Third Reich. Consequently, I had to set out in an adventurous quest of information by taking the electric tramway to Petrzalka and then walk along the highway to where the frontier could be distinguished by curious quonsset-like structures. Detachments of soldiers were distributed along the road. They were all Magyars and not perturbed in the least: certainly not like troops expecting a sudden attack from anywhere. It was about eleven a. m. and fairly warm, the sun was brightly shining. When I came to a quonsset and asked where I could cross the frontier, I was waved back and asked to try the other quonsset about half a mile further to the right. There I was told that the queer structures were "military objects" or a part of a chain of fortifications. The Czecho-Slovak Magyar soldiers seemed to be quite amused at my confusion seeing me going up and down across fields, but, even though it was quite obvious that I was a foreigner, no one stopped me to ask for identification papers. Finally I emerged from the fields on another main highway which seemed to lose itself among tall poplar trees in the distance. It was about one p. m. The whole countryside was completely deserted. Suddenly I espied a hatless young man walking toward me from the Austrian frontier; he proved to be a German from Vienna who had to escape from the police - he said - because he was a Socialist and not friendly to the Nazis. He hoped to be able to reach Reichenberg (Liberec) in Bohemia where he had friends. This certainly was a lucky encounter. First of all, he told me that the frontier was open, though barricaded on the Slovak side, and that the tramway to Vienna was functioning. Furthermore, he had about 8 marks and needed Czecho-Slovak crowns. I had only 5 marks and about 200 crowns left. I offered to ·buy his marks at 8 crowns. We walked to a restaurant on the right bank of the Danube, opposite the Stefanik monument, and had a good lunch of roast pork, dumplings, and sauerkraut at 10 crowns each, SLOVAKIA 51 and some beer. After I paid the bill, we crossed the river on a ferry to the monument. It was a beautiful Sunday afternoon and everything was perfectly calm. I returned to the hotel and told the young man to meet me at 3 p. m., when I expected to be ready to leave by taxi for the frontier: the chauffeur asked double fare, because it was Sunday, namely, 66 crowns. The fugitive came to the hotel punctually at 3 p. m. I gave him 60 crowns for his eight marks and he gave me an envelope with a key which he said was from his room in Vienna: all I had to do was to drop it in a post office box after reaching Vienna. We parted. I paid my bill at the hotel, and the taxi took less than half an hour to reach the Austrian frontier. The Czech custom officers at the barricade let me go through after looking at my passport; then I had to carry my two bags to the German Customs quite a ways off. The commanding officer was a Prussian from Berlin; he was supposed to wean the Austrians from their Gemlitlickeit and make them fast and efficient. Occasionally, an airplane lazily crossed the horizon. Not a sign of any soldiers or prepartions for warlike movements. The Berliner looked at my passport, did not even ask me to open my bags. All he wanted to know was what was going on in Bratislava. "General mobilization," I said. He wanted to know whether I had noticed the numbers of the regiments. "I noticed nothing; all I wanted to do was to cross the frontier and go to Vienna by the electric tramway." "Danke, mein Herr," he said very politely, "die elektrische Bahn geht um ungefiihr flinf Uhr ab." I took my bags to a sort of an open waiting room where I found other passengers waiting: Austrians who had the appearance of excursionists, curious about what was going on. During the two-hour wait, which was rather tedious, I noticed another plane lazily patroling the sky. In comparison with the swarming crowds of reservists I had seen on the night previous, this Austrian countryside looked like a calm picnic park. We left toward six p. m. and in all the stations Sunday excursionists were boarding the train. My interrupted ticket to Merano was valid. At about 8 p. m. we were in Vienna. One solitary airplane was circling 52 SLOVAKIA about the city. I took the streetcar to the Slidbahnhof and went to a hotel which I knew from my previous trips. The rooms which formerly cost 6 shillings now cost 6 marks: the clerk told me on the sly that the liberation and incorporation in the Great Fatherland had been a rather costly affair for the gemlitliche Austrians. In the morning, before boarding the train for San Candido (formerly Innichen) in the Dolomites - formerly a part of the Austrian Tyrol - I dropped the envelope containing the key in the post office box. Then the train transported me from a congested military atmosphere into the old time freedom which my soul always craved ever since I left Austria-Hungary in 1903. In many ways it was a memorable day for me this Monday, September 26th. In the soft beams of the morning sun I could see old Vienna for the last time in its stiU gemtitlich aspect - this Vindobona, where Marcus Aurelius jotted down his thoughts in Greek, the Imperial city, saved in 1683 from the Turkish hordes of Kara Mustafa by Czech defenders and Jan Sobieski's Polish army, and the merry center of West-Eastern melodies of Mozart and the Lustige Witwe in 1909, with the rumblings of the first world war in the distance. The city of many races and languages and strange love habits which a Moravian Jewish medic mistook for something universal. Before leaving the hotel at Bratislava on the foregoing Sunday afternoon, I could read my last feuilleton in the Narodni Listy, in which I pleaded for keeping Karlovy Vary free from all political strife and agitation. As the train was speeding through the Austrian and later Styrian country side, I mused over my recollections. The parade in Prague on the first of May, 1934, when at the very end of a long defile of Workers Socialist organizations I was looking, on the corner of Jecna ulice and Karlovo namesti, at the small motley group of Communists guarded by two policemen. They stopped right in front of my vantage point, because the defile had to stop marching somewhere on Vodickova ulice. There must have been a silent mockery in my look which provoked one of the Commies to step forward and come near me with a some- SLOVAKIA 53 what menacing look. But he had to moderate himself in the policeman's presence. " Co se tak posmesne usmivate ?" (What are you smiling so scoffingly) he asked with a Podskalak accent mixed with Jewish intonation. "Coz kdybych vam tak jednu lajsknul ?" (Suppose I smack you one?) he went on and added: "No jste starej clovek .. .. " (But you are an old man). This was rather ludricous fanfarronade, but indicated how daring a Commie could be at the time, knowing that old Masaryk needed the ten Communist votes in the Parliament for his reelection which was to take place on May 24th. I asked the little Jew what he was so angry about - and he said: "If you had six kids at home and not much to eat ... " and I said - "Why have six kids?" The policeman motioned to him to join his group - about fifty in all - and the defile resumed its march. Who could have dreamt then that this little group of riffraff would one day rule Bohemia? And I recalled October, 1934, when I saw between six and ten thousand German Socialists march along the main street of Karlovy Vary, Vfidelni ulice, with their red flags, boldly sticking out their clenched fists and shouting "Freiheit!" The Czech state police protected their march, a very provocative gesture in a 100 percent rightist, bourgeois city. I asked the policeman: "Proc je zde nechali pochodovat ?" (Why did they let them march here?) - "Protoze jsou statotvorna strana" (because they are a regular political party in the State). This was perhaps intended to discourage the Germans in Karlovy Vary from becoming partisans of Konrad Henlein, Hitler's agent. But the Sudeten Germans had only three choices: Caor as they called it tholic, Socialist or Nationalist "schwarz, Sozi oder Nazi," and this was the reason why a large number voted Nazi without being exactly admirers of Adolf Hitler. To me this Socialist defile was a surprise I had seen the same type of people march in Madrid on May first the year before with clenched fists and shouting: "U Ache Pe" - which stood for "Unios Hermanos Proletarios" or "Proletarians of all lands unite!" And three weeks later after the Socialist march in Karlovy Vary, I happened to be in Munich on the Parteitag, November 8th, 54 SLOVAKIA when that great Catholic city was flooded with huge red flags with the Swastika or Hakenkreuz. On the 9th I was told that university professors had to take an oath of loyalty to Hitler: "Wie werden auf Hitler vereidigt!" After the vote on January 13, 1935, when I was in Rome, France let Hitler occupy the Saar; in March, France and England allowed Hitler to rearm and no energetic steps were taken against the projected invasion of Ethiopia which started on October 3rd. On February 16, 1936, I saw the elections in Spain in Granada. I saw how the socalled Republican government did not stop violent acts against the Rightists, and I left for France at the end of May when I saw that a conflict was imminent. It actually started on July 18th when Berlin was beflagged on the occasion of Olympic games. Paris blamed London quite rightly, but had no courage to act independently And I especially thought of that evening at WUrzburg on May 25, 1935, when I had to sit out the whole radio address by Adolf Hitler about the immense danger which an unarmed Germany was exposed to in view of the Bolshevik menace. Hitler was enumerating the warships which Germany had to sink in accordance with the Treaty of Versailles and emphasized her present helplessness to face the great menace from the East. In view of the mighty Republic of Poland and the Little Entente no such danger existed. One phrase I remember well with all the inner vibration of Hitler's voice: "Wir Nazionalsozialisten sind fanatische Gegner des Bolschewismus: zwischen uns und den Bolschewiken kann nie eine Freundschaft bestehen." (We National Socialists are fanatical opponents of Bolshevism: there can never be friendship between us and the Bolsheviks). The hotel guests had to stand up and sing Horst Wessel Lied - I alone remained seated, no one said a word of protest. They knew I was a foreigner and had nothing to do with their national problems. The next day I was discussing the situation with young Germans. _Not only did they not oppose the rearming of Germany, but strangely enough they had the same argument which I have heard the militarists advance everywhere in the world: "Der Militardienst macht einen Kerl SLOVAKIA 55 aus Einem." (Military service makes a man out of a boy). In Berlin I saw everywhere defiant posters with the legend: "Die feinen Flugmaschinen, die unserm Flihrer dienen." (Fine airplanes that serve our Flihrer) . And trainloads of huge logs were coming to Germany from Carpatho-Russian forests furnishing wood for the airplanes. Could not the English and French diplomats and military attaches see all this? There still was time for a concerted action to stop the Hitler-Goring madness. In Erlangen - Bavaria - the people were expecting the CzechoSlovak army to march in at any rrioment in accordance with the Versailles Treaty. But nothing happened, because the British opposed strong action in order not to spoil good business. And now I saw my native land sacrificed by Western diplomacy, so the brilliant embassy parties and dances and cocktail drinking could go on undisturbed in Paris and London. And what was true of the Bohemian Crown lands was mutatis mutandis true of Slovakia and Carpatho-Russia. Recollections! The train arrived at Klagenfurt, via Graz and Zidani Most, the territory of germanized Slovenes. I was the only foreigner on board, and when we crossed into the Italian territory I was the only passenger from the frontier to San Candido. When we were somewhere between Klagenfurt and the frontier on the Austrian territory, the conductors would quickly sprint inside the station to listen to the radio which between eight and nine in the evening was blaring Hitler's violent attack on Benes at the Sportpalast. Only once was I sufficiently interested to get off and listen to the shrill tones of Hitler's voice familiar to me since the two and one-half hour speech at Wlirzburg three years before. At Benecko it was dampened by static. By chance I caught exactly the passage when Adolf was roaring in his best form, as if he were challenging Edward to a duel: "Hier stehe ich, dort steht Herr Benesch" (here I stand and there stands Benes) and the rest I do not remember because I had to board the train again. At Innichen - San Candido I found myself in the old Austrian atmosphere of my youth. The hotel was an old 56 SLOVAKIA fashioned Tyrolese inn with large and quiet rooms, without any running water, but a huge comfortable bed. Though it was very late - after eleven p. m. - a good Tyrolese housewife made a Wiener Schnitzel for me which was even better than the one I had eaten at Benecko. I slept wonderfully well and in the morning could admire the splendid sight of the Dolomiten without the slightest thought of war. From there I went to Merano and followed the Traubenkur a whole month while the Munich comedy was being played by Chamberlain, Daladier, Hitler, and Mussolini, who in the end got the most credit in the Corriere della Sera for having saved the peace. Merano was filled with all types of strange refugees, male and female, of the Milena characteristics which might have interested a Kraft-Ebbing. It is to be deplored that many university professors in Europe and America are muckracking in this sort of "literature." In view of the factual observations of an eyewitness possessing a perfect knowledge of Czech, German, Slovak, Polish, Russian, French, English and Italian - namely the languages involved in the great sellout - the idle musings and speculations both of Benes and the reviewer (Odlozilik) of Mnichovske dny, fade into the realm of Hollywood make-believe of Cecil de Mille's Ten Commandments. The general mobilization did not electrify the people at all, but was a huge comedy smacking to some extent of the good soldier Svejk. The reservists drank beer, ate frankfurters, joked, and knew that the whole thing was a picnic. Those of the Sudeten Germans among them, who knew Czech well, acted as Henlein's spies. The chain of fortifi~ations on which Benes spent over a billion crowns was just as useless as the French Maginot line proved to be later. Nothing could have stopped the Nazi tanks and the Czech regions could have been reduced to ashes by the Luftwaffe which had reportedly 15,000 planes, or ten times more than the reputed Czech air force. The 800,000 reservists were merely a mob compared to the disciplined nazi war machine. All this can be clearly seen from the illustrations showing Adolf "the savior" at the head of his Panzers on the Theaterplatz in Karlovy Vary, speaking to the enthusiastic crowds on October 15th. There is only one "author" whose methods resemble SLOVAKIA 57 those of Benes, namely Harry Truman, when it comes to complete distortion of facts. However, the Czech people of today, just like the American people of today, will not be easily persuaded to believe fairy tales. • • • MARTIN RAZUS (1883-1937) JOSEPH A. MIKUS The era, which opened for the Slovak nation in 1918, marks a rapid advance in the direction of the realization of its political aspirations. This is indubitably connected with the fall of feudalism and with the over-all extension of the significance of national individualities as political realities in Central Europe. To these external factors there are added also internal forces. And here, from among the many personalities which contributed handsomely to the spiritual and political crystallization of conditions in Slovakia, it behooves us today to recall one name: Martin Razus. While Andrew Hlinka, a Catholic priest, was becoming the leading figure of the political movement for Slovak autonomy for rather social reasons, in the meantime his contemporary and friend, Martin Razus, a Lutheran minister, poet and writer, was emerging as a defender of the political individuality of the Slovak nation for cultural and psychological reasons. In another respect, while Andrew Hlinka, as a man of action, engages in the fight against the leftist, religious, moral and political relativism of Masaryk's school and is drawn into the violent whirlpool of national activity, thus becoming top guard of national awareness, in the meantime, Martin Razus, with fire in his soul and the laurel of a man of letters on his head, devotes himself, according to his nature, rather to the spiritual processes of the national development of the Slovaks. With his ear close to the bosom of the nation, he catches the spiritual vibrations of the people in order to present them in his work a bit later to the public whom he chose to serve. It was thus that Razus became the "conscience of the nation." Even though the motives of Hlinka and Razus for po-  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Edvard Beneš on Munich Days Description An account of the resource A. R. Nykl Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 3-4 (24-25), September-December 1957 pp. 35-57 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Nykl, A. R. (Alois Richard), 1885-1958 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource September-December 1957 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/efdd0fb781b17d3de5567c2e9c360e4f.pdf 2b61d04f355f3bfeebd984321c4e80f0 PDF Text Text 84 SLOVAKIA Slovak Heritage By Michael O'P a k e, Esq. There were only three of us on deck that cold, foggy morning-Joseph, Stephen and I. On the distant horizon we could percive the faint outline of a women, standing like a sentinel in the middle of New York harbor. As we drew closer, her haunting voice seemed to penetrate the very depths of our souls and even brought tears to the eyes of my Slovak friends: "Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to breathe free; the wretched refuse of your teeming shore; send these, the homeless, tempest-tossed, to me." I watched Joseph who had been hungry and persecuted, brainwashed and forced by the party to sell his soul for the "glorious revolution of the proletariat." I followed Stephen who, untouched by freedom, had not been able to voice his own opinion or never able to worship his God. I thought of the other millions of enslaved human-beings, drifting helplessly on the sea of uncertainty, brutality, and prejudice-starvin g for a taste of freedom. I wondered what the Statue of Liberty thought when Joseph, in a voice choked up joy, said to her: "I wonder what it's like to be free." Yes, I learned a lesson that morning. We, the youth of America, as well as you . . . and you . . . and you-take freedom for granted. Little do we realize that it was bought with and protected by a precious coin-the blood spilled by the Joes and Jims at Bunker Hill, Gettysburg, at the Marne and on Heartbreak Ridge. Because these men died, we are free to live-to talk, laugh, and pray freedom. Freedom is a process-it must be handled and practiced in order to be known and loved. If freedom were taken away from American, then would we truly appreciate what a precious heritage that freedom is. Perhaps, then, fathers would be thankful that every man's home is his castle where he reigns king. Maybe mothers would appreciate being free to pray and equally important, to teach little Johnny or Susie the Our Father, the Hail Mary or a Psalm. Perhaps then and only then would 167 million Americans wake up! Then would they realize that their God- �SLOVAKIA 85 given rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness could be snatched away and buried on the other side of the Iron Curtain. Perhaps then would all of the grumblers and ·groaners; who praise every century but their own, every country but this, realize that America is a synonym for freedom. , But what are you doing to prevent that dreadful daythe day when America could become freedomless? Oh, you_ celebrate every 4th of July with a picnic and fireworks-you pay your taxes because it's getting harder and harder to cheat -you skip casting your ballot on election day because "it's such a bother" -you separate the black-skinned from the, white in your segregated schools. Is this the way to safeguard our most precious heritage? Is this the way the people of America are answering the little boy's question? The Statue of Liberty, in all her pomp and glory, couldn't answer but we Americans can. What would you say to Joseph if he should. ask you: "I wonder what it's like to be free?" That story, or speech, was written by me in 1956--while still in high school. The thoughts are as valid today as they were 17 years ago but today in 1973-all of us as free proud Slovaks here in America- should be asking ourselves some · additional questions. The freedom and independence and religious liberty which we cherish and about which our ancestors in the old country dreamed-what are we doing to make it a realityin an independent Slovakia? A peaceful and independent Slovakia should be the goal of each and every one of us. One enemy of that goal is Communism. The raucous rumble of the Russian tanks and the screams of the innocent victims of Communist tyranny sinking into pools of their own blood were heard not too long ago in Eastern Europe. The presence and fear are still there. Communism lays its eggs in poverty, feeds on filth, grows in hatred and ignorance and then rears its ugly head for all the world to see. Communism is no idle economic theory for intellectuals to debate. It is a real scourge that saps the lifeblood of a people and subjugates them. It is godless, but it is a powerful religion. It makes machines out of men but they carry out their orders. Communism has threatened to bury us. What is your answer? �86 SLOVAKIA Communism, be it Russian, Chinese or Nationalistic, has always feared religion. That's why it's so important that your efforts to establish Slovakia as an independent religious province be successful. And now is the time. I urge you, Catholics as well as Lutheran and Greek Catholic leaders-to implore the Vatican to recognize now that Slovakia deserves its own cardinal, arehbishops and independent r,eligious ex,istence. I commend you for your efforts in this direction and ask you-are you doing enough? A letter once a year may not convey the sense of urgency and support that thousands of frequent letters from individuals and organizations and maybe even a personal audience. The second question I would like you to ponder-are you satisfied with the moral and political and social climate here in America? Look around you. What do you see? Materialism? This is a more subtle, more insidious growth. Like a cancer, it eats from within to weaken the body of our society. The moral fiber of our nation is slowly taking on the texture of the shiny synthetic creation called pleasure. "Enjoy yourself, it's later than you think." "What counts is a good time." These are the slogans being peddled by today's hucksters of materialism as they count their 30 pieces of silver. Our sense of values is being warped and we're too busy enjoying ourselves to care. Is it any wonder that youth seeks its thrills on the streets when parents are never home either? It is a surprise that marriages don't work when the concept of love has been stripped of its dignity and transformed into lust? Is the business world bribe or political pay-off unusual when a "full day's work for a full day's pay" is a thing of the past? Materialism takes many forms as it gradually weakens our spiritual values. One of the bulwarks against that erosion of values is the unity of the family-a trait so characteristic of the Slovak heritage. Love and closeness of family. We have much to give to America. What else do you see? A third dangerous enemy closely linked to materialism is complacency. "Why bother?" This is the tranquilizer that soothes our minds when a difficult task or problem presents itself. You've heard it many times''Why work harder than you have to, nobody else does?" �SLOVAKIA 87 "Why get involved in politics, it's a crooked game?" And so it goes. The most powerful and most comfortable nation in the world is content to grow fat and soft. The industriousness, the willingness, the pride in work of the Slovak is well-known and respected. But how about the political involvement? Are you satisfied? Are you satisfied that there is no Slovak governor in the entire United States? Are you satisfied that there are so few Slovak Congressmen and Senators? While the Slovaks were busy building churches, the Irish were building political organizations. We can learn a lesson. What else do you see? Another dangerous enemy is lawlessness. People get shook and disgusted ever so often when a national tragedy strikes. As though seared with a burning iron, our minds react and we feel sorry for ourselves-for awhile. But why does it take an assassins bullet to pierce our consciences. The disrespect for law which causes national tragedy starts with small things-with you and me- cheating at school, in the car, at parties, then it's robberies, assaults, drugs, rapes, murders. Draft cards are burned, the American Flag is desecreated, students riot and abuse lawful authority, and then withdraw from all this ugly reality with LSD, the pot party, the trip. God and country have given us law-for the good of us all. Let us respect it and be constructive in changing man's law when needed. No problems are solved by merely being against. Ask not, "Can I get away with it?" ask, "Is this right or wrong?" One way to combat this tide of lawnessness is to channel your energy into active involvement in organizing Slovak organizations, societies and clubs. Are you satisfied with the activities of all of our organizations? Could they be strengthened-by merger, by more youth involvement? These are some of the challenges facing all of us who are interested in freedom for all peoples everywhere. I urge you to do your part right now in achieving that goal. Together we can take the first step that will lead to the goals that all of us hold so dear. (Address given at the Conference of the Slovak League of America, May 19, 1973.) � 84 SLOVAKIA Slovak Heritage By Michael O'P a k e, Esq. There were only three of us on deck that cold, foggy morning-Joseph, Stephen and I. On the distant horizon we could percive the faint outline of a women, standing like a sentinel in the middle of New York harbor. As we drew closer, her haunting voice seemed to penetrate the very depths of our souls and even brought tears to the eyes of my Slovak friends: "Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to breathe free; the wretched refuse of your teeming shore; send these, the homeless, tempest-tossed, to me." I watched Joseph who had been hungry and persecuted, brainwashed and forced by the party to sell his soul for the "glorious revolution of the proletariat." I followed Stephen who, untouched by freedom, had not been able to voice his own opinion or never able to worship his God. I thought of the other millions of enslaved human-beings, drifting helplessly on the sea of uncertainty, brutality, and prejudice-starvin g for a taste of freedom. I wondered what the Statue of Liberty thought when Joseph, in a voice choked up joy, said to her: "I wonder what it's like to be free." Yes, I learned a lesson that morning. We, the youth of America, as well as you . . . and you . . . and you-take freedom for granted. Little do we realize that it was bought with and protected by a precious coin-the blood spilled by the Joes and Jims at Bunker Hill, Gettysburg, at the Marne and on Heartbreak Ridge. Because these men died, we are free to live-to talk, laugh, and pray freedom. Freedom is a process-it must be handled and practiced in order to be known and loved. If freedom were taken away from American, then would we truly appreciate what a precious heritage that freedom is. Perhaps, then, fathers would be thankful that every man's home is his castle where he reigns king. Maybe mothers would appreciate being free to pray and equally important, to teach little Johnny or Susie the Our Father, the Hail Mary or a Psalm. Perhaps then and only then would 167 million Americans wake up! Then would they realize that their God- �SLOVAKIA 85 given rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness could be snatched away and buried on the other side of the Iron Curtain. Perhaps then would all of the grumblers and ·groaners; who praise every century but their own, every country but this, realize that America is a synonym for freedom. , But what are you doing to prevent that dreadful daythe day when America could become freedomless? Oh, you_ celebrate every 4th of July with a picnic and fireworks-you pay your taxes because it's getting harder and harder to cheat -you skip casting your ballot on election day because "it's such a bother" -you separate the black-skinned from the, white in your segregated schools. Is this the way to safeguard our most precious heritage? Is this the way the people of America are answering the little boy's question? The Statue of Liberty, in all her pomp and glory, couldn't answer but we Americans can. What would you say to Joseph if he should. ask you: "I wonder what it's like to be free?" That story, or speech, was written by me in 1956--while still in high school. The thoughts are as valid today as they were 17 years ago but today in 1973-all of us as free proud Slovaks here in America- should be asking ourselves some · additional questions. The freedom and independence and religious liberty which we cherish and about which our ancestors in the old country dreamed-what are we doing to make it a realityin an independent Slovakia? A peaceful and independent Slovakia should be the goal of each and every one of us. One enemy of that goal is Communism. The raucous rumble of the Russian tanks and the screams of the innocent victims of Communist tyranny sinking into pools of their own blood were heard not too long ago in Eastern Europe. The presence and fear are still there. Communism lays its eggs in poverty, feeds on filth, grows in hatred and ignorance and then rears its ugly head for all the world to see. Communism is no idle economic theory for intellectuals to debate. It is a real scourge that saps the lifeblood of a people and subjugates them. It is godless, but it is a powerful religion. It makes machines out of men but they carry out their orders. Communism has threatened to bury us. What is your answer? �86 SLOVAKIA Communism, be it Russian, Chinese or Nationalistic, has always feared religion. That's why it's so important that your efforts to establish Slovakia as an independent religious province be successful. And now is the time. I urge you, Catholics as well as Lutheran and Greek Catholic leaders-to implore the Vatican to recognize now that Slovakia deserves its own cardinal, arehbishops and independent r,eligious ex,istence. I commend you for your efforts in this direction and ask you-are you doing enough? A letter once a year may not convey the sense of urgency and support that thousands of frequent letters from individuals and organizations and maybe even a personal audience. The second question I would like you to ponder-are you satisfied with the moral and political and social climate here in America? Look around you. What do you see? Materialism? This is a more subtle, more insidious growth. Like a cancer, it eats from within to weaken the body of our society. The moral fiber of our nation is slowly taking on the texture of the shiny synthetic creation called pleasure. "Enjoy yourself, it's later than you think." "What counts is a good time." These are the slogans being peddled by today's hucksters of materialism as they count their 30 pieces of silver. Our sense of values is being warped and we're too busy enjoying ourselves to care. Is it any wonder that youth seeks its thrills on the streets when parents are never home either? It is a surprise that marriages don't work when the concept of love has been stripped of its dignity and transformed into lust? Is the business world bribe or political pay-off unusual when a "full day's work for a full day's pay" is a thing of the past? Materialism takes many forms as it gradually weakens our spiritual values. One of the bulwarks against that erosion of values is the unity of the family-a trait so characteristic of the Slovak heritage. Love and closeness of family. We have much to give to America. What else do you see? A third dangerous enemy closely linked to materialism is complacency. "Why bother?" This is the tranquilizer that soothes our minds when a difficult task or problem presents itself. You've heard it many times''Why work harder than you have to, nobody else does?" �SLOVAKIA 87 "Why get involved in politics, it's a crooked game?" And so it goes. The most powerful and most comfortable nation in the world is content to grow fat and soft. The industriousness, the willingness, the pride in work of the Slovak is well-known and respected. But how about the political involvement? Are you satisfied? Are you satisfied that there is no Slovak governor in the entire United States? Are you satisfied that there are so few Slovak Congressmen and Senators? While the Slovaks were busy building churches, the Irish were building political organizations. We can learn a lesson. What else do you see? Another dangerous enemy is lawlessness. People get shook and disgusted ever so often when a national tragedy strikes. As though seared with a burning iron, our minds react and we feel sorry for ourselves-for awhile. But why does it take an assassins bullet to pierce our consciences. The disrespect for law which causes national tragedy starts with small things-with you and me- cheating at school, in the car, at parties, then it's robberies, assaults, drugs, rapes, murders. Draft cards are burned, the American Flag is desecreated, students riot and abuse lawful authority, and then withdraw from all this ugly reality with LSD, the pot party, the trip. God and country have given us law-for the good of us all. Let us respect it and be constructive in changing man's law when needed. No problems are solved by merely being against. Ask not, "Can I get away with it?" ask, "Is this right or wrong?" One way to combat this tide of lawnessness is to channel your energy into active involvement in organizing Slovak organizations, societies and clubs. Are you satisfied with the activities of all of our organizations? Could they be strengthened-by merger, by more youth involvement? These are some of the challenges facing all of us who are interested in freedom for all peoples everywhere. I urge you to do your part right now in achieving that goal. Together we can take the first step that will lead to the goals that all of us hold so dear. (Address given at the Conference of the Slovak League of America, May 19, 1973.) � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1974, Vol. 24 Description An account of the resource Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1974 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 84 SLOVAKIA Slovak Heritage By Michael O'P a k e, Esq. There were only three of us on deck that cold, foggy morning-Joseph, Stephen and I. On the distant horizon we could percive the faint outline of a women, standing like a sentinel in the middle of New York harbor. As we drew closer, her haunting voice seemed to penetrate the very depths of our souls and even brought tears to the eyes of my Slovak friends: "Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to breathe free; the wretched refuse of your teeming shore; send these, the homeless, tempest-tossed, to me." I watched Joseph who had been hungry and persecuted, brainwashed and forced by the party to sell his soul for the "glorious revolution of the proletariat." I followed Stephen who, untouched by freedom, had not been able to voice his own opinion or never able to worship his God. I thought of the other millions of enslaved human-beings, drifting helplessly on the sea of uncertainty, brutality, and prejudice-starvin g for a taste of freedom. I wondered what the Statue of Liberty thought when Joseph, in a voice choked up joy, said to her: "I wonder what it's like to be free." Yes, I learned a lesson that morning. We, the youth of America, as well as you . . . and you . . . and you-take freedom for granted. Little do we realize that it was bought with and protected by a precious coin-the blood spilled by the Joes and Jims at Bunker Hill, Gettysburg, at the Marne and on Heartbreak Ridge. Because these men died, we are free to live-to talk, laugh, and pray freedom. Freedom is a process-it must be handled and practiced in order to be known and loved. If freedom were taken away from American, then would we truly appreciate what a precious heritage that freedom is. Perhaps, then, fathers would be thankful that every man's home is his castle where he reigns king. Maybe mothers would appreciate being free to pray and equally important, to teach little Johnny or Susie the Our Father, the Hail Mary or a Psalm. Perhaps then and only then would 167 million Americans wake up! Then would they realize that their God- SLOVAKIA 85 given rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness could be snatched away and buried on the other side of the Iron Curtain. Perhaps then would all of the grumblers and ·groaners; who praise every century but their own, every country but this, realize that America is a synonym for freedom. , But what are you doing to prevent that dreadful daythe day when America could become freedomless? Oh, you_ celebrate every 4th of July with a picnic and fireworks-you pay your taxes because it's getting harder and harder to cheat -you skip casting your ballot on election day because "it's such a bother" -you separate the black-skinned from the, white in your segregated schools. Is this the way to safeguard our most precious heritage? Is this the way the people of America are answering the little boy's question? The Statue of Liberty, in all her pomp and glory, couldn't answer but we Americans can. What would you say to Joseph if he should. ask you: "I wonder what it's like to be free?" That story, or speech, was written by me in 1956--while still in high school. The thoughts are as valid today as they were 17 years ago but today in 1973-all of us as free proud Slovaks here in America- should be asking ourselves some · additional questions. The freedom and independence and religious liberty which we cherish and about which our ancestors in the old country dreamed-what are we doing to make it a realityin an independent Slovakia? A peaceful and independent Slovakia should be the goal of each and every one of us. One enemy of that goal is Communism. The raucous rumble of the Russian tanks and the screams of the innocent victims of Communist tyranny sinking into pools of their own blood were heard not too long ago in Eastern Europe. The presence and fear are still there. Communism lays its eggs in poverty, feeds on filth, grows in hatred and ignorance and then rears its ugly head for all the world to see. Communism is no idle economic theory for intellectuals to debate. It is a real scourge that saps the lifeblood of a people and subjugates them. It is godless, but it is a powerful religion. It makes machines out of men but they carry out their orders. Communism has threatened to bury us. What is your answer? 86 SLOVAKIA Communism, be it Russian, Chinese or Nationalistic, has always feared religion. That's why it's so important that your efforts to establish Slovakia as an independent religious province be successful. And now is the time. I urge you, Catholics as well as Lutheran and Greek Catholic leaders-to implore the Vatican to recognize now that Slovakia deserves its own cardinal, arehbishops and independent r,eligious ex,istence. I commend you for your efforts in this direction and ask you-are you doing enough? A letter once a year may not convey the sense of urgency and support that thousands of frequent letters from individuals and organizations and maybe even a personal audience. The second question I would like you to ponder-are you satisfied with the moral and political and social climate here in America? Look around you. What do you see? Materialism? This is a more subtle, more insidious growth. Like a cancer, it eats from within to weaken the body of our society. The moral fiber of our nation is slowly taking on the texture of the shiny synthetic creation called pleasure. "Enjoy yourself, it's later than you think." "What counts is a good time." These are the slogans being peddled by today's hucksters of materialism as they count their 30 pieces of silver. Our sense of values is being warped and we're too busy enjoying ourselves to care. Is it any wonder that youth seeks its thrills on the streets when parents are never home either? It is a surprise that marriages don't work when the concept of love has been stripped of its dignity and transformed into lust? Is the business world bribe or political pay-off unusual when a "full day's work for a full day's pay" is a thing of the past? Materialism takes many forms as it gradually weakens our spiritual values. One of the bulwarks against that erosion of values is the unity of the family-a trait so characteristic of the Slovak heritage. Love and closeness of family. We have much to give to America. What else do you see? A third dangerous enemy closely linked to materialism is complacency. "Why bother?" This is the tranquilizer that soothes our minds when a difficult task or problem presents itself. You've heard it many times''Why work harder than you have to, nobody else does?" SLOVAKIA 87 "Why get involved in politics, it's a crooked game?" And so it goes. The most powerful and most comfortable nation in the world is content to grow fat and soft. The industriousness, the willingness, the pride in work of the Slovak is well-known and respected. But how about the political involvement? Are you satisfied? Are you satisfied that there is no Slovak governor in the entire United States? Are you satisfied that there are so few Slovak Congressmen and Senators? While the Slovaks were busy building churches, the Irish were building political organizations. We can learn a lesson. What else do you see? Another dangerous enemy is lawlessness. People get shook and disgusted ever so often when a national tragedy strikes. As though seared with a burning iron, our minds react and we feel sorry for ourselves-for awhile. But why does it take an assassins bullet to pierce our consciences. The disrespect for law which causes national tragedy starts with small things-with you and me- cheating at school, in the car, at parties, then it's robberies, assaults, drugs, rapes, murders. Draft cards are burned, the American Flag is desecreated, students riot and abuse lawful authority, and then withdraw from all this ugly reality with LSD, the pot party, the trip. God and country have given us law-for the good of us all. Let us respect it and be constructive in changing man's law when needed. No problems are solved by merely being against. Ask not, "Can I get away with it?" ask, "Is this right or wrong?" One way to combat this tide of lawnessness is to channel your energy into active involvement in organizing Slovak organizations, societies and clubs. Are you satisfied with the activities of all of our organizations? Could they be strengthened-by merger, by more youth involvement? These are some of the challenges facing all of us who are interested in freedom for all peoples everywhere. I urge you to do your part right now in achieving that goal. Together we can take the first step that will lead to the goals that all of us hold so dear. (Address given at the Conference of the Slovak League of America, May 19, 1973.)  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak Heritage Description An account of the resource Michael O'Pake, Esq. Slovakia, Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974 pp. 84-87 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource O'Pake, Michael A., 1940-2010 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1974 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/061d9750edea294dfb8e9ea0bd059782.pdf e5a874d77c8265b86711e154b433cd50 PDF Text Text 66 SLOVAKIA The Renaissance of the Slovak American Literature I The Americans of Slovak origin coming to the free shores of this country centuries ago and did not stop coming until the present day, have shown a tremendous energy and efficiency in bettering their material welfare. They worked, earned incomes, spent it, and enjoyed all the material affluence that the country offered them. Out of meager beginnings they have created considerable wealth by buying houses, establishing businesses, banks and fraternal organizations. On the spiritual level they were quite successful in building numerous churches, schools, and publishing an unprecedented number of newspapers and periodicals. In terms of serious literary endeavors, there were several authors who wrote novels, travelogues, short stories and especially poetry. Among the most recent ones, it was the late Msgr. Milos Mlynarovic. If we don't include such prominent newcomers as Mikulas sprinc, Karol Strmen, Karol Sidor, Jozef C. Hronsky and others, some of them living in America and others only publishing, it would be wrong. I refer here to the exquisite edition of books by the Slovak Defense Press in the fifties. Among the translators of Slovak poetry were Ivan Kramoris and Jaroslav Vajda (The Bloody Sonnets of Hviezdoslav). II There is a new literary star on the horizon of the Slovak American heaven of arts and letters. In Danville, Pennsylvania is located a beautiful Slovak academy of St. Cyril with the adjacent mother house of the Slovak Sisters. Among them lives Sister M. Martina Tybor who is currently engaged in cataloguing Slovakiana at Jankola Library and in teaching at the novitiate teacher-training institute at Villa Sacred Heart. Sister M. Martina is not only a diligent �SLOVAKIA 67 bibliographer, but also an exquisite poet in English. Her poetry is mostly scattered in the issues of Fialky and other periodicals. Apart from that, she has translated several books and studies by Msgr. John Rekem and Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum, but you would hardly find any sign of this and other work mostly because of Sister M. Martina's modesty. The end result is that in our midst lives an unassuming literary personality who has outgrown any living American-Slovak writer without anyone realizing her presence and tremendous potential. A somewhat more careful attention to such seemingly unimportant matters would make us realize the extent of M. Martina's contribution to the American-Slovak letters. Her most recent literary work entails two volumes of poetry by Rudolf Dilong translated into English. The first one is I Offer Bread and Salt, published in an exquisite form by the Slovak Jesuits in Galt, Ontario. It has been translated by M. Martina Tybor. The translation is a very good one, not only because of difficulty to translate Dilong, but also because of the inherent difficulty to translate into English from any language. The rhyme, rhytm, the sound, and other attributes of the language are so different from Slovak that it takes extraordinary skill to master this task. M. Martina Tybor has lived up to this task. The Marshall McLuhanistic style of Dilong which follows like this: V horach je dost' vidno, i ked' sa hajnici uvzali proti svetlu a nepustia ho do Mstin. (p. 17) sounds in Tybor's language in the following way; There is light enough in the mountains even though all the rangers had conspired against the light and outlawed it from the thickets. (p. 16) Although Dilong's two lines are without rhyme, they show a clear example of a symbolic presentation of his ideas. The only difference between Dilong and McLuhan is that while McLuhan shows the negative side of the world and tends to see its coming destruction, Dilong shows the helplessness of the world and at the same time �68 SLOVAKIA gives the hopeful answer to the seering problems of our generation. The following two lines Jestvovali uz vel'ki l'udia, pral'udia a ich katastr6fy. A nase prahory ostali po ich civilizaciach. (p. 23) which in Tybor's words sounds as follows: There have been great people--ancients and their catastrophic demise. And our hoary hills survived their civilization. (p. 22) are an example of Dilong's and Tybor's solution. The present day major dilemma of the human search for integrity is symbolized by Dilong's statement Na kamenny oltar nalial Elias vody a prosil Boha, aby ohen z neba spalil oltar pred tvarou pohanov, aby sa mu uverilo. (p. 31) and in Tybor's language; Elias poured water upon the stone altar and begged God to let fire from heaven consume the sacrifice in the presence of the pagans so that he would be believed. (p. 30) In fact, this book is full of such philosophical statements and it does belong to the most mature and well thought out poetry of Dilong. Dilong has been considered as an important Slovak surrealist, but this book of poetry surpasses the national limitations and should be considered a major contribution to the state of poetic arts in general. It is unique in its kind in the United States. As a man of spiritual endeavors, Dilong is most qualified to say about love the following lines: Laska sa vie udrzat' i na malom priestore. Laska nehl'ada nikdy vel'ke miesto pre seba, ale vel'ky pokoj. (p. 33) When M. Martina Tybor puts it in succint lines; Love can support itself even in little space. Love never seeks a great place for itself, just deep tranquility. (p. 32) it shows not only a great mastery on the part of Tybor's style, but it also shows a kinship to the spiritual world of Dilong. In fact, verses like these make the English translation equivalent in value to the Slovak original. The poet Dilong is an exile in several senses. He is an exile from his native Slovakia. As such, he knows the hardships of assimilation to the new life on this continent. In the second sense, he is an exile in terms of his religious order, which in a certain sense distinguishes him from the rest of the world. And thirdly, he is an exile of thought, only a select few understanding him and his plight for a more human world. All this pain and sorrow is con- �SLOVAKIA 69 centrated in one man alone and he expresses his alpha and omega as an axile in a brief and succinct statement which could not be imitated even by such genial minds as that of Strmefl and sprinc. The lines in Slovak: Pri ceste t'a caka medznik, ako tvoj domov. Batoh vzdychov k nemu prinesies. (p. 45) and in M. Martina Tybor's translation: There is a landmark at the roadside, awaiting your coming as surely as your home does. Here you will set down your pack of sights. (p. 44) The tremendous sensitivity of Dilong appears through all of his poetry in which he portrays his fellow travelers through this world of rushing to nowhere in which the misunderstanding of individual human beings is the order of the day. He very humbly says: 0, Boze, bud' pri cloveku, co ide s kyjakom k nam, lebo sme vel'mi citlivi. Pomaly ide, ale isto. (p. 47) and M. Tybor understandingly and compassionately shows the exact meaning when she reflects his ideas in her own poetic language: 0 God, be with the man who comes at us with a cudgel, for we are very sensitive. Slowly he come but surely. (p. 46) Dilong's vision of the human soul, in which there is a combination of our life here on earth with a special view of the eternal life into which all of us are supposed to tend to aspire is expressed again in simple phrase coached in metaphysical symbolism like the following: Stal som pri potoku a videl som na jeho dne nebo. Ale do neba tu vstupit' nemozno. (p. 57) and in M. Tybor's words: I stood at the brookside and saw heaven in the depth of its bed. But it is not possible to enter heaven here. One could follow through the whole book and show the tremendous power of vision of the poet as well as the translator. The symbolism of the Slovak verses of Dilong are excellently matched by equal value of M. Tybor's translations. Thus, two great minds have complimented each other in original production as well as creation in the translation. It is in this sense that M. Tybor's translation should be considered very creative. The two great minds show their potential in the second �70 SLOVAKIA volume of poetry by R. Dilong, also translated by M. Tybor, Wi th Christ in His Passi on. Here we find the creed of our poet of his whole life as a priest and poet of the highest of gifts when he humbly offers himself to his Lord God whose servant he has been all his life. M. Tybor, also a servant and follower of the works of the Lord has understood the poet's dedication and translates him in clear and simple language: Christ, I fall to my knees in the hour of your death. Look, my sin-bound sleep bordered on smug tranquility and all too long it did not change to tears following upon a bad dream. Out of my heart I tell you this: the cracked amphora will be removed and where the flowers had been steeped you will fill the air of the room with a tumbler of water that you will offer me; I , too, am your flower . (p. 7) The whole book is an excellent material for religious meditation in the time of Passion. The author has poured out his whole heart to the Lord in such a way that it could be any of us kneeling in front of the crucifix and telling the Lord of all our grief and sorrow. Of course, we could not say it with the angel's tongue like R. Dilong and M. Tybor. The most difficult of thoughts and plights are expressed here in a language both original Slovak and the English translation, that it looks almost like it is beautiful to suffer. In its metaphysical sense, it is exactly what Dilong and Tybor are trying to tell us. This book, unlike the other should be read by people who have been exposed to some religious meditation, or at least understanding the meaning of Christ's Passion. It is not going to be readily understood by the atheists of our time. On the other hand, the other book is a must for every person who considers himself intelligent enough to be able to read in depth the meaning of the problems of our times. �SLOVAKIA 71 III The two books of R. Dilong in an excellent translation of M. Tybor are sufficient to show that we are presented here with ideas of extraordinary dimensions unprecedented in the Slovak American cultural life. Two exquisite minds have presented us with an excellent feat for our spiritual well-being. Every American of Slovak descent should not miss reading these works. In fact they should be read by others who are interested in the present day spiritual problems of this country. However, it is one thing what one should do and another what one will actually do. If one should judge by the trends in such matters in the past, the translations will be forgotten next year and there will be no more creative work coming from either Dilong or Tybor. Of course, knowing both of them will prove that they are not easily discouraged. And rightly so. They may expect that after they are both long death, the younger generation of Americans of Slovak descent, coming fresh from their colleges, will ask their parents for the literary works of their ancestors. Some of them may not even know about such trivial matters but the young generation will find themselves. At that time, poets like Dilong and Tybor will get full appreciation. But of course, this does not have to happen this way. There are other Slovak intellectuals who came to these shores and who proved to be prominent writers. For instance, M. sprinc's book, To the Free Shores of America, is a classic. It would be good to do a research and find out how many honors were bestowed on sprinc because of this book. (He vrote others which can be considered classic, especially his essays, Letters from Coral). And Strmefl, the contemporary Dante in Slovak poetry; he received his Academic Palms from the French government for his outstanding contribution to the state of poetic arts. This honor should be considered as next in importance to the Nobel Prize. P. O'Reilly � 66 SLOVAKIA The Renaissance of the Slovak American Literature I The Americans of Slovak origin coming to the free shores of this country centuries ago and did not stop coming until the present day, have shown a tremendous energy and efficiency in bettering their material welfare. They worked, earned incomes, spent it, and enjoyed all the material affluence that the country offered them. Out of meager beginnings they have created considerable wealth by buying houses, establishing businesses, banks and fraternal organizations. On the spiritual level they were quite successful in building numerous churches, schools, and publishing an unprecedented number of newspapers and periodicals. In terms of serious literary endeavors, there were several authors who wrote novels, travelogues, short stories and especially poetry. Among the most recent ones, it was the late Msgr. Milos Mlynarovic. If we don't include such prominent newcomers as Mikulas sprinc, Karol Strmen, Karol Sidor, Jozef C. Hronsky and others, some of them living in America and others only publishing, it would be wrong. I refer here to the exquisite edition of books by the Slovak Defense Press in the fifties. Among the translators of Slovak poetry were Ivan Kramoris and Jaroslav Vajda (The Bloody Sonnets of Hviezdoslav). II There is a new literary star on the horizon of the Slovak American heaven of arts and letters. In Danville, Pennsylvania is located a beautiful Slovak academy of St. Cyril with the adjacent mother house of the Slovak Sisters. Among them lives Sister M. Martina Tybor who is currently engaged in cataloguing Slovakiana at Jankola Library and in teaching at the novitiate teacher-training institute at Villa Sacred Heart. Sister M. Martina is not only a diligent �SLOVAKIA 67 bibliographer, but also an exquisite poet in English. Her poetry is mostly scattered in the issues of Fialky and other periodicals. Apart from that, she has translated several books and studies by Msgr. John Rekem and Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum, but you would hardly find any sign of this and other work mostly because of Sister M. Martina's modesty. The end result is that in our midst lives an unassuming literary personality who has outgrown any living American-Slovak writer without anyone realizing her presence and tremendous potential. A somewhat more careful attention to such seemingly unimportant matters would make us realize the extent of M. Martina's contribution to the American-Slovak letters. Her most recent literary work entails two volumes of poetry by Rudolf Dilong translated into English. The first one is I Offer Bread and Salt, published in an exquisite form by the Slovak Jesuits in Galt, Ontario. It has been translated by M. Martina Tybor. The translation is a very good one, not only because of difficulty to translate Dilong, but also because of the inherent difficulty to translate into English from any language. The rhyme, rhytm, the sound, and other attributes of the language are so different from Slovak that it takes extraordinary skill to master this task. M. Martina Tybor has lived up to this task. The Marshall McLuhanistic style of Dilong which follows like this: V horach je dost' vidno, i ked' sa hajnici uvzali proti svetlu a nepustia ho do Mstin. (p. 17) sounds in Tybor's language in the following way; There is light enough in the mountains even though all the rangers had conspired against the light and outlawed it from the thickets. (p. 16) Although Dilong's two lines are without rhyme, they show a clear example of a symbolic presentation of his ideas. The only difference between Dilong and McLuhan is that while McLuhan shows the negative side of the world and tends to see its coming destruction, Dilong shows the helplessness of the world and at the same time �68 SLOVAKIA gives the hopeful answer to the seering problems of our generation. The following two lines Jestvovali uz vel'ki l'udia, pral'udia a ich katastr6fy. A nase prahory ostali po ich civilizaciach. (p. 23) which in Tybor's words sounds as follows: There have been great people--ancients and their catastrophic demise. And our hoary hills survived their civilization. (p. 22) are an example of Dilong's and Tybor's solution. The present day major dilemma of the human search for integrity is symbolized by Dilong's statement Na kamenny oltar nalial Elias vody a prosil Boha, aby ohen z neba spalil oltar pred tvarou pohanov, aby sa mu uverilo. (p. 31) and in Tybor's language; Elias poured water upon the stone altar and begged God to let fire from heaven consume the sacrifice in the presence of the pagans so that he would be believed. (p. 30) In fact, this book is full of such philosophical statements and it does belong to the most mature and well thought out poetry of Dilong. Dilong has been considered as an important Slovak surrealist, but this book of poetry surpasses the national limitations and should be considered a major contribution to the state of poetic arts in general. It is unique in its kind in the United States. As a man of spiritual endeavors, Dilong is most qualified to say about love the following lines: Laska sa vie udrzat' i na malom priestore. Laska nehl'ada nikdy vel'ke miesto pre seba, ale vel'ky pokoj. (p. 33) When M. Martina Tybor puts it in succint lines; Love can support itself even in little space. Love never seeks a great place for itself, just deep tranquility. (p. 32) it shows not only a great mastery on the part of Tybor's style, but it also shows a kinship to the spiritual world of Dilong. In fact, verses like these make the English translation equivalent in value to the Slovak original. The poet Dilong is an exile in several senses. He is an exile from his native Slovakia. As such, he knows the hardships of assimilation to the new life on this continent. In the second sense, he is an exile in terms of his religious order, which in a certain sense distinguishes him from the rest of the world. And thirdly, he is an exile of thought, only a select few understanding him and his plight for a more human world. All this pain and sorrow is con- �SLOVAKIA 69 centrated in one man alone and he expresses his alpha and omega as an axile in a brief and succinct statement which could not be imitated even by such genial minds as that of Strmefl and sprinc. The lines in Slovak: Pri ceste t'a caka medznik, ako tvoj domov. Batoh vzdychov k nemu prinesies. (p. 45) and in M. Martina Tybor's translation: There is a landmark at the roadside, awaiting your coming as surely as your home does. Here you will set down your pack of sights. (p. 44) The tremendous sensitivity of Dilong appears through all of his poetry in which he portrays his fellow travelers through this world of rushing to nowhere in which the misunderstanding of individual human beings is the order of the day. He very humbly says: 0, Boze, bud' pri cloveku, co ide s kyjakom k nam, lebo sme vel'mi citlivi. Pomaly ide, ale isto. (p. 47) and M. Tybor understandingly and compassionately shows the exact meaning when she reflects his ideas in her own poetic language: 0 God, be with the man who comes at us with a cudgel, for we are very sensitive. Slowly he come but surely. (p. 46) Dilong's vision of the human soul, in which there is a combination of our life here on earth with a special view of the eternal life into which all of us are supposed to tend to aspire is expressed again in simple phrase coached in metaphysical symbolism like the following: Stal som pri potoku a videl som na jeho dne nebo. Ale do neba tu vstupit' nemozno. (p. 57) and in M. Tybor's words: I stood at the brookside and saw heaven in the depth of its bed. But it is not possible to enter heaven here. One could follow through the whole book and show the tremendous power of vision of the poet as well as the translator. The symbolism of the Slovak verses of Dilong are excellently matched by equal value of M. Tybor's translations. Thus, two great minds have complimented each other in original production as well as creation in the translation. It is in this sense that M. Tybor's translation should be considered very creative. The two great minds show their potential in the second �70 SLOVAKIA volume of poetry by R. Dilong, also translated by M. Tybor, Wi th Christ in His Passi on. Here we find the creed of our poet of his whole life as a priest and poet of the highest of gifts when he humbly offers himself to his Lord God whose servant he has been all his life. M. Tybor, also a servant and follower of the works of the Lord has understood the poet's dedication and translates him in clear and simple language: Christ, I fall to my knees in the hour of your death. Look, my sin-bound sleep bordered on smug tranquility and all too long it did not change to tears following upon a bad dream. Out of my heart I tell you this: the cracked amphora will be removed and where the flowers had been steeped you will fill the air of the room with a tumbler of water that you will offer me; I , too, am your flower . (p. 7) The whole book is an excellent material for religious meditation in the time of Passion. The author has poured out his whole heart to the Lord in such a way that it could be any of us kneeling in front of the crucifix and telling the Lord of all our grief and sorrow. Of course, we could not say it with the angel's tongue like R. Dilong and M. Tybor. The most difficult of thoughts and plights are expressed here in a language both original Slovak and the English translation, that it looks almost like it is beautiful to suffer. In its metaphysical sense, it is exactly what Dilong and Tybor are trying to tell us. This book, unlike the other should be read by people who have been exposed to some religious meditation, or at least understanding the meaning of Christ's Passion. It is not going to be readily understood by the atheists of our time. On the other hand, the other book is a must for every person who considers himself intelligent enough to be able to read in depth the meaning of the problems of our times. �SLOVAKIA 71 III The two books of R. Dilong in an excellent translation of M. Tybor are sufficient to show that we are presented here with ideas of extraordinary dimensions unprecedented in the Slovak American cultural life. Two exquisite minds have presented us with an excellent feat for our spiritual well-being. Every American of Slovak descent should not miss reading these works. In fact they should be read by others who are interested in the present day spiritual problems of this country. However, it is one thing what one should do and another what one will actually do. If one should judge by the trends in such matters in the past, the translations will be forgotten next year and there will be no more creative work coming from either Dilong or Tybor. Of course, knowing both of them will prove that they are not easily discouraged. And rightly so. They may expect that after they are both long death, the younger generation of Americans of Slovak descent, coming fresh from their colleges, will ask their parents for the literary works of their ancestors. Some of them may not even know about such trivial matters but the young generation will find themselves. At that time, poets like Dilong and Tybor will get full appreciation. But of course, this does not have to happen this way. There are other Slovak intellectuals who came to these shores and who proved to be prominent writers. For instance, M. sprinc's book, To the Free Shores of America, is a classic. It would be good to do a research and find out how many honors were bestowed on sprinc because of this book. (He vrote others which can be considered classic, especially his essays, Letters from Coral). And Strmefl, the contemporary Dante in Slovak poetry; he received his Academic Palms from the French government for his outstanding contribution to the state of poetic arts. This honor should be considered as next in importance to the Nobel Prize. P. O'Reilly � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1973, Vol. 23 Description An account of the resource Vol. 23 (No. 46), 1973. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1973 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 66 SLOVAKIA The Renaissance of the Slovak American Literature I The Americans of Slovak origin coming to the free shores of this country centuries ago and did not stop coming until the present day, have shown a tremendous energy and efficiency in bettering their material welfare. They worked, earned incomes, spent it, and enjoyed all the material affluence that the country offered them. Out of meager beginnings they have created considerable wealth by buying houses, establishing businesses, banks and fraternal organizations. On the spiritual level they were quite successful in building numerous churches, schools, and publishing an unprecedented number of newspapers and periodicals. In terms of serious literary endeavors, there were several authors who wrote novels, travelogues, short stories and especially poetry. Among the most recent ones, it was the late Msgr. Milos Mlynarovic. If we don't include such prominent newcomers as Mikulas sprinc, Karol Strmen, Karol Sidor, Jozef C. Hronsky and others, some of them living in America and others only publishing, it would be wrong. I refer here to the exquisite edition of books by the Slovak Defense Press in the fifties. Among the translators of Slovak poetry were Ivan Kramoris and Jaroslav Vajda (The Bloody Sonnets of Hviezdoslav). II There is a new literary star on the horizon of the Slovak American heaven of arts and letters. In Danville, Pennsylvania is located a beautiful Slovak academy of St. Cyril with the adjacent mother house of the Slovak Sisters. Among them lives Sister M. Martina Tybor who is currently engaged in cataloguing Slovakiana at Jankola Library and in teaching at the novitiate teacher-training institute at Villa Sacred Heart. Sister M. Martina is not only a diligent SLOVAKIA 67 bibliographer, but also an exquisite poet in English. Her poetry is mostly scattered in the issues of Fialky and other periodicals. Apart from that, she has translated several books and studies by Msgr. John Rekem and Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum, but you would hardly find any sign of this and other work mostly because of Sister M. Martina's modesty. The end result is that in our midst lives an unassuming literary personality who has outgrown any living American-Slovak writer without anyone realizing her presence and tremendous potential. A somewhat more careful attention to such seemingly unimportant matters would make us realize the extent of M. Martina's contribution to the American-Slovak letters. Her most recent literary work entails two volumes of poetry by Rudolf Dilong translated into English. The first one is I Offer Bread and Salt, published in an exquisite form by the Slovak Jesuits in Galt, Ontario. It has been translated by M. Martina Tybor. The translation is a very good one, not only because of difficulty to translate Dilong, but also because of the inherent difficulty to translate into English from any language. The rhyme, rhytm, the sound, and other attributes of the language are so different from Slovak that it takes extraordinary skill to master this task. M. Martina Tybor has lived up to this task. The Marshall McLuhanistic style of Dilong which follows like this: V horach je dost' vidno, i ked' sa hajnici uvzali proti svetlu a nepustia ho do Mstin. (p. 17) sounds in Tybor's language in the following way; There is light enough in the mountains even though all the rangers had conspired against the light and outlawed it from the thickets. (p. 16) Although Dilong's two lines are without rhyme, they show a clear example of a symbolic presentation of his ideas. The only difference between Dilong and McLuhan is that while McLuhan shows the negative side of the world and tends to see its coming destruction, Dilong shows the helplessness of the world and at the same time 68 SLOVAKIA gives the hopeful answer to the seering problems of our generation. The following two lines Jestvovali uz vel'ki l'udia, pral'udia a ich katastr6fy. A nase prahory ostali po ich civilizaciach. (p. 23) which in Tybor's words sounds as follows: There have been great people--ancients and their catastrophic demise. And our hoary hills survived their civilization. (p. 22) are an example of Dilong's and Tybor's solution. The present day major dilemma of the human search for integrity is symbolized by Dilong's statement Na kamenny oltar nalial Elias vody a prosil Boha, aby ohen z neba spalil oltar pred tvarou pohanov, aby sa mu uverilo. (p. 31) and in Tybor's language; Elias poured water upon the stone altar and begged God to let fire from heaven consume the sacrifice in the presence of the pagans so that he would be believed. (p. 30) In fact, this book is full of such philosophical statements and it does belong to the most mature and well thought out poetry of Dilong. Dilong has been considered as an important Slovak surrealist, but this book of poetry surpasses the national limitations and should be considered a major contribution to the state of poetic arts in general. It is unique in its kind in the United States. As a man of spiritual endeavors, Dilong is most qualified to say about love the following lines: Laska sa vie udrzat' i na malom priestore. Laska nehl'ada nikdy vel'ke miesto pre seba, ale vel'ky pokoj. (p. 33) When M. Martina Tybor puts it in succint lines; Love can support itself even in little space. Love never seeks a great place for itself, just deep tranquility. (p. 32) it shows not only a great mastery on the part of Tybor's style, but it also shows a kinship to the spiritual world of Dilong. In fact, verses like these make the English translation equivalent in value to the Slovak original. The poet Dilong is an exile in several senses. He is an exile from his native Slovakia. As such, he knows the hardships of assimilation to the new life on this continent. In the second sense, he is an exile in terms of his religious order, which in a certain sense distinguishes him from the rest of the world. And thirdly, he is an exile of thought, only a select few understanding him and his plight for a more human world. All this pain and sorrow is con- SLOVAKIA 69 centrated in one man alone and he expresses his alpha and omega as an axile in a brief and succinct statement which could not be imitated even by such genial minds as that of Strmefl and sprinc. The lines in Slovak: Pri ceste t'a caka medznik, ako tvoj domov. Batoh vzdychov k nemu prinesies. (p. 45) and in M. Martina Tybor's translation: There is a landmark at the roadside, awaiting your coming as surely as your home does. Here you will set down your pack of sights. (p. 44) The tremendous sensitivity of Dilong appears through all of his poetry in which he portrays his fellow travelers through this world of rushing to nowhere in which the misunderstanding of individual human beings is the order of the day. He very humbly says: 0, Boze, bud' pri cloveku, co ide s kyjakom k nam, lebo sme vel'mi citlivi. Pomaly ide, ale isto. (p. 47) and M. Tybor understandingly and compassionately shows the exact meaning when she reflects his ideas in her own poetic language: 0 God, be with the man who comes at us with a cudgel, for we are very sensitive. Slowly he come but surely. (p. 46) Dilong's vision of the human soul, in which there is a combination of our life here on earth with a special view of the eternal life into which all of us are supposed to tend to aspire is expressed again in simple phrase coached in metaphysical symbolism like the following: Stal som pri potoku a videl som na jeho dne nebo. Ale do neba tu vstupit' nemozno. (p. 57) and in M. Tybor's words: I stood at the brookside and saw heaven in the depth of its bed. But it is not possible to enter heaven here. One could follow through the whole book and show the tremendous power of vision of the poet as well as the translator. The symbolism of the Slovak verses of Dilong are excellently matched by equal value of M. Tybor's translations. Thus, two great minds have complimented each other in original production as well as creation in the translation. It is in this sense that M. Tybor's translation should be considered very creative. The two great minds show their potential in the second 70 SLOVAKIA volume of poetry by R. Dilong, also translated by M. Tybor, Wi th Christ in His Passi on. Here we find the creed of our poet of his whole life as a priest and poet of the highest of gifts when he humbly offers himself to his Lord God whose servant he has been all his life. M. Tybor, also a servant and follower of the works of the Lord has understood the poet's dedication and translates him in clear and simple language: Christ, I fall to my knees in the hour of your death. Look, my sin-bound sleep bordered on smug tranquility and all too long it did not change to tears following upon a bad dream. Out of my heart I tell you this: the cracked amphora will be removed and where the flowers had been steeped you will fill the air of the room with a tumbler of water that you will offer me; I , too, am your flower . (p. 7) The whole book is an excellent material for religious meditation in the time of Passion. The author has poured out his whole heart to the Lord in such a way that it could be any of us kneeling in front of the crucifix and telling the Lord of all our grief and sorrow. Of course, we could not say it with the angel's tongue like R. Dilong and M. Tybor. The most difficult of thoughts and plights are expressed here in a language both original Slovak and the English translation, that it looks almost like it is beautiful to suffer. In its metaphysical sense, it is exactly what Dilong and Tybor are trying to tell us. This book, unlike the other should be read by people who have been exposed to some religious meditation, or at least understanding the meaning of Christ's Passion. It is not going to be readily understood by the atheists of our time. On the other hand, the other book is a must for every person who considers himself intelligent enough to be able to read in depth the meaning of the problems of our times. SLOVAKIA 71 III The two books of R. Dilong in an excellent translation of M. Tybor are sufficient to show that we are presented here with ideas of extraordinary dimensions unprecedented in the Slovak American cultural life. Two exquisite minds have presented us with an excellent feat for our spiritual well-being. Every American of Slovak descent should not miss reading these works. In fact they should be read by others who are interested in the present day spiritual problems of this country. However, it is one thing what one should do and another what one will actually do. If one should judge by the trends in such matters in the past, the translations will be forgotten next year and there will be no more creative work coming from either Dilong or Tybor. Of course, knowing both of them will prove that they are not easily discouraged. And rightly so. They may expect that after they are both long death, the younger generation of Americans of Slovak descent, coming fresh from their colleges, will ask their parents for the literary works of their ancestors. Some of them may not even know about such trivial matters but the young generation will find themselves. At that time, poets like Dilong and Tybor will get full appreciation. But of course, this does not have to happen this way. There are other Slovak intellectuals who came to these shores and who proved to be prominent writers. For instance, M. sprinc's book, To the Free Shores of America, is a classic. It would be good to do a research and find out how many honors were bestowed on sprinc because of this book. (He vrote others which can be considered classic, especially his essays, Letters from Coral). And Strmefl, the contemporary Dante in Slovak poetry; he received his Academic Palms from the French government for his outstanding contribution to the state of poetic arts. This honor should be considered as next in importance to the Nobel Prize. P. O'Reilly  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Renaissance of the Slovak American Literature Description An account of the resource P. O'Reilly Slovakia, Vol. 23 (No. 46), 1973 pp. 66-71 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource O'Reilly, P. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1973 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/5122f120baea7fd9398a1b9cfe3e3e6d.pdf 8a89012ad1d7dbff82f8306a3b8ec037 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 65 EXIT CZECHO-SLOVAKIA'S "BERIA" By Wolfgang E. Oberleitner Czecho-Slovakia has so far appeared to be the most stable of the "People's Democracies," more so than the Soviet Union, where Khrushchev's battles with his adversaries have been going on for years and are still not settled. In Czecho-Slovakia, however, the ruling clique has so far managed to face the public as a monolithic block, welded together by the awareness of the liability of dictatorial regimes, even if they do come off with 98 per cent of the votes at every election. Ever since the major crisis of 1952 that ended in the denunciation of Deputy Minister President Slansky and his cosmopolitan entourage, there have been no further symptoms of internal tension in the CSR. That explains Moscow's ability to rely at all times on its Czech ally and to point him out to other satellites as an example of what communist regime consolidation is like. This optimistic picture of the situation in CzechoSlovakia is actually deceptive. The case of erstwhile Deputy Minister President Barak, dubbed by State President and First Party Secretary Antonin Novotny as a "political adventurer and criminal" points to chinks that cannot easily be puttied up. Novotny's accusations are all the more surprising since Barak is a man who for eight years was in control of the entire State and Party apparatus and knew, as hardly anyone else, just what was going on and would perhaps have been in a position to take over the reins of power himself. His meteoric rise from a simple worker to one of the big ten in the Czech Politburo may have caused him to believe that the moment had come to reach for the top party position first secretary - which Novotny, a man ten years his senior (60), was naturally unwilling to yield. Barak was clever enough to stay in the background and seldom made a speech lest one day, when the wind blew the other way, it be held against him. To be sure, he �66 SLOVAKIA could point to achievements, but these proved to be more of a burden to the department of justice than to himself. Right after he took over the Ministry of the Interior in September 1953, Barak began to weed out communist opposition. First on the agenda was the trial of Bishop Trochta, whom he had sentenced to 25 years imprisonment. He then turned the .guns on the Catholic People's Party - it had already been put out of commission and the leaders were given heavy terms in the penitentiary. That same year the Social Democrats were brought • before the tribunal; 24 of their functionaries were given long prison terms. The full storm of hatred of the police minister, whose methods strongly resembled those of his Soviet colleague Beria, was directed against the Slovak "separatists," four of whom he sentenced to death as late as 1958 and many others got long prison terms. It was not the terrorist methods, however, employed by Barak's henchmen, that proved fateful, but the calumniations of the People's Councils subordinate to · him. Novotny, who of course, knew about all this, now brought charges against his one-time colleague for "broadly plotted violations of the laiw." The president of the State who the year before had seen how Barak was trying to wangle himself into a position from which he could outmaneuver Novotny, a man who spoke much of de.:Stalinization but did nothing about it - repeated the same game th'a t had been used against Slansky in 1951, namely, removal from office while giving the incumbent the decorative post of Deputy Minister President, only to arrest him a few months later and have him executed. In June, 1961, Barak was forced to give up the Ministry of the Interior in exchange for a government commission for the People's Councils. As early as September, 1960, the dark clouds started to form over Barak's head when remarks were made in parliament by Novotny's representative Vavra about "socialist legality" being violated by members of the People's Councils "whose functionaries are only too little acquainted with the legal regulations." A few days later the communist Rude Pravo pre- �SLOVAKIA 67 sented examples to shed more light on scandals which, though not begun under Barak, continued under his administration. It was learned that strange business was being conducted at the machinery and tractor stations in Znaim. Instead of repairing the mowers, trade was booming in ladies lingerie. Pullovers, coats and silk stockings were being bought up from large firms and immediately r esold to their industrial enterprisers with a boost in price of 10 per cent. The profit of 226,000 crowns was divided up. Since the district "People's Council" was proba:bly bribed, there was, it was thought, small likelihood of being caught. In the fall of 1961, the National Assembly even passed a resolution in which it indirectly invited Barak to clean up the thievings and damage to socialist property and to put a stop to the plethora of "unjustified local interests" wherever it was taking place at the expense of the overall economy. Even with the best of intentions Barak could not possibly have righted the situation in such a short time, partly because many of his people were among the People's Councils and he did not want to or could not. be too rough with th0m, since they knew too much. While in office, Barak spoke of many existent abuses that ought to be corrected. The "people's " court wanted to know why he did practically nothing to solve the problems he so frequently spoke of ... and then sentenced him to 16 years in jail. Communism devours its own children! Simon Jurovsky, head o'f the S:1o- thr-0wn out of bhe Czech Red Parvak National Theater opera pro- ty, and condemned to 15 years i'Il ductions, celebrated h is 50th birth- jail. According to t'he Pr:a,gue r adaty in Bratislava. He was born dio broadcast of February 8, Bain Ul'anlka, near Banska Bystri<:a, rak had misused and abused :his I power amid hel<P'ed himselif to moFebruaror 8, 1'912. ney th,at belonged to the socialisill! ill! il!! Rudolph Barak, Czech COIIllmu- tic state. l!(! l!(! l!(! nist and sadist, who served the SLOVA:IGIA, according to statisPra,gue re~me as Minister Olf the Interior before he was kiiclced "up- tics recentliy released, had a popustairs" t-0 become Deputy Premier, lation, of 4',220,000 art the end of was arrested eady in 1lhe year, December, '11961. � SLOVAKIA 65 EXIT CZECHO-SLOVAKIA'S "BERIA" By Wolfgang E. Oberleitner Czecho-Slovakia has so far appeared to be the most stable of the "People's Democracies," more so than the Soviet Union, where Khrushchev's battles with his adversaries have been going on for years and are still not settled. In Czecho-Slovakia, however, the ruling clique has so far managed to face the public as a monolithic block, welded together by the awareness of the liability of dictatorial regimes, even if they do come off with 98 per cent of the votes at every election. Ever since the major crisis of 1952 that ended in the denunciation of Deputy Minister President Slansky and his cosmopolitan entourage, there have been no further symptoms of internal tension in the CSR. That explains Moscow's ability to rely at all times on its Czech ally and to point him out to other satellites as an example of what communist regime consolidation is like. This optimistic picture of the situation in CzechoSlovakia is actually deceptive. The case of erstwhile Deputy Minister President Barak, dubbed by State President and First Party Secretary Antonin Novotny as a "political adventurer and criminal" points to chinks that cannot easily be puttied up. Novotny's accusations are all the more surprising since Barak is a man who for eight years was in control of the entire State and Party apparatus and knew, as hardly anyone else, just what was going on and would perhaps have been in a position to take over the reins of power himself. His meteoric rise from a simple worker to one of the big ten in the Czech Politburo may have caused him to believe that the moment had come to reach for the top party position first secretary - which Novotny, a man ten years his senior (60), was naturally unwilling to yield. Barak was clever enough to stay in the background and seldom made a speech lest one day, when the wind blew the other way, it be held against him. To be sure, he �66 SLOVAKIA could point to achievements, but these proved to be more of a burden to the department of justice than to himself. Right after he took over the Ministry of the Interior in September 1953, Barak began to weed out communist opposition. First on the agenda was the trial of Bishop Trochta, whom he had sentenced to 25 years imprisonment. He then turned the .guns on the Catholic People's Party - it had already been put out of commission and the leaders were given heavy terms in the penitentiary. That same year the Social Democrats were brought • before the tribunal; 24 of their functionaries were given long prison terms. The full storm of hatred of the police minister, whose methods strongly resembled those of his Soviet colleague Beria, was directed against the Slovak "separatists," four of whom he sentenced to death as late as 1958 and many others got long prison terms. It was not the terrorist methods, however, employed by Barak's henchmen, that proved fateful, but the calumniations of the People's Councils subordinate to · him. Novotny, who of course, knew about all this, now brought charges against his one-time colleague for "broadly plotted violations of the laiw." The president of the State who the year before had seen how Barak was trying to wangle himself into a position from which he could outmaneuver Novotny, a man who spoke much of de.:Stalinization but did nothing about it - repeated the same game th'a t had been used against Slansky in 1951, namely, removal from office while giving the incumbent the decorative post of Deputy Minister President, only to arrest him a few months later and have him executed. In June, 1961, Barak was forced to give up the Ministry of the Interior in exchange for a government commission for the People's Councils. As early as September, 1960, the dark clouds started to form over Barak's head when remarks were made in parliament by Novotny's representative Vavra about "socialist legality" being violated by members of the People's Councils "whose functionaries are only too little acquainted with the legal regulations." A few days later the communist Rude Pravo pre- �SLOVAKIA 67 sented examples to shed more light on scandals which, though not begun under Barak, continued under his administration. It was learned that strange business was being conducted at the machinery and tractor stations in Znaim. Instead of repairing the mowers, trade was booming in ladies lingerie. Pullovers, coats and silk stockings were being bought up from large firms and immediately r esold to their industrial enterprisers with a boost in price of 10 per cent. The profit of 226,000 crowns was divided up. Since the district "People's Council" was proba:bly bribed, there was, it was thought, small likelihood of being caught. In the fall of 1961, the National Assembly even passed a resolution in which it indirectly invited Barak to clean up the thievings and damage to socialist property and to put a stop to the plethora of "unjustified local interests" wherever it was taking place at the expense of the overall economy. Even with the best of intentions Barak could not possibly have righted the situation in such a short time, partly because many of his people were among the People's Councils and he did not want to or could not. be too rough with th0m, since they knew too much. While in office, Barak spoke of many existent abuses that ought to be corrected. The "people's " court wanted to know why he did practically nothing to solve the problems he so frequently spoke of ... and then sentenced him to 16 years in jail. Communism devours its own children! Simon Jurovsky, head o'f the S:1o- thr-0wn out of bhe Czech Red Parvak National Theater opera pro- ty, and condemned to 15 years i'Il ductions, celebrated h is 50th birth- jail. According to t'he Pr:a,gue r adaty in Bratislava. He was born dio broadcast of February 8, Bain Ul'anlka, near Banska Bystri<:a, rak had misused and abused :his I power amid hel<P'ed himselif to moFebruaror 8, 1'912. ney th,at belonged to the socialisill! ill! il!! Rudolph Barak, Czech COIIllmu- tic state. l!(! l!(! l!(! nist and sadist, who served the SLOVA:IGIA, according to statisPra,gue re~me as Minister Olf the Interior before he was kiiclced "up- tics recentliy released, had a popustairs" t-0 become Deputy Premier, lation, of 4',220,000 art the end of was arrested eady in 1lhe year, December, '11961. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1962, Vol. 12 Description An account of the resource Issue 1 (No. 35), March-June 1962. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1962 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 65 EXIT CZECHO-SLOVAKIA'S "BERIA" By Wolfgang E. Oberleitner Czecho-Slovakia has so far appeared to be the most stable of the "People's Democracies," more so than the Soviet Union, where Khrushchev's battles with his adversaries have been going on for years and are still not settled. In Czecho-Slovakia, however, the ruling clique has so far managed to face the public as a monolithic block, welded together by the awareness of the liability of dictatorial regimes, even if they do come off with 98 per cent of the votes at every election. Ever since the major crisis of 1952 that ended in the denunciation of Deputy Minister President Slansky and his cosmopolitan entourage, there have been no further symptoms of internal tension in the CSR. That explains Moscow's ability to rely at all times on its Czech ally and to point him out to other satellites as an example of what communist regime consolidation is like. This optimistic picture of the situation in CzechoSlovakia is actually deceptive. The case of erstwhile Deputy Minister President Barak, dubbed by State President and First Party Secretary Antonin Novotny as a "political adventurer and criminal" points to chinks that cannot easily be puttied up. Novotny's accusations are all the more surprising since Barak is a man who for eight years was in control of the entire State and Party apparatus and knew, as hardly anyone else, just what was going on and would perhaps have been in a position to take over the reins of power himself. His meteoric rise from a simple worker to one of the big ten in the Czech Politburo may have caused him to believe that the moment had come to reach for the top party position first secretary - which Novotny, a man ten years his senior (60), was naturally unwilling to yield. Barak was clever enough to stay in the background and seldom made a speech lest one day, when the wind blew the other way, it be held against him. To be sure, he 66 SLOVAKIA could point to achievements, but these proved to be more of a burden to the department of justice than to himself. Right after he took over the Ministry of the Interior in September 1953, Barak began to weed out communist opposition. First on the agenda was the trial of Bishop Trochta, whom he had sentenced to 25 years imprisonment. He then turned the .guns on the Catholic People's Party - it had already been put out of commission and the leaders were given heavy terms in the penitentiary. That same year the Social Democrats were brought • before the tribunal; 24 of their functionaries were given long prison terms. The full storm of hatred of the police minister, whose methods strongly resembled those of his Soviet colleague Beria, was directed against the Slovak "separatists," four of whom he sentenced to death as late as 1958 and many others got long prison terms. It was not the terrorist methods, however, employed by Barak's henchmen, that proved fateful, but the calumniations of the People's Councils subordinate to · him. Novotny, who of course, knew about all this, now brought charges against his one-time colleague for "broadly plotted violations of the laiw." The president of the State who the year before had seen how Barak was trying to wangle himself into a position from which he could outmaneuver Novotny, a man who spoke much of de.:Stalinization but did nothing about it - repeated the same game th'a t had been used against Slansky in 1951, namely, removal from office while giving the incumbent the decorative post of Deputy Minister President, only to arrest him a few months later and have him executed. In June, 1961, Barak was forced to give up the Ministry of the Interior in exchange for a government commission for the People's Councils. As early as September, 1960, the dark clouds started to form over Barak's head when remarks were made in parliament by Novotny's representative Vavra about "socialist legality" being violated by members of the People's Councils "whose functionaries are only too little acquainted with the legal regulations." A few days later the communist Rude Pravo pre- SLOVAKIA 67 sented examples to shed more light on scandals which, though not begun under Barak, continued under his administration. It was learned that strange business was being conducted at the machinery and tractor stations in Znaim. Instead of repairing the mowers, trade was booming in ladies lingerie. Pullovers, coats and silk stockings were being bought up from large firms and immediately r esold to their industrial enterprisers with a boost in price of 10 per cent. The profit of 226,000 crowns was divided up. Since the district "People's Council" was proba:bly bribed, there was, it was thought, small likelihood of being caught. In the fall of 1961, the National Assembly even passed a resolution in which it indirectly invited Barak to clean up the thievings and damage to socialist property and to put a stop to the plethora of "unjustified local interests" wherever it was taking place at the expense of the overall economy. Even with the best of intentions Barak could not possibly have righted the situation in such a short time, partly because many of his people were among the People's Councils and he did not want to or could not. be too rough with th0m, since they knew too much. While in office, Barak spoke of many existent abuses that ought to be corrected. The "people's " court wanted to know why he did practically nothing to solve the problems he so frequently spoke of ... and then sentenced him to 16 years in jail. Communism devours its own children! Simon Jurovsky, head o'f the S:1o- thr-0wn out of bhe Czech Red Parvak National Theater opera pro- ty, and condemned to 15 years i'Il ductions, celebrated h is 50th birth- jail. According to t'he Pr:a,gue r adaty in Bratislava. He was born dio broadcast of February 8, Bain Ul'anlka, near Banska Bystri<:a, rak had misused and abused :his I power amid hel<P'ed himselif to moFebruaror 8, 1'912. ney th,at belonged to the socialisill! ill! il!! Rudolph Barak, Czech COIIllmu- tic state. l!(! l!(! l!(! nist and sadist, who served the SLOVA:IGIA, according to statisPra,gue re~me as Minister Olf the Interior before he was kiiclced "up- tics recentliy released, had a popustairs" t-0 become Deputy Premier, lation, of 4',220,000 art the end of was arrested eady in 1lhe year, December, '11961.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Exit Czecho-Slovakia's "Beria" Description An account of the resource Wolfgang E. Oberleitner Slovakia, Vol. 12, No. 1 (35), March-June 1962 pp. 65-67 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Oberleitner, Wolfgang, 1918-2006 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March-June 1962 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/66f12b876d0eb9f889e2e97a879c1f96.pdf e6d873eebdce88e265fc0dbd28f25e23 PDF Text Text 140 SLOVAKIA The New Spring (a fragment) r:uoo ONDREJOV (1901-1962) Jergus's comrades, Joe Kosalkula and Steve Fasanga Cengac, invited him to play with them in the huge sooty building at the end of the yard.* In the semidarkness of the large hall multicolored flames burned - blue and green, violet and white. On the hearth there was a sledge hammer. Half the size of a man, it lay on a huge anvil. The hammer's handle was made of a regular girder which extended to a colossal cogwheel. The boys told Jergus: ''They put a large chunk of copper into the fire and heat it until it is white-hot and bursting with sparks. Then the men grasp the copper with long pliers and bring it to the anvil. Then they let water flow on the large wheel. The wheel turns and the cogs grasp the girder handle, pushing down its end. The sledge rises. And when the wheel continues turning, the handle slips down from the cog and the sledge strikes the anvil. As the wheel turns, the sledge repeatedly hits the anvil, while the men turn and set the copper for the hammer's blows. They make a thick and heavy caldron with the copper. After it cools, the men put the caldron into a machine which tosses the caldron about until the caldron breaks into many thin kettles. That's what they do here . . . '' To the right of the hearth, there were many vats filled with a lightblue liquid. Jergus 's comrades said that the liquid was a solution of saltpeter. The solution was supposed to contain a large percentage of copper. The workers put copper plates in it and the copper from the saltpeter solution settled onto the plates. The boys decided to play a game of hide-and-seek among the vats . The large hall - with its numerous half-dark spaces, narrow corridors , and dark corners - was excellent for such an enterprise. The boys could not use the adjacent rooms for their play. The workers were sleeping there during their noon-break - and they were not to be disturbed. So one boy finding the other one would just cry, " Pamparitsa-poor, no one more!" and touch him w}th his hand. The one who . - • The first sentence has been expanded to provide background material. �SLOVAKIA 141 was found was then supposed to seek the others. The game was really excellent . The boys could play until one o'clock when the men were to wake up and begin their afternoon shift. The boys played an(\ cried and hid. Conducted with a silence like that which pervades an underground realm, their game was mysterious and exciting. The boy who was " it" sneaked about on his tiptoes only his face shining fearfully in the unusual light - looking, peeking, finding, and crying, " Pa.mparitsa-poor! " His voice echoed throughout the large , dark hall, flying into the comers, leaping from floor to ceiling, and dying slowly as if choked by the darkness. One of the hidden boys tried to run away, but the seeker caught him and grabbed him by his shoulder. The boy was forced to surrender and become " it ." Jergus hid behind the vats , crawling from one little comer to another. Joe Kosalkula was " it. " No one knew where Steve Fasanga was. Suddenly Jergus chanced to come face to face with Joe Kosalkula. " Pa.mparitsa-poor! " Joe called out, running after Jergus . And there! - Jergus suddenly heard unusual stamping, blows , and cries amid the vats . Steve Fasanga cried and moaned painfully. The pounding of feet drew toward Jergus. The factory owner rolled out from behind a vat. With a rubber hose in his hand and a fiendish smirk on his face , he swung his hand and struck Joe Kosalkula. Joe fell to the floor , emitting a bleat like a lamb whose leg has been broken by an angry shepherd. Jergus started running away. But where to? There was only one exit from the narrow corridor and that was now guarded by the owner with the rubber hose in his hand! Jergus leaped into a comer and turned around. The owner rushed toward him, striking him violently on the left arm. The slash of the hose reached from Jergus's arm around the entire width of his back. " Here 's your 'pa.mparitsa-poor!' " the owner said , sneering and baring his rotten teeth. " I'll teach you good manners! " he added as he wheeled around and left. Jergus 's face contracted in pain. He took hold of his arm . Its aching almost made him faint. Hearing the cries of Steve Fasanga and Joe Kosalkula, he called, " Let' s go ! Let's not let him whip us any more !'' But neither Steve nor Joe ca.me. They just wept where they were hiding, softer and softer, and finally stopped crying. Squeezing his left arm and clenching his teeth from pain, Jergus staggered through the corridor between the vats , through the huge , sooty building, and out into the open air. He crossed the yard and slid around the cottage gate and past the watchman, " Uncle " ~osalkula, �142 SLOVAKIA who sat smoking his pipe. Turning the corner into the little street, Jergus - still recalling vividly the owner with the devil's tail in his hand - reached a hillock covered with Scotch pines and dwarf shrubbery. At the foot of the hillock, the birds announced the arrival of the new spring. Crested larks whistled and sang, hopping on their thin little legs. Linnets, siskins, and goldfinches warbled as if competing with each other. All the birds cocked their heads, looking upward to the endless sky which no one could approach or touch, not even from the peaks of the distant tall mountains. "The new spring has arrived! A new spring, a happy spring, with flowers and creeks, with breezes combing grass and climbing trees, is here! '' The birds sang gaily. ''Spring, new spring, and full of joy .. . '' Jergus sighed deeply and walked up the hillock's slope. He followed the rocky path, upward, upward. He went up to the Cold Pit and around it to the sheep farm. And walking slowly he drew further away from the city , clenching his teeth and squeezing his dislocated arm more tightly . All the marks of a happy childhood faded from his face. His childhood was dying, suddenly and forever. Instead of a boy, an embittered young man bearing the mark of a whip came to the shepherd's hut . The head shepherd was cleaning the hut. The shepherds and the herd boys were assembling the sheepfold enclosures and making lastminute repairs . His teeth still clenched, squeezing his arm, Jergus stopped at the hut 's doorstep . '' What is it, my son?'' the chief shepherd asked. Jergus told him everything. " Well , why did you go down there among the rich? " the shepherd asked crossly, examining Jergus's arm . The arm cracked and hurt, but J ergus let no word slip through his clenched teeth. "I told you, stay away from the rich! You don 't belong with them . You'd better remain with us as a herd boy , '' the shepherd added, setting the dislocated joint into its place. Jergus sat on the bench. He bowed his head for a while, then lay down on the bench and fell asleep. The shepherd covered him with a warm sheepskin coat. '\ (1937) � 140 SLOVAKIA The New Spring (a fragment) r:uoo ONDREJOV (1901-1962) Jergus's comrades, Joe Kosalkula and Steve Fasanga Cengac, invited him to play with them in the huge sooty building at the end of the yard.* In the semidarkness of the large hall multicolored flames burned - blue and green, violet and white. On the hearth there was a sledge hammer. Half the size of a man, it lay on a huge anvil. The hammer's handle was made of a regular girder which extended to a colossal cogwheel. The boys told Jergus: ''They put a large chunk of copper into the fire and heat it until it is white-hot and bursting with sparks. Then the men grasp the copper with long pliers and bring it to the anvil. Then they let water flow on the large wheel. The wheel turns and the cogs grasp the girder handle, pushing down its end. The sledge rises. And when the wheel continues turning, the handle slips down from the cog and the sledge strikes the anvil. As the wheel turns, the sledge repeatedly hits the anvil, while the men turn and set the copper for the hammer's blows. They make a thick and heavy caldron with the copper. After it cools, the men put the caldron into a machine which tosses the caldron about until the caldron breaks into many thin kettles. That's what they do here . . . '' To the right of the hearth, there were many vats filled with a lightblue liquid. Jergus 's comrades said that the liquid was a solution of saltpeter. The solution was supposed to contain a large percentage of copper. The workers put copper plates in it and the copper from the saltpeter solution settled onto the plates. The boys decided to play a game of hide-and-seek among the vats . The large hall - with its numerous half-dark spaces, narrow corridors , and dark corners - was excellent for such an enterprise. The boys could not use the adjacent rooms for their play. The workers were sleeping there during their noon-break - and they were not to be disturbed. So one boy finding the other one would just cry, " Pamparitsa-poor, no one more!" and touch him w}th his hand. The one who . - • The first sentence has been expanded to provide background material. �SLOVAKIA 141 was found was then supposed to seek the others. The game was really excellent . The boys could play until one o'clock when the men were to wake up and begin their afternoon shift. The boys played an(\ cried and hid. Conducted with a silence like that which pervades an underground realm, their game was mysterious and exciting. The boy who was " it" sneaked about on his tiptoes only his face shining fearfully in the unusual light - looking, peeking, finding, and crying, " Pa.mparitsa-poor! " His voice echoed throughout the large , dark hall, flying into the comers, leaping from floor to ceiling, and dying slowly as if choked by the darkness. One of the hidden boys tried to run away, but the seeker caught him and grabbed him by his shoulder. The boy was forced to surrender and become " it ." Jergus hid behind the vats , crawling from one little comer to another. Joe Kosalkula was " it. " No one knew where Steve Fasanga was. Suddenly Jergus chanced to come face to face with Joe Kosalkula. " Pa.mparitsa-poor! " Joe called out, running after Jergus . And there! - Jergus suddenly heard unusual stamping, blows , and cries amid the vats . Steve Fasanga cried and moaned painfully. The pounding of feet drew toward Jergus. The factory owner rolled out from behind a vat. With a rubber hose in his hand and a fiendish smirk on his face , he swung his hand and struck Joe Kosalkula. Joe fell to the floor , emitting a bleat like a lamb whose leg has been broken by an angry shepherd. Jergus started running away. But where to? There was only one exit from the narrow corridor and that was now guarded by the owner with the rubber hose in his hand! Jergus leaped into a comer and turned around. The owner rushed toward him, striking him violently on the left arm. The slash of the hose reached from Jergus's arm around the entire width of his back. " Here 's your 'pa.mparitsa-poor!' " the owner said , sneering and baring his rotten teeth. " I'll teach you good manners! " he added as he wheeled around and left. Jergus 's face contracted in pain. He took hold of his arm . Its aching almost made him faint. Hearing the cries of Steve Fasanga and Joe Kosalkula, he called, " Let' s go ! Let's not let him whip us any more !'' But neither Steve nor Joe ca.me. They just wept where they were hiding, softer and softer, and finally stopped crying. Squeezing his left arm and clenching his teeth from pain, Jergus staggered through the corridor between the vats , through the huge , sooty building, and out into the open air. He crossed the yard and slid around the cottage gate and past the watchman, " Uncle " ~osalkula, �142 SLOVAKIA who sat smoking his pipe. Turning the corner into the little street, Jergus - still recalling vividly the owner with the devil's tail in his hand - reached a hillock covered with Scotch pines and dwarf shrubbery. At the foot of the hillock, the birds announced the arrival of the new spring. Crested larks whistled and sang, hopping on their thin little legs. Linnets, siskins, and goldfinches warbled as if competing with each other. All the birds cocked their heads, looking upward to the endless sky which no one could approach or touch, not even from the peaks of the distant tall mountains. "The new spring has arrived! A new spring, a happy spring, with flowers and creeks, with breezes combing grass and climbing trees, is here! '' The birds sang gaily. ''Spring, new spring, and full of joy .. . '' Jergus sighed deeply and walked up the hillock's slope. He followed the rocky path, upward, upward. He went up to the Cold Pit and around it to the sheep farm. And walking slowly he drew further away from the city , clenching his teeth and squeezing his dislocated arm more tightly . All the marks of a happy childhood faded from his face. His childhood was dying, suddenly and forever. Instead of a boy, an embittered young man bearing the mark of a whip came to the shepherd's hut . The head shepherd was cleaning the hut. The shepherds and the herd boys were assembling the sheepfold enclosures and making lastminute repairs . His teeth still clenched, squeezing his arm, Jergus stopped at the hut 's doorstep . '' What is it, my son?'' the chief shepherd asked. Jergus told him everything. " Well , why did you go down there among the rich? " the shepherd asked crossly, examining Jergus's arm . The arm cracked and hurt, but J ergus let no word slip through his clenched teeth. "I told you, stay away from the rich! You don 't belong with them . You'd better remain with us as a herd boy , '' the shepherd added, setting the dislocated joint into its place. Jergus sat on the bench. He bowed his head for a while, then lay down on the bench and fell asleep. The shepherd covered him with a warm sheepskin coat. '\ (1937) � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1978-79, Vol. 28 Description An account of the resource Vol. 28 (No. 51-52), 1978-79. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1978-79 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 140 SLOVAKIA The New Spring (a fragment) r:uoo ONDREJOV (1901-1962) Jergus's comrades, Joe Kosalkula and Steve Fasanga Cengac, invited him to play with them in the huge sooty building at the end of the yard.* In the semidarkness of the large hall multicolored flames burned - blue and green, violet and white. On the hearth there was a sledge hammer. Half the size of a man, it lay on a huge anvil. The hammer's handle was made of a regular girder which extended to a colossal cogwheel. The boys told Jergus: ''They put a large chunk of copper into the fire and heat it until it is white-hot and bursting with sparks. Then the men grasp the copper with long pliers and bring it to the anvil. Then they let water flow on the large wheel. The wheel turns and the cogs grasp the girder handle, pushing down its end. The sledge rises. And when the wheel continues turning, the handle slips down from the cog and the sledge strikes the anvil. As the wheel turns, the sledge repeatedly hits the anvil, while the men turn and set the copper for the hammer's blows. They make a thick and heavy caldron with the copper. After it cools, the men put the caldron into a machine which tosses the caldron about until the caldron breaks into many thin kettles. That's what they do here . . . '' To the right of the hearth, there were many vats filled with a lightblue liquid. Jergus 's comrades said that the liquid was a solution of saltpeter. The solution was supposed to contain a large percentage of copper. The workers put copper plates in it and the copper from the saltpeter solution settled onto the plates. The boys decided to play a game of hide-and-seek among the vats . The large hall - with its numerous half-dark spaces, narrow corridors , and dark corners - was excellent for such an enterprise. The boys could not use the adjacent rooms for their play. The workers were sleeping there during their noon-break - and they were not to be disturbed. So one boy finding the other one would just cry, " Pamparitsa-poor, no one more!" and touch him w}th his hand. The one who . - • The first sentence has been expanded to provide background material. SLOVAKIA 141 was found was then supposed to seek the others. The game was really excellent . The boys could play until one o'clock when the men were to wake up and begin their afternoon shift. The boys played an(\ cried and hid. Conducted with a silence like that which pervades an underground realm, their game was mysterious and exciting. The boy who was " it" sneaked about on his tiptoes only his face shining fearfully in the unusual light - looking, peeking, finding, and crying, " Pa.mparitsa-poor! " His voice echoed throughout the large , dark hall, flying into the comers, leaping from floor to ceiling, and dying slowly as if choked by the darkness. One of the hidden boys tried to run away, but the seeker caught him and grabbed him by his shoulder. The boy was forced to surrender and become " it ." Jergus hid behind the vats , crawling from one little comer to another. Joe Kosalkula was " it. " No one knew where Steve Fasanga was. Suddenly Jergus chanced to come face to face with Joe Kosalkula. " Pa.mparitsa-poor! " Joe called out, running after Jergus . And there! - Jergus suddenly heard unusual stamping, blows , and cries amid the vats . Steve Fasanga cried and moaned painfully. The pounding of feet drew toward Jergus. The factory owner rolled out from behind a vat. With a rubber hose in his hand and a fiendish smirk on his face , he swung his hand and struck Joe Kosalkula. Joe fell to the floor , emitting a bleat like a lamb whose leg has been broken by an angry shepherd. Jergus started running away. But where to? There was only one exit from the narrow corridor and that was now guarded by the owner with the rubber hose in his hand! Jergus leaped into a comer and turned around. The owner rushed toward him, striking him violently on the left arm. The slash of the hose reached from Jergus's arm around the entire width of his back. " Here 's your 'pa.mparitsa-poor!' " the owner said , sneering and baring his rotten teeth. " I'll teach you good manners! " he added as he wheeled around and left. Jergus 's face contracted in pain. He took hold of his arm . Its aching almost made him faint. Hearing the cries of Steve Fasanga and Joe Kosalkula, he called, " Let' s go ! Let's not let him whip us any more !'' But neither Steve nor Joe ca.me. They just wept where they were hiding, softer and softer, and finally stopped crying. Squeezing his left arm and clenching his teeth from pain, Jergus staggered through the corridor between the vats , through the huge , sooty building, and out into the open air. He crossed the yard and slid around the cottage gate and past the watchman, " Uncle " ~osalkula, 142 SLOVAKIA who sat smoking his pipe. Turning the corner into the little street, Jergus - still recalling vividly the owner with the devil's tail in his hand - reached a hillock covered with Scotch pines and dwarf shrubbery. At the foot of the hillock, the birds announced the arrival of the new spring. Crested larks whistled and sang, hopping on their thin little legs. Linnets, siskins, and goldfinches warbled as if competing with each other. All the birds cocked their heads, looking upward to the endless sky which no one could approach or touch, not even from the peaks of the distant tall mountains. "The new spring has arrived! A new spring, a happy spring, with flowers and creeks, with breezes combing grass and climbing trees, is here! '' The birds sang gaily. ''Spring, new spring, and full of joy .. . '' Jergus sighed deeply and walked up the hillock's slope. He followed the rocky path, upward, upward. He went up to the Cold Pit and around it to the sheep farm. And walking slowly he drew further away from the city , clenching his teeth and squeezing his dislocated arm more tightly . All the marks of a happy childhood faded from his face. His childhood was dying, suddenly and forever. Instead of a boy, an embittered young man bearing the mark of a whip came to the shepherd's hut . The head shepherd was cleaning the hut. The shepherds and the herd boys were assembling the sheepfold enclosures and making lastminute repairs . His teeth still clenched, squeezing his arm, Jergus stopped at the hut 's doorstep . '' What is it, my son?'' the chief shepherd asked. Jergus told him everything. " Well , why did you go down there among the rich? " the shepherd asked crossly, examining Jergus's arm . The arm cracked and hurt, but J ergus let no word slip through his clenched teeth. "I told you, stay away from the rich! You don 't belong with them . You'd better remain with us as a herd boy , '' the shepherd added, setting the dislocated joint into its place. Jergus sat on the bench. He bowed his head for a while, then lay down on the bench and fell asleep. The shepherd covered him with a warm sheepskin coat. '\ (1937)  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The New Spring (a fragment) Description An account of the resource Ľudo Ondrejov Slovakia, Vol. 28 (No. 51-52), 1978-79 pp. 140-142 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Ondrejov, Ľudo, 1901-1962 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1978-79 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/0ee6af3c46d6a3eb17d4267613a9684e.pdf eceed05f9d18c1d358c66f5733b8368e PDF Text Text 20 SLOVAKIA Political Views of 11udovit St(u Sister M. Delphina Opet, SS. C. M. INTRODUCTION Since this study will concern itself with :Cudovit $tur, the inspiration of modern national Slovak ideology, it may be beneficial first of all to review the life story of the man and then to consider his work and influence. Though his life was all too short, stur was a key figure in the Slovak national movement of the second third of the nineteenth century. He was heir to the cultural, political and social endeavors of his predecessors, and he developed his natural gifts to attain the strength, courage and vision, which it took to launch movements toward realizing a vital national organization on behalf of his people. Without these natural and acquired gifts, stur could hardly have been effective in his work toward attaining independence in Slovak national life and the pursuit of culture. His greatest merits lie in the fact that he assumed the historical challenge to unite the fragmented multicultural powers of the Slovaks into a liberation front against Hungarian oppressors. His contemporaries attributed to stur an almost legendary but realistic aura even during his lifetime. It was said of him that he had a magnetic personality, that his very presence bespoke patriotism and a vibrant national spirit. Worthy of specific mention is at least one evaluation by William Pauliny-T6th: "He is an extraordinary figure-a manifestation, as it were, of a leader charged to create a new epoch in the history of the Slovak nation." His young collaborator, Jozef M. Hurban, devoted to stur a commemorative and comprehensive monograph which was published in the first issue of the revitalized "Slovenske pohl'ady" (Slovak Views) . In his history of Slovak literature published in 1890, the literary critic and historian Jaroslav Vlcek rated stur as the central figure of the Romantic generations, even though he did not see �SLOVAKIA 21 in stur's poetry the merit which it rightly deserves. Criticism of stur was not wanting, but it did not detract from stur's merits or stature at all.1 This fiery patriot was born in Zay-Uhrovec, on the twentyninth of October, 1815. He was one of five children. His father was an elementary school teacher and a rigid disciplinarian both at school and at home. His mother's was a gentle and loving nature. The stur family home breathed a peaceful atmosphere graced with poetry. The natural surroundings of his boyhood, with their profusion of beauty and natural grandeur influenced stur's outlook on life. It was very likely here and because of his environment that his aesthetic taste developed to a remarkable degree. Leopold Petz, a Lutheran pastor, was his first teacher in the gymnasium at Rab. He kindled the glow of national consciousness and patriotism in stur's unfolding mind and animated his spirit with keen appreciation for the richness of his mother tongue. He also made him aware of the rightful place of the Slovaks in the Slavic world and of the potential concentrated within the new generation. After two years at Rab, stur continued his studies at the Lutheran Lyceum in Bratislava.2 Here stur and a memorable group of similarly ardent young men with him (Hurban, Hodza, Francisci, Sladkovic, Chalupka, et. al.) , were schooled under the powerful influence of seasoned literary personalities who were still devoted to fostering at least some forms of Czecho-Slovak orientation. It was around the chair of Czecho-Slovak language arts held by Juraj Palkovic that the Czecho-Slovak Society, later known as the Institute of Language and Literature, was formed. 3 stur was undeniably a talented leader who devoted himself first of all to lecturing on Slovak grammar, literature and history. He devoted much time and thought to Slovak national poetry, especially to works dealing with the themes of Great Moravia, Svatopluk, and the Slavic Apostles, Saints Cyril and Methodius. To the eager young members of the Czecho-Slovak Society, he spoke of Slavism, of the hardships and injustices heroically endured by Slav peoples over long centuries, and of the great responsibility �22 SLOVAKIA committed to the younger generation. He pointed out to them some possible means toward a better future and fanned their hopes for the building of a glorious large Slavic family. He made every effort to destroy all roots of doubt, pessimism, and prejudice, those divisive forces that plagued Slavic families of nations and fragmented their efforts toward unity. His aims for establishing a standard language for Slovak literary expression were not purely liiterary. Since Slovak national life was closely connected with literary expression, it bore a vigorous sense of purpose. Stu.r's prime objective was to unite the Slovak people culturally, politically and socially. A universally adopted standard language would greatly advance this couse. Granted, he suffered many reversals, but a wakened spirit cannot be stilled. As authorities intervened to support his Slavic group meetings at the Lyceum, new literary group in other places formed in their stead. The strain of the struggle to resist oppression in student centers left stur physically exhausted; spiritually, however, he remained strong and vigorous and indomitable. In 1838 stur left his center of Slovak literary activity in Bratislava and went to Halle, Germany. His courses of study at Halle strongly affected his theoretical foundations adding depth and fuller meaning to all his later activities. He learned to favor much in Hegelian thought, the theories advocated by a German idealist philosophy. This experience created a mental revolution in Stu.r's objectives and philosophy. It was, first of all a dialectical style of thinking which brought to naught all concept of a final validity in the results of human thinking and activity. This doctrine maintains that all is involved in a process of development, all is being perpetually transformed and changed, proceeding from a lower to a higher stage. It also maintains that human history is a steady process of development of this kind, as stur put it, an "uninterrupted chain."4 stur was not simply an unquestioning disciple of Hegelian philosophy, as is often said of him. Together with several other thinkers of his generation, he formed an independent philosophical school which exerted farreaching influence and excelled in originality of thought. �SLOVAKIA 23 stur's excellent book, "sturova filozofia zivota" ("stur's Philosophy of life"), embodies his philosophical conceptions. Though his propositions in general are original, stur's underlying ideas were greatly influenced by Hegel. He was motivated by the idea that national unity is strongly furthered by means of common language which gives rise to mutual understanding. After his return from Germany, stur set out in 1843 to establish a distinctive literary Slovak language which he boldly promoted. Its basis was the central Slovak dialect which he considered the last contaminated by neighboring or foreign influence. He realized also the need for a common political effort; Kollar's reciprocity was not enough. He spared no pains to achieve a social and national awakening of the Slovak people. In a sense, stur completed the work that Bernolak, the first codifier of literary Slovak, had begun in 1787. On his return from Germany stur became an assistant professor in the Pressburg (Bratislava) Lyceum. As he lectured in the department of history, students flocked to him with undivided attention, for this dynamic young professor had a wealth of attainable ideals to offer. But chauvinistic authorities viewed this influence with anxiety. In 1844, stur lost his post as Deputy Professor because the Magyar government began to tighten its political controls on Slovakia and found stur's flaming Slovak ardor a threat to its interests. When he was dismissed, many students left the Pressburg Lyceum in protest and continued their studies elsewhere. The Bratislava incident did not intimidate stur; as a matter of fact, it only stimulated him to press on. He kept in close touch with his patriotic adherents. Because the ground was fertile and properly prepared for a national change, stur was able to do the apparently impossible. He strongly voiced the long repressed aspirations and justified rights of the Slovaks, he formulated the demands of his people. 13udovit stur's publications of an article titled "Zaloby a ponosy Slovakov v Uhorsku" ("The Charges and Complaints of the Slovaks in Hungary") which appeared in Leipzig in 1843 which exposed the chief inspector of the �24 SLOVAKIA Lutheran Church and schools because of his measure to magyarize Slovaks for political gain became a sensation. The Slovaks had been resisting magyarization quietly but effectively; now, however, they were determined to secure an independent political status within the framework of the Hapsburg Empire. All petitions and demands presented in Vienna and in the Hungarian Diet in Bratislava were prompted by the following statement by stur: "We seek no rights established on favor, but we demand our rights on the basis of inherent right." These words became the underlying proposition on which were based all the subsequent petitions and demands of the Slovak leaders for equal rights. Stu.r's debates and controversies with Kossuth, the Slovak renegade, stemmed from this moral and democratic principle. He demanded "peace based on just rights and mutual understanding" declaring: "In the paper, Pesti Hirlap, Kossuth is fighting for equality of rights, but in the Diet he advocates orders to investigate and punish those who define and seek their rights ... That is Kossuth's concept of freedom and liberalism."5 stur continues to express his thoughts in writing. In 1844, after three years of waiting, he was granted permission to publish the periodical "Slovenske narodne noviny" ("The Slovak National News") through which he was resolved to defend the rights of the Slovak people. The supplement of the periodical was "Orol tatransky" ("The Tatra Eagle"). Both were widely supported and endorsed by all classes of people, for the Slovak public rejoiced in the realization that this publication was in itself a great step forward in their struggle. stur, too, was gratified. His program for action toward achieving ultimate freedom was a realistic one. He gave credit where it was due yet he did not hesitate to denounce the shortcomings of his people. His editorials defended not only the purity of the Slovak language, but also the recognition of the inherent rights of the Slovak nation-rights that affected all their levels of national freedom: political, literary, social, economic, etc. His exhortations are as timely today as they were in 1845: "Let us not yield, Slovak countrymen. Higher is the cause of the entire nation, higher is the cause of the �SLOVAKIA 25 whole than of the individual person, and even the individual harm us, the cause itself does not do so. But with us thus far, it has been so that individuals offended by our people, immediately abandoned the cause itself ... "6 stur's periodicals served their purpose effectively for three years, uniting the people, teaching and enlightening them and encouraging them during one of the most crucial periods of their history. This was almost too good to be true. When the Magyars began to realize what these publications were doing for the Slovak people, fanning the flames of Slovak patriotism to the detriment of Magyar hegemony, they raised an alarm and put in action measures to have them confiscated or proscribed. Despite this suppression, however, much of stur's purpose was already achieved. The Slovak people were nationally awakened. They were conscious of a cause and of an obligation to defend it. Most of this new stirring never would have been realized without stur's activities and publications. The codification of a literary language, which was perfected and universally adopted, concretized the efforts and fond aspir,a tions and hopes nurtured by Slovak literary leaders in bygone generations. I'..udovit stur knew that the times were ripe for the Slovak people to appear on the national scene of history as an independent political entity. No language, except their own Slovak language could move the people to political affectiveness. For this reason, stur chose to advocate the central-Slovak dialect as a political and literary instrument. stur was a deputy from Zvolen at the Presporok (Pressburg - Bratislava) Assembly in 1847-1848. In official sessions he spoke out honestly and courageously about the injustice of disregarding the protest of the subjugated peoples against enforced Magyarization. He also felt dutybound to advocate the equality of all people and sought the liberation of subjugated nations at the Hungarian Diet. The firm stand which stur took became a turning point in Slovak-Hungarian history. At the Slav Congress in Prague in 1848, stur and safarik defined the political aspirations of the Congress. safarik's view was prophetic, while stur made clear the �26 SLOVAKIA political program of the immediate present: "Our aim should be to preserve ourselves. First of all, we must serve the best interests of our own people and secondarily of others. Thus far Austria has flourished, but we have been declining and perishing. What would be the judgment of the world if we were to s tand for nothing but the preservation of Austria? Let us proclaim that we desire to stand as independent Slovanic communities within the government of Austria."7 stur was far ahead of his day, in visualizing a program to federalize Central Europe. According to Bartek, s tur was not a rebel. As long as there was evidence of national agreement with the Magyars, he was not for the destruction of the Hungarian State. He did warn the Magyar ruling class that it could not forever ignore and suppress the inherent rights of subject nationalities and exploit the Slavs of Hungary without expecting them to strike back with righteous demands for a free national life, for the very rights which the Magyars had resolved to defend for themselves in the Hapsburg Empire. 8 When all these representatio ns and demands continued to be ignored, only then did stur and his group decide to lead the Slovaks to revolt against the Magyar intolerance in 1848. The Slovaks were fully aware of Kossuth's ultimatum declaring that whatever rights they claimed to have in the kingdom they would have to secure with sword in hand. There was no alternative now except to resort to arms. The torch of national consciousnes s carried by s tur and his group became a beacon light in Slovakia's struggle for freedom. Though revolt was crushed and betrayed by Vienna, it stands as a milestone in Slovak history. The tragic reversal of the revolutionary attempt did not affect the leadership or the stature of ~udovit stur in the estimation of others. The Hungarian revolution paid dearly for its national intolerance. It too suffered in a common defeat. Kossuth was forced into exile. stur and his group were under constant police surveillance, and many were their thrilling escapes from police snares and power. A tragic death during a hunting event in January 1856 �SLOVAKIA 27 brought stur's life to an untimely end. He died according to his own predictions in which he had foreseen an analogy of his death in the death of Julius Caesar. Some Slavs considered him a setting star but actually he is a brilliant morning star marking a better day in the history of the Slavic world. We return to stur to evaluate his work in the light of today's standards when, after the passing of a hundred years, the Slovaks are building on this foundation laid by stur and his school of thought, the promise of hope fulfilled-if only a new power from the East did not frustrate the effort. Just as stur repudiated and condemned the hegemony of the Magyars, so the Slovaks today rebel against Communist domination and occupation. 13udovit stur's spirit lives on even though an Iron Curtain creates physical bariers to liberty. GERMAN PHILOSOPHICAL INFLUENCE ON STVR Among stur's earliest academic interests were the areas of linguistics, philosophy, history and literature. To pursue these in depth and to broaden his education, he decided to study at Halle University in Germany. It was in 1838 that he came to Halle as a twenty-three year old student-a gifted energetic man of large vision and great moral strength. He had been held in high repute at home and exerted notable influence among his peers. At Halle, he was an utter stranger in a big unknown world, and the weight of the strangeness that closed in upon him was of more than mere physical and social order. University life in Germany was at this time strongly influenced by the spirit and theories of Hegel. German thought and academic preoccupation bore upon the topic of races. Yet this was in a day when the concept of race, as such, was not even properly formulated. The Germans tended to construct entire systems of philosophy and humanistic theory centered on the concept of race at a period when formal anthropology was just emerging. Fundamental misconceptions of race overtook not only historical scholars but also philosophers of history like Hegel. His philosophical system meant on the one hand, equating the Prussian state with the prime law of men �28 SLOVAKIA and, on the other, constituting materialism as the ideal of men and of nations. Exposed to this stress of innovation which was spread throughout scholarly circles by a ready press and which was further generally publicized by novelists and writers of all sorts, stur did not escape acquaintance with these false principles and this false philosophy of life was what contaminated all Central Europe. Fresh from the schools of Bratislava, he was not yet adequately prepared to discern authentic philosophic truth from political propaganda; nevertheless, he instinctively sensed the need to withhold complete acquiescence with Hegel. He tried to come to terms with much of Hegel but by the very fact that stur placed the moral and spiritual values of men as top priorities he put himself at odds with some Hegelian principles. stur's courses of study at Halle deepened his perspectives even as life in Germany provided him with countless new impressions-views of life and the world, concepts and ideas in general. From the German idealistic philosophy, even as from Hegel, its chief representative, stur adopted some new theories which resulted in a mental revolution. First among these was the aspect of dialectical thinking which brought to naught his previous conceptions of a final validity of the results of human thinking and activity. This doctrine maintains that all is in process of development. All is being transformed and changed and proceeds from a lower to a higher stage. It affirms that human history is a process by which the Absolute Spirit unfolds, a "chain uninterrupted" in stur's words. 9 Hegel conceives of history as a process involving dialectical oppositions revaluating into a higher content of historical being. Freedom as an essential of history becomes an absolute necessity. Hegel's philosophy of history strongly took hold of stur's mind at this point. The world seemed to be created for jjudovit stur. He reveled in the thought of its systematic, architectural classification, its universality embracing all the dreams of the human spirit, its justice toward nations, all its sources of learning, its versatile penetration of all doctrine--all this bore upon him so overwhelming flood. 10 �SLOVAKIA 29 The wealth of views offered by Hegel's philosophy opened up an idealistic world of envisioned by spiritual concept of nations and not construed from previous assumptions. It provided a new vista into the domains of the rights of nations among which there existed the future tribunal of Slavic nations, too, and led stur to the realms of Christian idealism. stur's spirit was reanimated. The receptive soil of his mind was enriched with fertility for the germination of his own conceived seed. The Germanic world's new concept of views regarding world history in politics, religion and sociology at this time impressed and inspired stur more strongly than it had heretofore affected any other candidate from Slovak academies. When stur returned to his native land, he returned as a Slav, but foremost as a Slovak returned into the ranks of his confused and puzzled friends and countrymen. He brought radical concepts to the rational school and to liberal life. These concepts characteristically dealt mainly with the Slovak past, present and future, for he brought from Germany a wide and rich source of philosophical and economic knowledge as well as a firm determination to devote his life to the task of national development. stur translated Hegel's philosophy into Slovak only insofar as he accepted his concepts, for stur was a realist in his approaches to the phenomena of life. 11 In his studies at Halle, Germany, stur was also spiritually revived. He left the university imbued with strong tendencies for the policies of Kollar and safarik. He was, however, an ardent Slovak by conviction rather than by accident of birth as was their lot. He was an ardent, tireless worker. The versatility of his talents and the needs of his country brought him to the fore successively as an orator, a writer, a journalist, a politician and a soldier. Both his friends and enemies proclaimed him the most remarkable champion of Slovak rights since the days of Matthew Oak. r.udovit stur is sometimes accused of blindly accepting Hegel's philosophy and applying it to Slovak and Slavic life indiscriminately. It must be remembered, however, that political and national controversy existing at that time made it difficult, if not impossible to evaluate Slovak �30 SLOVAKIA philosophy correctly. Granted that stur manifests a dependance on Hegel and contemporary German philosophers, still to present him in this light alone--as his opponents have done--seems to be a distortion. According to cyzevski, a former professor of Halle, stur and his followers were significant for philosophic thought in general. He goes on to say that stur's generation included several thinkers who tried to create their own philosophical system, and who in these times, excelled among all Slovanic nations in originality of thinking in philosophy. cyzevski elucidated his point in the scholarly book Stur's Philosophy of Life in which he clearly points out that stur was not a simple student and advocate of Hegel's philosophy, but that he formed his own independent philosophical system, one which in many ways differed from Hegel's. cyzevski refutes the charge that: 1. stur was a simple student of Hegel's; 2. that his philosophical views were those of contemporary romantic philosophy. stur differed from Hegel in his approach to life's phenomena which he found realistic. Prior to his studies at Halle, stur had cultivated genuine national convictions which were anchored upon Herder's humanistic thought together with messianic dreams that were to glorify the future of the Slavs. These convictions enabled him to take a critical stand in regard to some of Hegel's ideals though he held Hegel in high esteem. On the other hand, Hegel's dynamic view of history matched stur's ideas and provided a justification of his thoughts concerning the Slavic world, especially his views of the historical development of the world history of nations comprising the Slavic world. Because of the influences of the Kollar-Herder conceptions of the historical mission of the Slavs, stur did not fully agree with Hegel in his concept of the absolute States of Germany and Prussia, for in these Hegel saw the completion of historical development. From the viewpoint of theology stur here saw in Hegel's philosophy definite dangers of pantheism. An authentic view of stur's attitude toward Hegel's philosophy is best provided from a personal letter which he wrote to Samo Bohdan Hrobon. In it he quotes from Hrobo:n's poem, in which he sees or perceives from a religious viewpoint, the shortcoming of Hegel's philosophy: �SLOVAKIA 31 Povez mi pisani! kde hledat spaseni? Na svete marnem, cili v pravde vecne? Cili v kouzelne prajine zpomneni? Cili v krase, lasce nekonecne ... ? Ach kam jsi zmisel svete me mladosti? Kam se rozplynul Buh otec milosti? Nenit ho vice! Usychejte kvety! Dechnite duse! do propasti svety! Nebot jiz umrel ten zakon vecnosti, Ze vlas sa nehne bez povedomosti. Tell me, 0 Poet, where to seek salvation? In the temporal world or in eternal truth? In the respective countries' pulpits? In beauty, in undying charity ... ? 0 where has disappeared the world of my youth? Where has vanished God the Father of Mercy? He is no longer? 0 wither away, ye flowers! Die, ye souls! until the world's end! Fear not for eternal laws have decreed That not a hair shall move without His knewing. 12 Hrobofl's next poem is encouraging and indicates that the religious home training and strength of Slavic convictions are more forceful than Hegel's philosophical doctrines: Zijet duse ma a zit bude vecne jit zadna bure, zaden boj nezlomi prave ponad ni s tisicmi hromy Jako stin lahky v uzase preleti mec obosecny Hegelove vedy. Duse ma citem plamennym roztopi Mee ten, do prichu padne zahanbeny. Mee ten v nicote jak stin se rozplyne Pred bleskom vecnym bozskeho nadseni! Antheus slaviansky Herkula porazi! My soul lives and will live forever Neither revolutions nor war shall ever break its spirit Directly above myriads of thunderbolts it soars, �32 SLOVAKI A Like a thin wall will crumble in confusio n The two-edge d sword of Hegel's doctrine. My soul senses a burning flame within it Melting away that sword that must fall in dust and shame As a wall crumblin g in disgrace, Before the divine lightning of eternal elan With which the Slavic Antheus Will destroy a vaunting Hercules . Both poems bear heavily the weight of tension and conflict which the sturists experienc ed because of their selective ness in analyzing and sponsori ng aspects of Hegel's philosoph y. In the first poem, stur expressly discourag es the publicizi ng of the new philosop hy for fear that the time is not right and many may be complete ly misled by Hegel. He advocate d that his followers benefit by the worthy gifts of the great mind of Hegel and accept his philosoph y only with due reservati ons; that they revamp it to meet the need of the Slavs. stur emphasiz ed the inevitabl e depth of philosoph ical studies to which Slavic youth would have to devote itself. Moreove r, he took a critical stand and used the German philosop hic system modified accordin g to his views regarding Slavdom and moral principle . Hegel's philosoph ical view became an impetus to stur in his compilat ion and formulat ion of lectures on Slavic history and poetry .13 In 1840 stur returned from Halle to Bratislav a where he was assigned to the chair of Slovak Studies in Language and Literatur e, succeedin g Palkovic in this post. Adequate ly to understa nd the nature of this assignme nt, it is importan t to realize the kind of world in which he was to teach. To say that it was riddled with rank feudalism is all too simple a generaliz ation. Far truer it is to realize that stur came to a land where the Slovaks were held in abyssmal serfdom, in an invincibl e vise of economic , moral, intellectual, spiritual and national bondage. It was the kind of situation in which misery bred misery, usually in such forms as alienatio n, alcoholis m, desperati on, extreme dehumaniz ation of the individua l and loss of personal dignity. �SLOVAKIA 33 - -- - - - - -- -- - - - - -- - - - - - - - Unmitigated serfdom was reducing the Slovak into stultified begger stricken with hunger and penury. Denied schooling and spiritual enlightenmen t he was all too readily becoming a prey to superstitious folly and to grossness. The three-fourths who lorded it over the onefourth that was condemned to pay all the land truces ever collected in the region saw to it that their victims had no outlook at all for better things to come-either economically or intellectually or in anyway whatever. The Slovak element enjoyed no public community life as such and even though some attempts had been made to root cultural interests and to rouse the people to national life (such as the organizations at Trnava, Bratislava, Banska Bystrica and Budapest), they were doomed to short-term existence for lack of material support. As a result, Slovak life became necessarily circumscribed to the primitive pattern of the familial unit highlighted with such events as christenings, weddings and funerals. Though the Slovak labored unstintingly, he was not given the joy of benefiting by the fruits of his soil. When stur surveyed this situation on his return from Germany, he was forced to recognize this herd of subjugated beggars as his own people committed to mere animal existence, and all his nobility of soul rose in revolt at such inhumanity of man to man. But an emotional responses alone was no solution to the problem. He set himself to explore underlying causes, mainly the attitudes of the people themselves, their thinking, their social structures, their training and development, their milieu from small dimensional areas to the broad perspectives of the Austro-Hung arian domain. Aware of the need for incentives for self-improvem ent, and realizing that the most effective incentive of all is man's conviction that he is a being of value and dignity, his own consciousnes s of self, stur readily understood what his main teaching role would be to raise a new generation for Slovakia. He devoted himself completely to the enlightenmen t of his people and never in the least deviated from this objective. Under his aegis there was a vital burgeoning of new life among Slovaks of the younger element. He led the �34 SLOVAKIA young to new founts of elemental truth and saving virtue. His personality readily put him into the forefront as an inspired leader as his peers at Bratislava extolled him for his idealistic elan as well as his admirable self-discipline, his moral charm and his firmness directed first of all toward himself and secondly toward others. Impressed by the spirit of stur, Joseph Hurbl!Il who was a close collaborator wrote at this time: "We must challenge youth to difficult moral endeavors and teach the young to be concerned about the future. We must offer them stur as their paragon." Influences of the Industrial Revolution as well as effects of the national revolutions in France and in the United States were not lost upon young men and women of the day. Innovations were rampant on the air-romanticism, humanism, realism, revolution, criticism, democracy, Pan-Slavic romanticism, and a steady stream of trends and thoughts swept in upon maturing minds. stur observed it all and amid all of it mourned the divisive tendencies that tended to break the nation into two camps: the Catholics and the Lutherans and only bred new disadvantage. With clear vision he wrote in his book N drecie ("Dialect"): "There must be an end to this kind of partisanship; we must effect brotherly unity." Also "Our entire Slovak family will be united in a common speech and after centuries of fragmentation and coldness the members of one family will recognize each other and greet each other and embrace." The work of stur, however, soon evoked harsh Magyar resistance and this alerted him to the reality that it was not possible to wait for the younger generation to carry on toward brighter ideals; the need was immediate; the solution had to be effected now. His efforts for political support were fruitless. Every country from which he could have expected help was interested in pursuing its own advantage rather than in relieving the plight of another. His last resort was to exploit-in the best sense of the word-the very language of his people. By establishing a standarized form of written expression he sought to bring about one unifying element for all the nation, one bond to give to all the Slovaks �SLOVAKIA 35 a sense of one-ness, and through this medium to reach into the broader spectrum of unified national consciousness and national thought. He was convinced that given one common treasure to cherish and defend, they would be ever ready to defend it, and in this very effort, they would preserve their national being; without such a common objective they could readily lose even their national identity. Their common language would be their talisman. To implement this idea stur collaborated with Joseph Hurban and Michael Hodza as early as 1843. All three were agreed that the dialect of the central regions would lend itself best as the basis for a standard Slovak literary medium. Bernolak's earlier (1787) experiments with a literary standard on the basis of western dialects had been effective to degree but not wholly successful. Perhaps this was due to the fact that Bernolak's ideas and efforts were in advance of his times. Perhaps it was because the western dialects were not the happiest choice he could have made for a common medium. Perhaps it was due also to the fact that traditionally the Catholic segment of Slovak people was ardent in promoting the Slovak cause while at the same time the Evangelical Slovaks promoted the Czech language and culture inasmuch a.s Czech had been adopted as the official liturgical language of the Lutheran Church. Nevertheless, Palkovic in 1831-32 translated and published the entire bible into Bernolak's new medium, and the renowned poet Jan Holly (1785-1849) wrote all his masterly works in the newly codified Slovak literary standard. It is understandable then, that Stu.r's innovative effort was not readily endorsed even by his own Evangelical critics. In 1840 an open assault on the Slovaks was made at the General Assembly of the Lutheran Church. Count Charles Zay, their Inspector-General and some leading laymen proclaimed racial apostasy as a duty which the Slovak Lutherans owed to their fatherland and their religion. They maintained that since "the Magyar language is the truest guardian and protector of the liberty of our country, of Europe, and the Protestant cause, it follows that Magyarization is the duty of every eager champion of freedom and intelligence." There followed a series of �36 SLOVAKIA attempts to ostracize the Slovak language from Lutheran Synods and presbyteries. Kossuth who was one of the elders of the Church and a Slovak renegade spoke publicly in favor of the abolition of all existing Slav societies in Lutheran schools. One such society at Levoca had already been suppressed, "as a breeding ground for Pan-Slavism," its library was closed and its president, ~udovit stur, was deprived of his post at the gymnasium.14 Magyarized Slovak overlords, noblemen and landlords untiringly sought to Magyarize the Slovaks, even imposing punishment on those who refused to be enticed into the Magyarized camp. Archbishop Patatic from Kolac, gave each of the subjects twelve sticks to beat up anyone who dared to speak in Slovak. It was publicly proclaimed that the Slovaks and their language must be exterminated.15 Convinced as s tur was, however, of the greater objectives to be attained, he pressed forward with his new venture. Youth groups espoused the cause very readily and this support augured well for the future. In 1844 Hurban's second volume of the annual Nitra appeared in the new literary standard and in the same year Hodza established the society Tatrin which officially recognized the new literary standard and at once put it to use in the publication of educational books, monographs and instructional pamphlets for the general public. Within two more years there appeared stur's political journal (three times a week ) Slovenske Ndrodne Noviny with its literary supplement Orol Tatransky. All these projects notably strengthened the newly devised Slovak literary form of expression and assured its permanent adoption. sT-0-R'S SEARCH FOR A SLOVAK LITERARY MEDIUM Its Effectiveness in Unifying Slovakia Slovak life was now assuredly given expression through the Slovak language. stur maintained that it could not be otherwise and the years have borne witness to his judgment. The task was demanding but largely because the ground for the identity of the new generation was properly prepared. stur not only understand existing conditions in Slovakia, he formulated, what the nation �SLOVAKIA a7 felt, what the nation needed. He gave expression to the righteous desires and demands of his Slovak nation and became its model of an inspired leader devoted to spiritual and public activity. 16 sttir's call for further action was answered by Sladkovic, Chalupka, Botto, Hurban and countless others who felt that the proper course had been taken in establishing their literary language. Even the Lutherans finally accepted the Central Slovak dialect as a form of Slovak expression touched by foreign influence of one kind or another. On this matter the Slovaks had been merely sorely split in the past but now there promised to be a common unity to face the momentous events which were to follow. The work initiated by Bernolak was completed by sttir. Even John Holly, the greatest Slovak poet and ideologist of his nation gave sttir his blessing in this venture. sttir and his collaborators found the Slovak language and literature an invaluable instrument for advancing all their endeavors especially in rousing the nation to selfconsciousness. They studied its historic past and revealed it to the people who knew little or nothing about their historic origins and so had little impulse for experiencing pride of nation. They wanted to lift up the people from poverty and abandonment, so they enlightened and trained the general public.17 sttir can rightly be called the reformer of literary Slovak. Under his dynamic leadership the Slovaks literally re-emerged from obscurity and oblivion. They asserted themselves not only culturally but also politically because they became qualified and fired to forthcoming uprisings and events that had trans-European reverberations. A new era unfolded in Slovak cultural and national life when sttir adopted aesthetic and philosophical principles in his literary school. At this point romanticism and nationalism were pactically identical. sttir's cultural activities were timely in Western and Central Europe where national consciousness, popular art, and folklore were the order of the day. In this climate sttir successfully organized his literary school and cultural activities, which marked a new era in �38 SLOVAKIA Slovak national life. The members of this school "imposed the most exacting task on themselves in order to elevate the Slovak people to the same cultural level as the rest of Europe, to release their creative energies and to enable a new national culture to arise from the existing popular art and language. 18 sttir and his school were imbued with objectives directed towards specific social goals. Hence the literature which they created echoed not only a melancholy restlessness and romantic involvement but also the call for a better world. In 1842 a petition signed by two hundred Slovaks led by their clergymen was submitted to the Emperor in Vienna. The only outcome of this effort was that is provoked Kossuth to charge Superintendent Jozeffy and his colleague Hodza with betraying the Magyar cause and the Protestant religion. Both men were publically embarrassed and howled down. By contrast, two voices were raised in defense of the Slovaks, those of Count John Mailath, Catholic historian of Hungary, and Count Stephen Szechenyi who stated in a public address to the Academy that he hardly knew a Magyar who "is not transformed into a madman and even more or less deaf to the laws of fairness and justice, whenever the question of our nationality and language is raised." He begged his compatriots to "do as you would be done by." But the day on which 'the greatest magyar' and his fellow-magnate entered these protests, the popularity of the two Counts began to fail; the frenzy of Kossuth, voiced in his brilliant and aggressive organ Pesti Hirlap, carried all before it. As early as 1842, Kossuth declared in one of its issues: "Indeed, indeed I tell you, a Slovak nation has never existed even in a dream." In 1843 he boasted of his glowing love for his nation as the only one in Hungary which has any future based upon politics or law. 19 The argument of the German people, Herrenfolk: "We must be masters in our own house," was already applied in the "forties" by Magyars to the "foreign inhabitants" of Hungary. At this critical time the Slovaks found three leaders, �SLOVAKIA 39 full of courage and self-sacrifice, r.udovit stur, Michael Hodza and Joseph Hurban. All three happened to be Slovak Lutherans, courageous enough to agree in favor of the central dialect of the Slovak language for essentially political reasons. This dialect was a unifying factor which they believed would help strengthen their position in the struggle against the Magyars and Magyarones. The Slovaks could no longer stand this type of op-pression. They appealed to King Ferdinand in Vienna. He in turn said to them: "Every nation in Hungary should educate and develop itself according to law and justice and develop its national language as much as possible. The highest power will not object to this, but rather aid it in its endeavor." The Slovak delegation returned home very hopeful. But at home disappointments and hardships awaited them, because the King's words fell on deaf ears and did not phase the Magyars. 20 In 1844 stur was dismissed from his post at the Bratislava College as Deputy Professor, because he resisted Count Zay's plans for Magyarization through the school. Yet stur continued to express his thoughts in writing in the newspaper he published, "Slovak National News" ("Slovenske Narodne Noviny"). The permission for the editing of this paper was given by the Hungarian government after an interim of four years. In this paper he resolved to defend the rights of the Slovak people. The joy was great in Slovakia. Most of the Slovaks realized the importance of this news media, and at what price it was made possible. When it was first issued the people rejoiced in diverse ways to express their appreciation of its accomplishment. The supplement to the "Slovak National News" was "Orol Tatransky" ("The Tatra Eagle") which was a power to be reckoned with. This newspaper was both instructive and amusing. It found favor with all classes of people, and reached all strata of the populace. stur's program was a realistic one. He gave credit where it was due. He voiced his opinions in regard to the shortcomings of his people and denounced their delinquencies. �40 SLOVAKIA The papers served their mission well for three years, uniting, teaching, exhorting and encouraging the people during the most stirring time of Slovak history. His exhortations today are as timely as they were in 1845: "Let us not abandon ourselves, Slovak country-men. Higher is the cause of the entire nation, higher is the cause of the whole, than of the individual and even though individuals harm us, the cause itself does not do so, but with us thus far, it has been that individuals offended by our people immediately abandoned the cause itself ... " 21 The Magyars came to realize what great influence the new publications were effecting on the Slovak people and began to clamor for the immediate suppression of this press. But the embe:rlS had been stirred. Much of the purpose of the publications had already been achieved. The Slovaks were finally reawakened nationally. In 1847, stur was elected to the Hungarian Parliament as a deputy for the town of Zvolen, Naturally he had limited influence since he was the only Slovak deputy in the House. However, his speeches reveal that he was an enlightened fighter for freedom and social reform, one who demanded equal rights for all nationalities in Hungary, in cultural and political life. He repeatedly insisted that the Diet adopt laws to free the peasant masses from a feudalistic Robot system and labor rent, and that the culture of the people and country be promoted by the establishment of schools in the national tongues of the people. Among other things he demanded the industrialization of Slovakia and the adoption of humanitarian laws between the gentry and the working class. One of the main topics of Stu.r's speeches was the obsolete social and political structure of Hungary. He was all for a federalistic system of government which would give equal justice to all peoples. He advocated that special efforts be made to develop the State in new social and political reforms, and to make it a partner of modern Europe. In creating their political program, stur and his followers, took into consideration not only their aims and desires, but also the existing circumstances. One was the fact that Slovakia was a part of the Hungarian state �SLOVAKIA 41 in which it did not constitute a distinctive separative administrative unit. The Slovaks were not planning to break away from Hungary. What they wanted most of all was to have the boundaries of the Slovak lands defined so that the Slovak people might have guaranteed equality with the Magyars in Hungary. This equality they urged was to apply in all areas of political, social and especially in cultural life. They intended to present these petitions to the Emperor and the Parliament but first they wished to have the endorsement and the views of the Slovak people regarding their aims and their achievements. In May of 1848 they met at the parsonage of Michael Hod.za in Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas where they drew up a form for Slovakia's future political program called: "Petitions of the Slovak Nation." 22 Its Contribution Towards a Pan-Slavic Movement Stu.r's role as a reformer of the Slovak literary language was significant and far-reaching. His great efforts to this direction contributed greatly even to modern Slovak ideology. It was he who first gave to his people a new vision of political freedom and of a better future. stur provided a strong impetus to Slovak life in general by his own example, and by his writings embracing fields as diversified as poetry, philosophy, history, sociology, etc. From his correspondence one learns that he had direct relations with the leaders of all Slavic peoples. During his stay in Vienna he came in contact with other Slav representatives: The Slovene Stanko Vraz, the Croatian Ban Jelacic, and the Serbian Patriarch Rajacic, who were working together and made a joint visit to the Imperial Court. stur's reforms of the literary language also brought about the unity of the Slovak people and this, in turn, was followed by flourishing cultural and literary activities. His influence was so vital that some of his principles and ideology still lives in the cultural life of Slovakia.23 The lyrical element is strong in Stu.r's poetry and prose. He passed from the sphere of the personal and social into national and Slavic thought in all his works. The soul of the nation--or of the Slavs-was his �42 SLOVAKIA constant subject. He concentrated on the pain of the nation's sufferings, struggles, and failures and this theme pervades the climate of his literary works. stur and his followers were gifted with keen insight into existing social problems and this vision they combined with the romantic inheritance of deep attachment to their country, its people and to the Slavic world at large. They did their utmost to advocate and to provide democratic enlightenment for the unpriviledged classes, viz. the peasants and workers. They defined, encouraged and glorified their importance, as they glorified the Slavs and all their past. One of stur's followers, Samo Tomasik, composed the Slav anthem, "Hej, Slovania," which bespoke new hope, a new ideal and a great pride comparable to that expressed in Vajansky's famous verse: I am proud to be a Slovak Elegant is my race; A hundred million souls it numbers, Over half the world it rules. With the Slovak tongue you can traverse The four parts of the earth! One of my brothers plants the palm Another does eternal iceland scan A third skims o'er the widespread seas! From the phantasy which Kollar inspired as the great dream of one great Slav nation and one unified Slav language, the Slovaks, as Hans Kohn agrees "feeling abandoned in Hungary and their national existence threatened, may have drawn strength and faith in the indeitructibility of the Slovak people and language," and it helped to continue to maintain contacts with the cultural life of other Slavic peoples. 24 stur's contemporaries indicated their Pan-Slavic sympathy and tendencies by reading Russian, Polish, Ukrainian, Czech, Croatian and Serbian authors in the original and were very fond of the famous "Ode to Youth" by Mickiewicz. According to Bobek: "Not even the Poles received it as enthusiastically as the Slovaks." The desire of the Slovak poets and novelists of stur's time was to imitate other Slav writers, and their enthusiastic belief in one "slavic" culture was intense. �SLOVAKIA 43 Cizevsky maintains: "The only book which shows similarities with Mickiewicz's "Book of the Polish Pilgrimage" is $tur's work "An Ancient and a New Age of Slovaks" ("Stary a novy vek Slovakov") because $tur speaks of another kingdom and of other peoples. However, $tur deviates, because he wanted to unfold a realistic program, and Mickiewicz's Book could not satisfy him. $tur's position among Slav intellectuals of the nineteenth century is well attested among other various media by his rich correspondence with practically all oustanding Slavic leaders of the day also the fact that his work "Slavdom and the World of the Future" was translated and twice published by Russian intellectuals in the last century and at the beginning of this century. $tur, Kollar and $afarik can rightly be regarded as great figures of the Slavic world to the Slovaks of the nineteenth century. All three expressed: "in the familiar mood of the period, a general belief in historical progress, in a bright future , in the advent of some great spiritual manifestation, of a new era for mankind which would establish forever a basis of liberty, peace and happiness." In visualizing the Slavs as a unified body with a great future, they helped the awakening of the national consciousness of their own Slav-speaking peoples.25 :CUDOVi T $ TOR'S ROLE IN THE PAN- SLAVIC MOVEMENT His Political and Social Thought Slovakia is sometimes called the mother of the PanSlavic Movement. One of her sons, John Herkel, first used the word "pan,slavic" in his Latin treaties of 1826. In addition, the Slovak poet Jan Kollar and the Slovak scholar P. J. $afarik were among the main leaders of the Pan-Slavic Movement. As a matter of fact these two are sometimes considered the fathers of Pan-Slavism in Slovakia. Herder, in his "Ideas on the Philosophy of the History of Humanity" ("Ideen zur Philosophie der Geschichte") prophesied that the Slavs, who up until then were held in bondage and oppression, would awaken from their lethargy and free themselves from the shackless, and eventually recover their possesion of the vast lands that �44 SLOVAKIA stretched from the Adriatic Sea to the Baltic, from the Don to the Mulda. In this heritage they would devote themselves to the peaceful development of the arts and commerce. Though unknowingly, Herder sowed the first germ of Pan-Slavtsm. 26 stur's significance in the Slavic world of this calibre was assessed by Seton Watson. In regard to the great literary efforts of stur, Hurban and safarik, Seton-Watson states: "their writings were of capital importance in the whole Slav revival of the last century, and form a strange sentimental link between the Western romantic school and the extravagancies of Pan-Slavism." In reference to the first Slav Congress in Prague in 1848 Seton-Watson maintains that stur "played a decisive part in the preparation for the Congress." safarik, stur, Hurban and Hodza played a part second to none except Palacky at that same Congress. An analysis is in order in regard to these two opinions to determine stur's significance in the Pan,Slavic Movement. As early as 1840, stur had recourse to the throne of Austria and there presented his petitions in regard to the injustices perpetrated by Hungary against the Slovak people. He formally presented his petitions to the Hungarian Assembly. It embodied these provisions for the betterment of the Slav situation: 1) A systematic investigation of the Slovaks who were maligned by the Magyars in order to obtain protection for the oppressed; 2) that there be two censors to safeguard Slovak official writings; 3) that a Slovak literary seat be established at the Bratislava Lyceum and at Pest University; 4) that certificates and church records be kept in Latin; 5) that church ceremonies be in the mother tongue and that every guarantee and assurance be provided for this practice. The country was up in arms because the Slovaks dared to present their cause to the throne. Voluble insults were heaped upon the Slovaks in the newspapers, at gatherings, etc. Those who aided the Slovaks or sympathized with their cause were also abused. 27 It was at this point that ~udovit stur asked for permission to publish his "Slovak National News" ("Slovenske �SLOVAKIA 45 Narodne Noviny"). Archprince Joseph retorted by saying: "The Slovaks do not need newspapers. The publishing of such newspapers would be considered traitorous." It was the consensus in 1840 that Austria would lean on the Slovaks for political reasons, that is Slavic Austria, against Hungarian Austria (Magyar). But in Hungary Archduke Joseph had the upper hand and things were shaped his way. He even had control over the deputation of Slovak Pest in Church matters. At this point he is to have said: "In Hungary I know only one people and those are the Magyars. " 28 The phantom of Pan-Slavism repeated its threat in 1830 when Russia established a Slovak literary seat at its university. The young Russian Slavists began to visit the Slavs in the South as well as in Central Europe. For the ensuing years the word Pan-Slavism had political connotation for the Russian and Germanic nations implying a belligerent attempt to replace their civilization with the Slavic civilization. The connotation derived largely from the subjugated position of the various Slavic nations at this time. In Vienna the guards were ordered to stress in each paragraph of the law of magyarization that every sermon in Slovak churches be preached in Magyar and in even remote towns and villages there was a strong ban against Pan-Slavism of any kind. "In our country and near its borders," wrote Wessel, in Kossuth's newspaper, Hirlap, December, 1842, "Slovak mistakes are dangerous and a threat to all Europe and to our dynasty and country . .. " "Everyone who defies our Magyar language and our nationalism and who supports the mistakes of the Slovaks knowingly or unknowingly is an enemy to the peace and to our federation, and to our throne." 29 stur did not advocate the destruction of the Hungarian State. As long as there was any hope for a settlement with the Magyars, he was amenable to living with a fair situation. But he warned the ruling Magyar class that they could not forever ignore and suppress the inherent rights of the lesser peoples and exploit the Slovaks and other nations of Hungary without expecting them to retaliate and to demand a free national life, just as the Magyars were themselves demanding it from the Hapsburg Empire. �46 SLOVAKIA stlir wrote a sensational article "Charges and Complaints of the Slovaks in Hungary" ( ~aloby a ponosy Slovakov v Uhorsku") published in Leipzig in 1843, in which he reprimanded the chief Inspector, Count Zay, for conniving to Magyarize the Slovaks for political reasons. Count Zay felt that he was truly aware of the political currents in Slovakia. By a logic all his own, he divided the Slovaks into three groups. One was to be concerned about literary matters. The second was eager to establish a Western-Slav kingdom in Austria; the third was accused of secret contacts with Russia. 30 It is uncertain whether these three groups were fully aware of the gravity of the situation of those times; however, all had one goal in mind: to save the Slovaks from utter Magyarization and to secure for the Slovak nation its independent political status within the framework of the Hapsburg Empire. "We do not want our rights established on favor, but we demand our rights on the basis of justice," stlir declared. These famous words laid the foundation to all petitions and demands presented in Vienna and at the Hungarian Diet in Bratislava. stlir's debates with Kossuth all stemmed from this moral and democratic attitude. On behalf of his nation stlir demanded "peace based on justice and mutual understanding." He went on to say: "In the Pesti Hirlap Kossuth is fighting for equality of rights, but in the Diet he wants to give the orders to investigate and punish those who stand up for the rights . . . That is his freedom and liberalism." 3 1 All of Stu.r's writings indicate a clear political view: Slovakia established as a sovereign crown land under the Hapsburgs, an equal partner of other nations in the Empire. In short, he was even back in his own day for a program of the federalization of Central Europe. In a sense stlir appeared as a Romantic visionary in the eyes 0f all who did not favor Slavic reciprocity or his vision of a great future for the Slavic world, his untiring demands for equal rights for the Slovak people and their national independence which he formulated in the following terms: "Each nation is only one part of humanity, and no �SLOVAKIA 47 nation can make for itself the claim that it alone attained the best possible human evolution and degree of perfect ability. Thereafter, no nation has a right to impose upon another nation its way of life when that nation wants to move for itself and educate itself as it sees fit. "So that we Slovaks might be revived and assume in history that place which is rightfully ottrs by reason of our native strength and abilities we must once and for all free ourselves, because a nation which is enslaved has its hands bound, its spirit stifled, and is forever threathened with danger that sooner or later it will perish." 32 The year 1848 was ushered in as a promising one, but before long it became stormy. The more the Magyars spoke of freedom, the more tyranically did they suppress all non-Magyars. They did their utmost to turn public opinion against the Slovaks. Wessel wrote to Kossuth that he would rather have 50,000 Germans settle the mountain countries than 10,000 Slavs. Once again intolerance charged all the climate. At this point, Pan-Slavism evolved as a defensive movement among the Slavs rather than as a political movement aimed at replacing western dominance in Europe. The term "Pan-Slavism" has been used generally to denote the historical tendency of the Slavic peoples to manifest in their tangible way, either cultural or political, their consciousness of ethnic kinship. Cultural Pan-Slavism had its origin in the remarkable national awakening of the Slavs at the dawn of the nineteenth century. Submerged for long centuries under cruel masters, the Slavs were quickened to a renewal of awareness of their national identities, not by political leaders, but by their cultural leaders. These Slavs realized how they had been deprived of their national identity. They nourished better hopes for the future by seeking to reanimate the faded memories of a glorious past. In this effort they discovered that they were brothers bound by a common misfortune yet endowed with a vast cultural heritage. 33 Slavic men of learning helped to initiate national �48 SLOVAKIA movements among their countrymen primarily in order to establish the individuality and cultural worth of each Slavic group: Bulgarians, Czechs, Slovaks, Poles, Slovenians, Croats, Serbs and Russians. The various romantic movements were propagated in individual ways and degrees yet through them the ideal of Slavic unity, which had been lost in the past by foreign oppression, was to be resurrected with the surmounting and overthrow of that oppression. Pan-Slavism as a cultural and even as a political ideal evolved not in Russia, but rather among the Western and Southern Slavs, who had far more need of unity than did the mighty Russian Empire. This stage of Pan-Slavism signaled the national awakening of central and eastern Europe, and was characterized by interest and emphasis within the areas of language, literature, and culture. Among the Slavic peoples many had experienced a thousand years of injustice and mistreatment which yielded an unhealthy state of discouragement and stagnation. Now in the hour of their national awakening, the Slovak people seek to forgive their cruel masters rather than to avenge themselves. This attitude was shaped by the acute yearning they bore for the selfdetermination of their country. As much as they decried the enslavement of other nations, they would not permit another to enslave them. The literary and scientific Pan-Slavism of Kollar and ::;afarik created a powerful national spirit among the Slavs. Then it became only natural that this desire for national unity and selfdetermination should demand to be heard and to begin to be realized within the context of political Pan-Slavism. It moved in this direction under I.:udovit ::;tur who perceived by what stages Pan-Slavism must go. He foresaw that to achieve their glorious destiny, the Slavic peoples had to attain an assured measure of political unity. At this point political Pan-Slavism had two alternatives: Austroslavism, which meant retaining a form of Austrian political influence, for which ::;tur was ready to settle when he advocated it at the Prague Congress in 1848, the first great manifestation of Pan-Slavism and of Slavic identity, apart from the Hapsburg rule, and Pan-Russianism which ::;tur adapted after the failure of the Prague Congress.34 �SLOVAKIA 49 As Magyar exploitation of the Slovaks and other minority nations of Hungary continued, stur's admonitions to the ruling powers fall on deaf ears. The Magyars stubbornly and universally refused to heed any demands for redress of any kind of settlement with the non-Magyar nations in Hungary. This attitude helped to precipitate the revolution of 1848-49, in which the Slovaks also participated. stur together with Hodza and Hurban led an armed resistance force supporting Austria against the revolution of the Magyar aristocrats. That the Hapsburgs were forgetful of this effort and ungrateful to the Slovaks, that they finally settled with the Magyars at the expense of the non-Magyar nations of Hungary, did not help the issue of the dissatisfied minorities. The settlement of 1867, referred to as Austro-Hungarian but being in reality Austro-Magyar, became the burial pit of the monarchy which could have become a mighty confederation in Central Europe. It was I.:udovit stur and not the Slovak Magyar chauvinist, Louis Kossuth, who was the genuine democrat. 35 No setback dismayed stur completely or caused him to lose heart. Under opposition and failure he tended to redouble his energy. stur was the heart, Hodza the brain, and Hurban the soul of the revolutionary movement. They set themselves anew to collect funds, provide weapons, organize a volunteer corps, choose trained soldiers to lead them, financially aid patriots who were in prison and conduct a vast correspondence. Though defeated and betrayed in the outcome by Vienna, the Slovak revolution of 1848-49 marked an important milestone in Slovak history. The first large public manifestation of the Sl0vaks occured on May 10, 1848 at Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas. On this occasion a historic memorandum embracing six articles expressing the demands of the people was adopted unanimously. In substance these articles were: We demand that our people be permitted to· take part in the legislative deliberations of the land, and this not only de jure but de facto. And as such participation can alone become real and profitable when conducted in a language that is intelligible to us, we ask for our representatives the right to speak Slovak in the Diet. �50 SLOVAKIA We demand the right to plead and answer cases in the courts of law in Slovak. We demand that the school training of our youth, which is now so woefully neglected, be conducted in the mother tongue. We demand just and equitable representatives in the Diet. We demand for ourselves, and shall forever ask that our nationality, which we will never renounce, remain inviolate and inviolable. We demand that this petition be made known within the entire juristiction of Hungary, in Croatia, and Slavonia and be brought to the notice of the viceroy and of the Hungarian ministry, to the end that all friends of liberty and humanity may plead our just cause.36 Open-air meetings were held in larger towns throughout all regions during the spring of 1848. Equality and liberty, the maintenance and defense of the Slovak language were the keynote of them all. The Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas program was endorsed by a dozen towns supplemented here and there with petitions to meet subordinate local needs. Swiftly spread the news that Louis Phillipe had forfeited his crown to the French republicans, in 1848, anfi it reached every corner of the Hapsburg monarchy. Vienna was seething with political excitement. Prague was in feverish anticipation of the approaching Slavic Congress scheduled to meet there on June 2, in protest against the bartering of Slavic Austria to Greater Germany. stur went to Vienna after the March Revolution. There he met other Slav representatives, especially Ban Jelacic and the Serbian Patriarch Rajacic, who were working hand in hand and paid joint visits to the Imperial Court. At this early stage of developments, stur received an invitation from the students at Prague which he accepted and through which he played a decisive part in the preparations for the Slav Congress. On April 30, he made a strong appeal in favor of united common action between the Slovaks and the Czechs. For the time being, at least, there was a healing of the breaches and disagreements.37 �SLOVAKIA 51 A manifesto program which was initiated by Hurban, was issued at Teplice in the name of the Slovaks as the original occupants of this region. It was addressed simultaneously to the Crown and to the newly-formed national government at Pest. Its main demand was that there be convened a General Parliament for the brother nations of Hungary. Precipitously, any further movement in this direction was promptly suppressed by the Magyar authorities. Kossuth thundered against the Pan-Slavs in Parliament. Hurban and a few others were obligated to flee and they joined stur in an attempt to rouse Bohemia, Moravia and Slovakia to common action, and acclaimed Prague as the heart of tl<le Slavic world. Meanwhile, Hodza issued a small book in German, presenting an answer to the Slovaks to Count Zay and his summons that a choice be made between Magyarizations and the Russian knout. Hodza's fiery response was: "Rather the Russian knout than Hungarian domination, for the one can only enslave our bodies, while the other threatens us with moral ruin and death." 36 The time was ripe for action by the Slavs. stur proclaimed a Slavic Congress and agreed with Czech writers to set the date for May 31, 1848. Prague was chosen for the site of the Congress. A total of 362 delegates were present representing various Slavic nations, especially those under the Hapsburg rule, but the Poles and the Russians were also represented. The express objective 1tf the meeting was the establishment of contacts and regular exchanges among the Slavic peoples and the drawing up of a program of action for all peoples living as subject nations under Austria and/ or Hungarian domination. The four Slovak leaders-safarik, stur, Hurban and Hodza-played a part second to none. They were determined to make Slovakia an equal with Bohemia and Moravia, as part of a Czech-Slav federal unit, such as Palacky had contemplated. At this Congress stur offered a program for federalizing Central Europe. The Czech were consistent supporters of Austroslavism. Consequently the problem came to be narrowed down to a definition of terms: The objectives of the Congress was either to save Austria, for with her lay the best chances of maintaining Slavic identity, or �52 SLOVAKIA immediate prov1s10n for the Slavic peoples living under Austria. stur made it clear, that his aim was not specifically to preserve Austria, under whom the Slavs had hitherto rotted, but to preserve his own people; Austria, he added, was decrepit and lay under a curse. He went on to say: Our aim should be to save ourselves, not to save Austria. First we must work for ourselves, then for others. Thus far Austria has been flourishing but we have been languishing. What would the world say to us if we stood for nothing but the preservation of Austria? Let us say that we want to stand as independent Slovanic communities under the government of Austria . . . this will give our work a genuinely Slovanic accent ...39 stur felt that the program of the Congress should be: 1) the creation of independent Slavic united states within Austria, and 2) prompt agreement to this, so that the Austrian armies might be authorized to destroy Magyar encroachments into Slovakia. stur stressed Slavic independence: "If we are to assume that place in history which rightfully belongs to us by reason of our ability and strength, we must once and for all free ourselves from this intolerable foreign thraldom and gain national independence for ourselves." 40 The necessity of remaining with the Austrian cadre was crystal clear to stur yet he made no secret of his distrust of Austria. The Czechs felt otherwise. Because they had not been mistreated as were the Slovaks under the Magyars, they were willing to accept and abide by the vague promises of the Austrian Emperor that Slavic rights would be recognized and respected. In return for these promises, the delegates of the Congress pledged full support to Austria in her effort to subdue the Magyars. In addition, they adopted a "Manifesto t o the European Nations" which called for the following objectives: 1. That the Slavic people under Turkish rule be freed. 2. That the Magyars acknowledge the rights of the �SLOVAKIA 53 Slovak nation, including the right of its own language. 3. That the Croatian autonomy be maintained. 4. That the Slovenians be permitted to possess their land. 41 sttir felt that the Congress was a failure, because it seemed simply to reduce the Pan-Slavic movement to an attempt to reorganize Austria in a way to satisfy the nationalism of the Slavs. The insurrection of 1848 against the Magyars had also failed. sttir was disappointed to say the least and in the Pan-Slavic Movement was shaken. But he still cherished the hope that Slavic independence would be possible. In his despair and disillusionment, he became almost convinced that a small nation could not attain its freedom alone. Twice he had experienced having his great hopes in behalf of Pan-Slavism shaken. Now only one more possibility remained: alliance or association with Russia, for Russia alone of the Slavic nations was powerful enough to lead others to independence. This conclusion became the basic idea developed in his book, "Slavdom and the World of the Future," a work which extols the cultural, moral and political forces of the Russian Empire. It also presents a detailed program for the union of Slavs under the leadership of Russia. HIS POLITICAL RE-ORIENTATIO N In 1848 and 1849 when the Magyars under Kossuth arose in armed rebellion against Austria, demanding complete independence, the Slovaks braced themselves against a new wave of Magyarization pressures. Led by sttir and his collaborators, they fought in their units with the Austrians and then with the Russian Armies to subdue the Magyar rebels. In return the Slovaks hoped to gain from Vienna recognition of their own national aspirations. Vienna, however, disappointed them and overlooked guaranteeing their rigl;lts against the encroachment of the Magyars. Furthermore, influenced by Kollar, the imperial court used the antiquated Biblical Czech of the Protestants as the official Slovak language in the translation of the laws, for instruction in the schools, and in the newly established newspaper sponsored by the government, �54 SLOVAKIA "Slovak News" ("Slovenske Noviny"), published in Vienna. The fruits of Stu.r's labors seemed doomed and at this point he turned with greater hope to Russia. The Revolution that erupted in Paris in February 1848, and reverberated throughout Europe, encouraged the movement in Hungary. It affected the development of Slovak life and helped to bring the Slav political program to greater maturity. Individual regions of Slovakia rebelled against the imposition of Hungarian as the only recognized legal language and strove to secure sanctions for Slovak as their official language. The native tongue of the Slovak people represented the very survival of Slovakia. stur's basic concept in "Slavdom and the World of the Future" ("Das Slawenthum und die Welt der Zukunft") was an exceptional tribute to the cultural, moral and political forces at work within the Russian Empire. This work also included a detailed plan for the union of all Slavs with Russia, "the most complete and consistently developed program for the subjugation of Slavs to Russia," according to Professor Lednicki. stur adopted Herder's and Hegel's ideas which in turn provided the Slavs with a consciousness of unity based upon the communal element of language and a glorious destiny, proclaiming them as the prospective leaders of Europe. stur stressed the belief that the Slavs have a mission to fulfill in universal history, and that this mission can be fulfilled only if they are united. There were three procedures to consider: 1. Slavic federation without Russia. 2. Transformation of Austria into a Slavic federation. 3. Union with Russia as a monarchic empire under Russian leadership, united in the Orthodox Church and the Russian literary language. The first two approached did not appeal to stur's vision gf a Slavic world of the future. Because of geographical features and considerations, internal rivalries, religious and cultural differences, and intermingled nonSlavic elements, any attempt to federalize the Slavic nations at this time seemed doomed to failure. 42 Since the Slavs were to be leaders of the "new" Europe, stur set out to determine whether the Slavs really �SLOVAKIA 55 had a role of their own to fulfill in world history. At this point they were not in position to do anything significant but history was a progression of spent nations being replaced by young one, and stur envisioned a future in which Slavic emancipation would eventually occur. There was no use in looking to the West for support in securing Slovakia's self-determination for, the West was already on the downward path to moral, political and social dissolution. Western civilization had deteriorated, the West itself needed help. Only Slavs could aid the Slavs. stur went on to paint a highly romantic picture of the Slavs, representing them as good at heart, patient, humble, kind and democratic. These were the general characteristics of all the Slavs, but especially of the Russians who were visualized as being at the apex of all the nobles features of the Slavic nations. stur did not know them personally. He had never been in Russia, neither had he any prolonged contact with Russians. He simply claimed that it had to be so logically, since the Russians were the leaders of the Slavs; they had to be the best Slavs. He was convinced too that unity was an absolute necessity if the Slavs were to achieve their historic mission. The only alternative left was union with Russia. 43 "Russia is the prime mover and the leader of our national family. Our people are but a fragment of a single nationality. They can be reborn and united into a single whole only by a elated benevolent and great Power." In stur's mind that power was Russia. "Let us go forth together in the spirit of our own people, under the leadership of the racial elders given to us by history." The Slavist, Professor Petrovich maintains that "The failure of the Slovak revolution and other political demonstrations brought stur to the conclusion that it was u.seless for his people to seek its own freedom alone or in the framework of Austroslavism." 44 This definitive decision on the part of stur amazed contemporary experts in his Slavic world. Yet it is not hard to understand stur's position when one realized the facts with which stur had to live in the 1850's. Since his primary goal was Slavic nationalism, Slavic unity, Russia was the only leader to whom to turn since Austroslavism �56 SLOVAKIA failed. His main objective was the creation of a federation of independent Slavic states under the Russian leadership, the same kind of action he had urged at the Prague Congress in 1848 for Austrian leadership. The Slavic peoples of the Austrian Empire, such as Czechs and Slovaks, and the smaller groups looked more and more toward Russia for help, since they found themselves outnumbered by the ruling Germans and Magyars. A second Pan-Slav Congress met in Moscow in 1867. The Poles were not represented. They considered the Russians their national enemies and oppressors. Russian chauvini&m was apparent throughout the congress. From that time on Russian nationalists wished to use Pan-Slavism as a tool for Russian expansion at the expense of nonRussian Slavs for the destruction of the Austrian Empire and the Turkish Empire. Both Empires contained large Slavic minorities. The Russian war against Turkey in 1877 was accompanied by Pan-Slavic agitation to liberate the Balkan Slavs, especially the Bulgarians, from the Turkish domination. World War I also started partly because the Russians supported the Slavic Serbs against the Austrian Empire. The fact that Russia herself oppressed several Slavic peoples--the Poles, the Ukrainians, and the Byelorussian s -and the fact that the Russian tsarist autocracy was politically and socially backward militated before 1914 against the claim of the Russians to be regarded as the spokesmen of all Slavs.45 All the peoples, with the exception of the Croatians, Slovenians and Serbs were united under Moscow's leadership, and thus many of the extravagant Russian aspirations, voiced during the Pan-Slav Congress in Moscow, in 1867, were fulfilled .46 Stu.r's great dream of a family of Slavic peoples united under Russia may also become a reality -but not under an Orthodox Church as a dedicated community, nor under an enlightened Russian Tsar with humanist and liberal views, nor as a Russian group struggling for the highest ideals of freedom and respect for human beings, as stur wished to see it in his work "Das Slawenthum und die Welt der Zukunft" ("Slavdom and the World of the Future"), but under a disastrous �SLOVAKIA 57 policy, the cornerstone of which was laid at Yalta in February, 1945. This policy destroyed Europe's individuality and enlarged the power of the Kremlin, a power that has kept all humanity under constant tension since 1945 and is a threat to the freedom of all the states it has not yet captured. It led to the subjugation of an additional 200 million Europeans. On the soil in Northern, Central and Southern Europe, there arose a new Soviet colonial system. At a time when in the free world, peoples who have never enjoyed self-govenment in the past are gradually attained nationhood and are assisted by the United Nations in the achievement of their rightful aspiration-the exact reverse process has been taking place in Central and Eastern Europe. 47 ST-OR'S IMPACT ON SLOVAKIA Revival of Slovak National Life stur knew it was imperative that the Slovaks be awakened nationally; otherwise they were doomed as a nation. The nation needed scholars who would delve into antiquity and from the glory of the past raise a national enthusiasm and groundwork on which to build for the future. He assumed the task of providing them. The Slovak historian, Julius Botto, says of stur: "He trained for the Slovak nation energetic, selfless men, genuine national heroes." Since the Slovak gentry continued to yield its national identity and was overshadowed and even absorbed by Magyar influences, the Slovak people became abandoned in the midst of a rising alien nationalism and political transformation. Slovak intellectuals had the vision to realize what was happening and considered it mandatory to take over the culture of the Slovak peasants, middle classes and a sparse number of nationally minded aristocrats and garner from these elements their own national culture and new national consciousness. Without stur's important role in this effort, the Slovaks might now be a forgotten nation. stur successfully organized his literary school and cultural activities in this climate and was successful in �58 SLOVAKIA bringing about a new era of Slovak national life. Since he had a mystical idea of the nation, and respected it as a person, his approach was a philosophical one. Aesthetic and philosophical principles were inaugurated into his literary school and became the foundation of the Slovak nation revival of the nineteenth century. In the past, Slovak national life was little more than a conglomerate of regrets and passive laments, a life of hapless "do nothing." stur set up positive perspectives to create higher cultural and political values and he did not rest until the people were persuaded to adopt these new views. He repeatedly advocated a higher and stronger degree of national pride. He asked the Slovaks not to seek the source of their national pride in foreign gardens since they had it right at home in their midst. stur and his school knew what hopes were directed toward attaining concrete political and social gains; he realized how ready his people were to entertain enthusiasm and spirit for a better world. National and Slavistic themes permeate stur's poetry and prose. The soul of the nation-or of the Slavs-was his constant subject; he was always preoccupied with the nation's sufferings, struggles and failures. These topics are the substance of all his written works. The Slovaks, as Hans Kohn rightly says, "feeling abandoned in Hungary and their national existence threatened, may have drawn strength and faith in the indestructibility of the Slovak people and language." This thought supported them and enabled them to continue to maintain contacts with the cultural life of other Slavic peoples. Although stur was not the only leader during the national revival, he embodied more vitally than did the others the true spirit of 1848. In his own right he is called the Daniel O'Connell of Slovak history. At this point is was not only necessary for the Slovak nation to map out definite goals, but it was also imperative to chart the way for coming generations of the Slovak nation in order that this goal might be realized and preserved. The task challenging stur and his followers was very complicated. Besides honoring, they had to find a way and means to discharge all the work before them in a way �SLOVAKIA 59 that would be worthy of scrutiny both in their own day and in the light of history. Much of their work had to be accomplished under duress, when revolutionary forces were mounting, when fierce struggles had to be met to insure national existence and the ennobling of the social stratum of the Slavic people. $tlir's generation had no alternative, but to play the role of a vanguard of the Slovak bourgeoisie which had to be inspired with national consciousness and formed into a worthy class. The group v0luntarily assuming this role is called the $tlir generation; in literature it is called the stur school, since it was Cudovit stur and his group who adopted the traditions of the Bernolakians for the Slovak linguistic cultural and national independence. In short, they gave the Slovak nation both a solid ideology and definite direction under the leadership of Cudovit $tlir.48 Cudovit stur's activities were directed mainly on behalf of his native country, his main interest being the Slovak people caught in an insufferably miserable situation and desperately needing a solution of their problems. He threw all his efforts into achieving a social and national awakening of his people and into raising their standards so that they could be counted as a social and national force. In the memorable Bratislava parliament of 1847, he tangled in a heated discussion with Kossuth. stur declared: "We want freedom. It is easily said that there is plenty of freedom in our homeland: yes, not only an abundance, but even an oversupply of freedom." And he went on to add, "but only the landowner's brand of freedom; for of the real, human and personal freedom there is very little. If our towns had had more freedom, our people would never have fallen into such thraldom." Kossuth's reply to this was: "That cannot be helped; that is the way the world moves. It is the fate of one who stands lower in the community to be suppressed and bear the burden and taxes; on the other hand, the one who comes along better in civic life receives rights and stands in honor. At this time I am opposed to granting towns a vote in our Assembly." stur could not be silenced. Again he met Kossuth in the Hungarian Assembly and said: "Recently when I was �60 SLOVAKIA present here and mentioned the sorrowful plight of the wretched taxpayers, the worthy deputy of Pest County, Mr. Kossuth, saw the hand of fate in the oppression of the people and said that is the way of the world when the lower class is suppressed and the higher class arrogates more rights to itself. I see no hand of fate in the matter, because then the status of the oppressed could never be corrected. We demand freedom in the country and the assignment of urbanial jobs which are not in line with freedom. Does a person who works, who works for the benefit of others and receives contempt instead of reward, have a fatherland? Will such a person become as devoted to his country as he would be to his mother? The sacred cause of mankind challenges us to declare the principle of the liberation of people and honestly bring it into reality. When this redemption is accomplished, the judical power of the landowner and the country gentry must cease, because freedom would not be served if a people liberated from the robot would continue to remain under the staves of the Lords." 49 stur's main aspiration was freedom. If his only achievement had been his effort for the rights of the enslaved and subjugated at the Bratislava Assembly, he would have deserved to be honored among the most distinguished sons of the Slovak nation. But he did not only that but even more and because of this fact he is loved and revered by the Slovak nation. In him were concentrated the cultural and social endeavors of his predecessors, with the strength and courage needed for a living national organization. Without his concentration the pursuits of an independent national culture would have been impossible. His greatest merit lies in the fact that he assumed the historical task of uniting the multi-cultural strength of the Slavs into a national liberation front. A legendary atmosphere was built around the magnetic personality of stur by those who knew him. Around him there crystallized, as it were, a veritable aura of national life as is reported by William Pauliny Toth who said of him : ":Cudovit stur is favored epochally as a created vision in the history of. the Slovak- Nation." 50 �SLOVAKIA 61 Shir in his time understood that the Slovak national process had matured and that Slovakia must appear on the scene of history as an independent political factor. It is in this foresight also that Shir's merit lies. He exemplifies the Slovak national spirit as a man possessed with deep convictions and great strength of will sufficient to execute them. His prime purpose, as we have already mentioned, was to see Slovakia united culturally, politically and socially. We must recall for our own benefit and on behalf of the free world that stur did not hesitate to accept and carry to completion the work of preceding Catholic generations; he was ready to press on in order to preserve the heritage of the Slovak nation, though he was not a Catholic, but a Lutheran and a member of the Protestant Evangelical Church. Contributions as an Energizing Stimulant to Slovak Life in General It can be said with assurance that in the history of the Slovak nation, no individual accomplished as much in so short a time as did :Cudovit stur, who was only forty-one years of age when he died. This was possible only because of the gifts of this phenomenal leader and because of the fact that the ground and the time were ripe for the ascension of a new generation. stur found that he could approve of much that already existed in Slovakia and he was ready to formulate what the nation needed and demanded in his day. One wonders how it was possible at this critical time for a man to dare to undertake structuring a spiritual foundation of modern life for the long slighted and forgotten Slovak people. Though we cannot understand the force that inspired him we can appreciate the phenomenon that in one generation, only one extraordinary person, one :Cudovit stur, appeared as a great leading luminary among approximately two million of his people. It goes without s~ying that the Slovak people are grateful to stur and to those who sacrificed much with him for the Slavic cause. Their work was aimed toward the realization of the spiritual plan of Slovak life envisioned by genius and inspiration. �62 SLOVAKIA The Slovak nation was not fortunate enough at this time to have a 1,1mg and cherished tradition or the advantage of experienced mature people on which to rely. Over long centuries of oppression under a foreign element, it was their fate to be wholly submissive and in this attitude to develop no leaders. Now they had to rely entirely on comparatively young men for new ideas and new leadership. The Slovak youth was entrusted with the new dawn and to project future goals, because the difficult life of the Slovaks in the past did not allow the elders to foster a strong national life. While many other European nations had their noble classes to fight their battles and to lead them to new eras, the Slovaks had no social upper strata on which to rely for inspiration. Their nobility and their middle class as well were lost by fusion with other elements predominantly Magyar milieu. Slovak national awakening consequently was achieved by the sons of humble people, usually the strong leaders from among the Catholic and Protestant clerical circles. The Slovak language as a literary medium which was chosen by l'..udovit stur and his collaborators was accepted by the Slovak population in 1843. Under his dynamic leadership the Slovaks literally re-emerged from obscurity and oblivion. They asserted themselves not only culturally but also politically by their participation in the uprising in 1848-49. During this revolutionary upheaval they sided with the Emperor in Vienna but were ill-rewarded for their services. Their repeated petitions for self-determination and for guarantees of unhindered cultural development were repeatedly denied them.5 1 In 1867, when the Austrians concluded a dual agreement with the Magyars, the Slovaks were left at the mercy of the Magyars. Under this arrangement, Slovak high schools and cultural organizations were suppressed. Education on an elementary level was permitted in the Magyar language only. Any who dared to resist magyarization were victimized and inprisoned. Thousands of Slovaks found it necessary to leave their native country and migrated to the United States of America. I.:udovit stur and his generation fired the Slovaks with new national life, a clear goal and a firm sense of direction �SLOVAKIA 63 in the spirit of stt1r's slogan: "Backward we cannot go, Forward we must!" "Forward" means to free the people from the yoke of slavery and lead them along the road of independence and true national cultural growth within a truly free country. To achieve this tne Slovak nation needs a political program. The cataclysm of the Revolution of 1848 that struck Europe impelled the Slovaks to develop their political program without further hesitation or delay. The Slovaks reassessed their aims, and aspirations as well as prevailing circumstances. Since Slovakia was part of the Hungarian State, they wished primarily to have the boundaries of the Slovak lands clearly defined in order that they might have guaranteed equality with the Magyars living in Hungary. The Magyars opposed the justified petitions of the Slovak nation. They banned all Slovak assemblies and treated Slovak leaders as traitors deserving imprisonment. When the Slovaks perceived what obstacles their political program met with in Hungary, they resorted to arms against the Magyars who themselves were engaged in a rebellion against the Emperor. The Slovak rebellion in 1848-49 ended indecisively. The Russian army was asked to help subdue the revolting Magyars and absolute rule was imposed in the country. The Magyars were punished and the Slovaks were forgotten. 52 The Slovaks renewed their political activity in 1861. They detailed their principles in newspapers and later called an assembly at Turciansky Sv. Martin where they formulated a renewed Slovak policy within the comprehensive "Memorandum of the Slovak Nation." They asked that the Slovaks be permitted the right to develop their own life without restriction. They asked that they be recognized as a nation by a special proclamation, and that Slovakia constitute a distinctive administrative unit in Hungary. These petitions were submitted to Emperor Franz Josef (1849-1916). The only concession granted to the Slovaks was permission to establish a cultural institute called "Matica Slovenska" ("The Slovak Institute"). They were also allowed to use private funds to build three high schools for the education of Slovak youth. �64 SLOVAKIA The position of the Slovaks grew steadily worse in Hungary. Feeling the pressure of denationalization at every step, they did not stop pledging their allegiance to Hungary. All these attempts even at appeasement proved futile . The Hungarian Parliament passed legislation which suppressed Slovak life yet not even these adversities broke the Slovak nation, for the Slovaks believed "That truth has never yet suffered in vain, nor will our Slovak truth suffer needlessly," according to the prophetic dictum of Andrej Hlinka in 1907 spoken as he was being led to prison.53 $TOR IN CONTEMPORAR Y HISTORIC PERSPECTIVE Practicality of Stur's Ideals :r.udovit stur's role in the revival of Slovak national life was far reaching and vitally important. As a reformer of the Slovak literary medium he contributed to modern national Slovak ideology. He gave his people a new perspective and vision of political freedom and of a better future. His writings provided a powerful impetus to Slovak life in general. His manifold contributions to the Slovak national revival were not limited to Slovakia alone, but to the over-all Slavic world, since Slovakia and the Slovak people are a part of the Slavic world. Neither is his greatness only by the role he played at the first Slavic Congress in Prague, but also by his rich correspondence with all outstanding Slavic leaders, as well as his work "Slavdom and the World of the Future" which was translated and published twice by Russian intellectuals in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. stur's school of thought laid the foundation for the self-determinatio n of Slovakia more than a century ago. Even in the present the Slovaks are building upon this foundation. They will keep on pressing their point and cherishing their hope of success until they do attain complete freedom from all foreign domination. Just as stur had defied and condemned the hegemony of the Magyars and the materialistic philosophy of Marx and Engels, so do they hope in this day to overcome all obstacles to true freedom. �SLOVAKIA 65 The followers of stur made the entire nation their concern. They applied themselves to improve the country's economy; they did their utmost to wipe out alcoholism, indifference, and illiteracy; they labored unceasingly to arouse national consciousness in more ways than one. The people at large responded and co-operated generously when r:,tur began to publish his "Slovenske Narodne Noviny" ("Slovak National News") which had great influence on the thinking of the common people. stur's articles recalled the heritage of the Slovak people, the glory of its language, morals, customs, and its homeland-which unites the nation as a whole and constrains it to press forward towards attaining the goal of unity. It was necessary to make the nation feel that someone was supporting it and was concerned about its welfare. The people had to be dealt with humanely. This applied to individuals as well as to groups. The Slovaks were threatened with complete annihilation, hence stur had to appeal to the mind, the feelings and the very character of the nation. Without first uniting this nation he could gain nothing. The sturists envisioned their task as not the conversion of renegades, but the instruction of the people to help themselves, to recognize and to fight for their God-given rights. Stu.r's newspaper served all classes of people to some degree-the intelligentsia, the laborer, the peasant, the minister of the Gospel, the merchant and the tradesman. The Slovaks did rouse themselves to national consciousness. Without effective journalism of the type provided by stur it would have been impossible to unite the Slovaks in so short a time. stur and his collaborators were realists. They encouraged and exhorted the people to better themselves by overcoming indolence and ignorance. They provided and encouraged private enterprise and more efficient ways of doing things in all fields of endeavor. The school problem was a factor of great concern to stur and his coterie. They indicated the necessity of cultivating the native language, the importance of enlightenment, the value of reading centers, libraries, sound agricultural programs, progress in industrial and financial enterprise, �66 SLOVAKIA revision in tax scales, improvement in animal husbandry and many other subjects. Temperance societies were promoted as were cultural and social institutions. Many stur followers taught Sunday school classes. This innovation of stur was probably the most interesting of all movements in Slovakia. stur and his followers were not dreamers; they were practical idealists who had the welfare and security of the Slovak people at heart.54 stur's school of thought built the foundation for the independence movement as well. With the help of his co-workers ::;tur's literary school to a great extent fulfilled the function of a political and military leadership, thereby elevating the Slovak people to the cultural level of the rest of Europe. For these achievements stur's progressive pedagogical heritage shall continue to live among us for a long time. His practical and wise suggestions, his courage, his vision, selflessness, his many precedents which could be used and developed in our day serve as an undying example for future generations of Slovaks, inspiring them to work for their country's freedom, independence and recognition. At the same time future generations are challenged to keep alive the flame of the torch which was passed to them by stur's unfaltering hope of a better world on the morrow. Despite stur's comparatively youthful age, his cultural and social activities were many-sided and diversified. Slovaks in the free world can gain much by a study of his works. Because stur and his co-workers were human, they naturally made some mistakes. However, their mistakes were those of the century in which they lived. It behooves us to judge them according to the fruit of their labor, the results of their work which brought a new perspective to the Slovak nation. stur can rightly be numbered among the outstanding European revolutionaries of his time. He was a great apostle of democracy and freedom for all people. The shining light among the Slovaks of the nineteenth century, the formulator of their political and social program, as well as the interpreter of their national desires was ~udovit stur-the Father of modern Slovak nationalism .55 �SLOVAKIA 67 Application of stur's Theories in Subsequent Slovak History The evolution of Slovak national life and the role of ~udovit stur in its development are mutually inclusive. Once one delves into a study of stur's life work, he becomes permanently fascinated with it and cannot be shed the charm of this genial creator of modern national Slovak ideology. stur was endowed with extraordinary creativity and originality of concepts. Only a genius could create works of lasting value which survive long after his death. It is only natural that we return to stur and find support in him. He is an incentive to future generations to do even better things than he did. However, to date, he ranks as one of the most outstanding Slovaks of all time. Slovakia is grateful to many Slovak leaders who sacrificed everything for the nation. But most of these also worked for the realization of the spiritual plan of Slovak life which was spelled out and left to us by stur and his co-workers. They gave expression to the righteous desires of the Slovak nation and became the unsurpassed model in spiritual and civic activity:56 For more than a century, nothing new nor shaking has appeared than that which was expressed by stur for the Slovak nation. Hence it behooves us to return to him, because it is evident that every new and great plan of Slovak life must first pass the aqua regia test of stur's thinking. The aims of the Slovak nation which were conceived by stur are still the criteria of the life of the Slavic people. Whatever counters stur also runs counter to the vital interest of the Slovak nation. stur's words: "Let us not abandon ourselves, Slovak fellow citizens! " is just as timely today as they were in 1845. He was a man ahead of his time. His philosophical views, his democratic thinking, his principles and his social demands are timely, too. It is necessary for our generation to recognize the fact that the Slovaks over one hundred years ago fought to change the political structure of Central Europe, that they demanded a deserved independent status for their nation within the framework of a solid federation built on principles of justice and equity. �68 SLOVAKIA Great ideas may be temporarily suppressed and silenced, but in the end they will triumph. That accounts for the inability of the enemies within and without the Slovak nation to destroy the concept of individuality of the Slovak nation, its language, culture and its right to an independent life. Even today after a lapse of more than a hundred years, this idea is very much alive. Despite the fact that Pan-Slavism did not achieve any notable results during stur's time, it nevertheless had inherent value. For the first time it revealed the Slavic mind to the rest of Europe. This is important in the light of the present role which the Slavs play in Europe today. The Prague Congress too proved significant by reason of the fact it was the first expression of Slavic unity, of Slavic identity, distinct from the Hapsburg rule. It imbued the Slavs with greater courage and confidence and a guide for the future action. Slavdom and the World of Future is today a relatively unknown work, even in the Slavic world. Yet it had exerted great influence on Russian thinking in the 1870's and was a beacon light and incentive to furthering their program and goals. At the time of s tur's death in 1856, the whole Pan-Slavic movement was pretty much a failure. It failed because the very nationalism that it promoted led to its defeat. Pan-Slavism created dissent among the various Slav nations because it pressured national consciousness. The more the people became aware of their individuality, their historical traditions, and their language, the less they wanted to sacrifice them for a non-existent Slav federation . Another hindering factor was the centuries-old and traditional antagonism between the various Slavic nations, such as the Poles and the Russians, Czechs and Slovaks, Croatians and Serbs, prevented any success for a plan that would unite them. Hence Pan-Slavism was hindered from excercising any dominant or stable influence on European thought at that time. 57 For two decades after World War I Pan-Slavism seemed dead. The Western Slavs-the Poles, Czechs, Slovaks, Croatians, Slovenes and Serbs--established their own states in 1918. They looked more to the West than to Moscow for guidance and inspiration. After the German �SLOVAKIA 69 aggression against Soviet Russia in the summer of 1941, Joseph Stalin revived Pan-Slavism for the duration of the war and appealed for the support of all Slavic peoples. The Soviet Union again discarded Pan-Slavism after World War II. It was under the aegis of Communism rather than Pan-Slavism that the U. S. S. R. established control over the Western and Southern Slavic peoples in the post war period. $tur's vision of a unified Slovak cultural, political and social life did not indicate that he was a mere visionary. After a century of struggle there exists a Slovak nation with its own literature and cultural institutions and it is a strongly literate one. There also exists a sound national consciousness and a wholesome social stratification, which is unbalanced only by the unfortunate present Communist regime. The new generation is imbued with a spirit of national and social justice among Central European peoples and constantly resists Communistic ideology, about which £udovit $tur wrote more than a century ago: "Communism not only commits outrageous injustice against all civil society ... it also ruins all personal initiative, endeavor and enthusiasm. It divides the family, it destroys the household and thus it opens wide the door to every type of immorality, dissolution, and indulgence. It degrades· man to bestial level ... "Communism has matured to the same degree as atheism and defection from Christianity . . . In all types of Communism whatever their classification may be, the outlook is only toward a dismal life. It brings in its wake despotism of the grossest kin. It ,shatters all bonds of social living. In place of holy ties, it offers profiteering, rioting and their like." Today when our mighty nation is fighting for freedom of all enslaved and oppressed nations, this freedom must not be overlooked for Slovakia. The Slovaks of today still have the inherent and God given rights to complete freedom as do all other nations. To fight for the freedom of all nations, including Slovakia, is the obligation of all lovers of truth and freedom. The Slovaks have existed and will continue to exist if they live and remember $tur's words: "Let us not abandon ourselves, Slovak fellow citizens!" �70 SLOVAKIA Today a foreign regime in Slovakia is persecuting and crushing all that stlir stood for, because it is above all else concerned with the extermination of the Slovak traditions which in his time Eudovit stur had recreated and reformed in such a manner that they remain in permanent basis of Slovak national development. The spirit of stur lives on! One can kill a man but never the idea he stands for . In history there are myriad examples of movements, faiths and ideologies triumphant "in spite of dungeon, fire and sword." The Slovak nation did not give up the right to live in an independent state even if this state was forcibly liquidated, its rules killed and its adherents persecuted. All this has made the struggle for independence even more imperative, because if the idea was worth dying for, it i~ worth fighting for. More than a century after his death :Cudovit stur is very much alive. His name is often on the lips of his followers and his opponents. Books are written about him, his policies, his philosophy, on both sides of the Iron Curtain by his friends and his enemies. With no perceptible results to show, the situation of the Slovak nation does not look very promising today. The nation is without its state, lives in slavery but also lives in hope. There is strong evidence to indicate a living and vibrant independence movement at home where the Slovaks after an interim of partial independence are convinced that there is no substitute for complete independence. The indeology of :Cudovit stur is the source of strength and belief that independent Slovakia with a government "of the people, by the people, for the people" will re-appear on the map of Europe:58 CONCLUSION The essential part of this study dealt with the assumption that :Cudovit stur and his achievements have long been recognized by the Slovaks, that he is a great national figure and is revered as the "Father of Modern Slovak Nationalism." But what of his place in the history of the Slavs at this time? Looking for stur's place in the Slavic world, after the passing of a century which tested many of his conceptions �SLOVAKIA 71 and achievements, one cannot avoid some purely Slovak cultural and political issues. One cannot help but also agree with Hans Kohn's words that "the Slovak nation with its own literary language, was definitely established."59 stur's manifold activities made this possible. Since Pan-Slavism remained the primary concern of Slavic poets, newsmen, literary scholars, philologists, and historians, Slavic nationalism was far removed from the political plan and was situated in the literary field. These individuals expressed an optimistic belief in man's inevitable progress, in the spiritual rejuvenation which would result in the assurance of liberty, peace and happiness. These visionaries felt that perhaps the Slavs were heralds of a new era. They promised a unified betterment in a future Slavic world. According to his book "Slavdom and the World of the Future" r.udovit stur set out to accomplish four tasks. He wanted an assurance to determine whether the Slavs really had a specific role to fulfill in world history. The Slavic past would yield an affirmative answer, for this certainty was the basis for the entire Pan-Slavic movement. Without doubt, the Slavs were to be the leaders of a "New Europe." Since history is a progression of spent nations being replaced by young and energetic ones, Slavic Emancipation and self-determination would eventually be realized. stur's gift of prophecy and Kollar's poetic vision of one Slav nation, language, and culture as expressed in Kollar's "Daughter of Slavs" ("Slavy dcera"): "What will the Slavs be in a hundred years? What will the whole of Europe come to be? Slav life, just as a mighty flood appears, shall everywhere extend its boundary. The science shall Slav exponents see, our peoples' customs, dress and music on both the Seine and Danube modish be." His second task was to describe the Slavic mission in universal history against the background of the cultural difference between Western and Eastern Europe.60 stur could only visualize the destruction of the peasantry by a moral, political and social dissolution in the West and the culmination of a schism between religion and daily life. The West could do little to help, since it was gradually losing face because of its prodigality. �72 SLOVAKIA Western society and its institutions were not worth the effort of imitation since they were contributing to the downfall of the West. Hence the Slavs could depend only on themselves for existence. Thirdly, Shir presents a highly romantic picture of the Slavic peoples. They are endowed with extraordinary virtue. The West was held accountable for the vices of the Slavs who were presented as being by nature kind, patient, humble, and democratic. These characteristics were typical of all Slavs, but especially the Russians, who were the embodiment of all the best and noblest features of the entire Slav nation. Logically, he concluded, that since the Russians were to be the leaders of the Slavs, they had to be the cream of the Slavic element.61 His last task dealt with the problems of Slavic political unification. If the Slavs were to attain their goal, unity was an absolute necessity. There were three possibilities. The first was a Slavic confederation without Russia, which could never succeed because of internal disputes among multi-Slavic peoples. These nation were of about equal strength, hence the emergence of a leader from these nations was an impossibility. The second was the transformation of Austria into a Slavic Empire. Attempts of this nature had been made before and failed. Shir felt that Austro-Slavism should not be considered. The only alternative left was alliance with Russia. Since she was powerful enough to unite all the Slavic nations, she was the natural leader that was needed. stur was impressed by Russia's power and influence. If Slavic peoples united under Russia, their equal would be second to none in Europe. One wonders how it came that such a decisive document was left to us by stur. Yet under the circumstances with which he had to contend in the 1850's it is not surprising. His primary concern was Slavic Nationalism, and Slavic unity. His interest in Russia came only as a result of this, since he never had any prolonged contact with the Russians, neither had he ever been in Russia. 62 After more than a century's lapse of time Stu.r's big dream of a United Slavic peoples under Russia may yet �SLOVAKIA 73 become a reality, in a strange and unfortunate nature, because of recent political developments in Central and Eastern Europe. Moscow has became a political powerhouse of the Slavic world and Russian leadership has technically materialized. Stu.rs drive and his vision of Slovak cultural, political and social betterment did not prove to be a myth either. There now exists a Slovak nation with its own literature, cultural institutions and almost universal literacy. Its people are nationally conscious and they can boast of sound social stratification, which was recently unbalanced only by the presence of an unwelcome Communist regime. They are proud of their fighting spirit for national and social justice, which was passed on them with the flame of Stu.r's burning torch. There is a constant resistance among them to Communist ideology and this attitude is another legacy of Stu.r's. Over a century ago he said: "Communism not only commits _o utrageous injustices against all civil society ... but it also ruins all personal initiative, endeavor and enthusiasm ... It degrades man to a bestial level ... " 63 Although Pan-Slavism did not achieve notable results during Stu.r's time, it had an inherent value in that it revealed for the first time to the rest of Europe the Slavic mind. This is important in the light of the present role which the Slavs play in Europe. The Prague Congress, too, was the first expression of Slavic unity and identity which was separate from the Hapsburg rule. It also gave the Slavs courage and confidence. Stu.r's book, mentioned earlier in this section, has had a strong influence on Russian thinking in the 1870's and was a forerunner of some later developments. stur and his followers executed their tasks beyond human expectation, for they came upon a scene of history when the situation of the Slovaks under the Magyars in Hungary seemed truly hopeless. The significance of Eudovit stur in the evolution and revival of Slovak national life is tremendous and far. reaching. His role as a reformer of the Slovak literary language greatly contributed to Slovak national ideology. It gave his people a new vision and perspective of political �74 SLOVAKIA freedom and of a better future. By his example and writings he provided a strong impetus to Slovak life in general. stur rightfully belongs with Jan Kollar and Pavol J. safarik to the Slovaks of the nineteenth century who are regarded as great figures of the Slavic world, since Slovakia and its people are part of the Slavic world. All three found willing echo in all the Slavic peoples. As Hans Kohn states: "They were imbued in the familiar mood of the period, a general belief in historical progress, in a bright future, in the advent of some great spiritual manifestation, of a new era for mankind, which would establish for ever the basis of liberty, peace, and happiness."64 (Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Science in History at Marywood College.) FOOTNOTES 1) Jan V. Ormis, Bibliografia Uudovita Stura ("Stur's Bibliography") (Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1958), p. 8. 2) Jaroslav Vlcek, Mala Ruko vat' literarno-historicka (A small Hanpbook of Literary History") (Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1932). p. 195. 3) Jan V. Ormis, Bibliografia Uu,dovita Stura ("Stur's Bibliography") (Turc Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1958), p. 199. 4) Ibid., p. 199. 5) Marian Ziar, "Stur" Father of Modern Slovak Nationalism." Slovakia, March, 1956, pp. 8-9. 6) Philip A. Hrobak, "Stur and the Slovak Independence Movement," Slovakia, September-December, 1956, p. 39. 7) Karol Golan, "Sturove reci na slovanskom sjazde roku 1848," ("Stur's Lectures at the Slavic Congress of 1848,") Slovak Views, AugustSeptember, 1936, p. 422. 8) Henrich Bartek, "Our Tradition and Louis Stur," Slovakia, June, 1956, p. 7. 9) Jan Ormis, Bibliografia Uudovita Stura ("Stur's Bibliography") (Turc. Sv. Martin : Matica Slovenska, 1958) , p. 199. 10) Jaroslav Vlcek, Dejiny literatury slovenskej (History of Slovak Literature") Turciansky Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1923), p. 184. 11) St. Osusky, Filozofia Sturovcov ("Sturist Philosophy") (Myjava: Typ. Daniel Pazicky, 1926), p. 10. 12) Uudovit Bakos, Uul:iovit 5tiir (Bratislava: Vydavatel'stvo Slovenskej Akademie Vied, 1957 ), p. 34. 13 ) . Ibid., p. 50. 14) Seton-Watson, R. H., A History of the Czechs and Slovaks. (London : Archon Books, 1943), p. 260. 15) John cajak, Second Slovak History ("Bejepis Slovakov") (Pennsylvania-Pittsburgh: National News, 1914), p. 97. �SLOVAKIA 75 16) Marian .Ziar, "Stur: Father of Modern Slovak Nationalism," Slovakia, March, 1956, p. 6. 17) Henrich Bartek, " Our Tradition and Uudovit Stur," Slovakia, June 1956, p. 4. 18) Joseph Kirschbaum, UU/dovit Stur and His Place in the Slavic World (Cleveland: The Slovak Institute, 1958), p. 14. 19 ) R. H. Seton-Watson, A History of the Czechs and Slovaks (London: Arc hon Books, 1943), PP- 260-261. 20) John cajak, "Slovak History" ("Dejepis Slovakov") (Pittsburgh: National News, 1914), p. 97. 21 ) Joseph Kirschbaum, "Uudovit Stu!· and His Place in the Slavic World," Slovakia, March, 1958. 22) Francis Hrusovsky, "Point of No Return," This is Slovakia (Scranton: Obrana Press, 1954), p. 46. 23) Joseph Kirschbaum, "Uudovit Stur in His Place in the Slavic World." (Cleveland: Slovak Institute, 1958) , p. 20. 24) Ibid., pp. 20-21. 25) Ibid., p. 28. 26 ) Thomas Capek, The Slovaks of Hungary (New York: Knickerbocker Press, 1906) , pp. 22-23. 27) Joseph Skultety, Sto Dvadsat' Pat' Rokov zo Slovenskeho .Zivota. 1790-1914. ("One Hundred Twenty-five Years of Slovak History") Turc. Sv. Martin: Knih. -Ocast., 1920), p. 44. 28) Ibid., p. 46. 29 ) Ibidem., p. 46. 30) Joseph Kirschbaum. "Louis Stur Centenial" Slovakia, March, 1956. (Middletown ) p. 8. 31) Marian .Ziar, "Stur: Father of Modern Slovak Nationalism," Slovakia, March, 1956, pp. 8-9. 32) Joseph Kirschbaum , Uudovit Stur and His Place in the Slavic World," (Cleveland: The Slovak Institute, 1958), p. 23. 33) Michael B. P e trovich. The Emergence of Russian Pan-Slavism. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1956), pp. 18-19. 34) Suzanne Mikula, "Uudovit Stur a~d the Pan-Slavic Movement," Slovakia, 1966, pp. 106-107. 35) Henrich Bartek, "Our Tradition and Uudovit Stur," Slovakia, June, 1956, pp. 7-8. 36 ) Thomas Capek. The Slovaks of Hungacy (New York: Knickerbocker Press, 1906) , pp. 70-71. 37) Ibid., p. 71. 38) Seton-Watson. History of the Czechs and Slovaks (London : Archon Books, 1943) , p. 162. 39) Suzanne Mikula. "Uudovit Stur and the Pan-Slavic Movement," Slovakia, 1966, pp. 109-110. 40 ) Ibid., p. 110. 41) Ibid., p. 110. 42) Joseph Kirschbaum. Uu)dovit Mur and His Place in the Slavic World (Cleveland: Slovak Institute, 1958), pp. 8-9. 43 ) Suzanne Mikula, "Uudovit Stur and the Pan..Slavic Movement," Slovakia, 1966, pp. 110-111. �76 SLOVAKIA 44) Michael Petrovich, "l!udovit Stur and Russian Pan-Slavism," Journal of Central European Pan-Slavism, 1952, p. 6. 45) Hans Kohn, "Pan-Slavism," Encyclopedia International, XIX, 44-45. 46) Ibid., pp. 44-45. 47) ACEN statement, September 20, 1954. 48) Jan V. Ormis, Bibliografia I!udovita Stura ("Bibliography of I!udovit Stur") (Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1958), pp. 198-199. 49) Philip Hrobak, "Stur and the Slovak I'*-1ependence Movement," Slovakia (Sept., Dec., 1956), p. 38. 50) Jan Ormis. Bibliografia L'udovita Stura ("Stur's Bibliography") (Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1958), p. 199. 51) Francis Vnuk, Dr. Jozef Tiso. (Sydney: Orbis Printing Co. pty. Ltd., 1967), pp. 5-6. 52) Francis Hrusovsky, "This Is Slovakia," Slovakia, 1969, pp. 91-92. 53 ) Karol Sidor, Andrej Hlinka (Bratislava: 1934), p. 198. 54) Joseph Pauco, "Stur's Group in -the Service of the People," Slovakia, March, 1956, pp. 12-15. 55 ) Marian .Ziar, "Stur: Father of Modern Slovak Nationalism," Slovakia , March, 1956, pp. 10-11. 56) Henrich Bartek, Our Tradition and Louis Stur," Slovakia, June, 1956, pp. 3-4. 57) Suzanne Mikula, "l!udovit Stur and the Pan-Slavic Movement," Slovakia, 1966, p. 113. 58 ) Frantisek Vnuk, Dr. Jozef Tiso, (Sidney: Orbis Printing and Publishing Co., Pty Ltd., 1967), p. 43. 59) Hans Kohn, "Pan-Slavism, Its History a'*-1 Ideology," (University of Notre Dame Press, 1953), p. 21. 60 ) Suzanne Mikula, "I!uldovit Stur and the Pan-Slavic Movement,·• Slovakia, p. 111, 1966. 61) Ibid., p. 112. 62) Ibid., p. 112. 63) Joseph Kirschbaum , I!udovit Stur and His Place in the Slavic Wor~:i (Cleveland: Slovak Institute, 1958), p. 26. 64) Hans Kohn, "Pan-Slavism, Its History and Ideology," (Indiana : University of Notre Dame Press), p. 22. BIBLIOGRAPHY Books Stur, L'udovit. Listy L'udovita Stura. (Letters of I!udovit Stur.") ed. Dr. Jozef Ambrus. Bratislava: Slovenska Akademia Vied, (Slovak Academy of Sciences), 1956, pp. 64-375. Stur, I!udovit, 1864 Nauka Reci Slovenskej. ("Slovak Language Lessons from r;ui:lovit Stur.") Bratislava, 1946, pp. 1-10. Bakos, I;udovit. Cudovit Stur. ("Louis Stur.") Bratislava: Slovenska Akademia Vied, 1957, pp. 34-161. Bartek, Henrich, C. Stur a Slovencina. ("I;udovit Stur and the Slovak Language. ") Turc. Sv. Martin: Kompas, 1943, pp. 6-18. Botto, Julius. Michal M. Rodia. Turciansky Sv. Mart.in: -Ocastinarsky Spolok, 1911, pp. 11-41. l'.:ajak, Janko. Dejepis Slovakov. ("History of the Slovaks.") Pittsburgh: Tlac Narodnych Novin, 1914, pp. 97-110. �SLOVAKIA 77 tapek, Thomas. The Slovaks of Hungary. New York: Knickerbocker Press, 1906, .pp. 18-52. Chrobak, Dobroslav. Rukoviit'. ("Handbook.") Prague: L. Mazac, 1932, pp. 25-37. Czambel, Samo. Slovaci a Ich Rec. ("The Slovaks and Their Language.") Budapest: C. A. Kr. Dvornej Knihtlac Victoria Horney Anskeho, 1903, pp. 25-42. Golan, Karol. Revolucne Pokolenie 1848-1849. ("The Revolutionary Generation 1848-1849.") Myjava: Daniel Pazisko, 1926, pp. 91-94. Hqdal, Juraj. Jan Holly. Trnava: Spolok sv. Vojtecha, 1923, pp. 91-94. Hrobak, .Philip. Czechoslovakia. Middletown: Jednota Press, 1958, .p. 17. Hrusovsky, Francis. This Is Slovakia. Scranton: Obrana Press, 1954, pp. 42-47. Hurban, Jozef M. r.udovit Stur. Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1928, pp. 7-216. Kacka, Jozef. Dejiny Slovenskej Literatury. ("History of Slovak Literature.") Ruzomberok: Lev, 1928, pp. 36-39. Kalal, Karol. Dejiny Slovenska ("History of Slov,alda.") Turc. Svaty Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1916, .pp. 89-105. Kirschbaum, Joseph. Nas Boj o Samostatnost' Slovenska. ("Our Struggle for Slovak Independence.") Cleveland: Slovak Institute, 1968, pp. 292-324. Kohn, Hans. Hapsburg Empire 1804-1918. An Anvil Original. Princeton: K. Vian Nostrand Company, 1961, pp. 65-95. Medvecky, Karol A. Slovensky Prevrat. ("The Slovak Revolution.") I-IV: 4 vols. Trnava: Spolok sv. Vojtecha, 1930-1931. Mraz, Andrej. Jozef Skultety. Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1933, p. 7. Novak, Uuldovit. Jazykovedne Glosy k Ceskoslovenskej Otazke. ("Linguistic Sounds of the Czecho-Slovak Question.") Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1935, p. 233. Oddo, Gilbert. Slovakia and Its People. New York: Robert Spelle,r and Sons, 1960, pp. 108-204. Ormis, Jan. Bibliografia E,udovita Stura. ("L'udovit Stur and His Bibliography.") Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1958, pp. 3-201. Pauco, Jozef. r.udovychova u Sturovcov. ("Popular Education among the Sturists.") Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1943, pp. 5-11. Pauliny, Heinrich. Dejiny Spisovnej Slovenciny. ("History of Literary Slovak.") Bratislava: Slovenska Akademia, 1948, p. 393. Petrovich, Michael B. The Emergence of Russia Pan-Slavism 1856-1870. New York: Columbia University Press, 1956, p. 18. Porubsky, Jan. K Ste-mu Vyrociu Literarnej Slovenciny 1856-1944. ("The One Hundredth Year of Literary Slovak." ) Scranton: Obrana Press, 1944, pp. 154-166. Ruppelt, Fedor. Koncentracne Snahy Slovenske. ("Concentrated Slovak Endeavors.") Turc. Sv. Martin: Knihtlaciarsky a Ucastinarsky Spolok, 1928, pp. 64-71. Skultety, Jozef. Sketches from Slovak History. Middletown: Jednota Press, 1930, pp. 183-186. Sto Dvadsat' Pat' Rokov zo Slovenskeho tivota 1790-1914. ("One �78 SLOVAKIA Hundred Twenty-five Years of Slovak History." ) Turc. Sv. Martin: Knihtlaciarsky -Ocast. Spolok, 1920, pp. 31-65. Vlcek, Jaroslav. Dejiny Literatury Slovenskej. ("History of Slovak Literature." ) Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1932, pp. 194-204. Mala Rukoviit' Literarno-Historicka. ("A Small Handbook of Literary History.") Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1932, pp. 194-204. Wagner, J;udovit. Slovensky Plutarch. (" Slovak Plutarch.") Nove Mesto naid Vahom: Jan Trnovsky, 1920, pp. 27-30. Address-Published Kirschbaum , Joseph M. 13udovit Stur and His Place in the Slavic World. An Address to the Annual Meeting of the Canadian Association of Slavists on June 9, 1957, at the University of Ottawa, Canada. Periodicals Bartek, Henrich. " Our Tradition and J;udovit Stur." Slovakia, June, 1956, pp. 3-10. Bue, Bonaventure. " Conflicts of Slovak Nationalism. " Slovakia, June , 1958, pp. 1-17. Hrobak, Philip. "Stur and the Slovak Independence Movement." Slova• kia, September-December, 1956, pp. 34-39. Kir schbaum, Joseph. "Independence and the Slovak Past." Slovakia, March, 1957, pp. 44-53 . "Louis Stur Centennial." Slovakia, March, 1956, pp. 3-6. 'Misconceptions of American Slavists." Slovakia, March-June, 1962, pp. 25-43 . "The Slovak Language and Its Place Among the Slavic Languages." ' Slovakia, 1966, pp. 1-17. Mikula, Suzanne. "!;udovit Stur and the Pan-Slavic Movement." Slovakia, 1966, pp. 104-115. Pauco, Joseph. "Stu.r's Group in the Service of the People." Slovakia, March, 1956, pp. 11-15. Rekem, John. "The Origin and Development of the Slovak Language ." Slovakia, March-April, 1962, pp. 1-13. 2iar, Marian. "Stur: Father of Mqdern Slovak Nationalism." Slovakia, March, 1956, pp. 6-11. Banik, Anthony A. "Posledni Zastancovia Spi:sovnej Cestiny." (The Last Supporters of the Literary Czech Language.") Sbornik LiterarnoV edeckeho Odboru SSV., 1935, pp. 18-35. Horak, Juraj . "Sturova Kniha o Narqdnych Piesnach a Povestiach Plemien Slovanskych." ('Stu.r's Book on Naitional Hymns and Slavic Popular Tales.") Sbornik Matice Slovenskej, January-February, 1923, pp. 97-128. Vlcek, Jaroslav. "Povodina Sturovho Spisu o Narodnych Povestiach Slovanskych." ("Stu.r's Original Writings on Slavic National Tales.") Sbornik Matice Slovenskej, pp. 58-63. Unpublished Material McCoy, Sheila Marie, Sister. 'The School of Stur," (Unpublished Thesis) Cabrini College, 1965. � 20 SLOVAKIA Political Views of 11udovit St(u Sister M. Delphina Opet, SS. C. M. INTRODUCTION Since this study will concern itself with :Cudovit $tur, the inspiration of modern national Slovak ideology, it may be beneficial first of all to review the life story of the man and then to consider his work and influence. Though his life was all too short, stur was a key figure in the Slovak national movement of the second third of the nineteenth century. He was heir to the cultural, political and social endeavors of his predecessors, and he developed his natural gifts to attain the strength, courage and vision, which it took to launch movements toward realizing a vital national organization on behalf of his people. Without these natural and acquired gifts, stur could hardly have been effective in his work toward attaining independence in Slovak national life and the pursuit of culture. His greatest merits lie in the fact that he assumed the historical challenge to unite the fragmented multicultural powers of the Slovaks into a liberation front against Hungarian oppressors. His contemporaries attributed to stur an almost legendary but realistic aura even during his lifetime. It was said of him that he had a magnetic personality, that his very presence bespoke patriotism and a vibrant national spirit. Worthy of specific mention is at least one evaluation by William Pauliny-T6th: "He is an extraordinary figure-a manifestation, as it were, of a leader charged to create a new epoch in the history of the Slovak nation." His young collaborator, Jozef M. Hurban, devoted to stur a commemorative and comprehensive monograph which was published in the first issue of the revitalized "Slovenske pohl'ady" (Slovak Views) . In his history of Slovak literature published in 1890, the literary critic and historian Jaroslav Vlcek rated stur as the central figure of the Romantic generations, even though he did not see �SLOVAKIA 21 in stur's poetry the merit which it rightly deserves. Criticism of stur was not wanting, but it did not detract from stur's merits or stature at all.1 This fiery patriot was born in Zay-Uhrovec, on the twentyninth of October, 1815. He was one of five children. His father was an elementary school teacher and a rigid disciplinarian both at school and at home. His mother's was a gentle and loving nature. The stur family home breathed a peaceful atmosphere graced with poetry. The natural surroundings of his boyhood, with their profusion of beauty and natural grandeur influenced stur's outlook on life. It was very likely here and because of his environment that his aesthetic taste developed to a remarkable degree. Leopold Petz, a Lutheran pastor, was his first teacher in the gymnasium at Rab. He kindled the glow of national consciousness and patriotism in stur's unfolding mind and animated his spirit with keen appreciation for the richness of his mother tongue. He also made him aware of the rightful place of the Slovaks in the Slavic world and of the potential concentrated within the new generation. After two years at Rab, stur continued his studies at the Lutheran Lyceum in Bratislava.2 Here stur and a memorable group of similarly ardent young men with him (Hurban, Hodza, Francisci, Sladkovic, Chalupka, et. al.) , were schooled under the powerful influence of seasoned literary personalities who were still devoted to fostering at least some forms of Czecho-Slovak orientation. It was around the chair of Czecho-Slovak language arts held by Juraj Palkovic that the Czecho-Slovak Society, later known as the Institute of Language and Literature, was formed. 3 stur was undeniably a talented leader who devoted himself first of all to lecturing on Slovak grammar, literature and history. He devoted much time and thought to Slovak national poetry, especially to works dealing with the themes of Great Moravia, Svatopluk, and the Slavic Apostles, Saints Cyril and Methodius. To the eager young members of the Czecho-Slovak Society, he spoke of Slavism, of the hardships and injustices heroically endured by Slav peoples over long centuries, and of the great responsibility �22 SLOVAKIA committed to the younger generation. He pointed out to them some possible means toward a better future and fanned their hopes for the building of a glorious large Slavic family. He made every effort to destroy all roots of doubt, pessimism, and prejudice, those divisive forces that plagued Slavic families of nations and fragmented their efforts toward unity. His aims for establishing a standard language for Slovak literary expression were not purely liiterary. Since Slovak national life was closely connected with literary expression, it bore a vigorous sense of purpose. Stu.r's prime objective was to unite the Slovak people culturally, politically and socially. A universally adopted standard language would greatly advance this couse. Granted, he suffered many reversals, but a wakened spirit cannot be stilled. As authorities intervened to support his Slavic group meetings at the Lyceum, new literary group in other places formed in their stead. The strain of the struggle to resist oppression in student centers left stur physically exhausted; spiritually, however, he remained strong and vigorous and indomitable. In 1838 stur left his center of Slovak literary activity in Bratislava and went to Halle, Germany. His courses of study at Halle strongly affected his theoretical foundations adding depth and fuller meaning to all his later activities. He learned to favor much in Hegelian thought, the theories advocated by a German idealist philosophy. This experience created a mental revolution in Stu.r's objectives and philosophy. It was, first of all a dialectical style of thinking which brought to naught all concept of a final validity in the results of human thinking and activity. This doctrine maintains that all is involved in a process of development, all is being perpetually transformed and changed, proceeding from a lower to a higher stage. It also maintains that human history is a steady process of development of this kind, as stur put it, an "uninterrupted chain."4 stur was not simply an unquestioning disciple of Hegelian philosophy, as is often said of him. Together with several other thinkers of his generation, he formed an independent philosophical school which exerted farreaching influence and excelled in originality of thought. �SLOVAKIA 23 stur's excellent book, "sturova filozofia zivota" ("stur's Philosophy of life"), embodies his philosophical conceptions. Though his propositions in general are original, stur's underlying ideas were greatly influenced by Hegel. He was motivated by the idea that national unity is strongly furthered by means of common language which gives rise to mutual understanding. After his return from Germany, stur set out in 1843 to establish a distinctive literary Slovak language which he boldly promoted. Its basis was the central Slovak dialect which he considered the last contaminated by neighboring or foreign influence. He realized also the need for a common political effort; Kollar's reciprocity was not enough. He spared no pains to achieve a social and national awakening of the Slovak people. In a sense, stur completed the work that Bernolak, the first codifier of literary Slovak, had begun in 1787. On his return from Germany stur became an assistant professor in the Pressburg (Bratislava) Lyceum. As he lectured in the department of history, students flocked to him with undivided attention, for this dynamic young professor had a wealth of attainable ideals to offer. But chauvinistic authorities viewed this influence with anxiety. In 1844, stur lost his post as Deputy Professor because the Magyar government began to tighten its political controls on Slovakia and found stur's flaming Slovak ardor a threat to its interests. When he was dismissed, many students left the Pressburg Lyceum in protest and continued their studies elsewhere. The Bratislava incident did not intimidate stur; as a matter of fact, it only stimulated him to press on. He kept in close touch with his patriotic adherents. Because the ground was fertile and properly prepared for a national change, stur was able to do the apparently impossible. He strongly voiced the long repressed aspirations and justified rights of the Slovaks, he formulated the demands of his people. 13udovit stur's publications of an article titled "Zaloby a ponosy Slovakov v Uhorsku" ("The Charges and Complaints of the Slovaks in Hungary") which appeared in Leipzig in 1843 which exposed the chief inspector of the �24 SLOVAKIA Lutheran Church and schools because of his measure to magyarize Slovaks for political gain became a sensation. The Slovaks had been resisting magyarization quietly but effectively; now, however, they were determined to secure an independent political status within the framework of the Hapsburg Empire. All petitions and demands presented in Vienna and in the Hungarian Diet in Bratislava were prompted by the following statement by stur: "We seek no rights established on favor, but we demand our rights on the basis of inherent right." These words became the underlying proposition on which were based all the subsequent petitions and demands of the Slovak leaders for equal rights. Stu.r's debates and controversies with Kossuth, the Slovak renegade, stemmed from this moral and democratic principle. He demanded "peace based on just rights and mutual understanding" declaring: "In the paper, Pesti Hirlap, Kossuth is fighting for equality of rights, but in the Diet he advocates orders to investigate and punish those who define and seek their rights ... That is Kossuth's concept of freedom and liberalism."5 stur continues to express his thoughts in writing. In 1844, after three years of waiting, he was granted permission to publish the periodical "Slovenske narodne noviny" ("The Slovak National News") through which he was resolved to defend the rights of the Slovak people. The supplement of the periodical was "Orol tatransky" ("The Tatra Eagle"). Both were widely supported and endorsed by all classes of people, for the Slovak public rejoiced in the realization that this publication was in itself a great step forward in their struggle. stur, too, was gratified. His program for action toward achieving ultimate freedom was a realistic one. He gave credit where it was due yet he did not hesitate to denounce the shortcomings of his people. His editorials defended not only the purity of the Slovak language, but also the recognition of the inherent rights of the Slovak nation-rights that affected all their levels of national freedom: political, literary, social, economic, etc. His exhortations are as timely today as they were in 1845: "Let us not yield, Slovak countrymen. Higher is the cause of the entire nation, higher is the cause of the �SLOVAKIA 25 whole than of the individual person, and even the individual harm us, the cause itself does not do so. But with us thus far, it has been so that individuals offended by our people, immediately abandoned the cause itself ... "6 stur's periodicals served their purpose effectively for three years, uniting the people, teaching and enlightening them and encouraging them during one of the most crucial periods of their history. This was almost too good to be true. When the Magyars began to realize what these publications were doing for the Slovak people, fanning the flames of Slovak patriotism to the detriment of Magyar hegemony, they raised an alarm and put in action measures to have them confiscated or proscribed. Despite this suppression, however, much of stur's purpose was already achieved. The Slovak people were nationally awakened. They were conscious of a cause and of an obligation to defend it. Most of this new stirring never would have been realized without stur's activities and publications. The codification of a literary language, which was perfected and universally adopted, concretized the efforts and fond aspir,a tions and hopes nurtured by Slovak literary leaders in bygone generations. I'..udovit stur knew that the times were ripe for the Slovak people to appear on the national scene of history as an independent political entity. No language, except their own Slovak language could move the people to political affectiveness. For this reason, stur chose to advocate the central-Slovak dialect as a political and literary instrument. stur was a deputy from Zvolen at the Presporok (Pressburg - Bratislava) Assembly in 1847-1848. In official sessions he spoke out honestly and courageously about the injustice of disregarding the protest of the subjugated peoples against enforced Magyarization. He also felt dutybound to advocate the equality of all people and sought the liberation of subjugated nations at the Hungarian Diet. The firm stand which stur took became a turning point in Slovak-Hungarian history. At the Slav Congress in Prague in 1848, stur and safarik defined the political aspirations of the Congress. safarik's view was prophetic, while stur made clear the �26 SLOVAKIA political program of the immediate present: "Our aim should be to preserve ourselves. First of all, we must serve the best interests of our own people and secondarily of others. Thus far Austria has flourished, but we have been declining and perishing. What would be the judgment of the world if we were to s tand for nothing but the preservation of Austria? Let us proclaim that we desire to stand as independent Slovanic communities within the government of Austria."7 stur was far ahead of his day, in visualizing a program to federalize Central Europe. According to Bartek, s tur was not a rebel. As long as there was evidence of national agreement with the Magyars, he was not for the destruction of the Hungarian State. He did warn the Magyar ruling class that it could not forever ignore and suppress the inherent rights of subject nationalities and exploit the Slavs of Hungary without expecting them to strike back with righteous demands for a free national life, for the very rights which the Magyars had resolved to defend for themselves in the Hapsburg Empire. 8 When all these representatio ns and demands continued to be ignored, only then did stur and his group decide to lead the Slovaks to revolt against the Magyar intolerance in 1848. The Slovaks were fully aware of Kossuth's ultimatum declaring that whatever rights they claimed to have in the kingdom they would have to secure with sword in hand. There was no alternative now except to resort to arms. The torch of national consciousnes s carried by s tur and his group became a beacon light in Slovakia's struggle for freedom. Though revolt was crushed and betrayed by Vienna, it stands as a milestone in Slovak history. The tragic reversal of the revolutionary attempt did not affect the leadership or the stature of ~udovit stur in the estimation of others. The Hungarian revolution paid dearly for its national intolerance. It too suffered in a common defeat. Kossuth was forced into exile. stur and his group were under constant police surveillance, and many were their thrilling escapes from police snares and power. A tragic death during a hunting event in January 1856 �SLOVAKIA 27 brought stur's life to an untimely end. He died according to his own predictions in which he had foreseen an analogy of his death in the death of Julius Caesar. Some Slavs considered him a setting star but actually he is a brilliant morning star marking a better day in the history of the Slavic world. We return to stur to evaluate his work in the light of today's standards when, after the passing of a hundred years, the Slovaks are building on this foundation laid by stur and his school of thought, the promise of hope fulfilled-if only a new power from the East did not frustrate the effort. Just as stur repudiated and condemned the hegemony of the Magyars, so the Slovaks today rebel against Communist domination and occupation. 13udovit stur's spirit lives on even though an Iron Curtain creates physical bariers to liberty. GERMAN PHILOSOPHICAL INFLUENCE ON STVR Among stur's earliest academic interests were the areas of linguistics, philosophy, history and literature. To pursue these in depth and to broaden his education, he decided to study at Halle University in Germany. It was in 1838 that he came to Halle as a twenty-three year old student-a gifted energetic man of large vision and great moral strength. He had been held in high repute at home and exerted notable influence among his peers. At Halle, he was an utter stranger in a big unknown world, and the weight of the strangeness that closed in upon him was of more than mere physical and social order. University life in Germany was at this time strongly influenced by the spirit and theories of Hegel. German thought and academic preoccupation bore upon the topic of races. Yet this was in a day when the concept of race, as such, was not even properly formulated. The Germans tended to construct entire systems of philosophy and humanistic theory centered on the concept of race at a period when formal anthropology was just emerging. Fundamental misconceptions of race overtook not only historical scholars but also philosophers of history like Hegel. His philosophical system meant on the one hand, equating the Prussian state with the prime law of men �28 SLOVAKIA and, on the other, constituting materialism as the ideal of men and of nations. Exposed to this stress of innovation which was spread throughout scholarly circles by a ready press and which was further generally publicized by novelists and writers of all sorts, stur did not escape acquaintance with these false principles and this false philosophy of life was what contaminated all Central Europe. Fresh from the schools of Bratislava, he was not yet adequately prepared to discern authentic philosophic truth from political propaganda; nevertheless, he instinctively sensed the need to withhold complete acquiescence with Hegel. He tried to come to terms with much of Hegel but by the very fact that stur placed the moral and spiritual values of men as top priorities he put himself at odds with some Hegelian principles. stur's courses of study at Halle deepened his perspectives even as life in Germany provided him with countless new impressions-views of life and the world, concepts and ideas in general. From the German idealistic philosophy, even as from Hegel, its chief representative, stur adopted some new theories which resulted in a mental revolution. First among these was the aspect of dialectical thinking which brought to naught his previous conceptions of a final validity of the results of human thinking and activity. This doctrine maintains that all is in process of development. All is being transformed and changed and proceeds from a lower to a higher stage. It affirms that human history is a process by which the Absolute Spirit unfolds, a "chain uninterrupted" in stur's words. 9 Hegel conceives of history as a process involving dialectical oppositions revaluating into a higher content of historical being. Freedom as an essential of history becomes an absolute necessity. Hegel's philosophy of history strongly took hold of stur's mind at this point. The world seemed to be created for jjudovit stur. He reveled in the thought of its systematic, architectural classification, its universality embracing all the dreams of the human spirit, its justice toward nations, all its sources of learning, its versatile penetration of all doctrine--all this bore upon him so overwhelming flood. 10 �SLOVAKIA 29 The wealth of views offered by Hegel's philosophy opened up an idealistic world of envisioned by spiritual concept of nations and not construed from previous assumptions. It provided a new vista into the domains of the rights of nations among which there existed the future tribunal of Slavic nations, too, and led stur to the realms of Christian idealism. stur's spirit was reanimated. The receptive soil of his mind was enriched with fertility for the germination of his own conceived seed. The Germanic world's new concept of views regarding world history in politics, religion and sociology at this time impressed and inspired stur more strongly than it had heretofore affected any other candidate from Slovak academies. When stur returned to his native land, he returned as a Slav, but foremost as a Slovak returned into the ranks of his confused and puzzled friends and countrymen. He brought radical concepts to the rational school and to liberal life. These concepts characteristically dealt mainly with the Slovak past, present and future, for he brought from Germany a wide and rich source of philosophical and economic knowledge as well as a firm determination to devote his life to the task of national development. stur translated Hegel's philosophy into Slovak only insofar as he accepted his concepts, for stur was a realist in his approaches to the phenomena of life. 11 In his studies at Halle, Germany, stur was also spiritually revived. He left the university imbued with strong tendencies for the policies of Kollar and safarik. He was, however, an ardent Slovak by conviction rather than by accident of birth as was their lot. He was an ardent, tireless worker. The versatility of his talents and the needs of his country brought him to the fore successively as an orator, a writer, a journalist, a politician and a soldier. Both his friends and enemies proclaimed him the most remarkable champion of Slovak rights since the days of Matthew Oak. r.udovit stur is sometimes accused of blindly accepting Hegel's philosophy and applying it to Slovak and Slavic life indiscriminately. It must be remembered, however, that political and national controversy existing at that time made it difficult, if not impossible to evaluate Slovak �30 SLOVAKIA philosophy correctly. Granted that stur manifests a dependance on Hegel and contemporary German philosophers, still to present him in this light alone--as his opponents have done--seems to be a distortion. According to cyzevski, a former professor of Halle, stur and his followers were significant for philosophic thought in general. He goes on to say that stur's generation included several thinkers who tried to create their own philosophical system, and who in these times, excelled among all Slovanic nations in originality of thinking in philosophy. cyzevski elucidated his point in the scholarly book Stur's Philosophy of Life in which he clearly points out that stur was not a simple student and advocate of Hegel's philosophy, but that he formed his own independent philosophical system, one which in many ways differed from Hegel's. cyzevski refutes the charge that: 1. stur was a simple student of Hegel's; 2. that his philosophical views were those of contemporary romantic philosophy. stur differed from Hegel in his approach to life's phenomena which he found realistic. Prior to his studies at Halle, stur had cultivated genuine national convictions which were anchored upon Herder's humanistic thought together with messianic dreams that were to glorify the future of the Slavs. These convictions enabled him to take a critical stand in regard to some of Hegel's ideals though he held Hegel in high esteem. On the other hand, Hegel's dynamic view of history matched stur's ideas and provided a justification of his thoughts concerning the Slavic world, especially his views of the historical development of the world history of nations comprising the Slavic world. Because of the influences of the Kollar-Herder conceptions of the historical mission of the Slavs, stur did not fully agree with Hegel in his concept of the absolute States of Germany and Prussia, for in these Hegel saw the completion of historical development. From the viewpoint of theology stur here saw in Hegel's philosophy definite dangers of pantheism. An authentic view of stur's attitude toward Hegel's philosophy is best provided from a personal letter which he wrote to Samo Bohdan Hrobon. In it he quotes from Hrobo:n's poem, in which he sees or perceives from a religious viewpoint, the shortcoming of Hegel's philosophy: �SLOVAKIA 31 Povez mi pisani! kde hledat spaseni? Na svete marnem, cili v pravde vecne? Cili v kouzelne prajine zpomneni? Cili v krase, lasce nekonecne ... ? Ach kam jsi zmisel svete me mladosti? Kam se rozplynul Buh otec milosti? Nenit ho vice! Usychejte kvety! Dechnite duse! do propasti svety! Nebot jiz umrel ten zakon vecnosti, Ze vlas sa nehne bez povedomosti. Tell me, 0 Poet, where to seek salvation? In the temporal world or in eternal truth? In the respective countries' pulpits? In beauty, in undying charity ... ? 0 where has disappeared the world of my youth? Where has vanished God the Father of Mercy? He is no longer? 0 wither away, ye flowers! Die, ye souls! until the world's end! Fear not for eternal laws have decreed That not a hair shall move without His knewing. 12 Hrobofl's next poem is encouraging and indicates that the religious home training and strength of Slavic convictions are more forceful than Hegel's philosophical doctrines: Zijet duse ma a zit bude vecne jit zadna bure, zaden boj nezlomi prave ponad ni s tisicmi hromy Jako stin lahky v uzase preleti mec obosecny Hegelove vedy. Duse ma citem plamennym roztopi Mee ten, do prichu padne zahanbeny. Mee ten v nicote jak stin se rozplyne Pred bleskom vecnym bozskeho nadseni! Antheus slaviansky Herkula porazi! My soul lives and will live forever Neither revolutions nor war shall ever break its spirit Directly above myriads of thunderbolts it soars, �32 SLOVAKI A Like a thin wall will crumble in confusio n The two-edge d sword of Hegel's doctrine. My soul senses a burning flame within it Melting away that sword that must fall in dust and shame As a wall crumblin g in disgrace, Before the divine lightning of eternal elan With which the Slavic Antheus Will destroy a vaunting Hercules . Both poems bear heavily the weight of tension and conflict which the sturists experienc ed because of their selective ness in analyzing and sponsori ng aspects of Hegel's philosoph y. In the first poem, stur expressly discourag es the publicizi ng of the new philosop hy for fear that the time is not right and many may be complete ly misled by Hegel. He advocate d that his followers benefit by the worthy gifts of the great mind of Hegel and accept his philosoph y only with due reservati ons; that they revamp it to meet the need of the Slavs. stur emphasiz ed the inevitabl e depth of philosoph ical studies to which Slavic youth would have to devote itself. Moreove r, he took a critical stand and used the German philosop hic system modified accordin g to his views regarding Slavdom and moral principle . Hegel's philosoph ical view became an impetus to stur in his compilat ion and formulat ion of lectures on Slavic history and poetry .13 In 1840 stur returned from Halle to Bratislav a where he was assigned to the chair of Slovak Studies in Language and Literatur e, succeedin g Palkovic in this post. Adequate ly to understa nd the nature of this assignme nt, it is importan t to realize the kind of world in which he was to teach. To say that it was riddled with rank feudalism is all too simple a generaliz ation. Far truer it is to realize that stur came to a land where the Slovaks were held in abyssmal serfdom, in an invincibl e vise of economic , moral, intellectual, spiritual and national bondage. It was the kind of situation in which misery bred misery, usually in such forms as alienatio n, alcoholis m, desperati on, extreme dehumaniz ation of the individua l and loss of personal dignity. �SLOVAKIA 33 - -- - - - - -- -- - - - - -- - - - - - - - Unmitigated serfdom was reducing the Slovak into stultified begger stricken with hunger and penury. Denied schooling and spiritual enlightenmen t he was all too readily becoming a prey to superstitious folly and to grossness. The three-fourths who lorded it over the onefourth that was condemned to pay all the land truces ever collected in the region saw to it that their victims had no outlook at all for better things to come-either economically or intellectually or in anyway whatever. The Slovak element enjoyed no public community life as such and even though some attempts had been made to root cultural interests and to rouse the people to national life (such as the organizations at Trnava, Bratislava, Banska Bystrica and Budapest), they were doomed to short-term existence for lack of material support. As a result, Slovak life became necessarily circumscribed to the primitive pattern of the familial unit highlighted with such events as christenings, weddings and funerals. Though the Slovak labored unstintingly, he was not given the joy of benefiting by the fruits of his soil. When stur surveyed this situation on his return from Germany, he was forced to recognize this herd of subjugated beggars as his own people committed to mere animal existence, and all his nobility of soul rose in revolt at such inhumanity of man to man. But an emotional responses alone was no solution to the problem. He set himself to explore underlying causes, mainly the attitudes of the people themselves, their thinking, their social structures, their training and development, their milieu from small dimensional areas to the broad perspectives of the Austro-Hung arian domain. Aware of the need for incentives for self-improvem ent, and realizing that the most effective incentive of all is man's conviction that he is a being of value and dignity, his own consciousnes s of self, stur readily understood what his main teaching role would be to raise a new generation for Slovakia. He devoted himself completely to the enlightenmen t of his people and never in the least deviated from this objective. Under his aegis there was a vital burgeoning of new life among Slovaks of the younger element. He led the �34 SLOVAKIA young to new founts of elemental truth and saving virtue. His personality readily put him into the forefront as an inspired leader as his peers at Bratislava extolled him for his idealistic elan as well as his admirable self-discipline, his moral charm and his firmness directed first of all toward himself and secondly toward others. Impressed by the spirit of stur, Joseph Hurbl!Il who was a close collaborator wrote at this time: "We must challenge youth to difficult moral endeavors and teach the young to be concerned about the future. We must offer them stur as their paragon." Influences of the Industrial Revolution as well as effects of the national revolutions in France and in the United States were not lost upon young men and women of the day. Innovations were rampant on the air-romanticism, humanism, realism, revolution, criticism, democracy, Pan-Slavic romanticism, and a steady stream of trends and thoughts swept in upon maturing minds. stur observed it all and amid all of it mourned the divisive tendencies that tended to break the nation into two camps: the Catholics and the Lutherans and only bred new disadvantage. With clear vision he wrote in his book N drecie ("Dialect"): "There must be an end to this kind of partisanship; we must effect brotherly unity." Also "Our entire Slovak family will be united in a common speech and after centuries of fragmentation and coldness the members of one family will recognize each other and greet each other and embrace." The work of stur, however, soon evoked harsh Magyar resistance and this alerted him to the reality that it was not possible to wait for the younger generation to carry on toward brighter ideals; the need was immediate; the solution had to be effected now. His efforts for political support were fruitless. Every country from which he could have expected help was interested in pursuing its own advantage rather than in relieving the plight of another. His last resort was to exploit-in the best sense of the word-the very language of his people. By establishing a standarized form of written expression he sought to bring about one unifying element for all the nation, one bond to give to all the Slovaks �SLOVAKIA 35 a sense of one-ness, and through this medium to reach into the broader spectrum of unified national consciousness and national thought. He was convinced that given one common treasure to cherish and defend, they would be ever ready to defend it, and in this very effort, they would preserve their national being; without such a common objective they could readily lose even their national identity. Their common language would be their talisman. To implement this idea stur collaborated with Joseph Hurban and Michael Hodza as early as 1843. All three were agreed that the dialect of the central regions would lend itself best as the basis for a standard Slovak literary medium. Bernolak's earlier (1787) experiments with a literary standard on the basis of western dialects had been effective to degree but not wholly successful. Perhaps this was due to the fact that Bernolak's ideas and efforts were in advance of his times. Perhaps it was because the western dialects were not the happiest choice he could have made for a common medium. Perhaps it was due also to the fact that traditionally the Catholic segment of Slovak people was ardent in promoting the Slovak cause while at the same time the Evangelical Slovaks promoted the Czech language and culture inasmuch a.s Czech had been adopted as the official liturgical language of the Lutheran Church. Nevertheless, Palkovic in 1831-32 translated and published the entire bible into Bernolak's new medium, and the renowned poet Jan Holly (1785-1849) wrote all his masterly works in the newly codified Slovak literary standard. It is understandable then, that Stu.r's innovative effort was not readily endorsed even by his own Evangelical critics. In 1840 an open assault on the Slovaks was made at the General Assembly of the Lutheran Church. Count Charles Zay, their Inspector-General and some leading laymen proclaimed racial apostasy as a duty which the Slovak Lutherans owed to their fatherland and their religion. They maintained that since "the Magyar language is the truest guardian and protector of the liberty of our country, of Europe, and the Protestant cause, it follows that Magyarization is the duty of every eager champion of freedom and intelligence." There followed a series of �36 SLOVAKIA attempts to ostracize the Slovak language from Lutheran Synods and presbyteries. Kossuth who was one of the elders of the Church and a Slovak renegade spoke publicly in favor of the abolition of all existing Slav societies in Lutheran schools. One such society at Levoca had already been suppressed, "as a breeding ground for Pan-Slavism," its library was closed and its president, ~udovit stur, was deprived of his post at the gymnasium.14 Magyarized Slovak overlords, noblemen and landlords untiringly sought to Magyarize the Slovaks, even imposing punishment on those who refused to be enticed into the Magyarized camp. Archbishop Patatic from Kolac, gave each of the subjects twelve sticks to beat up anyone who dared to speak in Slovak. It was publicly proclaimed that the Slovaks and their language must be exterminated.15 Convinced as s tur was, however, of the greater objectives to be attained, he pressed forward with his new venture. Youth groups espoused the cause very readily and this support augured well for the future. In 1844 Hurban's second volume of the annual Nitra appeared in the new literary standard and in the same year Hodza established the society Tatrin which officially recognized the new literary standard and at once put it to use in the publication of educational books, monographs and instructional pamphlets for the general public. Within two more years there appeared stur's political journal (three times a week ) Slovenske Ndrodne Noviny with its literary supplement Orol Tatransky. All these projects notably strengthened the newly devised Slovak literary form of expression and assured its permanent adoption. sT-0-R'S SEARCH FOR A SLOVAK LITERARY MEDIUM Its Effectiveness in Unifying Slovakia Slovak life was now assuredly given expression through the Slovak language. stur maintained that it could not be otherwise and the years have borne witness to his judgment. The task was demanding but largely because the ground for the identity of the new generation was properly prepared. stur not only understand existing conditions in Slovakia, he formulated, what the nation �SLOVAKIA a7 felt, what the nation needed. He gave expression to the righteous desires and demands of his Slovak nation and became its model of an inspired leader devoted to spiritual and public activity. 16 sttir's call for further action was answered by Sladkovic, Chalupka, Botto, Hurban and countless others who felt that the proper course had been taken in establishing their literary language. Even the Lutherans finally accepted the Central Slovak dialect as a form of Slovak expression touched by foreign influence of one kind or another. On this matter the Slovaks had been merely sorely split in the past but now there promised to be a common unity to face the momentous events which were to follow. The work initiated by Bernolak was completed by sttir. Even John Holly, the greatest Slovak poet and ideologist of his nation gave sttir his blessing in this venture. sttir and his collaborators found the Slovak language and literature an invaluable instrument for advancing all their endeavors especially in rousing the nation to selfconsciousness. They studied its historic past and revealed it to the people who knew little or nothing about their historic origins and so had little impulse for experiencing pride of nation. They wanted to lift up the people from poverty and abandonment, so they enlightened and trained the general public.17 sttir can rightly be called the reformer of literary Slovak. Under his dynamic leadership the Slovaks literally re-emerged from obscurity and oblivion. They asserted themselves not only culturally but also politically because they became qualified and fired to forthcoming uprisings and events that had trans-European reverberations. A new era unfolded in Slovak cultural and national life when sttir adopted aesthetic and philosophical principles in his literary school. At this point romanticism and nationalism were pactically identical. sttir's cultural activities were timely in Western and Central Europe where national consciousness, popular art, and folklore were the order of the day. In this climate sttir successfully organized his literary school and cultural activities, which marked a new era in �38 SLOVAKIA Slovak national life. The members of this school "imposed the most exacting task on themselves in order to elevate the Slovak people to the same cultural level as the rest of Europe, to release their creative energies and to enable a new national culture to arise from the existing popular art and language. 18 sttir and his school were imbued with objectives directed towards specific social goals. Hence the literature which they created echoed not only a melancholy restlessness and romantic involvement but also the call for a better world. In 1842 a petition signed by two hundred Slovaks led by their clergymen was submitted to the Emperor in Vienna. The only outcome of this effort was that is provoked Kossuth to charge Superintendent Jozeffy and his colleague Hodza with betraying the Magyar cause and the Protestant religion. Both men were publically embarrassed and howled down. By contrast, two voices were raised in defense of the Slovaks, those of Count John Mailath, Catholic historian of Hungary, and Count Stephen Szechenyi who stated in a public address to the Academy that he hardly knew a Magyar who "is not transformed into a madman and even more or less deaf to the laws of fairness and justice, whenever the question of our nationality and language is raised." He begged his compatriots to "do as you would be done by." But the day on which 'the greatest magyar' and his fellow-magnate entered these protests, the popularity of the two Counts began to fail; the frenzy of Kossuth, voiced in his brilliant and aggressive organ Pesti Hirlap, carried all before it. As early as 1842, Kossuth declared in one of its issues: "Indeed, indeed I tell you, a Slovak nation has never existed even in a dream." In 1843 he boasted of his glowing love for his nation as the only one in Hungary which has any future based upon politics or law. 19 The argument of the German people, Herrenfolk: "We must be masters in our own house," was already applied in the "forties" by Magyars to the "foreign inhabitants" of Hungary. At this critical time the Slovaks found three leaders, �SLOVAKIA 39 full of courage and self-sacrifice, r.udovit stur, Michael Hodza and Joseph Hurban. All three happened to be Slovak Lutherans, courageous enough to agree in favor of the central dialect of the Slovak language for essentially political reasons. This dialect was a unifying factor which they believed would help strengthen their position in the struggle against the Magyars and Magyarones. The Slovaks could no longer stand this type of op-pression. They appealed to King Ferdinand in Vienna. He in turn said to them: "Every nation in Hungary should educate and develop itself according to law and justice and develop its national language as much as possible. The highest power will not object to this, but rather aid it in its endeavor." The Slovak delegation returned home very hopeful. But at home disappointments and hardships awaited them, because the King's words fell on deaf ears and did not phase the Magyars. 20 In 1844 stur was dismissed from his post at the Bratislava College as Deputy Professor, because he resisted Count Zay's plans for Magyarization through the school. Yet stur continued to express his thoughts in writing in the newspaper he published, "Slovak National News" ("Slovenske Narodne Noviny"). The permission for the editing of this paper was given by the Hungarian government after an interim of four years. In this paper he resolved to defend the rights of the Slovak people. The joy was great in Slovakia. Most of the Slovaks realized the importance of this news media, and at what price it was made possible. When it was first issued the people rejoiced in diverse ways to express their appreciation of its accomplishment. The supplement to the "Slovak National News" was "Orol Tatransky" ("The Tatra Eagle") which was a power to be reckoned with. This newspaper was both instructive and amusing. It found favor with all classes of people, and reached all strata of the populace. stur's program was a realistic one. He gave credit where it was due. He voiced his opinions in regard to the shortcomings of his people and denounced their delinquencies. �40 SLOVAKIA The papers served their mission well for three years, uniting, teaching, exhorting and encouraging the people during the most stirring time of Slovak history. His exhortations today are as timely as they were in 1845: "Let us not abandon ourselves, Slovak country-men. Higher is the cause of the entire nation, higher is the cause of the whole, than of the individual and even though individuals harm us, the cause itself does not do so, but with us thus far, it has been that individuals offended by our people immediately abandoned the cause itself ... " 21 The Magyars came to realize what great influence the new publications were effecting on the Slovak people and began to clamor for the immediate suppression of this press. But the embe:rlS had been stirred. Much of the purpose of the publications had already been achieved. The Slovaks were finally reawakened nationally. In 1847, stur was elected to the Hungarian Parliament as a deputy for the town of Zvolen, Naturally he had limited influence since he was the only Slovak deputy in the House. However, his speeches reveal that he was an enlightened fighter for freedom and social reform, one who demanded equal rights for all nationalities in Hungary, in cultural and political life. He repeatedly insisted that the Diet adopt laws to free the peasant masses from a feudalistic Robot system and labor rent, and that the culture of the people and country be promoted by the establishment of schools in the national tongues of the people. Among other things he demanded the industrialization of Slovakia and the adoption of humanitarian laws between the gentry and the working class. One of the main topics of Stu.r's speeches was the obsolete social and political structure of Hungary. He was all for a federalistic system of government which would give equal justice to all peoples. He advocated that special efforts be made to develop the State in new social and political reforms, and to make it a partner of modern Europe. In creating their political program, stur and his followers, took into consideration not only their aims and desires, but also the existing circumstances. One was the fact that Slovakia was a part of the Hungarian state �SLOVAKIA 41 in which it did not constitute a distinctive separative administrative unit. The Slovaks were not planning to break away from Hungary. What they wanted most of all was to have the boundaries of the Slovak lands defined so that the Slovak people might have guaranteed equality with the Magyars in Hungary. This equality they urged was to apply in all areas of political, social and especially in cultural life. They intended to present these petitions to the Emperor and the Parliament but first they wished to have the endorsement and the views of the Slovak people regarding their aims and their achievements. In May of 1848 they met at the parsonage of Michael Hod.za in Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas where they drew up a form for Slovakia's future political program called: "Petitions of the Slovak Nation." 22 Its Contribution Towards a Pan-Slavic Movement Stu.r's role as a reformer of the Slovak literary language was significant and far-reaching. His great efforts to this direction contributed greatly even to modern Slovak ideology. It was he who first gave to his people a new vision of political freedom and of a better future. stur provided a strong impetus to Slovak life in general by his own example, and by his writings embracing fields as diversified as poetry, philosophy, history, sociology, etc. From his correspondence one learns that he had direct relations with the leaders of all Slavic peoples. During his stay in Vienna he came in contact with other Slav representatives: The Slovene Stanko Vraz, the Croatian Ban Jelacic, and the Serbian Patriarch Rajacic, who were working together and made a joint visit to the Imperial Court. stur's reforms of the literary language also brought about the unity of the Slovak people and this, in turn, was followed by flourishing cultural and literary activities. His influence was so vital that some of his principles and ideology still lives in the cultural life of Slovakia.23 The lyrical element is strong in Stu.r's poetry and prose. He passed from the sphere of the personal and social into national and Slavic thought in all his works. The soul of the nation--or of the Slavs-was his �42 SLOVAKIA constant subject. He concentrated on the pain of the nation's sufferings, struggles, and failures and this theme pervades the climate of his literary works. stur and his followers were gifted with keen insight into existing social problems and this vision they combined with the romantic inheritance of deep attachment to their country, its people and to the Slavic world at large. They did their utmost to advocate and to provide democratic enlightenment for the unpriviledged classes, viz. the peasants and workers. They defined, encouraged and glorified their importance, as they glorified the Slavs and all their past. One of stur's followers, Samo Tomasik, composed the Slav anthem, "Hej, Slovania," which bespoke new hope, a new ideal and a great pride comparable to that expressed in Vajansky's famous verse: I am proud to be a Slovak Elegant is my race; A hundred million souls it numbers, Over half the world it rules. With the Slovak tongue you can traverse The four parts of the earth! One of my brothers plants the palm Another does eternal iceland scan A third skims o'er the widespread seas! From the phantasy which Kollar inspired as the great dream of one great Slav nation and one unified Slav language, the Slovaks, as Hans Kohn agrees "feeling abandoned in Hungary and their national existence threatened, may have drawn strength and faith in the indeitructibility of the Slovak people and language," and it helped to continue to maintain contacts with the cultural life of other Slavic peoples. 24 stur's contemporaries indicated their Pan-Slavic sympathy and tendencies by reading Russian, Polish, Ukrainian, Czech, Croatian and Serbian authors in the original and were very fond of the famous "Ode to Youth" by Mickiewicz. According to Bobek: "Not even the Poles received it as enthusiastically as the Slovaks." The desire of the Slovak poets and novelists of stur's time was to imitate other Slav writers, and their enthusiastic belief in one "slavic" culture was intense. �SLOVAKIA 43 Cizevsky maintains: "The only book which shows similarities with Mickiewicz's "Book of the Polish Pilgrimage" is $tur's work "An Ancient and a New Age of Slovaks" ("Stary a novy vek Slovakov") because $tur speaks of another kingdom and of other peoples. However, $tur deviates, because he wanted to unfold a realistic program, and Mickiewicz's Book could not satisfy him. $tur's position among Slav intellectuals of the nineteenth century is well attested among other various media by his rich correspondence with practically all oustanding Slavic leaders of the day also the fact that his work "Slavdom and the World of the Future" was translated and twice published by Russian intellectuals in the last century and at the beginning of this century. $tur, Kollar and $afarik can rightly be regarded as great figures of the Slavic world to the Slovaks of the nineteenth century. All three expressed: "in the familiar mood of the period, a general belief in historical progress, in a bright future , in the advent of some great spiritual manifestation, of a new era for mankind which would establish forever a basis of liberty, peace and happiness." In visualizing the Slavs as a unified body with a great future, they helped the awakening of the national consciousness of their own Slav-speaking peoples.25 :CUDOVi T $ TOR'S ROLE IN THE PAN- SLAVIC MOVEMENT His Political and Social Thought Slovakia is sometimes called the mother of the PanSlavic Movement. One of her sons, John Herkel, first used the word "pan,slavic" in his Latin treaties of 1826. In addition, the Slovak poet Jan Kollar and the Slovak scholar P. J. $afarik were among the main leaders of the Pan-Slavic Movement. As a matter of fact these two are sometimes considered the fathers of Pan-Slavism in Slovakia. Herder, in his "Ideas on the Philosophy of the History of Humanity" ("Ideen zur Philosophie der Geschichte") prophesied that the Slavs, who up until then were held in bondage and oppression, would awaken from their lethargy and free themselves from the shackless, and eventually recover their possesion of the vast lands that �44 SLOVAKIA stretched from the Adriatic Sea to the Baltic, from the Don to the Mulda. In this heritage they would devote themselves to the peaceful development of the arts and commerce. Though unknowingly, Herder sowed the first germ of Pan-Slavtsm. 26 stur's significance in the Slavic world of this calibre was assessed by Seton Watson. In regard to the great literary efforts of stur, Hurban and safarik, Seton-Watson states: "their writings were of capital importance in the whole Slav revival of the last century, and form a strange sentimental link between the Western romantic school and the extravagancies of Pan-Slavism." In reference to the first Slav Congress in Prague in 1848 Seton-Watson maintains that stur "played a decisive part in the preparation for the Congress." safarik, stur, Hurban and Hodza played a part second to none except Palacky at that same Congress. An analysis is in order in regard to these two opinions to determine stur's significance in the Pan,Slavic Movement. As early as 1840, stur had recourse to the throne of Austria and there presented his petitions in regard to the injustices perpetrated by Hungary against the Slovak people. He formally presented his petitions to the Hungarian Assembly. It embodied these provisions for the betterment of the Slav situation: 1) A systematic investigation of the Slovaks who were maligned by the Magyars in order to obtain protection for the oppressed; 2) that there be two censors to safeguard Slovak official writings; 3) that a Slovak literary seat be established at the Bratislava Lyceum and at Pest University; 4) that certificates and church records be kept in Latin; 5) that church ceremonies be in the mother tongue and that every guarantee and assurance be provided for this practice. The country was up in arms because the Slovaks dared to present their cause to the throne. Voluble insults were heaped upon the Slovaks in the newspapers, at gatherings, etc. Those who aided the Slovaks or sympathized with their cause were also abused. 27 It was at this point that ~udovit stur asked for permission to publish his "Slovak National News" ("Slovenske �SLOVAKIA 45 Narodne Noviny"). Archprince Joseph retorted by saying: "The Slovaks do not need newspapers. The publishing of such newspapers would be considered traitorous." It was the consensus in 1840 that Austria would lean on the Slovaks for political reasons, that is Slavic Austria, against Hungarian Austria (Magyar). But in Hungary Archduke Joseph had the upper hand and things were shaped his way. He even had control over the deputation of Slovak Pest in Church matters. At this point he is to have said: "In Hungary I know only one people and those are the Magyars. " 28 The phantom of Pan-Slavism repeated its threat in 1830 when Russia established a Slovak literary seat at its university. The young Russian Slavists began to visit the Slavs in the South as well as in Central Europe. For the ensuing years the word Pan-Slavism had political connotation for the Russian and Germanic nations implying a belligerent attempt to replace their civilization with the Slavic civilization. The connotation derived largely from the subjugated position of the various Slavic nations at this time. In Vienna the guards were ordered to stress in each paragraph of the law of magyarization that every sermon in Slovak churches be preached in Magyar and in even remote towns and villages there was a strong ban against Pan-Slavism of any kind. "In our country and near its borders," wrote Wessel, in Kossuth's newspaper, Hirlap, December, 1842, "Slovak mistakes are dangerous and a threat to all Europe and to our dynasty and country . .. " "Everyone who defies our Magyar language and our nationalism and who supports the mistakes of the Slovaks knowingly or unknowingly is an enemy to the peace and to our federation, and to our throne." 29 stur did not advocate the destruction of the Hungarian State. As long as there was any hope for a settlement with the Magyars, he was amenable to living with a fair situation. But he warned the ruling Magyar class that they could not forever ignore and suppress the inherent rights of the lesser peoples and exploit the Slovaks and other nations of Hungary without expecting them to retaliate and to demand a free national life, just as the Magyars were themselves demanding it from the Hapsburg Empire. �46 SLOVAKIA stlir wrote a sensational article "Charges and Complaints of the Slovaks in Hungary" ( ~aloby a ponosy Slovakov v Uhorsku") published in Leipzig in 1843, in which he reprimanded the chief Inspector, Count Zay, for conniving to Magyarize the Slovaks for political reasons. Count Zay felt that he was truly aware of the political currents in Slovakia. By a logic all his own, he divided the Slovaks into three groups. One was to be concerned about literary matters. The second was eager to establish a Western-Slav kingdom in Austria; the third was accused of secret contacts with Russia. 30 It is uncertain whether these three groups were fully aware of the gravity of the situation of those times; however, all had one goal in mind: to save the Slovaks from utter Magyarization and to secure for the Slovak nation its independent political status within the framework of the Hapsburg Empire. "We do not want our rights established on favor, but we demand our rights on the basis of justice," stlir declared. These famous words laid the foundation to all petitions and demands presented in Vienna and at the Hungarian Diet in Bratislava. stlir's debates with Kossuth all stemmed from this moral and democratic attitude. On behalf of his nation stlir demanded "peace based on justice and mutual understanding." He went on to say: "In the Pesti Hirlap Kossuth is fighting for equality of rights, but in the Diet he wants to give the orders to investigate and punish those who stand up for the rights . . . That is his freedom and liberalism." 3 1 All of Stu.r's writings indicate a clear political view: Slovakia established as a sovereign crown land under the Hapsburgs, an equal partner of other nations in the Empire. In short, he was even back in his own day for a program of the federalization of Central Europe. In a sense stlir appeared as a Romantic visionary in the eyes 0f all who did not favor Slavic reciprocity or his vision of a great future for the Slavic world, his untiring demands for equal rights for the Slovak people and their national independence which he formulated in the following terms: "Each nation is only one part of humanity, and no �SLOVAKIA 47 nation can make for itself the claim that it alone attained the best possible human evolution and degree of perfect ability. Thereafter, no nation has a right to impose upon another nation its way of life when that nation wants to move for itself and educate itself as it sees fit. "So that we Slovaks might be revived and assume in history that place which is rightfully ottrs by reason of our native strength and abilities we must once and for all free ourselves, because a nation which is enslaved has its hands bound, its spirit stifled, and is forever threathened with danger that sooner or later it will perish." 32 The year 1848 was ushered in as a promising one, but before long it became stormy. The more the Magyars spoke of freedom, the more tyranically did they suppress all non-Magyars. They did their utmost to turn public opinion against the Slovaks. Wessel wrote to Kossuth that he would rather have 50,000 Germans settle the mountain countries than 10,000 Slavs. Once again intolerance charged all the climate. At this point, Pan-Slavism evolved as a defensive movement among the Slavs rather than as a political movement aimed at replacing western dominance in Europe. The term "Pan-Slavism" has been used generally to denote the historical tendency of the Slavic peoples to manifest in their tangible way, either cultural or political, their consciousness of ethnic kinship. Cultural Pan-Slavism had its origin in the remarkable national awakening of the Slavs at the dawn of the nineteenth century. Submerged for long centuries under cruel masters, the Slavs were quickened to a renewal of awareness of their national identities, not by political leaders, but by their cultural leaders. These Slavs realized how they had been deprived of their national identity. They nourished better hopes for the future by seeking to reanimate the faded memories of a glorious past. In this effort they discovered that they were brothers bound by a common misfortune yet endowed with a vast cultural heritage. 33 Slavic men of learning helped to initiate national �48 SLOVAKIA movements among their countrymen primarily in order to establish the individuality and cultural worth of each Slavic group: Bulgarians, Czechs, Slovaks, Poles, Slovenians, Croats, Serbs and Russians. The various romantic movements were propagated in individual ways and degrees yet through them the ideal of Slavic unity, which had been lost in the past by foreign oppression, was to be resurrected with the surmounting and overthrow of that oppression. Pan-Slavism as a cultural and even as a political ideal evolved not in Russia, but rather among the Western and Southern Slavs, who had far more need of unity than did the mighty Russian Empire. This stage of Pan-Slavism signaled the national awakening of central and eastern Europe, and was characterized by interest and emphasis within the areas of language, literature, and culture. Among the Slavic peoples many had experienced a thousand years of injustice and mistreatment which yielded an unhealthy state of discouragement and stagnation. Now in the hour of their national awakening, the Slovak people seek to forgive their cruel masters rather than to avenge themselves. This attitude was shaped by the acute yearning they bore for the selfdetermination of their country. As much as they decried the enslavement of other nations, they would not permit another to enslave them. The literary and scientific Pan-Slavism of Kollar and ::;afarik created a powerful national spirit among the Slavs. Then it became only natural that this desire for national unity and selfdetermination should demand to be heard and to begin to be realized within the context of political Pan-Slavism. It moved in this direction under I.:udovit ::;tur who perceived by what stages Pan-Slavism must go. He foresaw that to achieve their glorious destiny, the Slavic peoples had to attain an assured measure of political unity. At this point political Pan-Slavism had two alternatives: Austroslavism, which meant retaining a form of Austrian political influence, for which ::;tur was ready to settle when he advocated it at the Prague Congress in 1848, the first great manifestation of Pan-Slavism and of Slavic identity, apart from the Hapsburg rule, and Pan-Russianism which ::;tur adapted after the failure of the Prague Congress.34 �SLOVAKIA 49 As Magyar exploitation of the Slovaks and other minority nations of Hungary continued, stur's admonitions to the ruling powers fall on deaf ears. The Magyars stubbornly and universally refused to heed any demands for redress of any kind of settlement with the non-Magyar nations in Hungary. This attitude helped to precipitate the revolution of 1848-49, in which the Slovaks also participated. stur together with Hodza and Hurban led an armed resistance force supporting Austria against the revolution of the Magyar aristocrats. That the Hapsburgs were forgetful of this effort and ungrateful to the Slovaks, that they finally settled with the Magyars at the expense of the non-Magyar nations of Hungary, did not help the issue of the dissatisfied minorities. The settlement of 1867, referred to as Austro-Hungarian but being in reality Austro-Magyar, became the burial pit of the monarchy which could have become a mighty confederation in Central Europe. It was I.:udovit stur and not the Slovak Magyar chauvinist, Louis Kossuth, who was the genuine democrat. 35 No setback dismayed stur completely or caused him to lose heart. Under opposition and failure he tended to redouble his energy. stur was the heart, Hodza the brain, and Hurban the soul of the revolutionary movement. They set themselves anew to collect funds, provide weapons, organize a volunteer corps, choose trained soldiers to lead them, financially aid patriots who were in prison and conduct a vast correspondence. Though defeated and betrayed in the outcome by Vienna, the Slovak revolution of 1848-49 marked an important milestone in Slovak history. The first large public manifestation of the Sl0vaks occured on May 10, 1848 at Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas. On this occasion a historic memorandum embracing six articles expressing the demands of the people was adopted unanimously. In substance these articles were: We demand that our people be permitted to· take part in the legislative deliberations of the land, and this not only de jure but de facto. And as such participation can alone become real and profitable when conducted in a language that is intelligible to us, we ask for our representatives the right to speak Slovak in the Diet. �50 SLOVAKIA We demand the right to plead and answer cases in the courts of law in Slovak. We demand that the school training of our youth, which is now so woefully neglected, be conducted in the mother tongue. We demand just and equitable representatives in the Diet. We demand for ourselves, and shall forever ask that our nationality, which we will never renounce, remain inviolate and inviolable. We demand that this petition be made known within the entire juristiction of Hungary, in Croatia, and Slavonia and be brought to the notice of the viceroy and of the Hungarian ministry, to the end that all friends of liberty and humanity may plead our just cause.36 Open-air meetings were held in larger towns throughout all regions during the spring of 1848. Equality and liberty, the maintenance and defense of the Slovak language were the keynote of them all. The Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas program was endorsed by a dozen towns supplemented here and there with petitions to meet subordinate local needs. Swiftly spread the news that Louis Phillipe had forfeited his crown to the French republicans, in 1848, anfi it reached every corner of the Hapsburg monarchy. Vienna was seething with political excitement. Prague was in feverish anticipation of the approaching Slavic Congress scheduled to meet there on June 2, in protest against the bartering of Slavic Austria to Greater Germany. stur went to Vienna after the March Revolution. There he met other Slav representatives, especially Ban Jelacic and the Serbian Patriarch Rajacic, who were working hand in hand and paid joint visits to the Imperial Court. At this early stage of developments, stur received an invitation from the students at Prague which he accepted and through which he played a decisive part in the preparations for the Slav Congress. On April 30, he made a strong appeal in favor of united common action between the Slovaks and the Czechs. For the time being, at least, there was a healing of the breaches and disagreements.37 �SLOVAKIA 51 A manifesto program which was initiated by Hurban, was issued at Teplice in the name of the Slovaks as the original occupants of this region. It was addressed simultaneously to the Crown and to the newly-formed national government at Pest. Its main demand was that there be convened a General Parliament for the brother nations of Hungary. Precipitously, any further movement in this direction was promptly suppressed by the Magyar authorities. Kossuth thundered against the Pan-Slavs in Parliament. Hurban and a few others were obligated to flee and they joined stur in an attempt to rouse Bohemia, Moravia and Slovakia to common action, and acclaimed Prague as the heart of tl<le Slavic world. Meanwhile, Hodza issued a small book in German, presenting an answer to the Slovaks to Count Zay and his summons that a choice be made between Magyarizations and the Russian knout. Hodza's fiery response was: "Rather the Russian knout than Hungarian domination, for the one can only enslave our bodies, while the other threatens us with moral ruin and death." 36 The time was ripe for action by the Slavs. stur proclaimed a Slavic Congress and agreed with Czech writers to set the date for May 31, 1848. Prague was chosen for the site of the Congress. A total of 362 delegates were present representing various Slavic nations, especially those under the Hapsburg rule, but the Poles and the Russians were also represented. The express objective 1tf the meeting was the establishment of contacts and regular exchanges among the Slavic peoples and the drawing up of a program of action for all peoples living as subject nations under Austria and/ or Hungarian domination. The four Slovak leaders-safarik, stur, Hurban and Hodza-played a part second to none. They were determined to make Slovakia an equal with Bohemia and Moravia, as part of a Czech-Slav federal unit, such as Palacky had contemplated. At this Congress stur offered a program for federalizing Central Europe. The Czech were consistent supporters of Austroslavism. Consequently the problem came to be narrowed down to a definition of terms: The objectives of the Congress was either to save Austria, for with her lay the best chances of maintaining Slavic identity, or �52 SLOVAKIA immediate prov1s10n for the Slavic peoples living under Austria. stur made it clear, that his aim was not specifically to preserve Austria, under whom the Slavs had hitherto rotted, but to preserve his own people; Austria, he added, was decrepit and lay under a curse. He went on to say: Our aim should be to save ourselves, not to save Austria. First we must work for ourselves, then for others. Thus far Austria has been flourishing but we have been languishing. What would the world say to us if we stood for nothing but the preservation of Austria? Let us say that we want to stand as independent Slovanic communities under the government of Austria . . . this will give our work a genuinely Slovanic accent ...39 stur felt that the program of the Congress should be: 1) the creation of independent Slavic united states within Austria, and 2) prompt agreement to this, so that the Austrian armies might be authorized to destroy Magyar encroachments into Slovakia. stur stressed Slavic independence: "If we are to assume that place in history which rightfully belongs to us by reason of our ability and strength, we must once and for all free ourselves from this intolerable foreign thraldom and gain national independence for ourselves." 40 The necessity of remaining with the Austrian cadre was crystal clear to stur yet he made no secret of his distrust of Austria. The Czechs felt otherwise. Because they had not been mistreated as were the Slovaks under the Magyars, they were willing to accept and abide by the vague promises of the Austrian Emperor that Slavic rights would be recognized and respected. In return for these promises, the delegates of the Congress pledged full support to Austria in her effort to subdue the Magyars. In addition, they adopted a "Manifesto t o the European Nations" which called for the following objectives: 1. That the Slavic people under Turkish rule be freed. 2. That the Magyars acknowledge the rights of the �SLOVAKIA 53 Slovak nation, including the right of its own language. 3. That the Croatian autonomy be maintained. 4. That the Slovenians be permitted to possess their land. 41 sttir felt that the Congress was a failure, because it seemed simply to reduce the Pan-Slavic movement to an attempt to reorganize Austria in a way to satisfy the nationalism of the Slavs. The insurrection of 1848 against the Magyars had also failed. sttir was disappointed to say the least and in the Pan-Slavic Movement was shaken. But he still cherished the hope that Slavic independence would be possible. In his despair and disillusionment, he became almost convinced that a small nation could not attain its freedom alone. Twice he had experienced having his great hopes in behalf of Pan-Slavism shaken. Now only one more possibility remained: alliance or association with Russia, for Russia alone of the Slavic nations was powerful enough to lead others to independence. This conclusion became the basic idea developed in his book, "Slavdom and the World of the Future," a work which extols the cultural, moral and political forces of the Russian Empire. It also presents a detailed program for the union of Slavs under the leadership of Russia. HIS POLITICAL RE-ORIENTATIO N In 1848 and 1849 when the Magyars under Kossuth arose in armed rebellion against Austria, demanding complete independence, the Slovaks braced themselves against a new wave of Magyarization pressures. Led by sttir and his collaborators, they fought in their units with the Austrians and then with the Russian Armies to subdue the Magyar rebels. In return the Slovaks hoped to gain from Vienna recognition of their own national aspirations. Vienna, however, disappointed them and overlooked guaranteeing their rigl;lts against the encroachment of the Magyars. Furthermore, influenced by Kollar, the imperial court used the antiquated Biblical Czech of the Protestants as the official Slovak language in the translation of the laws, for instruction in the schools, and in the newly established newspaper sponsored by the government, �54 SLOVAKIA "Slovak News" ("Slovenske Noviny"), published in Vienna. The fruits of Stu.r's labors seemed doomed and at this point he turned with greater hope to Russia. The Revolution that erupted in Paris in February 1848, and reverberated throughout Europe, encouraged the movement in Hungary. It affected the development of Slovak life and helped to bring the Slav political program to greater maturity. Individual regions of Slovakia rebelled against the imposition of Hungarian as the only recognized legal language and strove to secure sanctions for Slovak as their official language. The native tongue of the Slovak people represented the very survival of Slovakia. stur's basic concept in "Slavdom and the World of the Future" ("Das Slawenthum und die Welt der Zukunft") was an exceptional tribute to the cultural, moral and political forces at work within the Russian Empire. This work also included a detailed plan for the union of all Slavs with Russia, "the most complete and consistently developed program for the subjugation of Slavs to Russia," according to Professor Lednicki. stur adopted Herder's and Hegel's ideas which in turn provided the Slavs with a consciousness of unity based upon the communal element of language and a glorious destiny, proclaiming them as the prospective leaders of Europe. stur stressed the belief that the Slavs have a mission to fulfill in universal history, and that this mission can be fulfilled only if they are united. There were three procedures to consider: 1. Slavic federation without Russia. 2. Transformation of Austria into a Slavic federation. 3. Union with Russia as a monarchic empire under Russian leadership, united in the Orthodox Church and the Russian literary language. The first two approached did not appeal to stur's vision gf a Slavic world of the future. Because of geographical features and considerations, internal rivalries, religious and cultural differences, and intermingled nonSlavic elements, any attempt to federalize the Slavic nations at this time seemed doomed to failure. 42 Since the Slavs were to be leaders of the "new" Europe, stur set out to determine whether the Slavs really �SLOVAKIA 55 had a role of their own to fulfill in world history. At this point they were not in position to do anything significant but history was a progression of spent nations being replaced by young one, and stur envisioned a future in which Slavic emancipation would eventually occur. There was no use in looking to the West for support in securing Slovakia's self-determination for, the West was already on the downward path to moral, political and social dissolution. Western civilization had deteriorated, the West itself needed help. Only Slavs could aid the Slavs. stur went on to paint a highly romantic picture of the Slavs, representing them as good at heart, patient, humble, kind and democratic. These were the general characteristics of all the Slavs, but especially of the Russians who were visualized as being at the apex of all the nobles features of the Slavic nations. stur did not know them personally. He had never been in Russia, neither had he any prolonged contact with Russians. He simply claimed that it had to be so logically, since the Russians were the leaders of the Slavs; they had to be the best Slavs. He was convinced too that unity was an absolute necessity if the Slavs were to achieve their historic mission. The only alternative left was union with Russia. 43 "Russia is the prime mover and the leader of our national family. Our people are but a fragment of a single nationality. They can be reborn and united into a single whole only by a elated benevolent and great Power." In stur's mind that power was Russia. "Let us go forth together in the spirit of our own people, under the leadership of the racial elders given to us by history." The Slavist, Professor Petrovich maintains that "The failure of the Slovak revolution and other political demonstrations brought stur to the conclusion that it was u.seless for his people to seek its own freedom alone or in the framework of Austroslavism." 44 This definitive decision on the part of stur amazed contemporary experts in his Slavic world. Yet it is not hard to understand stur's position when one realized the facts with which stur had to live in the 1850's. Since his primary goal was Slavic nationalism, Slavic unity, Russia was the only leader to whom to turn since Austroslavism �56 SLOVAKIA failed. His main objective was the creation of a federation of independent Slavic states under the Russian leadership, the same kind of action he had urged at the Prague Congress in 1848 for Austrian leadership. The Slavic peoples of the Austrian Empire, such as Czechs and Slovaks, and the smaller groups looked more and more toward Russia for help, since they found themselves outnumbered by the ruling Germans and Magyars. A second Pan-Slav Congress met in Moscow in 1867. The Poles were not represented. They considered the Russians their national enemies and oppressors. Russian chauvini&m was apparent throughout the congress. From that time on Russian nationalists wished to use Pan-Slavism as a tool for Russian expansion at the expense of nonRussian Slavs for the destruction of the Austrian Empire and the Turkish Empire. Both Empires contained large Slavic minorities. The Russian war against Turkey in 1877 was accompanied by Pan-Slavic agitation to liberate the Balkan Slavs, especially the Bulgarians, from the Turkish domination. World War I also started partly because the Russians supported the Slavic Serbs against the Austrian Empire. The fact that Russia herself oppressed several Slavic peoples--the Poles, the Ukrainians, and the Byelorussian s -and the fact that the Russian tsarist autocracy was politically and socially backward militated before 1914 against the claim of the Russians to be regarded as the spokesmen of all Slavs.45 All the peoples, with the exception of the Croatians, Slovenians and Serbs were united under Moscow's leadership, and thus many of the extravagant Russian aspirations, voiced during the Pan-Slav Congress in Moscow, in 1867, were fulfilled .46 Stu.r's great dream of a family of Slavic peoples united under Russia may also become a reality -but not under an Orthodox Church as a dedicated community, nor under an enlightened Russian Tsar with humanist and liberal views, nor as a Russian group struggling for the highest ideals of freedom and respect for human beings, as stur wished to see it in his work "Das Slawenthum und die Welt der Zukunft" ("Slavdom and the World of the Future"), but under a disastrous �SLOVAKIA 57 policy, the cornerstone of which was laid at Yalta in February, 1945. This policy destroyed Europe's individuality and enlarged the power of the Kremlin, a power that has kept all humanity under constant tension since 1945 and is a threat to the freedom of all the states it has not yet captured. It led to the subjugation of an additional 200 million Europeans. On the soil in Northern, Central and Southern Europe, there arose a new Soviet colonial system. At a time when in the free world, peoples who have never enjoyed self-govenment in the past are gradually attained nationhood and are assisted by the United Nations in the achievement of their rightful aspiration-the exact reverse process has been taking place in Central and Eastern Europe. 47 ST-OR'S IMPACT ON SLOVAKIA Revival of Slovak National Life stur knew it was imperative that the Slovaks be awakened nationally; otherwise they were doomed as a nation. The nation needed scholars who would delve into antiquity and from the glory of the past raise a national enthusiasm and groundwork on which to build for the future. He assumed the task of providing them. The Slovak historian, Julius Botto, says of stur: "He trained for the Slovak nation energetic, selfless men, genuine national heroes." Since the Slovak gentry continued to yield its national identity and was overshadowed and even absorbed by Magyar influences, the Slovak people became abandoned in the midst of a rising alien nationalism and political transformation. Slovak intellectuals had the vision to realize what was happening and considered it mandatory to take over the culture of the Slovak peasants, middle classes and a sparse number of nationally minded aristocrats and garner from these elements their own national culture and new national consciousness. Without stur's important role in this effort, the Slovaks might now be a forgotten nation. stur successfully organized his literary school and cultural activities in this climate and was successful in �58 SLOVAKIA bringing about a new era of Slovak national life. Since he had a mystical idea of the nation, and respected it as a person, his approach was a philosophical one. Aesthetic and philosophical principles were inaugurated into his literary school and became the foundation of the Slovak nation revival of the nineteenth century. In the past, Slovak national life was little more than a conglomerate of regrets and passive laments, a life of hapless "do nothing." stur set up positive perspectives to create higher cultural and political values and he did not rest until the people were persuaded to adopt these new views. He repeatedly advocated a higher and stronger degree of national pride. He asked the Slovaks not to seek the source of their national pride in foreign gardens since they had it right at home in their midst. stur and his school knew what hopes were directed toward attaining concrete political and social gains; he realized how ready his people were to entertain enthusiasm and spirit for a better world. National and Slavistic themes permeate stur's poetry and prose. The soul of the nation-or of the Slavs-was his constant subject; he was always preoccupied with the nation's sufferings, struggles and failures. These topics are the substance of all his written works. The Slovaks, as Hans Kohn rightly says, "feeling abandoned in Hungary and their national existence threatened, may have drawn strength and faith in the indestructibility of the Slovak people and language." This thought supported them and enabled them to continue to maintain contacts with the cultural life of other Slavic peoples. Although stur was not the only leader during the national revival, he embodied more vitally than did the others the true spirit of 1848. In his own right he is called the Daniel O'Connell of Slovak history. At this point is was not only necessary for the Slovak nation to map out definite goals, but it was also imperative to chart the way for coming generations of the Slovak nation in order that this goal might be realized and preserved. The task challenging stur and his followers was very complicated. Besides honoring, they had to find a way and means to discharge all the work before them in a way �SLOVAKIA 59 that would be worthy of scrutiny both in their own day and in the light of history. Much of their work had to be accomplished under duress, when revolutionary forces were mounting, when fierce struggles had to be met to insure national existence and the ennobling of the social stratum of the Slavic people. $tlir's generation had no alternative, but to play the role of a vanguard of the Slovak bourgeoisie which had to be inspired with national consciousness and formed into a worthy class. The group v0luntarily assuming this role is called the $tlir generation; in literature it is called the stur school, since it was Cudovit stur and his group who adopted the traditions of the Bernolakians for the Slovak linguistic cultural and national independence. In short, they gave the Slovak nation both a solid ideology and definite direction under the leadership of Cudovit $tlir.48 Cudovit stur's activities were directed mainly on behalf of his native country, his main interest being the Slovak people caught in an insufferably miserable situation and desperately needing a solution of their problems. He threw all his efforts into achieving a social and national awakening of his people and into raising their standards so that they could be counted as a social and national force. In the memorable Bratislava parliament of 1847, he tangled in a heated discussion with Kossuth. stur declared: "We want freedom. It is easily said that there is plenty of freedom in our homeland: yes, not only an abundance, but even an oversupply of freedom." And he went on to add, "but only the landowner's brand of freedom; for of the real, human and personal freedom there is very little. If our towns had had more freedom, our people would never have fallen into such thraldom." Kossuth's reply to this was: "That cannot be helped; that is the way the world moves. It is the fate of one who stands lower in the community to be suppressed and bear the burden and taxes; on the other hand, the one who comes along better in civic life receives rights and stands in honor. At this time I am opposed to granting towns a vote in our Assembly." stur could not be silenced. Again he met Kossuth in the Hungarian Assembly and said: "Recently when I was �60 SLOVAKIA present here and mentioned the sorrowful plight of the wretched taxpayers, the worthy deputy of Pest County, Mr. Kossuth, saw the hand of fate in the oppression of the people and said that is the way of the world when the lower class is suppressed and the higher class arrogates more rights to itself. I see no hand of fate in the matter, because then the status of the oppressed could never be corrected. We demand freedom in the country and the assignment of urbanial jobs which are not in line with freedom. Does a person who works, who works for the benefit of others and receives contempt instead of reward, have a fatherland? Will such a person become as devoted to his country as he would be to his mother? The sacred cause of mankind challenges us to declare the principle of the liberation of people and honestly bring it into reality. When this redemption is accomplished, the judical power of the landowner and the country gentry must cease, because freedom would not be served if a people liberated from the robot would continue to remain under the staves of the Lords." 49 stur's main aspiration was freedom. If his only achievement had been his effort for the rights of the enslaved and subjugated at the Bratislava Assembly, he would have deserved to be honored among the most distinguished sons of the Slovak nation. But he did not only that but even more and because of this fact he is loved and revered by the Slovak nation. In him were concentrated the cultural and social endeavors of his predecessors, with the strength and courage needed for a living national organization. Without his concentration the pursuits of an independent national culture would have been impossible. His greatest merit lies in the fact that he assumed the historical task of uniting the multi-cultural strength of the Slavs into a national liberation front. A legendary atmosphere was built around the magnetic personality of stur by those who knew him. Around him there crystallized, as it were, a veritable aura of national life as is reported by William Pauliny Toth who said of him : ":Cudovit stur is favored epochally as a created vision in the history of. the Slovak- Nation." 50 �SLOVAKIA 61 Shir in his time understood that the Slovak national process had matured and that Slovakia must appear on the scene of history as an independent political factor. It is in this foresight also that Shir's merit lies. He exemplifies the Slovak national spirit as a man possessed with deep convictions and great strength of will sufficient to execute them. His prime purpose, as we have already mentioned, was to see Slovakia united culturally, politically and socially. We must recall for our own benefit and on behalf of the free world that stur did not hesitate to accept and carry to completion the work of preceding Catholic generations; he was ready to press on in order to preserve the heritage of the Slovak nation, though he was not a Catholic, but a Lutheran and a member of the Protestant Evangelical Church. Contributions as an Energizing Stimulant to Slovak Life in General It can be said with assurance that in the history of the Slovak nation, no individual accomplished as much in so short a time as did :Cudovit stur, who was only forty-one years of age when he died. This was possible only because of the gifts of this phenomenal leader and because of the fact that the ground and the time were ripe for the ascension of a new generation. stur found that he could approve of much that already existed in Slovakia and he was ready to formulate what the nation needed and demanded in his day. One wonders how it was possible at this critical time for a man to dare to undertake structuring a spiritual foundation of modern life for the long slighted and forgotten Slovak people. Though we cannot understand the force that inspired him we can appreciate the phenomenon that in one generation, only one extraordinary person, one :Cudovit stur, appeared as a great leading luminary among approximately two million of his people. It goes without s~ying that the Slovak people are grateful to stur and to those who sacrificed much with him for the Slavic cause. Their work was aimed toward the realization of the spiritual plan of Slovak life envisioned by genius and inspiration. �62 SLOVAKIA The Slovak nation was not fortunate enough at this time to have a 1,1mg and cherished tradition or the advantage of experienced mature people on which to rely. Over long centuries of oppression under a foreign element, it was their fate to be wholly submissive and in this attitude to develop no leaders. Now they had to rely entirely on comparatively young men for new ideas and new leadership. The Slovak youth was entrusted with the new dawn and to project future goals, because the difficult life of the Slovaks in the past did not allow the elders to foster a strong national life. While many other European nations had their noble classes to fight their battles and to lead them to new eras, the Slovaks had no social upper strata on which to rely for inspiration. Their nobility and their middle class as well were lost by fusion with other elements predominantly Magyar milieu. Slovak national awakening consequently was achieved by the sons of humble people, usually the strong leaders from among the Catholic and Protestant clerical circles. The Slovak language as a literary medium which was chosen by l'..udovit stur and his collaborators was accepted by the Slovak population in 1843. Under his dynamic leadership the Slovaks literally re-emerged from obscurity and oblivion. They asserted themselves not only culturally but also politically by their participation in the uprising in 1848-49. During this revolutionary upheaval they sided with the Emperor in Vienna but were ill-rewarded for their services. Their repeated petitions for self-determination and for guarantees of unhindered cultural development were repeatedly denied them.5 1 In 1867, when the Austrians concluded a dual agreement with the Magyars, the Slovaks were left at the mercy of the Magyars. Under this arrangement, Slovak high schools and cultural organizations were suppressed. Education on an elementary level was permitted in the Magyar language only. Any who dared to resist magyarization were victimized and inprisoned. Thousands of Slovaks found it necessary to leave their native country and migrated to the United States of America. I.:udovit stur and his generation fired the Slovaks with new national life, a clear goal and a firm sense of direction �SLOVAKIA 63 in the spirit of stt1r's slogan: "Backward we cannot go, Forward we must!" "Forward" means to free the people from the yoke of slavery and lead them along the road of independence and true national cultural growth within a truly free country. To achieve this tne Slovak nation needs a political program. The cataclysm of the Revolution of 1848 that struck Europe impelled the Slovaks to develop their political program without further hesitation or delay. The Slovaks reassessed their aims, and aspirations as well as prevailing circumstances. Since Slovakia was part of the Hungarian State, they wished primarily to have the boundaries of the Slovak lands clearly defined in order that they might have guaranteed equality with the Magyars living in Hungary. The Magyars opposed the justified petitions of the Slovak nation. They banned all Slovak assemblies and treated Slovak leaders as traitors deserving imprisonment. When the Slovaks perceived what obstacles their political program met with in Hungary, they resorted to arms against the Magyars who themselves were engaged in a rebellion against the Emperor. The Slovak rebellion in 1848-49 ended indecisively. The Russian army was asked to help subdue the revolting Magyars and absolute rule was imposed in the country. The Magyars were punished and the Slovaks were forgotten. 52 The Slovaks renewed their political activity in 1861. They detailed their principles in newspapers and later called an assembly at Turciansky Sv. Martin where they formulated a renewed Slovak policy within the comprehensive "Memorandum of the Slovak Nation." They asked that the Slovaks be permitted the right to develop their own life without restriction. They asked that they be recognized as a nation by a special proclamation, and that Slovakia constitute a distinctive administrative unit in Hungary. These petitions were submitted to Emperor Franz Josef (1849-1916). The only concession granted to the Slovaks was permission to establish a cultural institute called "Matica Slovenska" ("The Slovak Institute"). They were also allowed to use private funds to build three high schools for the education of Slovak youth. �64 SLOVAKIA The position of the Slovaks grew steadily worse in Hungary. Feeling the pressure of denationalization at every step, they did not stop pledging their allegiance to Hungary. All these attempts even at appeasement proved futile . The Hungarian Parliament passed legislation which suppressed Slovak life yet not even these adversities broke the Slovak nation, for the Slovaks believed "That truth has never yet suffered in vain, nor will our Slovak truth suffer needlessly," according to the prophetic dictum of Andrej Hlinka in 1907 spoken as he was being led to prison.53 $TOR IN CONTEMPORAR Y HISTORIC PERSPECTIVE Practicality of Stur's Ideals :r.udovit stur's role in the revival of Slovak national life was far reaching and vitally important. As a reformer of the Slovak literary medium he contributed to modern national Slovak ideology. He gave his people a new perspective and vision of political freedom and of a better future. His writings provided a powerful impetus to Slovak life in general. His manifold contributions to the Slovak national revival were not limited to Slovakia alone, but to the over-all Slavic world, since Slovakia and the Slovak people are a part of the Slavic world. Neither is his greatness only by the role he played at the first Slavic Congress in Prague, but also by his rich correspondence with all outstanding Slavic leaders, as well as his work "Slavdom and the World of the Future" which was translated and published twice by Russian intellectuals in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. stur's school of thought laid the foundation for the self-determinatio n of Slovakia more than a century ago. Even in the present the Slovaks are building upon this foundation. They will keep on pressing their point and cherishing their hope of success until they do attain complete freedom from all foreign domination. Just as stur had defied and condemned the hegemony of the Magyars and the materialistic philosophy of Marx and Engels, so do they hope in this day to overcome all obstacles to true freedom. �SLOVAKIA 65 The followers of stur made the entire nation their concern. They applied themselves to improve the country's economy; they did their utmost to wipe out alcoholism, indifference, and illiteracy; they labored unceasingly to arouse national consciousness in more ways than one. The people at large responded and co-operated generously when r:,tur began to publish his "Slovenske Narodne Noviny" ("Slovak National News") which had great influence on the thinking of the common people. stur's articles recalled the heritage of the Slovak people, the glory of its language, morals, customs, and its homeland-which unites the nation as a whole and constrains it to press forward towards attaining the goal of unity. It was necessary to make the nation feel that someone was supporting it and was concerned about its welfare. The people had to be dealt with humanely. This applied to individuals as well as to groups. The Slovaks were threatened with complete annihilation, hence stur had to appeal to the mind, the feelings and the very character of the nation. Without first uniting this nation he could gain nothing. The sturists envisioned their task as not the conversion of renegades, but the instruction of the people to help themselves, to recognize and to fight for their God-given rights. Stu.r's newspaper served all classes of people to some degree-the intelligentsia, the laborer, the peasant, the minister of the Gospel, the merchant and the tradesman. The Slovaks did rouse themselves to national consciousness. Without effective journalism of the type provided by stur it would have been impossible to unite the Slovaks in so short a time. stur and his collaborators were realists. They encouraged and exhorted the people to better themselves by overcoming indolence and ignorance. They provided and encouraged private enterprise and more efficient ways of doing things in all fields of endeavor. The school problem was a factor of great concern to stur and his coterie. They indicated the necessity of cultivating the native language, the importance of enlightenment, the value of reading centers, libraries, sound agricultural programs, progress in industrial and financial enterprise, �66 SLOVAKIA revision in tax scales, improvement in animal husbandry and many other subjects. Temperance societies were promoted as were cultural and social institutions. Many stur followers taught Sunday school classes. This innovation of stur was probably the most interesting of all movements in Slovakia. stur and his followers were not dreamers; they were practical idealists who had the welfare and security of the Slovak people at heart.54 stur's school of thought built the foundation for the independence movement as well. With the help of his co-workers ::;tur's literary school to a great extent fulfilled the function of a political and military leadership, thereby elevating the Slovak people to the cultural level of the rest of Europe. For these achievements stur's progressive pedagogical heritage shall continue to live among us for a long time. His practical and wise suggestions, his courage, his vision, selflessness, his many precedents which could be used and developed in our day serve as an undying example for future generations of Slovaks, inspiring them to work for their country's freedom, independence and recognition. At the same time future generations are challenged to keep alive the flame of the torch which was passed to them by stur's unfaltering hope of a better world on the morrow. Despite stur's comparatively youthful age, his cultural and social activities were many-sided and diversified. Slovaks in the free world can gain much by a study of his works. Because stur and his co-workers were human, they naturally made some mistakes. However, their mistakes were those of the century in which they lived. It behooves us to judge them according to the fruit of their labor, the results of their work which brought a new perspective to the Slovak nation. stur can rightly be numbered among the outstanding European revolutionaries of his time. He was a great apostle of democracy and freedom for all people. The shining light among the Slovaks of the nineteenth century, the formulator of their political and social program, as well as the interpreter of their national desires was ~udovit stur-the Father of modern Slovak nationalism .55 �SLOVAKIA 67 Application of stur's Theories in Subsequent Slovak History The evolution of Slovak national life and the role of ~udovit stur in its development are mutually inclusive. Once one delves into a study of stur's life work, he becomes permanently fascinated with it and cannot be shed the charm of this genial creator of modern national Slovak ideology. stur was endowed with extraordinary creativity and originality of concepts. Only a genius could create works of lasting value which survive long after his death. It is only natural that we return to stur and find support in him. He is an incentive to future generations to do even better things than he did. However, to date, he ranks as one of the most outstanding Slovaks of all time. Slovakia is grateful to many Slovak leaders who sacrificed everything for the nation. But most of these also worked for the realization of the spiritual plan of Slovak life which was spelled out and left to us by stur and his co-workers. They gave expression to the righteous desires of the Slovak nation and became the unsurpassed model in spiritual and civic activity:56 For more than a century, nothing new nor shaking has appeared than that which was expressed by stur for the Slovak nation. Hence it behooves us to return to him, because it is evident that every new and great plan of Slovak life must first pass the aqua regia test of stur's thinking. The aims of the Slovak nation which were conceived by stur are still the criteria of the life of the Slavic people. Whatever counters stur also runs counter to the vital interest of the Slovak nation. stur's words: "Let us not abandon ourselves, Slovak fellow citizens! " is just as timely today as they were in 1845. He was a man ahead of his time. His philosophical views, his democratic thinking, his principles and his social demands are timely, too. It is necessary for our generation to recognize the fact that the Slovaks over one hundred years ago fought to change the political structure of Central Europe, that they demanded a deserved independent status for their nation within the framework of a solid federation built on principles of justice and equity. �68 SLOVAKIA Great ideas may be temporarily suppressed and silenced, but in the end they will triumph. That accounts for the inability of the enemies within and without the Slovak nation to destroy the concept of individuality of the Slovak nation, its language, culture and its right to an independent life. Even today after a lapse of more than a hundred years, this idea is very much alive. Despite the fact that Pan-Slavism did not achieve any notable results during stur's time, it nevertheless had inherent value. For the first time it revealed the Slavic mind to the rest of Europe. This is important in the light of the present role which the Slavs play in Europe today. The Prague Congress too proved significant by reason of the fact it was the first expression of Slavic unity, of Slavic identity, distinct from the Hapsburg rule. It imbued the Slavs with greater courage and confidence and a guide for the future action. Slavdom and the World of Future is today a relatively unknown work, even in the Slavic world. Yet it had exerted great influence on Russian thinking in the 1870's and was a beacon light and incentive to furthering their program and goals. At the time of s tur's death in 1856, the whole Pan-Slavic movement was pretty much a failure. It failed because the very nationalism that it promoted led to its defeat. Pan-Slavism created dissent among the various Slav nations because it pressured national consciousness. The more the people became aware of their individuality, their historical traditions, and their language, the less they wanted to sacrifice them for a non-existent Slav federation . Another hindering factor was the centuries-old and traditional antagonism between the various Slavic nations, such as the Poles and the Russians, Czechs and Slovaks, Croatians and Serbs, prevented any success for a plan that would unite them. Hence Pan-Slavism was hindered from excercising any dominant or stable influence on European thought at that time. 57 For two decades after World War I Pan-Slavism seemed dead. The Western Slavs-the Poles, Czechs, Slovaks, Croatians, Slovenes and Serbs--established their own states in 1918. They looked more to the West than to Moscow for guidance and inspiration. After the German �SLOVAKIA 69 aggression against Soviet Russia in the summer of 1941, Joseph Stalin revived Pan-Slavism for the duration of the war and appealed for the support of all Slavic peoples. The Soviet Union again discarded Pan-Slavism after World War II. It was under the aegis of Communism rather than Pan-Slavism that the U. S. S. R. established control over the Western and Southern Slavic peoples in the post war period. $tur's vision of a unified Slovak cultural, political and social life did not indicate that he was a mere visionary. After a century of struggle there exists a Slovak nation with its own literature and cultural institutions and it is a strongly literate one. There also exists a sound national consciousness and a wholesome social stratification, which is unbalanced only by the unfortunate present Communist regime. The new generation is imbued with a spirit of national and social justice among Central European peoples and constantly resists Communistic ideology, about which £udovit $tur wrote more than a century ago: "Communism not only commits outrageous injustice against all civil society ... it also ruins all personal initiative, endeavor and enthusiasm. It divides the family, it destroys the household and thus it opens wide the door to every type of immorality, dissolution, and indulgence. It degrades· man to bestial level ... "Communism has matured to the same degree as atheism and defection from Christianity . . . In all types of Communism whatever their classification may be, the outlook is only toward a dismal life. It brings in its wake despotism of the grossest kin. It ,shatters all bonds of social living. In place of holy ties, it offers profiteering, rioting and their like." Today when our mighty nation is fighting for freedom of all enslaved and oppressed nations, this freedom must not be overlooked for Slovakia. The Slovaks of today still have the inherent and God given rights to complete freedom as do all other nations. To fight for the freedom of all nations, including Slovakia, is the obligation of all lovers of truth and freedom. The Slovaks have existed and will continue to exist if they live and remember $tur's words: "Let us not abandon ourselves, Slovak fellow citizens!" �70 SLOVAKIA Today a foreign regime in Slovakia is persecuting and crushing all that stlir stood for, because it is above all else concerned with the extermination of the Slovak traditions which in his time Eudovit stur had recreated and reformed in such a manner that they remain in permanent basis of Slovak national development. The spirit of stur lives on! One can kill a man but never the idea he stands for . In history there are myriad examples of movements, faiths and ideologies triumphant "in spite of dungeon, fire and sword." The Slovak nation did not give up the right to live in an independent state even if this state was forcibly liquidated, its rules killed and its adherents persecuted. All this has made the struggle for independence even more imperative, because if the idea was worth dying for, it i~ worth fighting for. More than a century after his death :Cudovit stur is very much alive. His name is often on the lips of his followers and his opponents. Books are written about him, his policies, his philosophy, on both sides of the Iron Curtain by his friends and his enemies. With no perceptible results to show, the situation of the Slovak nation does not look very promising today. The nation is without its state, lives in slavery but also lives in hope. There is strong evidence to indicate a living and vibrant independence movement at home where the Slovaks after an interim of partial independence are convinced that there is no substitute for complete independence. The indeology of :Cudovit stur is the source of strength and belief that independent Slovakia with a government "of the people, by the people, for the people" will re-appear on the map of Europe:58 CONCLUSION The essential part of this study dealt with the assumption that :Cudovit stur and his achievements have long been recognized by the Slovaks, that he is a great national figure and is revered as the "Father of Modern Slovak Nationalism." But what of his place in the history of the Slavs at this time? Looking for stur's place in the Slavic world, after the passing of a century which tested many of his conceptions �SLOVAKIA 71 and achievements, one cannot avoid some purely Slovak cultural and political issues. One cannot help but also agree with Hans Kohn's words that "the Slovak nation with its own literary language, was definitely established."59 stur's manifold activities made this possible. Since Pan-Slavism remained the primary concern of Slavic poets, newsmen, literary scholars, philologists, and historians, Slavic nationalism was far removed from the political plan and was situated in the literary field. These individuals expressed an optimistic belief in man's inevitable progress, in the spiritual rejuvenation which would result in the assurance of liberty, peace and happiness. These visionaries felt that perhaps the Slavs were heralds of a new era. They promised a unified betterment in a future Slavic world. According to his book "Slavdom and the World of the Future" r.udovit stur set out to accomplish four tasks. He wanted an assurance to determine whether the Slavs really had a specific role to fulfill in world history. The Slavic past would yield an affirmative answer, for this certainty was the basis for the entire Pan-Slavic movement. Without doubt, the Slavs were to be the leaders of a "New Europe." Since history is a progression of spent nations being replaced by young and energetic ones, Slavic Emancipation and self-determination would eventually be realized. stur's gift of prophecy and Kollar's poetic vision of one Slav nation, language, and culture as expressed in Kollar's "Daughter of Slavs" ("Slavy dcera"): "What will the Slavs be in a hundred years? What will the whole of Europe come to be? Slav life, just as a mighty flood appears, shall everywhere extend its boundary. The science shall Slav exponents see, our peoples' customs, dress and music on both the Seine and Danube modish be." His second task was to describe the Slavic mission in universal history against the background of the cultural difference between Western and Eastern Europe.60 stur could only visualize the destruction of the peasantry by a moral, political and social dissolution in the West and the culmination of a schism between religion and daily life. The West could do little to help, since it was gradually losing face because of its prodigality. �72 SLOVAKIA Western society and its institutions were not worth the effort of imitation since they were contributing to the downfall of the West. Hence the Slavs could depend only on themselves for existence. Thirdly, Shir presents a highly romantic picture of the Slavic peoples. They are endowed with extraordinary virtue. The West was held accountable for the vices of the Slavs who were presented as being by nature kind, patient, humble, and democratic. These characteristics were typical of all Slavs, but especially the Russians, who were the embodiment of all the best and noblest features of the entire Slav nation. Logically, he concluded, that since the Russians were to be the leaders of the Slavs, they had to be the cream of the Slavic element.61 His last task dealt with the problems of Slavic political unification. If the Slavs were to attain their goal, unity was an absolute necessity. There were three possibilities. The first was a Slavic confederation without Russia, which could never succeed because of internal disputes among multi-Slavic peoples. These nation were of about equal strength, hence the emergence of a leader from these nations was an impossibility. The second was the transformation of Austria into a Slavic Empire. Attempts of this nature had been made before and failed. Shir felt that Austro-Slavism should not be considered. The only alternative left was alliance with Russia. Since she was powerful enough to unite all the Slavic nations, she was the natural leader that was needed. stur was impressed by Russia's power and influence. If Slavic peoples united under Russia, their equal would be second to none in Europe. One wonders how it came that such a decisive document was left to us by stur. Yet under the circumstances with which he had to contend in the 1850's it is not surprising. His primary concern was Slavic Nationalism, and Slavic unity. His interest in Russia came only as a result of this, since he never had any prolonged contact with the Russians, neither had he ever been in Russia. 62 After more than a century's lapse of time Stu.r's big dream of a United Slavic peoples under Russia may yet �SLOVAKIA 73 become a reality, in a strange and unfortunate nature, because of recent political developments in Central and Eastern Europe. Moscow has became a political powerhouse of the Slavic world and Russian leadership has technically materialized. Stu.rs drive and his vision of Slovak cultural, political and social betterment did not prove to be a myth either. There now exists a Slovak nation with its own literature, cultural institutions and almost universal literacy. Its people are nationally conscious and they can boast of sound social stratification, which was recently unbalanced only by the presence of an unwelcome Communist regime. They are proud of their fighting spirit for national and social justice, which was passed on them with the flame of Stu.r's burning torch. There is a constant resistance among them to Communist ideology and this attitude is another legacy of Stu.r's. Over a century ago he said: "Communism not only commits _o utrageous injustices against all civil society ... but it also ruins all personal initiative, endeavor and enthusiasm ... It degrades man to a bestial level ... " 63 Although Pan-Slavism did not achieve notable results during Stu.r's time, it had an inherent value in that it revealed for the first time to the rest of Europe the Slavic mind. This is important in the light of the present role which the Slavs play in Europe. The Prague Congress, too, was the first expression of Slavic unity and identity which was separate from the Hapsburg rule. It also gave the Slavs courage and confidence. Stu.r's book, mentioned earlier in this section, has had a strong influence on Russian thinking in the 1870's and was a forerunner of some later developments. stur and his followers executed their tasks beyond human expectation, for they came upon a scene of history when the situation of the Slovaks under the Magyars in Hungary seemed truly hopeless. The significance of Eudovit stur in the evolution and revival of Slovak national life is tremendous and far. reaching. His role as a reformer of the Slovak literary language greatly contributed to Slovak national ideology. It gave his people a new vision and perspective of political �74 SLOVAKIA freedom and of a better future. By his example and writings he provided a strong impetus to Slovak life in general. stur rightfully belongs with Jan Kollar and Pavol J. safarik to the Slovaks of the nineteenth century who are regarded as great figures of the Slavic world, since Slovakia and its people are part of the Slavic world. All three found willing echo in all the Slavic peoples. As Hans Kohn states: "They were imbued in the familiar mood of the period, a general belief in historical progress, in a bright future, in the advent of some great spiritual manifestation, of a new era for mankind, which would establish for ever the basis of liberty, peace, and happiness."64 (Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Science in History at Marywood College.) FOOTNOTES 1) Jan V. Ormis, Bibliografia Uudovita Stura ("Stur's Bibliography") (Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1958), p. 8. 2) Jaroslav Vlcek, Mala Ruko vat' literarno-historicka (A small Hanpbook of Literary History") (Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1932). p. 195. 3) Jan V. Ormis, Bibliografia Uu,dovita Stura ("Stur's Bibliography") (Turc Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1958), p. 199. 4) Ibid., p. 199. 5) Marian Ziar, "Stur" Father of Modern Slovak Nationalism." Slovakia, March, 1956, pp. 8-9. 6) Philip A. Hrobak, "Stur and the Slovak Independence Movement," Slovakia, September-December, 1956, p. 39. 7) Karol Golan, "Sturove reci na slovanskom sjazde roku 1848," ("Stur's Lectures at the Slavic Congress of 1848,") Slovak Views, AugustSeptember, 1936, p. 422. 8) Henrich Bartek, "Our Tradition and Louis Stur," Slovakia, June, 1956, p. 7. 9) Jan Ormis, Bibliografia Uudovita Stura ("Stur's Bibliography") (Turc. Sv. Martin : Matica Slovenska, 1958) , p. 199. 10) Jaroslav Vlcek, Dejiny literatury slovenskej (History of Slovak Literature") Turciansky Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1923), p. 184. 11) St. Osusky, Filozofia Sturovcov ("Sturist Philosophy") (Myjava: Typ. Daniel Pazicky, 1926), p. 10. 12) Uudovit Bakos, Uul:iovit 5tiir (Bratislava: Vydavatel'stvo Slovenskej Akademie Vied, 1957 ), p. 34. 13 ) . Ibid., p. 50. 14) Seton-Watson, R. H., A History of the Czechs and Slovaks. (London : Archon Books, 1943), p. 260. 15) John cajak, Second Slovak History ("Bejepis Slovakov") (Pennsylvania-Pittsburgh: National News, 1914), p. 97. �SLOVAKIA 75 16) Marian .Ziar, "Stur: Father of Modern Slovak Nationalism," Slovakia, March, 1956, p. 6. 17) Henrich Bartek, " Our Tradition and Uudovit Stur," Slovakia, June 1956, p. 4. 18) Joseph Kirschbaum, UU/dovit Stur and His Place in the Slavic World (Cleveland: The Slovak Institute, 1958), p. 14. 19 ) R. H. Seton-Watson, A History of the Czechs and Slovaks (London: Arc hon Books, 1943), PP- 260-261. 20) John cajak, "Slovak History" ("Dejepis Slovakov") (Pittsburgh: National News, 1914), p. 97. 21 ) Joseph Kirschbaum, "Uudovit Stu!· and His Place in the Slavic World," Slovakia, March, 1958. 22) Francis Hrusovsky, "Point of No Return," This is Slovakia (Scranton: Obrana Press, 1954), p. 46. 23) Joseph Kirschbaum, "Uudovit Stur in His Place in the Slavic World." (Cleveland: Slovak Institute, 1958) , p. 20. 24) Ibid., pp. 20-21. 25) Ibid., p. 28. 26 ) Thomas Capek, The Slovaks of Hungary (New York: Knickerbocker Press, 1906) , pp. 22-23. 27) Joseph Skultety, Sto Dvadsat' Pat' Rokov zo Slovenskeho .Zivota. 1790-1914. ("One Hundred Twenty-five Years of Slovak History") Turc. Sv. Martin: Knih. -Ocast., 1920), p. 44. 28) Ibid., p. 46. 29 ) Ibidem., p. 46. 30) Joseph Kirschbaum. "Louis Stur Centenial" Slovakia, March, 1956. (Middletown ) p. 8. 31) Marian .Ziar, "Stur: Father of Modern Slovak Nationalism," Slovakia, March, 1956, pp. 8-9. 32) Joseph Kirschbaum , Uudovit Stur and His Place in the Slavic World," (Cleveland: The Slovak Institute, 1958), p. 23. 33) Michael B. P e trovich. The Emergence of Russian Pan-Slavism. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1956), pp. 18-19. 34) Suzanne Mikula, "Uudovit Stur a~d the Pan-Slavic Movement," Slovakia, 1966, pp. 106-107. 35) Henrich Bartek, "Our Tradition and Uudovit Stur," Slovakia, June, 1956, pp. 7-8. 36 ) Thomas Capek. The Slovaks of Hungacy (New York: Knickerbocker Press, 1906) , pp. 70-71. 37) Ibid., p. 71. 38) Seton-Watson. History of the Czechs and Slovaks (London : Archon Books, 1943) , p. 162. 39) Suzanne Mikula. "Uudovit Stur and the Pan-Slavic Movement," Slovakia, 1966, pp. 109-110. 40 ) Ibid., p. 110. 41) Ibid., p. 110. 42) Joseph Kirschbaum. Uu)dovit Mur and His Place in the Slavic World (Cleveland: Slovak Institute, 1958), pp. 8-9. 43 ) Suzanne Mikula, "Uudovit Stur and the Pan..Slavic Movement," Slovakia, 1966, pp. 110-111. �76 SLOVAKIA 44) Michael Petrovich, "l!udovit Stur and Russian Pan-Slavism," Journal of Central European Pan-Slavism, 1952, p. 6. 45) Hans Kohn, "Pan-Slavism," Encyclopedia International, XIX, 44-45. 46) Ibid., pp. 44-45. 47) ACEN statement, September 20, 1954. 48) Jan V. Ormis, Bibliografia I!udovita Stura ("Bibliography of I!udovit Stur") (Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1958), pp. 198-199. 49) Philip Hrobak, "Stur and the Slovak I'*-1ependence Movement," Slovakia (Sept., Dec., 1956), p. 38. 50) Jan Ormis. Bibliografia L'udovita Stura ("Stur's Bibliography") (Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1958), p. 199. 51) Francis Vnuk, Dr. Jozef Tiso. (Sydney: Orbis Printing Co. pty. Ltd., 1967), pp. 5-6. 52) Francis Hrusovsky, "This Is Slovakia," Slovakia, 1969, pp. 91-92. 53 ) Karol Sidor, Andrej Hlinka (Bratislava: 1934), p. 198. 54) Joseph Pauco, "Stur's Group in -the Service of the People," Slovakia, March, 1956, pp. 12-15. 55 ) Marian .Ziar, "Stur: Father of Modern Slovak Nationalism," Slovakia , March, 1956, pp. 10-11. 56) Henrich Bartek, Our Tradition and Louis Stur," Slovakia, June, 1956, pp. 3-4. 57) Suzanne Mikula, "l!udovit Stur and the Pan-Slavic Movement," Slovakia, 1966, p. 113. 58 ) Frantisek Vnuk, Dr. Jozef Tiso, (Sidney: Orbis Printing and Publishing Co., Pty Ltd., 1967), p. 43. 59) Hans Kohn, "Pan-Slavism, Its History a'*-1 Ideology," (University of Notre Dame Press, 1953), p. 21. 60 ) Suzanne Mikula, "I!uldovit Stur and the Pan-Slavic Movement,·• Slovakia, p. 111, 1966. 61) Ibid., p. 112. 62) Ibid., p. 112. 63) Joseph Kirschbaum , I!udovit Stur and His Place in the Slavic Wor~:i (Cleveland: Slovak Institute, 1958), p. 26. 64) Hans Kohn, "Pan-Slavism, Its History and Ideology," (Indiana : University of Notre Dame Press), p. 22. BIBLIOGRAPHY Books Stur, L'udovit. Listy L'udovita Stura. (Letters of I!udovit Stur.") ed. Dr. Jozef Ambrus. Bratislava: Slovenska Akademia Vied, (Slovak Academy of Sciences), 1956, pp. 64-375. Stur, I!udovit, 1864 Nauka Reci Slovenskej. ("Slovak Language Lessons from r;ui:lovit Stur.") Bratislava, 1946, pp. 1-10. Bakos, I;udovit. Cudovit Stur. ("Louis Stur.") Bratislava: Slovenska Akademia Vied, 1957, pp. 34-161. Bartek, Henrich, C. Stur a Slovencina. ("I;udovit Stur and the Slovak Language. ") Turc. Sv. Martin: Kompas, 1943, pp. 6-18. Botto, Julius. Michal M. Rodia. Turciansky Sv. Mart.in: -Ocastinarsky Spolok, 1911, pp. 11-41. l'.:ajak, Janko. Dejepis Slovakov. ("History of the Slovaks.") Pittsburgh: Tlac Narodnych Novin, 1914, pp. 97-110. �SLOVAKIA 77 tapek, Thomas. The Slovaks of Hungary. New York: Knickerbocker Press, 1906, .pp. 18-52. Chrobak, Dobroslav. Rukoviit'. ("Handbook.") Prague: L. Mazac, 1932, pp. 25-37. Czambel, Samo. Slovaci a Ich Rec. ("The Slovaks and Their Language.") Budapest: C. A. Kr. Dvornej Knihtlac Victoria Horney Anskeho, 1903, pp. 25-42. Golan, Karol. Revolucne Pokolenie 1848-1849. ("The Revolutionary Generation 1848-1849.") Myjava: Daniel Pazisko, 1926, pp. 91-94. Hqdal, Juraj. Jan Holly. Trnava: Spolok sv. Vojtecha, 1923, pp. 91-94. Hrobak, .Philip. Czechoslovakia. Middletown: Jednota Press, 1958, .p. 17. Hrusovsky, Francis. This Is Slovakia. Scranton: Obrana Press, 1954, pp. 42-47. Hurban, Jozef M. r.udovit Stur. Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1928, pp. 7-216. Kacka, Jozef. Dejiny Slovenskej Literatury. ("History of Slovak Literature.") Ruzomberok: Lev, 1928, pp. 36-39. Kalal, Karol. Dejiny Slovenska ("History of Slov,alda.") Turc. Svaty Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1916, .pp. 89-105. Kirschbaum, Joseph. Nas Boj o Samostatnost' Slovenska. ("Our Struggle for Slovak Independence.") Cleveland: Slovak Institute, 1968, pp. 292-324. Kohn, Hans. Hapsburg Empire 1804-1918. An Anvil Original. Princeton: K. Vian Nostrand Company, 1961, pp. 65-95. Medvecky, Karol A. Slovensky Prevrat. ("The Slovak Revolution.") I-IV: 4 vols. Trnava: Spolok sv. Vojtecha, 1930-1931. Mraz, Andrej. Jozef Skultety. Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1933, p. 7. Novak, Uuldovit. Jazykovedne Glosy k Ceskoslovenskej Otazke. ("Linguistic Sounds of the Czecho-Slovak Question.") Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1935, p. 233. Oddo, Gilbert. Slovakia and Its People. New York: Robert Spelle,r and Sons, 1960, pp. 108-204. Ormis, Jan. Bibliografia E,udovita Stura. ("L'udovit Stur and His Bibliography.") Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1958, pp. 3-201. Pauco, Jozef. r.udovychova u Sturovcov. ("Popular Education among the Sturists.") Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1943, pp. 5-11. Pauliny, Heinrich. Dejiny Spisovnej Slovenciny. ("History of Literary Slovak.") Bratislava: Slovenska Akademia, 1948, p. 393. Petrovich, Michael B. The Emergence of Russia Pan-Slavism 1856-1870. New York: Columbia University Press, 1956, p. 18. Porubsky, Jan. K Ste-mu Vyrociu Literarnej Slovenciny 1856-1944. ("The One Hundredth Year of Literary Slovak." ) Scranton: Obrana Press, 1944, pp. 154-166. Ruppelt, Fedor. Koncentracne Snahy Slovenske. ("Concentrated Slovak Endeavors.") Turc. Sv. Martin: Knihtlaciarsky a Ucastinarsky Spolok, 1928, pp. 64-71. Skultety, Jozef. Sketches from Slovak History. Middletown: Jednota Press, 1930, pp. 183-186. Sto Dvadsat' Pat' Rokov zo Slovenskeho tivota 1790-1914. ("One �78 SLOVAKIA Hundred Twenty-five Years of Slovak History." ) Turc. Sv. Martin: Knihtlaciarsky -Ocast. Spolok, 1920, pp. 31-65. Vlcek, Jaroslav. Dejiny Literatury Slovenskej. ("History of Slovak Literature." ) Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1932, pp. 194-204. Mala Rukoviit' Literarno-Historicka. ("A Small Handbook of Literary History.") Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1932, pp. 194-204. Wagner, J;udovit. Slovensky Plutarch. (" Slovak Plutarch.") Nove Mesto naid Vahom: Jan Trnovsky, 1920, pp. 27-30. Address-Published Kirschbaum , Joseph M. 13udovit Stur and His Place in the Slavic World. An Address to the Annual Meeting of the Canadian Association of Slavists on June 9, 1957, at the University of Ottawa, Canada. Periodicals Bartek, Henrich. " Our Tradition and J;udovit Stur." Slovakia, June, 1956, pp. 3-10. Bue, Bonaventure. " Conflicts of Slovak Nationalism. " Slovakia, June , 1958, pp. 1-17. Hrobak, Philip. "Stur and the Slovak Independence Movement." Slova• kia, September-December, 1956, pp. 34-39. Kir schbaum, Joseph. "Independence and the Slovak Past." Slovakia, March, 1957, pp. 44-53 . "Louis Stur Centennial." Slovakia, March, 1956, pp. 3-6. 'Misconceptions of American Slavists." Slovakia, March-June, 1962, pp. 25-43 . "The Slovak Language and Its Place Among the Slavic Languages." ' Slovakia, 1966, pp. 1-17. Mikula, Suzanne. "!;udovit Stur and the Pan-Slavic Movement." Slovakia, 1966, pp. 104-115. Pauco, Joseph. "Stu.r's Group in the Service of the People." Slovakia, March, 1956, pp. 11-15. Rekem, John. "The Origin and Development of the Slovak Language ." Slovakia, March-April, 1962, pp. 1-13. 2iar, Marian. "Stur: Father of Mqdern Slovak Nationalism." Slovakia, March, 1956, pp. 6-11. Banik, Anthony A. "Posledni Zastancovia Spi:sovnej Cestiny." (The Last Supporters of the Literary Czech Language.") Sbornik LiterarnoV edeckeho Odboru SSV., 1935, pp. 18-35. Horak, Juraj . "Sturova Kniha o Narqdnych Piesnach a Povestiach Plemien Slovanskych." ('Stu.r's Book on Naitional Hymns and Slavic Popular Tales.") Sbornik Matice Slovenskej, January-February, 1923, pp. 97-128. Vlcek, Jaroslav. "Povodina Sturovho Spisu o Narodnych Povestiach Slovanskych." ("Stu.r's Original Writings on Slavic National Tales.") Sbornik Matice Slovenskej, pp. 58-63. Unpublished Material McCoy, Sheila Marie, Sister. 'The School of Stur," (Unpublished Thesis) Cabrini College, 1965. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1971, Vol. 21 Description An account of the resource Vol. 21 (No. 44), 1971. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1971 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 20 SLOVAKIA Political Views of 11udovit St(u Sister M. Delphina Opet, SS. C. M. INTRODUCTION Since this study will concern itself with :Cudovit $tur, the inspiration of modern national Slovak ideology, it may be beneficial first of all to review the life story of the man and then to consider his work and influence. Though his life was all too short, stur was a key figure in the Slovak national movement of the second third of the nineteenth century. He was heir to the cultural, political and social endeavors of his predecessors, and he developed his natural gifts to attain the strength, courage and vision, which it took to launch movements toward realizing a vital national organization on behalf of his people. Without these natural and acquired gifts, stur could hardly have been effective in his work toward attaining independence in Slovak national life and the pursuit of culture. His greatest merits lie in the fact that he assumed the historical challenge to unite the fragmented multicultural powers of the Slovaks into a liberation front against Hungarian oppressors. His contemporaries attributed to stur an almost legendary but realistic aura even during his lifetime. It was said of him that he had a magnetic personality, that his very presence bespoke patriotism and a vibrant national spirit. Worthy of specific mention is at least one evaluation by William Pauliny-T6th: "He is an extraordinary figure-a manifestation, as it were, of a leader charged to create a new epoch in the history of the Slovak nation." His young collaborator, Jozef M. Hurban, devoted to stur a commemorative and comprehensive monograph which was published in the first issue of the revitalized "Slovenske pohl'ady" (Slovak Views) . In his history of Slovak literature published in 1890, the literary critic and historian Jaroslav Vlcek rated stur as the central figure of the Romantic generations, even though he did not see SLOVAKIA 21 in stur's poetry the merit which it rightly deserves. Criticism of stur was not wanting, but it did not detract from stur's merits or stature at all.1 This fiery patriot was born in Zay-Uhrovec, on the twentyninth of October, 1815. He was one of five children. His father was an elementary school teacher and a rigid disciplinarian both at school and at home. His mother's was a gentle and loving nature. The stur family home breathed a peaceful atmosphere graced with poetry. The natural surroundings of his boyhood, with their profusion of beauty and natural grandeur influenced stur's outlook on life. It was very likely here and because of his environment that his aesthetic taste developed to a remarkable degree. Leopold Petz, a Lutheran pastor, was his first teacher in the gymnasium at Rab. He kindled the glow of national consciousness and patriotism in stur's unfolding mind and animated his spirit with keen appreciation for the richness of his mother tongue. He also made him aware of the rightful place of the Slovaks in the Slavic world and of the potential concentrated within the new generation. After two years at Rab, stur continued his studies at the Lutheran Lyceum in Bratislava.2 Here stur and a memorable group of similarly ardent young men with him (Hurban, Hodza, Francisci, Sladkovic, Chalupka, et. al.) , were schooled under the powerful influence of seasoned literary personalities who were still devoted to fostering at least some forms of Czecho-Slovak orientation. It was around the chair of Czecho-Slovak language arts held by Juraj Palkovic that the Czecho-Slovak Society, later known as the Institute of Language and Literature, was formed. 3 stur was undeniably a talented leader who devoted himself first of all to lecturing on Slovak grammar, literature and history. He devoted much time and thought to Slovak national poetry, especially to works dealing with the themes of Great Moravia, Svatopluk, and the Slavic Apostles, Saints Cyril and Methodius. To the eager young members of the Czecho-Slovak Society, he spoke of Slavism, of the hardships and injustices heroically endured by Slav peoples over long centuries, and of the great responsibility 22 SLOVAKIA committed to the younger generation. He pointed out to them some possible means toward a better future and fanned their hopes for the building of a glorious large Slavic family. He made every effort to destroy all roots of doubt, pessimism, and prejudice, those divisive forces that plagued Slavic families of nations and fragmented their efforts toward unity. His aims for establishing a standard language for Slovak literary expression were not purely liiterary. Since Slovak national life was closely connected with literary expression, it bore a vigorous sense of purpose. Stu.r's prime objective was to unite the Slovak people culturally, politically and socially. A universally adopted standard language would greatly advance this couse. Granted, he suffered many reversals, but a wakened spirit cannot be stilled. As authorities intervened to support his Slavic group meetings at the Lyceum, new literary group in other places formed in their stead. The strain of the struggle to resist oppression in student centers left stur physically exhausted; spiritually, however, he remained strong and vigorous and indomitable. In 1838 stur left his center of Slovak literary activity in Bratislava and went to Halle, Germany. His courses of study at Halle strongly affected his theoretical foundations adding depth and fuller meaning to all his later activities. He learned to favor much in Hegelian thought, the theories advocated by a German idealist philosophy. This experience created a mental revolution in Stu.r's objectives and philosophy. It was, first of all a dialectical style of thinking which brought to naught all concept of a final validity in the results of human thinking and activity. This doctrine maintains that all is involved in a process of development, all is being perpetually transformed and changed, proceeding from a lower to a higher stage. It also maintains that human history is a steady process of development of this kind, as stur put it, an "uninterrupted chain."4 stur was not simply an unquestioning disciple of Hegelian philosophy, as is often said of him. Together with several other thinkers of his generation, he formed an independent philosophical school which exerted farreaching influence and excelled in originality of thought. SLOVAKIA 23 stur's excellent book, "sturova filozofia zivota" ("stur's Philosophy of life"), embodies his philosophical conceptions. Though his propositions in general are original, stur's underlying ideas were greatly influenced by Hegel. He was motivated by the idea that national unity is strongly furthered by means of common language which gives rise to mutual understanding. After his return from Germany, stur set out in 1843 to establish a distinctive literary Slovak language which he boldly promoted. Its basis was the central Slovak dialect which he considered the last contaminated by neighboring or foreign influence. He realized also the need for a common political effort; Kollar's reciprocity was not enough. He spared no pains to achieve a social and national awakening of the Slovak people. In a sense, stur completed the work that Bernolak, the first codifier of literary Slovak, had begun in 1787. On his return from Germany stur became an assistant professor in the Pressburg (Bratislava) Lyceum. As he lectured in the department of history, students flocked to him with undivided attention, for this dynamic young professor had a wealth of attainable ideals to offer. But chauvinistic authorities viewed this influence with anxiety. In 1844, stur lost his post as Deputy Professor because the Magyar government began to tighten its political controls on Slovakia and found stur's flaming Slovak ardor a threat to its interests. When he was dismissed, many students left the Pressburg Lyceum in protest and continued their studies elsewhere. The Bratislava incident did not intimidate stur; as a matter of fact, it only stimulated him to press on. He kept in close touch with his patriotic adherents. Because the ground was fertile and properly prepared for a national change, stur was able to do the apparently impossible. He strongly voiced the long repressed aspirations and justified rights of the Slovaks, he formulated the demands of his people. 13udovit stur's publications of an article titled "Zaloby a ponosy Slovakov v Uhorsku" ("The Charges and Complaints of the Slovaks in Hungary") which appeared in Leipzig in 1843 which exposed the chief inspector of the 24 SLOVAKIA Lutheran Church and schools because of his measure to magyarize Slovaks for political gain became a sensation. The Slovaks had been resisting magyarization quietly but effectively; now, however, they were determined to secure an independent political status within the framework of the Hapsburg Empire. All petitions and demands presented in Vienna and in the Hungarian Diet in Bratislava were prompted by the following statement by stur: "We seek no rights established on favor, but we demand our rights on the basis of inherent right." These words became the underlying proposition on which were based all the subsequent petitions and demands of the Slovak leaders for equal rights. Stu.r's debates and controversies with Kossuth, the Slovak renegade, stemmed from this moral and democratic principle. He demanded "peace based on just rights and mutual understanding" declaring: "In the paper, Pesti Hirlap, Kossuth is fighting for equality of rights, but in the Diet he advocates orders to investigate and punish those who define and seek their rights ... That is Kossuth's concept of freedom and liberalism."5 stur continues to express his thoughts in writing. In 1844, after three years of waiting, he was granted permission to publish the periodical "Slovenske narodne noviny" ("The Slovak National News") through which he was resolved to defend the rights of the Slovak people. The supplement of the periodical was "Orol tatransky" ("The Tatra Eagle"). Both were widely supported and endorsed by all classes of people, for the Slovak public rejoiced in the realization that this publication was in itself a great step forward in their struggle. stur, too, was gratified. His program for action toward achieving ultimate freedom was a realistic one. He gave credit where it was due yet he did not hesitate to denounce the shortcomings of his people. His editorials defended not only the purity of the Slovak language, but also the recognition of the inherent rights of the Slovak nation-rights that affected all their levels of national freedom: political, literary, social, economic, etc. His exhortations are as timely today as they were in 1845: "Let us not yield, Slovak countrymen. Higher is the cause of the entire nation, higher is the cause of the SLOVAKIA 25 whole than of the individual person, and even the individual harm us, the cause itself does not do so. But with us thus far, it has been so that individuals offended by our people, immediately abandoned the cause itself ... "6 stur's periodicals served their purpose effectively for three years, uniting the people, teaching and enlightening them and encouraging them during one of the most crucial periods of their history. This was almost too good to be true. When the Magyars began to realize what these publications were doing for the Slovak people, fanning the flames of Slovak patriotism to the detriment of Magyar hegemony, they raised an alarm and put in action measures to have them confiscated or proscribed. Despite this suppression, however, much of stur's purpose was already achieved. The Slovak people were nationally awakened. They were conscious of a cause and of an obligation to defend it. Most of this new stirring never would have been realized without stur's activities and publications. The codification of a literary language, which was perfected and universally adopted, concretized the efforts and fond aspir,a tions and hopes nurtured by Slovak literary leaders in bygone generations. I'..udovit stur knew that the times were ripe for the Slovak people to appear on the national scene of history as an independent political entity. No language, except their own Slovak language could move the people to political affectiveness. For this reason, stur chose to advocate the central-Slovak dialect as a political and literary instrument. stur was a deputy from Zvolen at the Presporok (Pressburg - Bratislava) Assembly in 1847-1848. In official sessions he spoke out honestly and courageously about the injustice of disregarding the protest of the subjugated peoples against enforced Magyarization. He also felt dutybound to advocate the equality of all people and sought the liberation of subjugated nations at the Hungarian Diet. The firm stand which stur took became a turning point in Slovak-Hungarian history. At the Slav Congress in Prague in 1848, stur and safarik defined the political aspirations of the Congress. safarik's view was prophetic, while stur made clear the 26 SLOVAKIA political program of the immediate present: "Our aim should be to preserve ourselves. First of all, we must serve the best interests of our own people and secondarily of others. Thus far Austria has flourished, but we have been declining and perishing. What would be the judgment of the world if we were to s tand for nothing but the preservation of Austria? Let us proclaim that we desire to stand as independent Slovanic communities within the government of Austria."7 stur was far ahead of his day, in visualizing a program to federalize Central Europe. According to Bartek, s tur was not a rebel. As long as there was evidence of national agreement with the Magyars, he was not for the destruction of the Hungarian State. He did warn the Magyar ruling class that it could not forever ignore and suppress the inherent rights of subject nationalities and exploit the Slavs of Hungary without expecting them to strike back with righteous demands for a free national life, for the very rights which the Magyars had resolved to defend for themselves in the Hapsburg Empire. 8 When all these representatio ns and demands continued to be ignored, only then did stur and his group decide to lead the Slovaks to revolt against the Magyar intolerance in 1848. The Slovaks were fully aware of Kossuth's ultimatum declaring that whatever rights they claimed to have in the kingdom they would have to secure with sword in hand. There was no alternative now except to resort to arms. The torch of national consciousnes s carried by s tur and his group became a beacon light in Slovakia's struggle for freedom. Though revolt was crushed and betrayed by Vienna, it stands as a milestone in Slovak history. The tragic reversal of the revolutionary attempt did not affect the leadership or the stature of ~udovit stur in the estimation of others. The Hungarian revolution paid dearly for its national intolerance. It too suffered in a common defeat. Kossuth was forced into exile. stur and his group were under constant police surveillance, and many were their thrilling escapes from police snares and power. A tragic death during a hunting event in January 1856 SLOVAKIA 27 brought stur's life to an untimely end. He died according to his own predictions in which he had foreseen an analogy of his death in the death of Julius Caesar. Some Slavs considered him a setting star but actually he is a brilliant morning star marking a better day in the history of the Slavic world. We return to stur to evaluate his work in the light of today's standards when, after the passing of a hundred years, the Slovaks are building on this foundation laid by stur and his school of thought, the promise of hope fulfilled-if only a new power from the East did not frustrate the effort. Just as stur repudiated and condemned the hegemony of the Magyars, so the Slovaks today rebel against Communist domination and occupation. 13udovit stur's spirit lives on even though an Iron Curtain creates physical bariers to liberty. GERMAN PHILOSOPHICAL INFLUENCE ON STVR Among stur's earliest academic interests were the areas of linguistics, philosophy, history and literature. To pursue these in depth and to broaden his education, he decided to study at Halle University in Germany. It was in 1838 that he came to Halle as a twenty-three year old student-a gifted energetic man of large vision and great moral strength. He had been held in high repute at home and exerted notable influence among his peers. At Halle, he was an utter stranger in a big unknown world, and the weight of the strangeness that closed in upon him was of more than mere physical and social order. University life in Germany was at this time strongly influenced by the spirit and theories of Hegel. German thought and academic preoccupation bore upon the topic of races. Yet this was in a day when the concept of race, as such, was not even properly formulated. The Germans tended to construct entire systems of philosophy and humanistic theory centered on the concept of race at a period when formal anthropology was just emerging. Fundamental misconceptions of race overtook not only historical scholars but also philosophers of history like Hegel. His philosophical system meant on the one hand, equating the Prussian state with the prime law of men 28 SLOVAKIA and, on the other, constituting materialism as the ideal of men and of nations. Exposed to this stress of innovation which was spread throughout scholarly circles by a ready press and which was further generally publicized by novelists and writers of all sorts, stur did not escape acquaintance with these false principles and this false philosophy of life was what contaminated all Central Europe. Fresh from the schools of Bratislava, he was not yet adequately prepared to discern authentic philosophic truth from political propaganda; nevertheless, he instinctively sensed the need to withhold complete acquiescence with Hegel. He tried to come to terms with much of Hegel but by the very fact that stur placed the moral and spiritual values of men as top priorities he put himself at odds with some Hegelian principles. stur's courses of study at Halle deepened his perspectives even as life in Germany provided him with countless new impressions-views of life and the world, concepts and ideas in general. From the German idealistic philosophy, even as from Hegel, its chief representative, stur adopted some new theories which resulted in a mental revolution. First among these was the aspect of dialectical thinking which brought to naught his previous conceptions of a final validity of the results of human thinking and activity. This doctrine maintains that all is in process of development. All is being transformed and changed and proceeds from a lower to a higher stage. It affirms that human history is a process by which the Absolute Spirit unfolds, a "chain uninterrupted" in stur's words. 9 Hegel conceives of history as a process involving dialectical oppositions revaluating into a higher content of historical being. Freedom as an essential of history becomes an absolute necessity. Hegel's philosophy of history strongly took hold of stur's mind at this point. The world seemed to be created for jjudovit stur. He reveled in the thought of its systematic, architectural classification, its universality embracing all the dreams of the human spirit, its justice toward nations, all its sources of learning, its versatile penetration of all doctrine--all this bore upon him so overwhelming flood. 10 SLOVAKIA 29 The wealth of views offered by Hegel's philosophy opened up an idealistic world of envisioned by spiritual concept of nations and not construed from previous assumptions. It provided a new vista into the domains of the rights of nations among which there existed the future tribunal of Slavic nations, too, and led stur to the realms of Christian idealism. stur's spirit was reanimated. The receptive soil of his mind was enriched with fertility for the germination of his own conceived seed. The Germanic world's new concept of views regarding world history in politics, religion and sociology at this time impressed and inspired stur more strongly than it had heretofore affected any other candidate from Slovak academies. When stur returned to his native land, he returned as a Slav, but foremost as a Slovak returned into the ranks of his confused and puzzled friends and countrymen. He brought radical concepts to the rational school and to liberal life. These concepts characteristically dealt mainly with the Slovak past, present and future, for he brought from Germany a wide and rich source of philosophical and economic knowledge as well as a firm determination to devote his life to the task of national development. stur translated Hegel's philosophy into Slovak only insofar as he accepted his concepts, for stur was a realist in his approaches to the phenomena of life. 11 In his studies at Halle, Germany, stur was also spiritually revived. He left the university imbued with strong tendencies for the policies of Kollar and safarik. He was, however, an ardent Slovak by conviction rather than by accident of birth as was their lot. He was an ardent, tireless worker. The versatility of his talents and the needs of his country brought him to the fore successively as an orator, a writer, a journalist, a politician and a soldier. Both his friends and enemies proclaimed him the most remarkable champion of Slovak rights since the days of Matthew Oak. r.udovit stur is sometimes accused of blindly accepting Hegel's philosophy and applying it to Slovak and Slavic life indiscriminately. It must be remembered, however, that political and national controversy existing at that time made it difficult, if not impossible to evaluate Slovak 30 SLOVAKIA philosophy correctly. Granted that stur manifests a dependance on Hegel and contemporary German philosophers, still to present him in this light alone--as his opponents have done--seems to be a distortion. According to cyzevski, a former professor of Halle, stur and his followers were significant for philosophic thought in general. He goes on to say that stur's generation included several thinkers who tried to create their own philosophical system, and who in these times, excelled among all Slovanic nations in originality of thinking in philosophy. cyzevski elucidated his point in the scholarly book Stur's Philosophy of Life in which he clearly points out that stur was not a simple student and advocate of Hegel's philosophy, but that he formed his own independent philosophical system, one which in many ways differed from Hegel's. cyzevski refutes the charge that: 1. stur was a simple student of Hegel's; 2. that his philosophical views were those of contemporary romantic philosophy. stur differed from Hegel in his approach to life's phenomena which he found realistic. Prior to his studies at Halle, stur had cultivated genuine national convictions which were anchored upon Herder's humanistic thought together with messianic dreams that were to glorify the future of the Slavs. These convictions enabled him to take a critical stand in regard to some of Hegel's ideals though he held Hegel in high esteem. On the other hand, Hegel's dynamic view of history matched stur's ideas and provided a justification of his thoughts concerning the Slavic world, especially his views of the historical development of the world history of nations comprising the Slavic world. Because of the influences of the Kollar-Herder conceptions of the historical mission of the Slavs, stur did not fully agree with Hegel in his concept of the absolute States of Germany and Prussia, for in these Hegel saw the completion of historical development. From the viewpoint of theology stur here saw in Hegel's philosophy definite dangers of pantheism. An authentic view of stur's attitude toward Hegel's philosophy is best provided from a personal letter which he wrote to Samo Bohdan Hrobon. In it he quotes from Hrobo:n's poem, in which he sees or perceives from a religious viewpoint, the shortcoming of Hegel's philosophy: SLOVAKIA 31 Povez mi pisani! kde hledat spaseni? Na svete marnem, cili v pravde vecne? Cili v kouzelne prajine zpomneni? Cili v krase, lasce nekonecne ... ? Ach kam jsi zmisel svete me mladosti? Kam se rozplynul Buh otec milosti? Nenit ho vice! Usychejte kvety! Dechnite duse! do propasti svety! Nebot jiz umrel ten zakon vecnosti, Ze vlas sa nehne bez povedomosti. Tell me, 0 Poet, where to seek salvation? In the temporal world or in eternal truth? In the respective countries' pulpits? In beauty, in undying charity ... ? 0 where has disappeared the world of my youth? Where has vanished God the Father of Mercy? He is no longer? 0 wither away, ye flowers! Die, ye souls! until the world's end! Fear not for eternal laws have decreed That not a hair shall move without His knewing. 12 Hrobofl's next poem is encouraging and indicates that the religious home training and strength of Slavic convictions are more forceful than Hegel's philosophical doctrines: Zijet duse ma a zit bude vecne jit zadna bure, zaden boj nezlomi prave ponad ni s tisicmi hromy Jako stin lahky v uzase preleti mec obosecny Hegelove vedy. Duse ma citem plamennym roztopi Mee ten, do prichu padne zahanbeny. Mee ten v nicote jak stin se rozplyne Pred bleskom vecnym bozskeho nadseni! Antheus slaviansky Herkula porazi! My soul lives and will live forever Neither revolutions nor war shall ever break its spirit Directly above myriads of thunderbolts it soars, 32 SLOVAKI A Like a thin wall will crumble in confusio n The two-edge d sword of Hegel's doctrine. My soul senses a burning flame within it Melting away that sword that must fall in dust and shame As a wall crumblin g in disgrace, Before the divine lightning of eternal elan With which the Slavic Antheus Will destroy a vaunting Hercules . Both poems bear heavily the weight of tension and conflict which the sturists experienc ed because of their selective ness in analyzing and sponsori ng aspects of Hegel's philosoph y. In the first poem, stur expressly discourag es the publicizi ng of the new philosop hy for fear that the time is not right and many may be complete ly misled by Hegel. He advocate d that his followers benefit by the worthy gifts of the great mind of Hegel and accept his philosoph y only with due reservati ons; that they revamp it to meet the need of the Slavs. stur emphasiz ed the inevitabl e depth of philosoph ical studies to which Slavic youth would have to devote itself. Moreove r, he took a critical stand and used the German philosop hic system modified accordin g to his views regarding Slavdom and moral principle . Hegel's philosoph ical view became an impetus to stur in his compilat ion and formulat ion of lectures on Slavic history and poetry .13 In 1840 stur returned from Halle to Bratislav a where he was assigned to the chair of Slovak Studies in Language and Literatur e, succeedin g Palkovic in this post. Adequate ly to understa nd the nature of this assignme nt, it is importan t to realize the kind of world in which he was to teach. To say that it was riddled with rank feudalism is all too simple a generaliz ation. Far truer it is to realize that stur came to a land where the Slovaks were held in abyssmal serfdom, in an invincibl e vise of economic , moral, intellectual, spiritual and national bondage. It was the kind of situation in which misery bred misery, usually in such forms as alienatio n, alcoholis m, desperati on, extreme dehumaniz ation of the individua l and loss of personal dignity. SLOVAKIA 33 - -- - - - - -- -- - - - - -- - - - - - - - Unmitigated serfdom was reducing the Slovak into stultified begger stricken with hunger and penury. Denied schooling and spiritual enlightenmen t he was all too readily becoming a prey to superstitious folly and to grossness. The three-fourths who lorded it over the onefourth that was condemned to pay all the land truces ever collected in the region saw to it that their victims had no outlook at all for better things to come-either economically or intellectually or in anyway whatever. The Slovak element enjoyed no public community life as such and even though some attempts had been made to root cultural interests and to rouse the people to national life (such as the organizations at Trnava, Bratislava, Banska Bystrica and Budapest), they were doomed to short-term existence for lack of material support. As a result, Slovak life became necessarily circumscribed to the primitive pattern of the familial unit highlighted with such events as christenings, weddings and funerals. Though the Slovak labored unstintingly, he was not given the joy of benefiting by the fruits of his soil. When stur surveyed this situation on his return from Germany, he was forced to recognize this herd of subjugated beggars as his own people committed to mere animal existence, and all his nobility of soul rose in revolt at such inhumanity of man to man. But an emotional responses alone was no solution to the problem. He set himself to explore underlying causes, mainly the attitudes of the people themselves, their thinking, their social structures, their training and development, their milieu from small dimensional areas to the broad perspectives of the Austro-Hung arian domain. Aware of the need for incentives for self-improvem ent, and realizing that the most effective incentive of all is man's conviction that he is a being of value and dignity, his own consciousnes s of self, stur readily understood what his main teaching role would be to raise a new generation for Slovakia. He devoted himself completely to the enlightenmen t of his people and never in the least deviated from this objective. Under his aegis there was a vital burgeoning of new life among Slovaks of the younger element. He led the 34 SLOVAKIA young to new founts of elemental truth and saving virtue. His personality readily put him into the forefront as an inspired leader as his peers at Bratislava extolled him for his idealistic elan as well as his admirable self-discipline, his moral charm and his firmness directed first of all toward himself and secondly toward others. Impressed by the spirit of stur, Joseph Hurbl!Il who was a close collaborator wrote at this time: "We must challenge youth to difficult moral endeavors and teach the young to be concerned about the future. We must offer them stur as their paragon." Influences of the Industrial Revolution as well as effects of the national revolutions in France and in the United States were not lost upon young men and women of the day. Innovations were rampant on the air-romanticism, humanism, realism, revolution, criticism, democracy, Pan-Slavic romanticism, and a steady stream of trends and thoughts swept in upon maturing minds. stur observed it all and amid all of it mourned the divisive tendencies that tended to break the nation into two camps: the Catholics and the Lutherans and only bred new disadvantage. With clear vision he wrote in his book N drecie ("Dialect"): "There must be an end to this kind of partisanship; we must effect brotherly unity." Also "Our entire Slovak family will be united in a common speech and after centuries of fragmentation and coldness the members of one family will recognize each other and greet each other and embrace." The work of stur, however, soon evoked harsh Magyar resistance and this alerted him to the reality that it was not possible to wait for the younger generation to carry on toward brighter ideals; the need was immediate; the solution had to be effected now. His efforts for political support were fruitless. Every country from which he could have expected help was interested in pursuing its own advantage rather than in relieving the plight of another. His last resort was to exploit-in the best sense of the word-the very language of his people. By establishing a standarized form of written expression he sought to bring about one unifying element for all the nation, one bond to give to all the Slovaks SLOVAKIA 35 a sense of one-ness, and through this medium to reach into the broader spectrum of unified national consciousness and national thought. He was convinced that given one common treasure to cherish and defend, they would be ever ready to defend it, and in this very effort, they would preserve their national being; without such a common objective they could readily lose even their national identity. Their common language would be their talisman. To implement this idea stur collaborated with Joseph Hurban and Michael Hodza as early as 1843. All three were agreed that the dialect of the central regions would lend itself best as the basis for a standard Slovak literary medium. Bernolak's earlier (1787) experiments with a literary standard on the basis of western dialects had been effective to degree but not wholly successful. Perhaps this was due to the fact that Bernolak's ideas and efforts were in advance of his times. Perhaps it was because the western dialects were not the happiest choice he could have made for a common medium. Perhaps it was due also to the fact that traditionally the Catholic segment of Slovak people was ardent in promoting the Slovak cause while at the same time the Evangelical Slovaks promoted the Czech language and culture inasmuch a.s Czech had been adopted as the official liturgical language of the Lutheran Church. Nevertheless, Palkovic in 1831-32 translated and published the entire bible into Bernolak's new medium, and the renowned poet Jan Holly (1785-1849) wrote all his masterly works in the newly codified Slovak literary standard. It is understandable then, that Stu.r's innovative effort was not readily endorsed even by his own Evangelical critics. In 1840 an open assault on the Slovaks was made at the General Assembly of the Lutheran Church. Count Charles Zay, their Inspector-General and some leading laymen proclaimed racial apostasy as a duty which the Slovak Lutherans owed to their fatherland and their religion. They maintained that since "the Magyar language is the truest guardian and protector of the liberty of our country, of Europe, and the Protestant cause, it follows that Magyarization is the duty of every eager champion of freedom and intelligence." There followed a series of 36 SLOVAKIA attempts to ostracize the Slovak language from Lutheran Synods and presbyteries. Kossuth who was one of the elders of the Church and a Slovak renegade spoke publicly in favor of the abolition of all existing Slav societies in Lutheran schools. One such society at Levoca had already been suppressed, "as a breeding ground for Pan-Slavism," its library was closed and its president, ~udovit stur, was deprived of his post at the gymnasium.14 Magyarized Slovak overlords, noblemen and landlords untiringly sought to Magyarize the Slovaks, even imposing punishment on those who refused to be enticed into the Magyarized camp. Archbishop Patatic from Kolac, gave each of the subjects twelve sticks to beat up anyone who dared to speak in Slovak. It was publicly proclaimed that the Slovaks and their language must be exterminated.15 Convinced as s tur was, however, of the greater objectives to be attained, he pressed forward with his new venture. Youth groups espoused the cause very readily and this support augured well for the future. In 1844 Hurban's second volume of the annual Nitra appeared in the new literary standard and in the same year Hodza established the society Tatrin which officially recognized the new literary standard and at once put it to use in the publication of educational books, monographs and instructional pamphlets for the general public. Within two more years there appeared stur's political journal (three times a week ) Slovenske Ndrodne Noviny with its literary supplement Orol Tatransky. All these projects notably strengthened the newly devised Slovak literary form of expression and assured its permanent adoption. sT-0-R'S SEARCH FOR A SLOVAK LITERARY MEDIUM Its Effectiveness in Unifying Slovakia Slovak life was now assuredly given expression through the Slovak language. stur maintained that it could not be otherwise and the years have borne witness to his judgment. The task was demanding but largely because the ground for the identity of the new generation was properly prepared. stur not only understand existing conditions in Slovakia, he formulated, what the nation SLOVAKIA a7 felt, what the nation needed. He gave expression to the righteous desires and demands of his Slovak nation and became its model of an inspired leader devoted to spiritual and public activity. 16 sttir's call for further action was answered by Sladkovic, Chalupka, Botto, Hurban and countless others who felt that the proper course had been taken in establishing their literary language. Even the Lutherans finally accepted the Central Slovak dialect as a form of Slovak expression touched by foreign influence of one kind or another. On this matter the Slovaks had been merely sorely split in the past but now there promised to be a common unity to face the momentous events which were to follow. The work initiated by Bernolak was completed by sttir. Even John Holly, the greatest Slovak poet and ideologist of his nation gave sttir his blessing in this venture. sttir and his collaborators found the Slovak language and literature an invaluable instrument for advancing all their endeavors especially in rousing the nation to selfconsciousness. They studied its historic past and revealed it to the people who knew little or nothing about their historic origins and so had little impulse for experiencing pride of nation. They wanted to lift up the people from poverty and abandonment, so they enlightened and trained the general public.17 sttir can rightly be called the reformer of literary Slovak. Under his dynamic leadership the Slovaks literally re-emerged from obscurity and oblivion. They asserted themselves not only culturally but also politically because they became qualified and fired to forthcoming uprisings and events that had trans-European reverberations. A new era unfolded in Slovak cultural and national life when sttir adopted aesthetic and philosophical principles in his literary school. At this point romanticism and nationalism were pactically identical. sttir's cultural activities were timely in Western and Central Europe where national consciousness, popular art, and folklore were the order of the day. In this climate sttir successfully organized his literary school and cultural activities, which marked a new era in 38 SLOVAKIA Slovak national life. The members of this school "imposed the most exacting task on themselves in order to elevate the Slovak people to the same cultural level as the rest of Europe, to release their creative energies and to enable a new national culture to arise from the existing popular art and language. 18 sttir and his school were imbued with objectives directed towards specific social goals. Hence the literature which they created echoed not only a melancholy restlessness and romantic involvement but also the call for a better world. In 1842 a petition signed by two hundred Slovaks led by their clergymen was submitted to the Emperor in Vienna. The only outcome of this effort was that is provoked Kossuth to charge Superintendent Jozeffy and his colleague Hodza with betraying the Magyar cause and the Protestant religion. Both men were publically embarrassed and howled down. By contrast, two voices were raised in defense of the Slovaks, those of Count John Mailath, Catholic historian of Hungary, and Count Stephen Szechenyi who stated in a public address to the Academy that he hardly knew a Magyar who "is not transformed into a madman and even more or less deaf to the laws of fairness and justice, whenever the question of our nationality and language is raised." He begged his compatriots to "do as you would be done by." But the day on which 'the greatest magyar' and his fellow-magnate entered these protests, the popularity of the two Counts began to fail; the frenzy of Kossuth, voiced in his brilliant and aggressive organ Pesti Hirlap, carried all before it. As early as 1842, Kossuth declared in one of its issues: "Indeed, indeed I tell you, a Slovak nation has never existed even in a dream." In 1843 he boasted of his glowing love for his nation as the only one in Hungary which has any future based upon politics or law. 19 The argument of the German people, Herrenfolk: "We must be masters in our own house," was already applied in the "forties" by Magyars to the "foreign inhabitants" of Hungary. At this critical time the Slovaks found three leaders, SLOVAKIA 39 full of courage and self-sacrifice, r.udovit stur, Michael Hodza and Joseph Hurban. All three happened to be Slovak Lutherans, courageous enough to agree in favor of the central dialect of the Slovak language for essentially political reasons. This dialect was a unifying factor which they believed would help strengthen their position in the struggle against the Magyars and Magyarones. The Slovaks could no longer stand this type of op-pression. They appealed to King Ferdinand in Vienna. He in turn said to them: "Every nation in Hungary should educate and develop itself according to law and justice and develop its national language as much as possible. The highest power will not object to this, but rather aid it in its endeavor." The Slovak delegation returned home very hopeful. But at home disappointments and hardships awaited them, because the King's words fell on deaf ears and did not phase the Magyars. 20 In 1844 stur was dismissed from his post at the Bratislava College as Deputy Professor, because he resisted Count Zay's plans for Magyarization through the school. Yet stur continued to express his thoughts in writing in the newspaper he published, "Slovak National News" ("Slovenske Narodne Noviny"). The permission for the editing of this paper was given by the Hungarian government after an interim of four years. In this paper he resolved to defend the rights of the Slovak people. The joy was great in Slovakia. Most of the Slovaks realized the importance of this news media, and at what price it was made possible. When it was first issued the people rejoiced in diverse ways to express their appreciation of its accomplishment. The supplement to the "Slovak National News" was "Orol Tatransky" ("The Tatra Eagle") which was a power to be reckoned with. This newspaper was both instructive and amusing. It found favor with all classes of people, and reached all strata of the populace. stur's program was a realistic one. He gave credit where it was due. He voiced his opinions in regard to the shortcomings of his people and denounced their delinquencies. 40 SLOVAKIA The papers served their mission well for three years, uniting, teaching, exhorting and encouraging the people during the most stirring time of Slovak history. His exhortations today are as timely as they were in 1845: "Let us not abandon ourselves, Slovak country-men. Higher is the cause of the entire nation, higher is the cause of the whole, than of the individual and even though individuals harm us, the cause itself does not do so, but with us thus far, it has been that individuals offended by our people immediately abandoned the cause itself ... " 21 The Magyars came to realize what great influence the new publications were effecting on the Slovak people and began to clamor for the immediate suppression of this press. But the embe:rlS had been stirred. Much of the purpose of the publications had already been achieved. The Slovaks were finally reawakened nationally. In 1847, stur was elected to the Hungarian Parliament as a deputy for the town of Zvolen, Naturally he had limited influence since he was the only Slovak deputy in the House. However, his speeches reveal that he was an enlightened fighter for freedom and social reform, one who demanded equal rights for all nationalities in Hungary, in cultural and political life. He repeatedly insisted that the Diet adopt laws to free the peasant masses from a feudalistic Robot system and labor rent, and that the culture of the people and country be promoted by the establishment of schools in the national tongues of the people. Among other things he demanded the industrialization of Slovakia and the adoption of humanitarian laws between the gentry and the working class. One of the main topics of Stu.r's speeches was the obsolete social and political structure of Hungary. He was all for a federalistic system of government which would give equal justice to all peoples. He advocated that special efforts be made to develop the State in new social and political reforms, and to make it a partner of modern Europe. In creating their political program, stur and his followers, took into consideration not only their aims and desires, but also the existing circumstances. One was the fact that Slovakia was a part of the Hungarian state SLOVAKIA 41 in which it did not constitute a distinctive separative administrative unit. The Slovaks were not planning to break away from Hungary. What they wanted most of all was to have the boundaries of the Slovak lands defined so that the Slovak people might have guaranteed equality with the Magyars in Hungary. This equality they urged was to apply in all areas of political, social and especially in cultural life. They intended to present these petitions to the Emperor and the Parliament but first they wished to have the endorsement and the views of the Slovak people regarding their aims and their achievements. In May of 1848 they met at the parsonage of Michael Hod.za in Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas where they drew up a form for Slovakia's future political program called: "Petitions of the Slovak Nation." 22 Its Contribution Towards a Pan-Slavic Movement Stu.r's role as a reformer of the Slovak literary language was significant and far-reaching. His great efforts to this direction contributed greatly even to modern Slovak ideology. It was he who first gave to his people a new vision of political freedom and of a better future. stur provided a strong impetus to Slovak life in general by his own example, and by his writings embracing fields as diversified as poetry, philosophy, history, sociology, etc. From his correspondence one learns that he had direct relations with the leaders of all Slavic peoples. During his stay in Vienna he came in contact with other Slav representatives: The Slovene Stanko Vraz, the Croatian Ban Jelacic, and the Serbian Patriarch Rajacic, who were working together and made a joint visit to the Imperial Court. stur's reforms of the literary language also brought about the unity of the Slovak people and this, in turn, was followed by flourishing cultural and literary activities. His influence was so vital that some of his principles and ideology still lives in the cultural life of Slovakia.23 The lyrical element is strong in Stu.r's poetry and prose. He passed from the sphere of the personal and social into national and Slavic thought in all his works. The soul of the nation--or of the Slavs-was his 42 SLOVAKIA constant subject. He concentrated on the pain of the nation's sufferings, struggles, and failures and this theme pervades the climate of his literary works. stur and his followers were gifted with keen insight into existing social problems and this vision they combined with the romantic inheritance of deep attachment to their country, its people and to the Slavic world at large. They did their utmost to advocate and to provide democratic enlightenment for the unpriviledged classes, viz. the peasants and workers. They defined, encouraged and glorified their importance, as they glorified the Slavs and all their past. One of stur's followers, Samo Tomasik, composed the Slav anthem, "Hej, Slovania," which bespoke new hope, a new ideal and a great pride comparable to that expressed in Vajansky's famous verse: I am proud to be a Slovak Elegant is my race; A hundred million souls it numbers, Over half the world it rules. With the Slovak tongue you can traverse The four parts of the earth! One of my brothers plants the palm Another does eternal iceland scan A third skims o'er the widespread seas! From the phantasy which Kollar inspired as the great dream of one great Slav nation and one unified Slav language, the Slovaks, as Hans Kohn agrees "feeling abandoned in Hungary and their national existence threatened, may have drawn strength and faith in the indeitructibility of the Slovak people and language," and it helped to continue to maintain contacts with the cultural life of other Slavic peoples. 24 stur's contemporaries indicated their Pan-Slavic sympathy and tendencies by reading Russian, Polish, Ukrainian, Czech, Croatian and Serbian authors in the original and were very fond of the famous "Ode to Youth" by Mickiewicz. According to Bobek: "Not even the Poles received it as enthusiastically as the Slovaks." The desire of the Slovak poets and novelists of stur's time was to imitate other Slav writers, and their enthusiastic belief in one "slavic" culture was intense. SLOVAKIA 43 Cizevsky maintains: "The only book which shows similarities with Mickiewicz's "Book of the Polish Pilgrimage" is $tur's work "An Ancient and a New Age of Slovaks" ("Stary a novy vek Slovakov") because $tur speaks of another kingdom and of other peoples. However, $tur deviates, because he wanted to unfold a realistic program, and Mickiewicz's Book could not satisfy him. $tur's position among Slav intellectuals of the nineteenth century is well attested among other various media by his rich correspondence with practically all oustanding Slavic leaders of the day also the fact that his work "Slavdom and the World of the Future" was translated and twice published by Russian intellectuals in the last century and at the beginning of this century. $tur, Kollar and $afarik can rightly be regarded as great figures of the Slavic world to the Slovaks of the nineteenth century. All three expressed: "in the familiar mood of the period, a general belief in historical progress, in a bright future , in the advent of some great spiritual manifestation, of a new era for mankind which would establish forever a basis of liberty, peace and happiness." In visualizing the Slavs as a unified body with a great future, they helped the awakening of the national consciousness of their own Slav-speaking peoples.25 :CUDOVi T $ TOR'S ROLE IN THE PAN- SLAVIC MOVEMENT His Political and Social Thought Slovakia is sometimes called the mother of the PanSlavic Movement. One of her sons, John Herkel, first used the word "pan,slavic" in his Latin treaties of 1826. In addition, the Slovak poet Jan Kollar and the Slovak scholar P. J. $afarik were among the main leaders of the Pan-Slavic Movement. As a matter of fact these two are sometimes considered the fathers of Pan-Slavism in Slovakia. Herder, in his "Ideas on the Philosophy of the History of Humanity" ("Ideen zur Philosophie der Geschichte") prophesied that the Slavs, who up until then were held in bondage and oppression, would awaken from their lethargy and free themselves from the shackless, and eventually recover their possesion of the vast lands that 44 SLOVAKIA stretched from the Adriatic Sea to the Baltic, from the Don to the Mulda. In this heritage they would devote themselves to the peaceful development of the arts and commerce. Though unknowingly, Herder sowed the first germ of Pan-Slavtsm. 26 stur's significance in the Slavic world of this calibre was assessed by Seton Watson. In regard to the great literary efforts of stur, Hurban and safarik, Seton-Watson states: "their writings were of capital importance in the whole Slav revival of the last century, and form a strange sentimental link between the Western romantic school and the extravagancies of Pan-Slavism." In reference to the first Slav Congress in Prague in 1848 Seton-Watson maintains that stur "played a decisive part in the preparation for the Congress." safarik, stur, Hurban and Hodza played a part second to none except Palacky at that same Congress. An analysis is in order in regard to these two opinions to determine stur's significance in the Pan,Slavic Movement. As early as 1840, stur had recourse to the throne of Austria and there presented his petitions in regard to the injustices perpetrated by Hungary against the Slovak people. He formally presented his petitions to the Hungarian Assembly. It embodied these provisions for the betterment of the Slav situation: 1) A systematic investigation of the Slovaks who were maligned by the Magyars in order to obtain protection for the oppressed; 2) that there be two censors to safeguard Slovak official writings; 3) that a Slovak literary seat be established at the Bratislava Lyceum and at Pest University; 4) that certificates and church records be kept in Latin; 5) that church ceremonies be in the mother tongue and that every guarantee and assurance be provided for this practice. The country was up in arms because the Slovaks dared to present their cause to the throne. Voluble insults were heaped upon the Slovaks in the newspapers, at gatherings, etc. Those who aided the Slovaks or sympathized with their cause were also abused. 27 It was at this point that ~udovit stur asked for permission to publish his "Slovak National News" ("Slovenske SLOVAKIA 45 Narodne Noviny"). Archprince Joseph retorted by saying: "The Slovaks do not need newspapers. The publishing of such newspapers would be considered traitorous." It was the consensus in 1840 that Austria would lean on the Slovaks for political reasons, that is Slavic Austria, against Hungarian Austria (Magyar). But in Hungary Archduke Joseph had the upper hand and things were shaped his way. He even had control over the deputation of Slovak Pest in Church matters. At this point he is to have said: "In Hungary I know only one people and those are the Magyars. " 28 The phantom of Pan-Slavism repeated its threat in 1830 when Russia established a Slovak literary seat at its university. The young Russian Slavists began to visit the Slavs in the South as well as in Central Europe. For the ensuing years the word Pan-Slavism had political connotation for the Russian and Germanic nations implying a belligerent attempt to replace their civilization with the Slavic civilization. The connotation derived largely from the subjugated position of the various Slavic nations at this time. In Vienna the guards were ordered to stress in each paragraph of the law of magyarization that every sermon in Slovak churches be preached in Magyar and in even remote towns and villages there was a strong ban against Pan-Slavism of any kind. "In our country and near its borders," wrote Wessel, in Kossuth's newspaper, Hirlap, December, 1842, "Slovak mistakes are dangerous and a threat to all Europe and to our dynasty and country . .. " "Everyone who defies our Magyar language and our nationalism and who supports the mistakes of the Slovaks knowingly or unknowingly is an enemy to the peace and to our federation, and to our throne." 29 stur did not advocate the destruction of the Hungarian State. As long as there was any hope for a settlement with the Magyars, he was amenable to living with a fair situation. But he warned the ruling Magyar class that they could not forever ignore and suppress the inherent rights of the lesser peoples and exploit the Slovaks and other nations of Hungary without expecting them to retaliate and to demand a free national life, just as the Magyars were themselves demanding it from the Hapsburg Empire. 46 SLOVAKIA stlir wrote a sensational article "Charges and Complaints of the Slovaks in Hungary" ( ~aloby a ponosy Slovakov v Uhorsku") published in Leipzig in 1843, in which he reprimanded the chief Inspector, Count Zay, for conniving to Magyarize the Slovaks for political reasons. Count Zay felt that he was truly aware of the political currents in Slovakia. By a logic all his own, he divided the Slovaks into three groups. One was to be concerned about literary matters. The second was eager to establish a Western-Slav kingdom in Austria; the third was accused of secret contacts with Russia. 30 It is uncertain whether these three groups were fully aware of the gravity of the situation of those times; however, all had one goal in mind: to save the Slovaks from utter Magyarization and to secure for the Slovak nation its independent political status within the framework of the Hapsburg Empire. "We do not want our rights established on favor, but we demand our rights on the basis of justice," stlir declared. These famous words laid the foundation to all petitions and demands presented in Vienna and at the Hungarian Diet in Bratislava. stlir's debates with Kossuth all stemmed from this moral and democratic attitude. On behalf of his nation stlir demanded "peace based on justice and mutual understanding." He went on to say: "In the Pesti Hirlap Kossuth is fighting for equality of rights, but in the Diet he wants to give the orders to investigate and punish those who stand up for the rights . . . That is his freedom and liberalism." 3 1 All of Stu.r's writings indicate a clear political view: Slovakia established as a sovereign crown land under the Hapsburgs, an equal partner of other nations in the Empire. In short, he was even back in his own day for a program of the federalization of Central Europe. In a sense stlir appeared as a Romantic visionary in the eyes 0f all who did not favor Slavic reciprocity or his vision of a great future for the Slavic world, his untiring demands for equal rights for the Slovak people and their national independence which he formulated in the following terms: "Each nation is only one part of humanity, and no SLOVAKIA 47 nation can make for itself the claim that it alone attained the best possible human evolution and degree of perfect ability. Thereafter, no nation has a right to impose upon another nation its way of life when that nation wants to move for itself and educate itself as it sees fit. "So that we Slovaks might be revived and assume in history that place which is rightfully ottrs by reason of our native strength and abilities we must once and for all free ourselves, because a nation which is enslaved has its hands bound, its spirit stifled, and is forever threathened with danger that sooner or later it will perish." 32 The year 1848 was ushered in as a promising one, but before long it became stormy. The more the Magyars spoke of freedom, the more tyranically did they suppress all non-Magyars. They did their utmost to turn public opinion against the Slovaks. Wessel wrote to Kossuth that he would rather have 50,000 Germans settle the mountain countries than 10,000 Slavs. Once again intolerance charged all the climate. At this point, Pan-Slavism evolved as a defensive movement among the Slavs rather than as a political movement aimed at replacing western dominance in Europe. The term "Pan-Slavism" has been used generally to denote the historical tendency of the Slavic peoples to manifest in their tangible way, either cultural or political, their consciousness of ethnic kinship. Cultural Pan-Slavism had its origin in the remarkable national awakening of the Slavs at the dawn of the nineteenth century. Submerged for long centuries under cruel masters, the Slavs were quickened to a renewal of awareness of their national identities, not by political leaders, but by their cultural leaders. These Slavs realized how they had been deprived of their national identity. They nourished better hopes for the future by seeking to reanimate the faded memories of a glorious past. In this effort they discovered that they were brothers bound by a common misfortune yet endowed with a vast cultural heritage. 33 Slavic men of learning helped to initiate national 48 SLOVAKIA movements among their countrymen primarily in order to establish the individuality and cultural worth of each Slavic group: Bulgarians, Czechs, Slovaks, Poles, Slovenians, Croats, Serbs and Russians. The various romantic movements were propagated in individual ways and degrees yet through them the ideal of Slavic unity, which had been lost in the past by foreign oppression, was to be resurrected with the surmounting and overthrow of that oppression. Pan-Slavism as a cultural and even as a political ideal evolved not in Russia, but rather among the Western and Southern Slavs, who had far more need of unity than did the mighty Russian Empire. This stage of Pan-Slavism signaled the national awakening of central and eastern Europe, and was characterized by interest and emphasis within the areas of language, literature, and culture. Among the Slavic peoples many had experienced a thousand years of injustice and mistreatment which yielded an unhealthy state of discouragement and stagnation. Now in the hour of their national awakening, the Slovak people seek to forgive their cruel masters rather than to avenge themselves. This attitude was shaped by the acute yearning they bore for the selfdetermination of their country. As much as they decried the enslavement of other nations, they would not permit another to enslave them. The literary and scientific Pan-Slavism of Kollar and ::;afarik created a powerful national spirit among the Slavs. Then it became only natural that this desire for national unity and selfdetermination should demand to be heard and to begin to be realized within the context of political Pan-Slavism. It moved in this direction under I.:udovit ::;tur who perceived by what stages Pan-Slavism must go. He foresaw that to achieve their glorious destiny, the Slavic peoples had to attain an assured measure of political unity. At this point political Pan-Slavism had two alternatives: Austroslavism, which meant retaining a form of Austrian political influence, for which ::;tur was ready to settle when he advocated it at the Prague Congress in 1848, the first great manifestation of Pan-Slavism and of Slavic identity, apart from the Hapsburg rule, and Pan-Russianism which ::;tur adapted after the failure of the Prague Congress.34 SLOVAKIA 49 As Magyar exploitation of the Slovaks and other minority nations of Hungary continued, stur's admonitions to the ruling powers fall on deaf ears. The Magyars stubbornly and universally refused to heed any demands for redress of any kind of settlement with the non-Magyar nations in Hungary. This attitude helped to precipitate the revolution of 1848-49, in which the Slovaks also participated. stur together with Hodza and Hurban led an armed resistance force supporting Austria against the revolution of the Magyar aristocrats. That the Hapsburgs were forgetful of this effort and ungrateful to the Slovaks, that they finally settled with the Magyars at the expense of the non-Magyar nations of Hungary, did not help the issue of the dissatisfied minorities. The settlement of 1867, referred to as Austro-Hungarian but being in reality Austro-Magyar, became the burial pit of the monarchy which could have become a mighty confederation in Central Europe. It was I.:udovit stur and not the Slovak Magyar chauvinist, Louis Kossuth, who was the genuine democrat. 35 No setback dismayed stur completely or caused him to lose heart. Under opposition and failure he tended to redouble his energy. stur was the heart, Hodza the brain, and Hurban the soul of the revolutionary movement. They set themselves anew to collect funds, provide weapons, organize a volunteer corps, choose trained soldiers to lead them, financially aid patriots who were in prison and conduct a vast correspondence. Though defeated and betrayed in the outcome by Vienna, the Slovak revolution of 1848-49 marked an important milestone in Slovak history. The first large public manifestation of the Sl0vaks occured on May 10, 1848 at Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas. On this occasion a historic memorandum embracing six articles expressing the demands of the people was adopted unanimously. In substance these articles were: We demand that our people be permitted to· take part in the legislative deliberations of the land, and this not only de jure but de facto. And as such participation can alone become real and profitable when conducted in a language that is intelligible to us, we ask for our representatives the right to speak Slovak in the Diet. 50 SLOVAKIA We demand the right to plead and answer cases in the courts of law in Slovak. We demand that the school training of our youth, which is now so woefully neglected, be conducted in the mother tongue. We demand just and equitable representatives in the Diet. We demand for ourselves, and shall forever ask that our nationality, which we will never renounce, remain inviolate and inviolable. We demand that this petition be made known within the entire juristiction of Hungary, in Croatia, and Slavonia and be brought to the notice of the viceroy and of the Hungarian ministry, to the end that all friends of liberty and humanity may plead our just cause.36 Open-air meetings were held in larger towns throughout all regions during the spring of 1848. Equality and liberty, the maintenance and defense of the Slovak language were the keynote of them all. The Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas program was endorsed by a dozen towns supplemented here and there with petitions to meet subordinate local needs. Swiftly spread the news that Louis Phillipe had forfeited his crown to the French republicans, in 1848, anfi it reached every corner of the Hapsburg monarchy. Vienna was seething with political excitement. Prague was in feverish anticipation of the approaching Slavic Congress scheduled to meet there on June 2, in protest against the bartering of Slavic Austria to Greater Germany. stur went to Vienna after the March Revolution. There he met other Slav representatives, especially Ban Jelacic and the Serbian Patriarch Rajacic, who were working hand in hand and paid joint visits to the Imperial Court. At this early stage of developments, stur received an invitation from the students at Prague which he accepted and through which he played a decisive part in the preparations for the Slav Congress. On April 30, he made a strong appeal in favor of united common action between the Slovaks and the Czechs. For the time being, at least, there was a healing of the breaches and disagreements.37 SLOVAKIA 51 A manifesto program which was initiated by Hurban, was issued at Teplice in the name of the Slovaks as the original occupants of this region. It was addressed simultaneously to the Crown and to the newly-formed national government at Pest. Its main demand was that there be convened a General Parliament for the brother nations of Hungary. Precipitously, any further movement in this direction was promptly suppressed by the Magyar authorities. Kossuth thundered against the Pan-Slavs in Parliament. Hurban and a few others were obligated to flee and they joined stur in an attempt to rouse Bohemia, Moravia and Slovakia to common action, and acclaimed Prague as the heart of tl<le Slavic world. Meanwhile, Hodza issued a small book in German, presenting an answer to the Slovaks to Count Zay and his summons that a choice be made between Magyarizations and the Russian knout. Hodza's fiery response was: "Rather the Russian knout than Hungarian domination, for the one can only enslave our bodies, while the other threatens us with moral ruin and death." 36 The time was ripe for action by the Slavs. stur proclaimed a Slavic Congress and agreed with Czech writers to set the date for May 31, 1848. Prague was chosen for the site of the Congress. A total of 362 delegates were present representing various Slavic nations, especially those under the Hapsburg rule, but the Poles and the Russians were also represented. The express objective 1tf the meeting was the establishment of contacts and regular exchanges among the Slavic peoples and the drawing up of a program of action for all peoples living as subject nations under Austria and/ or Hungarian domination. The four Slovak leaders-safarik, stur, Hurban and Hodza-played a part second to none. They were determined to make Slovakia an equal with Bohemia and Moravia, as part of a Czech-Slav federal unit, such as Palacky had contemplated. At this Congress stur offered a program for federalizing Central Europe. The Czech were consistent supporters of Austroslavism. Consequently the problem came to be narrowed down to a definition of terms: The objectives of the Congress was either to save Austria, for with her lay the best chances of maintaining Slavic identity, or 52 SLOVAKIA immediate prov1s10n for the Slavic peoples living under Austria. stur made it clear, that his aim was not specifically to preserve Austria, under whom the Slavs had hitherto rotted, but to preserve his own people; Austria, he added, was decrepit and lay under a curse. He went on to say: Our aim should be to save ourselves, not to save Austria. First we must work for ourselves, then for others. Thus far Austria has been flourishing but we have been languishing. What would the world say to us if we stood for nothing but the preservation of Austria? Let us say that we want to stand as independent Slovanic communities under the government of Austria . . . this will give our work a genuinely Slovanic accent ...39 stur felt that the program of the Congress should be: 1) the creation of independent Slavic united states within Austria, and 2) prompt agreement to this, so that the Austrian armies might be authorized to destroy Magyar encroachments into Slovakia. stur stressed Slavic independence: "If we are to assume that place in history which rightfully belongs to us by reason of our ability and strength, we must once and for all free ourselves from this intolerable foreign thraldom and gain national independence for ourselves." 40 The necessity of remaining with the Austrian cadre was crystal clear to stur yet he made no secret of his distrust of Austria. The Czechs felt otherwise. Because they had not been mistreated as were the Slovaks under the Magyars, they were willing to accept and abide by the vague promises of the Austrian Emperor that Slavic rights would be recognized and respected. In return for these promises, the delegates of the Congress pledged full support to Austria in her effort to subdue the Magyars. In addition, they adopted a "Manifesto t o the European Nations" which called for the following objectives: 1. That the Slavic people under Turkish rule be freed. 2. That the Magyars acknowledge the rights of the SLOVAKIA 53 Slovak nation, including the right of its own language. 3. That the Croatian autonomy be maintained. 4. That the Slovenians be permitted to possess their land. 41 sttir felt that the Congress was a failure, because it seemed simply to reduce the Pan-Slavic movement to an attempt to reorganize Austria in a way to satisfy the nationalism of the Slavs. The insurrection of 1848 against the Magyars had also failed. sttir was disappointed to say the least and in the Pan-Slavic Movement was shaken. But he still cherished the hope that Slavic independence would be possible. In his despair and disillusionment, he became almost convinced that a small nation could not attain its freedom alone. Twice he had experienced having his great hopes in behalf of Pan-Slavism shaken. Now only one more possibility remained: alliance or association with Russia, for Russia alone of the Slavic nations was powerful enough to lead others to independence. This conclusion became the basic idea developed in his book, "Slavdom and the World of the Future," a work which extols the cultural, moral and political forces of the Russian Empire. It also presents a detailed program for the union of Slavs under the leadership of Russia. HIS POLITICAL RE-ORIENTATIO N In 1848 and 1849 when the Magyars under Kossuth arose in armed rebellion against Austria, demanding complete independence, the Slovaks braced themselves against a new wave of Magyarization pressures. Led by sttir and his collaborators, they fought in their units with the Austrians and then with the Russian Armies to subdue the Magyar rebels. In return the Slovaks hoped to gain from Vienna recognition of their own national aspirations. Vienna, however, disappointed them and overlooked guaranteeing their rigl;lts against the encroachment of the Magyars. Furthermore, influenced by Kollar, the imperial court used the antiquated Biblical Czech of the Protestants as the official Slovak language in the translation of the laws, for instruction in the schools, and in the newly established newspaper sponsored by the government, 54 SLOVAKIA "Slovak News" ("Slovenske Noviny"), published in Vienna. The fruits of Stu.r's labors seemed doomed and at this point he turned with greater hope to Russia. The Revolution that erupted in Paris in February 1848, and reverberated throughout Europe, encouraged the movement in Hungary. It affected the development of Slovak life and helped to bring the Slav political program to greater maturity. Individual regions of Slovakia rebelled against the imposition of Hungarian as the only recognized legal language and strove to secure sanctions for Slovak as their official language. The native tongue of the Slovak people represented the very survival of Slovakia. stur's basic concept in "Slavdom and the World of the Future" ("Das Slawenthum und die Welt der Zukunft") was an exceptional tribute to the cultural, moral and political forces at work within the Russian Empire. This work also included a detailed plan for the union of all Slavs with Russia, "the most complete and consistently developed program for the subjugation of Slavs to Russia," according to Professor Lednicki. stur adopted Herder's and Hegel's ideas which in turn provided the Slavs with a consciousness of unity based upon the communal element of language and a glorious destiny, proclaiming them as the prospective leaders of Europe. stur stressed the belief that the Slavs have a mission to fulfill in universal history, and that this mission can be fulfilled only if they are united. There were three procedures to consider: 1. Slavic federation without Russia. 2. Transformation of Austria into a Slavic federation. 3. Union with Russia as a monarchic empire under Russian leadership, united in the Orthodox Church and the Russian literary language. The first two approached did not appeal to stur's vision gf a Slavic world of the future. Because of geographical features and considerations, internal rivalries, religious and cultural differences, and intermingled nonSlavic elements, any attempt to federalize the Slavic nations at this time seemed doomed to failure. 42 Since the Slavs were to be leaders of the "new" Europe, stur set out to determine whether the Slavs really SLOVAKIA 55 had a role of their own to fulfill in world history. At this point they were not in position to do anything significant but history was a progression of spent nations being replaced by young one, and stur envisioned a future in which Slavic emancipation would eventually occur. There was no use in looking to the West for support in securing Slovakia's self-determination for, the West was already on the downward path to moral, political and social dissolution. Western civilization had deteriorated, the West itself needed help. Only Slavs could aid the Slavs. stur went on to paint a highly romantic picture of the Slavs, representing them as good at heart, patient, humble, kind and democratic. These were the general characteristics of all the Slavs, but especially of the Russians who were visualized as being at the apex of all the nobles features of the Slavic nations. stur did not know them personally. He had never been in Russia, neither had he any prolonged contact with Russians. He simply claimed that it had to be so logically, since the Russians were the leaders of the Slavs; they had to be the best Slavs. He was convinced too that unity was an absolute necessity if the Slavs were to achieve their historic mission. The only alternative left was union with Russia. 43 "Russia is the prime mover and the leader of our national family. Our people are but a fragment of a single nationality. They can be reborn and united into a single whole only by a elated benevolent and great Power." In stur's mind that power was Russia. "Let us go forth together in the spirit of our own people, under the leadership of the racial elders given to us by history." The Slavist, Professor Petrovich maintains that "The failure of the Slovak revolution and other political demonstrations brought stur to the conclusion that it was u.seless for his people to seek its own freedom alone or in the framework of Austroslavism." 44 This definitive decision on the part of stur amazed contemporary experts in his Slavic world. Yet it is not hard to understand stur's position when one realized the facts with which stur had to live in the 1850's. Since his primary goal was Slavic nationalism, Slavic unity, Russia was the only leader to whom to turn since Austroslavism 56 SLOVAKIA failed. His main objective was the creation of a federation of independent Slavic states under the Russian leadership, the same kind of action he had urged at the Prague Congress in 1848 for Austrian leadership. The Slavic peoples of the Austrian Empire, such as Czechs and Slovaks, and the smaller groups looked more and more toward Russia for help, since they found themselves outnumbered by the ruling Germans and Magyars. A second Pan-Slav Congress met in Moscow in 1867. The Poles were not represented. They considered the Russians their national enemies and oppressors. Russian chauvini&m was apparent throughout the congress. From that time on Russian nationalists wished to use Pan-Slavism as a tool for Russian expansion at the expense of nonRussian Slavs for the destruction of the Austrian Empire and the Turkish Empire. Both Empires contained large Slavic minorities. The Russian war against Turkey in 1877 was accompanied by Pan-Slavic agitation to liberate the Balkan Slavs, especially the Bulgarians, from the Turkish domination. World War I also started partly because the Russians supported the Slavic Serbs against the Austrian Empire. The fact that Russia herself oppressed several Slavic peoples--the Poles, the Ukrainians, and the Byelorussian s -and the fact that the Russian tsarist autocracy was politically and socially backward militated before 1914 against the claim of the Russians to be regarded as the spokesmen of all Slavs.45 All the peoples, with the exception of the Croatians, Slovenians and Serbs were united under Moscow's leadership, and thus many of the extravagant Russian aspirations, voiced during the Pan-Slav Congress in Moscow, in 1867, were fulfilled .46 Stu.r's great dream of a family of Slavic peoples united under Russia may also become a reality -but not under an Orthodox Church as a dedicated community, nor under an enlightened Russian Tsar with humanist and liberal views, nor as a Russian group struggling for the highest ideals of freedom and respect for human beings, as stur wished to see it in his work "Das Slawenthum und die Welt der Zukunft" ("Slavdom and the World of the Future"), but under a disastrous SLOVAKIA 57 policy, the cornerstone of which was laid at Yalta in February, 1945. This policy destroyed Europe's individuality and enlarged the power of the Kremlin, a power that has kept all humanity under constant tension since 1945 and is a threat to the freedom of all the states it has not yet captured. It led to the subjugation of an additional 200 million Europeans. On the soil in Northern, Central and Southern Europe, there arose a new Soviet colonial system. At a time when in the free world, peoples who have never enjoyed self-govenment in the past are gradually attained nationhood and are assisted by the United Nations in the achievement of their rightful aspiration-the exact reverse process has been taking place in Central and Eastern Europe. 47 ST-OR'S IMPACT ON SLOVAKIA Revival of Slovak National Life stur knew it was imperative that the Slovaks be awakened nationally; otherwise they were doomed as a nation. The nation needed scholars who would delve into antiquity and from the glory of the past raise a national enthusiasm and groundwork on which to build for the future. He assumed the task of providing them. The Slovak historian, Julius Botto, says of stur: "He trained for the Slovak nation energetic, selfless men, genuine national heroes." Since the Slovak gentry continued to yield its national identity and was overshadowed and even absorbed by Magyar influences, the Slovak people became abandoned in the midst of a rising alien nationalism and political transformation. Slovak intellectuals had the vision to realize what was happening and considered it mandatory to take over the culture of the Slovak peasants, middle classes and a sparse number of nationally minded aristocrats and garner from these elements their own national culture and new national consciousness. Without stur's important role in this effort, the Slovaks might now be a forgotten nation. stur successfully organized his literary school and cultural activities in this climate and was successful in 58 SLOVAKIA bringing about a new era of Slovak national life. Since he had a mystical idea of the nation, and respected it as a person, his approach was a philosophical one. Aesthetic and philosophical principles were inaugurated into his literary school and became the foundation of the Slovak nation revival of the nineteenth century. In the past, Slovak national life was little more than a conglomerate of regrets and passive laments, a life of hapless "do nothing." stur set up positive perspectives to create higher cultural and political values and he did not rest until the people were persuaded to adopt these new views. He repeatedly advocated a higher and stronger degree of national pride. He asked the Slovaks not to seek the source of their national pride in foreign gardens since they had it right at home in their midst. stur and his school knew what hopes were directed toward attaining concrete political and social gains; he realized how ready his people were to entertain enthusiasm and spirit for a better world. National and Slavistic themes permeate stur's poetry and prose. The soul of the nation-or of the Slavs-was his constant subject; he was always preoccupied with the nation's sufferings, struggles and failures. These topics are the substance of all his written works. The Slovaks, as Hans Kohn rightly says, "feeling abandoned in Hungary and their national existence threatened, may have drawn strength and faith in the indestructibility of the Slovak people and language." This thought supported them and enabled them to continue to maintain contacts with the cultural life of other Slavic peoples. Although stur was not the only leader during the national revival, he embodied more vitally than did the others the true spirit of 1848. In his own right he is called the Daniel O'Connell of Slovak history. At this point is was not only necessary for the Slovak nation to map out definite goals, but it was also imperative to chart the way for coming generations of the Slovak nation in order that this goal might be realized and preserved. The task challenging stur and his followers was very complicated. Besides honoring, they had to find a way and means to discharge all the work before them in a way SLOVAKIA 59 that would be worthy of scrutiny both in their own day and in the light of history. Much of their work had to be accomplished under duress, when revolutionary forces were mounting, when fierce struggles had to be met to insure national existence and the ennobling of the social stratum of the Slavic people. $tlir's generation had no alternative, but to play the role of a vanguard of the Slovak bourgeoisie which had to be inspired with national consciousness and formed into a worthy class. The group v0luntarily assuming this role is called the $tlir generation; in literature it is called the stur school, since it was Cudovit stur and his group who adopted the traditions of the Bernolakians for the Slovak linguistic cultural and national independence. In short, they gave the Slovak nation both a solid ideology and definite direction under the leadership of Cudovit $tlir.48 Cudovit stur's activities were directed mainly on behalf of his native country, his main interest being the Slovak people caught in an insufferably miserable situation and desperately needing a solution of their problems. He threw all his efforts into achieving a social and national awakening of his people and into raising their standards so that they could be counted as a social and national force. In the memorable Bratislava parliament of 1847, he tangled in a heated discussion with Kossuth. stur declared: "We want freedom. It is easily said that there is plenty of freedom in our homeland: yes, not only an abundance, but even an oversupply of freedom." And he went on to add, "but only the landowner's brand of freedom; for of the real, human and personal freedom there is very little. If our towns had had more freedom, our people would never have fallen into such thraldom." Kossuth's reply to this was: "That cannot be helped; that is the way the world moves. It is the fate of one who stands lower in the community to be suppressed and bear the burden and taxes; on the other hand, the one who comes along better in civic life receives rights and stands in honor. At this time I am opposed to granting towns a vote in our Assembly." stur could not be silenced. Again he met Kossuth in the Hungarian Assembly and said: "Recently when I was 60 SLOVAKIA present here and mentioned the sorrowful plight of the wretched taxpayers, the worthy deputy of Pest County, Mr. Kossuth, saw the hand of fate in the oppression of the people and said that is the way of the world when the lower class is suppressed and the higher class arrogates more rights to itself. I see no hand of fate in the matter, because then the status of the oppressed could never be corrected. We demand freedom in the country and the assignment of urbanial jobs which are not in line with freedom. Does a person who works, who works for the benefit of others and receives contempt instead of reward, have a fatherland? Will such a person become as devoted to his country as he would be to his mother? The sacred cause of mankind challenges us to declare the principle of the liberation of people and honestly bring it into reality. When this redemption is accomplished, the judical power of the landowner and the country gentry must cease, because freedom would not be served if a people liberated from the robot would continue to remain under the staves of the Lords." 49 stur's main aspiration was freedom. If his only achievement had been his effort for the rights of the enslaved and subjugated at the Bratislava Assembly, he would have deserved to be honored among the most distinguished sons of the Slovak nation. But he did not only that but even more and because of this fact he is loved and revered by the Slovak nation. In him were concentrated the cultural and social endeavors of his predecessors, with the strength and courage needed for a living national organization. Without his concentration the pursuits of an independent national culture would have been impossible. His greatest merit lies in the fact that he assumed the historical task of uniting the multi-cultural strength of the Slavs into a national liberation front. A legendary atmosphere was built around the magnetic personality of stur by those who knew him. Around him there crystallized, as it were, a veritable aura of national life as is reported by William Pauliny Toth who said of him : ":Cudovit stur is favored epochally as a created vision in the history of. the Slovak- Nation." 50 SLOVAKIA 61 Shir in his time understood that the Slovak national process had matured and that Slovakia must appear on the scene of history as an independent political factor. It is in this foresight also that Shir's merit lies. He exemplifies the Slovak national spirit as a man possessed with deep convictions and great strength of will sufficient to execute them. His prime purpose, as we have already mentioned, was to see Slovakia united culturally, politically and socially. We must recall for our own benefit and on behalf of the free world that stur did not hesitate to accept and carry to completion the work of preceding Catholic generations; he was ready to press on in order to preserve the heritage of the Slovak nation, though he was not a Catholic, but a Lutheran and a member of the Protestant Evangelical Church. Contributions as an Energizing Stimulant to Slovak Life in General It can be said with assurance that in the history of the Slovak nation, no individual accomplished as much in so short a time as did :Cudovit stur, who was only forty-one years of age when he died. This was possible only because of the gifts of this phenomenal leader and because of the fact that the ground and the time were ripe for the ascension of a new generation. stur found that he could approve of much that already existed in Slovakia and he was ready to formulate what the nation needed and demanded in his day. One wonders how it was possible at this critical time for a man to dare to undertake structuring a spiritual foundation of modern life for the long slighted and forgotten Slovak people. Though we cannot understand the force that inspired him we can appreciate the phenomenon that in one generation, only one extraordinary person, one :Cudovit stur, appeared as a great leading luminary among approximately two million of his people. It goes without s~ying that the Slovak people are grateful to stur and to those who sacrificed much with him for the Slavic cause. Their work was aimed toward the realization of the spiritual plan of Slovak life envisioned by genius and inspiration. 62 SLOVAKIA The Slovak nation was not fortunate enough at this time to have a 1,1mg and cherished tradition or the advantage of experienced mature people on which to rely. Over long centuries of oppression under a foreign element, it was their fate to be wholly submissive and in this attitude to develop no leaders. Now they had to rely entirely on comparatively young men for new ideas and new leadership. The Slovak youth was entrusted with the new dawn and to project future goals, because the difficult life of the Slovaks in the past did not allow the elders to foster a strong national life. While many other European nations had their noble classes to fight their battles and to lead them to new eras, the Slovaks had no social upper strata on which to rely for inspiration. Their nobility and their middle class as well were lost by fusion with other elements predominantly Magyar milieu. Slovak national awakening consequently was achieved by the sons of humble people, usually the strong leaders from among the Catholic and Protestant clerical circles. The Slovak language as a literary medium which was chosen by l'..udovit stur and his collaborators was accepted by the Slovak population in 1843. Under his dynamic leadership the Slovaks literally re-emerged from obscurity and oblivion. They asserted themselves not only culturally but also politically by their participation in the uprising in 1848-49. During this revolutionary upheaval they sided with the Emperor in Vienna but were ill-rewarded for their services. Their repeated petitions for self-determination and for guarantees of unhindered cultural development were repeatedly denied them.5 1 In 1867, when the Austrians concluded a dual agreement with the Magyars, the Slovaks were left at the mercy of the Magyars. Under this arrangement, Slovak high schools and cultural organizations were suppressed. Education on an elementary level was permitted in the Magyar language only. Any who dared to resist magyarization were victimized and inprisoned. Thousands of Slovaks found it necessary to leave their native country and migrated to the United States of America. I.:udovit stur and his generation fired the Slovaks with new national life, a clear goal and a firm sense of direction SLOVAKIA 63 in the spirit of stt1r's slogan: "Backward we cannot go, Forward we must!" "Forward" means to free the people from the yoke of slavery and lead them along the road of independence and true national cultural growth within a truly free country. To achieve this tne Slovak nation needs a political program. The cataclysm of the Revolution of 1848 that struck Europe impelled the Slovaks to develop their political program without further hesitation or delay. The Slovaks reassessed their aims, and aspirations as well as prevailing circumstances. Since Slovakia was part of the Hungarian State, they wished primarily to have the boundaries of the Slovak lands clearly defined in order that they might have guaranteed equality with the Magyars living in Hungary. The Magyars opposed the justified petitions of the Slovak nation. They banned all Slovak assemblies and treated Slovak leaders as traitors deserving imprisonment. When the Slovaks perceived what obstacles their political program met with in Hungary, they resorted to arms against the Magyars who themselves were engaged in a rebellion against the Emperor. The Slovak rebellion in 1848-49 ended indecisively. The Russian army was asked to help subdue the revolting Magyars and absolute rule was imposed in the country. The Magyars were punished and the Slovaks were forgotten. 52 The Slovaks renewed their political activity in 1861. They detailed their principles in newspapers and later called an assembly at Turciansky Sv. Martin where they formulated a renewed Slovak policy within the comprehensive "Memorandum of the Slovak Nation." They asked that the Slovaks be permitted the right to develop their own life without restriction. They asked that they be recognized as a nation by a special proclamation, and that Slovakia constitute a distinctive administrative unit in Hungary. These petitions were submitted to Emperor Franz Josef (1849-1916). The only concession granted to the Slovaks was permission to establish a cultural institute called "Matica Slovenska" ("The Slovak Institute"). They were also allowed to use private funds to build three high schools for the education of Slovak youth. 64 SLOVAKIA The position of the Slovaks grew steadily worse in Hungary. Feeling the pressure of denationalization at every step, they did not stop pledging their allegiance to Hungary. All these attempts even at appeasement proved futile . The Hungarian Parliament passed legislation which suppressed Slovak life yet not even these adversities broke the Slovak nation, for the Slovaks believed "That truth has never yet suffered in vain, nor will our Slovak truth suffer needlessly," according to the prophetic dictum of Andrej Hlinka in 1907 spoken as he was being led to prison.53 $TOR IN CONTEMPORAR Y HISTORIC PERSPECTIVE Practicality of Stur's Ideals :r.udovit stur's role in the revival of Slovak national life was far reaching and vitally important. As a reformer of the Slovak literary medium he contributed to modern national Slovak ideology. He gave his people a new perspective and vision of political freedom and of a better future. His writings provided a powerful impetus to Slovak life in general. His manifold contributions to the Slovak national revival were not limited to Slovakia alone, but to the over-all Slavic world, since Slovakia and the Slovak people are a part of the Slavic world. Neither is his greatness only by the role he played at the first Slavic Congress in Prague, but also by his rich correspondence with all outstanding Slavic leaders, as well as his work "Slavdom and the World of the Future" which was translated and published twice by Russian intellectuals in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. stur's school of thought laid the foundation for the self-determinatio n of Slovakia more than a century ago. Even in the present the Slovaks are building upon this foundation. They will keep on pressing their point and cherishing their hope of success until they do attain complete freedom from all foreign domination. Just as stur had defied and condemned the hegemony of the Magyars and the materialistic philosophy of Marx and Engels, so do they hope in this day to overcome all obstacles to true freedom. SLOVAKIA 65 The followers of stur made the entire nation their concern. They applied themselves to improve the country's economy; they did their utmost to wipe out alcoholism, indifference, and illiteracy; they labored unceasingly to arouse national consciousness in more ways than one. The people at large responded and co-operated generously when r:,tur began to publish his "Slovenske Narodne Noviny" ("Slovak National News") which had great influence on the thinking of the common people. stur's articles recalled the heritage of the Slovak people, the glory of its language, morals, customs, and its homeland-which unites the nation as a whole and constrains it to press forward towards attaining the goal of unity. It was necessary to make the nation feel that someone was supporting it and was concerned about its welfare. The people had to be dealt with humanely. This applied to individuals as well as to groups. The Slovaks were threatened with complete annihilation, hence stur had to appeal to the mind, the feelings and the very character of the nation. Without first uniting this nation he could gain nothing. The sturists envisioned their task as not the conversion of renegades, but the instruction of the people to help themselves, to recognize and to fight for their God-given rights. Stu.r's newspaper served all classes of people to some degree-the intelligentsia, the laborer, the peasant, the minister of the Gospel, the merchant and the tradesman. The Slovaks did rouse themselves to national consciousness. Without effective journalism of the type provided by stur it would have been impossible to unite the Slovaks in so short a time. stur and his collaborators were realists. They encouraged and exhorted the people to better themselves by overcoming indolence and ignorance. They provided and encouraged private enterprise and more efficient ways of doing things in all fields of endeavor. The school problem was a factor of great concern to stur and his coterie. They indicated the necessity of cultivating the native language, the importance of enlightenment, the value of reading centers, libraries, sound agricultural programs, progress in industrial and financial enterprise, 66 SLOVAKIA revision in tax scales, improvement in animal husbandry and many other subjects. Temperance societies were promoted as were cultural and social institutions. Many stur followers taught Sunday school classes. This innovation of stur was probably the most interesting of all movements in Slovakia. stur and his followers were not dreamers; they were practical idealists who had the welfare and security of the Slovak people at heart.54 stur's school of thought built the foundation for the independence movement as well. With the help of his co-workers ::;tur's literary school to a great extent fulfilled the function of a political and military leadership, thereby elevating the Slovak people to the cultural level of the rest of Europe. For these achievements stur's progressive pedagogical heritage shall continue to live among us for a long time. His practical and wise suggestions, his courage, his vision, selflessness, his many precedents which could be used and developed in our day serve as an undying example for future generations of Slovaks, inspiring them to work for their country's freedom, independence and recognition. At the same time future generations are challenged to keep alive the flame of the torch which was passed to them by stur's unfaltering hope of a better world on the morrow. Despite stur's comparatively youthful age, his cultural and social activities were many-sided and diversified. Slovaks in the free world can gain much by a study of his works. Because stur and his co-workers were human, they naturally made some mistakes. However, their mistakes were those of the century in which they lived. It behooves us to judge them according to the fruit of their labor, the results of their work which brought a new perspective to the Slovak nation. stur can rightly be numbered among the outstanding European revolutionaries of his time. He was a great apostle of democracy and freedom for all people. The shining light among the Slovaks of the nineteenth century, the formulator of their political and social program, as well as the interpreter of their national desires was ~udovit stur-the Father of modern Slovak nationalism .55 SLOVAKIA 67 Application of stur's Theories in Subsequent Slovak History The evolution of Slovak national life and the role of ~udovit stur in its development are mutually inclusive. Once one delves into a study of stur's life work, he becomes permanently fascinated with it and cannot be shed the charm of this genial creator of modern national Slovak ideology. stur was endowed with extraordinary creativity and originality of concepts. Only a genius could create works of lasting value which survive long after his death. It is only natural that we return to stur and find support in him. He is an incentive to future generations to do even better things than he did. However, to date, he ranks as one of the most outstanding Slovaks of all time. Slovakia is grateful to many Slovak leaders who sacrificed everything for the nation. But most of these also worked for the realization of the spiritual plan of Slovak life which was spelled out and left to us by stur and his co-workers. They gave expression to the righteous desires of the Slovak nation and became the unsurpassed model in spiritual and civic activity:56 For more than a century, nothing new nor shaking has appeared than that which was expressed by stur for the Slovak nation. Hence it behooves us to return to him, because it is evident that every new and great plan of Slovak life must first pass the aqua regia test of stur's thinking. The aims of the Slovak nation which were conceived by stur are still the criteria of the life of the Slavic people. Whatever counters stur also runs counter to the vital interest of the Slovak nation. stur's words: "Let us not abandon ourselves, Slovak fellow citizens! " is just as timely today as they were in 1845. He was a man ahead of his time. His philosophical views, his democratic thinking, his principles and his social demands are timely, too. It is necessary for our generation to recognize the fact that the Slovaks over one hundred years ago fought to change the political structure of Central Europe, that they demanded a deserved independent status for their nation within the framework of a solid federation built on principles of justice and equity. 68 SLOVAKIA Great ideas may be temporarily suppressed and silenced, but in the end they will triumph. That accounts for the inability of the enemies within and without the Slovak nation to destroy the concept of individuality of the Slovak nation, its language, culture and its right to an independent life. Even today after a lapse of more than a hundred years, this idea is very much alive. Despite the fact that Pan-Slavism did not achieve any notable results during stur's time, it nevertheless had inherent value. For the first time it revealed the Slavic mind to the rest of Europe. This is important in the light of the present role which the Slavs play in Europe today. The Prague Congress too proved significant by reason of the fact it was the first expression of Slavic unity, of Slavic identity, distinct from the Hapsburg rule. It imbued the Slavs with greater courage and confidence and a guide for the future action. Slavdom and the World of Future is today a relatively unknown work, even in the Slavic world. Yet it had exerted great influence on Russian thinking in the 1870's and was a beacon light and incentive to furthering their program and goals. At the time of s tur's death in 1856, the whole Pan-Slavic movement was pretty much a failure. It failed because the very nationalism that it promoted led to its defeat. Pan-Slavism created dissent among the various Slav nations because it pressured national consciousness. The more the people became aware of their individuality, their historical traditions, and their language, the less they wanted to sacrifice them for a non-existent Slav federation . Another hindering factor was the centuries-old and traditional antagonism between the various Slavic nations, such as the Poles and the Russians, Czechs and Slovaks, Croatians and Serbs, prevented any success for a plan that would unite them. Hence Pan-Slavism was hindered from excercising any dominant or stable influence on European thought at that time. 57 For two decades after World War I Pan-Slavism seemed dead. The Western Slavs-the Poles, Czechs, Slovaks, Croatians, Slovenes and Serbs--established their own states in 1918. They looked more to the West than to Moscow for guidance and inspiration. After the German SLOVAKIA 69 aggression against Soviet Russia in the summer of 1941, Joseph Stalin revived Pan-Slavism for the duration of the war and appealed for the support of all Slavic peoples. The Soviet Union again discarded Pan-Slavism after World War II. It was under the aegis of Communism rather than Pan-Slavism that the U. S. S. R. established control over the Western and Southern Slavic peoples in the post war period. $tur's vision of a unified Slovak cultural, political and social life did not indicate that he was a mere visionary. After a century of struggle there exists a Slovak nation with its own literature and cultural institutions and it is a strongly literate one. There also exists a sound national consciousness and a wholesome social stratification, which is unbalanced only by the unfortunate present Communist regime. The new generation is imbued with a spirit of national and social justice among Central European peoples and constantly resists Communistic ideology, about which £udovit $tur wrote more than a century ago: "Communism not only commits outrageous injustice against all civil society ... it also ruins all personal initiative, endeavor and enthusiasm. It divides the family, it destroys the household and thus it opens wide the door to every type of immorality, dissolution, and indulgence. It degrades· man to bestial level ... "Communism has matured to the same degree as atheism and defection from Christianity . . . In all types of Communism whatever their classification may be, the outlook is only toward a dismal life. It brings in its wake despotism of the grossest kin. It ,shatters all bonds of social living. In place of holy ties, it offers profiteering, rioting and their like." Today when our mighty nation is fighting for freedom of all enslaved and oppressed nations, this freedom must not be overlooked for Slovakia. The Slovaks of today still have the inherent and God given rights to complete freedom as do all other nations. To fight for the freedom of all nations, including Slovakia, is the obligation of all lovers of truth and freedom. The Slovaks have existed and will continue to exist if they live and remember $tur's words: "Let us not abandon ourselves, Slovak fellow citizens!" 70 SLOVAKIA Today a foreign regime in Slovakia is persecuting and crushing all that stlir stood for, because it is above all else concerned with the extermination of the Slovak traditions which in his time Eudovit stur had recreated and reformed in such a manner that they remain in permanent basis of Slovak national development. The spirit of stur lives on! One can kill a man but never the idea he stands for . In history there are myriad examples of movements, faiths and ideologies triumphant "in spite of dungeon, fire and sword." The Slovak nation did not give up the right to live in an independent state even if this state was forcibly liquidated, its rules killed and its adherents persecuted. All this has made the struggle for independence even more imperative, because if the idea was worth dying for, it i~ worth fighting for. More than a century after his death :Cudovit stur is very much alive. His name is often on the lips of his followers and his opponents. Books are written about him, his policies, his philosophy, on both sides of the Iron Curtain by his friends and his enemies. With no perceptible results to show, the situation of the Slovak nation does not look very promising today. The nation is without its state, lives in slavery but also lives in hope. There is strong evidence to indicate a living and vibrant independence movement at home where the Slovaks after an interim of partial independence are convinced that there is no substitute for complete independence. The indeology of :Cudovit stur is the source of strength and belief that independent Slovakia with a government "of the people, by the people, for the people" will re-appear on the map of Europe:58 CONCLUSION The essential part of this study dealt with the assumption that :Cudovit stur and his achievements have long been recognized by the Slovaks, that he is a great national figure and is revered as the "Father of Modern Slovak Nationalism." But what of his place in the history of the Slavs at this time? Looking for stur's place in the Slavic world, after the passing of a century which tested many of his conceptions SLOVAKIA 71 and achievements, one cannot avoid some purely Slovak cultural and political issues. One cannot help but also agree with Hans Kohn's words that "the Slovak nation with its own literary language, was definitely established."59 stur's manifold activities made this possible. Since Pan-Slavism remained the primary concern of Slavic poets, newsmen, literary scholars, philologists, and historians, Slavic nationalism was far removed from the political plan and was situated in the literary field. These individuals expressed an optimistic belief in man's inevitable progress, in the spiritual rejuvenation which would result in the assurance of liberty, peace and happiness. These visionaries felt that perhaps the Slavs were heralds of a new era. They promised a unified betterment in a future Slavic world. According to his book "Slavdom and the World of the Future" r.udovit stur set out to accomplish four tasks. He wanted an assurance to determine whether the Slavs really had a specific role to fulfill in world history. The Slavic past would yield an affirmative answer, for this certainty was the basis for the entire Pan-Slavic movement. Without doubt, the Slavs were to be the leaders of a "New Europe." Since history is a progression of spent nations being replaced by young and energetic ones, Slavic Emancipation and self-determination would eventually be realized. stur's gift of prophecy and Kollar's poetic vision of one Slav nation, language, and culture as expressed in Kollar's "Daughter of Slavs" ("Slavy dcera"): "What will the Slavs be in a hundred years? What will the whole of Europe come to be? Slav life, just as a mighty flood appears, shall everywhere extend its boundary. The science shall Slav exponents see, our peoples' customs, dress and music on both the Seine and Danube modish be." His second task was to describe the Slavic mission in universal history against the background of the cultural difference between Western and Eastern Europe.60 stur could only visualize the destruction of the peasantry by a moral, political and social dissolution in the West and the culmination of a schism between religion and daily life. The West could do little to help, since it was gradually losing face because of its prodigality. 72 SLOVAKIA Western society and its institutions were not worth the effort of imitation since they were contributing to the downfall of the West. Hence the Slavs could depend only on themselves for existence. Thirdly, Shir presents a highly romantic picture of the Slavic peoples. They are endowed with extraordinary virtue. The West was held accountable for the vices of the Slavs who were presented as being by nature kind, patient, humble, and democratic. These characteristics were typical of all Slavs, but especially the Russians, who were the embodiment of all the best and noblest features of the entire Slav nation. Logically, he concluded, that since the Russians were to be the leaders of the Slavs, they had to be the cream of the Slavic element.61 His last task dealt with the problems of Slavic political unification. If the Slavs were to attain their goal, unity was an absolute necessity. There were three possibilities. The first was a Slavic confederation without Russia, which could never succeed because of internal disputes among multi-Slavic peoples. These nation were of about equal strength, hence the emergence of a leader from these nations was an impossibility. The second was the transformation of Austria into a Slavic Empire. Attempts of this nature had been made before and failed. Shir felt that Austro-Slavism should not be considered. The only alternative left was alliance with Russia. Since she was powerful enough to unite all the Slavic nations, she was the natural leader that was needed. stur was impressed by Russia's power and influence. If Slavic peoples united under Russia, their equal would be second to none in Europe. One wonders how it came that such a decisive document was left to us by stur. Yet under the circumstances with which he had to contend in the 1850's it is not surprising. His primary concern was Slavic Nationalism, and Slavic unity. His interest in Russia came only as a result of this, since he never had any prolonged contact with the Russians, neither had he ever been in Russia. 62 After more than a century's lapse of time Stu.r's big dream of a United Slavic peoples under Russia may yet SLOVAKIA 73 become a reality, in a strange and unfortunate nature, because of recent political developments in Central and Eastern Europe. Moscow has became a political powerhouse of the Slavic world and Russian leadership has technically materialized. Stu.rs drive and his vision of Slovak cultural, political and social betterment did not prove to be a myth either. There now exists a Slovak nation with its own literature, cultural institutions and almost universal literacy. Its people are nationally conscious and they can boast of sound social stratification, which was recently unbalanced only by the presence of an unwelcome Communist regime. They are proud of their fighting spirit for national and social justice, which was passed on them with the flame of Stu.r's burning torch. There is a constant resistance among them to Communist ideology and this attitude is another legacy of Stu.r's. Over a century ago he said: "Communism not only commits _o utrageous injustices against all civil society ... but it also ruins all personal initiative, endeavor and enthusiasm ... It degrades man to a bestial level ... " 63 Although Pan-Slavism did not achieve notable results during Stu.r's time, it had an inherent value in that it revealed for the first time to the rest of Europe the Slavic mind. This is important in the light of the present role which the Slavs play in Europe. The Prague Congress, too, was the first expression of Slavic unity and identity which was separate from the Hapsburg rule. It also gave the Slavs courage and confidence. Stu.r's book, mentioned earlier in this section, has had a strong influence on Russian thinking in the 1870's and was a forerunner of some later developments. stur and his followers executed their tasks beyond human expectation, for they came upon a scene of history when the situation of the Slovaks under the Magyars in Hungary seemed truly hopeless. The significance of Eudovit stur in the evolution and revival of Slovak national life is tremendous and far. reaching. His role as a reformer of the Slovak literary language greatly contributed to Slovak national ideology. It gave his people a new vision and perspective of political 74 SLOVAKIA freedom and of a better future. By his example and writings he provided a strong impetus to Slovak life in general. stur rightfully belongs with Jan Kollar and Pavol J. safarik to the Slovaks of the nineteenth century who are regarded as great figures of the Slavic world, since Slovakia and its people are part of the Slavic world. All three found willing echo in all the Slavic peoples. As Hans Kohn states: "They were imbued in the familiar mood of the period, a general belief in historical progress, in a bright future, in the advent of some great spiritual manifestation, of a new era for mankind, which would establish for ever the basis of liberty, peace, and happiness."64 (Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Science in History at Marywood College.) FOOTNOTES 1) Jan V. Ormis, Bibliografia Uudovita Stura ("Stur's Bibliography") (Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1958), p. 8. 2) Jaroslav Vlcek, Mala Ruko vat' literarno-historicka (A small Hanpbook of Literary History") (Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1932). p. 195. 3) Jan V. Ormis, Bibliografia Uu,dovita Stura ("Stur's Bibliography") (Turc Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1958), p. 199. 4) Ibid., p. 199. 5) Marian Ziar, "Stur" Father of Modern Slovak Nationalism." Slovakia, March, 1956, pp. 8-9. 6) Philip A. Hrobak, "Stur and the Slovak Independence Movement," Slovakia, September-December, 1956, p. 39. 7) Karol Golan, "Sturove reci na slovanskom sjazde roku 1848," ("Stur's Lectures at the Slavic Congress of 1848,") Slovak Views, AugustSeptember, 1936, p. 422. 8) Henrich Bartek, "Our Tradition and Louis Stur," Slovakia, June, 1956, p. 7. 9) Jan Ormis, Bibliografia Uudovita Stura ("Stur's Bibliography") (Turc. Sv. Martin : Matica Slovenska, 1958) , p. 199. 10) Jaroslav Vlcek, Dejiny literatury slovenskej (History of Slovak Literature") Turciansky Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1923), p. 184. 11) St. Osusky, Filozofia Sturovcov ("Sturist Philosophy") (Myjava: Typ. Daniel Pazicky, 1926), p. 10. 12) Uudovit Bakos, Uul:iovit 5tiir (Bratislava: Vydavatel'stvo Slovenskej Akademie Vied, 1957 ), p. 34. 13 ) . Ibid., p. 50. 14) Seton-Watson, R. H., A History of the Czechs and Slovaks. (London : Archon Books, 1943), p. 260. 15) John cajak, Second Slovak History ("Bejepis Slovakov") (Pennsylvania-Pittsburgh: National News, 1914), p. 97. SLOVAKIA 75 16) Marian .Ziar, "Stur: Father of Modern Slovak Nationalism," Slovakia, March, 1956, p. 6. 17) Henrich Bartek, " Our Tradition and Uudovit Stur," Slovakia, June 1956, p. 4. 18) Joseph Kirschbaum, UU/dovit Stur and His Place in the Slavic World (Cleveland: The Slovak Institute, 1958), p. 14. 19 ) R. H. Seton-Watson, A History of the Czechs and Slovaks (London: Arc hon Books, 1943), PP- 260-261. 20) John cajak, "Slovak History" ("Dejepis Slovakov") (Pittsburgh: National News, 1914), p. 97. 21 ) Joseph Kirschbaum, "Uudovit Stu!· and His Place in the Slavic World," Slovakia, March, 1958. 22) Francis Hrusovsky, "Point of No Return," This is Slovakia (Scranton: Obrana Press, 1954), p. 46. 23) Joseph Kirschbaum, "Uudovit Stur in His Place in the Slavic World." (Cleveland: Slovak Institute, 1958) , p. 20. 24) Ibid., pp. 20-21. 25) Ibid., p. 28. 26 ) Thomas Capek, The Slovaks of Hungary (New York: Knickerbocker Press, 1906) , pp. 22-23. 27) Joseph Skultety, Sto Dvadsat' Pat' Rokov zo Slovenskeho .Zivota. 1790-1914. ("One Hundred Twenty-five Years of Slovak History") Turc. Sv. Martin: Knih. -Ocast., 1920), p. 44. 28) Ibid., p. 46. 29 ) Ibidem., p. 46. 30) Joseph Kirschbaum. "Louis Stur Centenial" Slovakia, March, 1956. (Middletown ) p. 8. 31) Marian .Ziar, "Stur: Father of Modern Slovak Nationalism," Slovakia, March, 1956, pp. 8-9. 32) Joseph Kirschbaum , Uudovit Stur and His Place in the Slavic World," (Cleveland: The Slovak Institute, 1958), p. 23. 33) Michael B. P e trovich. The Emergence of Russian Pan-Slavism. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1956), pp. 18-19. 34) Suzanne Mikula, "Uudovit Stur a~d the Pan-Slavic Movement," Slovakia, 1966, pp. 106-107. 35) Henrich Bartek, "Our Tradition and Uudovit Stur," Slovakia, June, 1956, pp. 7-8. 36 ) Thomas Capek. The Slovaks of Hungacy (New York: Knickerbocker Press, 1906) , pp. 70-71. 37) Ibid., p. 71. 38) Seton-Watson. History of the Czechs and Slovaks (London : Archon Books, 1943) , p. 162. 39) Suzanne Mikula. "Uudovit Stur and the Pan-Slavic Movement," Slovakia, 1966, pp. 109-110. 40 ) Ibid., p. 110. 41) Ibid., p. 110. 42) Joseph Kirschbaum. Uu)dovit Mur and His Place in the Slavic World (Cleveland: Slovak Institute, 1958), pp. 8-9. 43 ) Suzanne Mikula, "Uudovit Stur and the Pan..Slavic Movement," Slovakia, 1966, pp. 110-111. 76 SLOVAKIA 44) Michael Petrovich, "l!udovit Stur and Russian Pan-Slavism," Journal of Central European Pan-Slavism, 1952, p. 6. 45) Hans Kohn, "Pan-Slavism," Encyclopedia International, XIX, 44-45. 46) Ibid., pp. 44-45. 47) ACEN statement, September 20, 1954. 48) Jan V. Ormis, Bibliografia I!udovita Stura ("Bibliography of I!udovit Stur") (Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1958), pp. 198-199. 49) Philip Hrobak, "Stur and the Slovak I'*-1ependence Movement," Slovakia (Sept., Dec., 1956), p. 38. 50) Jan Ormis. Bibliografia L'udovita Stura ("Stur's Bibliography") (Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1958), p. 199. 51) Francis Vnuk, Dr. Jozef Tiso. (Sydney: Orbis Printing Co. pty. Ltd., 1967), pp. 5-6. 52) Francis Hrusovsky, "This Is Slovakia," Slovakia, 1969, pp. 91-92. 53 ) Karol Sidor, Andrej Hlinka (Bratislava: 1934), p. 198. 54) Joseph Pauco, "Stur's Group in -the Service of the People," Slovakia, March, 1956, pp. 12-15. 55 ) Marian .Ziar, "Stur: Father of Modern Slovak Nationalism," Slovakia , March, 1956, pp. 10-11. 56) Henrich Bartek, Our Tradition and Louis Stur," Slovakia, June, 1956, pp. 3-4. 57) Suzanne Mikula, "l!udovit Stur and the Pan-Slavic Movement," Slovakia, 1966, p. 113. 58 ) Frantisek Vnuk, Dr. Jozef Tiso, (Sidney: Orbis Printing and Publishing Co., Pty Ltd., 1967), p. 43. 59) Hans Kohn, "Pan-Slavism, Its History a'*-1 Ideology," (University of Notre Dame Press, 1953), p. 21. 60 ) Suzanne Mikula, "I!uldovit Stur and the Pan-Slavic Movement,·• Slovakia, p. 111, 1966. 61) Ibid., p. 112. 62) Ibid., p. 112. 63) Joseph Kirschbaum , I!udovit Stur and His Place in the Slavic Wor~:i (Cleveland: Slovak Institute, 1958), p. 26. 64) Hans Kohn, "Pan-Slavism, Its History and Ideology," (Indiana : University of Notre Dame Press), p. 22. BIBLIOGRAPHY Books Stur, L'udovit. Listy L'udovita Stura. (Letters of I!udovit Stur.") ed. Dr. Jozef Ambrus. Bratislava: Slovenska Akademia Vied, (Slovak Academy of Sciences), 1956, pp. 64-375. Stur, I!udovit, 1864 Nauka Reci Slovenskej. ("Slovak Language Lessons from r;ui:lovit Stur.") Bratislava, 1946, pp. 1-10. Bakos, I;udovit. Cudovit Stur. ("Louis Stur.") Bratislava: Slovenska Akademia Vied, 1957, pp. 34-161. Bartek, Henrich, C. Stur a Slovencina. ("I;udovit Stur and the Slovak Language. ") Turc. Sv. Martin: Kompas, 1943, pp. 6-18. Botto, Julius. Michal M. Rodia. Turciansky Sv. Mart.in: -Ocastinarsky Spolok, 1911, pp. 11-41. l'.:ajak, Janko. Dejepis Slovakov. ("History of the Slovaks.") Pittsburgh: Tlac Narodnych Novin, 1914, pp. 97-110. SLOVAKIA 77 tapek, Thomas. The Slovaks of Hungary. New York: Knickerbocker Press, 1906, .pp. 18-52. Chrobak, Dobroslav. Rukoviit'. ("Handbook.") Prague: L. Mazac, 1932, pp. 25-37. Czambel, Samo. Slovaci a Ich Rec. ("The Slovaks and Their Language.") Budapest: C. A. Kr. Dvornej Knihtlac Victoria Horney Anskeho, 1903, pp. 25-42. Golan, Karol. Revolucne Pokolenie 1848-1849. ("The Revolutionary Generation 1848-1849.") Myjava: Daniel Pazisko, 1926, pp. 91-94. Hqdal, Juraj. Jan Holly. Trnava: Spolok sv. Vojtecha, 1923, pp. 91-94. Hrobak, .Philip. Czechoslovakia. Middletown: Jednota Press, 1958, .p. 17. Hrusovsky, Francis. This Is Slovakia. Scranton: Obrana Press, 1954, pp. 42-47. Hurban, Jozef M. r.udovit Stur. Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1928, pp. 7-216. Kacka, Jozef. Dejiny Slovenskej Literatury. ("History of Slovak Literature.") Ruzomberok: Lev, 1928, pp. 36-39. Kalal, Karol. Dejiny Slovenska ("History of Slov,alda.") Turc. Svaty Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1916, .pp. 89-105. Kirschbaum, Joseph. Nas Boj o Samostatnost' Slovenska. ("Our Struggle for Slovak Independence.") Cleveland: Slovak Institute, 1968, pp. 292-324. Kohn, Hans. Hapsburg Empire 1804-1918. An Anvil Original. Princeton: K. Vian Nostrand Company, 1961, pp. 65-95. Medvecky, Karol A. Slovensky Prevrat. ("The Slovak Revolution.") I-IV: 4 vols. Trnava: Spolok sv. Vojtecha, 1930-1931. Mraz, Andrej. Jozef Skultety. Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1933, p. 7. Novak, Uuldovit. Jazykovedne Glosy k Ceskoslovenskej Otazke. ("Linguistic Sounds of the Czecho-Slovak Question.") Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1935, p. 233. Oddo, Gilbert. Slovakia and Its People. New York: Robert Spelle,r and Sons, 1960, pp. 108-204. Ormis, Jan. Bibliografia E,udovita Stura. ("L'udovit Stur and His Bibliography.") Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1958, pp. 3-201. Pauco, Jozef. r.udovychova u Sturovcov. ("Popular Education among the Sturists.") Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1943, pp. 5-11. Pauliny, Heinrich. Dejiny Spisovnej Slovenciny. ("History of Literary Slovak.") Bratislava: Slovenska Akademia, 1948, p. 393. Petrovich, Michael B. The Emergence of Russia Pan-Slavism 1856-1870. New York: Columbia University Press, 1956, p. 18. Porubsky, Jan. K Ste-mu Vyrociu Literarnej Slovenciny 1856-1944. ("The One Hundredth Year of Literary Slovak." ) Scranton: Obrana Press, 1944, pp. 154-166. Ruppelt, Fedor. Koncentracne Snahy Slovenske. ("Concentrated Slovak Endeavors.") Turc. Sv. Martin: Knihtlaciarsky a Ucastinarsky Spolok, 1928, pp. 64-71. Skultety, Jozef. Sketches from Slovak History. Middletown: Jednota Press, 1930, pp. 183-186. Sto Dvadsat' Pat' Rokov zo Slovenskeho tivota 1790-1914. ("One 78 SLOVAKIA Hundred Twenty-five Years of Slovak History." ) Turc. Sv. Martin: Knihtlaciarsky -Ocast. Spolok, 1920, pp. 31-65. Vlcek, Jaroslav. Dejiny Literatury Slovenskej. ("History of Slovak Literature." ) Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1932, pp. 194-204. Mala Rukoviit' Literarno-Historicka. ("A Small Handbook of Literary History.") Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1932, pp. 194-204. Wagner, J;udovit. Slovensky Plutarch. (" Slovak Plutarch.") Nove Mesto naid Vahom: Jan Trnovsky, 1920, pp. 27-30. Address-Published Kirschbaum , Joseph M. 13udovit Stur and His Place in the Slavic World. An Address to the Annual Meeting of the Canadian Association of Slavists on June 9, 1957, at the University of Ottawa, Canada. Periodicals Bartek, Henrich. " Our Tradition and J;udovit Stur." Slovakia, June, 1956, pp. 3-10. Bue, Bonaventure. " Conflicts of Slovak Nationalism. " Slovakia, June , 1958, pp. 1-17. Hrobak, Philip. "Stur and the Slovak Independence Movement." Slova• kia, September-December, 1956, pp. 34-39. Kir schbaum, Joseph. "Independence and the Slovak Past." Slovakia, March, 1957, pp. 44-53 . "Louis Stur Centennial." Slovakia, March, 1956, pp. 3-6. 'Misconceptions of American Slavists." Slovakia, March-June, 1962, pp. 25-43 . "The Slovak Language and Its Place Among the Slavic Languages." ' Slovakia, 1966, pp. 1-17. Mikula, Suzanne. "!;udovit Stur and the Pan-Slavic Movement." Slovakia, 1966, pp. 104-115. Pauco, Joseph. "Stu.r's Group in the Service of the People." Slovakia, March, 1956, pp. 11-15. Rekem, John. "The Origin and Development of the Slovak Language ." Slovakia, March-April, 1962, pp. 1-13. 2iar, Marian. "Stur: Father of Mqdern Slovak Nationalism." Slovakia, March, 1956, pp. 6-11. Banik, Anthony A. "Posledni Zastancovia Spi:sovnej Cestiny." (The Last Supporters of the Literary Czech Language.") Sbornik LiterarnoV edeckeho Odboru SSV., 1935, pp. 18-35. Horak, Juraj . "Sturova Kniha o Narqdnych Piesnach a Povestiach Plemien Slovanskych." ('Stu.r's Book on Naitional Hymns and Slavic Popular Tales.") Sbornik Matice Slovenskej, January-February, 1923, pp. 97-128. Vlcek, Jaroslav. "Povodina Sturovho Spisu o Narodnych Povestiach Slovanskych." ("Stu.r's Original Writings on Slavic National Tales.") Sbornik Matice Slovenskej, pp. 58-63. Unpublished Material McCoy, Sheila Marie, Sister. 'The School of Stur," (Unpublished Thesis) Cabrini College, 1965.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Political Views of Ľudovít Štúr Description An account of the resource Sister M. Delphina Opet, SS.C.M. Slovakia, Vol. 21 (No. 44), 1971 pp. 20-78 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Opet, Sister M. Delphina, SS.C.M. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1971 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/92ce057f19db82f9536d068c99a5b8da.pdf a434c2df13029e448a36faca66bab2c2 PDF Text Text 66 SLOVA.KIA THE SWVAKS AND THE BENE.š CZECHS JOSEPH ORAVSKÝ On November 14, 1945, Dr. Peter Zenkl, had qulte a speech in the Prague National Assembly. A stenographic record notes that he was accorded a thunderous applause when he said: "Never without the Soviet Union, never against the Soviet Union, alwaya aolidly with lt, side by aide." On December 18, 1943, after the signing ot the agreement ot "eternal friendship and post-was cooperation" between Prague and Moscow, Dr. Hubert Ripka proclaimed: " Having negotiated an allied agreement wlth the Soviet Union, we have accompllahed a good deed which we can rightfully be proud of. Thia treaty undoubtedly is one of the foundation stones of the aecurity, the prosperity and the atrength of the Republic." And later, this same Dr. Hubert Ripka, as Minister of Foreign Trade, in an interview with the editor of the NEW YORK HERALD TRIBUNE in October 1947, openly admitted that the strengtbening of economic contacts between the USSR and the Czechoslovak Republic "is not dictated by the communista," and added: "That la my policy." The well-known politlcian of Hradčany Castle, Ferdinand Peroutka, in bis Czech •book " Tak nebo tak," published in 1945 by F. Borovt in Prague, appraised the significance of the Bolshevik Revolutlon scientlfically and statesmen-like in this manner: "In 1917 there began a new epoch of mankind. We observe at every step that the Russian Revolutlon ia more than a single State, that it is a world outlook for which men are fighting in all places of the earth" (page 37). And a year later, writing in "DNEŠEK," June 11, 1946, the same Peroutka expressed bis feellng in this manner: " The Eaat, there la our liberator, our ally and our protection in the future . . . lf in England there still can be found factora, who show a bigoted hatred for the Soviet Union, then these cannot even be considered as our frienda." These enthusiastic expressions about the Soviet Union, which we have recalled, belong to men who determined and directed the foreign policy of Prague for a long number ot years, band in hand with thelr politlcal master, Dr. Edward Beneš. Their political master, whom they served so faithfully, became a vlctim of his own policy. But they remalned alive. Every judlcious person would suppose and rlgthfully expect that these glorifiers of the Soviet Union would spend the rest of the years, whlch stm separate them from the grave, in humllity and penance. If they flamed with love for everything that the Russian Revolutlon brought, then it would be wise of them not to walk in broad daylight in the free and democratic world with thelr love for the Soviet Union. And it would have .been proper and more like them tt, after living the honeymoon weeks in the embrace of communism, they dld not try to offer themselves as modest virglns for the crusade agalnst their old communistic love. To err ls human. And in politics people err frequently. But in the case ot these persona! and political friends of Beneš, we were and are not concerned with an error ot limited, temporary importance and extent. We were and are not concerned wlth the persona! error of an indlvldual, political factor, but wlth the fundamental error of world �SLOVAKIA 67 outlook of the whole political caste which, being led by Edward Beneii, determined and gave llfe to a whole polltlcal system. And thls system was not invented during the war and post•war years just for the sake of politlcal tactlcs. Long before World War II, this system was systematlc• ally fostered and practiced by Edward Beneš and bis lettlst companlons, and in 1946 it was introduced into the political and state structure only in all its conclusions. The planners and representatlves of this system regarded the incursion of the Soviet Union into Central Europe as their own victory. They could have no reservations for the Soviet Union in 1946, because they had none prior to that Ume. That is why t hey rejolced so spon• taneously with Edward Beneš over the advent of the Soviet system into Eurone; that is why they had no trouble in collaborating wlth the communists; and that is why they adapted themselves with such miraculous speed to everything Soviet. When we quoted the above statements of Zenkl, Peroutka and Ripka, we were not thinking about their persona!, human existence, but about the system which they embraced and promoted so vigorously. Whatever they did, they did not do in their names only, tbut also in the name of the system which reached deeply into practical llfe and whlch, after the victory of communism in Centra! Europe, was identlfled with lt in all fundamental questlons. We Siovaks could never see eye to eye with the policies of Edward Beneš and bis people and we rejected their system as a matter ot principle, because our views of the Soviet Union and communism clashed with theirs. It is a matter of historical record that the Slovaks are fightlng communism and communists for over a 100 years. An abyss separated and stm separates us as far as vlewpointa on t ha Soviet Union and communism are concerned. And we admit that we d!d not expect to see these Czech political heroes of Edward Beneš's system in the pol!tlcal arena again. When they d!d get into !t, we dld not reckon that they would meddle in the questlons that vitally effect the present and future of the Slovak nation. From our hearts we w!sh that the Lord God give the Czech nation good and honorable fighters aga!nst communlsm, that He endow it with discerning political leaders, who will lead it along the right path. But if the Czech natlon ls satisfied wlth the people, who so lm• pressively taught them to love the Soviet Union, well there is noth!ng we can do about it, because we do not want to meddle in fundamental questlons that concern the present and future of the Czech nation. That is, after au, the law ot democracy. But frankly and in the interest of truth, we must again recall to the rlghtlsts and to the leftists that we do not wish the noble, herolc and uncompromissing struggte of t he Slovak natlon against communlsm to be connected wlth them at any tlme or any place. We Slovaks cannot and do not want to degrade our anti·communist stand to the level of these people, no matter what the prtce. The Slovak natlon is s uffer!ng the consequences ot the brutal commun!st reality which the political system, represented by these people, has hung on the'lr necks. • They are the express!on of a certain morality which does not suff!ce for the mora! needs of the present ser!ous period and so much less suita the spiritual and character dlsposition of the Slovak natlon. The!r persona! acqualntances and fr!endsh!ps could open for them �68 SLOVAKIA the doors of politlcal asylum. Out of the magnanlmity of these acquaint• ances and frlendshlps they could be assured mlnisterlal penslons for Jlfe. That ls a questlon of philanthropy and of private r elatlons. But a responsible and serlous comprehension of the anti-communist stand, organlzatlons ot antl-communist propaganda and the psychological pre• paratlon of antl-communlst resistance, exclude any purpose to use them as an exclusive and of!lcial argument against communism. It wou!d be tragic, indeed, if in the historic evaluation of forces between Christianity and democracy, on the one hand, and communism on the other, there would not be avallable other moral and polltlcaUy more valuable personallties. The Slovak natlon wants to wage lts antl-communist fight to Unal victory. And it is convinced that the whole free and demociratic world also wants to finish this fight. 'I'he Slovak nation, therefore, rightfully expects that its uncompromlsing fight against communistlc and every other kind of slavery deserves recognltlon and polltical and moral appreciatlon. The Slovak nation, therefore, is not dependent on the anti-communlst substltute, composed of persona! and politlcal values wblch irretrievably belong to the past and to political asylum. We can get to the soul of every nation only by means of uprlghtness and a genulne recognition of moral and polltical responsibillty. • • • WHAT THEY SAID ABOUT TISO "Dr. Tiso died a hero. The Nuremberg criminals died as crimin• als, regretting thelr crimes. Dr. Tiso had nothing to regret. Even iu the packed court, organized agalnst htm by communlst hatred, witness followed witness testlfying in Tiso's interest. A crlmlnal "as never loved. Dr. Tiso was loved by his people as no other man was ever loved in Slovakia. He was not a criminal. Even the sadistic 'Natlonaľ Court recommended mercy for Tiso. So did the Slovak 'National' Council. Tiso's Ufe depended only on one man ; h!s life was in the hands of Dr. Beneš . . . the 'humanisť and that 'great democrať . . . who 1s reportedly a can.dldate for the Nobel Peace Prize. Beneš can now rest satlsfied; he wanted blood and he got it. When Dr. Beneš refused Tiso's plea for mercy he became Tiso's judge and murderer. The blood of Tiso remains on bis hands." Ján Petrovič, Bratislava, Slovakia, April 1947. • • • • • • "The executlon of Monslgnor Tiso shall go down in hlstory as a great crime against the entire Slovak nation. His traglc death was a pol1tical murder for which the present communist-domlnated re· gime In Czechoslovakia is wholly responsible. But the memory of t he Slovak Republiťs war-time president is forever enshrined in the hearts of bis countrymen for he was truly the Father of b is Country." - Teachers of Slovak and Slovak History at Benedlctlne H!gh School, Cleveland, Ohio. • "Czech and Slovak Commun!sts demanded Dr. Tlso's head, and Dr. Edward Beneš obliged. It was plainly premed!tated murder." Pb,ilip James Anthony. " J edonta" Feature Wrlter. � 66 SLOVA.KIA THE SWVAKS AND THE BENE.š CZECHS JOSEPH ORAVSKÝ On November 14, 1945, Dr. Peter Zenkl, had qulte a speech in the Prague National Assembly. A stenographic record notes that he was accorded a thunderous applause when he said: "Never without the Soviet Union, never against the Soviet Union, alwaya aolidly with lt, side by aide." On December 18, 1943, after the signing ot the agreement ot "eternal friendship and post-was cooperation" between Prague and Moscow, Dr. Hubert Ripka proclaimed: " Having negotiated an allied agreement wlth the Soviet Union, we have accompllahed a good deed which we can rightfully be proud of. Thia treaty undoubtedly is one of the foundation stones of the aecurity, the prosperity and the atrength of the Republic." And later, this same Dr. Hubert Ripka, as Minister of Foreign Trade, in an interview with the editor of the NEW YORK HERALD TRIBUNE in October 1947, openly admitted that the strengtbening of economic contacts between the USSR and the Czechoslovak Republic "is not dictated by the communista," and added: "That la my policy." The well-known politlcian of Hradčany Castle, Ferdinand Peroutka, in bis Czech •book " Tak nebo tak," published in 1945 by F. Borovt in Prague, appraised the significance of the Bolshevik Revolutlon scientlfically and statesmen-like in this manner: "In 1917 there began a new epoch of mankind. We observe at every step that the Russian Revolutlon ia more than a single State, that it is a world outlook for which men are fighting in all places of the earth" (page 37). And a year later, writing in "DNEŠEK," June 11, 1946, the same Peroutka expressed bis feellng in this manner: " The Eaat, there la our liberator, our ally and our protection in the future . . . lf in England there still can be found factora, who show a bigoted hatred for the Soviet Union, then these cannot even be considered as our frienda." These enthusiastic expressions about the Soviet Union, which we have recalled, belong to men who determined and directed the foreign policy of Prague for a long number ot years, band in hand with thelr politlcal master, Dr. Edward Beneš. Their political master, whom they served so faithfully, became a vlctim of his own policy. But they remalned alive. Every judlcious person would suppose and rlgthfully expect that these glorifiers of the Soviet Union would spend the rest of the years, whlch stm separate them from the grave, in humllity and penance. If they flamed with love for everything that the Russian Revolutlon brought, then it would be wise of them not to walk in broad daylight in the free and democratic world with thelr love for the Soviet Union. And it would have .been proper and more like them tt, after living the honeymoon weeks in the embrace of communism, they dld not try to offer themselves as modest virglns for the crusade agalnst their old communistic love. To err ls human. And in politics people err frequently. But in the case ot these persona! and political friends of Beneš, we were and are not concerned with an error ot limited, temporary importance and extent. We were and are not concerned wlth the persona! error of an indlvldual, political factor, but wlth the fundamental error of world �SLOVAKIA 67 outlook of the whole political caste which, being led by Edward Beneii, determined and gave llfe to a whole polltlcal system. And thls system was not invented during the war and post•war years just for the sake of politlcal tactlcs. Long before World War II, this system was systematlc• ally fostered and practiced by Edward Beneš and bis lettlst companlons, and in 1946 it was introduced into the political and state structure only in all its conclusions. The planners and representatlves of this system regarded the incursion of the Soviet Union into Central Europe as their own victory. They could have no reservations for the Soviet Union in 1946, because they had none prior to that Ume. That is why t hey rejolced so spon• taneously with Edward Beneš over the advent of the Soviet system into Eurone; that is why they had no trouble in collaborating wlth the communists; and that is why they adapted themselves with such miraculous speed to everything Soviet. When we quoted the above statements of Zenkl, Peroutka and Ripka, we were not thinking about their persona!, human existence, but about the system which they embraced and promoted so vigorously. Whatever they did, they did not do in their names only, tbut also in the name of the system which reached deeply into practical llfe and whlch, after the victory of communism in Centra! Europe, was identlfled with lt in all fundamental questlons. We Siovaks could never see eye to eye with the policies of Edward Beneš and bis people and we rejected their system as a matter ot principle, because our views of the Soviet Union and communism clashed with theirs. It is a matter of historical record that the Slovaks are fightlng communism and communists for over a 100 years. An abyss separated and stm separates us as far as vlewpointa on t ha Soviet Union and communism are concerned. And we admit that we d!d not expect to see these Czech political heroes of Edward Beneš's system in the pol!tlcal arena again. When they d!d get into !t, we dld not reckon that they would meddle in the questlons that vitally effect the present and future of the Slovak nation. From our hearts we w!sh that the Lord God give the Czech nation good and honorable fighters aga!nst communlsm, that He endow it with discerning political leaders, who will lead it along the right path. But if the Czech natlon ls satisfied wlth the people, who so lm• pressively taught them to love the Soviet Union, well there is noth!ng we can do about it, because we do not want to meddle in fundamental questlons that concern the present and future of the Czech nation. That is, after au, the law ot democracy. But frankly and in the interest of truth, we must again recall to the rlghtlsts and to the leftists that we do not wish the noble, herolc and uncompromissing struggte of t he Slovak natlon against communlsm to be connected wlth them at any tlme or any place. We Slovaks cannot and do not want to degrade our anti·communist stand to the level of these people, no matter what the prtce. The Slovak natlon is s uffer!ng the consequences ot the brutal commun!st reality which the political system, represented by these people, has hung on the'lr necks. • They are the express!on of a certain morality which does not suff!ce for the mora! needs of the present ser!ous period and so much less suita the spiritual and character dlsposition of the Slovak natlon. The!r persona! acqualntances and fr!endsh!ps could open for them �68 SLOVAKIA the doors of politlcal asylum. Out of the magnanlmity of these acquaint• ances and frlendshlps they could be assured mlnisterlal penslons for Jlfe. That ls a questlon of philanthropy and of private r elatlons. But a responsible and serlous comprehension of the anti-communist stand, organlzatlons ot antl-communist propaganda and the psychological pre• paratlon of antl-communlst resistance, exclude any purpose to use them as an exclusive and of!lcial argument against communism. It wou!d be tragic, indeed, if in the historic evaluation of forces between Christianity and democracy, on the one hand, and communism on the other, there would not be avallable other moral and polltlcaUy more valuable personallties. The Slovak natlon wants to wage lts antl-communist fight to Unal victory. And it is convinced that the whole free and demociratic world also wants to finish this fight. 'I'he Slovak nation, therefore, rightfully expects that its uncompromlsing fight against communistlc and every other kind of slavery deserves recognltlon and polltical and moral appreciatlon. The Slovak nation, therefore, is not dependent on the anti-communlst substltute, composed of persona! and politlcal values wblch irretrievably belong to the past and to political asylum. We can get to the soul of every nation only by means of uprlghtness and a genulne recognition of moral and polltical responsibillty. • • • WHAT THEY SAID ABOUT TISO "Dr. Tiso died a hero. The Nuremberg criminals died as crimin• als, regretting thelr crimes. Dr. Tiso had nothing to regret. Even iu the packed court, organized agalnst htm by communlst hatred, witness followed witness testlfying in Tiso's interest. A crlmlnal "as never loved. Dr. Tiso was loved by his people as no other man was ever loved in Slovakia. He was not a criminal. Even the sadistic 'Natlonaľ Court recommended mercy for Tiso. So did the Slovak 'National' Council. Tiso's Ufe depended only on one man ; h!s life was in the hands of Dr. Beneš . . . the 'humanisť and that 'great democrať . . . who 1s reportedly a can.dldate for the Nobel Peace Prize. Beneš can now rest satlsfied; he wanted blood and he got it. When Dr. Beneš refused Tiso's plea for mercy he became Tiso's judge and murderer. The blood of Tiso remains on bis hands." Ján Petrovič, Bratislava, Slovakia, April 1947. • • • • • • "The executlon of Monslgnor Tiso shall go down in hlstory as a great crime against the entire Slovak nation. His traglc death was a pol1tical murder for which the present communist-domlnated re· gime In Czechoslovakia is wholly responsible. But the memory of t he Slovak Republiťs war-time president is forever enshrined in the hearts of bis countrymen for he was truly the Father of b is Country." - Teachers of Slovak and Slovak History at Benedlctlne H!gh School, Cleveland, Ohio. • "Czech and Slovak Commun!sts demanded Dr. Tlso's head, and Dr. Edward Beneš obliged. It was plainly premed!tated murder." Pb,ilip James Anthony. " J edonta" Feature Wrlter. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1952, Vol. 2 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1952 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 3), March 1952.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 4), August 1952.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 5), December 1952.</li> </ul> Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 66 SLOVA.KIA THE SWVAKS AND THE BENE.š CZECHS JOSEPH ORAVSKÝ On November 14, 1945, Dr. Peter Zenkl, had qulte a speech in the Prague National Assembly. A stenographic record notes that he was accorded a thunderous applause when he said: "Never without the Soviet Union, never against the Soviet Union, alwaya aolidly with lt, side by aide." On December 18, 1943, after the signing ot the agreement ot "eternal friendship and post-was cooperation" between Prague and Moscow, Dr. Hubert Ripka proclaimed: " Having negotiated an allied agreement wlth the Soviet Union, we have accompllahed a good deed which we can rightfully be proud of. Thia treaty undoubtedly is one of the foundation stones of the aecurity, the prosperity and the atrength of the Republic." And later, this same Dr. Hubert Ripka, as Minister of Foreign Trade, in an interview with the editor of the NEW YORK HERALD TRIBUNE in October 1947, openly admitted that the strengtbening of economic contacts between the USSR and the Czechoslovak Republic "is not dictated by the communista," and added: "That la my policy." The well-known politlcian of Hradčany Castle, Ferdinand Peroutka, in bis Czech •book " Tak nebo tak," published in 1945 by F. Borovt in Prague, appraised the significance of the Bolshevik Revolutlon scientlfically and statesmen-like in this manner: "In 1917 there began a new epoch of mankind. We observe at every step that the Russian Revolutlon ia more than a single State, that it is a world outlook for which men are fighting in all places of the earth" (page 37). And a year later, writing in "DNEŠEK," June 11, 1946, the same Peroutka expressed bis feellng in this manner: " The Eaat, there la our liberator, our ally and our protection in the future . . . lf in England there still can be found factora, who show a bigoted hatred for the Soviet Union, then these cannot even be considered as our frienda." These enthusiastic expressions about the Soviet Union, which we have recalled, belong to men who determined and directed the foreign policy of Prague for a long number ot years, band in hand with thelr politlcal master, Dr. Edward Beneš. Their political master, whom they served so faithfully, became a vlctim of his own policy. But they remalned alive. Every judlcious person would suppose and rlgthfully expect that these glorifiers of the Soviet Union would spend the rest of the years, whlch stm separate them from the grave, in humllity and penance. If they flamed with love for everything that the Russian Revolutlon brought, then it would be wise of them not to walk in broad daylight in the free and democratic world with thelr love for the Soviet Union. And it would have .been proper and more like them tt, after living the honeymoon weeks in the embrace of communism, they dld not try to offer themselves as modest virglns for the crusade agalnst their old communistic love. To err ls human. And in politics people err frequently. But in the case ot these persona! and political friends of Beneš, we were and are not concerned with an error ot limited, temporary importance and extent. We were and are not concerned wlth the persona! error of an indlvldual, political factor, but wlth the fundamental error of world SLOVAKIA 67 outlook of the whole political caste which, being led by Edward Beneii, determined and gave llfe to a whole polltlcal system. And thls system was not invented during the war and post•war years just for the sake of politlcal tactlcs. Long before World War II, this system was systematlc• ally fostered and practiced by Edward Beneš and bis lettlst companlons, and in 1946 it was introduced into the political and state structure only in all its conclusions. The planners and representatlves of this system regarded the incursion of the Soviet Union into Central Europe as their own victory. They could have no reservations for the Soviet Union in 1946, because they had none prior to that Ume. That is why t hey rejolced so spon• taneously with Edward Beneš over the advent of the Soviet system into Eurone; that is why they had no trouble in collaborating wlth the communists; and that is why they adapted themselves with such miraculous speed to everything Soviet. When we quoted the above statements of Zenkl, Peroutka and Ripka, we were not thinking about their persona!, human existence, but about the system which they embraced and promoted so vigorously. Whatever they did, they did not do in their names only, tbut also in the name of the system which reached deeply into practical llfe and whlch, after the victory of communism in Centra! Europe, was identlfled with lt in all fundamental questlons. We Siovaks could never see eye to eye with the policies of Edward Beneš and bis people and we rejected their system as a matter ot principle, because our views of the Soviet Union and communism clashed with theirs. It is a matter of historical record that the Slovaks are fightlng communism and communists for over a 100 years. An abyss separated and stm separates us as far as vlewpointa on t ha Soviet Union and communism are concerned. And we admit that we d!d not expect to see these Czech political heroes of Edward Beneš's system in the pol!tlcal arena again. When they d!d get into !t, we dld not reckon that they would meddle in the questlons that vitally effect the present and future of the Slovak nation. From our hearts we w!sh that the Lord God give the Czech nation good and honorable fighters aga!nst communlsm, that He endow it with discerning political leaders, who will lead it along the right path. But if the Czech natlon ls satisfied wlth the people, who so lm• pressively taught them to love the Soviet Union, well there is noth!ng we can do about it, because we do not want to meddle in fundamental questlons that concern the present and future of the Czech nation. That is, after au, the law ot democracy. But frankly and in the interest of truth, we must again recall to the rlghtlsts and to the leftists that we do not wish the noble, herolc and uncompromissing struggte of t he Slovak natlon against communlsm to be connected wlth them at any tlme or any place. We Slovaks cannot and do not want to degrade our anti·communist stand to the level of these people, no matter what the prtce. The Slovak natlon is s uffer!ng the consequences ot the brutal commun!st reality which the political system, represented by these people, has hung on the'lr necks. • They are the express!on of a certain morality which does not suff!ce for the mora! needs of the present ser!ous period and so much less suita the spiritual and character dlsposition of the Slovak natlon. The!r persona! acqualntances and fr!endsh!ps could open for them 68 SLOVAKIA the doors of politlcal asylum. Out of the magnanlmity of these acquaint• ances and frlendshlps they could be assured mlnisterlal penslons for Jlfe. That ls a questlon of philanthropy and of private r elatlons. But a responsible and serlous comprehension of the anti-communist stand, organlzatlons ot antl-communist propaganda and the psychological pre• paratlon of antl-communlst resistance, exclude any purpose to use them as an exclusive and of!lcial argument against communism. It wou!d be tragic, indeed, if in the historic evaluation of forces between Christianity and democracy, on the one hand, and communism on the other, there would not be avallable other moral and polltlcaUy more valuable personallties. The Slovak natlon wants to wage lts antl-communist fight to Unal victory. And it is convinced that the whole free and demociratic world also wants to finish this fight. 'I'he Slovak nation, therefore, rightfully expects that its uncompromlsing fight against communistlc and every other kind of slavery deserves recognltlon and polltical and moral appreciatlon. The Slovak nation, therefore, is not dependent on the anti-communlst substltute, composed of persona! and politlcal values wblch irretrievably belong to the past and to political asylum. We can get to the soul of every nation only by means of uprlghtness and a genulne recognition of moral and polltical responsibillty. • • • WHAT THEY SAID ABOUT TISO "Dr. Tiso died a hero. The Nuremberg criminals died as crimin• als, regretting thelr crimes. Dr. Tiso had nothing to regret. Even iu the packed court, organized agalnst htm by communlst hatred, witness followed witness testlfying in Tiso's interest. A crlmlnal "as never loved. Dr. Tiso was loved by his people as no other man was ever loved in Slovakia. He was not a criminal. Even the sadistic 'Natlonaľ Court recommended mercy for Tiso. So did the Slovak 'National' Council. Tiso's Ufe depended only on one man ; h!s life was in the hands of Dr. Beneš . . . the 'humanisť and that 'great democrať . . . who 1s reportedly a can.dldate for the Nobel Peace Prize. Beneš can now rest satlsfied; he wanted blood and he got it. When Dr. Beneš refused Tiso's plea for mercy he became Tiso's judge and murderer. The blood of Tiso remains on bis hands." Ján Petrovič, Bratislava, Slovakia, April 1947. • • • • • • "The executlon of Monslgnor Tiso shall go down in hlstory as a great crime against the entire Slovak nation. His traglc death was a pol1tical murder for which the present communist-domlnated re· gime In Czechoslovakia is wholly responsible. But the memory of t he Slovak Republiťs war-time president is forever enshrined in the hearts of bis countrymen for he was truly the Father of b is Country." - Teachers of Slovak and Slovak History at Benedlctlne H!gh School, Cleveland, Ohio. • "Czech and Slovak Commun!sts demanded Dr. Tlso's head, and Dr. Edward Beneš obliged. It was plainly premed!tated murder." Pb,ilip James Anthony. " J edonta" Feature Wrlter.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Slovaks and the Beneš Czechs Description An account of the resource Joseph Oravský Slovakia, Vol. 2, No. 1 (3), March 1952 pp. 56-58 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Oravský, Joseph Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 1952 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/12fbcd8e208aada60c83b04755363215.pdf adece9da441311731c67bae9a61dec0e PDF Text Text 26 SLOVAKIA Msgr. Joseph Tiso By Fran{;Ois d 'O r Ci Val ( This is the English translation of Mr. FranQois d'Orcival's article originally published in French, in the July 1971 issue of the magazine "Miroir de l'Histoire", Paris. The young French political writer has dealt with the cause of Slovak independence in his book " Le Danube etait noir" (The Danube was black), La Table Ronde, Paris 1968. In France, he represents a realistic trend seeking to de-mythologize European history. Ed.) At dawn on April 18, 1947 the bridge over the Danube was shrouded in fog as Msgr. Joseph Tiso concluded his prayer in the central prison of Bratislava and donned his black serge robe with the prisoner's red armband and the churchman's white collar. He had been condemned to death on April 15 and on April 17 reprieve had been denied. A Franciscan father had been sent to accompany him on his final journey. Msgr. Tiso was 59. He had been born in Bytca in the valley of the Vah, which cuts through the Carpathians and where the mountains and the forest always wear autumn color. He was a sturdy, well-built man with broad shoulders, closely-cropped hair and a serene expression, with the rough-hewn features of a solid man of the people. He had been the leader of an autonomous Slovak government from October 6, 1938 to March 10, 1939, then head of independent Slovakia from March 14, 1939 to Easter of 1945. That year when spring returned to the Tatras the bells of Rome were silent. Malinovsky's forces were scouring the countryside. In Bohemia the Wehrmacht was retreating. Msgr. Tiso and his government distributed to their people the flour remaining in the state granaries, then went into exile. The Americans arrested Msgr. Tiso in October 1945, extradited him from Austria and turned him over to Dr. Edward Benes, who had once again become Czecho-Slovakia's leader. �SLOVAKIA 27 The preliminary examination in the Tiso trial began December 3. The bill of indictment contained 230 pages and was prepared by three attorneys specializing in general matters, political guestions and military affairs. 42 witnesses were subpoenaed by the prosecution. Igor Daxner, a Protestant Slovak communist, was selected to preside over the people's court, assisted by Bedrna, a Czech communist. Five of the seven members of the court were communists. The first day of the hearing the authorities, fearing street demonstratio ns and riots, ringed Bratislava with soldiers; they also controlled access to public buildings and took strong security precautions at the Palace of Justice. At first the press was allowed to report the testimony of witnesses and some of Msgr. Tiso's statements but soon, realizing that popular sentiment remained too favorable to the former president of independent Slovakia, the government censored all news reports of the trial. The Catholic bishops, evidencing outstanding courage, published on January 3, 1946 a petition in the prisoner's behalf. "His fate", they declared, "will strongly influence a portion of the Slovak population in its attitude towards the reconstituted Czecho-Slovak Republic." The majority of the nation concurs with its bishops in believing Dr. Tiso's intentions to have been pure and good. The prosecutor summoned Karol Kmet'ko, archbishop of Slovakia, who paused to shake hands with the defendant on his way to the witness stand to answer the prosecutor's questions. "What did the Slovak state accomplish for the people?" he was asked. "Can you think of any nation which does not long for independence ?" replied archbishop Kmet'ko and continued: "Can you imagine an unfortunate people who would not rather have their own homes than depend on others?" "But", the prosecutor insisted, "this independence was actually dependence!" "No!" replied archbishop Kmet'ko. "It was ten times less damaging than the Protectorate ( of Bohemia and Moravia)!" "How could you approve of Msgr. Tiso's assumption of office?" the prosecutor then asked, and the archbishop �28 SLOVAKIA responded: "When the independence of the Slovak state was proclaimed I can affirm that the country and its people were 90 % in favor of it. We rediscovered the independence and the freedom which had been lost since the time of King Svatopluk." For those with the borders of the German and Slovak world that story goes back to the early period of the Middle Ages. In a study entitled "The Slovaks: A People; A Nation" Professor Joseph A. Mikus, one of the youngest diplomats of the independent Slovak state and currently professor in an American college, writes: It was Prince Pribina in the year 830 iwho conquered the West Slovak tribes and governed them from his castle in Nitra. His successors, Mojmir, Rastislav and Svatopluk extended their rule over the neighboring ,t erritories. In the second half of the ninth century the Czech lands (Bohemia and Moravia) were also subjugated by the Slovak king, Svatopluk. However, shortly thereafter the Czechs appealed to the German monarchs for help and were able to free themselves from Greater Moravia. After a c,o alition of Germans and Hungarians had defeated Mojmir II near Bratislava in 906, Slovakia was occupied by the Hungarians while the Czechs full under the domination of the Germans. Although Slovakia became an integral part of the Hungarian realm, the Premyslides rwere able to elevate the principality of Bohemia to a kingdom whose ruler became one of the electors of the German Empire. During the Turkish invasions Slovakia or Upper Hungary became the impregnable fortress of the realm. The Hungarian parliaments were still meeting in Bratislava during the first half of the nineteenth century. It was here, too, in Saint Martin's cathedral that the coronation of the Hungarian kings took place. On the other hand, after the defeat of the Czech Protestants at the White Mountain in 1620, the kingdom of Bohemia became an integral part of Austria's hereditary possessions. Even after the Austro-Hungarian Compromise in 1867, the Czechs remained under Austrian control and the Slovaks under Hungarian rule. Thus Czechs and Slovaks had never been united under one government before 1918. They were separated by the Carpathians. Bohemia was Protestant; Slovakia Catholic. The Czechs and the Germans had made Prague, the Bohemian capitol, one of the most cultured cities of Europe. The Slovaks, by contrast, boasted neither elite nor aristocracy; they were peasants and good soldiers. Although they lacked lords and commanders, the Slovaks nevertheless had their churchmen. One of these, �SLOVAKIA 29 Father Hlinka, born in 1864, was pastor at Ruzomberok, a big market-town situated in northern Slovakia between the Fatras and the Lower Tatras. He began his political ministry in 1905, fought for the autonomy of Slovakia, and founded the Slovak Populist party. In Sarajevo on June 28, 1914 a Belgrade high school student assassinated Archduke Franz-Ferdinand, heir to the imperial throne. On the same day in Prague the cry arose: "Down with the Hapsburgs! Down with AustriaHungary!" This was the cry of two atheist Czech socialists: the first a sociology professor at the University of Prague and leftist deputy to the Diet of Vienna, 64 year old Thomas Masaryk and the second, his 30 year old disciple, Edward Benes, doctor of laws. Of the 534 deputies representing all the nationalities of the empire the Czechs numbered 107, yet not one took up the cry of Masaryk and Benes. Repudiated, the two delegates left Prague secretly for Paris and London, where they founded a Czech National Committee, which in 1917 was transformed into a provisional government. A year later the Austro-Hungarian Empire collapsed, attacked from within. In Slovakia Father Hlinka declared in 1918: "Our thousand-year marriage with the Magyars is ending in disaster. We must sever our ties with them!" The Slovaks were welcomed by the Czechs, who promised them freedom. The official birth of Czecho-Slovakia was proclaimed on October 28, 1918. It was the triumph of Masaryk and Benes after four years of exile. According to international law Czecho-Slovakia did not come into being until the treaty of Saint-Germain-en-Laye, September 10, 1919. Comprising Bohemia and Moravia in the west, Slovakia and Lower Subcarpathian Ukraine in the east, the country had an area of 140,000 square kilometers. The population was 13.6 million, of whom 6.5 million were Czech, 2.5 million Slovak, 3.3 million German and the rest Magyar, Ukrainian and Polish minorities. It was a mosaic of nationalities. In dismembering Austria-Hungary the western diplomats at Saint-Germain-en-Laye hoped to isolate Germany from Russia by a "cordon sanitaire" composed of newly allied states: Poland, Czecho-Slovakia, Rumania, Jugoslavia. But the Hapsburg dynasty, the unifying influence over all these states, was gone; the Danube countries of Europe �30 SLOVAKIA were destined once again to become the battleground of endless struggles. Masaryk and Benes had another plan. Realizing that they could not expect to found an independent Bohemia with only 6.5 million Czechs in a territory including 3.3 million Germans, they invented the fiction of a state which joined together the Czechs and Slovaks, a Czecho-Slovak state with 9 million inhabitants, who counterbalanced the 3 million Germans. The Slovaks accepted the new state on condition that it be federated and Benes assured them: "The Czecho-Slovakia of tomorrow will be the Switzerland of Central Europe. I guarantee it." However, from late 1918 onward Czech soldiers occupied Slovak territory to maintain order and Slovakia was not federated but annexed. After the soldiers came the bureaucrats. All the former Czech officials of the Empire, dismissed from Vienna and Budapest, descended on Bratislava. New teachers appeared in Slovak schools to teach Czech, which incited antiCatholic demonstrations in the villages. In September 1919 Father Hlinka, leader of the Catholic Populist party, went to the Paris peace conference with a long memorandum which began with these words: "Never has a nation been so cruelly deceived in its hopes as the Slovak nation." The Czech army also intervened energetically in Bohemia, but against the Sudeten Germans this time. (The Sudeten mountains are located in northern BohemiaMoravia.) As in Slovakia the Czech central government proceeded with an intense "czechization" of the administration, the economy, the schools and the police of the German regions. In the elections of 1935 the autonomists polled a majority in Slovakia, while in Bohemia the Germans had organized their own party. Their leader, Henlein, made contact with Hitler, who soon used the Sudeten Germans as one of the principal points of the propaganda. The German action and the diplomatic intervention of the British brought about a meeting in Munich of the four great powers of the time (Germany, Italy, Britain and France) on the Sudeten question. Through the Munich agreement the Germans of Czecho-Slovakia obtained on September 30, 1938 the right to regain their German �SLOVAKIA 31 fatherland. This development caused the loss of a strip of 25,000 square kilometers on the north-west frontier of the Czecho-Slovak state and a simultaneous loss of nearly 4 million inhabitants. As a consequence of this defeat Dr. Edward Benes, leader of the Czech government, resigned on October 5, 1938 and left Prague. The next day, October 6, at zilina, a little town situated in western Slovakia quite far from Prague, the leaders of Slovak parties assembled to proclaim the autonomy of their land, claiming the right defined in the Munich agreement-the right of nations to determine their own destiny. Father Hlinka's successor as head of the Populist and Autonomist party announced: "The Munich agreement has profoundly altered the political positions and the relations of the different states of central Europe. We Slovaks desire the freedom to determine our future, particularly in respect to the administration of our state." That very evening the first autonomous Slovak government was formed and its presidency entrusted to the new leader of the autonomous Populist party, Msgr. Tiso. zilina was a town Msgr. Tiso knew well, for in its schools he had learned to read and write. He had then enrolled in the seminary at Nitra, where in the year 833 Prince Pribina had erected the first Christian Church in Slovakia at the base of the Slovak central mountains. Joseph Tiso had completed his studies of ethics and theology at the University of Vienna. He was ordained July 14, 1910 and the same year received the degree of doctor of theology. In 1914 he became military chaplain. The following year he wa.s called back to Nitra to teach during the absence of professors who had gone to war. About 1920 he joined Father Hlinka, the founder of the Autonomist party and was assigned to the parish at Banovce, which is on the Bebrava river at the southern point of the hills of the Patras. Here began his public life. He was always to be a man of his word, loyal to his faith and to his land. To his parishioners he was a protector against the devil, as in ancient times. General Sirovy, head of the central government of Prague since the departure of Dr. Benes, assented to the setting-up of the Slovak cabinet. For Msgr. Tiso the most �32 SLOVAKIA difficult problem involved the frontiers, for the Magyars were making claims, as were the Poles and the Germans. On November 2, 1938 in Vienna an agreement was signed. The Magyars received the regions of Slovakia where the majority of the people were Magyar, the Poles received Teschen, and the Germans received a suburb of Petrzalka near Bratislava on the Danube. Elections took place in Slovakia on November 18, 1938 and the Autonomist candidates received 97 .5 ~c of the vote. The first Czecho-Slovak Republic having died at Munich two months previously, a second Republic came into being on November 30, federated and under the presidency of Dr. Ha.cha, a slight, 66 year old man in delicate health, who spoke with a marked Bohemian accent. In spite of the creation of a federated Republic, the relations between the Czechs and the Slovaks did not improve. A latent crisis kept them in conflict until February 1939, when the real crisis began. The Slovaks needed credit, but the Czechs refused it on the pretext that the Slovaks were disloyal to the republic. Finally on March 9, 1939 Dr. Ha.cha ousted Msgr. Tiso and his colleagues from their positions and at dawn on March 10, 1939 Slovakia was occupied by Czech police and soldiers-that is, by the "federals". Martial law was proclaimed; the local militia was dissolved. Msgr. Tiso withdrew to his rectory in Banovce and waited. German diplomacy, which had been very active since the departure of Dr. Benes, intervened, trying to crush the Czech coup in Slovakia so that the Slovaks would clearly separate themselves from the Czechs and put an end to the existence of this unified country situated in the heart of the German Reich. After several vain attempts the Reich representatives in Vienna, Seyss-Inquart and Buerckel, made contact with Msgr. Tiso; two of their secret agents came to Banovce the night of March 12 to 13, 1939 to extend an invitation from Hitler. Msgr . Tiso, waking with a start, was at first stunned, suspecting a trap. Then he acquiesced but requested a delay. Hitler frightened him and yet he knew that Berlin was the city of destiny at that moment. Finally, after conferring with his friends, he flew to Berlin. Even after 6 months of heading an �SLOVAKIA 33 autonomous government he had remained essentially a fighter-priest of the country and now resembled a Poujadist cleric on his way to see Dracula. On the evening of March 13 Hitler and Tiso agreed that Slovakia would declare her independence the next day. Hitler, moreover, convinced of an impending assault by Benes to regain power in Prague, had already decided to invade Bohemia on March 15. Msgr. Tiso hesitated at length before being convinced. He returned to Bratislava, convened the Assembly and formed a new cabinet. His cabinet ministers were not appointed by the Reich ambassadors but were simply those who had been Autonomist Slovak leaders for the previous ten or twenty years. At noon on Tuesday, March 14 the Assembly by unanimous vote severed Slovakia from the rest of Czech nation. This declaration had been accelerated by the German action but would have been less effective without the Czech coup on March 10. Dr. Ha.cha reached Berlin the same day in a state of exhaustion to entreat the Fuhrer on behalf of his people but the Fuhrer did not yield. On March 15, two hours before the first columns of the Wehrmacht re '.:'.ched Bohemia, President Ha.cha signed the capitulation: "The president of the Czecho-Slovak Republic has confidently placed the destiny of the Czech people and the Czech lands in the hands of the Fuhrer of the German Reich ... " On March 16, while the German protectorate was being established in Bohemia-Moravia, Msgr. Tiso, leader of independent Slovakia, sought the protection of the Reich and signed a treaty which, without specifying occupation of Slovak territory, rendered the country a satellite. Hungary, with the support of Italy, invaded Subcarpathian Ukraine and a strip along the eastern border of Slovakia. Thus was the Czecho-Slovakia of 1919 stricken from the map. During the 5 years of the war Msgr. Tiso did not involve the country in the conflict ( except for sending volunteers to the Polish front). He declared his sympathy for the Reich while pursuing a neutral policy in Rome in order to protect his exports and his country's uncertain future. Msgr. Tiso's Slovakia was a curiously sad spectacle, encircled by Germany, protected by the Vatican, never �34 SLOVAKIA truly free but never quite occupied. Until 1944 she was indeed the Switzerland of the Danube basin, the "marketplace of Provence" of the Carpathian region. In August 1944 the internal calm was shattered by ill-matched squads, who set in motion an insurrection against the presence of the Germans. One group was directed from Moscow, the other (by Benes) from London. Armed bands were in conflict everywhere, but the Germans put down the rebellion within two months. The red army to the east looked on idly, reasoning that the Germans would suppress the entire Slovak resistance movement, which would facilitate an eventual communist takeover . Six months after the uprising the reds entered Slovakia and Slovak independence was at an end. On April 5, 1945 Dr. Edward Benes in company with the communist. Klement Gottwald, came to Kosice on the Slovak border, where he was met by Gustav Husak, a 32 year old communist leader. Husak said: "The first Czecho-Slovak Republic is dead. Gone is its centralism as well as its false political democracy. The new Republic will be a socialist federation of two nations equal under the law, the Czech nation and the Slovak nation." But the voice of Gustav Husak was not heard; it was the Czech communists who were in power. On March 17 and 18 in 1947 Msgr. Tiso's trial was coming to an end. The former head of the Slovak government drew up his own defense. "Mine was an unusual policy because the man who executed it was a priest", he began. "I had prepared for and intended to follow the duties of holy priesthood, not those of public office. As a priest I was committed to the service of God, the Church and the country of my birth, in which I was serving my ministry. Hence the mottoes 'for God, for country', 'with the people, for the people', were the expression of a guiding principle valid everywhere and under all conditions. They were not political slogans invented later to suit the circumstances." The death sentence was pronounced April 15, 1947 and was received calmly by Msgr. Joseph Tiso. The recital of the bill of indictment had lasted several hours. The communist jury had found the Slovak leader guilty on 97 �SLOVAKIA 35 out of 113 counts. The two principal crimes were: collaboration with Germany and the dissolution of Czecho-Slovakia. Dr. Benes and Klement Gottwald refused clemency. "I promise to intercede before God, the supreme master of this world", wrote Msgr. Tiso in his final message to the Slovaks, "that He keep the Slovak nation forever in His holy care, that He bless her in her struggle and that He grant she remain forever faithful to the Church of Christ." No one knows where the priest is buried. The interment was carried out in secrecy to prevent memorial demonstrations. But in St. Martin's cemetery a tomb was discovered where the earth was still loose and it was soon covered with the fowers of the faithful. There is an epilogue to this story. At the end of August 1968 the Russians began to speculate on whether or not they should separate Slovakia from Bohemia again. They decided against it but later, for greater security, they appointed Gustav Husak, the Slovak communist, to the leadership of the central government. Bratislava. - Dr. Joseph Tiso, former president of Siovakia, who is now on trial for his life before the Slovak People's Court here, gave startling testimony to the effect that early in 1945 he rejected a written suggestion submitted to him by an agent to proclaim Slovakia as a Soviet republic. He also disclaimed any personal responsibility for Slovakia 's participation in the war against Poland and Russia and the alleged maltreatment of political and war prisoners. - Jan Mauthner, Special Correspondent, N.C.W.C. News Service, January 11 , 1947 . . Tiso's attorney was prevented from defending his client. Tiso was not allowed to make any notes on the trial. Tiso was accused on 113 counts, each of which carried the death sentence. No one is surprised that the final verdict of this long trial is death by hanging for Dr. Tiso. Try to imagine a similar situation in this country: Put President Truman on trial by order of Gromyko and let Gerard Eisler be the judge. Let Truman have no attorney and let both Gromyko and Eisler state publicly before the trial that the defendant will be hanged . - WGAR Clevelan d Radio Station, April 20, 1947, by Commentator Rev. Francis F ergus, Professor at St. Mary's Seminary, Cleveland, Ohio. � 26 SLOVAKIA Msgr. Joseph Tiso By Fran{;Ois d 'O r Ci Val ( This is the English translation of Mr. FranQois d'Orcival's article originally published in French, in the July 1971 issue of the magazine "Miroir de l'Histoire", Paris. The young French political writer has dealt with the cause of Slovak independence in his book " Le Danube etait noir" (The Danube was black), La Table Ronde, Paris 1968. In France, he represents a realistic trend seeking to de-mythologize European history. Ed.) At dawn on April 18, 1947 the bridge over the Danube was shrouded in fog as Msgr. Joseph Tiso concluded his prayer in the central prison of Bratislava and donned his black serge robe with the prisoner's red armband and the churchman's white collar. He had been condemned to death on April 15 and on April 17 reprieve had been denied. A Franciscan father had been sent to accompany him on his final journey. Msgr. Tiso was 59. He had been born in Bytca in the valley of the Vah, which cuts through the Carpathians and where the mountains and the forest always wear autumn color. He was a sturdy, well-built man with broad shoulders, closely-cropped hair and a serene expression, with the rough-hewn features of a solid man of the people. He had been the leader of an autonomous Slovak government from October 6, 1938 to March 10, 1939, then head of independent Slovakia from March 14, 1939 to Easter of 1945. That year when spring returned to the Tatras the bells of Rome were silent. Malinovsky's forces were scouring the countryside. In Bohemia the Wehrmacht was retreating. Msgr. Tiso and his government distributed to their people the flour remaining in the state granaries, then went into exile. The Americans arrested Msgr. Tiso in October 1945, extradited him from Austria and turned him over to Dr. Edward Benes, who had once again become Czecho-Slovakia's leader. �SLOVAKIA 27 The preliminary examination in the Tiso trial began December 3. The bill of indictment contained 230 pages and was prepared by three attorneys specializing in general matters, political guestions and military affairs. 42 witnesses were subpoenaed by the prosecution. Igor Daxner, a Protestant Slovak communist, was selected to preside over the people's court, assisted by Bedrna, a Czech communist. Five of the seven members of the court were communists. The first day of the hearing the authorities, fearing street demonstratio ns and riots, ringed Bratislava with soldiers; they also controlled access to public buildings and took strong security precautions at the Palace of Justice. At first the press was allowed to report the testimony of witnesses and some of Msgr. Tiso's statements but soon, realizing that popular sentiment remained too favorable to the former president of independent Slovakia, the government censored all news reports of the trial. The Catholic bishops, evidencing outstanding courage, published on January 3, 1946 a petition in the prisoner's behalf. "His fate", they declared, "will strongly influence a portion of the Slovak population in its attitude towards the reconstituted Czecho-Slovak Republic." The majority of the nation concurs with its bishops in believing Dr. Tiso's intentions to have been pure and good. The prosecutor summoned Karol Kmet'ko, archbishop of Slovakia, who paused to shake hands with the defendant on his way to the witness stand to answer the prosecutor's questions. "What did the Slovak state accomplish for the people?" he was asked. "Can you think of any nation which does not long for independence ?" replied archbishop Kmet'ko and continued: "Can you imagine an unfortunate people who would not rather have their own homes than depend on others?" "But", the prosecutor insisted, "this independence was actually dependence!" "No!" replied archbishop Kmet'ko. "It was ten times less damaging than the Protectorate ( of Bohemia and Moravia)!" "How could you approve of Msgr. Tiso's assumption of office?" the prosecutor then asked, and the archbishop �28 SLOVAKIA responded: "When the independence of the Slovak state was proclaimed I can affirm that the country and its people were 90 % in favor of it. We rediscovered the independence and the freedom which had been lost since the time of King Svatopluk." For those with the borders of the German and Slovak world that story goes back to the early period of the Middle Ages. In a study entitled "The Slovaks: A People; A Nation" Professor Joseph A. Mikus, one of the youngest diplomats of the independent Slovak state and currently professor in an American college, writes: It was Prince Pribina in the year 830 iwho conquered the West Slovak tribes and governed them from his castle in Nitra. His successors, Mojmir, Rastislav and Svatopluk extended their rule over the neighboring ,t erritories. In the second half of the ninth century the Czech lands (Bohemia and Moravia) were also subjugated by the Slovak king, Svatopluk. However, shortly thereafter the Czechs appealed to the German monarchs for help and were able to free themselves from Greater Moravia. After a c,o alition of Germans and Hungarians had defeated Mojmir II near Bratislava in 906, Slovakia was occupied by the Hungarians while the Czechs full under the domination of the Germans. Although Slovakia became an integral part of the Hungarian realm, the Premyslides rwere able to elevate the principality of Bohemia to a kingdom whose ruler became one of the electors of the German Empire. During the Turkish invasions Slovakia or Upper Hungary became the impregnable fortress of the realm. The Hungarian parliaments were still meeting in Bratislava during the first half of the nineteenth century. It was here, too, in Saint Martin's cathedral that the coronation of the Hungarian kings took place. On the other hand, after the defeat of the Czech Protestants at the White Mountain in 1620, the kingdom of Bohemia became an integral part of Austria's hereditary possessions. Even after the Austro-Hungarian Compromise in 1867, the Czechs remained under Austrian control and the Slovaks under Hungarian rule. Thus Czechs and Slovaks had never been united under one government before 1918. They were separated by the Carpathians. Bohemia was Protestant; Slovakia Catholic. The Czechs and the Germans had made Prague, the Bohemian capitol, one of the most cultured cities of Europe. The Slovaks, by contrast, boasted neither elite nor aristocracy; they were peasants and good soldiers. Although they lacked lords and commanders, the Slovaks nevertheless had their churchmen. One of these, �SLOVAKIA 29 Father Hlinka, born in 1864, was pastor at Ruzomberok, a big market-town situated in northern Slovakia between the Fatras and the Lower Tatras. He began his political ministry in 1905, fought for the autonomy of Slovakia, and founded the Slovak Populist party. In Sarajevo on June 28, 1914 a Belgrade high school student assassinated Archduke Franz-Ferdinand, heir to the imperial throne. On the same day in Prague the cry arose: "Down with the Hapsburgs! Down with AustriaHungary!" This was the cry of two atheist Czech socialists: the first a sociology professor at the University of Prague and leftist deputy to the Diet of Vienna, 64 year old Thomas Masaryk and the second, his 30 year old disciple, Edward Benes, doctor of laws. Of the 534 deputies representing all the nationalities of the empire the Czechs numbered 107, yet not one took up the cry of Masaryk and Benes. Repudiated, the two delegates left Prague secretly for Paris and London, where they founded a Czech National Committee, which in 1917 was transformed into a provisional government. A year later the Austro-Hungarian Empire collapsed, attacked from within. In Slovakia Father Hlinka declared in 1918: "Our thousand-year marriage with the Magyars is ending in disaster. We must sever our ties with them!" The Slovaks were welcomed by the Czechs, who promised them freedom. The official birth of Czecho-Slovakia was proclaimed on October 28, 1918. It was the triumph of Masaryk and Benes after four years of exile. According to international law Czecho-Slovakia did not come into being until the treaty of Saint-Germain-en-Laye, September 10, 1919. Comprising Bohemia and Moravia in the west, Slovakia and Lower Subcarpathian Ukraine in the east, the country had an area of 140,000 square kilometers. The population was 13.6 million, of whom 6.5 million were Czech, 2.5 million Slovak, 3.3 million German and the rest Magyar, Ukrainian and Polish minorities. It was a mosaic of nationalities. In dismembering Austria-Hungary the western diplomats at Saint-Germain-en-Laye hoped to isolate Germany from Russia by a "cordon sanitaire" composed of newly allied states: Poland, Czecho-Slovakia, Rumania, Jugoslavia. But the Hapsburg dynasty, the unifying influence over all these states, was gone; the Danube countries of Europe �30 SLOVAKIA were destined once again to become the battleground of endless struggles. Masaryk and Benes had another plan. Realizing that they could not expect to found an independent Bohemia with only 6.5 million Czechs in a territory including 3.3 million Germans, they invented the fiction of a state which joined together the Czechs and Slovaks, a Czecho-Slovak state with 9 million inhabitants, who counterbalanced the 3 million Germans. The Slovaks accepted the new state on condition that it be federated and Benes assured them: "The Czecho-Slovakia of tomorrow will be the Switzerland of Central Europe. I guarantee it." However, from late 1918 onward Czech soldiers occupied Slovak territory to maintain order and Slovakia was not federated but annexed. After the soldiers came the bureaucrats. All the former Czech officials of the Empire, dismissed from Vienna and Budapest, descended on Bratislava. New teachers appeared in Slovak schools to teach Czech, which incited antiCatholic demonstrations in the villages. In September 1919 Father Hlinka, leader of the Catholic Populist party, went to the Paris peace conference with a long memorandum which began with these words: "Never has a nation been so cruelly deceived in its hopes as the Slovak nation." The Czech army also intervened energetically in Bohemia, but against the Sudeten Germans this time. (The Sudeten mountains are located in northern BohemiaMoravia.) As in Slovakia the Czech central government proceeded with an intense "czechization" of the administration, the economy, the schools and the police of the German regions. In the elections of 1935 the autonomists polled a majority in Slovakia, while in Bohemia the Germans had organized their own party. Their leader, Henlein, made contact with Hitler, who soon used the Sudeten Germans as one of the principal points of the propaganda. The German action and the diplomatic intervention of the British brought about a meeting in Munich of the four great powers of the time (Germany, Italy, Britain and France) on the Sudeten question. Through the Munich agreement the Germans of Czecho-Slovakia obtained on September 30, 1938 the right to regain their German �SLOVAKIA 31 fatherland. This development caused the loss of a strip of 25,000 square kilometers on the north-west frontier of the Czecho-Slovak state and a simultaneous loss of nearly 4 million inhabitants. As a consequence of this defeat Dr. Edward Benes, leader of the Czech government, resigned on October 5, 1938 and left Prague. The next day, October 6, at zilina, a little town situated in western Slovakia quite far from Prague, the leaders of Slovak parties assembled to proclaim the autonomy of their land, claiming the right defined in the Munich agreement-the right of nations to determine their own destiny. Father Hlinka's successor as head of the Populist and Autonomist party announced: "The Munich agreement has profoundly altered the political positions and the relations of the different states of central Europe. We Slovaks desire the freedom to determine our future, particularly in respect to the administration of our state." That very evening the first autonomous Slovak government was formed and its presidency entrusted to the new leader of the autonomous Populist party, Msgr. Tiso. zilina was a town Msgr. Tiso knew well, for in its schools he had learned to read and write. He had then enrolled in the seminary at Nitra, where in the year 833 Prince Pribina had erected the first Christian Church in Slovakia at the base of the Slovak central mountains. Joseph Tiso had completed his studies of ethics and theology at the University of Vienna. He was ordained July 14, 1910 and the same year received the degree of doctor of theology. In 1914 he became military chaplain. The following year he wa.s called back to Nitra to teach during the absence of professors who had gone to war. About 1920 he joined Father Hlinka, the founder of the Autonomist party and was assigned to the parish at Banovce, which is on the Bebrava river at the southern point of the hills of the Patras. Here began his public life. He was always to be a man of his word, loyal to his faith and to his land. To his parishioners he was a protector against the devil, as in ancient times. General Sirovy, head of the central government of Prague since the departure of Dr. Benes, assented to the setting-up of the Slovak cabinet. For Msgr. Tiso the most �32 SLOVAKIA difficult problem involved the frontiers, for the Magyars were making claims, as were the Poles and the Germans. On November 2, 1938 in Vienna an agreement was signed. The Magyars received the regions of Slovakia where the majority of the people were Magyar, the Poles received Teschen, and the Germans received a suburb of Petrzalka near Bratislava on the Danube. Elections took place in Slovakia on November 18, 1938 and the Autonomist candidates received 97 .5 ~c of the vote. The first Czecho-Slovak Republic having died at Munich two months previously, a second Republic came into being on November 30, federated and under the presidency of Dr. Ha.cha, a slight, 66 year old man in delicate health, who spoke with a marked Bohemian accent. In spite of the creation of a federated Republic, the relations between the Czechs and the Slovaks did not improve. A latent crisis kept them in conflict until February 1939, when the real crisis began. The Slovaks needed credit, but the Czechs refused it on the pretext that the Slovaks were disloyal to the republic. Finally on March 9, 1939 Dr. Ha.cha ousted Msgr. Tiso and his colleagues from their positions and at dawn on March 10, 1939 Slovakia was occupied by Czech police and soldiers-that is, by the "federals". Martial law was proclaimed; the local militia was dissolved. Msgr. Tiso withdrew to his rectory in Banovce and waited. German diplomacy, which had been very active since the departure of Dr. Benes, intervened, trying to crush the Czech coup in Slovakia so that the Slovaks would clearly separate themselves from the Czechs and put an end to the existence of this unified country situated in the heart of the German Reich. After several vain attempts the Reich representatives in Vienna, Seyss-Inquart and Buerckel, made contact with Msgr. Tiso; two of their secret agents came to Banovce the night of March 12 to 13, 1939 to extend an invitation from Hitler. Msgr . Tiso, waking with a start, was at first stunned, suspecting a trap. Then he acquiesced but requested a delay. Hitler frightened him and yet he knew that Berlin was the city of destiny at that moment. Finally, after conferring with his friends, he flew to Berlin. Even after 6 months of heading an �SLOVAKIA 33 autonomous government he had remained essentially a fighter-priest of the country and now resembled a Poujadist cleric on his way to see Dracula. On the evening of March 13 Hitler and Tiso agreed that Slovakia would declare her independence the next day. Hitler, moreover, convinced of an impending assault by Benes to regain power in Prague, had already decided to invade Bohemia on March 15. Msgr. Tiso hesitated at length before being convinced. He returned to Bratislava, convened the Assembly and formed a new cabinet. His cabinet ministers were not appointed by the Reich ambassadors but were simply those who had been Autonomist Slovak leaders for the previous ten or twenty years. At noon on Tuesday, March 14 the Assembly by unanimous vote severed Slovakia from the rest of Czech nation. This declaration had been accelerated by the German action but would have been less effective without the Czech coup on March 10. Dr. Ha.cha reached Berlin the same day in a state of exhaustion to entreat the Fuhrer on behalf of his people but the Fuhrer did not yield. On March 15, two hours before the first columns of the Wehrmacht re '.:'.ched Bohemia, President Ha.cha signed the capitulation: "The president of the Czecho-Slovak Republic has confidently placed the destiny of the Czech people and the Czech lands in the hands of the Fuhrer of the German Reich ... " On March 16, while the German protectorate was being established in Bohemia-Moravia, Msgr. Tiso, leader of independent Slovakia, sought the protection of the Reich and signed a treaty which, without specifying occupation of Slovak territory, rendered the country a satellite. Hungary, with the support of Italy, invaded Subcarpathian Ukraine and a strip along the eastern border of Slovakia. Thus was the Czecho-Slovakia of 1919 stricken from the map. During the 5 years of the war Msgr. Tiso did not involve the country in the conflict ( except for sending volunteers to the Polish front). He declared his sympathy for the Reich while pursuing a neutral policy in Rome in order to protect his exports and his country's uncertain future. Msgr. Tiso's Slovakia was a curiously sad spectacle, encircled by Germany, protected by the Vatican, never �34 SLOVAKIA truly free but never quite occupied. Until 1944 she was indeed the Switzerland of the Danube basin, the "marketplace of Provence" of the Carpathian region. In August 1944 the internal calm was shattered by ill-matched squads, who set in motion an insurrection against the presence of the Germans. One group was directed from Moscow, the other (by Benes) from London. Armed bands were in conflict everywhere, but the Germans put down the rebellion within two months. The red army to the east looked on idly, reasoning that the Germans would suppress the entire Slovak resistance movement, which would facilitate an eventual communist takeover . Six months after the uprising the reds entered Slovakia and Slovak independence was at an end. On April 5, 1945 Dr. Edward Benes in company with the communist. Klement Gottwald, came to Kosice on the Slovak border, where he was met by Gustav Husak, a 32 year old communist leader. Husak said: "The first Czecho-Slovak Republic is dead. Gone is its centralism as well as its false political democracy. The new Republic will be a socialist federation of two nations equal under the law, the Czech nation and the Slovak nation." But the voice of Gustav Husak was not heard; it was the Czech communists who were in power. On March 17 and 18 in 1947 Msgr. Tiso's trial was coming to an end. The former head of the Slovak government drew up his own defense. "Mine was an unusual policy because the man who executed it was a priest", he began. "I had prepared for and intended to follow the duties of holy priesthood, not those of public office. As a priest I was committed to the service of God, the Church and the country of my birth, in which I was serving my ministry. Hence the mottoes 'for God, for country', 'with the people, for the people', were the expression of a guiding principle valid everywhere and under all conditions. They were not political slogans invented later to suit the circumstances." The death sentence was pronounced April 15, 1947 and was received calmly by Msgr. Joseph Tiso. The recital of the bill of indictment had lasted several hours. The communist jury had found the Slovak leader guilty on 97 �SLOVAKIA 35 out of 113 counts. The two principal crimes were: collaboration with Germany and the dissolution of Czecho-Slovakia. Dr. Benes and Klement Gottwald refused clemency. "I promise to intercede before God, the supreme master of this world", wrote Msgr. Tiso in his final message to the Slovaks, "that He keep the Slovak nation forever in His holy care, that He bless her in her struggle and that He grant she remain forever faithful to the Church of Christ." No one knows where the priest is buried. The interment was carried out in secrecy to prevent memorial demonstrations. But in St. Martin's cemetery a tomb was discovered where the earth was still loose and it was soon covered with the fowers of the faithful. There is an epilogue to this story. At the end of August 1968 the Russians began to speculate on whether or not they should separate Slovakia from Bohemia again. They decided against it but later, for greater security, they appointed Gustav Husak, the Slovak communist, to the leadership of the central government. Bratislava. - Dr. Joseph Tiso, former president of Siovakia, who is now on trial for his life before the Slovak People's Court here, gave startling testimony to the effect that early in 1945 he rejected a written suggestion submitted to him by an agent to proclaim Slovakia as a Soviet republic. He also disclaimed any personal responsibility for Slovakia 's participation in the war against Poland and Russia and the alleged maltreatment of political and war prisoners. - Jan Mauthner, Special Correspondent, N.C.W.C. News Service, January 11 , 1947 . . Tiso's attorney was prevented from defending his client. Tiso was not allowed to make any notes on the trial. Tiso was accused on 113 counts, each of which carried the death sentence. No one is surprised that the final verdict of this long trial is death by hanging for Dr. Tiso. Try to imagine a similar situation in this country: Put President Truman on trial by order of Gromyko and let Gerard Eisler be the judge. Let Truman have no attorney and let both Gromyko and Eisler state publicly before the trial that the defendant will be hanged . - WGAR Clevelan d Radio Station, April 20, 1947, by Commentator Rev. Francis F ergus, Professor at St. Mary's Seminary, Cleveland, Ohio. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1972, Vol. 22 Description An account of the resource Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1972 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 26 SLOVAKIA Msgr. Joseph Tiso By Fran{;Ois d 'O r Ci Val ( This is the English translation of Mr. FranQois d'Orcival's article originally published in French, in the July 1971 issue of the magazine "Miroir de l'Histoire", Paris. The young French political writer has dealt with the cause of Slovak independence in his book " Le Danube etait noir" (The Danube was black), La Table Ronde, Paris 1968. In France, he represents a realistic trend seeking to de-mythologize European history. Ed.) At dawn on April 18, 1947 the bridge over the Danube was shrouded in fog as Msgr. Joseph Tiso concluded his prayer in the central prison of Bratislava and donned his black serge robe with the prisoner's red armband and the churchman's white collar. He had been condemned to death on April 15 and on April 17 reprieve had been denied. A Franciscan father had been sent to accompany him on his final journey. Msgr. Tiso was 59. He had been born in Bytca in the valley of the Vah, which cuts through the Carpathians and where the mountains and the forest always wear autumn color. He was a sturdy, well-built man with broad shoulders, closely-cropped hair and a serene expression, with the rough-hewn features of a solid man of the people. He had been the leader of an autonomous Slovak government from October 6, 1938 to March 10, 1939, then head of independent Slovakia from March 14, 1939 to Easter of 1945. That year when spring returned to the Tatras the bells of Rome were silent. Malinovsky's forces were scouring the countryside. In Bohemia the Wehrmacht was retreating. Msgr. Tiso and his government distributed to their people the flour remaining in the state granaries, then went into exile. The Americans arrested Msgr. Tiso in October 1945, extradited him from Austria and turned him over to Dr. Edward Benes, who had once again become Czecho-Slovakia's leader. SLOVAKIA 27 The preliminary examination in the Tiso trial began December 3. The bill of indictment contained 230 pages and was prepared by three attorneys specializing in general matters, political guestions and military affairs. 42 witnesses were subpoenaed by the prosecution. Igor Daxner, a Protestant Slovak communist, was selected to preside over the people's court, assisted by Bedrna, a Czech communist. Five of the seven members of the court were communists. The first day of the hearing the authorities, fearing street demonstratio ns and riots, ringed Bratislava with soldiers; they also controlled access to public buildings and took strong security precautions at the Palace of Justice. At first the press was allowed to report the testimony of witnesses and some of Msgr. Tiso's statements but soon, realizing that popular sentiment remained too favorable to the former president of independent Slovakia, the government censored all news reports of the trial. The Catholic bishops, evidencing outstanding courage, published on January 3, 1946 a petition in the prisoner's behalf. "His fate", they declared, "will strongly influence a portion of the Slovak population in its attitude towards the reconstituted Czecho-Slovak Republic." The majority of the nation concurs with its bishops in believing Dr. Tiso's intentions to have been pure and good. The prosecutor summoned Karol Kmet'ko, archbishop of Slovakia, who paused to shake hands with the defendant on his way to the witness stand to answer the prosecutor's questions. "What did the Slovak state accomplish for the people?" he was asked. "Can you think of any nation which does not long for independence ?" replied archbishop Kmet'ko and continued: "Can you imagine an unfortunate people who would not rather have their own homes than depend on others?" "But", the prosecutor insisted, "this independence was actually dependence!" "No!" replied archbishop Kmet'ko. "It was ten times less damaging than the Protectorate ( of Bohemia and Moravia)!" "How could you approve of Msgr. Tiso's assumption of office?" the prosecutor then asked, and the archbishop 28 SLOVAKIA responded: "When the independence of the Slovak state was proclaimed I can affirm that the country and its people were 90 % in favor of it. We rediscovered the independence and the freedom which had been lost since the time of King Svatopluk." For those with the borders of the German and Slovak world that story goes back to the early period of the Middle Ages. In a study entitled "The Slovaks: A People; A Nation" Professor Joseph A. Mikus, one of the youngest diplomats of the independent Slovak state and currently professor in an American college, writes: It was Prince Pribina in the year 830 iwho conquered the West Slovak tribes and governed them from his castle in Nitra. His successors, Mojmir, Rastislav and Svatopluk extended their rule over the neighboring ,t erritories. In the second half of the ninth century the Czech lands (Bohemia and Moravia) were also subjugated by the Slovak king, Svatopluk. However, shortly thereafter the Czechs appealed to the German monarchs for help and were able to free themselves from Greater Moravia. After a c,o alition of Germans and Hungarians had defeated Mojmir II near Bratislava in 906, Slovakia was occupied by the Hungarians while the Czechs full under the domination of the Germans. Although Slovakia became an integral part of the Hungarian realm, the Premyslides rwere able to elevate the principality of Bohemia to a kingdom whose ruler became one of the electors of the German Empire. During the Turkish invasions Slovakia or Upper Hungary became the impregnable fortress of the realm. The Hungarian parliaments were still meeting in Bratislava during the first half of the nineteenth century. It was here, too, in Saint Martin's cathedral that the coronation of the Hungarian kings took place. On the other hand, after the defeat of the Czech Protestants at the White Mountain in 1620, the kingdom of Bohemia became an integral part of Austria's hereditary possessions. Even after the Austro-Hungarian Compromise in 1867, the Czechs remained under Austrian control and the Slovaks under Hungarian rule. Thus Czechs and Slovaks had never been united under one government before 1918. They were separated by the Carpathians. Bohemia was Protestant; Slovakia Catholic. The Czechs and the Germans had made Prague, the Bohemian capitol, one of the most cultured cities of Europe. The Slovaks, by contrast, boasted neither elite nor aristocracy; they were peasants and good soldiers. Although they lacked lords and commanders, the Slovaks nevertheless had their churchmen. One of these, SLOVAKIA 29 Father Hlinka, born in 1864, was pastor at Ruzomberok, a big market-town situated in northern Slovakia between the Fatras and the Lower Tatras. He began his political ministry in 1905, fought for the autonomy of Slovakia, and founded the Slovak Populist party. In Sarajevo on June 28, 1914 a Belgrade high school student assassinated Archduke Franz-Ferdinand, heir to the imperial throne. On the same day in Prague the cry arose: "Down with the Hapsburgs! Down with AustriaHungary!" This was the cry of two atheist Czech socialists: the first a sociology professor at the University of Prague and leftist deputy to the Diet of Vienna, 64 year old Thomas Masaryk and the second, his 30 year old disciple, Edward Benes, doctor of laws. Of the 534 deputies representing all the nationalities of the empire the Czechs numbered 107, yet not one took up the cry of Masaryk and Benes. Repudiated, the two delegates left Prague secretly for Paris and London, where they founded a Czech National Committee, which in 1917 was transformed into a provisional government. A year later the Austro-Hungarian Empire collapsed, attacked from within. In Slovakia Father Hlinka declared in 1918: "Our thousand-year marriage with the Magyars is ending in disaster. We must sever our ties with them!" The Slovaks were welcomed by the Czechs, who promised them freedom. The official birth of Czecho-Slovakia was proclaimed on October 28, 1918. It was the triumph of Masaryk and Benes after four years of exile. According to international law Czecho-Slovakia did not come into being until the treaty of Saint-Germain-en-Laye, September 10, 1919. Comprising Bohemia and Moravia in the west, Slovakia and Lower Subcarpathian Ukraine in the east, the country had an area of 140,000 square kilometers. The population was 13.6 million, of whom 6.5 million were Czech, 2.5 million Slovak, 3.3 million German and the rest Magyar, Ukrainian and Polish minorities. It was a mosaic of nationalities. In dismembering Austria-Hungary the western diplomats at Saint-Germain-en-Laye hoped to isolate Germany from Russia by a "cordon sanitaire" composed of newly allied states: Poland, Czecho-Slovakia, Rumania, Jugoslavia. But the Hapsburg dynasty, the unifying influence over all these states, was gone; the Danube countries of Europe 30 SLOVAKIA were destined once again to become the battleground of endless struggles. Masaryk and Benes had another plan. Realizing that they could not expect to found an independent Bohemia with only 6.5 million Czechs in a territory including 3.3 million Germans, they invented the fiction of a state which joined together the Czechs and Slovaks, a Czecho-Slovak state with 9 million inhabitants, who counterbalanced the 3 million Germans. The Slovaks accepted the new state on condition that it be federated and Benes assured them: "The Czecho-Slovakia of tomorrow will be the Switzerland of Central Europe. I guarantee it." However, from late 1918 onward Czech soldiers occupied Slovak territory to maintain order and Slovakia was not federated but annexed. After the soldiers came the bureaucrats. All the former Czech officials of the Empire, dismissed from Vienna and Budapest, descended on Bratislava. New teachers appeared in Slovak schools to teach Czech, which incited antiCatholic demonstrations in the villages. In September 1919 Father Hlinka, leader of the Catholic Populist party, went to the Paris peace conference with a long memorandum which began with these words: "Never has a nation been so cruelly deceived in its hopes as the Slovak nation." The Czech army also intervened energetically in Bohemia, but against the Sudeten Germans this time. (The Sudeten mountains are located in northern BohemiaMoravia.) As in Slovakia the Czech central government proceeded with an intense "czechization" of the administration, the economy, the schools and the police of the German regions. In the elections of 1935 the autonomists polled a majority in Slovakia, while in Bohemia the Germans had organized their own party. Their leader, Henlein, made contact with Hitler, who soon used the Sudeten Germans as one of the principal points of the propaganda. The German action and the diplomatic intervention of the British brought about a meeting in Munich of the four great powers of the time (Germany, Italy, Britain and France) on the Sudeten question. Through the Munich agreement the Germans of Czecho-Slovakia obtained on September 30, 1938 the right to regain their German SLOVAKIA 31 fatherland. This development caused the loss of a strip of 25,000 square kilometers on the north-west frontier of the Czecho-Slovak state and a simultaneous loss of nearly 4 million inhabitants. As a consequence of this defeat Dr. Edward Benes, leader of the Czech government, resigned on October 5, 1938 and left Prague. The next day, October 6, at zilina, a little town situated in western Slovakia quite far from Prague, the leaders of Slovak parties assembled to proclaim the autonomy of their land, claiming the right defined in the Munich agreement-the right of nations to determine their own destiny. Father Hlinka's successor as head of the Populist and Autonomist party announced: "The Munich agreement has profoundly altered the political positions and the relations of the different states of central Europe. We Slovaks desire the freedom to determine our future, particularly in respect to the administration of our state." That very evening the first autonomous Slovak government was formed and its presidency entrusted to the new leader of the autonomous Populist party, Msgr. Tiso. zilina was a town Msgr. Tiso knew well, for in its schools he had learned to read and write. He had then enrolled in the seminary at Nitra, where in the year 833 Prince Pribina had erected the first Christian Church in Slovakia at the base of the Slovak central mountains. Joseph Tiso had completed his studies of ethics and theology at the University of Vienna. He was ordained July 14, 1910 and the same year received the degree of doctor of theology. In 1914 he became military chaplain. The following year he wa.s called back to Nitra to teach during the absence of professors who had gone to war. About 1920 he joined Father Hlinka, the founder of the Autonomist party and was assigned to the parish at Banovce, which is on the Bebrava river at the southern point of the hills of the Patras. Here began his public life. He was always to be a man of his word, loyal to his faith and to his land. To his parishioners he was a protector against the devil, as in ancient times. General Sirovy, head of the central government of Prague since the departure of Dr. Benes, assented to the setting-up of the Slovak cabinet. For Msgr. Tiso the most 32 SLOVAKIA difficult problem involved the frontiers, for the Magyars were making claims, as were the Poles and the Germans. On November 2, 1938 in Vienna an agreement was signed. The Magyars received the regions of Slovakia where the majority of the people were Magyar, the Poles received Teschen, and the Germans received a suburb of Petrzalka near Bratislava on the Danube. Elections took place in Slovakia on November 18, 1938 and the Autonomist candidates received 97 .5 ~c of the vote. The first Czecho-Slovak Republic having died at Munich two months previously, a second Republic came into being on November 30, federated and under the presidency of Dr. Ha.cha, a slight, 66 year old man in delicate health, who spoke with a marked Bohemian accent. In spite of the creation of a federated Republic, the relations between the Czechs and the Slovaks did not improve. A latent crisis kept them in conflict until February 1939, when the real crisis began. The Slovaks needed credit, but the Czechs refused it on the pretext that the Slovaks were disloyal to the republic. Finally on March 9, 1939 Dr. Ha.cha ousted Msgr. Tiso and his colleagues from their positions and at dawn on March 10, 1939 Slovakia was occupied by Czech police and soldiers-that is, by the "federals". Martial law was proclaimed; the local militia was dissolved. Msgr. Tiso withdrew to his rectory in Banovce and waited. German diplomacy, which had been very active since the departure of Dr. Benes, intervened, trying to crush the Czech coup in Slovakia so that the Slovaks would clearly separate themselves from the Czechs and put an end to the existence of this unified country situated in the heart of the German Reich. After several vain attempts the Reich representatives in Vienna, Seyss-Inquart and Buerckel, made contact with Msgr. Tiso; two of their secret agents came to Banovce the night of March 12 to 13, 1939 to extend an invitation from Hitler. Msgr . Tiso, waking with a start, was at first stunned, suspecting a trap. Then he acquiesced but requested a delay. Hitler frightened him and yet he knew that Berlin was the city of destiny at that moment. Finally, after conferring with his friends, he flew to Berlin. Even after 6 months of heading an SLOVAKIA 33 autonomous government he had remained essentially a fighter-priest of the country and now resembled a Poujadist cleric on his way to see Dracula. On the evening of March 13 Hitler and Tiso agreed that Slovakia would declare her independence the next day. Hitler, moreover, convinced of an impending assault by Benes to regain power in Prague, had already decided to invade Bohemia on March 15. Msgr. Tiso hesitated at length before being convinced. He returned to Bratislava, convened the Assembly and formed a new cabinet. His cabinet ministers were not appointed by the Reich ambassadors but were simply those who had been Autonomist Slovak leaders for the previous ten or twenty years. At noon on Tuesday, March 14 the Assembly by unanimous vote severed Slovakia from the rest of Czech nation. This declaration had been accelerated by the German action but would have been less effective without the Czech coup on March 10. Dr. Ha.cha reached Berlin the same day in a state of exhaustion to entreat the Fuhrer on behalf of his people but the Fuhrer did not yield. On March 15, two hours before the first columns of the Wehrmacht re '.:'.ched Bohemia, President Ha.cha signed the capitulation: "The president of the Czecho-Slovak Republic has confidently placed the destiny of the Czech people and the Czech lands in the hands of the Fuhrer of the German Reich ... " On March 16, while the German protectorate was being established in Bohemia-Moravia, Msgr. Tiso, leader of independent Slovakia, sought the protection of the Reich and signed a treaty which, without specifying occupation of Slovak territory, rendered the country a satellite. Hungary, with the support of Italy, invaded Subcarpathian Ukraine and a strip along the eastern border of Slovakia. Thus was the Czecho-Slovakia of 1919 stricken from the map. During the 5 years of the war Msgr. Tiso did not involve the country in the conflict ( except for sending volunteers to the Polish front). He declared his sympathy for the Reich while pursuing a neutral policy in Rome in order to protect his exports and his country's uncertain future. Msgr. Tiso's Slovakia was a curiously sad spectacle, encircled by Germany, protected by the Vatican, never 34 SLOVAKIA truly free but never quite occupied. Until 1944 she was indeed the Switzerland of the Danube basin, the "marketplace of Provence" of the Carpathian region. In August 1944 the internal calm was shattered by ill-matched squads, who set in motion an insurrection against the presence of the Germans. One group was directed from Moscow, the other (by Benes) from London. Armed bands were in conflict everywhere, but the Germans put down the rebellion within two months. The red army to the east looked on idly, reasoning that the Germans would suppress the entire Slovak resistance movement, which would facilitate an eventual communist takeover . Six months after the uprising the reds entered Slovakia and Slovak independence was at an end. On April 5, 1945 Dr. Edward Benes in company with the communist. Klement Gottwald, came to Kosice on the Slovak border, where he was met by Gustav Husak, a 32 year old communist leader. Husak said: "The first Czecho-Slovak Republic is dead. Gone is its centralism as well as its false political democracy. The new Republic will be a socialist federation of two nations equal under the law, the Czech nation and the Slovak nation." But the voice of Gustav Husak was not heard; it was the Czech communists who were in power. On March 17 and 18 in 1947 Msgr. Tiso's trial was coming to an end. The former head of the Slovak government drew up his own defense. "Mine was an unusual policy because the man who executed it was a priest", he began. "I had prepared for and intended to follow the duties of holy priesthood, not those of public office. As a priest I was committed to the service of God, the Church and the country of my birth, in which I was serving my ministry. Hence the mottoes 'for God, for country', 'with the people, for the people', were the expression of a guiding principle valid everywhere and under all conditions. They were not political slogans invented later to suit the circumstances." The death sentence was pronounced April 15, 1947 and was received calmly by Msgr. Joseph Tiso. The recital of the bill of indictment had lasted several hours. The communist jury had found the Slovak leader guilty on 97 SLOVAKIA 35 out of 113 counts. The two principal crimes were: collaboration with Germany and the dissolution of Czecho-Slovakia. Dr. Benes and Klement Gottwald refused clemency. "I promise to intercede before God, the supreme master of this world", wrote Msgr. Tiso in his final message to the Slovaks, "that He keep the Slovak nation forever in His holy care, that He bless her in her struggle and that He grant she remain forever faithful to the Church of Christ." No one knows where the priest is buried. The interment was carried out in secrecy to prevent memorial demonstrations. But in St. Martin's cemetery a tomb was discovered where the earth was still loose and it was soon covered with the fowers of the faithful. There is an epilogue to this story. At the end of August 1968 the Russians began to speculate on whether or not they should separate Slovakia from Bohemia again. They decided against it but later, for greater security, they appointed Gustav Husak, the Slovak communist, to the leadership of the central government. Bratislava. - Dr. Joseph Tiso, former president of Siovakia, who is now on trial for his life before the Slovak People's Court here, gave startling testimony to the effect that early in 1945 he rejected a written suggestion submitted to him by an agent to proclaim Slovakia as a Soviet republic. He also disclaimed any personal responsibility for Slovakia 's participation in the war against Poland and Russia and the alleged maltreatment of political and war prisoners. - Jan Mauthner, Special Correspondent, N.C.W.C. News Service, January 11 , 1947 . . Tiso's attorney was prevented from defending his client. Tiso was not allowed to make any notes on the trial. Tiso was accused on 113 counts, each of which carried the death sentence. No one is surprised that the final verdict of this long trial is death by hanging for Dr. Tiso. Try to imagine a similar situation in this country: Put President Truman on trial by order of Gromyko and let Gerard Eisler be the judge. Let Truman have no attorney and let both Gromyko and Eisler state publicly before the trial that the defendant will be hanged . - WGAR Clevelan d Radio Station, April 20, 1947, by Commentator Rev. Francis F ergus, Professor at St. Mary's Seminary, Cleveland, Ohio.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Msgr. Joseph Tiso Description An account of the resource François d'Orcival orig. in French, publ. in Miroir de l'Histoire, July 1971 Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972 pp. 26-35 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Orcival, François d' Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1972 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/dd5cf87b9c392cd95a93d1dde94a90ec.pdf 2cbd75ff6a93b2f8719110fa0ef6fd93 PDF Text Text 68 SLOVAKIA 17. 18. 19. 20. ternational de la Croix Rouge , Geneve, 1948, I-IL1, I-er vol., P. 674, and also J . A. Mikus, Opus. c it. , p. 136. Ibid em, p. 101. Cfr. A . Kuno si: Opus cit., and a lso Chap ter on Political parties. It is a m att er of controv ersy a mong experts of constitutional law if the preponderance of the executiv e over the legislature gives a n a uthorHaria n character to a State. "A domina nt exec utiv e can be defend ed on th eore ti cal grounds," says Andre Mathiot. " The Cabinet, no less than Parlia m ent, com es into being as the r esult of an elec tion which more or less d et ermines its composition. Thus, in Great Britain, the relationship between the Crown, Parliament and the Cabin et ha ve gra du a lly d eveloped to produce a uniqu e parliam entary regime in which the executiv e is now th e dominant organ. Parliamen t remains legally sovereign a nd in th eory the supreme organ in th e State, but it is 110 exagger ation to say that effective political power is nowa days concentrated in the small group of men who constitute th e Cabinet" (Opus cit. , p. 135). W e have, of course, no intention to rights, on theoretical grounds, and to compare the r egime in Great Britain with that in Slovakia. Cfr. Kunos i: opus cit., p. 89. • • • MARCH 14, 1939: SLOVAK INDEPENDENCE DAY By Andrew Pastor The day of independence of a nation represents the culminating point in what often was a long struggle for its achievement. Independence comes easy, but the road leading to it is strewn with hardships, sufferings, miseries, and oftentimes death. Whether that day be the 4th of July, or the 14th day of March, it is a day of recollection upon which each individual looks with pride, knowing that this day years ago marked the beginning of a new and brighter era in the historic evolution of one's nation. What is the historical background of Slovakia's independence? Briefly the political history of the Slovaks dates back to the 9th century when Rastislav, the ruler of Great Moravia (846-870), made himself known for the intensive christianization of their territory by inviting Sts. Cyril and Methodius, the Apostles of the Slovaks and the �SLOVAKIA 69 Slavs, to Great Moravia. With our forefathers they laid the foundations for the church organization, the Slav liturgy, Slovak alphabet and literature in Slovakia. In the 10th century Slovakia became a battlefield in the struggle among the Slovaks, Magyars, and Germans. At the beginning of the 11th century she became a part of the Hungarian Kingdom under the Arpad dynasty. In the 15th and 16th centuries the internal problems of Hungary reached a certain degree of consolidation. The invasion of central Europe by the Turks in the 16th and 17th centuries reduced Hungary to the area of presentday Slovakia. For quite some time sessions of the Hungarian Parliament were held in Bratislava, the Slovak capital, and the coronations of Hungarian kings were celebrated there. The end of the 18th and the first half of the 19th century mark the beginning of the Slovak national renaissance. In 1848 the Slovaks aided the Habsburgs in putting down the Kossuth rebellion with the hope that Slovakia would be finally acknowledged as an autonomous land within a federated monarchy; this, however, was never r ealized. In the "Memorandum" of the Slovak nation of June 7, 1861, a Slovak national assemblage asked the parliament of Hungary to create an administrative unit for the counties inhabited by the Slovak population under the name of the "Slovak Region," with a degree of political and cultural autonomy, but the Hungarian parliament refused the petition. In 1891 the Serbs and Rumanians from Transylvania and the Slovaks convoked a congress in Budapest, claiming national rights and asking for a federative reform of the kingdom on the principle of equality, but to no avail. The end of the first World War saw the end of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Its passing ushered in a new and hopeful era for the Slovaks who were confident that the new Czecho-Slovak partnership within the framework of the newly created Czecho-Slovak state would at last fulfill their aspirations. General Milan R. Stefanik, champion of the Slovak cause, had his misgivings. Andrew Hlinka, great Slovak patriotic leader, went clandestinely to the �70 SLOVAKIA Paris Peace Conference in September of 1919 advocating an international guarantee for the self-government of the Slovak nation within the state of Czecho-Slovakia. He was denounced by the Czecho-Slovak delegation, headed by Dr. Eduard Benes, to the French police as a Habsburg spy and was forced to return to Slovakia where by the order of Prague he was imprisoned until April 1920. In the opinion of the Slovak leaders, the Czecho-Slovak state became a Czech state, enlarged by Slovakia, and Sub-Carpathian Ruthenia. Close to eleven hundred years elapsed before the· Slovak nation on March 14, 1939, finally declared its independence. Even though the Slovak State was largely the result of a tense international situation, it nevertheless corresponded to the aspirations of the Slovak people· for freedom and the principle of self-determination and self-government. Altogether 27 states recognized the international individuality of Slovakia, among them the Holy See, Switzerland, Sweden, France the Soviet Unon, and Great Britain. The Slovak Constitution contained principles which in some aspects combined the features of the liberal state, of Christian democracy, and of the authoritarian state. It reflected a compromise between the past and the present, between an old tradition and a temporarily determined political dynamism in Central Europe. But, in general, it was an expression of the self-preservation instinct of the Slovak nation. As the second great war drew to a close, at the end of April, 1945, Moscow claimed exclusive rights to the occupation of the territory formerly comprising CzechoSlovakia. By September of that year, the Czech Communists were well on the road to power. In the first election of May 26, 1946, 56 percent of the voters in the Czech lands elected 130 out of 229 deputies from the Marxist bloc; in Slovakia, however, the Reds were soundly trounced. The stage was set for the transition, and the complete seizure of the government by the Czech Communists. The Select Committee on Communist Agression of the Ameri- �SLOVAKIA 71 ,can House of Representatives in 1953, on evidence before it, estimated, that there were about 100 forced labor camps in Czecho-Slovakia, confining approximately 300,000 political prisoners. In Slovakia, as elsewhere, the Church bears the full fury of Communist terror and brutality. The Slovak Pre.sident, Monsignor Joseph Tisco, was sentenced to death by a People's Court, and executed by order of the Benes government. There are priests imprisoned in the CzechoSlovak Republic at the present time. This does not include the deported monks, nuns, and priests of the Eastern (Greek) Catholic Rite. Slovak bishops Vojtassak, Buzalka, .and Gojdic are also in prison. Slovakia's resistance to Communism continues in the tradition of its resistance against all who would destroy her identity, her religion, and culture, for she carries the glorious torch of Christianity which she received 1100 years ago from the hands of two saintly brothers, Cyril and Methodius. Those of us who have had the fortune to live most of our lives in a free country take our freedom and independence for granted, but our brothers over there, less fortunate than we, are now engaged in a struggle to regain it. Together with their enslaved brother Slav nations, they are looking forward to the day when they can again rededicate themselves as free men to the universal principle set out in the preamble to the American Constitution "that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, that among them are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, that to secure these rights governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed. That whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it and institute a new government." We would be remiss in our moral duty if we did not do all in our power to hasten the advent of that day. � 68 SLOVAKIA 17. 18. 19. 20. ternational de la Croix Rouge , Geneve, 1948, I-IL1, I-er vol., P. 674, and also J . A. Mikus, Opus. c it. , p. 136. Ibid em, p. 101. Cfr. A . Kuno si: Opus cit., and a lso Chap ter on Political parties. It is a m att er of controv ersy a mong experts of constitutional law if the preponderance of the executiv e over the legislature gives a n a uthorHaria n character to a State. "A domina nt exec utiv e can be defend ed on th eore ti cal grounds," says Andre Mathiot. " The Cabinet, no less than Parlia m ent, com es into being as the r esult of an elec tion which more or less d et ermines its composition. Thus, in Great Britain, the relationship between the Crown, Parliament and the Cabin et ha ve gra du a lly d eveloped to produce a uniqu e parliam entary regime in which the executiv e is now th e dominant organ. Parliamen t remains legally sovereign a nd in th eory the supreme organ in th e State, but it is 110 exagger ation to say that effective political power is nowa days concentrated in the small group of men who constitute th e Cabinet" (Opus cit. , p. 135). W e have, of course, no intention to rights, on theoretical grounds, and to compare the r egime in Great Britain with that in Slovakia. Cfr. Kunos i: opus cit., p. 89. • • • MARCH 14, 1939: SLOVAK INDEPENDENCE DAY By Andrew Pastor The day of independence of a nation represents the culminating point in what often was a long struggle for its achievement. Independence comes easy, but the road leading to it is strewn with hardships, sufferings, miseries, and oftentimes death. Whether that day be the 4th of July, or the 14th day of March, it is a day of recollection upon which each individual looks with pride, knowing that this day years ago marked the beginning of a new and brighter era in the historic evolution of one's nation. What is the historical background of Slovakia's independence? Briefly the political history of the Slovaks dates back to the 9th century when Rastislav, the ruler of Great Moravia (846-870), made himself known for the intensive christianization of their territory by inviting Sts. Cyril and Methodius, the Apostles of the Slovaks and the �SLOVAKIA 69 Slavs, to Great Moravia. With our forefathers they laid the foundations for the church organization, the Slav liturgy, Slovak alphabet and literature in Slovakia. In the 10th century Slovakia became a battlefield in the struggle among the Slovaks, Magyars, and Germans. At the beginning of the 11th century she became a part of the Hungarian Kingdom under the Arpad dynasty. In the 15th and 16th centuries the internal problems of Hungary reached a certain degree of consolidation. The invasion of central Europe by the Turks in the 16th and 17th centuries reduced Hungary to the area of presentday Slovakia. For quite some time sessions of the Hungarian Parliament were held in Bratislava, the Slovak capital, and the coronations of Hungarian kings were celebrated there. The end of the 18th and the first half of the 19th century mark the beginning of the Slovak national renaissance. In 1848 the Slovaks aided the Habsburgs in putting down the Kossuth rebellion with the hope that Slovakia would be finally acknowledged as an autonomous land within a federated monarchy; this, however, was never r ealized. In the "Memorandum" of the Slovak nation of June 7, 1861, a Slovak national assemblage asked the parliament of Hungary to create an administrative unit for the counties inhabited by the Slovak population under the name of the "Slovak Region," with a degree of political and cultural autonomy, but the Hungarian parliament refused the petition. In 1891 the Serbs and Rumanians from Transylvania and the Slovaks convoked a congress in Budapest, claiming national rights and asking for a federative reform of the kingdom on the principle of equality, but to no avail. The end of the first World War saw the end of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Its passing ushered in a new and hopeful era for the Slovaks who were confident that the new Czecho-Slovak partnership within the framework of the newly created Czecho-Slovak state would at last fulfill their aspirations. General Milan R. Stefanik, champion of the Slovak cause, had his misgivings. Andrew Hlinka, great Slovak patriotic leader, went clandestinely to the �70 SLOVAKIA Paris Peace Conference in September of 1919 advocating an international guarantee for the self-government of the Slovak nation within the state of Czecho-Slovakia. He was denounced by the Czecho-Slovak delegation, headed by Dr. Eduard Benes, to the French police as a Habsburg spy and was forced to return to Slovakia where by the order of Prague he was imprisoned until April 1920. In the opinion of the Slovak leaders, the Czecho-Slovak state became a Czech state, enlarged by Slovakia, and Sub-Carpathian Ruthenia. Close to eleven hundred years elapsed before the· Slovak nation on March 14, 1939, finally declared its independence. Even though the Slovak State was largely the result of a tense international situation, it nevertheless corresponded to the aspirations of the Slovak people· for freedom and the principle of self-determination and self-government. Altogether 27 states recognized the international individuality of Slovakia, among them the Holy See, Switzerland, Sweden, France the Soviet Unon, and Great Britain. The Slovak Constitution contained principles which in some aspects combined the features of the liberal state, of Christian democracy, and of the authoritarian state. It reflected a compromise between the past and the present, between an old tradition and a temporarily determined political dynamism in Central Europe. But, in general, it was an expression of the self-preservation instinct of the Slovak nation. As the second great war drew to a close, at the end of April, 1945, Moscow claimed exclusive rights to the occupation of the territory formerly comprising CzechoSlovakia. By September of that year, the Czech Communists were well on the road to power. In the first election of May 26, 1946, 56 percent of the voters in the Czech lands elected 130 out of 229 deputies from the Marxist bloc; in Slovakia, however, the Reds were soundly trounced. The stage was set for the transition, and the complete seizure of the government by the Czech Communists. The Select Committee on Communist Agression of the Ameri- �SLOVAKIA 71 ,can House of Representatives in 1953, on evidence before it, estimated, that there were about 100 forced labor camps in Czecho-Slovakia, confining approximately 300,000 political prisoners. In Slovakia, as elsewhere, the Church bears the full fury of Communist terror and brutality. The Slovak Pre.sident, Monsignor Joseph Tisco, was sentenced to death by a People's Court, and executed by order of the Benes government. There are priests imprisoned in the CzechoSlovak Republic at the present time. This does not include the deported monks, nuns, and priests of the Eastern (Greek) Catholic Rite. Slovak bishops Vojtassak, Buzalka, .and Gojdic are also in prison. Slovakia's resistance to Communism continues in the tradition of its resistance against all who would destroy her identity, her religion, and culture, for she carries the glorious torch of Christianity which she received 1100 years ago from the hands of two saintly brothers, Cyril and Methodius. Those of us who have had the fortune to live most of our lives in a free country take our freedom and independence for granted, but our brothers over there, less fortunate than we, are now engaged in a struggle to regain it. Together with their enslaved brother Slav nations, they are looking forward to the day when they can again rededicate themselves as free men to the universal principle set out in the preamble to the American Constitution "that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, that among them are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, that to secure these rights governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed. That whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it and institute a new government." We would be remiss in our moral duty if we did not do all in our power to hasten the advent of that day. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1959, Vol. 9 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 4 [sic] (No. 29), March 1959.</li> <li>Issue 5 [sic] (No. 30), June-December 1959.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1959 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 68 SLOVAKIA 17. 18. 19. 20. ternational de la Croix Rouge , Geneve, 1948, I-IL1, I-er vol., P. 674, and also J . A. Mikus, Opus. c it. , p. 136. Ibid em, p. 101. Cfr. A . Kuno si: Opus cit., and a lso Chap ter on Political parties. It is a m att er of controv ersy a mong experts of constitutional law if the preponderance of the executiv e over the legislature gives a n a uthorHaria n character to a State. "A domina nt exec utiv e can be defend ed on th eore ti cal grounds," says Andre Mathiot. " The Cabinet, no less than Parlia m ent, com es into being as the r esult of an elec tion which more or less d et ermines its composition. Thus, in Great Britain, the relationship between the Crown, Parliament and the Cabin et ha ve gra du a lly d eveloped to produce a uniqu e parliam entary regime in which the executiv e is now th e dominant organ. Parliamen t remains legally sovereign a nd in th eory the supreme organ in th e State, but it is 110 exagger ation to say that effective political power is nowa days concentrated in the small group of men who constitute th e Cabinet" (Opus cit. , p. 135). W e have, of course, no intention to rights, on theoretical grounds, and to compare the r egime in Great Britain with that in Slovakia. Cfr. Kunos i: opus cit., p. 89. • • • MARCH 14, 1939: SLOVAK INDEPENDENCE DAY By Andrew Pastor The day of independence of a nation represents the culminating point in what often was a long struggle for its achievement. Independence comes easy, but the road leading to it is strewn with hardships, sufferings, miseries, and oftentimes death. Whether that day be the 4th of July, or the 14th day of March, it is a day of recollection upon which each individual looks with pride, knowing that this day years ago marked the beginning of a new and brighter era in the historic evolution of one's nation. What is the historical background of Slovakia's independence? Briefly the political history of the Slovaks dates back to the 9th century when Rastislav, the ruler of Great Moravia (846-870), made himself known for the intensive christianization of their territory by inviting Sts. Cyril and Methodius, the Apostles of the Slovaks and the SLOVAKIA 69 Slavs, to Great Moravia. With our forefathers they laid the foundations for the church organization, the Slav liturgy, Slovak alphabet and literature in Slovakia. In the 10th century Slovakia became a battlefield in the struggle among the Slovaks, Magyars, and Germans. At the beginning of the 11th century she became a part of the Hungarian Kingdom under the Arpad dynasty. In the 15th and 16th centuries the internal problems of Hungary reached a certain degree of consolidation. The invasion of central Europe by the Turks in the 16th and 17th centuries reduced Hungary to the area of presentday Slovakia. For quite some time sessions of the Hungarian Parliament were held in Bratislava, the Slovak capital, and the coronations of Hungarian kings were celebrated there. The end of the 18th and the first half of the 19th century mark the beginning of the Slovak national renaissance. In 1848 the Slovaks aided the Habsburgs in putting down the Kossuth rebellion with the hope that Slovakia would be finally acknowledged as an autonomous land within a federated monarchy; this, however, was never r ealized. In the "Memorandum" of the Slovak nation of June 7, 1861, a Slovak national assemblage asked the parliament of Hungary to create an administrative unit for the counties inhabited by the Slovak population under the name of the "Slovak Region," with a degree of political and cultural autonomy, but the Hungarian parliament refused the petition. In 1891 the Serbs and Rumanians from Transylvania and the Slovaks convoked a congress in Budapest, claiming national rights and asking for a federative reform of the kingdom on the principle of equality, but to no avail. The end of the first World War saw the end of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Its passing ushered in a new and hopeful era for the Slovaks who were confident that the new Czecho-Slovak partnership within the framework of the newly created Czecho-Slovak state would at last fulfill their aspirations. General Milan R. Stefanik, champion of the Slovak cause, had his misgivings. Andrew Hlinka, great Slovak patriotic leader, went clandestinely to the 70 SLOVAKIA Paris Peace Conference in September of 1919 advocating an international guarantee for the self-government of the Slovak nation within the state of Czecho-Slovakia. He was denounced by the Czecho-Slovak delegation, headed by Dr. Eduard Benes, to the French police as a Habsburg spy and was forced to return to Slovakia where by the order of Prague he was imprisoned until April 1920. In the opinion of the Slovak leaders, the Czecho-Slovak state became a Czech state, enlarged by Slovakia, and Sub-Carpathian Ruthenia. Close to eleven hundred years elapsed before the· Slovak nation on March 14, 1939, finally declared its independence. Even though the Slovak State was largely the result of a tense international situation, it nevertheless corresponded to the aspirations of the Slovak people· for freedom and the principle of self-determination and self-government. Altogether 27 states recognized the international individuality of Slovakia, among them the Holy See, Switzerland, Sweden, France the Soviet Unon, and Great Britain. The Slovak Constitution contained principles which in some aspects combined the features of the liberal state, of Christian democracy, and of the authoritarian state. It reflected a compromise between the past and the present, between an old tradition and a temporarily determined political dynamism in Central Europe. But, in general, it was an expression of the self-preservation instinct of the Slovak nation. As the second great war drew to a close, at the end of April, 1945, Moscow claimed exclusive rights to the occupation of the territory formerly comprising CzechoSlovakia. By September of that year, the Czech Communists were well on the road to power. In the first election of May 26, 1946, 56 percent of the voters in the Czech lands elected 130 out of 229 deputies from the Marxist bloc; in Slovakia, however, the Reds were soundly trounced. The stage was set for the transition, and the complete seizure of the government by the Czech Communists. The Select Committee on Communist Agression of the Ameri- SLOVAKIA 71 ,can House of Representatives in 1953, on evidence before it, estimated, that there were about 100 forced labor camps in Czecho-Slovakia, confining approximately 300,000 political prisoners. In Slovakia, as elsewhere, the Church bears the full fury of Communist terror and brutality. The Slovak Pre.sident, Monsignor Joseph Tisco, was sentenced to death by a People's Court, and executed by order of the Benes government. There are priests imprisoned in the CzechoSlovak Republic at the present time. This does not include the deported monks, nuns, and priests of the Eastern (Greek) Catholic Rite. Slovak bishops Vojtassak, Buzalka, .and Gojdic are also in prison. Slovakia's resistance to Communism continues in the tradition of its resistance against all who would destroy her identity, her religion, and culture, for she carries the glorious torch of Christianity which she received 1100 years ago from the hands of two saintly brothers, Cyril and Methodius. Those of us who have had the fortune to live most of our lives in a free country take our freedom and independence for granted, but our brothers over there, less fortunate than we, are now engaged in a struggle to regain it. Together with their enslaved brother Slav nations, they are looking forward to the day when they can again rededicate themselves as free men to the universal principle set out in the preamble to the American Constitution "that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, that among them are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, that to secure these rights governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed. That whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it and institute a new government." We would be remiss in our moral duty if we did not do all in our power to hasten the advent of that day.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource March 14, 1939: Slovak Independence Day Description An account of the resource Andrew Pastor Slovakia, Vol. 9, No. 4 (29), March 1959 pp. 68-71 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Pastor, Andrew Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 1959 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/1745346897ea3701aa89e1a6f33b4835.pdf 19a4811a83ce822f7acbcf2cfe8eac9d PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 7 SLOV ANICS IN AMERICAN SEOONDARY SCHOOLS William S. Patala That the Slavic languages are not taught in our American schools - in our high schools especially, but also in our colleges and even grade schools - is a sad fact which is lately coming around to admitting this deficiency, and the need for a remedy; public opinion is stirring in a similar vein; and some statesmen are speaking up for a new progra;m to rectify the absence of courses in the Slav languages in our educational system. These groups are moved by a realization not only of the world position in which communism puts the Slovanic nations it controls, but also by an awareness of the rising prominence of these nations in the 20th century irrespective of that totalitariain regime, and then too by a recognition of the ever-increasing volume of travel and tourism, which is making contact - and will make contact much more when the Iron Curtain rises - witih the eastern half of Europe, the Slav world, as never before. 'Dhese considerations and others, are pressing more and more for Americans to learn a Slavic tongue a-s their second language. Of course, all ethnic groups of rectn immigration, including the Slovaks to be sure, have a long time recognized the value of American youths learning foreign languages, although each nationality insisted, as might be expected, on their own as the first to be learned. And these peoples, especially the Catholics among them because of their private schools, have tried to teach their descendants in America the ancestral tongue - at least to the first and second generation, where there was still living contact with the spoken foreign language. But these efforts of national groups are on the wane, so that if American youths are to learn a European language, and especially a Slavic one, it will have to be through the instrumentality of the regular American high schools. These schools already have in .their curricula the other European vernaculars: German, French, Spanish, but they do not have Slavic. �8 SLOVAKIA What Slavic Language? If our high schools should decid~ to introduce the Siovanic languages into their courses, however - and rising pressure may wen move them to do so soon - they will have to solve one outstanding difficulity which presents itself immediately. This difficulty must be settled before the composition of a text book oon even be undertaken. And that problem is, namely, which Slav language shall be taught? For O'bviously they cannot aJII be taught, since ther are some nine prominent ones. So the question is which one should be singled out for this honorable use. The first answer that presents itself is Russian. This is by far the largest Slavic tongue in use, and Russia naturally seems to be the mother of all the Slovanic naitions. Bult Russia has never filled thus "natural" position of a mother: whether communist or czarist, her interest in the other Slav countries has always been selfish. Although all these nations would each raise an objection to the choice of every language except their own, nevertheless their strongest dbjection would be to the use of Russian, since their feeling for Russia extends in genera!l from mistrust to hatred, the latter especially by Poland and the Ukraine. Other dif:filculties also attend t:Jhe use of Russian, above all the strange alphabet, then borrowed and original words, and again the oriental and Orthodox culture of that country, etc. This writer would recommend as the basic language to be taughrt in a course of "High School Sfovanics" the use of the Slovak tongue. My choice of Slovak for this highly-representative position stands on three arguments of varying force : First, a negative argument, whfoh is equally valid for the use of any O'f the Stavic tongues (except a fringe language like Rumanian) ; this proof is intended to show why Slovak should not be excluded by a prior judgment; and it is this, that any Slavic tongue is a key to all of them. Consider how similar the viarious - we could almost call them dialects - of the Slav race are, from the following selections. If you know Slovak well, you will easily enough gather the thought of each quotiation: �SLOVAKIA 9 (1) (Ruthenian or Rusin): "0 Bohorodice D'ivo Marije, radujsja, raduj nebes lelije. Solncem pribranna, vkryta duhoju, Marije cista, Hospod's Toboju." (2) (Church or Old Slovanic, or Bulgarian): (InternationaJ alpha) : "Pri:z;ri na mja i pomilum mja. Da priblicitsja molitva moja pred fa Hospodi, po slovesi tvojemu vrazumi mja." (3) (Czech): "Za tri tisice roku, ach, co tu bude Zmen, a co tu bude skoku pres hroby slavnych jmen !" (4) (Polish): "Jezeli domu sam Pan nie zbuluje, Daremnie nad nim rzemieslnik pracuje. Jok od pocz~tku byla tak i ninie, I na wiek wiekow niechaj zawsze slynie." (5) (Slovenian: "Sedaj prosi ljubega Boga, naj Ti odpusti vse Tvoje grehe, ki si se jih spovedal, a tudi grehe vsega Tvojega zivljenja." (6) (Croatian and Serbian): (International script) : "Pricekajte jedan minut. Gde su vojnici? Drago mi je poznati vas. Molim vas pomozite mi." (7) (Ukrainian): (International alphabet): "V nasich cerkvach je zvicaj otvirati dveri na pocatku Bozestvennoji Liturgiji." (8) (White Rusian): "Kaznamu, chto hetak vyjavic usie svaje hrachii klo jon scyra za ich zaleje, mozna dac sakramentalnaje razihresennie." (9) (Russian): (International alphabet) : "So mnoju liudi bez imion." Secondly, a practical reason for my picking Slovak as the one language to be taught is a Slovanic grammar. Since I am doing the selecting, I naturally choose the lianguage most familiar and most dear to me. This is Slovak. But finally, the conclusive argument, that shows Slovak to be the ideal tongue for use in a text book of Slovanics is its unique position in connection with all the Slavic tongues. Slovak is the one language best understood by all the Slav peoples! This is so because it has the closest relations with all the other Slavic vernaculars as any of them has: most words in common, most letters and constructions in common, least foreign additions, least changes of its own. Note the words of Professor John D. Prince of Columbia University in the News Bulletin of the Amer- �10 SLOVAKIA ican Association of Teachers of Slovanic and East European Lianguages, Dec. 15, 1943: "Of the nine principal Slovanic variants (Rus., Wh. Rus., Ukr., Cz., Pol., Serb., Croat. and Bulg.) Slovak contains the greatest number of forms common to all ... . To apply the pragmatic test, Slovak is of all the Slovanic tongues the most readily understood by other Slavs." And H. L. Menchken says in The American Language: "A peasant from Sfovakia enjoying the benefit of a central position in the Slavonic territory, is understood by a Slav from any other country." Therefore, in the words of the great reformer of the Slovak language, I',udovit Stur (1814-1856): "Slovak appears to us as a distinct and separate language, without which it would be impracticable to formulate a comparative grammar of Slavic tongues, because it forms a connecting link between them all." The Integration of the Basic Language With Elements of the Other Slav Tongues Now, having settled this problem regaroing the choice of one basic language - be it Slovak or some other we should next consider all the various elements which would combine to make the text book reaMy a Slovanic grammar, and not a grammar only of the language it features. Besides teaching the student one language, which is ,a key to all thke Slavic tongues, the Slovanic grammar would acquaint him with the various languages in other ways also. While presenting only one tongue, it would also give knowledge of the other Slavic nations and cultures. Thus it would be a genuine (and feasible, we think) compromise between all the tongues, which, as we have said, is impracticable, and teaching only one, which is too limited and insufficient, by itself. The SloV'anic text book would present the basic language completely; its declensions, conjugations, syntax, vocabulary, but at the same time it would also present the history of the Slavic race, a description of the individual nations with their geography and statistics, the salient points of their literature, music, art, and even some excerpts from their poetry and prose. In this way, the student would have a working mastery of one Slav language, through it a key to all the Slav tongues, and an under- �SLOVAKIA 11 standing of the position, history and culture of each nation. What better acquaintance than this could a person hope to have with nine languages, without studying each one of the individually? Let us consider in detail how these two elements: the one language and the various cultures, would appear in our S'lovanics book. The basic language would be presented pretty much th€ way it is in any (Siovak) grammar. We might, for this purpose, take Hrobak's Slovak Lessons, which is recognized as the best text-book of Slovak, to cover the first elemenit. Hrobak's Lessons gradually teaches the language, by use of the following sections and titles: voca:bulary, expressions, grammar, exercises, reading lessons, reviews, et<:. The other element, the various cultures, would be integrated with the lessons, and be presented by means of verbal explanations, pi,otures, selected words and exipressions (where possible), exercises and reading lessons from their national literatures (transliterated into Slovak), etc. Successive lessons could introduce such topics as these: The Slav race, the Christianization of the Slavic peoples, the submerged Slavs, the Slavic nations; then individual countries: the Slovaks, Rusins, Czechs, Poles, etc.; even the fringe naJtions: the Rumanians, Lithuanians. Particular subjedts could also be presented, such as: the General Characteristics of Slav Art, Temperament, etc. Finally, to the book several appendices could be added: one giving the Russian (and Old Slovanic) alphabet(s) and the equivalent in western script; another showing the various letter marks, like r, z, I, u, and their SfoV'ak transliterations; and then, a very valuable appendix showing somE key differences between Slovak and the other Slovanic languages: v. g. stating the rule where Polish uses w or g for Slovak v or h, where Czech has v and r for Slovak 1 and r, and the like. This last appendix would be a crowning offering of the grammar, making it possible for the energet,ic pupil to master to some extent all the Slovanic languages at once by means of these differences. rn conclusion, I admit that I am not an expert in the Slavic tongues, but it appears to me that the "High-School �12 SLOVAKIA Slovanics" grammar is a real possibility. I believe that it could be drawn up along the lines presented in this article. Of course, it would require the careful, studious efforts of someone well acquainted with the Slovanic languages or at least with one of them. But I feel it can be done. At least the possibility should be explored and an attempt made in .that direction. Perhaps if we Slovaks ignore this project, some one of our kindred Slavs may take it up, using his tongue instead of ours as the basis. The Slav languages certainly should be taught in our schools. But if they are to be, a Slovanic grammar is needed. Slovak can offer itself as the key ingredient in such a book, since it possesses the qualirty of representatives among the Slavic vernaculars. What is requisite, therefore, is a recognition of the needs for and feasibility of a "High School Slovanics" book, and then the efforts of our Slovak-American intelligentsia to prepare it. In this way, the great culture of our tiny nation would make still another contribution to the advancement of world knowledge and culture. - (MOST," Vol. 5, No. 2) . • • • THE BIRTH OF A SATELLITE By Bohdan Chudoba (It is ofiten maintained that Czecho-Slovaikiia became a s·a tellite of Moscow in February, 1948, when the communists gained full power in Prague. In the following article Pr<Yfessor Bohdan Chudio'ba of New York, a noted historian and forimer leading Czech -politician, very clearly -i lluminates the Czecho-Slovaik situation after World War II and the disastrous role that Czecho~ovaikia's foruner President Edward Benes played when, long before '1'94'8, he paved the way for the commun,ist seizure o,f full power in '1948.) When leading statesmen of the Allied Powers met at Teheran in 1943 and President Roosevelt ha,d to decide whether or not to support ChurchiH's plan to invade the Balkans and keep the Red Army out of Central Europe, the conference had the spectacle of Edward Benes journeying solemnly from London to Moscow where, on December 12, he signed a new treaty between Czecho-Slovalda and the Soviet Union, binding himself and his (provisional) government to dissolve all "anti-communist organizations � SLOVAKIA 7 SLOV ANICS IN AMERICAN SEOONDARY SCHOOLS William S. Patala That the Slavic languages are not taught in our American schools - in our high schools especially, but also in our colleges and even grade schools - is a sad fact which is lately coming around to admitting this deficiency, and the need for a remedy; public opinion is stirring in a similar vein; and some statesmen are speaking up for a new progra;m to rectify the absence of courses in the Slav languages in our educational system. These groups are moved by a realization not only of the world position in which communism puts the Slovanic nations it controls, but also by an awareness of the rising prominence of these nations in the 20th century irrespective of that totalitariain regime, and then too by a recognition of the ever-increasing volume of travel and tourism, which is making contact - and will make contact much more when the Iron Curtain rises - witih the eastern half of Europe, the Slav world, as never before. 'Dhese considerations and others, are pressing more and more for Americans to learn a Slavic tongue a-s their second language. Of course, all ethnic groups of rectn immigration, including the Slovaks to be sure, have a long time recognized the value of American youths learning foreign languages, although each nationality insisted, as might be expected, on their own as the first to be learned. And these peoples, especially the Catholics among them because of their private schools, have tried to teach their descendants in America the ancestral tongue - at least to the first and second generation, where there was still living contact with the spoken foreign language. But these efforts of national groups are on the wane, so that if American youths are to learn a European language, and especially a Slavic one, it will have to be through the instrumentality of the regular American high schools. These schools already have in .their curricula the other European vernaculars: German, French, Spanish, but they do not have Slavic. �8 SLOVAKIA What Slavic Language? If our high schools should decid~ to introduce the Siovanic languages into their courses, however - and rising pressure may wen move them to do so soon - they will have to solve one outstanding difficulity which presents itself immediately. This difficulty must be settled before the composition of a text book oon even be undertaken. And that problem is, namely, which Slav language shall be taught? For O'bviously they cannot aJII be taught, since ther are some nine prominent ones. So the question is which one should be singled out for this honorable use. The first answer that presents itself is Russian. This is by far the largest Slavic tongue in use, and Russia naturally seems to be the mother of all the Slovanic naitions. Bult Russia has never filled thus "natural" position of a mother: whether communist or czarist, her interest in the other Slav countries has always been selfish. Although all these nations would each raise an objection to the choice of every language except their own, nevertheless their strongest dbjection would be to the use of Russian, since their feeling for Russia extends in genera!l from mistrust to hatred, the latter especially by Poland and the Ukraine. Other dif:filculties also attend t:Jhe use of Russian, above all the strange alphabet, then borrowed and original words, and again the oriental and Orthodox culture of that country, etc. This writer would recommend as the basic language to be taughrt in a course of "High School Sfovanics" the use of the Slovak tongue. My choice of Slovak for this highly-representative position stands on three arguments of varying force : First, a negative argument, whfoh is equally valid for the use of any O'f the Stavic tongues (except a fringe language like Rumanian) ; this proof is intended to show why Slovak should not be excluded by a prior judgment; and it is this, that any Slavic tongue is a key to all of them. Consider how similar the viarious - we could almost call them dialects - of the Slav race are, from the following selections. If you know Slovak well, you will easily enough gather the thought of each quotiation: �SLOVAKIA 9 (1) (Ruthenian or Rusin): "0 Bohorodice D'ivo Marije, radujsja, raduj nebes lelije. Solncem pribranna, vkryta duhoju, Marije cista, Hospod's Toboju." (2) (Church or Old Slovanic, or Bulgarian): (InternationaJ alpha) : "Pri:z;ri na mja i pomilum mja. Da priblicitsja molitva moja pred fa Hospodi, po slovesi tvojemu vrazumi mja." (3) (Czech): "Za tri tisice roku, ach, co tu bude Zmen, a co tu bude skoku pres hroby slavnych jmen !" (4) (Polish): "Jezeli domu sam Pan nie zbuluje, Daremnie nad nim rzemieslnik pracuje. Jok od pocz~tku byla tak i ninie, I na wiek wiekow niechaj zawsze slynie." (5) (Slovenian: "Sedaj prosi ljubega Boga, naj Ti odpusti vse Tvoje grehe, ki si se jih spovedal, a tudi grehe vsega Tvojega zivljenja." (6) (Croatian and Serbian): (International script) : "Pricekajte jedan minut. Gde su vojnici? Drago mi je poznati vas. Molim vas pomozite mi." (7) (Ukrainian): (International alphabet): "V nasich cerkvach je zvicaj otvirati dveri na pocatku Bozestvennoji Liturgiji." (8) (White Rusian): "Kaznamu, chto hetak vyjavic usie svaje hrachii klo jon scyra za ich zaleje, mozna dac sakramentalnaje razihresennie." (9) (Russian): (International alphabet) : "So mnoju liudi bez imion." Secondly, a practical reason for my picking Slovak as the one language to be taught is a Slovanic grammar. Since I am doing the selecting, I naturally choose the lianguage most familiar and most dear to me. This is Slovak. But finally, the conclusive argument, that shows Slovak to be the ideal tongue for use in a text book of Slovanics is its unique position in connection with all the Slavic tongues. Slovak is the one language best understood by all the Slav peoples! This is so because it has the closest relations with all the other Slavic vernaculars as any of them has: most words in common, most letters and constructions in common, least foreign additions, least changes of its own. Note the words of Professor John D. Prince of Columbia University in the News Bulletin of the Amer- �10 SLOVAKIA ican Association of Teachers of Slovanic and East European Lianguages, Dec. 15, 1943: "Of the nine principal Slovanic variants (Rus., Wh. Rus., Ukr., Cz., Pol., Serb., Croat. and Bulg.) Slovak contains the greatest number of forms common to all ... . To apply the pragmatic test, Slovak is of all the Slovanic tongues the most readily understood by other Slavs." And H. L. Menchken says in The American Language: "A peasant from Sfovakia enjoying the benefit of a central position in the Slavonic territory, is understood by a Slav from any other country." Therefore, in the words of the great reformer of the Slovak language, I',udovit Stur (1814-1856): "Slovak appears to us as a distinct and separate language, without which it would be impracticable to formulate a comparative grammar of Slavic tongues, because it forms a connecting link between them all." The Integration of the Basic Language With Elements of the Other Slav Tongues Now, having settled this problem regaroing the choice of one basic language - be it Slovak or some other we should next consider all the various elements which would combine to make the text book reaMy a Slovanic grammar, and not a grammar only of the language it features. Besides teaching the student one language, which is ,a key to all thke Slavic tongues, the Slovanic grammar would acquaint him with the various languages in other ways also. While presenting only one tongue, it would also give knowledge of the other Slavic nations and cultures. Thus it would be a genuine (and feasible, we think) compromise between all the tongues, which, as we have said, is impracticable, and teaching only one, which is too limited and insufficient, by itself. The SloV'anic text book would present the basic language completely; its declensions, conjugations, syntax, vocabulary, but at the same time it would also present the history of the Slavic race, a description of the individual nations with their geography and statistics, the salient points of their literature, music, art, and even some excerpts from their poetry and prose. In this way, the student would have a working mastery of one Slav language, through it a key to all the Slav tongues, and an under- �SLOVAKIA 11 standing of the position, history and culture of each nation. What better acquaintance than this could a person hope to have with nine languages, without studying each one of the individually? Let us consider in detail how these two elements: the one language and the various cultures, would appear in our S'lovanics book. The basic language would be presented pretty much th€ way it is in any (Siovak) grammar. We might, for this purpose, take Hrobak's Slovak Lessons, which is recognized as the best text-book of Slovak, to cover the first elemenit. Hrobak's Lessons gradually teaches the language, by use of the following sections and titles: voca:bulary, expressions, grammar, exercises, reading lessons, reviews, et<:. The other element, the various cultures, would be integrated with the lessons, and be presented by means of verbal explanations, pi,otures, selected words and exipressions (where possible), exercises and reading lessons from their national literatures (transliterated into Slovak), etc. Successive lessons could introduce such topics as these: The Slav race, the Christianization of the Slavic peoples, the submerged Slavs, the Slavic nations; then individual countries: the Slovaks, Rusins, Czechs, Poles, etc.; even the fringe naJtions: the Rumanians, Lithuanians. Particular subjedts could also be presented, such as: the General Characteristics of Slav Art, Temperament, etc. Finally, to the book several appendices could be added: one giving the Russian (and Old Slovanic) alphabet(s) and the equivalent in western script; another showing the various letter marks, like r, z, I, u, and their SfoV'ak transliterations; and then, a very valuable appendix showing somE key differences between Slovak and the other Slovanic languages: v. g. stating the rule where Polish uses w or g for Slovak v or h, where Czech has v and r for Slovak 1 and r, and the like. This last appendix would be a crowning offering of the grammar, making it possible for the energet,ic pupil to master to some extent all the Slovanic languages at once by means of these differences. rn conclusion, I admit that I am not an expert in the Slavic tongues, but it appears to me that the "High-School �12 SLOVAKIA Slovanics" grammar is a real possibility. I believe that it could be drawn up along the lines presented in this article. Of course, it would require the careful, studious efforts of someone well acquainted with the Slovanic languages or at least with one of them. But I feel it can be done. At least the possibility should be explored and an attempt made in .that direction. Perhaps if we Slovaks ignore this project, some one of our kindred Slavs may take it up, using his tongue instead of ours as the basis. The Slav languages certainly should be taught in our schools. But if they are to be, a Slovanic grammar is needed. Slovak can offer itself as the key ingredient in such a book, since it possesses the qualirty of representatives among the Slavic vernaculars. What is requisite, therefore, is a recognition of the needs for and feasibility of a "High School Slovanics" book, and then the efforts of our Slovak-American intelligentsia to prepare it. In this way, the great culture of our tiny nation would make still another contribution to the advancement of world knowledge and culture. - (MOST," Vol. 5, No. 2) . • • • THE BIRTH OF A SATELLITE By Bohdan Chudoba (It is ofiten maintained that Czecho-Slovaikiia became a s·a tellite of Moscow in February, 1948, when the communists gained full power in Prague. In the following article Pr<Yfessor Bohdan Chudio'ba of New York, a noted historian and forimer leading Czech -politician, very clearly -i lluminates the Czecho-Slovaik situation after World War II and the disastrous role that Czecho~ovaikia's foruner President Edward Benes played when, long before '1'94'8, he paved the way for the commun,ist seizure o,f full power in '1948.) When leading statesmen of the Allied Powers met at Teheran in 1943 and President Roosevelt ha,d to decide whether or not to support ChurchiH's plan to invade the Balkans and keep the Red Army out of Central Europe, the conference had the spectacle of Edward Benes journeying solemnly from London to Moscow where, on December 12, he signed a new treaty between Czecho-Slovalda and the Soviet Union, binding himself and his (provisional) government to dissolve all "anti-communist organizations � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1960, Vol. 10 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 6 [sic] (No. 31), March-June 1960.</li> <li>Issue 7 [sic] (No. 32), September-December 1960.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1960 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 7 SLOV ANICS IN AMERICAN SEOONDARY SCHOOLS William S. Patala That the Slavic languages are not taught in our American schools - in our high schools especially, but also in our colleges and even grade schools - is a sad fact which is lately coming around to admitting this deficiency, and the need for a remedy; public opinion is stirring in a similar vein; and some statesmen are speaking up for a new progra;m to rectify the absence of courses in the Slav languages in our educational system. These groups are moved by a realization not only of the world position in which communism puts the Slovanic nations it controls, but also by an awareness of the rising prominence of these nations in the 20th century irrespective of that totalitariain regime, and then too by a recognition of the ever-increasing volume of travel and tourism, which is making contact - and will make contact much more when the Iron Curtain rises - witih the eastern half of Europe, the Slav world, as never before. 'Dhese considerations and others, are pressing more and more for Americans to learn a Slavic tongue a-s their second language. Of course, all ethnic groups of rectn immigration, including the Slovaks to be sure, have a long time recognized the value of American youths learning foreign languages, although each nationality insisted, as might be expected, on their own as the first to be learned. And these peoples, especially the Catholics among them because of their private schools, have tried to teach their descendants in America the ancestral tongue - at least to the first and second generation, where there was still living contact with the spoken foreign language. But these efforts of national groups are on the wane, so that if American youths are to learn a European language, and especially a Slavic one, it will have to be through the instrumentality of the regular American high schools. These schools already have in .their curricula the other European vernaculars: German, French, Spanish, but they do not have Slavic. 8 SLOVAKIA What Slavic Language? If our high schools should decid~ to introduce the Siovanic languages into their courses, however - and rising pressure may wen move them to do so soon - they will have to solve one outstanding difficulity which presents itself immediately. This difficulty must be settled before the composition of a text book oon even be undertaken. And that problem is, namely, which Slav language shall be taught? For O'bviously they cannot aJII be taught, since ther are some nine prominent ones. So the question is which one should be singled out for this honorable use. The first answer that presents itself is Russian. This is by far the largest Slavic tongue in use, and Russia naturally seems to be the mother of all the Slovanic naitions. Bult Russia has never filled thus "natural" position of a mother: whether communist or czarist, her interest in the other Slav countries has always been selfish. Although all these nations would each raise an objection to the choice of every language except their own, nevertheless their strongest dbjection would be to the use of Russian, since their feeling for Russia extends in genera!l from mistrust to hatred, the latter especially by Poland and the Ukraine. Other dif:filculties also attend t:Jhe use of Russian, above all the strange alphabet, then borrowed and original words, and again the oriental and Orthodox culture of that country, etc. This writer would recommend as the basic language to be taughrt in a course of "High School Sfovanics" the use of the Slovak tongue. My choice of Slovak for this highly-representative position stands on three arguments of varying force : First, a negative argument, whfoh is equally valid for the use of any O'f the Stavic tongues (except a fringe language like Rumanian) ; this proof is intended to show why Slovak should not be excluded by a prior judgment; and it is this, that any Slavic tongue is a key to all of them. Consider how similar the viarious - we could almost call them dialects - of the Slav race are, from the following selections. If you know Slovak well, you will easily enough gather the thought of each quotiation: SLOVAKIA 9 (1) (Ruthenian or Rusin): "0 Bohorodice D'ivo Marije, radujsja, raduj nebes lelije. Solncem pribranna, vkryta duhoju, Marije cista, Hospod's Toboju." (2) (Church or Old Slovanic, or Bulgarian): (InternationaJ alpha) : "Pri:z;ri na mja i pomilum mja. Da priblicitsja molitva moja pred fa Hospodi, po slovesi tvojemu vrazumi mja." (3) (Czech): "Za tri tisice roku, ach, co tu bude Zmen, a co tu bude skoku pres hroby slavnych jmen !" (4) (Polish): "Jezeli domu sam Pan nie zbuluje, Daremnie nad nim rzemieslnik pracuje. Jok od pocz~tku byla tak i ninie, I na wiek wiekow niechaj zawsze slynie." (5) (Slovenian: "Sedaj prosi ljubega Boga, naj Ti odpusti vse Tvoje grehe, ki si se jih spovedal, a tudi grehe vsega Tvojega zivljenja." (6) (Croatian and Serbian): (International script) : "Pricekajte jedan minut. Gde su vojnici? Drago mi je poznati vas. Molim vas pomozite mi." (7) (Ukrainian): (International alphabet): "V nasich cerkvach je zvicaj otvirati dveri na pocatku Bozestvennoji Liturgiji." (8) (White Rusian): "Kaznamu, chto hetak vyjavic usie svaje hrachii klo jon scyra za ich zaleje, mozna dac sakramentalnaje razihresennie." (9) (Russian): (International alphabet) : "So mnoju liudi bez imion." Secondly, a practical reason for my picking Slovak as the one language to be taught is a Slovanic grammar. Since I am doing the selecting, I naturally choose the lianguage most familiar and most dear to me. This is Slovak. But finally, the conclusive argument, that shows Slovak to be the ideal tongue for use in a text book of Slovanics is its unique position in connection with all the Slavic tongues. Slovak is the one language best understood by all the Slav peoples! This is so because it has the closest relations with all the other Slavic vernaculars as any of them has: most words in common, most letters and constructions in common, least foreign additions, least changes of its own. Note the words of Professor John D. Prince of Columbia University in the News Bulletin of the Amer- 10 SLOVAKIA ican Association of Teachers of Slovanic and East European Lianguages, Dec. 15, 1943: "Of the nine principal Slovanic variants (Rus., Wh. Rus., Ukr., Cz., Pol., Serb., Croat. and Bulg.) Slovak contains the greatest number of forms common to all ... . To apply the pragmatic test, Slovak is of all the Slovanic tongues the most readily understood by other Slavs." And H. L. Menchken says in The American Language: "A peasant from Sfovakia enjoying the benefit of a central position in the Slavonic territory, is understood by a Slav from any other country." Therefore, in the words of the great reformer of the Slovak language, I',udovit Stur (1814-1856): "Slovak appears to us as a distinct and separate language, without which it would be impracticable to formulate a comparative grammar of Slavic tongues, because it forms a connecting link between them all." The Integration of the Basic Language With Elements of the Other Slav Tongues Now, having settled this problem regaroing the choice of one basic language - be it Slovak or some other we should next consider all the various elements which would combine to make the text book reaMy a Slovanic grammar, and not a grammar only of the language it features. Besides teaching the student one language, which is ,a key to all thke Slavic tongues, the Slovanic grammar would acquaint him with the various languages in other ways also. While presenting only one tongue, it would also give knowledge of the other Slavic nations and cultures. Thus it would be a genuine (and feasible, we think) compromise between all the tongues, which, as we have said, is impracticable, and teaching only one, which is too limited and insufficient, by itself. The SloV'anic text book would present the basic language completely; its declensions, conjugations, syntax, vocabulary, but at the same time it would also present the history of the Slavic race, a description of the individual nations with their geography and statistics, the salient points of their literature, music, art, and even some excerpts from their poetry and prose. In this way, the student would have a working mastery of one Slav language, through it a key to all the Slav tongues, and an under- SLOVAKIA 11 standing of the position, history and culture of each nation. What better acquaintance than this could a person hope to have with nine languages, without studying each one of the individually? Let us consider in detail how these two elements: the one language and the various cultures, would appear in our S'lovanics book. The basic language would be presented pretty much th€ way it is in any (Siovak) grammar. We might, for this purpose, take Hrobak's Slovak Lessons, which is recognized as the best text-book of Slovak, to cover the first elemenit. Hrobak's Lessons gradually teaches the language, by use of the following sections and titles: voca:bulary, expressions, grammar, exercises, reading lessons, reviews, et<:. The other element, the various cultures, would be integrated with the lessons, and be presented by means of verbal explanations, pi,otures, selected words and exipressions (where possible), exercises and reading lessons from their national literatures (transliterated into Slovak), etc. Successive lessons could introduce such topics as these: The Slav race, the Christianization of the Slavic peoples, the submerged Slavs, the Slavic nations; then individual countries: the Slovaks, Rusins, Czechs, Poles, etc.; even the fringe naJtions: the Rumanians, Lithuanians. Particular subjedts could also be presented, such as: the General Characteristics of Slav Art, Temperament, etc. Finally, to the book several appendices could be added: one giving the Russian (and Old Slovanic) alphabet(s) and the equivalent in western script; another showing the various letter marks, like r, z, I, u, and their SfoV'ak transliterations; and then, a very valuable appendix showing somE key differences between Slovak and the other Slovanic languages: v. g. stating the rule where Polish uses w or g for Slovak v or h, where Czech has v and r for Slovak 1 and r, and the like. This last appendix would be a crowning offering of the grammar, making it possible for the energet,ic pupil to master to some extent all the Slovanic languages at once by means of these differences. rn conclusion, I admit that I am not an expert in the Slavic tongues, but it appears to me that the "High-School 12 SLOVAKIA Slovanics" grammar is a real possibility. I believe that it could be drawn up along the lines presented in this article. Of course, it would require the careful, studious efforts of someone well acquainted with the Slovanic languages or at least with one of them. But I feel it can be done. At least the possibility should be explored and an attempt made in .that direction. Perhaps if we Slovaks ignore this project, some one of our kindred Slavs may take it up, using his tongue instead of ours as the basis. The Slav languages certainly should be taught in our schools. But if they are to be, a Slovanic grammar is needed. Slovak can offer itself as the key ingredient in such a book, since it possesses the qualirty of representatives among the Slavic vernaculars. What is requisite, therefore, is a recognition of the needs for and feasibility of a "High School Slovanics" book, and then the efforts of our Slovak-American intelligentsia to prepare it. In this way, the great culture of our tiny nation would make still another contribution to the advancement of world knowledge and culture. - (MOST," Vol. 5, No. 2) . • • • THE BIRTH OF A SATELLITE By Bohdan Chudoba (It is ofiten maintained that Czecho-Slovaikiia became a s·a tellite of Moscow in February, 1948, when the communists gained full power in Prague. In the following article Pr<Yfessor Bohdan Chudio'ba of New York, a noted historian and forimer leading Czech -politician, very clearly -i lluminates the Czecho-Slovaik situation after World War II and the disastrous role that Czecho~ovaikia's foruner President Edward Benes played when, long before '1'94'8, he paved the way for the commun,ist seizure o,f full power in '1948.) When leading statesmen of the Allied Powers met at Teheran in 1943 and President Roosevelt ha,d to decide whether or not to support ChurchiH's plan to invade the Balkans and keep the Red Army out of Central Europe, the conference had the spectacle of Edward Benes journeying solemnly from London to Moscow where, on December 12, he signed a new treaty between Czecho-Slovalda and the Soviet Union, binding himself and his (provisional) government to dissolve all "anti-communist organizations  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovanics in American Secondary Schools Description An account of the resource William S. Patala Slovakia, Vol. 10, No. 6 (31), March-June 1960 pp. 7-12 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Patala, William S. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March-June 1960 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/2f9ee0bdd6e035a6cf1554a603a9b7bc.pdf c5d53e854ee68e8d0df6cc0216ae73b8 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 53 THE SLOV~ WILL NOT BE SILENCED DR. JOSEPH PAUČO Even though enemles of Slovak freedom and independence shall contlnue to exert themselves to silence the Slovaks, they shall not succeed. Thelr sacred cause shall !Ind honorable and noble defenders. And, In Ume, it shall prevall. Thelr falth In eventual victory is increasing every day. At one Ume many people tJhought th-a,t the idea and t he trufä about the lndependence of the Slovak natlon would forever remaln foreign to the Un1ted States. But, lo and behold, today only totally uninformed people belleve that the Slovaks are Czechs or' CzechosJovaks. Mostly those who do not follow events outside of Amerlca. t hose who have not been beyond the ocean, or those who are stub• horn. Thelr numbers are few. On the other hand, as time goes on, more is belng said about Slovakla and the Slovak natlon. But even more than that. Today there are many honest men in politlcs, publlshers, newsmen and commentators, who do not hesitate to lance tbe boil of Czechoslovakism. Tbe dlstlngulshed CBS commentator Edward R. Murrow, for example, dld not hesltate to state the trutb as he aaw it. He not only made known that there was a strong movement for Slovak !ndependenee, but even mentioned the fact that th e antagonism between t he Czechs a nd the Slovaks dates back farth er t han comm unism ltself. Tbe so-called "Czecboslovaks" (Czech Slovaks ! ) are trylng to Iure the Slovaks lnto a joint flght against communism. All other tblngs llke Slovak freedom, independence and national existence - must not be considered for the tlme belng. True, we must all comblne in tbe fight agalnst communlsm. But why teli the Slovaks that tbey must fight ~a!nst communlsm with the Czechs a nd on ly w ith t he Czechs - when it 1s a matter of historical record that the Slovaks fought commun1sm for over a hundred years without the Czechs ·t There 1s no force under tbe sun to force the Slovaks to play the "Czechoslovak" game, wblch threatens tbe very existence of the Slovak natlon by subordinatlng lt to tbe Czechs. Tbe Slovaks bave had tbelr flll of Magyars, Czechs, Russlans and Germans. Tbey are no Ionger lnterested In the joint st-ate of Czechoslovakia. They have outllved all tbat and lnslst on freedom and lndependence. The Slovaks have fought and are stlll vallantly fightlng communlsm, but not for the sake of belng enslaved and explolted by the Czechs or any other natlon. They do not want any one to teli them to flght communism for the sake of the prlnclples of T. G. Masaryk or Dr. Edward Beneš, because thelr pollcles were anti-Slovak and antiChristlan, undemocratlc and totally allen and opposed to Slovak national tradltlons and rellgious convictlons. The Slovaks wlll not be forced to flght communlsm with any group tbat fosters and promotes Czechoslovaklsm - the ideology that claims the S lova ks are only a bra nch of the Czech n at ion a nd t hat th e Slovak la nguage is only a dialect of the Czech nation ; in aho rt that the Slovak natlon doea not exlat - because that ldeology ls dedlcated to the enslavement �54 S LOVAKIA and destruction of tbe Slovak people, just a s communism 1s dedicated to the destructlon of all libertles and tbe ens la vement of al! peoples. Tbe old quarrel between tbe Czecbs and the Slovaks must be liquldated In the interests of botb the Czecbs and tbe Slovak.s, and in tbe lnterests of tbe democratic world as well. J ustice and tbe right demand it. The Slovaks fought against communism long before the Czech s and many other natlons; and the Stalin Reds were well aware or that fact in 1945. That is why the independent state of Slo• vakia had to be destroyed after the war and the Reds put into power there. Beneš and bis followers helped Stalin and his agents in their infll.IIlous work, believing that they would not attempt the same thing in Bohemia and Moravla. They were dead wrong then. and they are just as wrong today wben they promote tbe cause of Czechoslovakism - t he handmaid of communism - in the United States and other democratic countries of tbe world. T he Slovaks are fighting communism and want to keep fighting it together with ALL nations and national groups, even includlng the Czechs, but not specif ica ll y and jo ínt ly only wi th the Czec hs. Tbeir reward for their fight against communism must not be tbe !oss of their national existence, tbe surrender of their inberent right to freedom and independence. And even exiled Beneš Czechs, former Czech colla borators witb the Reds now enjoying the freedom of America, s bould be able to understand and appreciate that today. • • • • THE SLOVA.KS DO NOT WANT CZECHOSLOVA.KIA OR. ANDREW SLOVAK (The autbor of tbis artlcle is considered one of the foremost Slovak socialists. Recently he quit the "Czechoslovak" ranks and joined the Slovak National Council Abroad, the organlzation of Slovak exlles whose chief alm is to see Slovakla free and independent after her liberation from communism and tbe Soviet spbere of intluence thTust upon her by the victors in 1945. The vlews expressed by Dr. Slovak, who formerly favored the "Czechoslovak" ideology of Dr. Beneš, clearly indicate that there has been a change in the thinking of Slovak socialists.) The year 1945 was a surprise to every Slovak of the "Czecho• slovak" orientation. S\ovakia did not welcome the re-creatlon of the Czechoslovak State with great enthusiasm as was heralded by the propaganda apparatus of Dr. Beneš. The truth !s that apathy re!gned in practlcally all strata of tbe inhabitants of Slovakia without re• gard to differences In political convictions. Another surprising fact was the economic prosperity of the Slo· vak 1Republic. Slovak national economlsts proved to the world, and to the prO'tectors trom the W est and the Rast, that Slovakia is a se\f. sufficient economic unit whlch can get along wlthout outslde help. I believe tbat this fact surprised even tbe greatest adversaries of the idea of Slovak statehood. Another argument whlch compels every Slovak to a ction is the statemenl of Prof. Dr. J aroslav Stránsky that a talented, young Czech national economist cannot validate hlmself for the sake of tbe Slovaks. � SLOVAKIA 53 THE SLOV~ WILL NOT BE SILENCED DR. JOSEPH PAUČO Even though enemles of Slovak freedom and independence shall contlnue to exert themselves to silence the Slovaks, they shall not succeed. Thelr sacred cause shall !Ind honorable and noble defenders. And, In Ume, it shall prevall. Thelr falth In eventual victory is increasing every day. At one Ume many people tJhought th-a,t the idea and t he trufä about the lndependence of the Slovak natlon would forever remaln foreign to the Un1ted States. But, lo and behold, today only totally uninformed people belleve that the Slovaks are Czechs or' CzechosJovaks. Mostly those who do not follow events outside of Amerlca. t hose who have not been beyond the ocean, or those who are stub• horn. Thelr numbers are few. On the other hand, as time goes on, more is belng said about Slovakla and the Slovak natlon. But even more than that. Today there are many honest men in politlcs, publlshers, newsmen and commentators, who do not hesitate to lance tbe boil of Czechoslovakism. Tbe dlstlngulshed CBS commentator Edward R. Murrow, for example, dld not hesltate to state the trutb as he aaw it. He not only made known that there was a strong movement for Slovak !ndependenee, but even mentioned the fact that th e antagonism between t he Czechs a nd the Slovaks dates back farth er t han comm unism ltself. Tbe so-called "Czecboslovaks" (Czech Slovaks ! ) are trylng to Iure the Slovaks lnto a joint flght against communism. All other tblngs llke Slovak freedom, independence and national existence - must not be considered for the tlme belng. True, we must all comblne in tbe fight agalnst communlsm. But why teli the Slovaks that tbey must fight ~a!nst communlsm with the Czechs a nd on ly w ith t he Czechs - when it 1s a matter of historical record that the Slovaks fought commun1sm for over a hundred years without the Czechs ·t There 1s no force under tbe sun to force the Slovaks to play the "Czechoslovak" game, wblch threatens tbe very existence of the Slovak natlon by subordinatlng lt to tbe Czechs. Tbe Slovaks bave had tbelr flll of Magyars, Czechs, Russlans and Germans. Tbey are no Ionger lnterested In the joint st-ate of Czechoslovakia. They have outllved all tbat and lnslst on freedom and lndependence. The Slovaks have fought and are stlll vallantly fightlng communlsm, but not for the sake of belng enslaved and explolted by the Czechs or any other natlon. They do not want any one to teli them to flght communism for the sake of the prlnclples of T. G. Masaryk or Dr. Edward Beneš, because thelr pollcles were anti-Slovak and antiChristlan, undemocratlc and totally allen and opposed to Slovak national tradltlons and rellgious convictlons. The Slovaks wlll not be forced to flght communlsm with any group tbat fosters and promotes Czechoslovaklsm - the ideology that claims the S lova ks are only a bra nch of the Czech n at ion a nd t hat th e Slovak la nguage is only a dialect of the Czech nation ; in aho rt that the Slovak natlon doea not exlat - because that ldeology ls dedlcated to the enslavement �54 S LOVAKIA and destruction of tbe Slovak people, just a s communism 1s dedicated to the destructlon of all libertles and tbe ens la vement of al! peoples. Tbe old quarrel between tbe Czecbs and the Slovaks must be liquldated In the interests of botb the Czecbs and tbe Slovak.s, and in tbe lnterests of tbe democratic world as well. J ustice and tbe right demand it. The Slovaks fought against communism long before the Czech s and many other natlons; and the Stalin Reds were well aware or that fact in 1945. That is why the independent state of Slo• vakia had to be destroyed after the war and the Reds put into power there. Beneš and bis followers helped Stalin and his agents in their infll.IIlous work, believing that they would not attempt the same thing in Bohemia and Moravla. They were dead wrong then. and they are just as wrong today wben they promote tbe cause of Czechoslovakism - t he handmaid of communism - in the United States and other democratic countries of tbe world. T he Slovaks are fighting communism and want to keep fighting it together with ALL nations and national groups, even includlng the Czechs, but not specif ica ll y and jo ínt ly only wi th the Czec hs. Tbeir reward for their fight against communism must not be tbe !oss of their national existence, tbe surrender of their inberent right to freedom and independence. And even exiled Beneš Czechs, former Czech colla borators witb the Reds now enjoying the freedom of America, s bould be able to understand and appreciate that today. • • • • THE SLOVA.KS DO NOT WANT CZECHOSLOVA.KIA OR. ANDREW SLOVAK (The autbor of tbis artlcle is considered one of the foremost Slovak socialists. Recently he quit the "Czechoslovak" ranks and joined the Slovak National Council Abroad, the organlzation of Slovak exlles whose chief alm is to see Slovakla free and independent after her liberation from communism and tbe Soviet spbere of intluence thTust upon her by the victors in 1945. The vlews expressed by Dr. Slovak, who formerly favored the "Czechoslovak" ideology of Dr. Beneš, clearly indicate that there has been a change in the thinking of Slovak socialists.) The year 1945 was a surprise to every Slovak of the "Czecho• slovak" orientation. S\ovakia did not welcome the re-creatlon of the Czechoslovak State with great enthusiasm as was heralded by the propaganda apparatus of Dr. Beneš. The truth !s that apathy re!gned in practlcally all strata of tbe inhabitants of Slovakia without re• gard to differences In political convictions. Another surprising fact was the economic prosperity of the Slo· vak 1Republic. Slovak national economlsts proved to the world, and to the prO'tectors trom the W est and the Rast, that Slovakia is a se\f. sufficient economic unit whlch can get along wlthout outslde help. I believe tbat this fact surprised even tbe greatest adversaries of the idea of Slovak statehood. Another argument whlch compels every Slovak to a ction is the statemenl of Prof. Dr. J aroslav Stránsky that a talented, young Czech national economist cannot validate hlmself for the sake of tbe Slovaks. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1951, Vol. 1 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1951 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 1), May 1951.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 2), December 1951.</li> </ul> Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context <ul><li><a href="https://n2t.net/ark:/13960/s261hfmshm7" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span>ark:/13960/s261hfmshm7</span></a></li> <li><a href="https://n2t.net/ark:/13960/s21tk2wkzj4" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span>ark:/13960/s21tk2wkzj4</span></a></li> </ul> Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 53 THE SLOV~ WILL NOT BE SILENCED DR. JOSEPH PAUČO Even though enemles of Slovak freedom and independence shall contlnue to exert themselves to silence the Slovaks, they shall not succeed. Thelr sacred cause shall !Ind honorable and noble defenders. And, In Ume, it shall prevall. Thelr falth In eventual victory is increasing every day. At one Ume many people tJhought th-a,t the idea and t he trufä about the lndependence of the Slovak natlon would forever remaln foreign to the Un1ted States. But, lo and behold, today only totally uninformed people belleve that the Slovaks are Czechs or' CzechosJovaks. Mostly those who do not follow events outside of Amerlca. t hose who have not been beyond the ocean, or those who are stub• horn. Thelr numbers are few. On the other hand, as time goes on, more is belng said about Slovakla and the Slovak natlon. But even more than that. Today there are many honest men in politlcs, publlshers, newsmen and commentators, who do not hesitate to lance tbe boil of Czechoslovakism. Tbe dlstlngulshed CBS commentator Edward R. Murrow, for example, dld not hesltate to state the trutb as he aaw it. He not only made known that there was a strong movement for Slovak !ndependenee, but even mentioned the fact that th e antagonism between t he Czechs a nd the Slovaks dates back farth er t han comm unism ltself. Tbe so-called "Czecboslovaks" (Czech Slovaks ! ) are trylng to Iure the Slovaks lnto a joint flght against communism. All other tblngs llke Slovak freedom, independence and national existence - must not be considered for the tlme belng. True, we must all comblne in tbe fight agalnst communlsm. But why teli the Slovaks that tbey must fight ~a!nst communlsm with the Czechs a nd on ly w ith t he Czechs - when it 1s a matter of historical record that the Slovaks fought commun1sm for over a hundred years without the Czechs ·t There 1s no force under tbe sun to force the Slovaks to play the "Czechoslovak" game, wblch threatens tbe very existence of the Slovak natlon by subordinatlng lt to tbe Czechs. Tbe Slovaks bave had tbelr flll of Magyars, Czechs, Russlans and Germans. Tbey are no Ionger lnterested In the joint st-ate of Czechoslovakia. They have outllved all tbat and lnslst on freedom and lndependence. The Slovaks have fought and are stlll vallantly fightlng communlsm, but not for the sake of belng enslaved and explolted by the Czechs or any other natlon. They do not want any one to teli them to flght communism for the sake of the prlnclples of T. G. Masaryk or Dr. Edward Beneš, because thelr pollcles were anti-Slovak and antiChristlan, undemocratlc and totally allen and opposed to Slovak national tradltlons and rellgious convictlons. The Slovaks wlll not be forced to flght communlsm with any group tbat fosters and promotes Czechoslovaklsm - the ideology that claims the S lova ks are only a bra nch of the Czech n at ion a nd t hat th e Slovak la nguage is only a dialect of the Czech nation ; in aho rt that the Slovak natlon doea not exlat - because that ldeology ls dedlcated to the enslavement 54 S LOVAKIA and destruction of tbe Slovak people, just a s communism 1s dedicated to the destructlon of all libertles and tbe ens la vement of al! peoples. Tbe old quarrel between tbe Czecbs and the Slovaks must be liquldated In the interests of botb the Czecbs and tbe Slovak.s, and in tbe lnterests of tbe democratic world as well. J ustice and tbe right demand it. The Slovaks fought against communism long before the Czech s and many other natlons; and the Stalin Reds were well aware or that fact in 1945. That is why the independent state of Slo• vakia had to be destroyed after the war and the Reds put into power there. Beneš and bis followers helped Stalin and his agents in their infll.IIlous work, believing that they would not attempt the same thing in Bohemia and Moravla. They were dead wrong then. and they are just as wrong today wben they promote tbe cause of Czechoslovakism - t he handmaid of communism - in the United States and other democratic countries of tbe world. T he Slovaks are fighting communism and want to keep fighting it together with ALL nations and national groups, even includlng the Czechs, but not specif ica ll y and jo ínt ly only wi th the Czec hs. Tbeir reward for their fight against communism must not be tbe !oss of their national existence, tbe surrender of their inberent right to freedom and independence. And even exiled Beneš Czechs, former Czech colla borators witb the Reds now enjoying the freedom of America, s bould be able to understand and appreciate that today. • • • • THE SLOVA.KS DO NOT WANT CZECHOSLOVA.KIA OR. ANDREW SLOVAK (The autbor of tbis artlcle is considered one of the foremost Slovak socialists. Recently he quit the "Czechoslovak" ranks and joined the Slovak National Council Abroad, the organlzation of Slovak exlles whose chief alm is to see Slovakla free and independent after her liberation from communism and tbe Soviet spbere of intluence thTust upon her by the victors in 1945. The vlews expressed by Dr. Slovak, who formerly favored the "Czechoslovak" ideology of Dr. Beneš, clearly indicate that there has been a change in the thinking of Slovak socialists.) The year 1945 was a surprise to every Slovak of the "Czecho• slovak" orientation. S\ovakia did not welcome the re-creatlon of the Czechoslovak State with great enthusiasm as was heralded by the propaganda apparatus of Dr. Beneš. The truth !s that apathy re!gned in practlcally all strata of tbe inhabitants of Slovakia without re• gard to differences In political convictions. Another surprising fact was the economic prosperity of the Slo· vak 1Republic. Slovak national economlsts proved to the world, and to the prO'tectors trom the W est and the Rast, that Slovakia is a se\f. sufficient economic unit whlch can get along wlthout outslde help. I believe tbat this fact surprised even tbe greatest adversaries of the idea of Slovak statehood. Another argument whlch compels every Slovak to a ction is the statemenl of Prof. Dr. J aroslav Stránsky that a talented, young Czech national economist cannot validate hlmself for the sake of tbe Slovaks.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Slovaks Will Not Be Silenced... Description An account of the resource Dr. Joseph Paučo Slovakia, Vol. 1, No. 2 (2), December 1951 pp. 53-54 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paučo, Jozef, 1914-1975 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource December 1951 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/65d497ab39df6b0f93cbb39130c9fec7.pdf 7b27e4881f6d9f38358ccc2e2afa5066 PDF Text Text 26 SLOVAKIA THE PRACTICAL ASPECT OF A FEDERATION Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. I Eastern Europe provides a political observer with a motley mosaic of opinions. Living here are many nations and ra.c es which even a Central European does not properly recognize and many times does not know whether to classify them with European nations or with the Asiatics. Whoever searches more profoundly into their history and studies their political struggles at least cursorily will notice that in many regards their history and their programs are very similar to those of every p.ation in Central or Western Europe. You will find smaller and larger groups; small nations bound to the destiny of great ones, and their mutual relationship is manifested nearly always by the same complaints as those of other nations-suppressi on, imperialism, wars, revolutions, heroic deeds of national leaders, etc. In general, it is said that the East-European nations a.re politically less developed. Enemies of their freedom say that they are the more primitive nations and, therefore, certain slogans and principles of program are more highly spirited and sometimes sound like a voice from the romantic times of the past century. One thing is certain, that generally in almost all East-European nations, as can be seen from the course of their emigration, there is a great deal of conservatism both with regard to the form of warfare as well as the peaceful arrangement of Eastern Europe, or the territory of Asia Minor. Usually in all ideological proclamations, which are designated not only for the limited domestic public, but also for foreign countries, the stereotyped assertion is re-iterated that it is imperative to build national states in the whole of Eastern Europe. They promote not only the disintegration of Soviet Russia, but also oppose every form of a greater Russian empire. And systematically they oppose the much used Russian thesis about several Russian nations, incidentally, the false naming of some non-Russian nations (Little Russia, correctly the Ukrainia, etc.). �SLOVAKIA 27 Taken <Ybjectively, these nations must be fully understood. Not only small nations, that is tribes (as for example, of the Upper Caucasus), but also large nations (forty million Ukrainian and eighteen million Byelorussian people) did not have their own state for long centuries. Then in this conglomeration of East-European nations there also are such that cannot at all claim that they are building upon their own state traditions. And we may go even farther. Not until the twentieth century did small tribes or groups begin to create individual units which claimed national rights as nations with all the attributes of culturally and politically mature nations to manage their own destiny (Upper Caucasus). It was, for example, quite unknown to Europeans and less so to Americans that the Cossacks declared themselves an independent nation. History discloses that the Cossacks were in the service of Russian Czars and one part of them was inclined towards the Ukrainians; their language is Russian and Ukrainian. But we were acquainted only with legendary Cossack heroes. We knew very little about their political endeavors. But now there exists a strong movement for a Cossackia, i. e. an independent Cossack state. Besides all this, many of the East-European nations experienced a transfer process, especially during the Soviet reign of terror. The Ceceni (Tchetchene) of the Upper Caucasus are no longer in their original place. They were spread over the entire Soviet Union simply because they were a healthy and belligerent nation. A similar fate befell the small (two hundred thousands) Kalmuck nation and many other small nations. Transfer or resettling of nations is the best tactic of the Soviet. Already a whole million inhabitants of the Baltic states has been forcefully transferred to the Soviet interior and to Siberia; Russi.ans, Tartars, Uzbcks, and many others have supplanted them. It is no wonder then that all the nations of Eastern Europe and Asia Minor nations from an instinct of self-preservation insist on national independent states. Naturally, these tendencies manifest themselves most acutely within the strong nations, as for example, the Ukrainians. The Ukrainian �28 SLOVAKIA emigration is divided into at least ten political parties: from the most extreme rightists to socialists. But there is hardly one Ukrainian factor in emigration who does not favor an independent Great Ukrainia. Many times it appears that it is impossible to speak with East-European representatives about any other type of political organization other than national states. Fear of the entire future arrangement is often responsible for this. But all things considered, there is no fundamental aversion toward fedemlistic endeavors. True, the East-European is little interested in a West-European federation, because he is convinced that Western Europe has an insignificant interest in the correct solution of the Eastern question. But, inadvertantly, all thoughts and manifestations, which come to light in connection with either a West-European or a federation involving the whole of Europe, affect also the spiritual stratum of East-European emigration. And so, in their club meetings and their reviews, periodicals, and newspapers, they often discuss this most recent political problem seriously and minutely. This is not merely a confirmation of what has already been done in this matter, but learned East-European professors, politicians and publicists have the courage to draw a parallel between the West and East, between the intellectual efforts for a federation in the West and the practical ,possibilities in the East. Few are those who will analyze all the problems publicly. However, we have found many instances of debates concerning a European and a. regional Central-European and East-EuropeanAsia Minor federation. And it was not always a voice from the East which took a negative stand to the conception of a federation itself. Finally, even exclusive, nationalistic, international emigrant organizations allow for a closer or liberal relationship of individual nations. Such an International of Freedom, consisting of twenty one Central and East-European emigrations, bases its fundamental program on an inter-continental confederation of states, including all of Eastern Europe, except Russia and all of Asia Minor. The Anti-Bolshevik Block of nations, building exclusively on national states, has within its Constitution a clause which �SLOVAKIA 29 speaks of the possibility of creating smaller or larger units and co-states. The oldest East-European anti-bolshevik international emigrant organization, Prometheus, working already twenty eight years, receives most sympathetically the trends which favor a European federation and a regional federation. Therefore, the idea of federalism is not foreign to the East-European peoples, nor to those who never had their own state and who yearn to be free. In comparing these efforts from the East, undoubtedly the thought arises with regard to Central Europe where the Slov,a ks dwell. What is the situation there? II One argument against Slovak persistence and perseverance in the struggle for an indpendent state usually is its national "youthfulness". This argument was used especially during the years following World War I, when the struggle of the Slovaks began to be serious both in form and intensivity, and opponents of Slovak freedom had to resort to all kinds of, and many times, less successful arguments. This argument could have been valid to a certain extent only until Slovak intellectuals refuted the false legend that the Slovak nation has no history and until the Slovaks themselves proved by their creative spirit that their naJt:ion can ad~pt itself m a'Il!y period to its neiighibors in all fields and that its cultural endeavors are not more inferior, but in many respects the Slovak genius surpasses its partners and becomes distinctly original. Therefore, such an argument could not carry weight for very long. It lost in realism very quickly with the Slo• vak people, and it was the spirit of the Slovaks that proved it is possible to create a new Slovak environement in the spiritual and national-political regard without lures and snares, without thorough saturation from secondary sources. The "youthful" Slovak nation had chosen its own course so that it could live its own national life. Against facts, and particularly the vitality of all the component parts of the Slovak nation, it was difficult to �30 SLOVAKIA keep on using endlessly the arguments used during the first few years following World War I. Quickly, therefore, as the views of the Slovak people began to change, and as the course of the policy of "lures" was changed by facts, the very same people suddenly ascertained that the Slovak nation is biologically so strong that its neighbors will have to draw from this healthy blood bank to preserve themselves, to revive, and also become stronger. This was an immoral attempt to destroy the national Slovak body. After drawing upon the biological vitality, a degeneration of spiritual values among the Slovak nation would be inevitable. It was not possible, therefore, from motives of self-preservation, to agree with such "allurements." From this theory our Czech neighbors moved further. Not only biologically were we supposed to save one of our neighbors, but we were also supposed to contribute to its cultural and religious revival. These voices were heard frequently after World War II. All this is defective and for the Slovaks extremely dangerous. Surely, to save, let us say, a nation twice as large, from certain ruin, is a beautiful and historically valuable sacrifice. But nothing more or less than a sacrifice. Probably, our investments would be faulty and all our magnanimity could once avenge itself on our nation. By our own efforts we would be perhaps the cause of new dramas in the years to come, similar to the various struggles of the past. On the surface, it would 'be a sublime act, but in reality the murder of our own nation. We would in fact be guilty of perpetrating national suicide. We admit that we feel sorry for the decline and demise of any nation and its culture. Higher motives and self-love prevent us from pouring into the disintegrating body of our neighbor - even if he asks us to do so - all that God has given us as a manifestation of our own strength and cultural development. We realize that our development was hampered, that we are just beginning to live, that the culmination of our life is yet to come. Because of this motive -- that we would not collapse before we present evidence of our spiritual and �SLOVAKIA 31 national-political heroism to the world - there is for us no enticement which would lead us from the path of our very own interests. True, this is not an egotistic and selfish course. We have the highest interest in this only because we do not want to fall and perish under the guise of such dangerous and, frequently, even enticing allurements. On the other hand, we are fully convinced that in a more extensive Central and All-European society we will be able to do more even from the spiritual and material viewpoints. Binding ourselves exclusively to the interests of just one neighbor would mean our gradual extinction and destruction. Even if we were the center of attraction for a definite time, this would be a very narrow circle and our rapid exhaustion would soon turn away the attention of all friends. Nevertheless, natural development can be assured to us only in a healthy competition in a normal advancement which is not weighed down with too great a burden. An alliance, let us say, with the Czechs - an alliance of complete biological and spiritual growing-together - would stifle within us all manifestations of individuality exclusively for the benefit of the larger Czech nation. We are for co-operation, but we wish to put it on a real foundation of as extensive a co-operation as possible. If it is true that we are still a "youthful" nation, immature, but full of life and having all the prerequisites for the restoration of biological and cultural life of a certain nation, then the realistic hypothesis is more valid, that is, that all the energy which we should invest in behalf of one of our neighbors, in time will uphold the Slovak nation much longer as an individual factor within the Central European family of nations, healthy and capable of its own undertakings. The healthy Slovak nation, being fully willing to accept the closest co-operation within the framework of an European federation, wants to be equal with its political and cultural sense to the most serious factors of world political planning. The health and resources in which the Slovak nation abounds - and in this respect it has many preferences �32 SLOVAKIA over some European nations - assures it of all suppositions, that it will know how to maintain itself in the European family of states. And, of course, everything it produces with its intellect and hands above the average and above its living standards, it will gladly let its partners have. There is a great difference whether the healthy and elementally powerful expressions of the Slovaks, about which many do not doubt, should benefit one of our neighbors exclusively, or whether we should share them with the whole of Europe. Definitely, we shall choose the latter course. It is direct, logical and free of allurements. We do not fear a contest, competition, or spiritual rivalry. Our healthy construction, which others envy, certainly will overcome all remnants of prejudice and, above all, will convince all the other European partners that they can count on the Slovak nation in every field of endeavor that this nation is aware of its duty not only to itself, but also to others. It is not envious, or even hazardous. III There is no doUJbt ,t hat the time will come for the creation of larige staite unilts even in the Old World. Europe already has '1:a,id 1Jhe fourndat'ions of a .federation which, in the eyes of 1Jheori1S1ts - the mo·s t oUJtstanding contemporrury politicians oif :Eill!rope - ii.,s. dea;r f.ro:rn almost every side. Oillly groUJps nolt ,i nterested in the welfare of Europe tum away fll'om tMs ,i,d'ea. We SlcwaJks cannot but be interested even in the pracllical side of the maJtter, i'nasmruch as we wolllld liike to see ouriselves, on the one hand, among the independent naltiorrs of Centra'l Europe, who are waiting for the creation of a European f ederrution, anld, on the other, we do not wamrt ,t o stand unipreprured .toward aJll those facto1rs, who rure placing obstacles in the way of Slovakia beco ming a member of sUldh a European federrution. One of tlhe most serious rea!sons why some groups op,pose our diredt pairbic~pation in the European federaJtion, and at best wish to see us in it only through the medium of Czecho..Slovakia, usually is an alleged extreme Slovak nrutionali:s m. Pruradoxically as it sounds, this allegation �SLOVAKIA 33 is not casua!l, ,b ut is used systemaiticruly as a seriOUJS rurgu,men,t ·a gainst us. ]t simply d0€S not sound naJtuiral and serious that the Slovaks come w.iith the thawght of mer,ginig Slovakia, as an ,i ndependent state unit, into run EUII'Opean federaltion. Many SJlo;v,aJk politicians aire figihting very effectively for this idea already sevarall decades. Dr. M,;IJ.an Ho~a was noit an extreme Slovak naMonalist, even though he we:nit tJhrough a CO!Ill/Paratiively motley degree of .poilitical thoughit. Thiis MiJan Hlod:za dedicated all h~s intelilect Ito the federalistic idea and, therefore, belongs among tihe most s,i,g,n!iificant figwres in this modern movement not on!ly in owr Slovak enVliromnent, but in relation to Central Emrope as well. Even though he was a ceilltra[ist in the Ozec!ho-Slo:vaik Republic, nevertheless, with the greater pairt of hlis spirilt he belonged .to the broader CentralEJuropean environment. Olther Sl01Vak politicians also emerged and aTe still emer,gi,rug wiith the ildea o!f a fedarrutJion. The Ptresidenlt of the Slovak Repulb1:ic, Dr. Joseph 'Dirso, did not conceal his convicltion tihat evolution coU!ld not proceed otfherwise than in the sipinit of federa[iization. In his ,pUlbli'C wtterances he made several allusions to .this grave pr-ob'lem as if to prepare tlhe Slo,v~k puibHc for a new epoch of national and state life. Kairol Sidor, lfo11mer .Sl'ovak ambassador, does noit deny his conception of federal,i'SIID. Even the officia,l program of the Sllova!k NaJtiona1 Oouncil Abroad, which Karol Sidor heads, is ma;rked as a pro·g ram for an independent Slovak State within a framework Olf an EurQpean federation. Per'hrups, the moslt pr6dluotive ,t heol'ist, in the ranks of those ,w ho comprise the .Slovak NaJtional Com11ci1 and are coming on the scene from the young Slo,vaJk generation to take the responsiJM.lity for trhe devel01p.merut of affairs, is Dr. Joseph Kinschlbamn. Not only firom the view.point of evo[utionary necessity, bwt chiefly because he grrusped 1:!his complex of questions sensibly and soientificahly, KiTsch!baum, since the end of World War II, prepared and pu.fbliished numemus d.Jisserta;tions and studies which aiim to prove to the wor+ld that Sfova:ks have t!heir own modern poilitica,l con- �34 SLOVAKIA ceiption amJd also people who display an animruted an:d interest ~111 the problem of a fedel'a!lirzed ffiurolpe. 'Siimill'a dy, other SIJ.avak ipoliltical wOII1kers, publ!idats and wriiters, tea/Che.rs a!Ild iinltellootuals are worlmnig for a federation (Dr. Iilin.amJUel Bohm, Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, Reiv. Niicho'las Siprinc, Dr. Joseph Mi!lrus, Dr. JO'Seph Cieker, Tu-. Imrrich KrUIZlia:k, Dr . .A;r.ved Grr-ebert., Louis IVcmdra and many othem). In contemporary trends of Sllorvaik politics the most foscinalting connedt:ling lilnk is the idea of federa,tion. Thruruk. !imig in a pradtiicaJl way, i1t is imipossiible to picture a Slovalk p,oliitician or pol'ilticaJ theorist who seriiously de<~ls wiltih the idea of lar,ge un1its, s'U/Ch as a Cerubrrul-Ewropeam or Eiulropean federation WOllfild be, and wOllNd wish to lead his nation along the path oif inltoierance and of nationally scOIUTg'ed p8JSISions. Therefore, tJhe Slovaks and t!heir politiicrul and oUJlrtural representatives are not ibwillding a diam on the poinlted edge of chaUMiin:iSlm, but adhere to the notion of a futm-·e EUTopean federation. IV U'IllU'Sual ]t is interesting to note that it was chiefly rthe Czech Socialistic pam'ties wlhreh both in Czechia and Siovalkia ooleashed the most saiv-age conflict about the unfilty of the "Czeclhoslavialk" langwa.ge. 'Dhe same parties who diid not forget to pdse even in our country as progressive prurties. in oocoirdlalllCe to Marxislt ideolo.g y. Iif tJhe Slov3/k naltion opposed this the'ir "progress," then it was in a lar,ge meaiswre becaJUJse they ibrOll.lglht confusion inlto the tiundamenitaJ oonceipts of polliitiiJool Iiife, and, in fact, reaction which excludes aiN criticism. Czech socl,rulism has shown ilbself as the pioneer of f,r ustrruted thinking, and if we tiram:sfer i'ts conception to a practlicall field, we see that it has 1,i1dikuled iltself as has no otller move1ment whiibh had anything to do, directly or indirectly, wti.th the SlO!Vak natioo.. For twenty fuM yerurs, Ozecll poliitiios tenaciously held to ''OzoohO'SlovaikiSin" as a sally bridge into S'lov:alkia. Other Ozedh parties ad/Opted thlis slogan from the socirulists. Scientists seized wpon i1t and were fuhlowed by OI.ech journalists. �SLOVAKIA 35 And thus, in fact, a period ensued when representatirves of Ozech spirit and prruatioa1 pdliitircs were more enraged in gaining a position for the artificial construdtion of "OzechiQslavaJkism" than a real settlement of relaitionshi1ps among 'the minorilties Indisputably we muist thank their inC'ons!i.derate, one-si'ded and undemocratic pol1'tiicail program fo:r the faot 1:hat Prague centralism found irt:se'lf in ruirrs wilt!h the first thrust. The so-called "Czechoslovaks" have denied the Slovaiks the right to self-existence. The Slo,v ak naltion, nevertheless, persistently fought for the recognition otf this most naturaJl right. And it did so in harmony witlh cmltural Europe, which no one, except the Communhrts labeled as reactionary or backward. In politica! morals, tile stirug,gle for the recognition of the suptreme riig1hlts of a nation signifies, in ,t he .p ositive sense d:f the ward, the most noble expression of progressiveness. The Slovaks, therefore, a.ire ahead of the Ozetdhs in thlis re~ard by t!hirtty years. Many exipeniments were .necessary to reform. the "Czechoslovruks" rut least prurtliail'1.y. There had to be a war - for tfrlem new exiperieniceis both on the domestic and fureig.n fronts. Once moce they had ,t o ascertain the mmd of the S'lO,VM{ nation, to scrutinize the trends of European and nonIDuropean politilc's, so that rome of them ta:o'tica.1.[,y, others per1haps sincerely, woulld rubandon the ruinous policy of •~czeichosllO'V'alkifum." After WoI"ld War H, less was said albout "OzeclhO's:lovaJk" unity and, partliculrurly, about a united lan.guiage. It mu'Slt be mentioned again, tha.'t :the most Ulillprog.ressirve of all in this regarrtl were the ~etch Socialists. The otfrler Czech polrnicians and theiT Slovak a.Hies rewgn.ized the right of the Sfovruk nation to its own existence . But at that time the Slovaks were more advanced. They had gone through the hist.orically rich segment of their own state. ft is certain that there is a greait deaft of difference between "Oze1ehosi1ova'k" comprehension - it stilil is bound Uip with a joint state aind the standipdinrt: of t!he Slovaks. To get ruhead by means oif a steady for-warn effort and in aiM farms - to find what benefi't!s best t!he 11:fe am.d development of the nation - the SlovaJks provoo that they rure marehing �36 SLOVAKIA in 1:Jhe spirit of the ,t imes and, as an independenlt ,and competitiive ,_po1fficai unit, seek to persevere aloll!gside the most cmltwred European naltions. Toda,y, ffiurope ,is ffillllch frul"bher a'long t'he way than the "0zec'ho,SilovaJks." Theorelti.cafily and practica'lliy it i,s prepa,r ed for a federation of ai1l nations. The so-caUed "Czecihoslova'k1s " are ait tJhe crossroa;dis. Some a~ere to the form of the fiirt;t Ozecho-!SlovaJk Repuiblic, while others rure silent and say nolt!hlil!g a!boult a forurtlh or fitfth Czecho-Slova.!k Repulblic for whiich they would want to fight. StillJ. others ta:l:k obscurely about the possibillity of a federafted Czecho·~SIJ.oivakia. There i's allso a founth 0zech g,r1oop whi'ch does not wish to interfere in Slova!k affaiiI"S and i's f[gh'ting for a CentralEuropean or IDwopean federation in w'hiich it reckons wilth an inde,pendent Czech Ulnit and a separate Sloivaik unilt. On tlhe ort:her hand, conltemporary SIJ.ovak ,p oHtits is following clearly and .ll!nreserveidly whait is best for an inde,pendenrt Sl01Vak State wli:thin the framework of a European federation. Compari.Il!g 1:Jhe effort's of t'he "Czechoslava1ki:;" wi'bh those of the Sl0iv-alks, we see, that even now there is a brusiic dliifrferenice b.e'tween them and that "CzechoSl01Va:k,i sm" wppears in the role of the mo'sit reactionary factor in Central Ewrope. But, willy-nilly, some of its representatiives have come oloser to the tlhinking of the .S1'oivaJk nati:on and ,g radually are rcliinquish~n,g their b1goited and ar,chaii.c views. Hoiweiver, t'here stiifl remains the difference of thirty yerurs. We can, therefore, clearly see from these .s imply-staited realities thaJt llhe sen:se of SlovaJk pol,i rtks tended toward a broader lilirI10ipean and worM society. There its a basic diffeirence whether we get into tJhi,s broader so'o iety of nations throrugh owr OiWll doors, or wihether we shalJ.l be led m'to it throrugh foreign dooirs wiit!h those of others; whether we wm lodk ,pa.ssi.rvely lllpOn the work, or whether we shali talke part in ilt w~tJh joint forces. A IDuropean fed:era/tlion will bring run end to these mistaJkes. We are det:inilteliy decfarin1g for a European associatioo, becruuse, rucicording to moral,s , ciulltll!re and p<Ylitical ma!tuirity, we rightfully beloD!g in it. � 26 SLOVAKIA THE PRACTICAL ASPECT OF A FEDERATION Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. I Eastern Europe provides a political observer with a motley mosaic of opinions. Living here are many nations and ra.c es which even a Central European does not properly recognize and many times does not know whether to classify them with European nations or with the Asiatics. Whoever searches more profoundly into their history and studies their political struggles at least cursorily will notice that in many regards their history and their programs are very similar to those of every p.ation in Central or Western Europe. You will find smaller and larger groups; small nations bound to the destiny of great ones, and their mutual relationship is manifested nearly always by the same complaints as those of other nations-suppressi on, imperialism, wars, revolutions, heroic deeds of national leaders, etc. In general, it is said that the East-European nations a.re politically less developed. Enemies of their freedom say that they are the more primitive nations and, therefore, certain slogans and principles of program are more highly spirited and sometimes sound like a voice from the romantic times of the past century. One thing is certain, that generally in almost all East-European nations, as can be seen from the course of their emigration, there is a great deal of conservatism both with regard to the form of warfare as well as the peaceful arrangement of Eastern Europe, or the territory of Asia Minor. Usually in all ideological proclamations, which are designated not only for the limited domestic public, but also for foreign countries, the stereotyped assertion is re-iterated that it is imperative to build national states in the whole of Eastern Europe. They promote not only the disintegration of Soviet Russia, but also oppose every form of a greater Russian empire. And systematically they oppose the much used Russian thesis about several Russian nations, incidentally, the false naming of some non-Russian nations (Little Russia, correctly the Ukrainia, etc.). �SLOVAKIA 27 Taken <Ybjectively, these nations must be fully understood. Not only small nations, that is tribes (as for example, of the Upper Caucasus), but also large nations (forty million Ukrainian and eighteen million Byelorussian people) did not have their own state for long centuries. Then in this conglomeration of East-European nations there also are such that cannot at all claim that they are building upon their own state traditions. And we may go even farther. Not until the twentieth century did small tribes or groups begin to create individual units which claimed national rights as nations with all the attributes of culturally and politically mature nations to manage their own destiny (Upper Caucasus). It was, for example, quite unknown to Europeans and less so to Americans that the Cossacks declared themselves an independent nation. History discloses that the Cossacks were in the service of Russian Czars and one part of them was inclined towards the Ukrainians; their language is Russian and Ukrainian. But we were acquainted only with legendary Cossack heroes. We knew very little about their political endeavors. But now there exists a strong movement for a Cossackia, i. e. an independent Cossack state. Besides all this, many of the East-European nations experienced a transfer process, especially during the Soviet reign of terror. The Ceceni (Tchetchene) of the Upper Caucasus are no longer in their original place. They were spread over the entire Soviet Union simply because they were a healthy and belligerent nation. A similar fate befell the small (two hundred thousands) Kalmuck nation and many other small nations. Transfer or resettling of nations is the best tactic of the Soviet. Already a whole million inhabitants of the Baltic states has been forcefully transferred to the Soviet interior and to Siberia; Russi.ans, Tartars, Uzbcks, and many others have supplanted them. It is no wonder then that all the nations of Eastern Europe and Asia Minor nations from an instinct of self-preservation insist on national independent states. Naturally, these tendencies manifest themselves most acutely within the strong nations, as for example, the Ukrainians. The Ukrainian �28 SLOVAKIA emigration is divided into at least ten political parties: from the most extreme rightists to socialists. But there is hardly one Ukrainian factor in emigration who does not favor an independent Great Ukrainia. Many times it appears that it is impossible to speak with East-European representatives about any other type of political organization other than national states. Fear of the entire future arrangement is often responsible for this. But all things considered, there is no fundamental aversion toward fedemlistic endeavors. True, the East-European is little interested in a West-European federation, because he is convinced that Western Europe has an insignificant interest in the correct solution of the Eastern question. But, inadvertantly, all thoughts and manifestations, which come to light in connection with either a West-European or a federation involving the whole of Europe, affect also the spiritual stratum of East-European emigration. And so, in their club meetings and their reviews, periodicals, and newspapers, they often discuss this most recent political problem seriously and minutely. This is not merely a confirmation of what has already been done in this matter, but learned East-European professors, politicians and publicists have the courage to draw a parallel between the West and East, between the intellectual efforts for a federation in the West and the practical ,possibilities in the East. Few are those who will analyze all the problems publicly. However, we have found many instances of debates concerning a European and a. regional Central-European and East-EuropeanAsia Minor federation. And it was not always a voice from the East which took a negative stand to the conception of a federation itself. Finally, even exclusive, nationalistic, international emigrant organizations allow for a closer or liberal relationship of individual nations. Such an International of Freedom, consisting of twenty one Central and East-European emigrations, bases its fundamental program on an inter-continental confederation of states, including all of Eastern Europe, except Russia and all of Asia Minor. The Anti-Bolshevik Block of nations, building exclusively on national states, has within its Constitution a clause which �SLOVAKIA 29 speaks of the possibility of creating smaller or larger units and co-states. The oldest East-European anti-bolshevik international emigrant organization, Prometheus, working already twenty eight years, receives most sympathetically the trends which favor a European federation and a regional federation. Therefore, the idea of federalism is not foreign to the East-European peoples, nor to those who never had their own state and who yearn to be free. In comparing these efforts from the East, undoubtedly the thought arises with regard to Central Europe where the Slov,a ks dwell. What is the situation there? II One argument against Slovak persistence and perseverance in the struggle for an indpendent state usually is its national "youthfulness". This argument was used especially during the years following World War I, when the struggle of the Slovaks began to be serious both in form and intensivity, and opponents of Slovak freedom had to resort to all kinds of, and many times, less successful arguments. This argument could have been valid to a certain extent only until Slovak intellectuals refuted the false legend that the Slovak nation has no history and until the Slovaks themselves proved by their creative spirit that their naJt:ion can ad~pt itself m a'Il!y period to its neiighibors in all fields and that its cultural endeavors are not more inferior, but in many respects the Slovak genius surpasses its partners and becomes distinctly original. Therefore, such an argument could not carry weight for very long. It lost in realism very quickly with the Slo• vak people, and it was the spirit of the Slovaks that proved it is possible to create a new Slovak environement in the spiritual and national-political regard without lures and snares, without thorough saturation from secondary sources. The "youthful" Slovak nation had chosen its own course so that it could live its own national life. Against facts, and particularly the vitality of all the component parts of the Slovak nation, it was difficult to �30 SLOVAKIA keep on using endlessly the arguments used during the first few years following World War I. Quickly, therefore, as the views of the Slovak people began to change, and as the course of the policy of "lures" was changed by facts, the very same people suddenly ascertained that the Slovak nation is biologically so strong that its neighbors will have to draw from this healthy blood bank to preserve themselves, to revive, and also become stronger. This was an immoral attempt to destroy the national Slovak body. After drawing upon the biological vitality, a degeneration of spiritual values among the Slovak nation would be inevitable. It was not possible, therefore, from motives of self-preservation, to agree with such "allurements." From this theory our Czech neighbors moved further. Not only biologically were we supposed to save one of our neighbors, but we were also supposed to contribute to its cultural and religious revival. These voices were heard frequently after World War II. All this is defective and for the Slovaks extremely dangerous. Surely, to save, let us say, a nation twice as large, from certain ruin, is a beautiful and historically valuable sacrifice. But nothing more or less than a sacrifice. Probably, our investments would be faulty and all our magnanimity could once avenge itself on our nation. By our own efforts we would be perhaps the cause of new dramas in the years to come, similar to the various struggles of the past. On the surface, it would 'be a sublime act, but in reality the murder of our own nation. We would in fact be guilty of perpetrating national suicide. We admit that we feel sorry for the decline and demise of any nation and its culture. Higher motives and self-love prevent us from pouring into the disintegrating body of our neighbor - even if he asks us to do so - all that God has given us as a manifestation of our own strength and cultural development. We realize that our development was hampered, that we are just beginning to live, that the culmination of our life is yet to come. Because of this motive -- that we would not collapse before we present evidence of our spiritual and �SLOVAKIA 31 national-political heroism to the world - there is for us no enticement which would lead us from the path of our very own interests. True, this is not an egotistic and selfish course. We have the highest interest in this only because we do not want to fall and perish under the guise of such dangerous and, frequently, even enticing allurements. On the other hand, we are fully convinced that in a more extensive Central and All-European society we will be able to do more even from the spiritual and material viewpoints. Binding ourselves exclusively to the interests of just one neighbor would mean our gradual extinction and destruction. Even if we were the center of attraction for a definite time, this would be a very narrow circle and our rapid exhaustion would soon turn away the attention of all friends. Nevertheless, natural development can be assured to us only in a healthy competition in a normal advancement which is not weighed down with too great a burden. An alliance, let us say, with the Czechs - an alliance of complete biological and spiritual growing-together - would stifle within us all manifestations of individuality exclusively for the benefit of the larger Czech nation. We are for co-operation, but we wish to put it on a real foundation of as extensive a co-operation as possible. If it is true that we are still a "youthful" nation, immature, but full of life and having all the prerequisites for the restoration of biological and cultural life of a certain nation, then the realistic hypothesis is more valid, that is, that all the energy which we should invest in behalf of one of our neighbors, in time will uphold the Slovak nation much longer as an individual factor within the Central European family of nations, healthy and capable of its own undertakings. The healthy Slovak nation, being fully willing to accept the closest co-operation within the framework of an European federation, wants to be equal with its political and cultural sense to the most serious factors of world political planning. The health and resources in which the Slovak nation abounds - and in this respect it has many preferences �32 SLOVAKIA over some European nations - assures it of all suppositions, that it will know how to maintain itself in the European family of states. And, of course, everything it produces with its intellect and hands above the average and above its living standards, it will gladly let its partners have. There is a great difference whether the healthy and elementally powerful expressions of the Slovaks, about which many do not doubt, should benefit one of our neighbors exclusively, or whether we should share them with the whole of Europe. Definitely, we shall choose the latter course. It is direct, logical and free of allurements. We do not fear a contest, competition, or spiritual rivalry. Our healthy construction, which others envy, certainly will overcome all remnants of prejudice and, above all, will convince all the other European partners that they can count on the Slovak nation in every field of endeavor that this nation is aware of its duty not only to itself, but also to others. It is not envious, or even hazardous. III There is no doUJbt ,t hat the time will come for the creation of larige staite unilts even in the Old World. Europe already has '1:a,id 1Jhe fourndat'ions of a .federation which, in the eyes of 1Jheori1S1ts - the mo·s t oUJtstanding contemporrury politicians oif :Eill!rope - ii.,s. dea;r f.ro:rn almost every side. Oillly groUJps nolt ,i nterested in the welfare of Europe tum away fll'om tMs ,i,d'ea. We SlcwaJks cannot but be interested even in the pracllical side of the maJtter, i'nasmruch as we wolllld liike to see ouriselves, on the one hand, among the independent naltiorrs of Centra'l Europe, who are waiting for the creation of a European f ederrution, anld, on the other, we do not wamrt ,t o stand unipreprured .toward aJll those facto1rs, who rure placing obstacles in the way of Slovakia beco ming a member of sUldh a European federrution. One of tlhe most serious rea!sons why some groups op,pose our diredt pairbic~pation in the European federaJtion, and at best wish to see us in it only through the medium of Czecho..Slovakia, usually is an alleged extreme Slovak nrutionali:s m. Pruradoxically as it sounds, this allegation �SLOVAKIA 33 is not casua!l, ,b ut is used systemaiticruly as a seriOUJS rurgu,men,t ·a gainst us. ]t simply d0€S not sound naJtuiral and serious that the Slovaks come w.iith the thawght of mer,ginig Slovakia, as an ,i ndependent state unit, into run EUII'Opean federaltion. Many SJlo;v,aJk politicians aire figihting very effectively for this idea already sevarall decades. Dr. M,;IJ.an Ho~a was noit an extreme Slovak naMonalist, even though he we:nit tJhrough a CO!Ill/Paratiively motley degree of .poilitical thoughit. Thiis MiJan Hlod:za dedicated all h~s intelilect Ito the federalistic idea and, therefore, belongs among tihe most s,i,g,n!iificant figwres in this modern movement not on!ly in owr Slovak enVliromnent, but in relation to Central Emrope as well. Even though he was a ceilltra[ist in the Ozec!ho-Slo:vaik Republic, nevertheless, with the greater pairt of hlis spirilt he belonged .to the broader CentralEJuropean environment. Olther Sl01Vak politicians also emerged and aTe still emer,gi,rug wiith the ildea o!f a fedarrutJion. The Ptresidenlt of the Slovak Repulb1:ic, Dr. Joseph 'Dirso, did not conceal his convicltion tihat evolution coU!ld not proceed otfherwise than in the sipinit of federa[iization. In his ,pUlbli'C wtterances he made several allusions to .this grave pr-ob'lem as if to prepare tlhe Slo,v~k puibHc for a new epoch of national and state life. Kairol Sidor, lfo11mer .Sl'ovak ambassador, does noit deny his conception of federal,i'SIID. Even the officia,l program of the Sllova!k NaJtiona1 Oouncil Abroad, which Karol Sidor heads, is ma;rked as a pro·g ram for an independent Slovak State within a framework Olf an EurQpean federation. Per'hrups, the moslt pr6dluotive ,t heol'ist, in the ranks of those ,w ho comprise the .Slovak NaJtional Com11ci1 and are coming on the scene from the young Slo,vaJk generation to take the responsiJM.lity for trhe devel01p.merut of affairs, is Dr. Joseph Kinschlbamn. Not only firom the view.point of evo[utionary necessity, bwt chiefly because he grrusped 1:!his complex of questions sensibly and soientificahly, KiTsch!baum, since the end of World War II, prepared and pu.fbliished numemus d.Jisserta;tions and studies which aiim to prove to the wor+ld that Sfova:ks have t!heir own modern poilitica,l con- �34 SLOVAKIA ceiption amJd also people who display an animruted an:d interest ~111 the problem of a fedel'a!lirzed ffiurolpe. 'Siimill'a dy, other SIJ.avak ipoliltical wOII1kers, publ!idats and wriiters, tea/Che.rs a!Ild iinltellootuals are worlmnig for a federation (Dr. Iilin.amJUel Bohm, Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, Reiv. Niicho'las Siprinc, Dr. Joseph Mi!lrus, Dr. JO'Seph Cieker, Tu-. Imrrich KrUIZlia:k, Dr . .A;r.ved Grr-ebert., Louis IVcmdra and many othem). In contemporary trends of Sllorvaik politics the most foscinalting connedt:ling lilnk is the idea of federa,tion. Thruruk. !imig in a pradtiicaJl way, i1t is imipossiible to picture a Slovalk p,oliitician or pol'ilticaJ theorist who seriiously de<~ls wiltih the idea of lar,ge un1its, s'U/Ch as a Cerubrrul-Ewropeam or Eiulropean federation WOllfild be, and wOllNd wish to lead his nation along the path oif inltoierance and of nationally scOIUTg'ed p8JSISions. Therefore, tJhe Slovaks and t!heir politiicrul and oUJlrtural representatives are not ibwillding a diam on the poinlted edge of chaUMiin:iSlm, but adhere to the notion of a futm-·e EUTopean federation. IV U'IllU'Sual ]t is interesting to note that it was chiefly rthe Czech Socialistic pam'ties wlhreh both in Czechia and Siovalkia ooleashed the most saiv-age conflict about the unfilty of the "Czeclhoslavialk" langwa.ge. 'Dhe same parties who diid not forget to pdse even in our country as progressive prurties. in oocoirdlalllCe to Marxislt ideolo.g y. Iif tJhe Slov3/k naltion opposed this the'ir "progress," then it was in a lar,ge meaiswre becaJUJse they ibrOll.lglht confusion inlto the tiundamenitaJ oonceipts of polliitiiJool Iiife, and, in fact, reaction which excludes aiN criticism. Czech socl,rulism has shown ilbself as the pioneer of f,r ustrruted thinking, and if we tiram:sfer i'ts conception to a practlicall field, we see that it has 1,i1dikuled iltself as has no otller move1ment whiibh had anything to do, directly or indirectly, wti.th the SlO!Vak natioo.. For twenty fuM yerurs, Ozecll poliitiios tenaciously held to ''OzoohO'SlovaikiSin" as a sally bridge into S'lov:alkia. Other Ozedh parties ad/Opted thlis slogan from the socirulists. Scientists seized wpon i1t and were fuhlowed by OI.ech journalists. �SLOVAKIA 35 And thus, in fact, a period ensued when representatirves of Ozech spirit and prruatioa1 pdliitircs were more enraged in gaining a position for the artificial construdtion of "OzechiQslavaJkism" than a real settlement of relaitionshi1ps among 'the minorilties Indisputably we muist thank their inC'ons!i.derate, one-si'ded and undemocratic pol1'tiicail program fo:r the faot 1:hat Prague centralism found irt:se'lf in ruirrs wilt!h the first thrust. The so-called "Czechoslovaks" have denied the Slovaiks the right to self-existence. The Slo,v ak naltion, nevertheless, persistently fought for the recognition otf this most naturaJl right. And it did so in harmony witlh cmltural Europe, which no one, except the Communhrts labeled as reactionary or backward. In politica! morals, tile stirug,gle for the recognition of the suptreme riig1hlts of a nation signifies, in ,t he .p ositive sense d:f the ward, the most noble expression of progressiveness. The Slovaks, therefore, a.ire ahead of the Ozetdhs in thlis re~ard by t!hirtty years. Many exipeniments were .necessary to reform. the "Czechoslovruks" rut least prurtliail'1.y. There had to be a war - for tfrlem new exiperieniceis both on the domestic and fureig.n fronts. Once moce they had ,t o ascertain the mmd of the S'lO,VM{ nation, to scrutinize the trends of European and nonIDuropean politilc's, so that rome of them ta:o'tica.1.[,y, others per1haps sincerely, woulld rubandon the ruinous policy of •~czeichosllO'V'alkifum." After WoI"ld War H, less was said albout "OzeclhO's:lovaJk" unity and, partliculrurly, about a united lan.guiage. It mu'Slt be mentioned again, tha.'t :the most Ulillprog.ressirve of all in this regarrtl were the ~etch Socialists. The otfrler Czech polrnicians and theiT Slovak a.Hies rewgn.ized the right of the Sfovruk nation to its own existence . But at that time the Slovaks were more advanced. They had gone through the hist.orically rich segment of their own state. ft is certain that there is a greait deaft of difference between "Oze1ehosi1ova'k" comprehension - it stilil is bound Uip with a joint state aind the standipdinrt: of t!he Slovaks. To get ruhead by means oif a steady for-warn effort and in aiM farms - to find what benefi't!s best t!he 11:fe am.d development of the nation - the SlovaJks provoo that they rure marehing �36 SLOVAKIA in 1:Jhe spirit of the ,t imes and, as an independenlt ,and competitiive ,_po1fficai unit, seek to persevere aloll!gside the most cmltwred European naltions. Toda,y, ffiurope ,is ffillllch frul"bher a'long t'he way than the "0zec'ho,SilovaJks." Theorelti.cafily and practica'lliy it i,s prepa,r ed for a federation of ai1l nations. The so-caUed "Czecihoslova'k1s " are ait tJhe crossroa;dis. Some a~ere to the form of the fiirt;t Ozecho-!SlovaJk Repuiblic, while others rure silent and say nolt!hlil!g a!boult a forurtlh or fitfth Czecho-Slova.!k Repulblic for whiich they would want to fight. StillJ. others ta:l:k obscurely about the possibillity of a federafted Czecho·~SIJ.oivakia. There i's allso a founth 0zech g,r1oop whi'ch does not wish to interfere in Slova!k affaiiI"S and i's f[gh'ting for a CentralEuropean or IDwopean federation in w'hiich it reckons wilth an inde,pendent Czech Ulnit and a separate Sloivaik unilt. On tlhe ort:her hand, conltemporary SIJ.ovak ,p oHtits is following clearly and .ll!nreserveidly whait is best for an inde,pendenrt Sl01Vak State wli:thin the framework of a European federation. Compari.Il!g 1:Jhe effort's of t'he "Czechoslava1ki:;" wi'bh those of the Sl0iv-alks, we see, that even now there is a brusiic dliifrferenice b.e'tween them and that "CzechoSl01Va:k,i sm" wppears in the role of the mo'sit reactionary factor in Central Ewrope. But, willy-nilly, some of its representatiives have come oloser to the tlhinking of the .S1'oivaJk nati:on and ,g radually are rcliinquish~n,g their b1goited and ar,chaii.c views. Hoiweiver, t'here stiifl remains the difference of thirty yerurs. We can, therefore, clearly see from these .s imply-staited realities thaJt llhe sen:se of SlovaJk pol,i rtks tended toward a broader lilirI10ipean and worM society. There its a basic diffeirence whether we get into tJhi,s broader so'o iety of nations throrugh owr OiWll doors, or wihether we shalJ.l be led m'to it throrugh foreign dooirs wiit!h those of others; whether we wm lodk ,pa.ssi.rvely lllpOn the work, or whether we shali talke part in ilt w~tJh joint forces. A IDuropean fed:era/tlion will bring run end to these mistaJkes. We are det:inilteliy decfarin1g for a European associatioo, becruuse, rucicording to moral,s , ciulltll!re and p<Ylitical ma!tuirity, we rightfully beloD!g in it. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1953, Vol. 3 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.</li> <li>Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1953 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 26 SLOVAKIA THE PRACTICAL ASPECT OF A FEDERATION Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. I Eastern Europe provides a political observer with a motley mosaic of opinions. Living here are many nations and ra.c es which even a Central European does not properly recognize and many times does not know whether to classify them with European nations or with the Asiatics. Whoever searches more profoundly into their history and studies their political struggles at least cursorily will notice that in many regards their history and their programs are very similar to those of every p.ation in Central or Western Europe. You will find smaller and larger groups; small nations bound to the destiny of great ones, and their mutual relationship is manifested nearly always by the same complaints as those of other nations-suppressi on, imperialism, wars, revolutions, heroic deeds of national leaders, etc. In general, it is said that the East-European nations a.re politically less developed. Enemies of their freedom say that they are the more primitive nations and, therefore, certain slogans and principles of program are more highly spirited and sometimes sound like a voice from the romantic times of the past century. One thing is certain, that generally in almost all East-European nations, as can be seen from the course of their emigration, there is a great deal of conservatism both with regard to the form of warfare as well as the peaceful arrangement of Eastern Europe, or the territory of Asia Minor. Usually in all ideological proclamations, which are designated not only for the limited domestic public, but also for foreign countries, the stereotyped assertion is re-iterated that it is imperative to build national states in the whole of Eastern Europe. They promote not only the disintegration of Soviet Russia, but also oppose every form of a greater Russian empire. And systematically they oppose the much used Russian thesis about several Russian nations, incidentally, the false naming of some non-Russian nations (Little Russia, correctly the Ukrainia, etc.). SLOVAKIA 27 Taken <Ybjectively, these nations must be fully understood. Not only small nations, that is tribes (as for example, of the Upper Caucasus), but also large nations (forty million Ukrainian and eighteen million Byelorussian people) did not have their own state for long centuries. Then in this conglomeration of East-European nations there also are such that cannot at all claim that they are building upon their own state traditions. And we may go even farther. Not until the twentieth century did small tribes or groups begin to create individual units which claimed national rights as nations with all the attributes of culturally and politically mature nations to manage their own destiny (Upper Caucasus). It was, for example, quite unknown to Europeans and less so to Americans that the Cossacks declared themselves an independent nation. History discloses that the Cossacks were in the service of Russian Czars and one part of them was inclined towards the Ukrainians; their language is Russian and Ukrainian. But we were acquainted only with legendary Cossack heroes. We knew very little about their political endeavors. But now there exists a strong movement for a Cossackia, i. e. an independent Cossack state. Besides all this, many of the East-European nations experienced a transfer process, especially during the Soviet reign of terror. The Ceceni (Tchetchene) of the Upper Caucasus are no longer in their original place. They were spread over the entire Soviet Union simply because they were a healthy and belligerent nation. A similar fate befell the small (two hundred thousands) Kalmuck nation and many other small nations. Transfer or resettling of nations is the best tactic of the Soviet. Already a whole million inhabitants of the Baltic states has been forcefully transferred to the Soviet interior and to Siberia; Russi.ans, Tartars, Uzbcks, and many others have supplanted them. It is no wonder then that all the nations of Eastern Europe and Asia Minor nations from an instinct of self-preservation insist on national independent states. Naturally, these tendencies manifest themselves most acutely within the strong nations, as for example, the Ukrainians. The Ukrainian 28 SLOVAKIA emigration is divided into at least ten political parties: from the most extreme rightists to socialists. But there is hardly one Ukrainian factor in emigration who does not favor an independent Great Ukrainia. Many times it appears that it is impossible to speak with East-European representatives about any other type of political organization other than national states. Fear of the entire future arrangement is often responsible for this. But all things considered, there is no fundamental aversion toward fedemlistic endeavors. True, the East-European is little interested in a West-European federation, because he is convinced that Western Europe has an insignificant interest in the correct solution of the Eastern question. But, inadvertantly, all thoughts and manifestations, which come to light in connection with either a West-European or a federation involving the whole of Europe, affect also the spiritual stratum of East-European emigration. And so, in their club meetings and their reviews, periodicals, and newspapers, they often discuss this most recent political problem seriously and minutely. This is not merely a confirmation of what has already been done in this matter, but learned East-European professors, politicians and publicists have the courage to draw a parallel between the West and East, between the intellectual efforts for a federation in the West and the practical ,possibilities in the East. Few are those who will analyze all the problems publicly. However, we have found many instances of debates concerning a European and a. regional Central-European and East-EuropeanAsia Minor federation. And it was not always a voice from the East which took a negative stand to the conception of a federation itself. Finally, even exclusive, nationalistic, international emigrant organizations allow for a closer or liberal relationship of individual nations. Such an International of Freedom, consisting of twenty one Central and East-European emigrations, bases its fundamental program on an inter-continental confederation of states, including all of Eastern Europe, except Russia and all of Asia Minor. The Anti-Bolshevik Block of nations, building exclusively on national states, has within its Constitution a clause which SLOVAKIA 29 speaks of the possibility of creating smaller or larger units and co-states. The oldest East-European anti-bolshevik international emigrant organization, Prometheus, working already twenty eight years, receives most sympathetically the trends which favor a European federation and a regional federation. Therefore, the idea of federalism is not foreign to the East-European peoples, nor to those who never had their own state and who yearn to be free. In comparing these efforts from the East, undoubtedly the thought arises with regard to Central Europe where the Slov,a ks dwell. What is the situation there? II One argument against Slovak persistence and perseverance in the struggle for an indpendent state usually is its national "youthfulness". This argument was used especially during the years following World War I, when the struggle of the Slovaks began to be serious both in form and intensivity, and opponents of Slovak freedom had to resort to all kinds of, and many times, less successful arguments. This argument could have been valid to a certain extent only until Slovak intellectuals refuted the false legend that the Slovak nation has no history and until the Slovaks themselves proved by their creative spirit that their naJt:ion can ad~pt itself m a'Il!y period to its neiighibors in all fields and that its cultural endeavors are not more inferior, but in many respects the Slovak genius surpasses its partners and becomes distinctly original. Therefore, such an argument could not carry weight for very long. It lost in realism very quickly with the Slo• vak people, and it was the spirit of the Slovaks that proved it is possible to create a new Slovak environement in the spiritual and national-political regard without lures and snares, without thorough saturation from secondary sources. The "youthful" Slovak nation had chosen its own course so that it could live its own national life. Against facts, and particularly the vitality of all the component parts of the Slovak nation, it was difficult to 30 SLOVAKIA keep on using endlessly the arguments used during the first few years following World War I. Quickly, therefore, as the views of the Slovak people began to change, and as the course of the policy of "lures" was changed by facts, the very same people suddenly ascertained that the Slovak nation is biologically so strong that its neighbors will have to draw from this healthy blood bank to preserve themselves, to revive, and also become stronger. This was an immoral attempt to destroy the national Slovak body. After drawing upon the biological vitality, a degeneration of spiritual values among the Slovak nation would be inevitable. It was not possible, therefore, from motives of self-preservation, to agree with such "allurements." From this theory our Czech neighbors moved further. Not only biologically were we supposed to save one of our neighbors, but we were also supposed to contribute to its cultural and religious revival. These voices were heard frequently after World War II. All this is defective and for the Slovaks extremely dangerous. Surely, to save, let us say, a nation twice as large, from certain ruin, is a beautiful and historically valuable sacrifice. But nothing more or less than a sacrifice. Probably, our investments would be faulty and all our magnanimity could once avenge itself on our nation. By our own efforts we would be perhaps the cause of new dramas in the years to come, similar to the various struggles of the past. On the surface, it would 'be a sublime act, but in reality the murder of our own nation. We would in fact be guilty of perpetrating national suicide. We admit that we feel sorry for the decline and demise of any nation and its culture. Higher motives and self-love prevent us from pouring into the disintegrating body of our neighbor - even if he asks us to do so - all that God has given us as a manifestation of our own strength and cultural development. We realize that our development was hampered, that we are just beginning to live, that the culmination of our life is yet to come. Because of this motive -- that we would not collapse before we present evidence of our spiritual and SLOVAKIA 31 national-political heroism to the world - there is for us no enticement which would lead us from the path of our very own interests. True, this is not an egotistic and selfish course. We have the highest interest in this only because we do not want to fall and perish under the guise of such dangerous and, frequently, even enticing allurements. On the other hand, we are fully convinced that in a more extensive Central and All-European society we will be able to do more even from the spiritual and material viewpoints. Binding ourselves exclusively to the interests of just one neighbor would mean our gradual extinction and destruction. Even if we were the center of attraction for a definite time, this would be a very narrow circle and our rapid exhaustion would soon turn away the attention of all friends. Nevertheless, natural development can be assured to us only in a healthy competition in a normal advancement which is not weighed down with too great a burden. An alliance, let us say, with the Czechs - an alliance of complete biological and spiritual growing-together - would stifle within us all manifestations of individuality exclusively for the benefit of the larger Czech nation. We are for co-operation, but we wish to put it on a real foundation of as extensive a co-operation as possible. If it is true that we are still a "youthful" nation, immature, but full of life and having all the prerequisites for the restoration of biological and cultural life of a certain nation, then the realistic hypothesis is more valid, that is, that all the energy which we should invest in behalf of one of our neighbors, in time will uphold the Slovak nation much longer as an individual factor within the Central European family of nations, healthy and capable of its own undertakings. The healthy Slovak nation, being fully willing to accept the closest co-operation within the framework of an European federation, wants to be equal with its political and cultural sense to the most serious factors of world political planning. The health and resources in which the Slovak nation abounds - and in this respect it has many preferences 32 SLOVAKIA over some European nations - assures it of all suppositions, that it will know how to maintain itself in the European family of states. And, of course, everything it produces with its intellect and hands above the average and above its living standards, it will gladly let its partners have. There is a great difference whether the healthy and elementally powerful expressions of the Slovaks, about which many do not doubt, should benefit one of our neighbors exclusively, or whether we should share them with the whole of Europe. Definitely, we shall choose the latter course. It is direct, logical and free of allurements. We do not fear a contest, competition, or spiritual rivalry. Our healthy construction, which others envy, certainly will overcome all remnants of prejudice and, above all, will convince all the other European partners that they can count on the Slovak nation in every field of endeavor that this nation is aware of its duty not only to itself, but also to others. It is not envious, or even hazardous. III There is no doUJbt ,t hat the time will come for the creation of larige staite unilts even in the Old World. Europe already has '1:a,id 1Jhe fourndat'ions of a .federation which, in the eyes of 1Jheori1S1ts - the mo·s t oUJtstanding contemporrury politicians oif :Eill!rope - ii.,s. dea;r f.ro:rn almost every side. Oillly groUJps nolt ,i nterested in the welfare of Europe tum away fll'om tMs ,i,d'ea. We SlcwaJks cannot but be interested even in the pracllical side of the maJtter, i'nasmruch as we wolllld liike to see ouriselves, on the one hand, among the independent naltiorrs of Centra'l Europe, who are waiting for the creation of a European f ederrution, anld, on the other, we do not wamrt ,t o stand unipreprured .toward aJll those facto1rs, who rure placing obstacles in the way of Slovakia beco ming a member of sUldh a European federrution. One of tlhe most serious rea!sons why some groups op,pose our diredt pairbic~pation in the European federaJtion, and at best wish to see us in it only through the medium of Czecho..Slovakia, usually is an alleged extreme Slovak nrutionali:s m. Pruradoxically as it sounds, this allegation SLOVAKIA 33 is not casua!l, ,b ut is used systemaiticruly as a seriOUJS rurgu,men,t ·a gainst us. ]t simply d0€S not sound naJtuiral and serious that the Slovaks come w.iith the thawght of mer,ginig Slovakia, as an ,i ndependent state unit, into run EUII'Opean federaltion. Many SJlo;v,aJk politicians aire figihting very effectively for this idea already sevarall decades. Dr. M,;IJ.an Ho~a was noit an extreme Slovak naMonalist, even though he we:nit tJhrough a CO!Ill/Paratiively motley degree of .poilitical thoughit. Thiis MiJan Hlod:za dedicated all h~s intelilect Ito the federalistic idea and, therefore, belongs among tihe most s,i,g,n!iificant figwres in this modern movement not on!ly in owr Slovak enVliromnent, but in relation to Central Emrope as well. Even though he was a ceilltra[ist in the Ozec!ho-Slo:vaik Republic, nevertheless, with the greater pairt of hlis spirilt he belonged .to the broader CentralEJuropean environment. Olther Sl01Vak politicians also emerged and aTe still emer,gi,rug wiith the ildea o!f a fedarrutJion. The Ptresidenlt of the Slovak Repulb1:ic, Dr. Joseph 'Dirso, did not conceal his convicltion tihat evolution coU!ld not proceed otfherwise than in the sipinit of federa[iization. In his ,pUlbli'C wtterances he made several allusions to .this grave pr-ob'lem as if to prepare tlhe Slo,v~k puibHc for a new epoch of national and state life. Kairol Sidor, lfo11mer .Sl'ovak ambassador, does noit deny his conception of federal,i'SIID. Even the officia,l program of the Sllova!k NaJtiona1 Oouncil Abroad, which Karol Sidor heads, is ma;rked as a pro·g ram for an independent Slovak State within a framework Olf an EurQpean federation. Per'hrups, the moslt pr6dluotive ,t heol'ist, in the ranks of those ,w ho comprise the .Slovak NaJtional Com11ci1 and are coming on the scene from the young Slo,vaJk generation to take the responsiJM.lity for trhe devel01p.merut of affairs, is Dr. Joseph Kinschlbamn. Not only firom the view.point of evo[utionary necessity, bwt chiefly because he grrusped 1:!his complex of questions sensibly and soientificahly, KiTsch!baum, since the end of World War II, prepared and pu.fbliished numemus d.Jisserta;tions and studies which aiim to prove to the wor+ld that Sfova:ks have t!heir own modern poilitica,l con- 34 SLOVAKIA ceiption amJd also people who display an animruted an:d interest ~111 the problem of a fedel'a!lirzed ffiurolpe. 'Siimill'a dy, other SIJ.avak ipoliltical wOII1kers, publ!idats and wriiters, tea/Che.rs a!Ild iinltellootuals are worlmnig for a federation (Dr. Iilin.amJUel Bohm, Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, Reiv. Niicho'las Siprinc, Dr. Joseph Mi!lrus, Dr. JO'Seph Cieker, Tu-. Imrrich KrUIZlia:k, Dr . .A;r.ved Grr-ebert., Louis IVcmdra and many othem). In contemporary trends of Sllorvaik politics the most foscinalting connedt:ling lilnk is the idea of federa,tion. Thruruk. !imig in a pradtiicaJl way, i1t is imipossiible to picture a Slovalk p,oliitician or pol'ilticaJ theorist who seriiously de<~ls wiltih the idea of lar,ge un1its, s'U/Ch as a Cerubrrul-Ewropeam or Eiulropean federation WOllfild be, and wOllNd wish to lead his nation along the path oif inltoierance and of nationally scOIUTg'ed p8JSISions. Therefore, tJhe Slovaks and t!heir politiicrul and oUJlrtural representatives are not ibwillding a diam on the poinlted edge of chaUMiin:iSlm, but adhere to the notion of a futm-·e EUTopean federation. IV U'IllU'Sual ]t is interesting to note that it was chiefly rthe Czech Socialistic pam'ties wlhreh both in Czechia and Siovalkia ooleashed the most saiv-age conflict about the unfilty of the "Czeclhoslavialk" langwa.ge. 'Dhe same parties who diid not forget to pdse even in our country as progressive prurties. in oocoirdlalllCe to Marxislt ideolo.g y. Iif tJhe Slov3/k naltion opposed this the'ir "progress," then it was in a lar,ge meaiswre becaJUJse they ibrOll.lglht confusion inlto the tiundamenitaJ oonceipts of polliitiiJool Iiife, and, in fact, reaction which excludes aiN criticism. Czech socl,rulism has shown ilbself as the pioneer of f,r ustrruted thinking, and if we tiram:sfer i'ts conception to a practlicall field, we see that it has 1,i1dikuled iltself as has no otller move1ment whiibh had anything to do, directly or indirectly, wti.th the SlO!Vak natioo.. For twenty fuM yerurs, Ozecll poliitiios tenaciously held to ''OzoohO'SlovaikiSin" as a sally bridge into S'lov:alkia. Other Ozedh parties ad/Opted thlis slogan from the socirulists. Scientists seized wpon i1t and were fuhlowed by OI.ech journalists. SLOVAKIA 35 And thus, in fact, a period ensued when representatirves of Ozech spirit and prruatioa1 pdliitircs were more enraged in gaining a position for the artificial construdtion of "OzechiQslavaJkism" than a real settlement of relaitionshi1ps among 'the minorilties Indisputably we muist thank their inC'ons!i.derate, one-si'ded and undemocratic pol1'tiicail program fo:r the faot 1:hat Prague centralism found irt:se'lf in ruirrs wilt!h the first thrust. The so-called "Czechoslovaks" have denied the Slovaiks the right to self-existence. The Slo,v ak naltion, nevertheless, persistently fought for the recognition otf this most naturaJl right. And it did so in harmony witlh cmltural Europe, which no one, except the Communhrts labeled as reactionary or backward. In politica! morals, tile stirug,gle for the recognition of the suptreme riig1hlts of a nation signifies, in ,t he .p ositive sense d:f the ward, the most noble expression of progressiveness. The Slovaks, therefore, a.ire ahead of the Ozetdhs in thlis re~ard by t!hirtty years. Many exipeniments were .necessary to reform. the "Czechoslovruks" rut least prurtliail'1.y. There had to be a war - for tfrlem new exiperieniceis both on the domestic and fureig.n fronts. Once moce they had ,t o ascertain the mmd of the S'lO,VM{ nation, to scrutinize the trends of European and nonIDuropean politilc's, so that rome of them ta:o'tica.1.[,y, others per1haps sincerely, woulld rubandon the ruinous policy of •~czeichosllO'V'alkifum." After WoI"ld War H, less was said albout "OzeclhO's:lovaJk" unity and, partliculrurly, about a united lan.guiage. It mu'Slt be mentioned again, tha.'t :the most Ulillprog.ressirve of all in this regarrtl were the ~etch Socialists. The otfrler Czech polrnicians and theiT Slovak a.Hies rewgn.ized the right of the Sfovruk nation to its own existence . But at that time the Slovaks were more advanced. They had gone through the hist.orically rich segment of their own state. ft is certain that there is a greait deaft of difference between "Oze1ehosi1ova'k" comprehension - it stilil is bound Uip with a joint state aind the standipdinrt: of t!he Slovaks. To get ruhead by means oif a steady for-warn effort and in aiM farms - to find what benefi't!s best t!he 11:fe am.d development of the nation - the SlovaJks provoo that they rure marehing 36 SLOVAKIA in 1:Jhe spirit of the ,t imes and, as an independenlt ,and competitiive ,_po1fficai unit, seek to persevere aloll!gside the most cmltwred European naltions. Toda,y, ffiurope ,is ffillllch frul"bher a'long t'he way than the "0zec'ho,SilovaJks." Theorelti.cafily and practica'lliy it i,s prepa,r ed for a federation of ai1l nations. The so-caUed "Czecihoslova'k1s " are ait tJhe crossroa;dis. Some a~ere to the form of the fiirt;t Ozecho-!SlovaJk Repuiblic, while others rure silent and say nolt!hlil!g a!boult a forurtlh or fitfth Czecho-Slova.!k Repulblic for whiich they would want to fight. StillJ. others ta:l:k obscurely about the possibillity of a federafted Czecho·~SIJ.oivakia. There i's allso a founth 0zech g,r1oop whi'ch does not wish to interfere in Slova!k affaiiI"S and i's f[gh'ting for a CentralEuropean or IDwopean federation in w'hiich it reckons wilth an inde,pendent Czech Ulnit and a separate Sloivaik unilt. On tlhe ort:her hand, conltemporary SIJ.ovak ,p oHtits is following clearly and .ll!nreserveidly whait is best for an inde,pendenrt Sl01Vak State wli:thin the framework of a European federation. Compari.Il!g 1:Jhe effort's of t'he "Czechoslava1ki:;" wi'bh those of the Sl0iv-alks, we see, that even now there is a brusiic dliifrferenice b.e'tween them and that "CzechoSl01Va:k,i sm" wppears in the role of the mo'sit reactionary factor in Central Ewrope. But, willy-nilly, some of its representatiives have come oloser to the tlhinking of the .S1'oivaJk nati:on and ,g radually are rcliinquish~n,g their b1goited and ar,chaii.c views. Hoiweiver, t'here stiifl remains the difference of thirty yerurs. We can, therefore, clearly see from these .s imply-staited realities thaJt llhe sen:se of SlovaJk pol,i rtks tended toward a broader lilirI10ipean and worM society. There its a basic diffeirence whether we get into tJhi,s broader so'o iety of nations throrugh owr OiWll doors, or wihether we shalJ.l be led m'to it throrugh foreign dooirs wiit!h those of others; whether we wm lodk ,pa.ssi.rvely lllpOn the work, or whether we shali talke part in ilt w~tJh joint forces. A IDuropean fed:era/tlion will bring run end to these mistaJkes. We are det:inilteliy decfarin1g for a European associatioo, becruuse, rucicording to moral,s , ciulltll!re and p<Ylitical ma!tuirity, we rightfully beloD!g in it.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Practical Aspect of a Federation Description An account of the resource Joseph Pauco, Ph. D. Slovakia, Vol. 3, No. 2 (7), July 1953 pp. 26-36 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paučo, Jozef, 1914-1975 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource July 1953 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/28459c5b368d229232daf4fb747046d0.pdf 08fca6cfd0ef67ad60a81281f938d785 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 35 THE SWVAK REPUBLIC AND COMMUNISM Dr. Joseph Pauco The courageous and mercileEs fight against Communism belongs among the most serious deeds of the representative s of the Slovak Republic (1939-1945). It could not have been otherwise, because the political body which had taken over the responsibility for the development of affairs in the Slovak Republic, from the very beginning of its public activity, was consistently anti~Commun ist. Already at the end of 1938, the autonomous government of Dr. Joseph Tiso dissolved and outlawed the Communist Party in Slovakia. On October 6, 1938, when the Prague Government finally recognized the rights of the Slovak nation to autonomy, according to the Pittsburgh Agreement of May 30, 1918, all the political parties of Slovakia agreed on a single program in the face of the emergency which had arisen at that time. All parties, that is, except the Social Democrats and the Communists, who refused to support the bloc of civic parties and repudiated the principle of autonomy for Slovakia. The Slovak Government, however, dissolved and outlawed the Communist Party as a matter of principle, being fully aware of the fact that every Communist organization is an enemy of all freedoms and an agent of Moscow. It was not so long ago that this act of the Slovak Government was thrust before the eyes of the Slovaks as a sin and a betrayal of Democracy. But today we see, for example, that some States of America have outlawed the Communist Party, and the Government of the United States never adopted such a sharp anti~ommun ist course as it has at present. In 1938, the Slovak Government acted most prudently and with foresight; history will never be able to criticize it for its anti-Commun ist stand. During the Second World War, the Slovak Republic had diplomatic contacts with the Soviet Union almost two years. It would be altogether useless to concern ourselves in detail with that part of the hateful anti-Slovak propaganda, which even today wants to see in this diplomatic relationship a pro-Soviet feeling or policy of the Slovak �36 SLOVAKTA Government. We know that western governments are in a "cold" war and, in places, even a "hot" war with the Communists and armies supported by the Soviets and yet they have diplomatic contacts with the Soviet dictatorship. Who would dare to accuse, for example, the Eisenhower ,A¢ninistration of following a pro-Soviet course? And we must not forget that the Slovak Government did not rescind outlawing the Communist Party even after it did establish diplomatic contacts with Soviet Russia. Speaking about diplomatic contacts of the Slovak Republic with the Soviet Union, we must also mention a matter, which at first glance might appear as an insignificant event, but which really sheds light on the anti-Communist and antiSoviet stand of the government of the Slovak Republic. Before sending its ambassador to Bratislava, Moscow had requested the Slovak Government to use one of its largest buildings, the Avion Palace, as its embassy. But Tiso refused. Why? Tiso r efused because it was quite obvious to him that the Soviets were not only interested in quarters for their diplomatic personnel, but also intended to establish an espionage center for the whole of central Europe, which would be covered by immunity. The Slovak Government acted as it did even though it was aware of the fact that it might be at the price of breaking off all diplomatic contacts with the Soviets. This act certainly cannot be construed as evidence of a "pro-Soviet" policy of the Slovak Republic! In June, 1941, the Slovak Army marched into Soviet territory. The Slovak Republic entered the war against Soviet Russia, because it was in accord with Slovak antiCommunist traditions. This it did even though it was fully aware of the geopolitical situation of Slovakia and the political combination of forces in the central Europe of that time. It may be worth mentioning, however, that formally the Slovak Republic did not declare war against anybody. According to the constitution of the Slovak Republic war could not be declared without the approval of Parliament and the signature of the President of the Republic. Where the Premier and the Minister of National Defense did declare �SLOVAKIA 37 war against anybody, they did so without the accord of Parliament and the approval and signature of President Tiso. Regarding the armed conflict of the Slovak Republic with the Soviets, we might boldly compare it, from a formal and practical standpoint, with the "police action" of the United States in Korea. The anti-Communist stand of the representatives of the Slovak Republic stands out more prominently, if we recall that two divisions of the Slovak Army (about 12,000 men) fought exclusively on the eastern, that is, the Soviet front and that not a single Slovak soldier was placed on the western front. In short, the army of the Slovak Republic did not fight against the armies of America, Great Britain and France, but only against the armies of the Soviet Union. Serious attempts were made to have the Slovak Army fight on the western front. The Slovak Government, however, adamantly opposed the move. The will of the sovereignty of the Slovak Republic was not violated in this instance. It was not, therefore, accidental that the Slovaks fought only against the Soviets. President Dr. Joseph Tiso acted soberly in the antiCommunist crusade during the war and fulfilled his historical mission regardless of consequences. When allied victory was certain, Soviet plenipotentiaries sought out Tiso and told him that he could continue in the presidency after the war, if he would only proclaim Slovakia a Soviet repuQ,fo:i; Tiso, of course, refused and sealed his doom. Stalin was not a forgetful man. Of course, this was not the only instant which attested to Tiso's crusade against Communism. His fight · against Communism had begun long before he had become President of Slovakia, in fact, from the very outset of his public activity. The Communist prosecutors and judges of the Bratislava "National" Court accused Dr. Tiso of declaring that he would fight against his own brother if he were a Communist and that Communism must be cut from the body of every nation as a malignant ulcer. Certain it is that all political actions backed by Soviet Moscow and all regimes, which knew not how to cope with �SLOVAKIA Communism or out of ignorance and naivite regarded it as Democracy, looked upon the consistent validation of the anti-Communist stand of the Slovak Republic as treason. This was demonstrated most emphatically when the Communists and their collaborators executed a host of Slovak patriots, including President Dr. Joseph Tiso. We know that the "National" Court in Bratislava considered Tiso's negative and hostile stand to the Soviets and Communists, as well as the war of the Slovak Army against the Soviets, as his greatest "crime". If one points out the guilt not only of the Communists, who demanded and got Tiso's head, but also the guilt of those, who at that time sat behind the same table with the Communists and the ministerial council when judicial murders were committed, this is in order. And that all the more so, because at that time every anti"'Communist was given the singular opportunity to manifest his conviction. During the "trial" of Dr. Tiso, the cold war between the West and the USSR was already initiated. But the persons who executed Slovak antiCommunist fighters, or those who did not move a finger to save them - though they could have - apparently forgot that the West exists at all. And today, sad to say, these very same persons, now in the West, want to prove that they always were active anti-Communists. The Slovak Republic introduced itself into world history remarkably well as an anti-Communist political and military factor. If it would have given nothing else to the Slovak nation but have taught it the correct way to look upon the danger of Communism, the wartime Slovak Republic certainly would have been worthy of its existence. Addressing his countrymen, Dr. Joseph Tiso often said: "We do not show a sufficient regard for our State, because we have not as yet sacrificed enough for it." Today it is altogether clear that the sacrifices for Slovak statehood in the fight against Communism are effectively helping the Slovaks persevere in their efforts to renew Slovak statehood and that the Slovaks can be justly proud of their anti-Communist past. � SLOVAKIA 35 THE SWVAK REPUBLIC AND COMMUNISM Dr. Joseph Pauco The courageous and mercileEs fight against Communism belongs among the most serious deeds of the representative s of the Slovak Republic (1939-1945). It could not have been otherwise, because the political body which had taken over the responsibility for the development of affairs in the Slovak Republic, from the very beginning of its public activity, was consistently anti~Commun ist. Already at the end of 1938, the autonomous government of Dr. Joseph Tiso dissolved and outlawed the Communist Party in Slovakia. On October 6, 1938, when the Prague Government finally recognized the rights of the Slovak nation to autonomy, according to the Pittsburgh Agreement of May 30, 1918, all the political parties of Slovakia agreed on a single program in the face of the emergency which had arisen at that time. All parties, that is, except the Social Democrats and the Communists, who refused to support the bloc of civic parties and repudiated the principle of autonomy for Slovakia. The Slovak Government, however, dissolved and outlawed the Communist Party as a matter of principle, being fully aware of the fact that every Communist organization is an enemy of all freedoms and an agent of Moscow. It was not so long ago that this act of the Slovak Government was thrust before the eyes of the Slovaks as a sin and a betrayal of Democracy. But today we see, for example, that some States of America have outlawed the Communist Party, and the Government of the United States never adopted such a sharp anti~ommun ist course as it has at present. In 1938, the Slovak Government acted most prudently and with foresight; history will never be able to criticize it for its anti-Commun ist stand. During the Second World War, the Slovak Republic had diplomatic contacts with the Soviet Union almost two years. It would be altogether useless to concern ourselves in detail with that part of the hateful anti-Slovak propaganda, which even today wants to see in this diplomatic relationship a pro-Soviet feeling or policy of the Slovak �36 SLOVAKTA Government. We know that western governments are in a "cold" war and, in places, even a "hot" war with the Communists and armies supported by the Soviets and yet they have diplomatic contacts with the Soviet dictatorship. Who would dare to accuse, for example, the Eisenhower ,A¢ninistration of following a pro-Soviet course? And we must not forget that the Slovak Government did not rescind outlawing the Communist Party even after it did establish diplomatic contacts with Soviet Russia. Speaking about diplomatic contacts of the Slovak Republic with the Soviet Union, we must also mention a matter, which at first glance might appear as an insignificant event, but which really sheds light on the anti-Communist and antiSoviet stand of the government of the Slovak Republic. Before sending its ambassador to Bratislava, Moscow had requested the Slovak Government to use one of its largest buildings, the Avion Palace, as its embassy. But Tiso refused. Why? Tiso r efused because it was quite obvious to him that the Soviets were not only interested in quarters for their diplomatic personnel, but also intended to establish an espionage center for the whole of central Europe, which would be covered by immunity. The Slovak Government acted as it did even though it was aware of the fact that it might be at the price of breaking off all diplomatic contacts with the Soviets. This act certainly cannot be construed as evidence of a "pro-Soviet" policy of the Slovak Republic! In June, 1941, the Slovak Army marched into Soviet territory. The Slovak Republic entered the war against Soviet Russia, because it was in accord with Slovak antiCommunist traditions. This it did even though it was fully aware of the geopolitical situation of Slovakia and the political combination of forces in the central Europe of that time. It may be worth mentioning, however, that formally the Slovak Republic did not declare war against anybody. According to the constitution of the Slovak Republic war could not be declared without the approval of Parliament and the signature of the President of the Republic. Where the Premier and the Minister of National Defense did declare �SLOVAKIA 37 war against anybody, they did so without the accord of Parliament and the approval and signature of President Tiso. Regarding the armed conflict of the Slovak Republic with the Soviets, we might boldly compare it, from a formal and practical standpoint, with the "police action" of the United States in Korea. The anti-Communist stand of the representatives of the Slovak Republic stands out more prominently, if we recall that two divisions of the Slovak Army (about 12,000 men) fought exclusively on the eastern, that is, the Soviet front and that not a single Slovak soldier was placed on the western front. In short, the army of the Slovak Republic did not fight against the armies of America, Great Britain and France, but only against the armies of the Soviet Union. Serious attempts were made to have the Slovak Army fight on the western front. The Slovak Government, however, adamantly opposed the move. The will of the sovereignty of the Slovak Republic was not violated in this instance. It was not, therefore, accidental that the Slovaks fought only against the Soviets. President Dr. Joseph Tiso acted soberly in the antiCommunist crusade during the war and fulfilled his historical mission regardless of consequences. When allied victory was certain, Soviet plenipotentiaries sought out Tiso and told him that he could continue in the presidency after the war, if he would only proclaim Slovakia a Soviet repuQ,fo:i; Tiso, of course, refused and sealed his doom. Stalin was not a forgetful man. Of course, this was not the only instant which attested to Tiso's crusade against Communism. His fight · against Communism had begun long before he had become President of Slovakia, in fact, from the very outset of his public activity. The Communist prosecutors and judges of the Bratislava "National" Court accused Dr. Tiso of declaring that he would fight against his own brother if he were a Communist and that Communism must be cut from the body of every nation as a malignant ulcer. Certain it is that all political actions backed by Soviet Moscow and all regimes, which knew not how to cope with �SLOVAKIA Communism or out of ignorance and naivite regarded it as Democracy, looked upon the consistent validation of the anti-Communist stand of the Slovak Republic as treason. This was demonstrated most emphatically when the Communists and their collaborators executed a host of Slovak patriots, including President Dr. Joseph Tiso. We know that the "National" Court in Bratislava considered Tiso's negative and hostile stand to the Soviets and Communists, as well as the war of the Slovak Army against the Soviets, as his greatest "crime". If one points out the guilt not only of the Communists, who demanded and got Tiso's head, but also the guilt of those, who at that time sat behind the same table with the Communists and the ministerial council when judicial murders were committed, this is in order. And that all the more so, because at that time every anti"'Communist was given the singular opportunity to manifest his conviction. During the "trial" of Dr. Tiso, the cold war between the West and the USSR was already initiated. But the persons who executed Slovak antiCommunist fighters, or those who did not move a finger to save them - though they could have - apparently forgot that the West exists at all. And today, sad to say, these very same persons, now in the West, want to prove that they always were active anti-Communists. The Slovak Republic introduced itself into world history remarkably well as an anti-Communist political and military factor. If it would have given nothing else to the Slovak nation but have taught it the correct way to look upon the danger of Communism, the wartime Slovak Republic certainly would have been worthy of its existence. Addressing his countrymen, Dr. Joseph Tiso often said: "We do not show a sufficient regard for our State, because we have not as yet sacrificed enough for it." Today it is altogether clear that the sacrifices for Slovak statehood in the fight against Communism are effectively helping the Slovaks persevere in their efforts to renew Slovak statehood and that the Slovaks can be justly proud of their anti-Communist past. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 35 THE SWVAK REPUBLIC AND COMMUNISM Dr. Joseph Pauco The courageous and mercileEs fight against Communism belongs among the most serious deeds of the representative s of the Slovak Republic (1939-1945). It could not have been otherwise, because the political body which had taken over the responsibility for the development of affairs in the Slovak Republic, from the very beginning of its public activity, was consistently anti~Commun ist. Already at the end of 1938, the autonomous government of Dr. Joseph Tiso dissolved and outlawed the Communist Party in Slovakia. On October 6, 1938, when the Prague Government finally recognized the rights of the Slovak nation to autonomy, according to the Pittsburgh Agreement of May 30, 1918, all the political parties of Slovakia agreed on a single program in the face of the emergency which had arisen at that time. All parties, that is, except the Social Democrats and the Communists, who refused to support the bloc of civic parties and repudiated the principle of autonomy for Slovakia. The Slovak Government, however, dissolved and outlawed the Communist Party as a matter of principle, being fully aware of the fact that every Communist organization is an enemy of all freedoms and an agent of Moscow. It was not so long ago that this act of the Slovak Government was thrust before the eyes of the Slovaks as a sin and a betrayal of Democracy. But today we see, for example, that some States of America have outlawed the Communist Party, and the Government of the United States never adopted such a sharp anti~ommun ist course as it has at present. In 1938, the Slovak Government acted most prudently and with foresight; history will never be able to criticize it for its anti-Commun ist stand. During the Second World War, the Slovak Republic had diplomatic contacts with the Soviet Union almost two years. It would be altogether useless to concern ourselves in detail with that part of the hateful anti-Slovak propaganda, which even today wants to see in this diplomatic relationship a pro-Soviet feeling or policy of the Slovak 36 SLOVAKTA Government. We know that western governments are in a "cold" war and, in places, even a "hot" war with the Communists and armies supported by the Soviets and yet they have diplomatic contacts with the Soviet dictatorship. Who would dare to accuse, for example, the Eisenhower ,A¢ninistration of following a pro-Soviet course? And we must not forget that the Slovak Government did not rescind outlawing the Communist Party even after it did establish diplomatic contacts with Soviet Russia. Speaking about diplomatic contacts of the Slovak Republic with the Soviet Union, we must also mention a matter, which at first glance might appear as an insignificant event, but which really sheds light on the anti-Communist and antiSoviet stand of the government of the Slovak Republic. Before sending its ambassador to Bratislava, Moscow had requested the Slovak Government to use one of its largest buildings, the Avion Palace, as its embassy. But Tiso refused. Why? Tiso r efused because it was quite obvious to him that the Soviets were not only interested in quarters for their diplomatic personnel, but also intended to establish an espionage center for the whole of central Europe, which would be covered by immunity. The Slovak Government acted as it did even though it was aware of the fact that it might be at the price of breaking off all diplomatic contacts with the Soviets. This act certainly cannot be construed as evidence of a "pro-Soviet" policy of the Slovak Republic! In June, 1941, the Slovak Army marched into Soviet territory. The Slovak Republic entered the war against Soviet Russia, because it was in accord with Slovak antiCommunist traditions. This it did even though it was fully aware of the geopolitical situation of Slovakia and the political combination of forces in the central Europe of that time. It may be worth mentioning, however, that formally the Slovak Republic did not declare war against anybody. According to the constitution of the Slovak Republic war could not be declared without the approval of Parliament and the signature of the President of the Republic. Where the Premier and the Minister of National Defense did declare SLOVAKIA 37 war against anybody, they did so without the accord of Parliament and the approval and signature of President Tiso. Regarding the armed conflict of the Slovak Republic with the Soviets, we might boldly compare it, from a formal and practical standpoint, with the "police action" of the United States in Korea. The anti-Communist stand of the representatives of the Slovak Republic stands out more prominently, if we recall that two divisions of the Slovak Army (about 12,000 men) fought exclusively on the eastern, that is, the Soviet front and that not a single Slovak soldier was placed on the western front. In short, the army of the Slovak Republic did not fight against the armies of America, Great Britain and France, but only against the armies of the Soviet Union. Serious attempts were made to have the Slovak Army fight on the western front. The Slovak Government, however, adamantly opposed the move. The will of the sovereignty of the Slovak Republic was not violated in this instance. It was not, therefore, accidental that the Slovaks fought only against the Soviets. President Dr. Joseph Tiso acted soberly in the antiCommunist crusade during the war and fulfilled his historical mission regardless of consequences. When allied victory was certain, Soviet plenipotentiaries sought out Tiso and told him that he could continue in the presidency after the war, if he would only proclaim Slovakia a Soviet repuQ,fo:i; Tiso, of course, refused and sealed his doom. Stalin was not a forgetful man. Of course, this was not the only instant which attested to Tiso's crusade against Communism. His fight · against Communism had begun long before he had become President of Slovakia, in fact, from the very outset of his public activity. The Communist prosecutors and judges of the Bratislava "National" Court accused Dr. Tiso of declaring that he would fight against his own brother if he were a Communist and that Communism must be cut from the body of every nation as a malignant ulcer. Certain it is that all political actions backed by Soviet Moscow and all regimes, which knew not how to cope with SLOVAKIA Communism or out of ignorance and naivite regarded it as Democracy, looked upon the consistent validation of the anti-Communist stand of the Slovak Republic as treason. This was demonstrated most emphatically when the Communists and their collaborators executed a host of Slovak patriots, including President Dr. Joseph Tiso. We know that the "National" Court in Bratislava considered Tiso's negative and hostile stand to the Soviets and Communists, as well as the war of the Slovak Army against the Soviets, as his greatest "crime". If one points out the guilt not only of the Communists, who demanded and got Tiso's head, but also the guilt of those, who at that time sat behind the same table with the Communists and the ministerial council when judicial murders were committed, this is in order. And that all the more so, because at that time every anti"'Communist was given the singular opportunity to manifest his conviction. During the "trial" of Dr. Tiso, the cold war between the West and the USSR was already initiated. But the persons who executed Slovak antiCommunist fighters, or those who did not move a finger to save them - though they could have - apparently forgot that the West exists at all. And today, sad to say, these very same persons, now in the West, want to prove that they always were active anti-Communists. The Slovak Republic introduced itself into world history remarkably well as an anti-Communist political and military factor. If it would have given nothing else to the Slovak nation but have taught it the correct way to look upon the danger of Communism, the wartime Slovak Republic certainly would have been worthy of its existence. Addressing his countrymen, Dr. Joseph Tiso often said: "We do not show a sufficient regard for our State, because we have not as yet sacrificed enough for it." Today it is altogether clear that the sacrifices for Slovak statehood in the fight against Communism are effectively helping the Slovaks persevere in their efforts to renew Slovak statehood and that the Slovaks can be justly proud of their anti-Communist past.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Slovak Republic and Communism Description An account of the resource Dr. Joseph Paučo Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 3-4 (12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954 pp. 35-38 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paučo, Jozef, 1914-1975 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Sept.-Dec. 1954 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/b03279cd81b9ebd4601ac1ffca8df81a.pdf b6dad0a741d4e3eb02e2c574d5551baa PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 17 AMERICAN SLOVAKS AND MARCH 14, 1939 Joseph Pauco Americans of Slovak descent participated honorably and in no small measure in the struggle for 'SlovaJk independerl'ce. The foundation of the program of the aurtonlOmistic movement in Slova;kia cannot be imagined without them. In fact, they were responsiJble for its structure with the prin:::i;ples contained in the Pittsburgh Pact of May 30, 1918, the same princiiples which some American Slovaks defended more consistently than did the Hlinka Slovaik Peo.p le's Party itself. One need not ,b e surprised, therefore, at the great joy evinced by American Slovaks when the autonomy of Sloivakia was 1proclaimed at Zilina on October 6, 1938, after iit was granted by the Czecho-,Slovak go.vernment at Prague. The Slovak League of America not only eX!pre.ssed its congratulations, but also hurried to help the autonomous government of Slovrukia financially with a gift of $10,000. The government of Dr. Joseph Tiso was aware of the role played by American Slovruks in rthe l~beration movement. At the very first opportunity it wanted to greet a delegation in free Bratislaiva, so Premier Tiso sent an invitation to the Sloivak Lea;gue on December 16, 1938, to be present at rthe opening of the Slovak Srtate Assembly. In his letter of invitation, Dr. Tiso said among other things: "Your coming here will be a holiday of infinite joy over the victorious concllIBion of the struggle for the rights of the sovereign Slovak naition and a holiday of cmr sincere gratitude for eveeything .that you ha'Ve done in the United States to ccmtrilbute either ideologically or financially to the vi:ictOlry of the SlovaJk nation." Dr. Tiso sent a similar message to ,t he Supreme Office of the Catholiic Slovalk Federation, in'Virting "our entiTe fraternal America" to Bratisl:wa. On March 14, 1939, when the belJ.s of freedom resounded throughout the whole of Slovakia, the Slovak Government again was mindful of the American Slovalks. At �18 SLOVAKIA that time Dr. Joseph Tiso sent the following telegram to the Slovak Lea:gue of Amevka : "Today we have founded the independent Slovaik State, not only to preserive Slovak tradition, but also to guarantee bread and soil for the Slova.Jks. We are basing our nuture on our independence. In ,this tense politiJcal situaition, in wh~ch states and nations are changing their forms, we can presenve oursel;ves only if we become an independent state. "Therefore, beloved brothers and sisters in the United States, stand by us and rejoice with us. Today you can rest aissured ,t hat Slovaikia is no longer a suffered aippendaige, hut is everywhere the master in its own home and is able to present itself to the world under its very own name. "For you, beloved 1brothers and sistevs in the United States, this iis very important, rbec-ause we shall be able to ma,ke contaots with yOIU direotlry without having to go in a circuitous way thvough diplomatic ,connections. May God protect you and 1b e with us so that the Slovaik nati!on might f1ourish in what has b een initiated today." 1 Dr. Tiso sent an eX1tensive messaige to .the American Slovaks, .i n which he explained in detail how the proclamation of the independence of Slovakia had come aibout and sketichoo especia:Uy the politkal principles by which the Slovak Government would guide itself. This message is such a penm.rating and serious dommnent of Slovak history that it will be necessary to devote indiviidual attention to it some time. It is necessary to note that the Slovaik Leaigue of America, which stood at the head of the movement for autono-mous SlovaJkia, was ag,a inst the dismembe:mnent of OzechoSlovakia up to Mav~h 14, 1939. In those .s tirring Mavch days, when President Hrucha dismissed Tiso as premier of the antonomous Slova,k · Government and appointed Karol -Sidor in his pla,ce, the Slovak League of Almeri,ca sent Sidor this caiblegra,m: "Advise strong stand rugai:nst secession. Slo- �SLOVAKIA 19 v.ak League is for federation with Czechs on an equal basis." This stand of the League need not surprise us. U;p to the day when the SlovaJk League sent the caiblegram to Sidor, not even responsible Slovak circles were for any other political program. 'Ilhe ffi1I1Jka SlovaJk People's Pal'ty honootl,y sought a peaceful solution of mutual relationship with the Ozechs. It did not find such a solution and, therefore, after the aruned putsch of the Czech Genera1's on Ma·r ch 10, 1939, and at the same time fully aiware of the internaitional situation as a whole, it chase ,s ecession despite the fact that Americans of Slova;k descent advised against it. But even American S1'ovaks did not ta!ke the situation literally as expressed in the cablegram. Its autho,r, the president of the Slovalk League at that time, Joseph Husek, comrrnentmg on the events transpiring in Bratishwa and quoting the crublegram of the Leaigue, explained: "This stand ( against secession) was accepted by the last Congress of the Slovak Leaigue. We stand upon our word. But whatever the result of this conflict, we shall stand loyally by SlovaJkia and the Slovak nation. Prague committed not only a mistake, but in fact has committed an hostile act against the Slovak nation. This, in its own drastic intervention, it cannot justify. For the consequences thereof it alone is respons~ble." That is how Joseph Husek wrote when he still did not have any reports of what had happened in BraitiisJ.,a va on March 14, 1939. It was iprobably only a few houra lbeifore or after that the Slovak Assemlbly unanimously declared the independence of SlovaJkia and the founding of the independent SlovaJk Republic. When the telegram of Dr. Joseph Tiso arrived in the USA, Husek ipublidy congratulated and greeted the government of the Slovak Repuibli:c in the Slorvak press of America. Among o.ther things, he stated: "The Slova!k League was against secession. But si,nce the Slovaks at home have proclaime!d their independence, we greeted independent Slovakia and wished her a hearty 'Good Luok' ." Immediately after March 14, 1939, the SlovaJk League of America staunchly defended Slova;k statehood and in prin- �20 SLOVAKIA ciple backed the SlovaJk Republic. In this regard we must mention the letteT which the ,pres1dent of the Slovak League of .America, Joseiph HU!sek, sent ,to President F. D. Roosevelt on .AJPril 24, 1939. The letter, requesting recognition of the Slovak RepuJblic •b y the United States of America, contained also the following: "T'he secession of Slovatlcia from the Cze,cho...Sloviak Rep'l.llblic was not the result of intrigues between the Slovak leadern and Germany, not for a desire for annexation to Hungary. The Slovaks proved by recent srucri:fice Of hll!ITlan life and their present firm resistance to the unjust territorial demands of H'UJilgaory how 4ounded this accusation, made frequently during the .past twenty years by the proponents of the Ozechoslo'Vak theory, has .b een. The secession of Slovakia was, at least, as much the result of intolerable condi:tions within the Repwblic, cu1minating in the unjustifiable military occupation of its capi,tol of Slovaikia, Bratislava, and the arrest of the pri:me minister, Dr. Joseph Tiso, b;y orde r c.f the Prague government, as of the existing conditions outside of the small country over which, naturally, the Slovaikis had no control. There was, and is, perhrups, no nation which has been so wilfully misrepresented to the world as has, and is even today, Slovakia. Explo,i ted by non-4Slovak g c-vernments, ·h er le aders silenced by foreign masters, p ersecuted and often incarcerated, her people have s uffered national oppression for more than a hundred years; first , under the Magyars, later under the Czechs, who, under the gui.se of 'democr.aicy' made of Slovakia a Czech colony. Today, an autonomous state, her fate lies entirely in the hands of those who haive, or shall have, the power to determine the futUTe of Europe and the world at large. " At the same time the president of the Slova:k League expressed this request : "It is the fer.vent desire of the Slovak Americans that the -,United States will be one of the first to recognize the R~pulblic of Slovalkia, ther~by giving its people. courage and �SLOVAKIA 21 faith with which to. meet the future and strengthening the spirit of democrrucy, already so firmly imlbedded in the hearts of Slovak people.." On May 12, 1939, the Central Committee of the Slovak league of America met in Pittsiburgh, Pa., and declared officially that "the Slova;k League of America stands and shall stand intrepidly behind Slo1vaJkra, sympathizes with her, shall he1p her and in every way defend her against all eneimies, whether internal or external." At that session, the sixth point of the resolution passed at that meeting of the league read: "The Slovak Lea·gue shall make the necessary steps to get a hear:ing before the Foreign Relations Committee of the Senate in Washington so that it could ,p resent its arguments why the United States, following the example od: another great democracy - Britain, should at least give de facto recognition to the Slovak State." The Catholic Slovak Federation of America reacted just as favorrubly to the Sloiva!k State as diid the Slovak League. Immediately after March 14, 1939, the Rt. Rev. Msgr. Stephen Kocis and Mr. John Lesko, president and se:cretary of the CSF respectively, issued a declaration in which they defended the honor and good name of the Slovak leaders and forcefully answered all attacks of enemies of the Slovak cause. In the declaration we read: " . . .personally we know Dr. Joseph Tiso, his Sloivak patriotism and his noble character; therefore, we cannot believe, and do not believe that he has committed the base betray;al against his Slovak nation and Slovakia which certain people accuse him of today." The late Rt. Rev. Msgr. John E. Rura of Perth Amboy, N. J., who was very a;ctive in the OSF in the east, wrote an article for the Slovak press prior to the meeting of Slovaik Catholi'c priests in New Yoi,k on April 19, 1939, condemning those who slandered and viilified Slovruk leaders in Slovakia. In that artide he said that for certiain people "October 6, 1938, was fatal, because the Pittsburgh Pact was then incor,porated in the life of the history of the Slovak nation. And now aigain March 14, 1939, that mortal �22 SLOVAKIA wownd was adm1nistered anew, when a free and independent Slow.Ilda was born. They are squirnl.in,g like a wounded snaJke and wd:11 not recognize the truth that there was no other way out for the .sa1viation of the Slovak nation, except that wMch the ,present lead~s in Slovakia had taken . . . . " Amedcans of .Slovffik descent kneiw the meaning o.f freedom and independence. They enjoyed the bJess,i ngs of the American way of life. As tTue Ameniicans they CO'llld not wish less to the nation they descended from. It is to their everliasting oredit that the,y ruoted as manfully as they did when the Slovak Republic wrus born on March 14, 1939. God bles,s Amerioa, God 1bless and protect the Slovak nation in this darkest period of its history! • • • HISTORICAL TRUTH AND :F ALSE LEGENDS Francis Hrusovsky Theil'e rure people who are not bl1nd, b1u t do not want to see the true face of reality. They aTe not deaif, but their ears are not a;c,cessi:ble to the voice of truth. Nor are they inteHectuaUy so dull as nOlt to ,be aJble to comprehend a matter in its .sulbstance, :if they only wanted to. Such people distort even the s1mplest matter and enravel it with a veil of confusion oocording to their o,w n conceptions and their own selfish interests. The,y are cowardly to kno,w and confess the truth and PTefer to deceive themse1ves and ha;ve suf:fiicient courage to deceive others. In this manner it is possiible to charructerize the ,p eople who present the historical fact of the proclamation of the state independence of Slovrukia in a false light and then with consistent stubbornness endeavo,r to 1present in a false light everything that is connected with the Slovak Republic. The utterly simple historical fact is that on March 14, 1939, the Slovak Assembliy declared Slovakia an independent Slovruk State This historical fact was acknowledged by many states (27), which recognized the SlovaJk Republic either de jure or de facto and esta:blished drplomaUc rela- � SLOVAKIA 17 AMERICAN SLOVAKS AND MARCH 14, 1939 Joseph Pauco Americans of Slovak descent participated honorably and in no small measure in the struggle for 'SlovaJk independerl'ce. The foundation of the program of the aurtonlOmistic movement in Slova;kia cannot be imagined without them. In fact, they were responsiJble for its structure with the prin:::i;ples contained in the Pittsburgh Pact of May 30, 1918, the same princiiples which some American Slovaks defended more consistently than did the Hlinka Slovaik Peo.p le's Party itself. One need not ,b e surprised, therefore, at the great joy evinced by American Slovaks when the autonomy of Sloivakia was 1proclaimed at Zilina on October 6, 1938, after iit was granted by the Czecho-,Slovak go.vernment at Prague. The Slovak League of America not only eX!pre.ssed its congratulations, but also hurried to help the autonomous government of Slovrukia financially with a gift of $10,000. The government of Dr. Joseph Tiso was aware of the role played by American Slovruks in rthe l~beration movement. At the very first opportunity it wanted to greet a delegation in free Bratislaiva, so Premier Tiso sent an invitation to the Sloivak Lea;gue on December 16, 1938, to be present at rthe opening of the Slovak Srtate Assembly. In his letter of invitation, Dr. Tiso said among other things: "Your coming here will be a holiday of infinite joy over the victorious concllIBion of the struggle for the rights of the sovereign Slovak naition and a holiday of cmr sincere gratitude for eveeything .that you ha'Ve done in the United States to ccmtrilbute either ideologically or financially to the vi:ictOlry of the SlovaJk nation." Dr. Tiso sent a similar message to ,t he Supreme Office of the Catholiic Slovalk Federation, in'Virting "our entiTe fraternal America" to Bratisl:wa. On March 14, 1939, when the belJ.s of freedom resounded throughout the whole of Slovakia, the Slovak Government again was mindful of the American Slovalks. At �18 SLOVAKIA that time Dr. Joseph Tiso sent the following telegram to the Slovak Lea:gue of Amevka : "Today we have founded the independent Slovaik State, not only to preserive Slovak tradition, but also to guarantee bread and soil for the Slova.Jks. We are basing our nuture on our independence. In ,this tense politiJcal situaition, in wh~ch states and nations are changing their forms, we can presenve oursel;ves only if we become an independent state. "Therefore, beloved brothers and sisters in the United States, stand by us and rejoice with us. Today you can rest aissured ,t hat Slovaikia is no longer a suffered aippendaige, hut is everywhere the master in its own home and is able to present itself to the world under its very own name. "For you, beloved 1brothers and sistevs in the United States, this iis very important, rbec-ause we shall be able to ma,ke contaots with yOIU direotlry without having to go in a circuitous way thvough diplomatic ,connections. May God protect you and 1b e with us so that the Slovaik nati!on might f1ourish in what has b een initiated today." 1 Dr. Tiso sent an eX1tensive messaige to .the American Slovaks, .i n which he explained in detail how the proclamation of the independence of Slovakia had come aibout and sketichoo especia:Uy the politkal principles by which the Slovak Government would guide itself. This message is such a penm.rating and serious dommnent of Slovak history that it will be necessary to devote indiviidual attention to it some time. It is necessary to note that the Slovaik Leaigue of America, which stood at the head of the movement for autono-mous SlovaJkia, was ag,a inst the dismembe:mnent of OzechoSlovakia up to Mav~h 14, 1939. In those .s tirring Mavch days, when President Hrucha dismissed Tiso as premier of the antonomous Slova,k · Government and appointed Karol -Sidor in his pla,ce, the Slovak League of Almeri,ca sent Sidor this caiblegra,m: "Advise strong stand rugai:nst secession. Slo- �SLOVAKIA 19 v.ak League is for federation with Czechs on an equal basis." This stand of the League need not surprise us. U;p to the day when the SlovaJk League sent the caiblegram to Sidor, not even responsible Slovak circles were for any other political program. 'Ilhe ffi1I1Jka SlovaJk People's Pal'ty honootl,y sought a peaceful solution of mutual relationship with the Ozechs. It did not find such a solution and, therefore, after the aruned putsch of the Czech Genera1's on Ma·r ch 10, 1939, and at the same time fully aiware of the internaitional situation as a whole, it chase ,s ecession despite the fact that Americans of Slova;k descent advised against it. But even American S1'ovaks did not ta!ke the situation literally as expressed in the cablegram. Its autho,r, the president of the Slovalk League at that time, Joseph Husek, comrrnentmg on the events transpiring in Bratishwa and quoting the crublegram of the Leaigue, explained: "This stand ( against secession) was accepted by the last Congress of the Slovak Leaigue. We stand upon our word. But whatever the result of this conflict, we shall stand loyally by SlovaJkia and the Slovak nation. Prague committed not only a mistake, but in fact has committed an hostile act against the Slovak nation. This, in its own drastic intervention, it cannot justify. For the consequences thereof it alone is respons~ble." That is how Joseph Husek wrote when he still did not have any reports of what had happened in BraitiisJ.,a va on March 14, 1939. It was iprobably only a few houra lbeifore or after that the Slovak Assemlbly unanimously declared the independence of SlovaJkia and the founding of the independent SlovaJk Republic. When the telegram of Dr. Joseph Tiso arrived in the USA, Husek ipublidy congratulated and greeted the government of the Slovak Repuibli:c in the Slorvak press of America. Among o.ther things, he stated: "The Slova!k League was against secession. But si,nce the Slovaks at home have proclaime!d their independence, we greeted independent Slovakia and wished her a hearty 'Good Luok' ." Immediately after March 14, 1939, the SlovaJk League of America staunchly defended Slova;k statehood and in prin- �20 SLOVAKIA ciple backed the SlovaJk Republic. In this regard we must mention the letteT which the ,pres1dent of the Slovak League of .America, Joseiph HU!sek, sent ,to President F. D. Roosevelt on .AJPril 24, 1939. The letter, requesting recognition of the Slovak RepuJblic •b y the United States of America, contained also the following: "T'he secession of Slovatlcia from the Cze,cho...Sloviak Rep'l.llblic was not the result of intrigues between the Slovak leadern and Germany, not for a desire for annexation to Hungary. The Slovaks proved by recent srucri:fice Of hll!ITlan life and their present firm resistance to the unjust territorial demands of H'UJilgaory how 4ounded this accusation, made frequently during the .past twenty years by the proponents of the Ozechoslo'Vak theory, has .b een. The secession of Slovakia was, at least, as much the result of intolerable condi:tions within the Repwblic, cu1minating in the unjustifiable military occupation of its capi,tol of Slovaikia, Bratislava, and the arrest of the pri:me minister, Dr. Joseph Tiso, b;y orde r c.f the Prague government, as of the existing conditions outside of the small country over which, naturally, the Slovaikis had no control. There was, and is, perhrups, no nation which has been so wilfully misrepresented to the world as has, and is even today, Slovakia. Explo,i ted by non-4Slovak g c-vernments, ·h er le aders silenced by foreign masters, p ersecuted and often incarcerated, her people have s uffered national oppression for more than a hundred years; first , under the Magyars, later under the Czechs, who, under the gui.se of 'democr.aicy' made of Slovakia a Czech colony. Today, an autonomous state, her fate lies entirely in the hands of those who haive, or shall have, the power to determine the futUTe of Europe and the world at large. " At the same time the president of the Slova:k League expressed this request : "It is the fer.vent desire of the Slovak Americans that the -,United States will be one of the first to recognize the R~pulblic of Slovalkia, ther~by giving its people. courage and �SLOVAKIA 21 faith with which to. meet the future and strengthening the spirit of democrrucy, already so firmly imlbedded in the hearts of Slovak people.." On May 12, 1939, the Central Committee of the Slovak league of America met in Pittsiburgh, Pa., and declared officially that "the Slova;k League of America stands and shall stand intrepidly behind Slo1vaJkra, sympathizes with her, shall he1p her and in every way defend her against all eneimies, whether internal or external." At that session, the sixth point of the resolution passed at that meeting of the league read: "The Slovak Lea·gue shall make the necessary steps to get a hear:ing before the Foreign Relations Committee of the Senate in Washington so that it could ,p resent its arguments why the United States, following the example od: another great democracy - Britain, should at least give de facto recognition to the Slovak State." The Catholic Slovak Federation of America reacted just as favorrubly to the Sloiva!k State as diid the Slovak League. Immediately after March 14, 1939, the Rt. Rev. Msgr. Stephen Kocis and Mr. John Lesko, president and se:cretary of the CSF respectively, issued a declaration in which they defended the honor and good name of the Slovak leaders and forcefully answered all attacks of enemies of the Slovak cause. In the declaration we read: " . . .personally we know Dr. Joseph Tiso, his Sloivak patriotism and his noble character; therefore, we cannot believe, and do not believe that he has committed the base betray;al against his Slovak nation and Slovakia which certain people accuse him of today." The late Rt. Rev. Msgr. John E. Rura of Perth Amboy, N. J., who was very a;ctive in the OSF in the east, wrote an article for the Slovak press prior to the meeting of Slovaik Catholi'c priests in New Yoi,k on April 19, 1939, condemning those who slandered and viilified Slovruk leaders in Slovakia. In that artide he said that for certiain people "October 6, 1938, was fatal, because the Pittsburgh Pact was then incor,porated in the life of the history of the Slovak nation. And now aigain March 14, 1939, that mortal �22 SLOVAKIA wownd was adm1nistered anew, when a free and independent Slow.Ilda was born. They are squirnl.in,g like a wounded snaJke and wd:11 not recognize the truth that there was no other way out for the .sa1viation of the Slovak nation, except that wMch the ,present lead~s in Slovakia had taken . . . . " Amedcans of .Slovffik descent kneiw the meaning o.f freedom and independence. They enjoyed the bJess,i ngs of the American way of life. As tTue Ameniicans they CO'llld not wish less to the nation they descended from. It is to their everliasting oredit that the,y ruoted as manfully as they did when the Slovak Republic wrus born on March 14, 1939. God bles,s Amerioa, God 1bless and protect the Slovak nation in this darkest period of its history! • • • HISTORICAL TRUTH AND :F ALSE LEGENDS Francis Hrusovsky Theil'e rure people who are not bl1nd, b1u t do not want to see the true face of reality. They aTe not deaif, but their ears are not a;c,cessi:ble to the voice of truth. Nor are they inteHectuaUy so dull as nOlt to ,be aJble to comprehend a matter in its .sulbstance, :if they only wanted to. Such people distort even the s1mplest matter and enravel it with a veil of confusion oocording to their o,w n conceptions and their own selfish interests. The,y are cowardly to kno,w and confess the truth and PTefer to deceive themse1ves and ha;ve suf:fiicient courage to deceive others. In this manner it is possiible to charructerize the ,p eople who present the historical fact of the proclamation of the state independence of Slovrukia in a false light and then with consistent stubbornness endeavo,r to 1present in a false light everything that is connected with the Slovak Republic. The utterly simple historical fact is that on March 14, 1939, the Slovak Assembliy declared Slovakia an independent Slovruk State This historical fact was acknowledged by many states (27), which recognized the SlovaJk Republic either de jure or de facto and esta:blished drplomaUc rela- � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 17 AMERICAN SLOVAKS AND MARCH 14, 1939 Joseph Pauco Americans of Slovak descent participated honorably and in no small measure in the struggle for 'SlovaJk independerl'ce. The foundation of the program of the aurtonlOmistic movement in Slova;kia cannot be imagined without them. In fact, they were responsiJble for its structure with the prin:::i;ples contained in the Pittsburgh Pact of May 30, 1918, the same princiiples which some American Slovaks defended more consistently than did the Hlinka Slovaik Peo.p le's Party itself. One need not ,b e surprised, therefore, at the great joy evinced by American Slovaks when the autonomy of Sloivakia was 1proclaimed at Zilina on October 6, 1938, after iit was granted by the Czecho-,Slovak go.vernment at Prague. The Slovak League of America not only eX!pre.ssed its congratulations, but also hurried to help the autonomous government of Slovrukia financially with a gift of $10,000. The government of Dr. Joseph Tiso was aware of the role played by American Slovruks in rthe l~beration movement. At the very first opportunity it wanted to greet a delegation in free Bratislaiva, so Premier Tiso sent an invitation to the Sloivak Lea;gue on December 16, 1938, to be present at rthe opening of the Slovak Srtate Assembly. In his letter of invitation, Dr. Tiso said among other things: "Your coming here will be a holiday of infinite joy over the victorious concllIBion of the struggle for the rights of the sovereign Slovak naition and a holiday of cmr sincere gratitude for eveeything .that you ha'Ve done in the United States to ccmtrilbute either ideologically or financially to the vi:ictOlry of the SlovaJk nation." Dr. Tiso sent a similar message to ,t he Supreme Office of the Catholiic Slovalk Federation, in'Virting "our entiTe fraternal America" to Bratisl:wa. On March 14, 1939, when the belJ.s of freedom resounded throughout the whole of Slovakia, the Slovak Government again was mindful of the American Slovalks. At 18 SLOVAKIA that time Dr. Joseph Tiso sent the following telegram to the Slovak Lea:gue of Amevka : "Today we have founded the independent Slovaik State, not only to preserive Slovak tradition, but also to guarantee bread and soil for the Slova.Jks. We are basing our nuture on our independence. In ,this tense politiJcal situaition, in wh~ch states and nations are changing their forms, we can presenve oursel;ves only if we become an independent state. "Therefore, beloved brothers and sisters in the United States, stand by us and rejoice with us. Today you can rest aissured ,t hat Slovaikia is no longer a suffered aippendaige, hut is everywhere the master in its own home and is able to present itself to the world under its very own name. "For you, beloved 1brothers and sistevs in the United States, this iis very important, rbec-ause we shall be able to ma,ke contaots with yOIU direotlry without having to go in a circuitous way thvough diplomatic ,connections. May God protect you and 1b e with us so that the Slovaik nati!on might f1ourish in what has b een initiated today." 1 Dr. Tiso sent an eX1tensive messaige to .the American Slovaks, .i n which he explained in detail how the proclamation of the independence of Slovakia had come aibout and sketichoo especia:Uy the politkal principles by which the Slovak Government would guide itself. This message is such a penm.rating and serious dommnent of Slovak history that it will be necessary to devote indiviidual attention to it some time. It is necessary to note that the Slovaik Leaigue of America, which stood at the head of the movement for autono-mous SlovaJkia, was ag,a inst the dismembe:mnent of OzechoSlovakia up to Mav~h 14, 1939. In those .s tirring Mavch days, when President Hrucha dismissed Tiso as premier of the antonomous Slova,k · Government and appointed Karol -Sidor in his pla,ce, the Slovak League of Almeri,ca sent Sidor this caiblegra,m: "Advise strong stand rugai:nst secession. Slo- SLOVAKIA 19 v.ak League is for federation with Czechs on an equal basis." This stand of the League need not surprise us. U;p to the day when the SlovaJk League sent the caiblegram to Sidor, not even responsible Slovak circles were for any other political program. 'Ilhe ffi1I1Jka SlovaJk People's Pal'ty honootl,y sought a peaceful solution of mutual relationship with the Ozechs. It did not find such a solution and, therefore, after the aruned putsch of the Czech Genera1's on Ma·r ch 10, 1939, and at the same time fully aiware of the internaitional situation as a whole, it chase ,s ecession despite the fact that Americans of Slova;k descent advised against it. But even American S1'ovaks did not ta!ke the situation literally as expressed in the cablegram. Its autho,r, the president of the Slovalk League at that time, Joseph Husek, comrrnentmg on the events transpiring in Bratishwa and quoting the crublegram of the Leaigue, explained: "This stand ( against secession) was accepted by the last Congress of the Slovak Leaigue. We stand upon our word. But whatever the result of this conflict, we shall stand loyally by SlovaJkia and the Slovak nation. Prague committed not only a mistake, but in fact has committed an hostile act against the Slovak nation. This, in its own drastic intervention, it cannot justify. For the consequences thereof it alone is respons~ble." That is how Joseph Husek wrote when he still did not have any reports of what had happened in BraitiisJ.,a va on March 14, 1939. It was iprobably only a few houra lbeifore or after that the Slovak Assemlbly unanimously declared the independence of SlovaJkia and the founding of the independent SlovaJk Republic. When the telegram of Dr. Joseph Tiso arrived in the USA, Husek ipublidy congratulated and greeted the government of the Slovak Repuibli:c in the Slorvak press of America. Among o.ther things, he stated: "The Slova!k League was against secession. But si,nce the Slovaks at home have proclaime!d their independence, we greeted independent Slovakia and wished her a hearty 'Good Luok' ." Immediately after March 14, 1939, the SlovaJk League of America staunchly defended Slova;k statehood and in prin- 20 SLOVAKIA ciple backed the SlovaJk Republic. In this regard we must mention the letteT which the ,pres1dent of the Slovak League of .America, Joseiph HU!sek, sent ,to President F. D. Roosevelt on .AJPril 24, 1939. The letter, requesting recognition of the Slovak RepuJblic •b y the United States of America, contained also the following: "T'he secession of Slovatlcia from the Cze,cho...Sloviak Rep'l.llblic was not the result of intrigues between the Slovak leadern and Germany, not for a desire for annexation to Hungary. The Slovaks proved by recent srucri:fice Of hll!ITlan life and their present firm resistance to the unjust territorial demands of H'UJilgaory how 4ounded this accusation, made frequently during the .past twenty years by the proponents of the Ozechoslo'Vak theory, has .b een. The secession of Slovakia was, at least, as much the result of intolerable condi:tions within the Repwblic, cu1minating in the unjustifiable military occupation of its capi,tol of Slovaikia, Bratislava, and the arrest of the pri:me minister, Dr. Joseph Tiso, b;y orde r c.f the Prague government, as of the existing conditions outside of the small country over which, naturally, the Slovaikis had no control. There was, and is, perhrups, no nation which has been so wilfully misrepresented to the world as has, and is even today, Slovakia. Explo,i ted by non-4Slovak g c-vernments, ·h er le aders silenced by foreign masters, p ersecuted and often incarcerated, her people have s uffered national oppression for more than a hundred years; first , under the Magyars, later under the Czechs, who, under the gui.se of 'democr.aicy' made of Slovakia a Czech colony. Today, an autonomous state, her fate lies entirely in the hands of those who haive, or shall have, the power to determine the futUTe of Europe and the world at large. " At the same time the president of the Slova:k League expressed this request : "It is the fer.vent desire of the Slovak Americans that the -,United States will be one of the first to recognize the R~pulblic of Slovalkia, ther~by giving its people. courage and SLOVAKIA 21 faith with which to. meet the future and strengthening the spirit of democrrucy, already so firmly imlbedded in the hearts of Slovak people.." On May 12, 1939, the Central Committee of the Slovak league of America met in Pittsiburgh, Pa., and declared officially that "the Slova;k League of America stands and shall stand intrepidly behind Slo1vaJkra, sympathizes with her, shall he1p her and in every way defend her against all eneimies, whether internal or external." At that session, the sixth point of the resolution passed at that meeting of the league read: "The Slovak Lea·gue shall make the necessary steps to get a hear:ing before the Foreign Relations Committee of the Senate in Washington so that it could ,p resent its arguments why the United States, following the example od: another great democracy - Britain, should at least give de facto recognition to the Slovak State." The Catholic Slovak Federation of America reacted just as favorrubly to the Sloiva!k State as diid the Slovak League. Immediately after March 14, 1939, the Rt. Rev. Msgr. Stephen Kocis and Mr. John Lesko, president and se:cretary of the CSF respectively, issued a declaration in which they defended the honor and good name of the Slovak leaders and forcefully answered all attacks of enemies of the Slovak cause. In the declaration we read: " . . .personally we know Dr. Joseph Tiso, his Sloivak patriotism and his noble character; therefore, we cannot believe, and do not believe that he has committed the base betray;al against his Slovak nation and Slovakia which certain people accuse him of today." The late Rt. Rev. Msgr. John E. Rura of Perth Amboy, N. J., who was very a;ctive in the OSF in the east, wrote an article for the Slovak press prior to the meeting of Slovaik Catholi'c priests in New Yoi,k on April 19, 1939, condemning those who slandered and viilified Slovruk leaders in Slovakia. In that artide he said that for certiain people "October 6, 1938, was fatal, because the Pittsburgh Pact was then incor,porated in the life of the history of the Slovak nation. And now aigain March 14, 1939, that mortal 22 SLOVAKIA wownd was adm1nistered anew, when a free and independent Slow.Ilda was born. They are squirnl.in,g like a wounded snaJke and wd:11 not recognize the truth that there was no other way out for the .sa1viation of the Slovak nation, except that wMch the ,present lead~s in Slovakia had taken . . . . " Amedcans of .Slovffik descent kneiw the meaning o.f freedom and independence. They enjoyed the bJess,i ngs of the American way of life. As tTue Ameniicans they CO'llld not wish less to the nation they descended from. It is to their everliasting oredit that the,y ruoted as manfully as they did when the Slovak Republic wrus born on March 14, 1939. God bles,s Amerioa, God 1bless and protect the Slovak nation in this darkest period of its history! • • • HISTORICAL TRUTH AND :F ALSE LEGENDS Francis Hrusovsky Theil'e rure people who are not bl1nd, b1u t do not want to see the true face of reality. They aTe not deaif, but their ears are not a;c,cessi:ble to the voice of truth. Nor are they inteHectuaUy so dull as nOlt to ,be aJble to comprehend a matter in its .sulbstance, :if they only wanted to. Such people distort even the s1mplest matter and enravel it with a veil of confusion oocording to their o,w n conceptions and their own selfish interests. The,y are cowardly to kno,w and confess the truth and PTefer to deceive themse1ves and ha;ve suf:fiicient courage to deceive others. In this manner it is possiible to charructerize the ,p eople who present the historical fact of the proclamation of the state independence of Slovrukia in a false light and then with consistent stubbornness endeavo,r to 1present in a false light everything that is connected with the Slovak Republic. The utterly simple historical fact is that on March 14, 1939, the Slovak Assembliy declared Slovakia an independent Slovruk State This historical fact was acknowledged by many states (27), which recognized the SlovaJk Republic either de jure or de facto and esta:blished drplomaUc rela-  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource American Slovaks and March 14, 1939 Description An account of the resource Joseph Paučo Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 1 (10), March 1954 pp. 17-22 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paučo, Jozef, 1914-1975 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 1954 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/153ca7b8e0894787ec040bf3e8d190e4.pdf ecc8df4f3de4b9451f36843379cd1f91 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 3 THE FAILURES OF COMMUNIST POUTICS IN SLOVAKIA Dr. Joseph Pauco In recent months many evident proofs of the failures of the Communist Party .in Slovaikia have been supplied by the communists themselves. Their policies flailed not only in tlhe political dom aii:n, but also in the eoonomfoa!l and especiailly the agricultural fields. What is the situation in SlovaJkia today aicco:rding to the admissions of the communists themselves? Centralization 1 On the one hand, it is 'k nown that the communists in Slovak!ia did SUipport the recognition of the national indiviiduality of the :S lovak naJtion, yet, on the other hand, it is true thaJt in Slovakia power is no longer in the hands of communists who respect tlhis principle and oppose the imperialIBtic influences of Ozech communism. F'0trmally, the 1name o:f the CommUIIl1ist Party of Slovakia has been retained, but not a single commuru.srt: factor will say thaJt it is ,representati.ve of Slovak communist forces, or any kind of autonomoUJS organization of Slovak communists. The first secretary of the Communist Parity of Slovald1a, the Czech communJ.st ~arel Badlek, proc,laimed on April 22, 19'55, at the XI Congre ss of the Communist Party of Slo-vakia: "The Communist Party of Slovakia is a region.a:! organization of the one Communist Party of Czecho-lSlovaJkia; it is its fighting diivision." The :flirst sec·r etary of the Communist Party of CzechoSlovakiia, the Czeclh .Amt onin Novotny, addressing that Con~ gress said thrut "the Communist Party of Slwaikia is an indivi:silble 1part and unit of the Communist Party of CzechoSloW!Jki,a." Tit is clear, then, beyond all shadow of doubt, that two of the pre-eminent leaJders of the present communist regime in PTague and Bratislava no longer consider it n.ecessary for the Slwak commundsts to appear independently. This is apparent not oinly in the o,r ganization by the fact th•a t the 1 1 �4 SLOVAKIA Slovak Communist Party is suboirdinated to the Ozech Communist Party as its "division," but also in the .poili'tical field as well, where the Czechs rule surpreme. ln the so-oalled "Czeoho-Slovruk" Communist Barty, there were only Ozechs. As an aip.pendage of the Czech Oommunist Party, the Slovak Communist Party is .powerless to ,i nitiate or realize anything; everything is done through the Czecho--Slovak (really CZECH) Communist Party. Bacilek attested to this fact openly, when he said: "Important and fundamental •p olitical questions concerning Slovakia were presented for resolution to the Central Committee od' the Communist Party of Czecho-iSlovakia, and we go,v erned ourselves iby those decisions." For Slovakiia iit pr~baJbly is fortunate tJhat Prrugue is today responsilble for all politics. On the other band, however, it is quite significant for the Soviets, who loudly demand the a,ssurance of aU national freedoms. In the Slo·vak case it is one orf the cleaTest 1proofs thaJt SOV'iet slo.gans about independence a~e only a s:ham and delus,ion. Under the communist reg,ime the Slovaks lost aitl remnants of autonomous government. IDven though the Communist Party ·of Slovakia exists fonmally, its first secretary is not a Slovruk, but a Czech - ~arel Bacilek - and that means, for all practi'crul purposes, that SlnvaJkia is again a Ozech colony. 'Dhis situation conceals within itself many known thinigs. While the Ozech comrmmists could rely on Husa'k, Novomesiky, Okaly, and Clementis, they readily e~loited their services. But just as soon as these Slovak communists, who possessed a certruin am'ount of national pride, began to make more and more demands, they were marked for liquidiaJtion. And Ozech communists did liquidate them . "Bourgeois nationalists," said Bacilek, "led by Husak, in agreement with the Slovak reaction, oppo-s ed the validation of a uniform poHcy and a urniform agricultural program for the entire Czecho-iSlovalk Reipublic. And since this un~formity wa;s a prerequisite of the politic•al, and mainly the agriculturnJl, equality of the rig1hts of the Slovak nation, tihen, fa:ct:ually, they s1a:botaged this equa:lity orf rights." Hlusak's ,g roup was no more considerate toward the anti-communist Slova:k camp than was Bacilek. The oillly �SLOVAKIA 5 dif;ference between them was that Husak was a Slovak and Bacilek a Ozec'h. Because Husak, a Slovak communist, had dared to oppose the concept that his party was s.imrply "a fighting division oif the Communist Party of Ozecho-,Slovakia," that is, subservient to tlhe CZECH CommU'Ilist Party - hiis name was added to the last of traitor:rs, even though he did render inivaluaJble se:rwices to the commU'Ilist cause. Slovak Nationalism The greatest enemy of communism in Slovakia is nationa'1isrm - the real cause of the failures of communist policy. Becau:se the foli:owers of the Hlinka 'Slo'V'ak People's Party were identrified with Slovak nationaliism, they were most violently attooked by the communists. William Siroky recalled at the XI Congress of the Slovak CommU'Il.ist Prurty in Bratislava that the Communi,s t Party "revealed the plague of tJhe anti~peop[e's populist separatist traitocrs and the other nationa;lisbic groups." Thus far Slovak nationalism could not be wiped out. Afrter ten years Siroky had to admit that "national :wejudices are very much allive especially among the Slovak intellectuals and officials; they are penetrating into other classes, aTe influencing even cultural lifo, and that a constant, stu!bborn ideofogiica1l war must be waged against them." Bacilek also complained that Slovak nationalism is not a sim,ple problem, saying: "While consolidating the brotherhood of the Ozechs and the Slovaks, let us not even for a moment storp waging a decisive battle against tJhe populists, the ideolo,gical man.ifestation of one part of the banikmpt Slovaik bourgeoisie." Karel Brucilek is stumped by the Slovak bourgeoisie and, therefore, oalils upon scientific workers to fight the Slovak IJ.orpulists: "From the workers of the sociaJ sciences we demand that they systematically and olbjectively uncover and help to oiveroome the manifestations of bourgeois ideologies in the minds of the people, especiaUy the manifestations of bourgeois natiorrali:s m and its most de~ structive variety - populist s~paratism." !Slovak natiO'Ilalism, however, is not a matter of some smail[ group. Novotny understood that very well when he �6 said: ". . .Almost everywhere up to now we rmeet with dangerous mainifestations of bourgeois nationaliSlm, es,peciaUy with one of its forms, with populist separatism, carrying wi·t h it reactionary darkness, which was designedly kept up in Slovakiia by the htgh Church hieraTchy." Judging ,a ccordingly, then, we can say that Slova:k nation:aliSlm is the "Enemy No.. l" of the communist regime. So for Novotny it is very clear that "the commun~ ists, the natfona1 committee, and the basi,c partisan organizations must constantly exiplain the harmfulness of nationalistic views and e:,QJJose them . . . " ·s1ovaJk naticma1ism is still quite strong. 'J.1he communists did not khl[ it and, according to their own admission, the propaganda they used against Slo,vaik nationrulism did not he1p much. This is made quite clear from Sirdky's speech, in which he says: "our agitation and ,propaganda are not suifficiently penetrating and convincing; we are losing sight of the increasjng claims of our people. This holds for the press, lectures, and also for many sections of cultura,1 practice. . . In Slovrukia es:pe:cially, we must be aware of tJhe fact that any weakening of the ideological wor,k will oniy strengthen national prejudices." This is quite a sj_gnifican,t adrmission from a man who untitl recently held the first position in the Communist Party of Slo.vakfa. To, keep his. head a:bo,ve water as long as possible, Sirdky, even though he is not a S'1ovaik by ori~ gin and sentiment, knows tha;t he must be grateful to those by whose grace he is •s till tolerated as a member of the politburo. So he encourages comm!Ullist propaganda "to devote itself more sy,stematically and profoundly and more concretely to the greaJt and actual ideoilogica[ problems of the present per,iod - to concern itself witlh t:he questions whkh preoccupy the minds O!f our people. We must see to it that the feeling of collectiveness and mutua'lity of the Czechs and Slovaks, of Cze<:ho..Slovak patriotiSlm - just like the feeling of lo,yalty and love towaTd the Soviet Union - become the fundamental. lines orf the socialistic and pat.Piotic consciousness of our citizens." Obviously, then, there is no so-·caNed "mutuality of Slovaks and Czechs," there is no "Czecho-tSlovak patriot- �SLOVAKIA 7 ism." These concepts existed only in the minds of poHtical dreamers in t!he past and, as we see, even communist prisons and concentration camps could not create them. After ten years of terror and violence, comrade Siroky, who rendered great services iin Slovakia for Ozech communists, is leaving the leadership of the Slovak Communist Party beca use the desired union of the Slovaks with the Ozechs did not materialize. Many people dreamed a:bout a brotherhood of the Czechs and Slova'ks. But this was nothing but an unsuccessful dream . The situation has not changed even today. Even Bacile<k would be happy if he couild change it. So, he turns his attention to the communist writers, saying: "Litemture and the arts o,we very much to the systematic conso[idation of the brotherhood o!f the Czechs and Slova;ks. After ten years our literature has not produced a romantic novel which would depict the fact that without the aid qf the Czech working class there would be no penetrating successes in the soci'alisti<: industria>liza,tion of Slovakia. We do not have a book which would show the historical roots of the brotherhood of the Czechs and Slovaks." If there is no such volume, then there are no, writers who stand in the service of communism and the so-called "Czecho-,Slo,v ak" union; there are no writern w'ho would be wililing to serve communist propaganda and the policy of a "Great Czec,hia." And this fact is as significam.t a reality as is the strength of Slovak nationalism itself. Both comple~ ment and control each other mutually. Writers are the coo.science of a nation. In present-day Slovaki'a, if this conscience does .not subordinate itself to communist dictates, then this is a matter of great significam.ce a,nd of an extraordinary hisitorical manifestati'on. In natinnal questions, we know, a genuinely honest w_riter would not dare to misrepresent the thoughts of his own peo.ple. The schools of Slova'kia are also• resisting commun• ism very va1iantly; they .p refer to stand on the side of the nation thian on the side of a foreign clique which wants to demoralize the character of Slovak history. Bacilek obviously was fuily aware of the school situation, because in attacking SlO'Vak teachers he said: �8 SLOVAKIA "If we arnailyre the work of the ,s chools from the standpoint of contemporary needs, we must come to the conclusion tihat thus far they are not performing their basic task satisfoctorily and are little concerned a;bout the quality af education and, at the saime time, abourt 'the creation of c•o mmunistic conviction and momls in all the youth. . . We must seek the reason therefore albove aiH else in the low level of the teaching and training work of our teruohers." That's the kind of talk we hear long after the Communiist Party of Slovakia repl'aced qualified teachers with its most loyal followera whether they qualified .as teaahers or not. That such people had no idea what the teaching or training level was is l.mderstand01ble; on this point we can agree with Ba;cilek, because the commurust regime did not care whether the persons employed as t eachers ,w ere qualified to tea:ch, hut was onJ.y concerned whether bhey were party memlbern. However, the admission of the fact that these Red teaichers were not sufficiently relialb1e for the communists, that they are not creating communist convictions, rund are not strengthening communist vices in the youth - all this is one af the most reiveal,i ng proofo of the failures of communist policy in Slovakia. The communists hurried to .produce intellectuals loyal to tlhem by a wholesale process. Even though some intellectuals ap-· parently did join them, they did not lose their healthy .Sl·OVaJk core and are now causing the leadership of the Communist Party no end of trouble. That is the wo11k and the influence of Sloviak nationalism. And SlovaJk natiornalism is more irufluential than all communist terror and vioO.errce. The iruflueillCe af Slovak nationali<Slm rea:ches ,i nto the Communist Party itselrf. Ba-· cilek admitted tihat from the time of the X Assembly of the Slovak Coimmunist Party "the numiber of dead, dropped and ex,pelled members and candidates £rom the party wrus 12,940. The party rid itse'Lf of UillW:Orthy, hostiJ.e elements, of violators of state and party mscirpline, or peoiple who fai,l ed in their oibligations as members of the party.'' Bacilek, however, did not dare publ,~Sh the number �SLOVAKIA 9 of expelled members and, of course, not even the detail.s sUTrounding the deaith of some of the memb,e rs. They could ha,ve lbeen eliminated or liq.uida,ted secretly, wor.ked to death in .tlhe Uranium mines, or beaten to death in jails In every instance, however, Bacilek reports that a great many members were expelled. We understand fiuNy well that they were enemies of the communist go:vernment and party. Communists evidently do no,t know exactly where their main enemies are am.d, hence, look for them everywhere. Nationalism .has its sharply designated posts am.d is perfonniin!g its duty. ,Slovak nationalism is no exception. The Resistance Movement Sl-ovak nationaJlism is alive and ,a gg,ressi,ve. This was recently demonstrated, when on June 13, 1955, the communist military trilbunaJl con!Victed 12 memlbers of a Slovak resistam.ce movement, dealing out high penalties, including a sentenice of death for a leading memlber of t;h.e movement, Bernard Nemcek. Reports from Prague about the communist verdict tell us more than all the explanations of the situation in Slovaikfa. And that because, surprisingly enough, the br,oadcast of June 16, 1955, designated the movement by its ,r,ight name: a resistance movement and a movement to create an independent Slovak State. The supreme desire of every rnation is to h'ave its own state. The Slovaks a,re n:o exception. If Slovak nationalists on native soH can bring the supreme sacri.lfice for this idea, this is irre.futalble proof that the Slovruk naroion is not am.d iw:illl not be satisfied with foreign domiination. In Slovrukia and in tlhe ranks of SlovaJk mo,vements, the fight against commun~sm is comprehended as determination .to free itself once and for all time from the yoke of every a1ien hegemony. That is why the fight of 1Sllovaik nationalists tends in two directions: against communi-sm and for state independence. Does a Slovak resistance movement actuafily exist? In the light of the a;bove, a str,ong resista,nce movement dbviiously does exist in Slovakia. At times, the com- �10 SLOVAKIA munists may at:teinipt to minimize its efd'eetiiveness, but we know that it must ,b e quite a movement, if the Reds themselves see fit to discuss it during their congresses. Basing OUT conviction on statements made and adions taken by the communists themselves, there can be no doubt that commun'ists really fear Slovak bomigeois :nationialism. In my possession I have a letter from a well-informed Slovak in Western Gerunany who just recently escaped from Slovakia. For nine long years he ob.served how the Red regime worked in Slovai~ia. He took note of the opinions and manifestations 'Of the population and was active in western, central and eastern Slovakia. Thris person maide contacts with officials and wwkere, farmers and priests, teachers and politiJCal prisoners. When I asked him what the Slovaks thought a;bout state independence for Slova!kia, he replied: "I dare write that about 95 percent of the Slovaks is for an independent state, a SlovaJk State wruiclh iwil[ be Chri stian and democratic. The Slovaks are holding to the determination to have their own state and there is no power whrich wil!l force them to be satisfied with less, with any other state form ." Over 90 percent of the Slovruks who escaped from the homeland during the past ten years have joined o;rganizations tJhat strun:d for an independent Slo-~a;k Repuiblic. And this is clear testimony of the. political conviction of the aJbso1ute maj'orirty of the Slovak naition, because it is obvious that the thoughts of the exiles on fundamental questions is identical with the thinking of the Slov•a k nation, witJh which just up to not long ago it was shaTing its bitter fate. It is not important to seek the answer to the questions of how many resi,s'tance movements tJhere are in Slovakia and how stroTIJg they might be. Certainly it would not ibe p:mdent to discuss this question pulblicly. What does count is the fact that they are causing the Red re-· gime many emlbarassments and difficulties. June 13, 1955, definitely tells us that resistance movements do exist in Slovakfa. The rverdict of J·u ne 13, 1955, was not the first 1 �SLOVAKIA 11 one - and most likely not the last one, either - to be rendered against Slovak patriots. Many conspiracies have 1b een uncoivered in SlovaJkia 1b y Prague since 1945, both by the communii.st-dominateld Benes-Gottwald coalition government and also by the Red regime whioh took over comrplete power in Ozedh-0-Slovak'ia in February 1948. It is certain that under other circumstances the strength of .t he resistance mo,v ements wouild be greater. What do we mean by saying under other circumstances? The concept orf "peacefu11 coexistence" with the communists is creating a very confused situation; this nonsense ,is, in fact, breaking the backbone of the nations behind the I11on Curtain. Fundamentally, coexistence betmys weakness, and the West is terribly mistaken, if it thms it can over:come tlhe danger of communism by following such a policy. In practical poHtics coexistence means a viofation of the fronts m tlhe cold war, which already have in many instances shown signs of great weakness. Res·.iJstance movements of an anti-communist chiarac• ter should be gebting more moral aid from sources designated for this pul1)0se. Unfortunately, as far as Slovakia is corrcemed in this ,p sychological struggle, wrong methods have frequently been used; whether intentional~y, o,r because of la:C!k of iruformation, does not change the matter. Thi,s was and is undoubtedly due to the influence of the very people, who together with tihe communists for three years (194'5-·1948) were trying to break doWtn. al1l anticommunist re:s•.i!stance of the Sfovak nation. The West defirately does not bolster or build the morale of the Slov,a k resistance movements by aiding and comforting, employing and letting itself be influenced by people who col., •J aborated with communists and Moscow and, hen:ce, are in a large measure responsilble for the terrible situation that prev:ails in Slovakia today; Slovak Judases, as the Slwaks at home and in exile refer to them, should not 'be trusted by tlhe West. Dr. Joseplh Lettrich and his followers - who suddenly ·b ecame "demo:cratic exiles firom Czech0-Slovakia" after February 2-5, 1948, and are now members of the S<>-<!alled �12 SLOVAKIA ~'Council of Free Ozecho-<Slovrukia" - should not be used or employed in any capacity :b y such organizations as the F!REE E}(JROPE COMIM!I'l'T'iIDE (iRadio F.ree Euroipe), United States Information Agency (Voice of America), and other offictla1 and semi--0fficial aigendes of the United States Government, because they are totally discredited and cursed by the Slovaks at home. 1Should anyone wish to, be corredly informed about how Slo,viakia thinks and feels a:bout its fate, what anticommuniist wor.keris are doing there, let him delve into the verdict of June 13, 1955, against the tJweilve Slovak heroes, and let him find time .t o study the attacks of communist propag,amda against ISlovruk nationalists, whose sole aim ,i s to oause the downfall oif commumsm and to estrub-· lish a Slovak independent state. The Reds Fear the West .C ommenting on the verdict rendered by the "people's" court againist the tweilve Slovak anti-,c ommunists, the Prague radio OIIl June 16, 1955, reminded its listeners that fhis particular resistance orgrumzation receiyed its orders from Slovak exiles in the West. The military prooorator called the following Slovak patriots archtraitors : Du:rcansky, Cerna!k, Paiulco, Mikus, ·Mikula, and Hassik. 'Dhis i,s not t!he forst time, and not the last, that Slovak patriots in exile have 'been accused by Red Prague. In recent times attacks of this kind are made almost daily. On May 2, 1955, for example, the Prague Radio, referring to Slovak patriots in exile, said that "they already have behind them ten furrl years of service in the interests of foreigners, ten full years oif collaJboration with the most rea:ctionary elemernts against the people . . . and the aim of all exile origa.ni2Jations 1s war." Thiat is how the Prague commtlillists comprehend "pea'Ce:ful coexistence." While the West is leaning danger~ ously ibac!k waTd and even sacrificing tJhe interests of some satellite nations behind the Iron Curtain fOT tJhe saxe of peiace, the Retl sateJ..lite governments, in the meantime, reg,ard freedom of expression, movement and political activiity in the states which have given asyilum to Central- �SLOVAKIA 13 European escapees as "colllalboration with the most reac. tionary elements." The .Prague communists, for example, are terribly worried that Slovaks in exile can speak freely every day over the tranS1mitting facilities of Spain and Ita:J.y. That these broadcasts are completely identical with the natural and democratic demands of rull patriotic Slovaks in exile, who speak for state independence for their own nation, is only n:aturrul and,( therefore, quit'e u:nderstand!able. Communist propaganda, of course, is doing everything it can do to silence 1:Jhem, disarm them, and discredit them with the worn-·oU:t eipithets of "fascists, separatists, nazis, reactionaries," etc. It is signific·a nt, too, that Benes Czechs and Slovak Judases use the same epithets and tactics as the Reds. Where they cannot successfully refute a statement, they resort to denunciation, viHfication, and invective. The Pr31gue bvoadicast, red:erred to above, vicioosly attacked the Christian character of the prog,r am of the Slovak exiles. "Well, as far as the activity of the Slovak exiles abroad is concerned," said the Prague commentator, "they have in comparison with the rest of the groups one specialty. More than any other group they are concealing their actual aims /by a,ppealing to ChriJstianity, Christian morals, Ohristian charity, etc. Dr. Francis Hrusorvsky even went as far as to designate tJhe Central-Eu:ropean Union, that is, tlhe rearming of German miilitarists, as an expression of Christian charity. Not even the former editor-inchief of the newspaper S:L0VAK, Dr. Pauco, who edited the SLOVAK during the time of the greatest nazi massacre in Slova!kia, will l now never fail to appeal to ChrisHan ethics. And the Sloviak fascists from Madrid, on the other hand, shall always recall that they are not aslhamed of Tiso's Legacy." On June 9, 1955, filie Bratislava broadcast quoted the angry article of the PiRAVDA against the Slov;aJk People's Party, distorting its historical role. On that occasion the PRAY.DA - ac0ording to the radio commentator - wrote aJbout "the dirty role of the populi,s t emigrants, who are allying themselves not only with the aggressive groups in �14 SLOVAKIA the United States, but aJso with the avengers in western Germ.any." The radio broadcast f.rom Prague on June 11 and that from Bratislava on June 12, 1955, sollillded off against "the provoc,ative Madrid and Rome tran1simitters," and against the "Paucos, Cerna.ks, and :Dur:canskys," who are constantly warning escapees not to return home. The Brague 'broadcast of May 9, 1955, was :f.ull of insults and epithets aJbout the "madness of the rulers of the imperi,a listic world and their humble ser,vrunts, the traitors of our nations," that is, the exiles. It is symboli'c of communist audacity that the Reds are using such propaganda at a time wlhen in Moscow they began a new o£fensive so that they might again meet and confer with "imperialistic rulers," and so whet tlheir ruppetite for "capitalistic" trade. Of course, the communists say one thing at home, something else at the conference ta!ble, and still something difrferent to exri1les. Whosoever ,p erforce walilts to be deaf will believe only one or the other side of their story and will not compare the communist propaganda of an shades and tendencies. We have always been of tlhe conviction that to come to an agreement with communism is the greatest trM1.Sg,ressicm against the pri,n ciples of humanity, the basest violation of the rights to freedom, and a grave insttlt to Christian sentiment. Communism is most often irritated by the constant repetition and practical realization olf Christian-democratic principles. That is why they cry out loudly against a poHticail prog,ram to which the v;ast majority of Slovaks in the West look for thei<r sup,po<rt. ChrJstianity and the !help of the West, whrreh Slovaks enjoy, throw the communists off balance. They say all Slovak exiil es "have one boss,." as reported by the Prague broadcast of May 2, 195'5, aJUd "all are paid from one treasury, the trea:sury of American militarilsm. The socalJ.ed Slovak N aitiona1 Coundl .Aibroad, the Sloviak League of America, and the Canadian SloviaJk League - as the separati'st organi~ations of iSlova.k :fascists - serve American military interests." To show their hatred the communist madmen ini1 �SLOVAKIA 15 tialed the names of tihe organizaitJions they attadked witJh small letters wlhen tlhey pwbH,sihed the commentary in the periodical L'UD ('People). This is qurite si,gnifica,nit. As if thereby they could alter the facts. They a.Jltered and will alter nothing; and their anger only attests to a serious nervours condition. Iif eve-ryithing were in order in SlOIV'akia and the communists were in complete command of the situation, they would not have to concern themselves with the Slov;ak situation so excitedly on the inlternati:onal field. However, when one once succumbs to fear and has lost his conscience and has two gall bladders instead of one heart, there hardly is any helrp for him. The commnnist dic-tators in S1ovakia have a very small sowl. The poon~ tom of American caipitalism and tihe activity of free Slovak or:ganization:s and individuals will not let t'hem sleep. Perhaps this is best refle<>Jro in the words of Karel Bacilek, who said at the XI Oommunist Congress at Bratislava: ". . . Imperialist aggressors, led by the ruling circles of the USA and with tihe aid of treacherous esca-. pees, are attemipting to srcore and deceive the working people, divert it from the path of social construction. Hostile propaganda can at times penetr"ate and bear in:filuence in various ways even oin memlbers olf the ;party." In other words, what is being done in the, West in the interest of the liberation of 1:lhe Slovak natit>n does have a great influence on the Slo.vaks at home. But obviously this influence also affects the communists. They are afraid of every step that is taken in the defense of the ,rigihts of the Slovak nation. The COilllmunists in Prague and in Slovalkia fear nothing more than the concept of Slovak statehood. Tha;t is why, for example, William Siroky practicaUy writhed in cramps when he revealed at the Congress. in Bratislava that Americans "iha<ve exhumed the compromised and bankrupt slogan of the so-.called S1'()1V'ak Sta:te." The fact , however, is that the concept of the Slovak State is not bankrupt and is not dead. It is a thing very much aJiNe, otheriwiise Sirdky amd other communists would -hardly concern themselves with it. The Slo,vaks are encouraged by it, while the communists are haruntetl by it. �16 SLOV.AKIA The princilples of freedom are so strong that no one can compromise them. Only dictators, and among them foremost are the communists, have attempted to compromise the governmental form. But they shaH never convince the Slovaks that an aJli.en and tyrannical government is better for them than a government of their own choice. Against the Kersten Committee The Kersten Committee evaluated the Slova:k question justly and correctly and published its findings how Slovakia was taken over by tJhe Reds so that America and the rest of the free world might learn the truth a:bout the struggles and demands of the Sl10V1a!k nation. For that the communist propaganda of Prague and Bratislava fired a barrage of smear and vilification at the Committee. The BratislaN radio sharply attaoked Charles Kersten and the Slovak witnesses on February 7, 1955. The former congressman from MHwaukee, Wis., •w as called the "counsellor of the escapees," while the Slovak witnesses who testifiied oof1ore tJhe Committee were designated as "traitors of the Slovak nation." The 'b roadcast ,a ttacked Dr. Joseph Mikula, ,b ecause he was supposed to have stated that '~he and his companions now did not have the legal possilbility to poison the soul of the 1Sl1ovax nation." Dr. Pauco, the commentator barked, "rel,aJtekl fables before the Committee about an alleged suppression of the freedom of the press in Czecho-Slovakia." Dr. Mikus was reviled because he defended the principles of private ownership. Matthew Cemalk, Slovak pa~ triot and leader of the S'lov,a k exiles in Germany, did not escape the wrath of the Reds either. 'I1he communist propagandist stated that •a ll the Slova.lk witnesses before the Committee wanted to start a war. In this instance, he said, 'in full nakedness wa:s demonstrated the wretchedness of the methods, which are used by the American reaction to slander the countries of tJhe peace camp. At the same time, however, it aJlso shows the depth of filth and muck -into which the traitors of the Slovak nation shall end up in." On May 2, 1955, the Prague radio again attacked Charles Kersten, declaring that "on the basis of h'is law �SLOVAKIA 17 about financing suib versi,v e ructivities in the countries promoting peace, he is distributing dollars generously among federalists, separatists, unionists, and all kinds oif other organizations" fo,r rendering "servile service to aggressive plans to start a new war." On Miay 5, 1955, t!he PRAVDA of Bratislav,a ,p ublished a lengthy article in regard to the actiivi-ties of the Ke:rsten Committee and tihe testimony of Slov,ak witnesses. Among otiher things in that article, we read: "On December 31, 1954, there was published in the United States a so..,caJl:led official document of the American Congress, which !insults the nations of OUT country in a very c:m de and inept manner. In this gossiipy 'document', which was prepared by the special Keristen Committee, Ozecho.JSlorvak history is written up in a genuinely fascist spirit, the glorious Slovak national uiprising is descri'b ed as 'an impro,vised rebellion of subversive elements', and the liherati:on. of our country by the heroic Soviet, army is depicted with the bitter sorrow over the defeat of Hitler's occupat ion troops and thei:r native assistants ... The Kersten Committee preparnd this 'document' on the basis of the so--c alled 12 Slovak testimonies, which it collected from Slovak fascist outcasts. . . "About Kersten it i'S generally known that he has intimate, friendly contacts with fascists and cOIHalborators, who fled the country after Wo:rld War II to escape punishment and found asylum in the United States. Therefore, it surprised no one when the Kersten Committee on its hunt for gossipy 'testimonies' sought out only genuiine fascists in London, P,aris, Madrid, Rome, Munich and other Cen~ tral-European ciities. With witnesses like Cemak, Pauco, Mikus, Mikula, Nahalka, and theiir hke, it naturally could not be proud of in ,pU!bfic. So it met, with them in absolute secrecy, behind closed doors. "The g:reatest degree of deipra,vity a:nd lacik of character was successfolly attained by Charles Kersten and his twelve fascist 'witnesses', who in their hellpless hatred against the Slavruk people incite, slander and cry for another war against o.ur country. "Among the paid perjurers of the American Govern- �18 SLOVAKIA ment of th~ tyipe of Harvey Matusow, Paul Crouch, Elizaibeth Bentley, and_Charle~ Ke:risten, on the one hand, and Oernak, :Dur.canslky, Pauico, Kirschbaum, Mikus and company, on the other, there is no difference. American and Slov,aJk fascis'ts alike 'betmy their own people. Of course, there may be this difference: the former do tfuis for dollar.s while the fascist renegades of Cerna.k's type do it for anything _of value. "The so...called document of the American Government, prepared on the basis of the gossip of 12 Slovak fascists clearly proves how deep the traitorous escrupees have sunk in their hatred against our people. And simultaneously this lying document is further ,p roof that American r,u ling cir-· cles willingly sl,a nder countries whlicih have rid themselves of crupitalistic e,oploite:m, the creatures that betrayed their nati·o n to Hitler." . We find the very same insults and abusive names also jn the official note of the Prague Coo:nmuni,s t government of April 19, which is addressed to the Governmenlt of the United States. The separate report of the Kersten Committee is designated as.. "bra:zen" and "is equal to t:he wildest product of Goeibbels' fascist proipagandisti'c mach'i nery . It is nothing else but the pasting tog~her of lies and gossip, which are supposed to deepen hatred against Czecho-,Slovrukfa, to encourage war hysteria, to incite and campaign against coounl\.Ulism and to ,p repare a preventive war against peace-J.oving countries." The Prague government is also angry because the Kersten report is opposed to coexi,s tence with communism and warns the Whole world of the threats of communist dictators. The Prrugue note attacked Dr. Joseph Mikus and Matthew Cern.aJk, two act~ve Slov-a:k exiles, pointing out especi,a lly that they sewed in the dtplomatic cOI1ps of the Sl~va:k Republic. As far as the reproaches of the Prague government and its propaganda against American and Slovak factors is concerned, it must be stated unequivocally tlhat not in -a single testimony wrus there any talk aibout the need of unleashing a war. In the testimonies we do find, however, mention in seveTal places of the need of good and effective 1 �SLOVAKIA 19 work in the puiblishing and broadcasting fields against communism, of the need of preparations for the spiritual renovation of the world whioh is slowly being crushed by the satanic forces of ciom.munism. All Slovak witnesses strongly condemne!d the crimes and the evil perpetrated against the SlovaJk nation by communism; and tfu.ey told how communism enslaves the Slovaks spiriturulJy and exploits them economicailly and suppresses every manifestation of the Slova;k people for freedom and state independence. Tlhe wor'k of the Kersten Committee has become a thorn in the eyes of communist aggressive politics and pro._, pagainda. The Czech communi,s ts h'a d hoped that the West wouM continue to beHeve blindly their old lies a.nd falbles against the Sloviak nation; tihey did everything possilble to discredit Slovaks in exile in the eyes of tfu.e West and so make life as m[seraJble as possible for them. Flaiiing in this, it was only natUII'al for the Reds of Prague and Bratislaiva to unleash the wildest war in the press and over the radio ag,ainst Slovaks in exile and against every one who sympathized with them. But it does not matter whom they single out for abuse and vilification; important it is, however, that com~ munists are afraid of the solidly organized anti-commun:.. ist Slovak camp and their friends. And they are frightfully afraid of the thought that the whole principle of the right of self-determination must once be accorded the Slovak nation, without the reaJlization of which the conterruporary struggle to bring order and political balance in Central Europe has no su'b stantiation. While communism must reso;rt to a;buse and invective in its fits of anger, the Slova~s in exile are presenting facts, they are building on them and witlh them are defending the righteousness of their demands. Of course, it is not true that the Kersten Committeee used to meet secretly with ,Slovaik witnesses. All the hearings were ,public. They were attended by reporters and the puiblic. The press reported on the hearings, so did the radio and the television. Expert stenographers recorded everything that was said by every Slorvak witness and this was then pub1 �.20 SLOVAKIA lished iby t:he American Governmen t. The reports record .the minds of those people, w:ho foom the beginning of their pulblic activity adaimanfily opposed communism . The SlovaJks in exile do- not deny that they are antL ,c ommuni,s,t. It is a historical fac:t that the Slovak nation as :a w,hole condemned t:he tea•ching.s of Marx and Engels materialistic phHos0rphy soon after it was made pulb1ic and .has fouight it consistentl y and persistently throughout the years. The S1ova'ks in exile, then, do not even request secret sessions. Oommunist s, however, commit the foulest crimes where there are no witnesses. But they •c annot deny them, ,b ecause even the dead testify against murderers. And communism will one day ,be on the be,n ch of the acc used. It seems ,t he cards have faHen from the hands of the communist rulers in ,Slova;kia, !because they sysit:ematica lJy return to, the activity of the native "reaction" and the Slovaiks in exile. This is nothing else but an attempt to ma,sk all the crimes and grave injusti ces which they have committed and are stil,l commiltinig against the SlovaJk nation. Communis ts cannot conceal or deny the evil they have done. The entire nation is testifying against them. To .waint to deny something and to- concea•l one's own crimes ,b y hurling poi sonous insu1,ts at others is, indeed, a much more difficult and hopeless. task than pouring water inrto the ocean. We are profoundly touched by the heavy losses of life, cultural, moral and economic values, which the .Slovak nation has suffered from the Red Moloch. The murder of Matthew Cernak in Munich, Ju1y 5, 1955, by a bomb s ent through the mail is still fresh in our minds. However, we see that tJhe communist s are writhing like wounded sna!kes, hissing with anger and hate. And that is a good sign. It is the beginning of the end. Thus far no communist ruler has remained long in po,w er; and those forced on the Slovaks will be no exception. They are. he:Jipless and have no defense for the failures of their policies and, hence, must find scaipegoats : so they thunder againsit the native "populist reaction" at home, the "traitorous exile," and "imperialis tic American capitalism." 1 1 � SLOVAKIA 3 THE FAILURES OF COMMUNIST POUTICS IN SLOVAKIA Dr. Joseph Pauco In recent months many evident proofs of the failures of the Communist Party .in Slovaikia have been supplied by the communists themselves. Their policies flailed not only in tlhe political dom aii:n, but also in the eoonomfoa!l and especiailly the agricultural fields. What is the situation in SlovaJkia today aicco:rding to the admissions of the communists themselves? Centralization 1 On the one hand, it is 'k nown that the communists in Slovak!ia did SUipport the recognition of the national indiviiduality of the :S lovak naJtion, yet, on the other hand, it is true thaJt in Slovakia power is no longer in the hands of communists who respect tlhis principle and oppose the imperialIBtic influences of Ozech communism. F'0trmally, the 1name o:f the CommUIIl1ist Party of Slovakia has been retained, but not a single commuru.srt: factor will say thaJt it is ,representati.ve of Slovak communist forces, or any kind of autonomoUJS organization of Slovak communists. The first secretary of the Communist Parity of Slovald1a, the Czech communJ.st ~arel Badlek, proc,laimed on April 22, 19'55, at the XI Congre ss of the Communist Party of Slo-vakia: "The Communist Party of Slovakia is a region.a:! organization of the one Communist Party of Czecho-lSlovaJkia; it is its fighting diivision." The :flirst sec·r etary of the Communist Party of CzechoSlovakiia, the Czeclh .Amt onin Novotny, addressing that Con~ gress said thrut "the Communist Party of Slwaikia is an indivi:silble 1part and unit of the Communist Party of CzechoSloW!Jki,a." Tit is clear, then, beyond all shadow of doubt, that two of the pre-eminent leaJders of the present communist regime in PTague and Bratislava no longer consider it n.ecessary for the Slwak commundsts to appear independently. This is apparent not oinly in the o,r ganization by the fact th•a t the 1 1 �4 SLOVAKIA Slovak Communist Party is suboirdinated to the Ozech Communist Party as its "division," but also in the .poili'tical field as well, where the Czechs rule surpreme. ln the so-oalled "Czeoho-Slovruk" Communist Barty, there were only Ozechs. As an aip.pendage of the Czech Oommunist Party, the Slovak Communist Party is .powerless to ,i nitiate or realize anything; everything is done through the Czecho--Slovak (really CZECH) Communist Party. Bacilek attested to this fact openly, when he said: "Important and fundamental •p olitical questions concerning Slovakia were presented for resolution to the Central Committee od' the Communist Party of Czecho-iSlovakia, and we go,v erned ourselves iby those decisions." For Slovakiia iit pr~baJbly is fortunate tJhat Prrugue is today responsilble for all politics. On the other band, however, it is quite significant for the Soviets, who loudly demand the a,ssurance of aU national freedoms. In the Slo·vak case it is one orf the cleaTest 1proofs thaJt SOV'iet slo.gans about independence a~e only a s:ham and delus,ion. Under the communist reg,ime the Slovaks lost aitl remnants of autonomous government. IDven though the Communist Party ·of Slovakia exists fonmally, its first secretary is not a Slovruk, but a Czech - ~arel Bacilek - and that means, for all practi'crul purposes, that SlnvaJkia is again a Ozech colony. 'Dhis situation conceals within itself many known thinigs. While the Ozech comrmmists could rely on Husa'k, Novomesiky, Okaly, and Clementis, they readily e~loited their services. But just as soon as these Slovak communists, who possessed a certruin am'ount of national pride, began to make more and more demands, they were marked for liquidiaJtion. And Ozech communists did liquidate them . "Bourgeois nationalists," said Bacilek, "led by Husak, in agreement with the Slovak reaction, oppo-s ed the validation of a uniform poHcy and a urniform agricultural program for the entire Czecho-iSlovalk Reipublic. And since this un~formity wa;s a prerequisite of the politic•al, and mainly the agriculturnJl, equality of the rig1hts of the Slovak nation, tihen, fa:ct:ually, they s1a:botaged this equa:lity orf rights." Hlusak's ,g roup was no more considerate toward the anti-communist Slova:k camp than was Bacilek. The oillly �SLOVAKIA 5 dif;ference between them was that Husak was a Slovak and Bacilek a Ozec'h. Because Husak, a Slovak communist, had dared to oppose the concept that his party was s.imrply "a fighting division oif the Communist Party of Ozecho-,Slovakia," that is, subservient to tlhe CZECH CommU'Ilist Party - hiis name was added to the last of traitor:rs, even though he did render inivaluaJble se:rwices to the commU'Ilist cause. Slovak Nationalism The greatest enemy of communism in Slovakia is nationa'1isrm - the real cause of the failures of communist policy. Becau:se the foli:owers of the Hlinka 'Slo'V'ak People's Party were identrified with Slovak nationaliism, they were most violently attooked by the communists. William Siroky recalled at the XI Congress of the Slovak CommU'Il.ist Prurty in Bratislava that the Communi,s t Party "revealed the plague of tJhe anti~peop[e's populist separatist traitocrs and the other nationa;lisbic groups." Thus far Slovak nationalism could not be wiped out. Afrter ten years Siroky had to admit that "national :wejudices are very much allive especially among the Slovak intellectuals and officials; they are penetrating into other classes, aTe influencing even cultural lifo, and that a constant, stu!bborn ideofogiica1l war must be waged against them." Bacilek also complained that Slovak nationalism is not a sim,ple problem, saying: "While consolidating the brotherhood of the Ozechs and the Slovaks, let us not even for a moment storp waging a decisive battle against tJhe populists, the ideolo,gical man.ifestation of one part of the banikmpt Slovaik bourgeoisie." Karel Brucilek is stumped by the Slovak bourgeoisie and, therefore, oalils upon scientific workers to fight the Slovak IJ.orpulists: "From the workers of the sociaJ sciences we demand that they systematically and olbjectively uncover and help to oiveroome the manifestations of bourgeois ideologies in the minds of the people, especiaUy the manifestations of bourgeois natiorrali:s m and its most de~ structive variety - populist s~paratism." !Slovak natiO'Ilalism, however, is not a matter of some smail[ group. Novotny understood that very well when he �6 said: ". . .Almost everywhere up to now we rmeet with dangerous mainifestations of bourgeois nationaliSlm, es,peciaUy with one of its forms, with populist separatism, carrying wi·t h it reactionary darkness, which was designedly kept up in Slovakiia by the htgh Church hieraTchy." Judging ,a ccordingly, then, we can say that Slova:k nation:aliSlm is the "Enemy No.. l" of the communist regime. So for Novotny it is very clear that "the commun~ ists, the natfona1 committee, and the basi,c partisan organizations must constantly exiplain the harmfulness of nationalistic views and e:,QJJose them . . . " ·s1ovaJk naticma1ism is still quite strong. 'J.1he communists did not khl[ it and, according to their own admission, the propaganda they used against Slo,vaik nationrulism did not he1p much. This is made quite clear from Sirdky's speech, in which he says: "our agitation and ,propaganda are not suifficiently penetrating and convincing; we are losing sight of the increasjng claims of our people. This holds for the press, lectures, and also for many sections of cultura,1 practice. . . In Slovrukia es:pe:cially, we must be aware of tJhe fact that any weakening of the ideological wor,k will oniy strengthen national prejudices." This is quite a sj_gnifican,t adrmission from a man who untitl recently held the first position in the Communist Party of Slo.vakfa. To, keep his. head a:bo,ve water as long as possible, Sirdky, even though he is not a S'1ovaik by ori~ gin and sentiment, knows tha;t he must be grateful to those by whose grace he is •s till tolerated as a member of the politburo. So he encourages comm!Ullist propaganda "to devote itself more sy,stematically and profoundly and more concretely to the greaJt and actual ideoilogica[ problems of the present per,iod - to concern itself witlh t:he questions whkh preoccupy the minds O!f our people. We must see to it that the feeling of collectiveness and mutua'lity of the Czechs and Slovaks, of Cze<:ho..Slovak patriotiSlm - just like the feeling of lo,yalty and love towaTd the Soviet Union - become the fundamental. lines orf the socialistic and pat.Piotic consciousness of our citizens." Obviously, then, there is no so-·caNed "mutuality of Slovaks and Czechs," there is no "Czecho-tSlovak patriot- �SLOVAKIA 7 ism." These concepts existed only in the minds of poHtical dreamers in t!he past and, as we see, even communist prisons and concentration camps could not create them. After ten years of terror and violence, comrade Siroky, who rendered great services iin Slovakia for Ozech communists, is leaving the leadership of the Slovak Communist Party beca use the desired union of the Slovaks with the Ozechs did not materialize. Many people dreamed a:bout a brotherhood of the Czechs and Slova'ks. But this was nothing but an unsuccessful dream . The situation has not changed even today. Even Bacile<k would be happy if he couild change it. So, he turns his attention to the communist writers, saying: "Litemture and the arts o,we very much to the systematic conso[idation of the brotherhood o!f the Czechs and Slova;ks. After ten years our literature has not produced a romantic novel which would depict the fact that without the aid qf the Czech working class there would be no penetrating successes in the soci'alisti<: industria>liza,tion of Slovakia. We do not have a book which would show the historical roots of the brotherhood of the Czechs and Slovaks." If there is no such volume, then there are no, writers who stand in the service of communism and the so-called "Czecho-,Slo,v ak" union; there are no writern w'ho would be wililing to serve communist propaganda and the policy of a "Great Czec,hia." And this fact is as significam.t a reality as is the strength of Slovak nationalism itself. Both comple~ ment and control each other mutually. Writers are the coo.science of a nation. In present-day Slovaki'a, if this conscience does .not subordinate itself to communist dictates, then this is a matter of great significam.ce a,nd of an extraordinary hisitorical manifestati'on. In natinnal questions, we know, a genuinely honest w_riter would not dare to misrepresent the thoughts of his own peo.ple. The schools of Slova'kia are also• resisting commun• ism very va1iantly; they .p refer to stand on the side of the nation thian on the side of a foreign clique which wants to demoralize the character of Slovak history. Bacilek obviously was fuily aware of the school situation, because in attacking SlO'Vak teachers he said: �8 SLOVAKIA "If we arnailyre the work of the ,s chools from the standpoint of contemporary needs, we must come to the conclusion tihat thus far they are not performing their basic task satisfoctorily and are little concerned a;bout the quality af education and, at the saime time, abourt 'the creation of c•o mmunistic conviction and momls in all the youth. . . We must seek the reason therefore albove aiH else in the low level of the teaching and training work of our teruohers." That's the kind of talk we hear long after the Communiist Party of Slovakia repl'aced qualified teachers with its most loyal followera whether they qualified .as teaahers or not. That such people had no idea what the teaching or training level was is l.mderstand01ble; on this point we can agree with Ba;cilek, because the commurust regime did not care whether the persons employed as t eachers ,w ere qualified to tea:ch, hut was onJ.y concerned whether bhey were party memlbern. However, the admission of the fact that these Red teaichers were not sufficiently relialb1e for the communists, that they are not creating communist convictions, rund are not strengthening communist vices in the youth - all this is one af the most reiveal,i ng proofo of the failures of communist policy in Slovakia. The communists hurried to .produce intellectuals loyal to tlhem by a wholesale process. Even though some intellectuals ap-· parently did join them, they did not lose their healthy .Sl·OVaJk core and are now causing the leadership of the Communist Party no end of trouble. That is the wo11k and the influence of Sloviak nationalism. And SlovaJk natiornalism is more irufluential than all communist terror and vioO.errce. The iruflueillCe af Slovak nationali<Slm rea:ches ,i nto the Communist Party itselrf. Ba-· cilek admitted tihat from the time of the X Assembly of the Slovak Coimmunist Party "the numiber of dead, dropped and ex,pelled members and candidates £rom the party wrus 12,940. The party rid itse'Lf of UillW:Orthy, hostiJ.e elements, of violators of state and party mscirpline, or peoiple who fai,l ed in their oibligations as members of the party.'' Bacilek, however, did not dare publ,~Sh the number �SLOVAKIA 9 of expelled members and, of course, not even the detail.s sUTrounding the deaith of some of the memb,e rs. They could ha,ve lbeen eliminated or liq.uida,ted secretly, wor.ked to death in .tlhe Uranium mines, or beaten to death in jails In every instance, however, Bacilek reports that a great many members were expelled. We understand fiuNy well that they were enemies of the communist go:vernment and party. Communists evidently do no,t know exactly where their main enemies are am.d, hence, look for them everywhere. Nationalism .has its sharply designated posts am.d is perfonniin!g its duty. ,Slovak nationalism is no exception. The Resistance Movement Sl-ovak nationaJlism is alive and ,a gg,ressi,ve. This was recently demonstrated, when on June 13, 1955, the communist military trilbunaJl con!Victed 12 memlbers of a Slovak resistam.ce movement, dealing out high penalties, including a sentenice of death for a leading memlber of t;h.e movement, Bernard Nemcek. Reports from Prague about the communist verdict tell us more than all the explanations of the situation in Slovaikfa. And that because, surprisingly enough, the br,oadcast of June 16, 1955, designated the movement by its ,r,ight name: a resistance movement and a movement to create an independent Slovak State. The supreme desire of every rnation is to h'ave its own state. The Slovaks a,re n:o exception. If Slovak nationalists on native soH can bring the supreme sacri.lfice for this idea, this is irre.futalble proof that the Slovruk naroion is not am.d iw:illl not be satisfied with foreign domiination. In Slovrukia and in tlhe ranks of SlovaJk mo,vements, the fight against commun~sm is comprehended as determination .to free itself once and for all time from the yoke of every a1ien hegemony. That is why the fight of 1Sllovaik nationalists tends in two directions: against communi-sm and for state independence. Does a Slovak resistance movement actuafily exist? In the light of the a;bove, a str,ong resista,nce movement dbviiously does exist in Slovakia. At times, the com- �10 SLOVAKIA munists may at:teinipt to minimize its efd'eetiiveness, but we know that it must ,b e quite a movement, if the Reds themselves see fit to discuss it during their congresses. Basing OUT conviction on statements made and adions taken by the communists themselves, there can be no doubt that commun'ists really fear Slovak bomigeois :nationialism. In my possession I have a letter from a well-informed Slovak in Western Gerunany who just recently escaped from Slovakia. For nine long years he ob.served how the Red regime worked in Slovai~ia. He took note of the opinions and manifestations 'Of the population and was active in western, central and eastern Slovakia. Thris person maide contacts with officials and wwkere, farmers and priests, teachers and politiJCal prisoners. When I asked him what the Slovaks thought a;bout state independence for Slova!kia, he replied: "I dare write that about 95 percent of the Slovaks is for an independent state, a SlovaJk State wruiclh iwil[ be Chri stian and democratic. The Slovaks are holding to the determination to have their own state and there is no power whrich wil!l force them to be satisfied with less, with any other state form ." Over 90 percent of the Slovruks who escaped from the homeland during the past ten years have joined o;rganizations tJhat strun:d for an independent Slo-~a;k Repuiblic. And this is clear testimony of the. political conviction of the aJbso1ute maj'orirty of the Slovak naition, because it is obvious that the thoughts of the exiles on fundamental questions is identical with the thinking of the Slov•a k nation, witJh which just up to not long ago it was shaTing its bitter fate. It is not important to seek the answer to the questions of how many resi,s'tance movements tJhere are in Slovakia and how stroTIJg they might be. Certainly it would not ibe p:mdent to discuss this question pulblicly. What does count is the fact that they are causing the Red re-· gime many emlbarassments and difficulties. June 13, 1955, definitely tells us that resistance movements do exist in Slovakfa. The rverdict of J·u ne 13, 1955, was not the first 1 �SLOVAKIA 11 one - and most likely not the last one, either - to be rendered against Slovak patriots. Many conspiracies have 1b een uncoivered in SlovaJkia 1b y Prague since 1945, both by the communii.st-dominateld Benes-Gottwald coalition government and also by the Red regime whioh took over comrplete power in Ozedh-0-Slovak'ia in February 1948. It is certain that under other circumstances the strength of .t he resistance mo,v ements wouild be greater. What do we mean by saying under other circumstances? The concept orf "peacefu11 coexistence" with the communists is creating a very confused situation; this nonsense ,is, in fact, breaking the backbone of the nations behind the I11on Curtain. Fundamentally, coexistence betmys weakness, and the West is terribly mistaken, if it thms it can over:come tlhe danger of communism by following such a policy. In practical poHtics coexistence means a viofation of the fronts m tlhe cold war, which already have in many instances shown signs of great weakness. Res·.iJstance movements of an anti-communist chiarac• ter should be gebting more moral aid from sources designated for this pul1)0se. Unfortunately, as far as Slovakia is corrcemed in this ,p sychological struggle, wrong methods have frequently been used; whether intentional~y, o,r because of la:C!k of iruformation, does not change the matter. Thi,s was and is undoubtedly due to the influence of the very people, who together with tihe communists for three years (194'5-·1948) were trying to break doWtn. al1l anticommunist re:s•.i!stance of the Sfovak nation. The West defirately does not bolster or build the morale of the Slov,a k resistance movements by aiding and comforting, employing and letting itself be influenced by people who col., •J aborated with communists and Moscow and, hen:ce, are in a large measure responsilble for the terrible situation that prev:ails in Slovakia today; Slovak Judases, as the Slwaks at home and in exile refer to them, should not 'be trusted by tlhe West. Dr. Joseplh Lettrich and his followers - who suddenly ·b ecame "demo:cratic exiles firom Czech0-Slovakia" after February 2-5, 1948, and are now members of the S<>-<!alled �12 SLOVAKIA ~'Council of Free Ozecho-<Slovrukia" - should not be used or employed in any capacity :b y such organizations as the F!REE E}(JROPE COMIM!I'l'T'iIDE (iRadio F.ree Euroipe), United States Information Agency (Voice of America), and other offictla1 and semi--0fficial aigendes of the United States Government, because they are totally discredited and cursed by the Slovaks at home. 1Should anyone wish to, be corredly informed about how Slo,viakia thinks and feels a:bout its fate, what anticommuniist wor.keris are doing there, let him delve into the verdict of June 13, 1955, against the tJweilve Slovak heroes, and let him find time .t o study the attacks of communist propag,amda against ISlovruk nationalists, whose sole aim ,i s to oause the downfall oif commumsm and to estrub-· lish a Slovak independent state. The Reds Fear the West .C ommenting on the verdict rendered by the "people's" court againist the tweilve Slovak anti-,c ommunists, the Prague radio OIIl June 16, 1955, reminded its listeners that fhis particular resistance orgrumzation receiyed its orders from Slovak exiles in the West. The military prooorator called the following Slovak patriots archtraitors : Du:rcansky, Cerna!k, Paiulco, Mikus, ·Mikula, and Hassik. 'Dhis i,s not t!he forst time, and not the last, that Slovak patriots in exile have 'been accused by Red Prague. In recent times attacks of this kind are made almost daily. On May 2, 1955, for example, the Prague Radio, referring to Slovak patriots in exile, said that "they already have behind them ten furrl years of service in the interests of foreigners, ten full years oif collaJboration with the most rea:ctionary elemernts against the people . . . and the aim of all exile origa.ni2Jations 1s war." Thiat is how the Prague commtlillists comprehend "pea'Ce:ful coexistence." While the West is leaning danger~ ously ibac!k waTd and even sacrificing tJhe interests of some satellite nations behind the Iron Curtain fOT tJhe saxe of peiace, the Retl sateJ..lite governments, in the meantime, reg,ard freedom of expression, movement and political activiity in the states which have given asyilum to Central- �SLOVAKIA 13 European escapees as "colllalboration with the most reac. tionary elements." The .Prague communists, for example, are terribly worried that Slovaks in exile can speak freely every day over the tranS1mitting facilities of Spain and Ita:J.y. That these broadcasts are completely identical with the natural and democratic demands of rull patriotic Slovaks in exile, who speak for state independence for their own nation, is only n:aturrul and,( therefore, quit'e u:nderstand!able. Communist propaganda, of course, is doing everything it can do to silence 1:Jhem, disarm them, and discredit them with the worn-·oU:t eipithets of "fascists, separatists, nazis, reactionaries," etc. It is signific·a nt, too, that Benes Czechs and Slovak Judases use the same epithets and tactics as the Reds. Where they cannot successfully refute a statement, they resort to denunciation, viHfication, and invective. The Pr31gue bvoadicast, red:erred to above, vicioosly attacked the Christian character of the prog,r am of the Slovak exiles. "Well, as far as the activity of the Slovak exiles abroad is concerned," said the Prague commentator, "they have in comparison with the rest of the groups one specialty. More than any other group they are concealing their actual aims /by a,ppealing to ChriJstianity, Christian morals, Ohristian charity, etc. Dr. Francis Hrusorvsky even went as far as to designate tJhe Central-Eu:ropean Union, that is, tlhe rearming of German miilitarists, as an expression of Christian charity. Not even the former editor-inchief of the newspaper S:L0VAK, Dr. Pauco, who edited the SLOVAK during the time of the greatest nazi massacre in Slova!kia, will l now never fail to appeal to ChrisHan ethics. And the Sloviak fascists from Madrid, on the other hand, shall always recall that they are not aslhamed of Tiso's Legacy." On June 9, 1955, filie Bratislava broadcast quoted the angry article of the PiRAVDA against the Slov;aJk People's Party, distorting its historical role. On that occasion the PRAY.DA - ac0ording to the radio commentator - wrote aJbout "the dirty role of the populi,s t emigrants, who are allying themselves not only with the aggressive groups in �14 SLOVAKIA the United States, but aJso with the avengers in western Germ.any." The radio broadcast f.rom Prague on June 11 and that from Bratislava on June 12, 1955, sollillded off against "the provoc,ative Madrid and Rome tran1simitters," and against the "Paucos, Cerna.ks, and :Dur:canskys," who are constantly warning escapees not to return home. The Brague 'broadcast of May 9, 1955, was :f.ull of insults and epithets aJbout the "madness of the rulers of the imperi,a listic world and their humble ser,vrunts, the traitors of our nations," that is, the exiles. It is symboli'c of communist audacity that the Reds are using such propaganda at a time wlhen in Moscow they began a new o£fensive so that they might again meet and confer with "imperialistic rulers," and so whet tlheir ruppetite for "capitalistic" trade. Of course, the communists say one thing at home, something else at the conference ta!ble, and still something difrferent to exri1les. Whosoever ,p erforce walilts to be deaf will believe only one or the other side of their story and will not compare the communist propaganda of an shades and tendencies. We have always been of tlhe conviction that to come to an agreement with communism is the greatest trM1.Sg,ressicm against the pri,n ciples of humanity, the basest violation of the rights to freedom, and a grave insttlt to Christian sentiment. Communism is most often irritated by the constant repetition and practical realization olf Christian-democratic principles. That is why they cry out loudly against a poHticail prog,ram to which the v;ast majority of Slovaks in the West look for thei<r sup,po<rt. ChrJstianity and the !help of the West, whrreh Slovaks enjoy, throw the communists off balance. They say all Slovak exiil es "have one boss,." as reported by the Prague broadcast of May 2, 195'5, aJUd "all are paid from one treasury, the trea:sury of American militarilsm. The socalJ.ed Slovak N aitiona1 Coundl .Aibroad, the Sloviak League of America, and the Canadian SloviaJk League - as the separati'st organi~ations of iSlova.k :fascists - serve American military interests." To show their hatred the communist madmen ini1 �SLOVAKIA 15 tialed the names of tihe organizaitJions they attadked witJh small letters wlhen tlhey pwbH,sihed the commentary in the periodical L'UD ('People). This is qurite si,gnifica,nit. As if thereby they could alter the facts. They a.Jltered and will alter nothing; and their anger only attests to a serious nervours condition. Iif eve-ryithing were in order in SlOIV'akia and the communists were in complete command of the situation, they would not have to concern themselves with the Slov;ak situation so excitedly on the inlternati:onal field. However, when one once succumbs to fear and has lost his conscience and has two gall bladders instead of one heart, there hardly is any helrp for him. The commnnist dic-tators in S1ovakia have a very small sowl. The poon~ tom of American caipitalism and tihe activity of free Slovak or:ganization:s and individuals will not let t'hem sleep. Perhaps this is best refle<>Jro in the words of Karel Bacilek, who said at the XI Oommunist Congress at Bratislava: ". . . Imperialist aggressors, led by the ruling circles of the USA and with tihe aid of treacherous esca-. pees, are attemipting to srcore and deceive the working people, divert it from the path of social construction. Hostile propaganda can at times penetr"ate and bear in:filuence in various ways even oin memlbers olf the ;party." In other words, what is being done in the, West in the interest of the liberation of 1:lhe Slovak natit>n does have a great influence on the Slo.vaks at home. But obviously this influence also affects the communists. They are afraid of every step that is taken in the defense of the ,rigihts of the Slovak nation. The COilllmunists in Prague and in Slovalkia fear nothing more than the concept of Slovak statehood. Tha;t is why, for example, William Siroky practicaUy writhed in cramps when he revealed at the Congress. in Bratislava that Americans "iha<ve exhumed the compromised and bankrupt slogan of the so-.called S1'()1V'ak Sta:te." The fact , however, is that the concept of the Slovak State is not bankrupt and is not dead. It is a thing very much aJiNe, otheriwiise Sirdky amd other communists would -hardly concern themselves with it. The Slo,vaks are encouraged by it, while the communists are haruntetl by it. �16 SLOV.AKIA The princilples of freedom are so strong that no one can compromise them. Only dictators, and among them foremost are the communists, have attempted to compromise the governmental form. But they shaH never convince the Slovaks that an aJli.en and tyrannical government is better for them than a government of their own choice. Against the Kersten Committee The Kersten Committee evaluated the Slova:k question justly and correctly and published its findings how Slovakia was taken over by tJhe Reds so that America and the rest of the free world might learn the truth a:bout the struggles and demands of the Sl10V1a!k nation. For that the communist propaganda of Prague and Bratislava fired a barrage of smear and vilification at the Committee. The BratislaN radio sharply attaoked Charles Kersten and the Slovak witnesses on February 7, 1955. The former congressman from MHwaukee, Wis., •w as called the "counsellor of the escapees," while the Slovak witnesses who testifiied oof1ore tJhe Committee were designated as "traitors of the Slovak nation." The 'b roadcast ,a ttacked Dr. Joseph Mikula, ,b ecause he was supposed to have stated that '~he and his companions now did not have the legal possilbility to poison the soul of the 1Sl1ovax nation." Dr. Pauco, the commentator barked, "rel,aJtekl fables before the Committee about an alleged suppression of the freedom of the press in Czecho-Slovakia." Dr. Mikus was reviled because he defended the principles of private ownership. Matthew Cemalk, Slovak pa~ triot and leader of the S'lov,a k exiles in Germany, did not escape the wrath of the Reds either. 'I1he communist propagandist stated that •a ll the Slova.lk witnesses before the Committee wanted to start a war. In this instance, he said, 'in full nakedness wa:s demonstrated the wretchedness of the methods, which are used by the American reaction to slander the countries of tJhe peace camp. At the same time, however, it aJlso shows the depth of filth and muck -into which the traitors of the Slovak nation shall end up in." On May 2, 1955, the Prague radio again attacked Charles Kersten, declaring that "on the basis of h'is law �SLOVAKIA 17 about financing suib versi,v e ructivities in the countries promoting peace, he is distributing dollars generously among federalists, separatists, unionists, and all kinds oif other organizations" fo,r rendering "servile service to aggressive plans to start a new war." On Miay 5, 1955, t!he PRAVDA of Bratislav,a ,p ublished a lengthy article in regard to the actiivi-ties of the Ke:rsten Committee and tihe testimony of Slov,ak witnesses. Among otiher things in that article, we read: "On December 31, 1954, there was published in the United States a so..,caJl:led official document of the American Congress, which !insults the nations of OUT country in a very c:m de and inept manner. In this gossiipy 'document', which was prepared by the special Keristen Committee, Ozecho.JSlorvak history is written up in a genuinely fascist spirit, the glorious Slovak national uiprising is descri'b ed as 'an impro,vised rebellion of subversive elements', and the liherati:on. of our country by the heroic Soviet, army is depicted with the bitter sorrow over the defeat of Hitler's occupat ion troops and thei:r native assistants ... The Kersten Committee preparnd this 'document' on the basis of the so--c alled 12 Slovak testimonies, which it collected from Slovak fascist outcasts. . . "About Kersten it i'S generally known that he has intimate, friendly contacts with fascists and cOIHalborators, who fled the country after Wo:rld War II to escape punishment and found asylum in the United States. Therefore, it surprised no one when the Kersten Committee on its hunt for gossipy 'testimonies' sought out only genuiine fascists in London, P,aris, Madrid, Rome, Munich and other Cen~ tral-European ciities. With witnesses like Cemak, Pauco, Mikus, Mikula, Nahalka, and theiir hke, it naturally could not be proud of in ,pU!bfic. So it met, with them in absolute secrecy, behind closed doors. "The g:reatest degree of deipra,vity a:nd lacik of character was successfolly attained by Charles Kersten and his twelve fascist 'witnesses', who in their hellpless hatred against the Slavruk people incite, slander and cry for another war against o.ur country. "Among the paid perjurers of the American Govern- �18 SLOVAKIA ment of th~ tyipe of Harvey Matusow, Paul Crouch, Elizaibeth Bentley, and_Charle~ Ke:risten, on the one hand, and Oernak, :Dur.canslky, Pauico, Kirschbaum, Mikus and company, on the other, there is no difference. American and Slov,aJk fascis'ts alike 'betmy their own people. Of course, there may be this difference: the former do tfuis for dollar.s while the fascist renegades of Cerna.k's type do it for anything _of value. "The so...called document of the American Government, prepared on the basis of the gossip of 12 Slovak fascists clearly proves how deep the traitorous escrupees have sunk in their hatred against our people. And simultaneously this lying document is further ,p roof that American r,u ling cir-· cles willingly sl,a nder countries whlicih have rid themselves of crupitalistic e,oploite:m, the creatures that betrayed their nati·o n to Hitler." . We find the very same insults and abusive names also jn the official note of the Prague Coo:nmuni,s t government of April 19, which is addressed to the Governmenlt of the United States. The separate report of the Kersten Committee is designated as.. "bra:zen" and "is equal to t:he wildest product of Goeibbels' fascist proipagandisti'c mach'i nery . It is nothing else but the pasting tog~her of lies and gossip, which are supposed to deepen hatred against Czecho-,Slovrukfa, to encourage war hysteria, to incite and campaign against coounl\.Ulism and to ,p repare a preventive war against peace-J.oving countries." The Prague government is also angry because the Kersten report is opposed to coexi,s tence with communism and warns the Whole world of the threats of communist dictators. The Prrugue note attacked Dr. Joseph Mikus and Matthew Cern.aJk, two act~ve Slov-a:k exiles, pointing out especi,a lly that they sewed in the dtplomatic cOI1ps of the Sl~va:k Republic. As far as the reproaches of the Prague government and its propaganda against American and Slovak factors is concerned, it must be stated unequivocally tlhat not in -a single testimony wrus there any talk aibout the need of unleashing a war. In the testimonies we do find, however, mention in seveTal places of the need of good and effective 1 �SLOVAKIA 19 work in the puiblishing and broadcasting fields against communism, of the need of preparations for the spiritual renovation of the world whioh is slowly being crushed by the satanic forces of ciom.munism. All Slovak witnesses strongly condemne!d the crimes and the evil perpetrated against the SlovaJk nation by communism; and tfu.ey told how communism enslaves the Slovaks spiriturulJy and exploits them economicailly and suppresses every manifestation of the Slova;k people for freedom and state independence. Tlhe wor'k of the Kersten Committee has become a thorn in the eyes of communist aggressive politics and pro._, pagainda. The Czech communi,s ts h'a d hoped that the West wouM continue to beHeve blindly their old lies a.nd falbles against the Sloviak nation; tihey did everything possilble to discredit Slovaks in exile in the eyes of tfu.e West and so make life as m[seraJble as possible for them. Flaiiing in this, it was only natUII'al for the Reds of Prague and Bratislaiva to unleash the wildest war in the press and over the radio ag,ainst Slovaks in exile and against every one who sympathized with them. But it does not matter whom they single out for abuse and vilification; important it is, however, that com~ munists are afraid of the solidly organized anti-commun:.. ist Slovak camp and their friends. And they are frightfully afraid of the thought that the whole principle of the right of self-determination must once be accorded the Slovak nation, without the reaJlization of which the conterruporary struggle to bring order and political balance in Central Europe has no su'b stantiation. While communism must reso;rt to a;buse and invective in its fits of anger, the Slova~s in exile are presenting facts, they are building on them and witlh them are defending the righteousness of their demands. Of course, it is not true that the Kersten Committeee used to meet secretly with ,Slovaik witnesses. All the hearings were ,public. They were attended by reporters and the puiblic. The press reported on the hearings, so did the radio and the television. Expert stenographers recorded everything that was said by every Slorvak witness and this was then pub1 �.20 SLOVAKIA lished iby t:he American Governmen t. The reports record .the minds of those people, w:ho foom the beginning of their pulblic activity adaimanfily opposed communism . The SlovaJks in exile do- not deny that they are antL ,c ommuni,s,t. It is a historical fac:t that the Slovak nation as :a w,hole condemned t:he tea•ching.s of Marx and Engels materialistic phHos0rphy soon after it was made pulb1ic and .has fouight it consistentl y and persistently throughout the years. The S1ova'ks in exile, then, do not even request secret sessions. Oommunist s, however, commit the foulest crimes where there are no witnesses. But they •c annot deny them, ,b ecause even the dead testify against murderers. And communism will one day ,be on the be,n ch of the acc used. It seems ,t he cards have faHen from the hands of the communist rulers in ,Slova;kia, !because they sysit:ematica lJy return to, the activity of the native "reaction" and the Slovaiks in exile. This is nothing else but an attempt to ma,sk all the crimes and grave injusti ces which they have committed and are stil,l commiltinig against the SlovaJk nation. Communis ts cannot conceal or deny the evil they have done. The entire nation is testifying against them. To .waint to deny something and to- concea•l one's own crimes ,b y hurling poi sonous insu1,ts at others is, indeed, a much more difficult and hopeless. task than pouring water inrto the ocean. We are profoundly touched by the heavy losses of life, cultural, moral and economic values, which the .Slovak nation has suffered from the Red Moloch. The murder of Matthew Cernak in Munich, Ju1y 5, 1955, by a bomb s ent through the mail is still fresh in our minds. However, we see that tJhe communist s are writhing like wounded sna!kes, hissing with anger and hate. And that is a good sign. It is the beginning of the end. Thus far no communist ruler has remained long in po,w er; and those forced on the Slovaks will be no exception. They are. he:Jipless and have no defense for the failures of their policies and, hence, must find scaipegoats : so they thunder againsit the native "populist reaction" at home, the "traitorous exile," and "imperialis tic American capitalism." 1 1 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1955, Vol. 5 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 14), March 1955.</li> <li>Issue 2-3 (No. 15-16), June-September 1955.</li> <li>Issue 4 (No. 17), December 1955.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1955 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 3 THE FAILURES OF COMMUNIST POUTICS IN SLOVAKIA Dr. Joseph Pauco In recent months many evident proofs of the failures of the Communist Party .in Slovaikia have been supplied by the communists themselves. Their policies flailed not only in tlhe political dom aii:n, but also in the eoonomfoa!l and especiailly the agricultural fields. What is the situation in SlovaJkia today aicco:rding to the admissions of the communists themselves? Centralization 1 On the one hand, it is 'k nown that the communists in Slovak!ia did SUipport the recognition of the national indiviiduality of the :S lovak naJtion, yet, on the other hand, it is true thaJt in Slovakia power is no longer in the hands of communists who respect tlhis principle and oppose the imperialIBtic influences of Ozech communism. F'0trmally, the 1name o:f the CommUIIl1ist Party of Slovakia has been retained, but not a single commuru.srt: factor will say thaJt it is ,representati.ve of Slovak communist forces, or any kind of autonomoUJS organization of Slovak communists. The first secretary of the Communist Parity of Slovald1a, the Czech communJ.st ~arel Badlek, proc,laimed on April 22, 19'55, at the XI Congre ss of the Communist Party of Slo-vakia: "The Communist Party of Slovakia is a region.a:! organization of the one Communist Party of Czecho-lSlovaJkia; it is its fighting diivision." The :flirst sec·r etary of the Communist Party of CzechoSlovakiia, the Czeclh .Amt onin Novotny, addressing that Con~ gress said thrut "the Communist Party of Slwaikia is an indivi:silble 1part and unit of the Communist Party of CzechoSloW!Jki,a." Tit is clear, then, beyond all shadow of doubt, that two of the pre-eminent leaJders of the present communist regime in PTague and Bratislava no longer consider it n.ecessary for the Slwak commundsts to appear independently. This is apparent not oinly in the o,r ganization by the fact th•a t the 1 1 4 SLOVAKIA Slovak Communist Party is suboirdinated to the Ozech Communist Party as its "division," but also in the .poili'tical field as well, where the Czechs rule surpreme. ln the so-oalled "Czeoho-Slovruk" Communist Barty, there were only Ozechs. As an aip.pendage of the Czech Oommunist Party, the Slovak Communist Party is .powerless to ,i nitiate or realize anything; everything is done through the Czecho--Slovak (really CZECH) Communist Party. Bacilek attested to this fact openly, when he said: "Important and fundamental •p olitical questions concerning Slovakia were presented for resolution to the Central Committee od' the Communist Party of Czecho-iSlovakia, and we go,v erned ourselves iby those decisions." For Slovakiia iit pr~baJbly is fortunate tJhat Prrugue is today responsilble for all politics. On the other band, however, it is quite significant for the Soviets, who loudly demand the a,ssurance of aU national freedoms. In the Slo·vak case it is one orf the cleaTest 1proofs thaJt SOV'iet slo.gans about independence a~e only a s:ham and delus,ion. Under the communist reg,ime the Slovaks lost aitl remnants of autonomous government. IDven though the Communist Party ·of Slovakia exists fonmally, its first secretary is not a Slovruk, but a Czech - ~arel Bacilek - and that means, for all practi'crul purposes, that SlnvaJkia is again a Ozech colony. 'Dhis situation conceals within itself many known thinigs. While the Ozech comrmmists could rely on Husa'k, Novomesiky, Okaly, and Clementis, they readily e~loited their services. But just as soon as these Slovak communists, who possessed a certruin am'ount of national pride, began to make more and more demands, they were marked for liquidiaJtion. And Ozech communists did liquidate them . "Bourgeois nationalists," said Bacilek, "led by Husak, in agreement with the Slovak reaction, oppo-s ed the validation of a uniform poHcy and a urniform agricultural program for the entire Czecho-iSlovalk Reipublic. And since this un~formity wa;s a prerequisite of the politic•al, and mainly the agriculturnJl, equality of the rig1hts of the Slovak nation, tihen, fa:ct:ually, they s1a:botaged this equa:lity orf rights." Hlusak's ,g roup was no more considerate toward the anti-communist Slova:k camp than was Bacilek. The oillly SLOVAKIA 5 dif;ference between them was that Husak was a Slovak and Bacilek a Ozec'h. Because Husak, a Slovak communist, had dared to oppose the concept that his party was s.imrply "a fighting division oif the Communist Party of Ozecho-,Slovakia," that is, subservient to tlhe CZECH CommU'Ilist Party - hiis name was added to the last of traitor:rs, even though he did render inivaluaJble se:rwices to the commU'Ilist cause. Slovak Nationalism The greatest enemy of communism in Slovakia is nationa'1isrm - the real cause of the failures of communist policy. Becau:se the foli:owers of the Hlinka 'Slo'V'ak People's Party were identrified with Slovak nationaliism, they were most violently attooked by the communists. William Siroky recalled at the XI Congress of the Slovak CommU'Il.ist Prurty in Bratislava that the Communi,s t Party "revealed the plague of tJhe anti~peop[e's populist separatist traitocrs and the other nationa;lisbic groups." Thus far Slovak nationalism could not be wiped out. Afrter ten years Siroky had to admit that "national :wejudices are very much allive especially among the Slovak intellectuals and officials; they are penetrating into other classes, aTe influencing even cultural lifo, and that a constant, stu!bborn ideofogiica1l war must be waged against them." Bacilek also complained that Slovak nationalism is not a sim,ple problem, saying: "While consolidating the brotherhood of the Ozechs and the Slovaks, let us not even for a moment storp waging a decisive battle against tJhe populists, the ideolo,gical man.ifestation of one part of the banikmpt Slovaik bourgeoisie." Karel Brucilek is stumped by the Slovak bourgeoisie and, therefore, oalils upon scientific workers to fight the Slovak IJ.orpulists: "From the workers of the sociaJ sciences we demand that they systematically and olbjectively uncover and help to oiveroome the manifestations of bourgeois ideologies in the minds of the people, especiaUy the manifestations of bourgeois natiorrali:s m and its most de~ structive variety - populist s~paratism." !Slovak natiO'Ilalism, however, is not a matter of some smail[ group. Novotny understood that very well when he 6 said: ". . .Almost everywhere up to now we rmeet with dangerous mainifestations of bourgeois nationaliSlm, es,peciaUy with one of its forms, with populist separatism, carrying wi·t h it reactionary darkness, which was designedly kept up in Slovakiia by the htgh Church hieraTchy." Judging ,a ccordingly, then, we can say that Slova:k nation:aliSlm is the "Enemy No.. l" of the communist regime. So for Novotny it is very clear that "the commun~ ists, the natfona1 committee, and the basi,c partisan organizations must constantly exiplain the harmfulness of nationalistic views and e:,QJJose them . . . " ·s1ovaJk naticma1ism is still quite strong. 'J.1he communists did not khl[ it and, according to their own admission, the propaganda they used against Slo,vaik nationrulism did not he1p much. This is made quite clear from Sirdky's speech, in which he says: "our agitation and ,propaganda are not suifficiently penetrating and convincing; we are losing sight of the increasjng claims of our people. This holds for the press, lectures, and also for many sections of cultura,1 practice. . . In Slovrukia es:pe:cially, we must be aware of tJhe fact that any weakening of the ideological wor,k will oniy strengthen national prejudices." This is quite a sj_gnifican,t adrmission from a man who untitl recently held the first position in the Communist Party of Slo.vakfa. To, keep his. head a:bo,ve water as long as possible, Sirdky, even though he is not a S'1ovaik by ori~ gin and sentiment, knows tha;t he must be grateful to those by whose grace he is •s till tolerated as a member of the politburo. So he encourages comm!Ullist propaganda "to devote itself more sy,stematically and profoundly and more concretely to the greaJt and actual ideoilogica[ problems of the present per,iod - to concern itself witlh t:he questions whkh preoccupy the minds O!f our people. We must see to it that the feeling of collectiveness and mutua'lity of the Czechs and Slovaks, of Cze<:ho..Slovak patriotiSlm - just like the feeling of lo,yalty and love towaTd the Soviet Union - become the fundamental. lines orf the socialistic and pat.Piotic consciousness of our citizens." Obviously, then, there is no so-·caNed "mutuality of Slovaks and Czechs," there is no "Czecho-tSlovak patriot- SLOVAKIA 7 ism." These concepts existed only in the minds of poHtical dreamers in t!he past and, as we see, even communist prisons and concentration camps could not create them. After ten years of terror and violence, comrade Siroky, who rendered great services iin Slovakia for Ozech communists, is leaving the leadership of the Slovak Communist Party beca use the desired union of the Slovaks with the Ozechs did not materialize. Many people dreamed a:bout a brotherhood of the Czechs and Slova'ks. But this was nothing but an unsuccessful dream . The situation has not changed even today. Even Bacile<k would be happy if he couild change it. So, he turns his attention to the communist writers, saying: "Litemture and the arts o,we very much to the systematic conso[idation of the brotherhood o!f the Czechs and Slova;ks. After ten years our literature has not produced a romantic novel which would depict the fact that without the aid qf the Czech working class there would be no penetrating successes in the soci'alisti<: industria>liza,tion of Slovakia. We do not have a book which would show the historical roots of the brotherhood of the Czechs and Slovaks." If there is no such volume, then there are no, writers who stand in the service of communism and the so-called "Czecho-,Slo,v ak" union; there are no writern w'ho would be wililing to serve communist propaganda and the policy of a "Great Czec,hia." And this fact is as significam.t a reality as is the strength of Slovak nationalism itself. Both comple~ ment and control each other mutually. Writers are the coo.science of a nation. In present-day Slovaki'a, if this conscience does .not subordinate itself to communist dictates, then this is a matter of great significam.ce a,nd of an extraordinary hisitorical manifestati'on. In natinnal questions, we know, a genuinely honest w_riter would not dare to misrepresent the thoughts of his own peo.ple. The schools of Slova'kia are also• resisting commun• ism very va1iantly; they .p refer to stand on the side of the nation thian on the side of a foreign clique which wants to demoralize the character of Slovak history. Bacilek obviously was fuily aware of the school situation, because in attacking SlO'Vak teachers he said: 8 SLOVAKIA "If we arnailyre the work of the ,s chools from the standpoint of contemporary needs, we must come to the conclusion tihat thus far they are not performing their basic task satisfoctorily and are little concerned a;bout the quality af education and, at the saime time, abourt 'the creation of c•o mmunistic conviction and momls in all the youth. . . We must seek the reason therefore albove aiH else in the low level of the teaching and training work of our teruohers." That's the kind of talk we hear long after the Communiist Party of Slovakia repl'aced qualified teachers with its most loyal followera whether they qualified .as teaahers or not. That such people had no idea what the teaching or training level was is l.mderstand01ble; on this point we can agree with Ba;cilek, because the commurust regime did not care whether the persons employed as t eachers ,w ere qualified to tea:ch, hut was onJ.y concerned whether bhey were party memlbern. However, the admission of the fact that these Red teaichers were not sufficiently relialb1e for the communists, that they are not creating communist convictions, rund are not strengthening communist vices in the youth - all this is one af the most reiveal,i ng proofo of the failures of communist policy in Slovakia. The communists hurried to .produce intellectuals loyal to tlhem by a wholesale process. Even though some intellectuals ap-· parently did join them, they did not lose their healthy .Sl·OVaJk core and are now causing the leadership of the Communist Party no end of trouble. That is the wo11k and the influence of Sloviak nationalism. And SlovaJk natiornalism is more irufluential than all communist terror and vioO.errce. The iruflueillCe af Slovak nationali<Slm rea:ches ,i nto the Communist Party itselrf. Ba-· cilek admitted tihat from the time of the X Assembly of the Slovak Coimmunist Party "the numiber of dead, dropped and ex,pelled members and candidates £rom the party wrus 12,940. The party rid itse'Lf of UillW:Orthy, hostiJ.e elements, of violators of state and party mscirpline, or peoiple who fai,l ed in their oibligations as members of the party.'' Bacilek, however, did not dare publ,~Sh the number SLOVAKIA 9 of expelled members and, of course, not even the detail.s sUTrounding the deaith of some of the memb,e rs. They could ha,ve lbeen eliminated or liq.uida,ted secretly, wor.ked to death in .tlhe Uranium mines, or beaten to death in jails In every instance, however, Bacilek reports that a great many members were expelled. We understand fiuNy well that they were enemies of the communist go:vernment and party. Communists evidently do no,t know exactly where their main enemies are am.d, hence, look for them everywhere. Nationalism .has its sharply designated posts am.d is perfonniin!g its duty. ,Slovak nationalism is no exception. The Resistance Movement Sl-ovak nationaJlism is alive and ,a gg,ressi,ve. This was recently demonstrated, when on June 13, 1955, the communist military trilbunaJl con!Victed 12 memlbers of a Slovak resistam.ce movement, dealing out high penalties, including a sentenice of death for a leading memlber of t;h.e movement, Bernard Nemcek. Reports from Prague about the communist verdict tell us more than all the explanations of the situation in Slovaikfa. And that because, surprisingly enough, the br,oadcast of June 16, 1955, designated the movement by its ,r,ight name: a resistance movement and a movement to create an independent Slovak State. The supreme desire of every rnation is to h'ave its own state. The Slovaks a,re n:o exception. If Slovak nationalists on native soH can bring the supreme sacri.lfice for this idea, this is irre.futalble proof that the Slovruk naroion is not am.d iw:illl not be satisfied with foreign domiination. In Slovrukia and in tlhe ranks of SlovaJk mo,vements, the fight against commun~sm is comprehended as determination .to free itself once and for all time from the yoke of every a1ien hegemony. That is why the fight of 1Sllovaik nationalists tends in two directions: against communi-sm and for state independence. Does a Slovak resistance movement actuafily exist? In the light of the a;bove, a str,ong resista,nce movement dbviiously does exist in Slovakia. At times, the com- 10 SLOVAKIA munists may at:teinipt to minimize its efd'eetiiveness, but we know that it must ,b e quite a movement, if the Reds themselves see fit to discuss it during their congresses. Basing OUT conviction on statements made and adions taken by the communists themselves, there can be no doubt that commun'ists really fear Slovak bomigeois :nationialism. In my possession I have a letter from a well-informed Slovak in Western Gerunany who just recently escaped from Slovakia. For nine long years he ob.served how the Red regime worked in Slovai~ia. He took note of the opinions and manifestations 'Of the population and was active in western, central and eastern Slovakia. Thris person maide contacts with officials and wwkere, farmers and priests, teachers and politiJCal prisoners. When I asked him what the Slovaks thought a;bout state independence for Slova!kia, he replied: "I dare write that about 95 percent of the Slovaks is for an independent state, a SlovaJk State wruiclh iwil[ be Chri stian and democratic. The Slovaks are holding to the determination to have their own state and there is no power whrich wil!l force them to be satisfied with less, with any other state form ." Over 90 percent of the Slovruks who escaped from the homeland during the past ten years have joined o;rganizations tJhat strun:d for an independent Slo-~a;k Repuiblic. And this is clear testimony of the. political conviction of the aJbso1ute maj'orirty of the Slovak naition, because it is obvious that the thoughts of the exiles on fundamental questions is identical with the thinking of the Slov•a k nation, witJh which just up to not long ago it was shaTing its bitter fate. It is not important to seek the answer to the questions of how many resi,s'tance movements tJhere are in Slovakia and how stroTIJg they might be. Certainly it would not ibe p:mdent to discuss this question pulblicly. What does count is the fact that they are causing the Red re-· gime many emlbarassments and difficulties. June 13, 1955, definitely tells us that resistance movements do exist in Slovakfa. The rverdict of J·u ne 13, 1955, was not the first 1 SLOVAKIA 11 one - and most likely not the last one, either - to be rendered against Slovak patriots. Many conspiracies have 1b een uncoivered in SlovaJkia 1b y Prague since 1945, both by the communii.st-dominateld Benes-Gottwald coalition government and also by the Red regime whioh took over comrplete power in Ozedh-0-Slovak'ia in February 1948. It is certain that under other circumstances the strength of .t he resistance mo,v ements wouild be greater. What do we mean by saying under other circumstances? The concept orf "peacefu11 coexistence" with the communists is creating a very confused situation; this nonsense ,is, in fact, breaking the backbone of the nations behind the I11on Curtain. Fundamentally, coexistence betmys weakness, and the West is terribly mistaken, if it thms it can over:come tlhe danger of communism by following such a policy. In practical poHtics coexistence means a viofation of the fronts m tlhe cold war, which already have in many instances shown signs of great weakness. Res·.iJstance movements of an anti-communist chiarac• ter should be gebting more moral aid from sources designated for this pul1)0se. Unfortunately, as far as Slovakia is corrcemed in this ,p sychological struggle, wrong methods have frequently been used; whether intentional~y, o,r because of la:C!k of iruformation, does not change the matter. Thi,s was and is undoubtedly due to the influence of the very people, who together with tihe communists for three years (194'5-·1948) were trying to break doWtn. al1l anticommunist re:s•.i!stance of the Sfovak nation. The West defirately does not bolster or build the morale of the Slov,a k resistance movements by aiding and comforting, employing and letting itself be influenced by people who col., •J aborated with communists and Moscow and, hen:ce, are in a large measure responsilble for the terrible situation that prev:ails in Slovakia today; Slovak Judases, as the Slwaks at home and in exile refer to them, should not 'be trusted by tlhe West. Dr. Joseplh Lettrich and his followers - who suddenly ·b ecame "demo:cratic exiles firom Czech0-Slovakia" after February 2-5, 1948, and are now members of the S<>-<!alled 12 SLOVAKIA ~'Council of Free Ozecho-<Slovrukia" - should not be used or employed in any capacity :b y such organizations as the F!REE E}(JROPE COMIM!I'l'T'iIDE (iRadio F.ree Euroipe), United States Information Agency (Voice of America), and other offictla1 and semi--0fficial aigendes of the United States Government, because they are totally discredited and cursed by the Slovaks at home. 1Should anyone wish to, be corredly informed about how Slo,viakia thinks and feels a:bout its fate, what anticommuniist wor.keris are doing there, let him delve into the verdict of June 13, 1955, against the tJweilve Slovak heroes, and let him find time .t o study the attacks of communist propag,amda against ISlovruk nationalists, whose sole aim ,i s to oause the downfall oif commumsm and to estrub-· lish a Slovak independent state. The Reds Fear the West .C ommenting on the verdict rendered by the "people's" court againist the tweilve Slovak anti-,c ommunists, the Prague radio OIIl June 16, 1955, reminded its listeners that fhis particular resistance orgrumzation receiyed its orders from Slovak exiles in the West. The military prooorator called the following Slovak patriots archtraitors : Du:rcansky, Cerna!k, Paiulco, Mikus, ·Mikula, and Hassik. 'Dhis i,s not t!he forst time, and not the last, that Slovak patriots in exile have 'been accused by Red Prague. In recent times attacks of this kind are made almost daily. On May 2, 1955, for example, the Prague Radio, referring to Slovak patriots in exile, said that "they already have behind them ten furrl years of service in the interests of foreigners, ten full years oif collaJboration with the most rea:ctionary elemernts against the people . . . and the aim of all exile origa.ni2Jations 1s war." Thiat is how the Prague commtlillists comprehend "pea'Ce:ful coexistence." While the West is leaning danger~ ously ibac!k waTd and even sacrificing tJhe interests of some satellite nations behind the Iron Curtain fOT tJhe saxe of peiace, the Retl sateJ..lite governments, in the meantime, reg,ard freedom of expression, movement and political activiity in the states which have given asyilum to Central- SLOVAKIA 13 European escapees as "colllalboration with the most reac. tionary elements." The .Prague communists, for example, are terribly worried that Slovaks in exile can speak freely every day over the tranS1mitting facilities of Spain and Ita:J.y. That these broadcasts are completely identical with the natural and democratic demands of rull patriotic Slovaks in exile, who speak for state independence for their own nation, is only n:aturrul and,( therefore, quit'e u:nderstand!able. Communist propaganda, of course, is doing everything it can do to silence 1:Jhem, disarm them, and discredit them with the worn-·oU:t eipithets of "fascists, separatists, nazis, reactionaries," etc. It is signific·a nt, too, that Benes Czechs and Slovak Judases use the same epithets and tactics as the Reds. Where they cannot successfully refute a statement, they resort to denunciation, viHfication, and invective. The Pr31gue bvoadicast, red:erred to above, vicioosly attacked the Christian character of the prog,r am of the Slovak exiles. "Well, as far as the activity of the Slovak exiles abroad is concerned," said the Prague commentator, "they have in comparison with the rest of the groups one specialty. More than any other group they are concealing their actual aims /by a,ppealing to ChriJstianity, Christian morals, Ohristian charity, etc. Dr. Francis Hrusorvsky even went as far as to designate tJhe Central-Eu:ropean Union, that is, tlhe rearming of German miilitarists, as an expression of Christian charity. Not even the former editor-inchief of the newspaper S:L0VAK, Dr. Pauco, who edited the SLOVAK during the time of the greatest nazi massacre in Slova!kia, will l now never fail to appeal to ChrisHan ethics. And the Sloviak fascists from Madrid, on the other hand, shall always recall that they are not aslhamed of Tiso's Legacy." On June 9, 1955, filie Bratislava broadcast quoted the angry article of the PiRAVDA against the Slov;aJk People's Party, distorting its historical role. On that occasion the PRAY.DA - ac0ording to the radio commentator - wrote aJbout "the dirty role of the populi,s t emigrants, who are allying themselves not only with the aggressive groups in 14 SLOVAKIA the United States, but aJso with the avengers in western Germ.any." The radio broadcast f.rom Prague on June 11 and that from Bratislava on June 12, 1955, sollillded off against "the provoc,ative Madrid and Rome tran1simitters," and against the "Paucos, Cerna.ks, and :Dur:canskys," who are constantly warning escapees not to return home. The Brague 'broadcast of May 9, 1955, was :f.ull of insults and epithets aJbout the "madness of the rulers of the imperi,a listic world and their humble ser,vrunts, the traitors of our nations," that is, the exiles. It is symboli'c of communist audacity that the Reds are using such propaganda at a time wlhen in Moscow they began a new o£fensive so that they might again meet and confer with "imperialistic rulers," and so whet tlheir ruppetite for "capitalistic" trade. Of course, the communists say one thing at home, something else at the conference ta!ble, and still something difrferent to exri1les. Whosoever ,p erforce walilts to be deaf will believe only one or the other side of their story and will not compare the communist propaganda of an shades and tendencies. We have always been of tlhe conviction that to come to an agreement with communism is the greatest trM1.Sg,ressicm against the pri,n ciples of humanity, the basest violation of the rights to freedom, and a grave insttlt to Christian sentiment. Communism is most often irritated by the constant repetition and practical realization olf Christian-democratic principles. That is why they cry out loudly against a poHticail prog,ram to which the v;ast majority of Slovaks in the West look for thei<r sup,po<rt. ChrJstianity and the !help of the West, whrreh Slovaks enjoy, throw the communists off balance. They say all Slovak exiil es "have one boss,." as reported by the Prague broadcast of May 2, 195'5, aJUd "all are paid from one treasury, the trea:sury of American militarilsm. The socalJ.ed Slovak N aitiona1 Coundl .Aibroad, the Sloviak League of America, and the Canadian SloviaJk League - as the separati'st organi~ations of iSlova.k :fascists - serve American military interests." To show their hatred the communist madmen ini1 SLOVAKIA 15 tialed the names of tihe organizaitJions they attadked witJh small letters wlhen tlhey pwbH,sihed the commentary in the periodical L'UD ('People). This is qurite si,gnifica,nit. As if thereby they could alter the facts. They a.Jltered and will alter nothing; and their anger only attests to a serious nervours condition. Iif eve-ryithing were in order in SlOIV'akia and the communists were in complete command of the situation, they would not have to concern themselves with the Slov;ak situation so excitedly on the inlternati:onal field. However, when one once succumbs to fear and has lost his conscience and has two gall bladders instead of one heart, there hardly is any helrp for him. The commnnist dic-tators in S1ovakia have a very small sowl. The poon~ tom of American caipitalism and tihe activity of free Slovak or:ganization:s and individuals will not let t'hem sleep. Perhaps this is best refle<>Jro in the words of Karel Bacilek, who said at the XI Oommunist Congress at Bratislava: ". . . Imperialist aggressors, led by the ruling circles of the USA and with tihe aid of treacherous esca-. pees, are attemipting to srcore and deceive the working people, divert it from the path of social construction. Hostile propaganda can at times penetr"ate and bear in:filuence in various ways even oin memlbers olf the ;party." In other words, what is being done in the, West in the interest of the liberation of 1:lhe Slovak natit>n does have a great influence on the Slo.vaks at home. But obviously this influence also affects the communists. They are afraid of every step that is taken in the defense of the ,rigihts of the Slovak nation. The COilllmunists in Prague and in Slovalkia fear nothing more than the concept of Slovak statehood. Tha;t is why, for example, William Siroky practicaUy writhed in cramps when he revealed at the Congress. in Bratislava that Americans "iha<ve exhumed the compromised and bankrupt slogan of the so-.called S1'()1V'ak Sta:te." The fact , however, is that the concept of the Slovak State is not bankrupt and is not dead. It is a thing very much aJiNe, otheriwiise Sirdky amd other communists would -hardly concern themselves with it. The Slo,vaks are encouraged by it, while the communists are haruntetl by it. 16 SLOV.AKIA The princilples of freedom are so strong that no one can compromise them. Only dictators, and among them foremost are the communists, have attempted to compromise the governmental form. But they shaH never convince the Slovaks that an aJli.en and tyrannical government is better for them than a government of their own choice. Against the Kersten Committee The Kersten Committee evaluated the Slova:k question justly and correctly and published its findings how Slovakia was taken over by tJhe Reds so that America and the rest of the free world might learn the truth a:bout the struggles and demands of the Sl10V1a!k nation. For that the communist propaganda of Prague and Bratislava fired a barrage of smear and vilification at the Committee. The BratislaN radio sharply attaoked Charles Kersten and the Slovak witnesses on February 7, 1955. The former congressman from MHwaukee, Wis., •w as called the "counsellor of the escapees," while the Slovak witnesses who testifiied oof1ore tJhe Committee were designated as "traitors of the Slovak nation." The 'b roadcast ,a ttacked Dr. Joseph Mikula, ,b ecause he was supposed to have stated that '~he and his companions now did not have the legal possilbility to poison the soul of the 1Sl1ovax nation." Dr. Pauco, the commentator barked, "rel,aJtekl fables before the Committee about an alleged suppression of the freedom of the press in Czecho-Slovakia." Dr. Mikus was reviled because he defended the principles of private ownership. Matthew Cemalk, Slovak pa~ triot and leader of the S'lov,a k exiles in Germany, did not escape the wrath of the Reds either. 'I1he communist propagandist stated that •a ll the Slova.lk witnesses before the Committee wanted to start a war. In this instance, he said, 'in full nakedness wa:s demonstrated the wretchedness of the methods, which are used by the American reaction to slander the countries of tJhe peace camp. At the same time, however, it aJlso shows the depth of filth and muck -into which the traitors of the Slovak nation shall end up in." On May 2, 1955, the Prague radio again attacked Charles Kersten, declaring that "on the basis of h'is law SLOVAKIA 17 about financing suib versi,v e ructivities in the countries promoting peace, he is distributing dollars generously among federalists, separatists, unionists, and all kinds oif other organizations" fo,r rendering "servile service to aggressive plans to start a new war." On Miay 5, 1955, t!he PRAVDA of Bratislav,a ,p ublished a lengthy article in regard to the actiivi-ties of the Ke:rsten Committee and tihe testimony of Slov,ak witnesses. Among otiher things in that article, we read: "On December 31, 1954, there was published in the United States a so..,caJl:led official document of the American Congress, which !insults the nations of OUT country in a very c:m de and inept manner. In this gossiipy 'document', which was prepared by the special Keristen Committee, Ozecho.JSlorvak history is written up in a genuinely fascist spirit, the glorious Slovak national uiprising is descri'b ed as 'an impro,vised rebellion of subversive elements', and the liherati:on. of our country by the heroic Soviet, army is depicted with the bitter sorrow over the defeat of Hitler's occupat ion troops and thei:r native assistants ... The Kersten Committee preparnd this 'document' on the basis of the so--c alled 12 Slovak testimonies, which it collected from Slovak fascist outcasts. . . "About Kersten it i'S generally known that he has intimate, friendly contacts with fascists and cOIHalborators, who fled the country after Wo:rld War II to escape punishment and found asylum in the United States. Therefore, it surprised no one when the Kersten Committee on its hunt for gossipy 'testimonies' sought out only genuiine fascists in London, P,aris, Madrid, Rome, Munich and other Cen~ tral-European ciities. With witnesses like Cemak, Pauco, Mikus, Mikula, Nahalka, and theiir hke, it naturally could not be proud of in ,pU!bfic. So it met, with them in absolute secrecy, behind closed doors. "The g:reatest degree of deipra,vity a:nd lacik of character was successfolly attained by Charles Kersten and his twelve fascist 'witnesses', who in their hellpless hatred against the Slavruk people incite, slander and cry for another war against o.ur country. "Among the paid perjurers of the American Govern- 18 SLOVAKIA ment of th~ tyipe of Harvey Matusow, Paul Crouch, Elizaibeth Bentley, and_Charle~ Ke:risten, on the one hand, and Oernak, :Dur.canslky, Pauico, Kirschbaum, Mikus and company, on the other, there is no difference. American and Slov,aJk fascis'ts alike 'betmy their own people. Of course, there may be this difference: the former do tfuis for dollar.s while the fascist renegades of Cerna.k's type do it for anything _of value. "The so...called document of the American Government, prepared on the basis of the gossip of 12 Slovak fascists clearly proves how deep the traitorous escrupees have sunk in their hatred against our people. And simultaneously this lying document is further ,p roof that American r,u ling cir-· cles willingly sl,a nder countries whlicih have rid themselves of crupitalistic e,oploite:m, the creatures that betrayed their nati·o n to Hitler." . We find the very same insults and abusive names also jn the official note of the Prague Coo:nmuni,s t government of April 19, which is addressed to the Governmenlt of the United States. The separate report of the Kersten Committee is designated as.. "bra:zen" and "is equal to t:he wildest product of Goeibbels' fascist proipagandisti'c mach'i nery . It is nothing else but the pasting tog~her of lies and gossip, which are supposed to deepen hatred against Czecho-,Slovrukfa, to encourage war hysteria, to incite and campaign against coounl\.Ulism and to ,p repare a preventive war against peace-J.oving countries." The Prague government is also angry because the Kersten report is opposed to coexi,s tence with communism and warns the Whole world of the threats of communist dictators. The Prrugue note attacked Dr. Joseph Mikus and Matthew Cern.aJk, two act~ve Slov-a:k exiles, pointing out especi,a lly that they sewed in the dtplomatic cOI1ps of the Sl~va:k Republic. As far as the reproaches of the Prague government and its propaganda against American and Slovak factors is concerned, it must be stated unequivocally tlhat not in -a single testimony wrus there any talk aibout the need of unleashing a war. In the testimonies we do find, however, mention in seveTal places of the need of good and effective 1 SLOVAKIA 19 work in the puiblishing and broadcasting fields against communism, of the need of preparations for the spiritual renovation of the world whioh is slowly being crushed by the satanic forces of ciom.munism. All Slovak witnesses strongly condemne!d the crimes and the evil perpetrated against the SlovaJk nation by communism; and tfu.ey told how communism enslaves the Slovaks spiriturulJy and exploits them economicailly and suppresses every manifestation of the Slova;k people for freedom and state independence. Tlhe wor'k of the Kersten Committee has become a thorn in the eyes of communist aggressive politics and pro._, pagainda. The Czech communi,s ts h'a d hoped that the West wouM continue to beHeve blindly their old lies a.nd falbles against the Sloviak nation; tihey did everything possilble to discredit Slovaks in exile in the eyes of tfu.e West and so make life as m[seraJble as possible for them. Flaiiing in this, it was only natUII'al for the Reds of Prague and Bratislaiva to unleash the wildest war in the press and over the radio ag,ainst Slovaks in exile and against every one who sympathized with them. But it does not matter whom they single out for abuse and vilification; important it is, however, that com~ munists are afraid of the solidly organized anti-commun:.. ist Slovak camp and their friends. And they are frightfully afraid of the thought that the whole principle of the right of self-determination must once be accorded the Slovak nation, without the reaJlization of which the conterruporary struggle to bring order and political balance in Central Europe has no su'b stantiation. While communism must reso;rt to a;buse and invective in its fits of anger, the Slova~s in exile are presenting facts, they are building on them and witlh them are defending the righteousness of their demands. Of course, it is not true that the Kersten Committeee used to meet secretly with ,Slovaik witnesses. All the hearings were ,public. They were attended by reporters and the puiblic. The press reported on the hearings, so did the radio and the television. Expert stenographers recorded everything that was said by every Slorvak witness and this was then pub1 .20 SLOVAKIA lished iby t:he American Governmen t. The reports record .the minds of those people, w:ho foom the beginning of their pulblic activity adaimanfily opposed communism . The SlovaJks in exile do- not deny that they are antL ,c ommuni,s,t. It is a historical fac:t that the Slovak nation as :a w,hole condemned t:he tea•ching.s of Marx and Engels materialistic phHos0rphy soon after it was made pulb1ic and .has fouight it consistentl y and persistently throughout the years. The S1ova'ks in exile, then, do not even request secret sessions. Oommunist s, however, commit the foulest crimes where there are no witnesses. But they •c annot deny them, ,b ecause even the dead testify against murderers. And communism will one day ,be on the be,n ch of the acc used. It seems ,t he cards have faHen from the hands of the communist rulers in ,Slova;kia, !because they sysit:ematica lJy return to, the activity of the native "reaction" and the Slovaiks in exile. This is nothing else but an attempt to ma,sk all the crimes and grave injusti ces which they have committed and are stil,l commiltinig against the SlovaJk nation. Communis ts cannot conceal or deny the evil they have done. The entire nation is testifying against them. To .waint to deny something and to- concea•l one's own crimes ,b y hurling poi sonous insu1,ts at others is, indeed, a much more difficult and hopeless. task than pouring water inrto the ocean. We are profoundly touched by the heavy losses of life, cultural, moral and economic values, which the .Slovak nation has suffered from the Red Moloch. The murder of Matthew Cernak in Munich, Ju1y 5, 1955, by a bomb s ent through the mail is still fresh in our minds. However, we see that tJhe communist s are writhing like wounded sna!kes, hissing with anger and hate. And that is a good sign. It is the beginning of the end. Thus far no communist ruler has remained long in po,w er; and those forced on the Slovaks will be no exception. They are. he:Jipless and have no defense for the failures of their policies and, hence, must find scaipegoats : so they thunder againsit the native "populist reaction" at home, the "traitorous exile," and "imperialis tic American capitalism." 1 1  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Failures of Communist Politics in Slovakia Description An account of the resource Dr. Joseph Paučo Slovakia, Vol. 5, No. 4 (17), December 1955 pp. 3-20 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paučo, Jozef, 1914-1975 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource December 1955 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/21906f2f1049cc8658279f2e578b39a1.pdf f38c069687658f8faf29870166a6b8fc PDF Text Text 11 SLOVAKIA land of the free and the home of the brave. Ame,r icans of Slova)k descent should give this serious thought dwring Stu.r's centennial. The nation which produced Joseph Milan Hurban, Paul Joseph Safariik, John iKollar, John Holly, John Chalupka, Johnny Kral', Andrew Sladlwvic, Jonah Zaborsky, John Palarik, John Ka.lincia!k, Peter Bohu,ii, Joseph Bo:zetech Klemens, and Diony,z Sbur - is not a small nation. The shining light among the Slovaks of the nineteenth century, the formulator of their .p rogram, and the ·interpreter of their desires was Louis Stur - the father of modern Slovak nationalism . • • • STUR'S GROUP IN THE SERVICE OF THE PEOPLE Joseph Pauco Sturr's school exerted every effort to serve the people from which it descended in order to elevate it intellectually and to save it from physical ·a nd spiritual decline. Whatever was attempted in the cultural, economic, and social fields, all closely allied with the efforts in the political field, was dome with these aims in mind. From the beginning of thei.ir public activity, the Stu.rites were aware of the fact that they could elevate the people entrusted to and dependent on them only if they themse,1ves could obta·i n the- authority which wouid give them a mora;l right to reach and lead the Slovak people. Fo,r this they prepared thorough'ly. Their moral iprinciples are connected with perseverance, courage and nobility. The Institute of the Slovak Language and Literature dn Bratislava ailready ha:d thus fomned the yound and fiery souls: without morality, the first prerequisite, no one could get into the Irnstitute. Therefrom emanated the rest of the obligations of the members, such as love for Slovak, perseverance in preparing and presenting lectures, or in performing tas!ks outside the ·I nstitute. Whosoever is moral wdill not ibecome lost; therein was the assurance and safeguard. From this morally strengthened y,outh glowed a fire which overextended the frame,w ork of purely internal work. Gradua'lly the followers of Stur came into contact with the �12 SLOVAKIA Slovak pUiblic. The •~Plody" (Fruits), "Jitfonka" (Morning Star), HU!I"ban's "Nitra," Pa1kovic's "Tatranka" (Tatra News), Kuzmany's "Hro:nka" (Hron News), and Fej.erpa~ ta!ky's "Novy i stary vlastenecky ka.!lendar" (The New and the Old Patriotic Almanac)- all these worthy periodicals resuilted from the enthusiasm of clean hearts and the noble characters of Stu,r 's group. These endeavors, as well as the contacts of the youth with the public during vacation, were the next to the last step for the Sturites in thek preparation to devote themselves with all their strength to the needs of the people. They had hardly left their school benches when the in~ terest of their people became one of their desires; all were willing to serve in the capacity they were best fitted for. When they left school the foUowers of Stur returned to their people, lived with them, toiled with them, and b,ore the burdens of the day with them. They kneiw the virtues and shortcomings of the Slovaks. They realized that socia'l and economic ill,s were caused by the ruling Magyars and decided to do sometliing about it. They knew that to save their peo,ple, they had to educate them politicalJy and correct the mistakes of the past (1). After God, the people were nearest and dearest to the Stu.rites. They did not fea:r the peorple, despite the fact that the S1ovaks were referred to in the most derogatory manner. The Magyars said that the Slovaks were stupid, but the Sturites knew that the Slo:va1ks were a simple but very able and capable people. Probably the greatest fatrlt of the Slovaks was that they were very obedient and addicted to certain failings. The latter, however, couJd be removed, and the Stu.rites set themselves to that very task (2). The greater the press,u re of the owosition, the more profound the reaction of the Sturites. Pressure evoked re~ sistance; as one voice there resounded in Slovakia: "Everything for our 1Slovak people" (3). They helped their humiliated and neglected people by a!ll means at their disposal, because they knew that above all else it was necessary to lead the people to the point where it could lriberate itself from the misrakes and symptoms of slavery, and then complete freedom would follow. �SLOVAKIA 13 That meant that the Stu.rites were for the peo,ple with their whole being; they listened patiently to a,11 complaints and proitesrt:s, and sympathized with their misery; and, orf course, were detel'Inined to fight against all injustices ( 4). One of them summarized the wo:rik of the followers of Stur thus'l y: "Stu.r's school became 0111e of the most effective factors in the life of the Sloivruk nratiion" (5). The foliowers of Stur concerned themselves with the welfare of the entire nation. They fought to improve their economy, but they ailso fought with equa1 vigor against alcoholism, indifference, and illiteracy. They lrubored to uplift the spirit and to rouse nation consciousness not only by speaking and writing, but biY their practical work among all classes of their people, visiting even the lowliest to transform their minds and to use their strength so that they might save themselves from ruin (6). And the ,Slova:k people responded wholeheartedly when Stur began to pUJb1ish his "SloiVensikje Narodnje Novini" and the "Orol Tatransky" -which became a ,power that had to :b e rec!koned with, because they found favor with the common peo,ple, the intelligentsia and the gentry (7). Without unity there could be no strength, but there could be no unity without education and mutual understanding. The Stu.rites preached respect for individuals, but in all consideraticms the nation as a whole came first, and the nation's welfare called for sacrifices (8). They pointed to the com-· mon property, the heritage of the Slova:k people - its language, morals, customs and its homeland - w'hich unites the nation as a whole and commands it to go forward toward its goal unitedly. It is in this union that we must seek the rights of individuals, the assurance of freedom, prosperity and spiritual values. Words, written or spoken, help, but without deeds they mean nothing. Work and more persevering work is necessary. The nation must feel that some one is backing it up, · really concerned about its welfare. Sentiment and justice must protect everyone equally. Thus we can elevate the peopie and help it; and only thus can we attain complete national unity. People must be dealt with humanely; this applies to, individuals and entire grouips, as well. �14 SLOVAKIA The Sturites dealt humanly with their nation; they elevated and united it into one moral unit, so that it would not fail in its resolves, but that its nationa.'l feelings, its nobility and aJl its desires would get proper exipression. Material and spiritual servitude hurt equally - both tend to :kill - and, therefore, the united nation must oppose both resolutely (9). The followers of Stur knew why they had to appeal to the mind, the feelin,g s and the character of their nation; aJso w'hy they had to hit those who oppressed it. The Slovaks were threatened with complete annihilation. There was danger that the one and the other side might resort to extremes. The Stu.rites had to 'harden the Slovaks to face realities; they 'lrn.ew that every battle was won by those who were stronger, bctteT .p repared and ha.rdened(lO). Stur and his fo1lowers knew they co.uid gam practica,lly nothing without first uniting their nation. They took their work seriously and were guided by the principle that renegades are punished even by God, because they sin grievously against the rights of their peop:Je (11). Their task was not to con:. vert renegades, but to teach their people to help themselves, to recognize and fight for their God-'given rights. Stur realized the importance of newspa,pers, hence took it uipon himself to establish a 1Sl01Vak newspa,per. He applied for permission to publish a Slovalk newspaper, but his request was not allowed until three yea.TS later, after many trips and letters to Budaipest and Vienna. When the SL0~ VENS1KJE NARODNJID NOV[NI ( S'loivalk National News) and its supplement, the TA'IIB.ANSKY" OiROL (Eagle of the Tatras), finally were issued, the Slovaks received them with great joy and subscribed to them. The papers served their mission well for three years, when they were confiscated by the government, uniting the ,people, teaching and entertaining them, and encouraging them during the most · stirring times in their history. Stur's newspapers served all strata of Slovaks, the intelligentsia, the laiborer, the peasant, the minister of the Gospel, the merchant, and the tradesman. The MagyaTs soon realized what the .papers were doing for the Slova:k people and raised an alarum to have them outlawed. But there can be no, denying the fact 1 �SLOVAKIA 15 that they had fulfilled their mission well. The Slovaks did awaken nationally; without the newspapers Srur and his followers wol.cld not have achieved the success .they did in uniting the Slovaks in so short a time. Stur and his followers were realists. They ,c ame out of the ,peop1'e and worked with the ,p eople to uplift them. They knew their jois am.d sorrows, the difficulties that beset them; the misery and injustices suffered by them. Burt they knew, too, that complaining and ,w hining a;borut the sad lot of the Slovaik,s wouM not he1p to do away with injustice and poverty. So, they encouraged the ,p eople to help themselves by over.coming indolence and ignorance, and becoming ente11prising; to abandon ancient methods in the trades and agriculture and the schools and to iearn the new, more efficient ways of doing things in all fields of endeavor. Stur and his school are responsible for a wealth of literature about the school question, the :necessity of cultivating the native language, the significance of enlightenment, the theatre, reading societies and libraries, Slovaik agric'lrlture and indwstry, money, taxes, animal husbandry, and a host of other subjects. They organized temperance societies and ctdtural and social institutions; and taught in Sunday scho.ols. The movement of Sbur was ,probably the most interesting movement of all time ~n Slovakia. Stur and hIB followers were not idle dreamers, but practical idealists who really had the welfare and security of their Slovak people at heart.. They shall always be remembered by a grateful S'lovwk nation. 1. Compare 'Mi1an Pisut: "Pociatky basnickej i!ikoly Sturov ej" (The !Beginnings of Stur's Poetical Sc'hool), Bratislava, 1938, pp. 116, 251. 2. "Slovenskje Narodiije Novini," Vol . 2, No. 61, p. 244. 3. P . Z. Hosti!llSkY in I/he SiNN, Vol. 4, No. 278, p. 1109. 4. SNN, Vol. 2, No. 84, p. 333, etc. 6. Jan Fr,a ncis,ci: "VJ.a.stny zivotopis" (1My Own Biogr,aphy), Turc. Sv. Martin, 1909, p. 38. · 6. This is upheld also by Dr. Jos•e,ph Miloslav Hurban in his biography of Stur: "Slov,enske Pohfady" (Slov,a;k Views), 1833, p. 74, etc. 7. Daniel Ra1>ant •CaJIIle to t'he same conclusion in his "Dejiny slovenskeho povstainia r. 1848-49" (:Book 1, p.,170), wher-e he states: "Stur',s newspapers were read .in the towns and villages, even in the court• yrurds of the more sensitive -and nationally more preserved. lower �16 8. 9. 10. 11. SLOVAKIA n obility. T·h e voice of tJhis na tion al organ und er S tur was a r eal pow,e r that 'h,a d t o be r eckoned wit'h." C ompare M. P isut, above, p . 181. L . St u r in the articl'e "Na se polozeiij e vo v1asti" (Our Situation in the Homeland), ,Slov. Nar. No'V'mi, Vol. 2, Nos. 117-120, pp. 467-68 ; 471-72; 47 5-7 6; 4W-80. Stur in t h e met, Marnh 10, 1848 : " I oo ,not like to ref ea- to historical r ights, beeause I b>elieve that h e who shows ·s trength also assumes th e right ... ", .SN N, Vol. 3, No . 270, p. 1078. M. P isu t, a bove, p. 188. • • • WHO SAID IT? "Communism not only commits outrageous injustice against wll civil ,s ociety ... , but it also ruin,s all personal initiative, self-determination, endeavor, and enthusiasm; it abso[utely precludes generous, active fraternal charity.... It divides the family, it destroys the household and thus it opens wide the door to every t:w>e of immorality, dissolution, and indulgence. It shatter,s all the bonds of socia.'l living. In place of holy ties, it offers pmfiteering, rioting, and their l:iJke and thus it degrades man to animal ~evel. "Communi1sm, then, has matured to, the same degree as athe:i!sm and defection from Christianity ... In all types of communtsm, whatever their classification may be, the outlook is only toward a dismal life denied any ennob~ing joys. It brings in its wa!ke despotism of the grossest kind. "Let commll!Il1SiII1 1bu:sy itself, making every endeavrnr and every righteous representatiolll it will, protesting that it aims to secure the rights, orf the people, the fact remains that it know:s :nothing wbout humanity. It degrades it deplor1tbly. And !because it cleaves to its tenets wh!Lch are impractical and ll!Ilreaii•za;ble, it ranks among the wildest of offohooits ever conceived by the human brain." - (Louis Stur: SLOVAlNiSTVO A SVET BU!DUC'NIOS'N (:SlaJVdom and the World of the Future) . • • • You can help the righteous cause ·of the Slovak people - their fight against Communism and for their freedom and independence - by sending a contribution t.o the Slovak League of America: Mr. ·Milan V. Blazek, treasurer, 4922 S. Leclaire A venue, Chicago 38, Ill. � 11 SLOVAKIA land of the free and the home of the brave. Ame,r icans of Slova)k descent should give this serious thought dwring Stu.r's centennial. The nation which produced Joseph Milan Hurban, Paul Joseph Safariik, John iKollar, John Holly, John Chalupka, Johnny Kral', Andrew Sladlwvic, Jonah Zaborsky, John Palarik, John Ka.lincia!k, Peter Bohu,ii, Joseph Bo:zetech Klemens, and Diony,z Sbur - is not a small nation. The shining light among the Slovaks of the nineteenth century, the formulator of their .p rogram, and the ·interpreter of their desires was Louis Stur - the father of modern Slovak nationalism . • • • STUR'S GROUP IN THE SERVICE OF THE PEOPLE Joseph Pauco Sturr's school exerted every effort to serve the people from which it descended in order to elevate it intellectually and to save it from physical ·a nd spiritual decline. Whatever was attempted in the cultural, economic, and social fields, all closely allied with the efforts in the political field, was dome with these aims in mind. From the beginning of thei.ir public activity, the Stu.rites were aware of the fact that they could elevate the people entrusted to and dependent on them only if they themse,1ves could obta·i n the- authority which wouid give them a mora;l right to reach and lead the Slovak people. Fo,r this they prepared thorough'ly. Their moral iprinciples are connected with perseverance, courage and nobility. The Institute of the Slovak Language and Literature dn Bratislava ailready ha:d thus fomned the yound and fiery souls: without morality, the first prerequisite, no one could get into the Irnstitute. Therefrom emanated the rest of the obligations of the members, such as love for Slovak, perseverance in preparing and presenting lectures, or in performing tas!ks outside the ·I nstitute. Whosoever is moral wdill not ibecome lost; therein was the assurance and safeguard. From this morally strengthened y,outh glowed a fire which overextended the frame,w ork of purely internal work. Gradua'lly the followers of Stur came into contact with the �12 SLOVAKIA Slovak pUiblic. The •~Plody" (Fruits), "Jitfonka" (Morning Star), HU!I"ban's "Nitra," Pa1kovic's "Tatranka" (Tatra News), Kuzmany's "Hro:nka" (Hron News), and Fej.erpa~ ta!ky's "Novy i stary vlastenecky ka.!lendar" (The New and the Old Patriotic Almanac)- all these worthy periodicals resuilted from the enthusiasm of clean hearts and the noble characters of Stu,r 's group. These endeavors, as well as the contacts of the youth with the public during vacation, were the next to the last step for the Sturites in thek preparation to devote themselves with all their strength to the needs of the people. They had hardly left their school benches when the in~ terest of their people became one of their desires; all were willing to serve in the capacity they were best fitted for. When they left school the foUowers of Stur returned to their people, lived with them, toiled with them, and b,ore the burdens of the day with them. They kneiw the virtues and shortcomings of the Slovaks. They realized that socia'l and economic ill,s were caused by the ruling Magyars and decided to do sometliing about it. They knew that to save their peo,ple, they had to educate them politicalJy and correct the mistakes of the past (1). After God, the people were nearest and dearest to the Stu.rites. They did not fea:r the peorple, despite the fact that the S1ovaks were referred to in the most derogatory manner. The Magyars said that the Slovaks were stupid, but the Sturites knew that the Slo:va1ks were a simple but very able and capable people. Probably the greatest fatrlt of the Slovaks was that they were very obedient and addicted to certain failings. The latter, however, couJd be removed, and the Stu.rites set themselves to that very task (2). The greater the press,u re of the owosition, the more profound the reaction of the Sturites. Pressure evoked re~ sistance; as one voice there resounded in Slovakia: "Everything for our 1Slovak people" (3). They helped their humiliated and neglected people by a!ll means at their disposal, because they knew that above all else it was necessary to lead the people to the point where it could lriberate itself from the misrakes and symptoms of slavery, and then complete freedom would follow. �SLOVAKIA 13 That meant that the Stu.rites were for the peo,ple with their whole being; they listened patiently to a,11 complaints and proitesrt:s, and sympathized with their misery; and, orf course, were detel'Inined to fight against all injustices ( 4). One of them summarized the wo:rik of the followers of Stur thus'l y: "Stu.r's school became 0111e of the most effective factors in the life of the Sloivruk nratiion" (5). The foliowers of Stur concerned themselves with the welfare of the entire nation. They fought to improve their economy, but they ailso fought with equa1 vigor against alcoholism, indifference, and illiteracy. They lrubored to uplift the spirit and to rouse nation consciousness not only by speaking and writing, but biY their practical work among all classes of their people, visiting even the lowliest to transform their minds and to use their strength so that they might save themselves from ruin (6). And the ,Slova:k people responded wholeheartedly when Stur began to pUJb1ish his "SloiVensikje Narodnje Novini" and the "Orol Tatransky" -which became a ,power that had to :b e rec!koned with, because they found favor with the common peo,ple, the intelligentsia and the gentry (7). Without unity there could be no strength, but there could be no unity without education and mutual understanding. The Stu.rites preached respect for individuals, but in all consideraticms the nation as a whole came first, and the nation's welfare called for sacrifices (8). They pointed to the com-· mon property, the heritage of the Slova:k people - its language, morals, customs and its homeland - w'hich unites the nation as a whole and commands it to go forward toward its goal unitedly. It is in this union that we must seek the rights of individuals, the assurance of freedom, prosperity and spiritual values. Words, written or spoken, help, but without deeds they mean nothing. Work and more persevering work is necessary. The nation must feel that some one is backing it up, · really concerned about its welfare. Sentiment and justice must protect everyone equally. Thus we can elevate the peopie and help it; and only thus can we attain complete national unity. People must be dealt with humanely; this applies to, individuals and entire grouips, as well. �14 SLOVAKIA The Sturites dealt humanly with their nation; they elevated and united it into one moral unit, so that it would not fail in its resolves, but that its nationa.'l feelings, its nobility and aJl its desires would get proper exipression. Material and spiritual servitude hurt equally - both tend to :kill - and, therefore, the united nation must oppose both resolutely (9). The followers of Stur knew why they had to appeal to the mind, the feelin,g s and the character of their nation; aJso w'hy they had to hit those who oppressed it. The Slovaks were threatened with complete annihilation. There was danger that the one and the other side might resort to extremes. The Stu.rites had to 'harden the Slovaks to face realities; they 'lrn.ew that every battle was won by those who were stronger, bctteT .p repared and ha.rdened(lO). Stur and his fo1lowers knew they co.uid gam practica,lly nothing without first uniting their nation. They took their work seriously and were guided by the principle that renegades are punished even by God, because they sin grievously against the rights of their peop:Je (11). Their task was not to con:. vert renegades, but to teach their people to help themselves, to recognize and fight for their God-'given rights. Stur realized the importance of newspa,pers, hence took it uipon himself to establish a 1Sl01Vak newspa,per. He applied for permission to publish a Slovalk newspaper, but his request was not allowed until three yea.TS later, after many trips and letters to Budaipest and Vienna. When the SL0~ VENS1KJE NARODNJID NOV[NI ( S'loivalk National News) and its supplement, the TA'IIB.ANSKY" OiROL (Eagle of the Tatras), finally were issued, the Slovaks received them with great joy and subscribed to them. The papers served their mission well for three years, when they were confiscated by the government, uniting the ,people, teaching and entertaining them, and encouraging them during the most · stirring times in their history. Stur's newspapers served all strata of Slovaks, the intelligentsia, the laiborer, the peasant, the minister of the Gospel, the merchant, and the tradesman. The MagyaTs soon realized what the .papers were doing for the Slova:k people and raised an alarum to have them outlawed. But there can be no, denying the fact 1 �SLOVAKIA 15 that they had fulfilled their mission well. The Slovaks did awaken nationally; without the newspapers Srur and his followers wol.cld not have achieved the success .they did in uniting the Slovaks in so short a time. Stur and his followers were realists. They ,c ame out of the ,peop1'e and worked with the ,p eople to uplift them. They knew their jois am.d sorrows, the difficulties that beset them; the misery and injustices suffered by them. Burt they knew, too, that complaining and ,w hining a;borut the sad lot of the Slovaik,s wouM not he1p to do away with injustice and poverty. So, they encouraged the ,p eople to help themselves by over.coming indolence and ignorance, and becoming ente11prising; to abandon ancient methods in the trades and agriculture and the schools and to iearn the new, more efficient ways of doing things in all fields of endeavor. Stur and his school are responsible for a wealth of literature about the school question, the :necessity of cultivating the native language, the significance of enlightenment, the theatre, reading societies and libraries, Slovaik agric'lrlture and indwstry, money, taxes, animal husbandry, and a host of other subjects. They organized temperance societies and ctdtural and social institutions; and taught in Sunday scho.ols. The movement of Sbur was ,probably the most interesting movement of all time ~n Slovakia. Stur and hIB followers were not idle dreamers, but practical idealists who really had the welfare and security of their Slovak people at heart.. They shall always be remembered by a grateful S'lovwk nation. 1. Compare 'Mi1an Pisut: "Pociatky basnickej i!ikoly Sturov ej" (The !Beginnings of Stur's Poetical Sc'hool), Bratislava, 1938, pp. 116, 251. 2. "Slovenskje Narodiije Novini," Vol . 2, No. 61, p. 244. 3. P . Z. Hosti!llSkY in I/he SiNN, Vol. 4, No. 278, p. 1109. 4. SNN, Vol. 2, No. 84, p. 333, etc. 6. Jan Fr,a ncis,ci: "VJ.a.stny zivotopis" (1My Own Biogr,aphy), Turc. Sv. Martin, 1909, p. 38. · 6. This is upheld also by Dr. Jos•e,ph Miloslav Hurban in his biography of Stur: "Slov,enske Pohfady" (Slov,a;k Views), 1833, p. 74, etc. 7. Daniel Ra1>ant •CaJIIle to t'he same conclusion in his "Dejiny slovenskeho povstainia r. 1848-49" (:Book 1, p.,170), wher-e he states: "Stur',s newspapers were read .in the towns and villages, even in the court• yrurds of the more sensitive -and nationally more preserved. lower �16 8. 9. 10. 11. SLOVAKIA n obility. T·h e voice of tJhis na tion al organ und er S tur was a r eal pow,e r that 'h,a d t o be r eckoned wit'h." C ompare M. P isut, above, p . 181. L . St u r in the articl'e "Na se polozeiij e vo v1asti" (Our Situation in the Homeland), ,Slov. Nar. No'V'mi, Vol. 2, Nos. 117-120, pp. 467-68 ; 471-72; 47 5-7 6; 4W-80. Stur in t h e met, Marnh 10, 1848 : " I oo ,not like to ref ea- to historical r ights, beeause I b>elieve that h e who shows ·s trength also assumes th e right ... ", .SN N, Vol. 3, No . 270, p. 1078. M. P isu t, a bove, p. 188. • • • WHO SAID IT? "Communism not only commits outrageous injustice against wll civil ,s ociety ... , but it also ruin,s all personal initiative, self-determination, endeavor, and enthusiasm; it abso[utely precludes generous, active fraternal charity.... It divides the family, it destroys the household and thus it opens wide the door to every t:w>e of immorality, dissolution, and indulgence. It shatter,s all the bonds of socia.'l living. In place of holy ties, it offers pmfiteering, rioting, and their l:iJke and thus it degrades man to animal ~evel. "Communi1sm, then, has matured to, the same degree as athe:i!sm and defection from Christianity ... In all types of communtsm, whatever their classification may be, the outlook is only toward a dismal life denied any ennob~ing joys. It brings in its wa!ke despotism of the grossest kind. "Let commll!Il1SiII1 1bu:sy itself, making every endeavrnr and every righteous representatiolll it will, protesting that it aims to secure the rights, orf the people, the fact remains that it know:s :nothing wbout humanity. It degrades it deplor1tbly. And !because it cleaves to its tenets wh!Lch are impractical and ll!Ilreaii•za;ble, it ranks among the wildest of offohooits ever conceived by the human brain." - (Louis Stur: SLOVAlNiSTVO A SVET BU!DUC'NIOS'N (:SlaJVdom and the World of the Future) . • • • You can help the righteous cause ·of the Slovak people - their fight against Communism and for their freedom and independence - by sending a contribution t.o the Slovak League of America: Mr. ·Milan V. Blazek, treasurer, 4922 S. Leclaire A venue, Chicago 38, Ill. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1956, Vol. 6 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 18), March 1956.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 19), June 1956.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 20-21), September-December 1956.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1956 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 11 SLOVAKIA land of the free and the home of the brave. Ame,r icans of Slova)k descent should give this serious thought dwring Stu.r's centennial. The nation which produced Joseph Milan Hurban, Paul Joseph Safariik, John iKollar, John Holly, John Chalupka, Johnny Kral', Andrew Sladlwvic, Jonah Zaborsky, John Palarik, John Ka.lincia!k, Peter Bohu,ii, Joseph Bo:zetech Klemens, and Diony,z Sbur - is not a small nation. The shining light among the Slovaks of the nineteenth century, the formulator of their .p rogram, and the ·interpreter of their desires was Louis Stur - the father of modern Slovak nationalism . • • • STUR'S GROUP IN THE SERVICE OF THE PEOPLE Joseph Pauco Sturr's school exerted every effort to serve the people from which it descended in order to elevate it intellectually and to save it from physical ·a nd spiritual decline. Whatever was attempted in the cultural, economic, and social fields, all closely allied with the efforts in the political field, was dome with these aims in mind. From the beginning of thei.ir public activity, the Stu.rites were aware of the fact that they could elevate the people entrusted to and dependent on them only if they themse,1ves could obta·i n the- authority which wouid give them a mora;l right to reach and lead the Slovak people. Fo,r this they prepared thorough'ly. Their moral iprinciples are connected with perseverance, courage and nobility. The Institute of the Slovak Language and Literature dn Bratislava ailready ha:d thus fomned the yound and fiery souls: without morality, the first prerequisite, no one could get into the Irnstitute. Therefrom emanated the rest of the obligations of the members, such as love for Slovak, perseverance in preparing and presenting lectures, or in performing tas!ks outside the ·I nstitute. Whosoever is moral wdill not ibecome lost; therein was the assurance and safeguard. From this morally strengthened y,outh glowed a fire which overextended the frame,w ork of purely internal work. Gradua'lly the followers of Stur came into contact with the 12 SLOVAKIA Slovak pUiblic. The •~Plody" (Fruits), "Jitfonka" (Morning Star), HU!I"ban's "Nitra," Pa1kovic's "Tatranka" (Tatra News), Kuzmany's "Hro:nka" (Hron News), and Fej.erpa~ ta!ky's "Novy i stary vlastenecky ka.!lendar" (The New and the Old Patriotic Almanac)- all these worthy periodicals resuilted from the enthusiasm of clean hearts and the noble characters of Stu,r 's group. These endeavors, as well as the contacts of the youth with the public during vacation, were the next to the last step for the Sturites in thek preparation to devote themselves with all their strength to the needs of the people. They had hardly left their school benches when the in~ terest of their people became one of their desires; all were willing to serve in the capacity they were best fitted for. When they left school the foUowers of Stur returned to their people, lived with them, toiled with them, and b,ore the burdens of the day with them. They kneiw the virtues and shortcomings of the Slovaks. They realized that socia'l and economic ill,s were caused by the ruling Magyars and decided to do sometliing about it. They knew that to save their peo,ple, they had to educate them politicalJy and correct the mistakes of the past (1). After God, the people were nearest and dearest to the Stu.rites. They did not fea:r the peorple, despite the fact that the S1ovaks were referred to in the most derogatory manner. The Magyars said that the Slovaks were stupid, but the Sturites knew that the Slo:va1ks were a simple but very able and capable people. Probably the greatest fatrlt of the Slovaks was that they were very obedient and addicted to certain failings. The latter, however, couJd be removed, and the Stu.rites set themselves to that very task (2). The greater the press,u re of the owosition, the more profound the reaction of the Sturites. Pressure evoked re~ sistance; as one voice there resounded in Slovakia: "Everything for our 1Slovak people" (3). They helped their humiliated and neglected people by a!ll means at their disposal, because they knew that above all else it was necessary to lead the people to the point where it could lriberate itself from the misrakes and symptoms of slavery, and then complete freedom would follow. SLOVAKIA 13 That meant that the Stu.rites were for the peo,ple with their whole being; they listened patiently to a,11 complaints and proitesrt:s, and sympathized with their misery; and, orf course, were detel'Inined to fight against all injustices ( 4). One of them summarized the wo:rik of the followers of Stur thus'l y: "Stu.r's school became 0111e of the most effective factors in the life of the Sloivruk nratiion" (5). The foliowers of Stur concerned themselves with the welfare of the entire nation. They fought to improve their economy, but they ailso fought with equa1 vigor against alcoholism, indifference, and illiteracy. They lrubored to uplift the spirit and to rouse nation consciousness not only by speaking and writing, but biY their practical work among all classes of their people, visiting even the lowliest to transform their minds and to use their strength so that they might save themselves from ruin (6). And the ,Slova:k people responded wholeheartedly when Stur began to pUJb1ish his "SloiVensikje Narodnje Novini" and the "Orol Tatransky" -which became a ,power that had to :b e rec!koned with, because they found favor with the common peo,ple, the intelligentsia and the gentry (7). Without unity there could be no strength, but there could be no unity without education and mutual understanding. The Stu.rites preached respect for individuals, but in all consideraticms the nation as a whole came first, and the nation's welfare called for sacrifices (8). They pointed to the com-· mon property, the heritage of the Slova:k people - its language, morals, customs and its homeland - w'hich unites the nation as a whole and commands it to go forward toward its goal unitedly. It is in this union that we must seek the rights of individuals, the assurance of freedom, prosperity and spiritual values. Words, written or spoken, help, but without deeds they mean nothing. Work and more persevering work is necessary. The nation must feel that some one is backing it up, · really concerned about its welfare. Sentiment and justice must protect everyone equally. Thus we can elevate the peopie and help it; and only thus can we attain complete national unity. People must be dealt with humanely; this applies to, individuals and entire grouips, as well. 14 SLOVAKIA The Sturites dealt humanly with their nation; they elevated and united it into one moral unit, so that it would not fail in its resolves, but that its nationa.'l feelings, its nobility and aJl its desires would get proper exipression. Material and spiritual servitude hurt equally - both tend to :kill - and, therefore, the united nation must oppose both resolutely (9). The followers of Stur knew why they had to appeal to the mind, the feelin,g s and the character of their nation; aJso w'hy they had to hit those who oppressed it. The Slovaks were threatened with complete annihilation. There was danger that the one and the other side might resort to extremes. The Stu.rites had to 'harden the Slovaks to face realities; they 'lrn.ew that every battle was won by those who were stronger, bctteT .p repared and ha.rdened(lO). Stur and his fo1lowers knew they co.uid gam practica,lly nothing without first uniting their nation. They took their work seriously and were guided by the principle that renegades are punished even by God, because they sin grievously against the rights of their peop:Je (11). Their task was not to con:. vert renegades, but to teach their people to help themselves, to recognize and fight for their God-'given rights. Stur realized the importance of newspa,pers, hence took it uipon himself to establish a 1Sl01Vak newspa,per. He applied for permission to publish a Slovalk newspaper, but his request was not allowed until three yea.TS later, after many trips and letters to Budaipest and Vienna. When the SL0~ VENS1KJE NARODNJID NOV[NI ( S'loivalk National News) and its supplement, the TA'IIB.ANSKY" OiROL (Eagle of the Tatras), finally were issued, the Slovaks received them with great joy and subscribed to them. The papers served their mission well for three years, when they were confiscated by the government, uniting the ,people, teaching and entertaining them, and encouraging them during the most · stirring times in their history. Stur's newspapers served all strata of Slovaks, the intelligentsia, the laiborer, the peasant, the minister of the Gospel, the merchant, and the tradesman. The MagyaTs soon realized what the .papers were doing for the Slova:k people and raised an alarum to have them outlawed. But there can be no, denying the fact 1 SLOVAKIA 15 that they had fulfilled their mission well. The Slovaks did awaken nationally; without the newspapers Srur and his followers wol.cld not have achieved the success .they did in uniting the Slovaks in so short a time. Stur and his followers were realists. They ,c ame out of the ,peop1'e and worked with the ,p eople to uplift them. They knew their jois am.d sorrows, the difficulties that beset them; the misery and injustices suffered by them. Burt they knew, too, that complaining and ,w hining a;borut the sad lot of the Slovaik,s wouM not he1p to do away with injustice and poverty. So, they encouraged the ,p eople to help themselves by over.coming indolence and ignorance, and becoming ente11prising; to abandon ancient methods in the trades and agriculture and the schools and to iearn the new, more efficient ways of doing things in all fields of endeavor. Stur and his school are responsible for a wealth of literature about the school question, the :necessity of cultivating the native language, the significance of enlightenment, the theatre, reading societies and libraries, Slovaik agric'lrlture and indwstry, money, taxes, animal husbandry, and a host of other subjects. They organized temperance societies and ctdtural and social institutions; and taught in Sunday scho.ols. The movement of Sbur was ,probably the most interesting movement of all time ~n Slovakia. Stur and hIB followers were not idle dreamers, but practical idealists who really had the welfare and security of their Slovak people at heart.. They shall always be remembered by a grateful S'lovwk nation. 1. Compare 'Mi1an Pisut: "Pociatky basnickej i!ikoly Sturov ej" (The !Beginnings of Stur's Poetical Sc'hool), Bratislava, 1938, pp. 116, 251. 2. "Slovenskje Narodiije Novini," Vol . 2, No. 61, p. 244. 3. P . Z. Hosti!llSkY in I/he SiNN, Vol. 4, No. 278, p. 1109. 4. SNN, Vol. 2, No. 84, p. 333, etc. 6. Jan Fr,a ncis,ci: "VJ.a.stny zivotopis" (1My Own Biogr,aphy), Turc. Sv. Martin, 1909, p. 38. · 6. This is upheld also by Dr. Jos•e,ph Miloslav Hurban in his biography of Stur: "Slov,enske Pohfady" (Slov,a;k Views), 1833, p. 74, etc. 7. Daniel Ra1>ant •CaJIIle to t'he same conclusion in his "Dejiny slovenskeho povstainia r. 1848-49" (:Book 1, p.,170), wher-e he states: "Stur',s newspapers were read .in the towns and villages, even in the court• yrurds of the more sensitive -and nationally more preserved. lower 16 8. 9. 10. 11. SLOVAKIA n obility. T·h e voice of tJhis na tion al organ und er S tur was a r eal pow,e r that 'h,a d t o be r eckoned wit'h." C ompare M. P isut, above, p . 181. L . St u r in the articl'e "Na se polozeiij e vo v1asti" (Our Situation in the Homeland), ,Slov. Nar. No'V'mi, Vol. 2, Nos. 117-120, pp. 467-68 ; 471-72; 47 5-7 6; 4W-80. Stur in t h e met, Marnh 10, 1848 : " I oo ,not like to ref ea- to historical r ights, beeause I b>elieve that h e who shows ·s trength also assumes th e right ... ", .SN N, Vol. 3, No . 270, p. 1078. M. P isu t, a bove, p. 188. • • • WHO SAID IT? "Communism not only commits outrageous injustice against wll civil ,s ociety ... , but it also ruin,s all personal initiative, self-determination, endeavor, and enthusiasm; it abso[utely precludes generous, active fraternal charity.... It divides the family, it destroys the household and thus it opens wide the door to every t:w>e of immorality, dissolution, and indulgence. It shatter,s all the bonds of socia.'l living. In place of holy ties, it offers pmfiteering, rioting, and their l:iJke and thus it degrades man to animal ~evel. "Communi1sm, then, has matured to, the same degree as athe:i!sm and defection from Christianity ... In all types of communtsm, whatever their classification may be, the outlook is only toward a dismal life denied any ennob~ing joys. It brings in its wa!ke despotism of the grossest kind. "Let commll!Il1SiII1 1bu:sy itself, making every endeavrnr and every righteous representatiolll it will, protesting that it aims to secure the rights, orf the people, the fact remains that it know:s :nothing wbout humanity. It degrades it deplor1tbly. And !because it cleaves to its tenets wh!Lch are impractical and ll!Ilreaii•za;ble, it ranks among the wildest of offohooits ever conceived by the human brain." - (Louis Stur: SLOVAlNiSTVO A SVET BU!DUC'NIOS'N (:SlaJVdom and the World of the Future) . • • • You can help the righteous cause ·of the Slovak people - their fight against Communism and for their freedom and independence - by sending a contribution t.o the Slovak League of America: Mr. ·Milan V. Blazek, treasurer, 4922 S. Leclaire A venue, Chicago 38, Ill.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Štúr's Group in the Service of the People Description An account of the resource Joseph Paučo Slovakia, Vol. 6, No. 1 (18), March 1956 pp. 11-16 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paučo, Jozef, 1914-1975 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 1956 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/82be9684b63163d7ebd33f880bcd018b.pdf 7c970814af7f74bde39e8c666f1cb284 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 37 DR. JOSEPH TISO: CHRISTIAN DEMOCRAT Dr. Joseph Pauco The President of the Slovak Republic (1939-1945), who was executed by a pro-Communist regime on April 18, 1947, ranks among the outstanding figures of the centralEuropean Christian Democratic movement. He was Dr. Joseph Tiso, ideologist of the Slovak Populist Party, which fought for the independence of Slovakia and since 1925 represented the majority of Slovak voting power. The philosophy motivating the Slovak Populist Party was For God and Nation, and it was in the spirit of this principle that Dr. Tiso embodied all his Christian Democratic politics. "Let no one pause to wonder," he wrote, "that we work with God for the nation. God does not need the nation. God will be God even without a nation whether we admit the fact or not, but without God there can be no nation .... There is no sinful failing against God in allying the concepts 'For God, For Nation.' It means the binding of human values to values that are eternal, that are divine."(!) Dr. Tiso affirmed that this clarion call "For God, for Nation" should intensify Christian idealism. His own words are: "Putting it in a practical way, this simply means that one (who cultivates Christian idealism) will not frustrate the influence of Christianity upon the life of a nation in its schools, its literature, its parliament; he will, on the contrary, use every opportunity to help Christianity enter more and more significantly into classrooms and lecture halls, into family life and into public life, for it is Christianity alone that can preserve the roots of idealism without which no nation can survive.''(2) Idealism and Christian morality are the sine qua non of the life of nations and society. "I rely on a weak analogy," declared Dr. Tiso, "when I say that if nature cannot survive without the beneficence of heat and sun, neither can human life endure without faith, without moral philosophy. The histories of nations and our personal experiences furnish evidence to substantiate the fact that whatever the light of faith and Christian morals was extinguished, there followed not only a decline in culture, truth and art, but also �38 SLOVAKIA a decay that affected the nation's economic system as well. A social order grounded in gross materialism, devoid of Christian idealism, cannot long endure, and a nation bred in materialism, grasping for matter alone, becomes like a withered shrub that stands in the midst of luxuriant verdure, a thing alien and repulsive to other nations."(3) Christianity imposes the obligation of love for one's nation. "Love for the nation is a religious precept, and anyone who does not foster a love for his nation violates the fourth commandment. He is branded not only as an earthly traitor, but also as a transgressor who profanes the law of God."(4) Chauvinism, on the other hand, he denounced as can be seen from these extracts: "A regulated love of self is the foundation of Christian charity. From this basic tenet there also evolves the proper concept of Christian nationalism. First comes love of one's own nation, then an extension of charity to others. Non-Christian nationalism is of an entirely different stock, loving self and hybridizing into chauvinism. " (5) "Nationalism, a kind of centering on self diffused on a national scale, is not only the indispensable drive in service for the nation, it is also the natural measure of obligation on the part of one nation toward other nations, just as love of self becomes the stimulating force or the incentive for self-improvement and the gauge of human relations. But in order to prevent self-love as well as nationalism from degenerating into formidable media of destruction, there must be an obligation which is expressed in the universally known precept: Love thy neighbor as thyself."(6) According to the teaching of the Church, "nationalism loves its own but it must not hate what is other than its own; it builds its own but it may not destroy another's; it strengthens its own but it does not divide the whole."(7) One who is a believing Christian and a patriot works for the freedom of his nation because "the independence of a nation is a natural good which substantially affects not only the individual and his material and spiritual interests, but it concerns the entire national commonwealth. Since national freedom is then such a natural good that affects the �SLOVAKIA individual, the family and the entire national community, there can be nothing inappropriate in the gratitude which is shown to God in return for it.... "For a nation to exist and yet not be independent means sentencing it to its extinction. If a nation is to exist, and there is proof of this in the fact that it now does exist, then that nation, by the will of God, must be free .... "A nation must be granted its freedom, for without liberty it would in vain have the God-given gift of language; it would be unable to use it. In vain would it have a Godgiven territory; it would be unable to cultivate its land and make a living on it. Consequently if a nation is to live according to its intellectual endowments and character, it must be free in order to fulfill its destiny. The Divine Will, therefore, is for a nation to be independent and free."(8) The liberty of a nation is protected by the State. As Tiso sees it, "The State is an organized body established for the welfare of the citizens. It is founded on the natural law, therefore on the will of the Creator, Who so created man that he can live and develop his mental and moral faculties only in association with other men. The State is a means to an end and not the end of man. It is for the State to serve the welfare of man, not for man to serve the State. This is the original design of the Creator from which, however, the developmental periphery of human society has steadily departed more and more. "The State is founded on the individuality of its citizens whose interests it promotes rather than absorbs. The State does not assume the obligations of individuals but it discharges those functions that are essential for the life of all, tasks for which the capacities of the individual alone are not commensurate. Always and everywhere it must be the individual first and as far as his abilities can reach and only beyond that point may the State enter as a collective unit of strength. It is for the State to serve society, not society the State. The organization of the State is determined by the moral disposition, the physical capacity and the material potential of the nation. What holds in regard to the relationship of the individual to the State, likewise holds in regard to the family and the nation as a biological unit and �40 SLOVAKIA of the Church as a supernatur al institution. The State does not assume and absorb their rights and their functioning ; contrarywis e, it reinforces and as a collective organism it merely supplement s whatever the family or the nation alone cannot provide or whatever would hinder the Church from attaining her mission. The State therefore should be the organ of the nation and not a medium of the arrogance, aggressiven ess and violence of its representat ives in authority. By its collective instrument ality it should promote individual enterprise and not thwart the developmen t of the vigor of the nation by imposing excessive financial burdens. It is an institution of temporal welfare which does not interfere with supernatur al aspirations but respects them because of their delicate bearing on the temporal wellbeing of society."(9) The State should respect the natural law and should not interfere in Church matters: "God is a power greater than man; the Church is more than the State. The State may not meddle in ecclesiastic al affairs."(10 ) The State must submit to Christian ideals. "We subordinate the powers of the State to the laws of morality and justice. In keeping with this principle, the State must respect the rights of individuals, of families, of society and of local self-govern ing entities. It regards as sacred the right of parents to educate their children and the privilege of free religious profession. It guarantees the right of private ownership and insures the peaceful co-existenc e of empolyer and employee."(11) It was only natural for Dr. Tiso as the ideologist of the Slovak Populist Party to conceive of the democratic structure of the State. "Just as it is an axiom for political activity to be concerned above all about the public good and about the common welfare," writes Dr. Tiso, "so it is likewise true that political activity of such a nature is carried on more successfull y on a democratic basis than on any other kind of foundation. The very root of the word, demos - people, signifies the universalit y of all the members of a nation, incidentally of a State, who are to be not merely passive but truly active in this common functioning . A democratic system brings up people for universality , for it �SLOVAKIA 41 draws the widest possible public to share in the governing of the State, and thereby more and more come to be identified with the State. Consequently there is not only an awakening of responsibility in wide circles, but there is also established a definite degree of confidence in the directives that are promulgated, for in them the citizens see an expression of their will and of their effort to attain a better future. It is true that democracy presupposes a people educated for public service lest it degenerate into a mass easily swayed in the hands of oligarchs or political parties. Hence democracy can thrive only under Utopian or eminently ideal conditions. A foundation based on materialism will educe class struggle incited by selfishness and before long it will evolve into a dictatorship. In a democracy, however, this counterbalanc e of an ideally educated people insures a rich burgeoning of life and secures the firm consolidation of the State. "(12) In defining the duties of a democratic government, Dr. Tiso stated: "A democracy is a regime according to the will of the people. It is a regime which makes it possible for the will of the people to be manifest in all that affects public life. Democracy in this sense implies that the citizens do not merely express their will or their preferences in regard to organization and government at election time or in various types of balloting, but in the interests of the people and in the spirit of true democracy as such, the educated stratum, the intellectuals, fully explain to the people the program proposed and the objectives of the political party and thus instruct the citizens."(13) "Democracy means putting into effective use every creative force in the State as well as appraising its every component unit according to its moral worth even in the event that the ruling power does not demand this."(14) Dr. Tiso dedicated himself to service in a Christian democracy: "We uphold the principle of democracy because democracy is consonant with Christian teaching and we will not permit it to become corrupted with Marixist and socialistic appendages."(15) "We Slovaks are from our very souls adherents to this Christian democracy and we condemn every form of dictatorship regardless of the label under �42 SLOVAKIA . which it may try to hide its true nature or identity. We pledge ourselves to stand for democracy but for democracy of the proper stamp." Not a mystified or mystifying democracy. "In the maelstrom of views and opinions on democracy, it seems that there is developing a conscious tendency. Out of an indefinite conception of democracy there is being shaped a mystique of democracy which would affect people and command their reluctant respect; none may dare to voice any question or to protest once the statement is made that democracy requires this or that; none may presume to question an arrangement, for if it is a democratic arrangement, it is the best possible arrangement. And thus there is fabricated the mystique of democracy."(16) In a Christian democracy whatever holds in general extends also into individual departments, branches of public service and activity. Nor is it otherwise in the Christian democracy of Tiso. It may be helpful to examine in this connection a matter as weighty as the social problem. For the Slovak nation which had been so long the victim of foreign exploitation, this question bearing on the disposition of social affairs has been, and even after the overthrow of Communism it will still remain, a vital issue. Prime importance attaches especially to the relation between worker and employer; to the valuation attached not merely to property worth but also to labor; to the extent to which the government will identify itself with private initiative, and similar matters. The Church has long since made a clear pronouncement on this subject. Both the Rerum Novarum and the Quadragesimo Anno are well known encyclicals containing for modern Christian democracy the entire teaching of the Church on socio-economic affairs. Slovak Populists have likewise built on these social encyclicals of the Popes. Hence it was but natural that Dr. Tiso made application from these documents of the Church in the light of Christian philosophy rather than from any other sources when he set about his task of settling the long neglected problem of economics and social justice in Slovakia. He opposed class struggle and class hatred. "Instead of class warfare, we must. cultivate mutual and national �SLOVAKIA 43 Christian charity; by humility, simplicity and industry we must supplant rapaciousness, materialism and voluptousness. "(17) "To every man his due and injustice to none! That is our watchword - no hollow-sounding catchword but an honored principle. If we do not wish to violate tradition, we must tolerate no privileged classes, no privileges of any kind whatever, no indulgence of prerogatives, whatever their origin may have been."(18) Dr. Tiso interprets Christian social politics as "founded on realistic assumption: it takes into account the nature of man composed of body and soul and conscious of this dual basis it classifies among the most potent agencies of the social order not mere material forces but rather spiritual and moral incentives, giving these precedence, in fact. Hence, it is not concerned solely about a crust of bread; it cares also for every man's spirit, for sheer materialism can never satisfy man completely."(19) Christian socialism has always defended man's right to own private property. Dr. Tiso realized that sometimes capitalism can go to extremes, since capitalists are in the money and on occasion "they use wealth only for self aggrandizement and not for the general good."(20) On the other hand, although Dr. Tiso appreciated the deficiencies of capitalism, he consistently defended the principle of private ownership because he knew that the abrogation of ownership "would endanger both economic and cultural progress to a greater extent than does the capitalistic system, hedged about as it is by social policies.' (21) "In regard to the great question of individual ownership, considering it, for example, from the one extreme of liberalism to the opposite extreme of socialist communism," Dr. Tiso emphasized, "we juxtapose our principle which asserts the sacredness of private ownership and the uninviolable right of the individual."(22) On the other hand, however, "let him who has capital make just returns; let him distribute it with labor, and satisfy labor with decent civic gain." (23) A Christian view of capital and the income derived from it differs from that of other systems. "Former systems of liberalism and capitalism," Tiso wrote, "were al- �44 SLOVAKIA ways ready to calculate the profit trhat would accrue from an enterprise or a plant. Superficially it appears that income is the natural end of enterprise, but Catholic morality has long since taught that all the estates and properties of this world exist for man, for life. This truth is supported by the natural law also. Life is of higher value than gain. The theory that gain is of utmost value and importance must be invalidated. What is the world and everything in it for? For life, not for gain. Gain is subordinated to life and it may become an end only to the extent that it promotes life." (24) And where is capital to be sought? "Out of the strong spiritual resources of our national character," declared Dr. Tiso, "not by any exploitation of those who are socially weaker than we ourselves. It is not an international capital, not impersonalized, not embodied in the worship of gold, but the capital of individuals happily at work in the interests of their nation and their State; a capital which is evidenced in morally strong individuals, in numerous families socially secure, in a contented society united in social justice, in the harmonious commerce of all the citizens who work under the aegis of an organized State."(25) Capital and income are not produced except as the fruit of the laborer's toil. "We look upon work in an enlightened manner," Dr. Tiso asserted. "In it we see not only the creative force of economic values but the animate expression of human personality which has moral and social obligations; which a workingman therefore performs as his required contribution for the communal good and for which a wage is paid not only as the countervalue of energy expended or economic income achieved, but rather as a medium which in turn enables the laborer to satisfy all his obligations."(26) "In the light of Christian teaching, work is not a burden; it is not a means for effecting gain; it is rather the life expression of a man who is the inevitable agent under all circumstances. Christianity proceeds from man and says 'God endowed you with physical, spiritual, and intellectual powers and faculties so that you might use them to advantage.' This is a noble and holy thought. Work is a requisite �SLOVAKIA 45 for man even when he is already provided with sufficient resources for his livelihood."(27) He who works is entitled to a just wage. Humanity, in Dr. Tiso's words, "drew out of our venerable Christian socio-national spirit many a fresh impetus for fulfilling the words of Scripture 'The laborer is worthy of his hire'; to abide by the dictum of the same Scripture, 'He who does not work, let him not eat'; to demolish the idol of the golden calf in imitation of the example of Scripture; to measure with the same measure of justice to all, as the Scripture commands for we are all the children of one Father Who is in heaven."(28) Everyone has a claim to work. And "we shall distribute pay only for work." Dr. Tiso stresses this point, adding however, "We shall tolerate no unreasonable fomenting against capital. A workingman must not regard the capitalist as his enemy; on the other hand, a capitalist must realize that the capital, over which he is in reality only an administrator, essentially belongs to the nation in order to provide work and sustenance for all."(29) In short, the Christian-democratic system really "unites all - employers arnd workers - on the groundwork of a common interest: the material and moral well-being of the Slovak nation." (30) In all undertakings there must be effected an attitude in which "each one, regardless of what type of work he does, will come to regard the work as his own and will perform it with that devotion which he would lavish on his own."(31) It is the Christian democracy more than any other political system that cares for "the fundamental cell of the State and of society in general: the family," for the family "is the source from which all life is derived; it is the first school which educates one to think; it is the first temple which teaches one to pray; it is the first workshop which trains one to work; and it is also the first social bond which instructs one to live in the company of others in the spirit of love and equity. For this reason we must resist anything that may tend to ruin or impair the family and we must support everything that shall contribute to its unity and solidarity.... �46 SLOVAKIA "Therefore one prime concern shall be to foster the establishment of the family and to insure the material prerequisites for its existence. For the benefit of every type of employee, then, but especially for the laborer, measures must be taken to legislate a so-called family wage or familial pay to enable a young man to contract marriage and by a suitable scale of subsidies for wife and children (a scale graduated acording to their number) be assured a decent livelihood and proper education. Obviously this measure is also intended to provide a solution to the problem of married women now under employment. The ideal is to return married women to the family circle, for they are called to manage and maintain the government of the household and their proper place is the home."(32) Mankind as a Christian-democratic entity requires for its social security not only a family wage but also a settlement of housing policies. On this score Dr. Tiso observed, "Family life must be encouraged also by providing healthful and reasonably priced living quarters ... . A reasonable and hygienic housing unit is just as essential to family life as a decent income earned by the breadwinner."(33) "A family will be placed on the foundations where it properly belongs only when it has respectable quarters. When I say 'respectable quarters,' I mean that the home must qualify for the occupation of a family. . . . A guiding principle must be: to have a home in keeping with one's social standing."(34) "We must devote considerable attention to educate our people in regard to housing culture. The general cultural level of a nation is often judged by its housing culture and this also enters into the reasons why we are concerned about the living conditions of our Slovak residents in small towns and in the suburbs. Without improving housing conditions, one can hardly raise the level of the population or improve the position of the family."(35) In a Christian State, the family must be an exemplary unit in every respect. That is the reason why so much attention is devoted to preparation for family living. This was Dr. Tiso's attitude on the subject: "We shall provide for the family by supporting the �SLOVAKIA 47 education of youth designedly for family living, by providing moral safeguards for children and by arranging sociomedical conferences for those contemplating marriage as well as for those who are married, especially mothers."(36) Also: "We regard solicitude for the Slovak child as the most .s ublime aspect of social care."(37) The Christian-democratic State watchfully takes note -0f all social problems. It resolves difficulties and extends help to every level of its inhabitants that may require the support of State authority. In this manner it seems even to encroach upon private ownership. But this is really no encroachment in the usually accepted sense of the word; it is rather a kind of mediation and vigilance. Dr. Tiso advocates, fo rexample, that the government "should provide for the unemployed by creating jobs for them" or even by "introducing a working obligation." "The government considers it a duty to feel responsible for the employed as well as for the unemployed. Protection for the workers will be perfected by more thorough supervision in regard to the wage claims of employees as well as in the matter of safety and security measures to safeguard the health and the lives of the workers, but, above all, in provisions to protect the existence of the employees .... "(38) If projects are not managed in accordance with the natural law, the government calls for mediation or collective bargaining. "True, it is not easy to translate the natural law into action. Herein devolves a difficult assignment for the State. The State must put the natural law into concrete expression, an application appropriate to prevailing circumstances. Allow me to illustrate this point by an example: A family wage is obligatory under the natural law. Realizing this and anxious to secure the greatest possible success in his business, a manufacturer plans to hire single men only. This amounts to cudgelling life. The State must find a remedy for such a situation, some means by which to help large families and likewise to secure the prosperity of enterprising business. In some states all the workers are allotted the same pay but a definite portion of their earnings is withheld. Out of this reserve, compensation is then distributed to workers with large families. In other states, a �48 SLOVAKIA financing administration supplements the work of the laborers to effect a family wage. It covers its own replacement for this outlay out of taxes that accrue from the entire ., national collective."(39) In a word, the role of a Christian democracy - according to Dr. Tiso - is to build "a State of Christian order in which laws are carried out in spirit of responsibility to the supreme authority of God; in which Christian thoughts of justice and charity are the basic pillars of social and moral order; in which the training of children is carried out in keeping with the eternal principles of Christ, the supreme Pedagogue; in which the fundamental cell of social life, the family, is protected by the defense of unity and indissolubility; in which there reigns not the terror of brute force and physical violence, but the spirit of true moral liberty. "(40) Dr. Tiso ardently promoted a Christian democracy which was supported by both of the Christian components of the Slovak nation, for he was convinced that "along with Catholic universality and Catholic idealism, Lutheran individualism and realism can be used beneficially in politics. When all these attributes are combined then not even the gates of hell can prevail against our common front. Catholic populists and Lutheran Nationalists, we must cooperate and neither covet nor seize. Let us not forget that we are allying ourselves in the cause of national politics and that there is here no possibility of joining with Catholics of other nationalities."(41) What motives prompted this alliance and this insistence that the independent Slovak Republic be organized on Christian-democratic principles? This alone that a Christian world-view and Christian democracy contain lasting values. Dr. Tiso declared: "We do not design our ideological activity for a week or for a month, but we come and we look always - and this is our peculiar characteristic - in a manner which is intended for the ages - eternally. Eternally, as the Slovak nation is to last, and from this eternal existence of the Slovak nation we derive practical applications for our temporal problems and tasks .... Whoever prides himself on being a �SLOVAKIA 49 loyal son of the nation must also consider what he contributes to the nation: whether it is an infection which induces fever, or germs which destroy and can bring the nation to its grave, or labor which abides in the nation eternally like a cell of healthy social and cultural development."( 42) Because of this peculiar feature of Christian democracy, we must return to it repeatedly and draw upon it always. Naturally, the Communists regarded a political leader of this caliber as their key enemy and, consequently, Msgr. Joseph Tiso was the first Catholic prelate from behind the Iron Curtain singled out to make the supreme sacrifice in the struggle with Communism. However, "as a martyr to his love for the nation, Dr. Tiso will continue to live in the nation."(43) Dr. Tiso is a martyr for the cause of freedom and fittingly he ranks with Washington and many other great men of history."(44) ( 1) Daily "Slovak" 1939, No. 189, Bratislava, Slovakia. ( 2) "Slovak" 1924, 92. ( 3) "Tatransky Orol", Vol. VI, No. 4. ( 4) "Slovak" 1939, 197. ( 5) "Slovak" 1934, 113. ( 6) Ideol6gia Slovenskej :Uudovej Strany, pg. 25. ( 7) "Kult ura" 1933, No. 9, Trnava, Slovakia. ( 8) " Slovak" 1940, 227. ( 9) "Slovak" 1938, 293. (10) "Slovak" 1934, 221. (11) "Slovak" 1939, 44. (12) Ideol6gia, pg. 123-124. (13) "Slovak" 1935, 150. (14) "Slovenska Pravda" 1937, No. 74, Bratislava. (15) "Slovak" 1938, 243. (16) "Slovak" 1936, 178. (17) "Slovak" 1924, 92. (18) "Slovak" 1938, 249. (19) Ideol6gia, pg. 118-119. (20) "Slovak" 1938, 283. (21) Ideol6gia, p. 118. (22) "Slovak" 1925, 278. (23) "Slovak" 1938, 283. (24) "Slovak" 1941, 13. (25) Prve Posolstvo. (26) Posolstvo. �SLOVAKIA 50 (27) (28) (29) (30) (31) (32) (33) (34) (35) (36) (37) (38) (39) (40) (41) (42) (43) (44) "Slovak" 1941, 105. "Slovak" 1940, 186. "Slovak" 1938, 243. "Slovak" 1938, 283. "Slovak" 1940, 186. "Slovak" 1939, 44. "Slovak" 1939, 44. "Slovak" 1941, 37. "Slovak" 1939, 44. Ibidem. Ibidem. Ibidem. "Slovak" 1941, 37. "Kultura" 1933, 9. "Slovak" 1932, 237. "Slovak" 1941, 17. Vatican Radio April 28, 1947. Congressman Alvin O'Konski May 31, 1948, at Bedford, 0 . • • Castles of Slovakia: ILA VA The name Ila va may be more familar to the outside world, because it has been mentioned more frequently than names of other castles and citadels of Slovakia. Political prisoners, "enemies of the state," are confined within its walls today by the communist regime of Prague. Just when the Ilava Castle was built is not definitely known; but we do know that it already existed at the end of the twelfth century. The first known written account of Ilava from that time states that "Castrum Ilava" was the property of the Knights Templars, who also occupied other castles in the Vah Valley. Ilava (Trencin County) was held by the Templars until the Order was abolished in 1312. The castle is situated on the left bank of the Vah near the railroad station. Its origin may go back to the times of the Great Moravian Empire. After the dissolution of the Knights Templars, Ilava Castle passed into the hands of the "mighty Lord of the Vah and the Tatras," Matthew Cak (Tchak) of Trencin, who made of it a mighty fortress. It remained in his possession to his death, when all of Ca.k's holdings were seized by the � SLOVAKIA 37 DR. JOSEPH TISO: CHRISTIAN DEMOCRAT Dr. Joseph Pauco The President of the Slovak Republic (1939-1945), who was executed by a pro-Communist regime on April 18, 1947, ranks among the outstanding figures of the centralEuropean Christian Democratic movement. He was Dr. Joseph Tiso, ideologist of the Slovak Populist Party, which fought for the independence of Slovakia and since 1925 represented the majority of Slovak voting power. The philosophy motivating the Slovak Populist Party was For God and Nation, and it was in the spirit of this principle that Dr. Tiso embodied all his Christian Democratic politics. "Let no one pause to wonder," he wrote, "that we work with God for the nation. God does not need the nation. God will be God even without a nation whether we admit the fact or not, but without God there can be no nation .... There is no sinful failing against God in allying the concepts 'For God, For Nation.' It means the binding of human values to values that are eternal, that are divine."(!) Dr. Tiso affirmed that this clarion call "For God, for Nation" should intensify Christian idealism. His own words are: "Putting it in a practical way, this simply means that one (who cultivates Christian idealism) will not frustrate the influence of Christianity upon the life of a nation in its schools, its literature, its parliament; he will, on the contrary, use every opportunity to help Christianity enter more and more significantly into classrooms and lecture halls, into family life and into public life, for it is Christianity alone that can preserve the roots of idealism without which no nation can survive.''(2) Idealism and Christian morality are the sine qua non of the life of nations and society. "I rely on a weak analogy," declared Dr. Tiso, "when I say that if nature cannot survive without the beneficence of heat and sun, neither can human life endure without faith, without moral philosophy. The histories of nations and our personal experiences furnish evidence to substantiate the fact that whatever the light of faith and Christian morals was extinguished, there followed not only a decline in culture, truth and art, but also �38 SLOVAKIA a decay that affected the nation's economic system as well. A social order grounded in gross materialism, devoid of Christian idealism, cannot long endure, and a nation bred in materialism, grasping for matter alone, becomes like a withered shrub that stands in the midst of luxuriant verdure, a thing alien and repulsive to other nations."(3) Christianity imposes the obligation of love for one's nation. "Love for the nation is a religious precept, and anyone who does not foster a love for his nation violates the fourth commandment. He is branded not only as an earthly traitor, but also as a transgressor who profanes the law of God."(4) Chauvinism, on the other hand, he denounced as can be seen from these extracts: "A regulated love of self is the foundation of Christian charity. From this basic tenet there also evolves the proper concept of Christian nationalism. First comes love of one's own nation, then an extension of charity to others. Non-Christian nationalism is of an entirely different stock, loving self and hybridizing into chauvinism. " (5) "Nationalism, a kind of centering on self diffused on a national scale, is not only the indispensable drive in service for the nation, it is also the natural measure of obligation on the part of one nation toward other nations, just as love of self becomes the stimulating force or the incentive for self-improvement and the gauge of human relations. But in order to prevent self-love as well as nationalism from degenerating into formidable media of destruction, there must be an obligation which is expressed in the universally known precept: Love thy neighbor as thyself."(6) According to the teaching of the Church, "nationalism loves its own but it must not hate what is other than its own; it builds its own but it may not destroy another's; it strengthens its own but it does not divide the whole."(7) One who is a believing Christian and a patriot works for the freedom of his nation because "the independence of a nation is a natural good which substantially affects not only the individual and his material and spiritual interests, but it concerns the entire national commonwealth. Since national freedom is then such a natural good that affects the �SLOVAKIA individual, the family and the entire national community, there can be nothing inappropriate in the gratitude which is shown to God in return for it.... "For a nation to exist and yet not be independent means sentencing it to its extinction. If a nation is to exist, and there is proof of this in the fact that it now does exist, then that nation, by the will of God, must be free .... "A nation must be granted its freedom, for without liberty it would in vain have the God-given gift of language; it would be unable to use it. In vain would it have a Godgiven territory; it would be unable to cultivate its land and make a living on it. Consequently if a nation is to live according to its intellectual endowments and character, it must be free in order to fulfill its destiny. The Divine Will, therefore, is for a nation to be independent and free."(8) The liberty of a nation is protected by the State. As Tiso sees it, "The State is an organized body established for the welfare of the citizens. It is founded on the natural law, therefore on the will of the Creator, Who so created man that he can live and develop his mental and moral faculties only in association with other men. The State is a means to an end and not the end of man. It is for the State to serve the welfare of man, not for man to serve the State. This is the original design of the Creator from which, however, the developmental periphery of human society has steadily departed more and more. "The State is founded on the individuality of its citizens whose interests it promotes rather than absorbs. The State does not assume the obligations of individuals but it discharges those functions that are essential for the life of all, tasks for which the capacities of the individual alone are not commensurate. Always and everywhere it must be the individual first and as far as his abilities can reach and only beyond that point may the State enter as a collective unit of strength. It is for the State to serve society, not society the State. The organization of the State is determined by the moral disposition, the physical capacity and the material potential of the nation. What holds in regard to the relationship of the individual to the State, likewise holds in regard to the family and the nation as a biological unit and �40 SLOVAKIA of the Church as a supernatur al institution. The State does not assume and absorb their rights and their functioning ; contrarywis e, it reinforces and as a collective organism it merely supplement s whatever the family or the nation alone cannot provide or whatever would hinder the Church from attaining her mission. The State therefore should be the organ of the nation and not a medium of the arrogance, aggressiven ess and violence of its representat ives in authority. By its collective instrument ality it should promote individual enterprise and not thwart the developmen t of the vigor of the nation by imposing excessive financial burdens. It is an institution of temporal welfare which does not interfere with supernatur al aspirations but respects them because of their delicate bearing on the temporal wellbeing of society."(9) The State should respect the natural law and should not interfere in Church matters: "God is a power greater than man; the Church is more than the State. The State may not meddle in ecclesiastic al affairs."(10 ) The State must submit to Christian ideals. "We subordinate the powers of the State to the laws of morality and justice. In keeping with this principle, the State must respect the rights of individuals, of families, of society and of local self-govern ing entities. It regards as sacred the right of parents to educate their children and the privilege of free religious profession. It guarantees the right of private ownership and insures the peaceful co-existenc e of empolyer and employee."(11) It was only natural for Dr. Tiso as the ideologist of the Slovak Populist Party to conceive of the democratic structure of the State. "Just as it is an axiom for political activity to be concerned above all about the public good and about the common welfare," writes Dr. Tiso, "so it is likewise true that political activity of such a nature is carried on more successfull y on a democratic basis than on any other kind of foundation. The very root of the word, demos - people, signifies the universalit y of all the members of a nation, incidentally of a State, who are to be not merely passive but truly active in this common functioning . A democratic system brings up people for universality , for it �SLOVAKIA 41 draws the widest possible public to share in the governing of the State, and thereby more and more come to be identified with the State. Consequently there is not only an awakening of responsibility in wide circles, but there is also established a definite degree of confidence in the directives that are promulgated, for in them the citizens see an expression of their will and of their effort to attain a better future. It is true that democracy presupposes a people educated for public service lest it degenerate into a mass easily swayed in the hands of oligarchs or political parties. Hence democracy can thrive only under Utopian or eminently ideal conditions. A foundation based on materialism will educe class struggle incited by selfishness and before long it will evolve into a dictatorship. In a democracy, however, this counterbalanc e of an ideally educated people insures a rich burgeoning of life and secures the firm consolidation of the State. "(12) In defining the duties of a democratic government, Dr. Tiso stated: "A democracy is a regime according to the will of the people. It is a regime which makes it possible for the will of the people to be manifest in all that affects public life. Democracy in this sense implies that the citizens do not merely express their will or their preferences in regard to organization and government at election time or in various types of balloting, but in the interests of the people and in the spirit of true democracy as such, the educated stratum, the intellectuals, fully explain to the people the program proposed and the objectives of the political party and thus instruct the citizens."(13) "Democracy means putting into effective use every creative force in the State as well as appraising its every component unit according to its moral worth even in the event that the ruling power does not demand this."(14) Dr. Tiso dedicated himself to service in a Christian democracy: "We uphold the principle of democracy because democracy is consonant with Christian teaching and we will not permit it to become corrupted with Marixist and socialistic appendages."(15) "We Slovaks are from our very souls adherents to this Christian democracy and we condemn every form of dictatorship regardless of the label under �42 SLOVAKIA . which it may try to hide its true nature or identity. We pledge ourselves to stand for democracy but for democracy of the proper stamp." Not a mystified or mystifying democracy. "In the maelstrom of views and opinions on democracy, it seems that there is developing a conscious tendency. Out of an indefinite conception of democracy there is being shaped a mystique of democracy which would affect people and command their reluctant respect; none may dare to voice any question or to protest once the statement is made that democracy requires this or that; none may presume to question an arrangement, for if it is a democratic arrangement, it is the best possible arrangement. And thus there is fabricated the mystique of democracy."(16) In a Christian democracy whatever holds in general extends also into individual departments, branches of public service and activity. Nor is it otherwise in the Christian democracy of Tiso. It may be helpful to examine in this connection a matter as weighty as the social problem. For the Slovak nation which had been so long the victim of foreign exploitation, this question bearing on the disposition of social affairs has been, and even after the overthrow of Communism it will still remain, a vital issue. Prime importance attaches especially to the relation between worker and employer; to the valuation attached not merely to property worth but also to labor; to the extent to which the government will identify itself with private initiative, and similar matters. The Church has long since made a clear pronouncement on this subject. Both the Rerum Novarum and the Quadragesimo Anno are well known encyclicals containing for modern Christian democracy the entire teaching of the Church on socio-economic affairs. Slovak Populists have likewise built on these social encyclicals of the Popes. Hence it was but natural that Dr. Tiso made application from these documents of the Church in the light of Christian philosophy rather than from any other sources when he set about his task of settling the long neglected problem of economics and social justice in Slovakia. He opposed class struggle and class hatred. "Instead of class warfare, we must. cultivate mutual and national �SLOVAKIA 43 Christian charity; by humility, simplicity and industry we must supplant rapaciousness, materialism and voluptousness. "(17) "To every man his due and injustice to none! That is our watchword - no hollow-sounding catchword but an honored principle. If we do not wish to violate tradition, we must tolerate no privileged classes, no privileges of any kind whatever, no indulgence of prerogatives, whatever their origin may have been."(18) Dr. Tiso interprets Christian social politics as "founded on realistic assumption: it takes into account the nature of man composed of body and soul and conscious of this dual basis it classifies among the most potent agencies of the social order not mere material forces but rather spiritual and moral incentives, giving these precedence, in fact. Hence, it is not concerned solely about a crust of bread; it cares also for every man's spirit, for sheer materialism can never satisfy man completely."(19) Christian socialism has always defended man's right to own private property. Dr. Tiso realized that sometimes capitalism can go to extremes, since capitalists are in the money and on occasion "they use wealth only for self aggrandizement and not for the general good."(20) On the other hand, although Dr. Tiso appreciated the deficiencies of capitalism, he consistently defended the principle of private ownership because he knew that the abrogation of ownership "would endanger both economic and cultural progress to a greater extent than does the capitalistic system, hedged about as it is by social policies.' (21) "In regard to the great question of individual ownership, considering it, for example, from the one extreme of liberalism to the opposite extreme of socialist communism," Dr. Tiso emphasized, "we juxtapose our principle which asserts the sacredness of private ownership and the uninviolable right of the individual."(22) On the other hand, however, "let him who has capital make just returns; let him distribute it with labor, and satisfy labor with decent civic gain." (23) A Christian view of capital and the income derived from it differs from that of other systems. "Former systems of liberalism and capitalism," Tiso wrote, "were al- �44 SLOVAKIA ways ready to calculate the profit trhat would accrue from an enterprise or a plant. Superficially it appears that income is the natural end of enterprise, but Catholic morality has long since taught that all the estates and properties of this world exist for man, for life. This truth is supported by the natural law also. Life is of higher value than gain. The theory that gain is of utmost value and importance must be invalidated. What is the world and everything in it for? For life, not for gain. Gain is subordinated to life and it may become an end only to the extent that it promotes life." (24) And where is capital to be sought? "Out of the strong spiritual resources of our national character," declared Dr. Tiso, "not by any exploitation of those who are socially weaker than we ourselves. It is not an international capital, not impersonalized, not embodied in the worship of gold, but the capital of individuals happily at work in the interests of their nation and their State; a capital which is evidenced in morally strong individuals, in numerous families socially secure, in a contented society united in social justice, in the harmonious commerce of all the citizens who work under the aegis of an organized State."(25) Capital and income are not produced except as the fruit of the laborer's toil. "We look upon work in an enlightened manner," Dr. Tiso asserted. "In it we see not only the creative force of economic values but the animate expression of human personality which has moral and social obligations; which a workingman therefore performs as his required contribution for the communal good and for which a wage is paid not only as the countervalue of energy expended or economic income achieved, but rather as a medium which in turn enables the laborer to satisfy all his obligations."(26) "In the light of Christian teaching, work is not a burden; it is not a means for effecting gain; it is rather the life expression of a man who is the inevitable agent under all circumstances. Christianity proceeds from man and says 'God endowed you with physical, spiritual, and intellectual powers and faculties so that you might use them to advantage.' This is a noble and holy thought. Work is a requisite �SLOVAKIA 45 for man even when he is already provided with sufficient resources for his livelihood."(27) He who works is entitled to a just wage. Humanity, in Dr. Tiso's words, "drew out of our venerable Christian socio-national spirit many a fresh impetus for fulfilling the words of Scripture 'The laborer is worthy of his hire'; to abide by the dictum of the same Scripture, 'He who does not work, let him not eat'; to demolish the idol of the golden calf in imitation of the example of Scripture; to measure with the same measure of justice to all, as the Scripture commands for we are all the children of one Father Who is in heaven."(28) Everyone has a claim to work. And "we shall distribute pay only for work." Dr. Tiso stresses this point, adding however, "We shall tolerate no unreasonable fomenting against capital. A workingman must not regard the capitalist as his enemy; on the other hand, a capitalist must realize that the capital, over which he is in reality only an administrator, essentially belongs to the nation in order to provide work and sustenance for all."(29) In short, the Christian-democratic system really "unites all - employers arnd workers - on the groundwork of a common interest: the material and moral well-being of the Slovak nation." (30) In all undertakings there must be effected an attitude in which "each one, regardless of what type of work he does, will come to regard the work as his own and will perform it with that devotion which he would lavish on his own."(31) It is the Christian democracy more than any other political system that cares for "the fundamental cell of the State and of society in general: the family," for the family "is the source from which all life is derived; it is the first school which educates one to think; it is the first temple which teaches one to pray; it is the first workshop which trains one to work; and it is also the first social bond which instructs one to live in the company of others in the spirit of love and equity. For this reason we must resist anything that may tend to ruin or impair the family and we must support everything that shall contribute to its unity and solidarity.... �46 SLOVAKIA "Therefore one prime concern shall be to foster the establishment of the family and to insure the material prerequisites for its existence. For the benefit of every type of employee, then, but especially for the laborer, measures must be taken to legislate a so-called family wage or familial pay to enable a young man to contract marriage and by a suitable scale of subsidies for wife and children (a scale graduated acording to their number) be assured a decent livelihood and proper education. Obviously this measure is also intended to provide a solution to the problem of married women now under employment. The ideal is to return married women to the family circle, for they are called to manage and maintain the government of the household and their proper place is the home."(32) Mankind as a Christian-democratic entity requires for its social security not only a family wage but also a settlement of housing policies. On this score Dr. Tiso observed, "Family life must be encouraged also by providing healthful and reasonably priced living quarters ... . A reasonable and hygienic housing unit is just as essential to family life as a decent income earned by the breadwinner."(33) "A family will be placed on the foundations where it properly belongs only when it has respectable quarters. When I say 'respectable quarters,' I mean that the home must qualify for the occupation of a family. . . . A guiding principle must be: to have a home in keeping with one's social standing."(34) "We must devote considerable attention to educate our people in regard to housing culture. The general cultural level of a nation is often judged by its housing culture and this also enters into the reasons why we are concerned about the living conditions of our Slovak residents in small towns and in the suburbs. Without improving housing conditions, one can hardly raise the level of the population or improve the position of the family."(35) In a Christian State, the family must be an exemplary unit in every respect. That is the reason why so much attention is devoted to preparation for family living. This was Dr. Tiso's attitude on the subject: "We shall provide for the family by supporting the �SLOVAKIA 47 education of youth designedly for family living, by providing moral safeguards for children and by arranging sociomedical conferences for those contemplating marriage as well as for those who are married, especially mothers."(36) Also: "We regard solicitude for the Slovak child as the most .s ublime aspect of social care."(37) The Christian-democratic State watchfully takes note -0f all social problems. It resolves difficulties and extends help to every level of its inhabitants that may require the support of State authority. In this manner it seems even to encroach upon private ownership. But this is really no encroachment in the usually accepted sense of the word; it is rather a kind of mediation and vigilance. Dr. Tiso advocates, fo rexample, that the government "should provide for the unemployed by creating jobs for them" or even by "introducing a working obligation." "The government considers it a duty to feel responsible for the employed as well as for the unemployed. Protection for the workers will be perfected by more thorough supervision in regard to the wage claims of employees as well as in the matter of safety and security measures to safeguard the health and the lives of the workers, but, above all, in provisions to protect the existence of the employees .... "(38) If projects are not managed in accordance with the natural law, the government calls for mediation or collective bargaining. "True, it is not easy to translate the natural law into action. Herein devolves a difficult assignment for the State. The State must put the natural law into concrete expression, an application appropriate to prevailing circumstances. Allow me to illustrate this point by an example: A family wage is obligatory under the natural law. Realizing this and anxious to secure the greatest possible success in his business, a manufacturer plans to hire single men only. This amounts to cudgelling life. The State must find a remedy for such a situation, some means by which to help large families and likewise to secure the prosperity of enterprising business. In some states all the workers are allotted the same pay but a definite portion of their earnings is withheld. Out of this reserve, compensation is then distributed to workers with large families. In other states, a �48 SLOVAKIA financing administration supplements the work of the laborers to effect a family wage. It covers its own replacement for this outlay out of taxes that accrue from the entire ., national collective."(39) In a word, the role of a Christian democracy - according to Dr. Tiso - is to build "a State of Christian order in which laws are carried out in spirit of responsibility to the supreme authority of God; in which Christian thoughts of justice and charity are the basic pillars of social and moral order; in which the training of children is carried out in keeping with the eternal principles of Christ, the supreme Pedagogue; in which the fundamental cell of social life, the family, is protected by the defense of unity and indissolubility; in which there reigns not the terror of brute force and physical violence, but the spirit of true moral liberty. "(40) Dr. Tiso ardently promoted a Christian democracy which was supported by both of the Christian components of the Slovak nation, for he was convinced that "along with Catholic universality and Catholic idealism, Lutheran individualism and realism can be used beneficially in politics. When all these attributes are combined then not even the gates of hell can prevail against our common front. Catholic populists and Lutheran Nationalists, we must cooperate and neither covet nor seize. Let us not forget that we are allying ourselves in the cause of national politics and that there is here no possibility of joining with Catholics of other nationalities."(41) What motives prompted this alliance and this insistence that the independent Slovak Republic be organized on Christian-democratic principles? This alone that a Christian world-view and Christian democracy contain lasting values. Dr. Tiso declared: "We do not design our ideological activity for a week or for a month, but we come and we look always - and this is our peculiar characteristic - in a manner which is intended for the ages - eternally. Eternally, as the Slovak nation is to last, and from this eternal existence of the Slovak nation we derive practical applications for our temporal problems and tasks .... Whoever prides himself on being a �SLOVAKIA 49 loyal son of the nation must also consider what he contributes to the nation: whether it is an infection which induces fever, or germs which destroy and can bring the nation to its grave, or labor which abides in the nation eternally like a cell of healthy social and cultural development."( 42) Because of this peculiar feature of Christian democracy, we must return to it repeatedly and draw upon it always. Naturally, the Communists regarded a political leader of this caliber as their key enemy and, consequently, Msgr. Joseph Tiso was the first Catholic prelate from behind the Iron Curtain singled out to make the supreme sacrifice in the struggle with Communism. However, "as a martyr to his love for the nation, Dr. Tiso will continue to live in the nation."(43) Dr. Tiso is a martyr for the cause of freedom and fittingly he ranks with Washington and many other great men of history."(44) ( 1) Daily "Slovak" 1939, No. 189, Bratislava, Slovakia. ( 2) "Slovak" 1924, 92. ( 3) "Tatransky Orol", Vol. VI, No. 4. ( 4) "Slovak" 1939, 197. ( 5) "Slovak" 1934, 113. ( 6) Ideol6gia Slovenskej :Uudovej Strany, pg. 25. ( 7) "Kult ura" 1933, No. 9, Trnava, Slovakia. ( 8) " Slovak" 1940, 227. ( 9) "Slovak" 1938, 293. (10) "Slovak" 1934, 221. (11) "Slovak" 1939, 44. (12) Ideol6gia, pg. 123-124. (13) "Slovak" 1935, 150. (14) "Slovenska Pravda" 1937, No. 74, Bratislava. (15) "Slovak" 1938, 243. (16) "Slovak" 1936, 178. (17) "Slovak" 1924, 92. (18) "Slovak" 1938, 249. (19) Ideol6gia, pg. 118-119. (20) "Slovak" 1938, 283. (21) Ideol6gia, p. 118. (22) "Slovak" 1925, 278. (23) "Slovak" 1938, 283. (24) "Slovak" 1941, 13. (25) Prve Posolstvo. (26) Posolstvo. �SLOVAKIA 50 (27) (28) (29) (30) (31) (32) (33) (34) (35) (36) (37) (38) (39) (40) (41) (42) (43) (44) "Slovak" 1941, 105. "Slovak" 1940, 186. "Slovak" 1938, 243. "Slovak" 1938, 283. "Slovak" 1940, 186. "Slovak" 1939, 44. "Slovak" 1939, 44. "Slovak" 1941, 37. "Slovak" 1939, 44. Ibidem. Ibidem. Ibidem. "Slovak" 1941, 37. "Kultura" 1933, 9. "Slovak" 1932, 237. "Slovak" 1941, 17. Vatican Radio April 28, 1947. Congressman Alvin O'Konski May 31, 1948, at Bedford, 0 . • • Castles of Slovakia: ILA VA The name Ila va may be more familar to the outside world, because it has been mentioned more frequently than names of other castles and citadels of Slovakia. Political prisoners, "enemies of the state," are confined within its walls today by the communist regime of Prague. Just when the Ilava Castle was built is not definitely known; but we do know that it already existed at the end of the twelfth century. The first known written account of Ilava from that time states that "Castrum Ilava" was the property of the Knights Templars, who also occupied other castles in the Vah Valley. Ilava (Trencin County) was held by the Templars until the Order was abolished in 1312. The castle is situated on the left bank of the Vah near the railroad station. Its origin may go back to the times of the Great Moravian Empire. After the dissolution of the Knights Templars, Ilava Castle passed into the hands of the "mighty Lord of the Vah and the Tatras," Matthew Cak (Tchak) of Trencin, who made of it a mighty fortress. It remained in his possession to his death, when all of Ca.k's holdings were seized by the � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1957, Vol. 7 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 22), March 1957.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 23), June 1957.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 24-25), September-December 1957.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1957 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 37 DR. JOSEPH TISO: CHRISTIAN DEMOCRAT Dr. Joseph Pauco The President of the Slovak Republic (1939-1945), who was executed by a pro-Communist regime on April 18, 1947, ranks among the outstanding figures of the centralEuropean Christian Democratic movement. He was Dr. Joseph Tiso, ideologist of the Slovak Populist Party, which fought for the independence of Slovakia and since 1925 represented the majority of Slovak voting power. The philosophy motivating the Slovak Populist Party was For God and Nation, and it was in the spirit of this principle that Dr. Tiso embodied all his Christian Democratic politics. "Let no one pause to wonder," he wrote, "that we work with God for the nation. God does not need the nation. God will be God even without a nation whether we admit the fact or not, but without God there can be no nation .... There is no sinful failing against God in allying the concepts 'For God, For Nation.' It means the binding of human values to values that are eternal, that are divine."(!) Dr. Tiso affirmed that this clarion call "For God, for Nation" should intensify Christian idealism. His own words are: "Putting it in a practical way, this simply means that one (who cultivates Christian idealism) will not frustrate the influence of Christianity upon the life of a nation in its schools, its literature, its parliament; he will, on the contrary, use every opportunity to help Christianity enter more and more significantly into classrooms and lecture halls, into family life and into public life, for it is Christianity alone that can preserve the roots of idealism without which no nation can survive.''(2) Idealism and Christian morality are the sine qua non of the life of nations and society. "I rely on a weak analogy," declared Dr. Tiso, "when I say that if nature cannot survive without the beneficence of heat and sun, neither can human life endure without faith, without moral philosophy. The histories of nations and our personal experiences furnish evidence to substantiate the fact that whatever the light of faith and Christian morals was extinguished, there followed not only a decline in culture, truth and art, but also 38 SLOVAKIA a decay that affected the nation's economic system as well. A social order grounded in gross materialism, devoid of Christian idealism, cannot long endure, and a nation bred in materialism, grasping for matter alone, becomes like a withered shrub that stands in the midst of luxuriant verdure, a thing alien and repulsive to other nations."(3) Christianity imposes the obligation of love for one's nation. "Love for the nation is a religious precept, and anyone who does not foster a love for his nation violates the fourth commandment. He is branded not only as an earthly traitor, but also as a transgressor who profanes the law of God."(4) Chauvinism, on the other hand, he denounced as can be seen from these extracts: "A regulated love of self is the foundation of Christian charity. From this basic tenet there also evolves the proper concept of Christian nationalism. First comes love of one's own nation, then an extension of charity to others. Non-Christian nationalism is of an entirely different stock, loving self and hybridizing into chauvinism. " (5) "Nationalism, a kind of centering on self diffused on a national scale, is not only the indispensable drive in service for the nation, it is also the natural measure of obligation on the part of one nation toward other nations, just as love of self becomes the stimulating force or the incentive for self-improvement and the gauge of human relations. But in order to prevent self-love as well as nationalism from degenerating into formidable media of destruction, there must be an obligation which is expressed in the universally known precept: Love thy neighbor as thyself."(6) According to the teaching of the Church, "nationalism loves its own but it must not hate what is other than its own; it builds its own but it may not destroy another's; it strengthens its own but it does not divide the whole."(7) One who is a believing Christian and a patriot works for the freedom of his nation because "the independence of a nation is a natural good which substantially affects not only the individual and his material and spiritual interests, but it concerns the entire national commonwealth. Since national freedom is then such a natural good that affects the SLOVAKIA individual, the family and the entire national community, there can be nothing inappropriate in the gratitude which is shown to God in return for it.... "For a nation to exist and yet not be independent means sentencing it to its extinction. If a nation is to exist, and there is proof of this in the fact that it now does exist, then that nation, by the will of God, must be free .... "A nation must be granted its freedom, for without liberty it would in vain have the God-given gift of language; it would be unable to use it. In vain would it have a Godgiven territory; it would be unable to cultivate its land and make a living on it. Consequently if a nation is to live according to its intellectual endowments and character, it must be free in order to fulfill its destiny. The Divine Will, therefore, is for a nation to be independent and free."(8) The liberty of a nation is protected by the State. As Tiso sees it, "The State is an organized body established for the welfare of the citizens. It is founded on the natural law, therefore on the will of the Creator, Who so created man that he can live and develop his mental and moral faculties only in association with other men. The State is a means to an end and not the end of man. It is for the State to serve the welfare of man, not for man to serve the State. This is the original design of the Creator from which, however, the developmental periphery of human society has steadily departed more and more. "The State is founded on the individuality of its citizens whose interests it promotes rather than absorbs. The State does not assume the obligations of individuals but it discharges those functions that are essential for the life of all, tasks for which the capacities of the individual alone are not commensurate. Always and everywhere it must be the individual first and as far as his abilities can reach and only beyond that point may the State enter as a collective unit of strength. It is for the State to serve society, not society the State. The organization of the State is determined by the moral disposition, the physical capacity and the material potential of the nation. What holds in regard to the relationship of the individual to the State, likewise holds in regard to the family and the nation as a biological unit and 40 SLOVAKIA of the Church as a supernatur al institution. The State does not assume and absorb their rights and their functioning ; contrarywis e, it reinforces and as a collective organism it merely supplement s whatever the family or the nation alone cannot provide or whatever would hinder the Church from attaining her mission. The State therefore should be the organ of the nation and not a medium of the arrogance, aggressiven ess and violence of its representat ives in authority. By its collective instrument ality it should promote individual enterprise and not thwart the developmen t of the vigor of the nation by imposing excessive financial burdens. It is an institution of temporal welfare which does not interfere with supernatur al aspirations but respects them because of their delicate bearing on the temporal wellbeing of society."(9) The State should respect the natural law and should not interfere in Church matters: "God is a power greater than man; the Church is more than the State. The State may not meddle in ecclesiastic al affairs."(10 ) The State must submit to Christian ideals. "We subordinate the powers of the State to the laws of morality and justice. In keeping with this principle, the State must respect the rights of individuals, of families, of society and of local self-govern ing entities. It regards as sacred the right of parents to educate their children and the privilege of free religious profession. It guarantees the right of private ownership and insures the peaceful co-existenc e of empolyer and employee."(11) It was only natural for Dr. Tiso as the ideologist of the Slovak Populist Party to conceive of the democratic structure of the State. "Just as it is an axiom for political activity to be concerned above all about the public good and about the common welfare," writes Dr. Tiso, "so it is likewise true that political activity of such a nature is carried on more successfull y on a democratic basis than on any other kind of foundation. The very root of the word, demos - people, signifies the universalit y of all the members of a nation, incidentally of a State, who are to be not merely passive but truly active in this common functioning . A democratic system brings up people for universality , for it SLOVAKIA 41 draws the widest possible public to share in the governing of the State, and thereby more and more come to be identified with the State. Consequently there is not only an awakening of responsibility in wide circles, but there is also established a definite degree of confidence in the directives that are promulgated, for in them the citizens see an expression of their will and of their effort to attain a better future. It is true that democracy presupposes a people educated for public service lest it degenerate into a mass easily swayed in the hands of oligarchs or political parties. Hence democracy can thrive only under Utopian or eminently ideal conditions. A foundation based on materialism will educe class struggle incited by selfishness and before long it will evolve into a dictatorship. In a democracy, however, this counterbalanc e of an ideally educated people insures a rich burgeoning of life and secures the firm consolidation of the State. "(12) In defining the duties of a democratic government, Dr. Tiso stated: "A democracy is a regime according to the will of the people. It is a regime which makes it possible for the will of the people to be manifest in all that affects public life. Democracy in this sense implies that the citizens do not merely express their will or their preferences in regard to organization and government at election time or in various types of balloting, but in the interests of the people and in the spirit of true democracy as such, the educated stratum, the intellectuals, fully explain to the people the program proposed and the objectives of the political party and thus instruct the citizens."(13) "Democracy means putting into effective use every creative force in the State as well as appraising its every component unit according to its moral worth even in the event that the ruling power does not demand this."(14) Dr. Tiso dedicated himself to service in a Christian democracy: "We uphold the principle of democracy because democracy is consonant with Christian teaching and we will not permit it to become corrupted with Marixist and socialistic appendages."(15) "We Slovaks are from our very souls adherents to this Christian democracy and we condemn every form of dictatorship regardless of the label under 42 SLOVAKIA . which it may try to hide its true nature or identity. We pledge ourselves to stand for democracy but for democracy of the proper stamp." Not a mystified or mystifying democracy. "In the maelstrom of views and opinions on democracy, it seems that there is developing a conscious tendency. Out of an indefinite conception of democracy there is being shaped a mystique of democracy which would affect people and command their reluctant respect; none may dare to voice any question or to protest once the statement is made that democracy requires this or that; none may presume to question an arrangement, for if it is a democratic arrangement, it is the best possible arrangement. And thus there is fabricated the mystique of democracy."(16) In a Christian democracy whatever holds in general extends also into individual departments, branches of public service and activity. Nor is it otherwise in the Christian democracy of Tiso. It may be helpful to examine in this connection a matter as weighty as the social problem. For the Slovak nation which had been so long the victim of foreign exploitation, this question bearing on the disposition of social affairs has been, and even after the overthrow of Communism it will still remain, a vital issue. Prime importance attaches especially to the relation between worker and employer; to the valuation attached not merely to property worth but also to labor; to the extent to which the government will identify itself with private initiative, and similar matters. The Church has long since made a clear pronouncement on this subject. Both the Rerum Novarum and the Quadragesimo Anno are well known encyclicals containing for modern Christian democracy the entire teaching of the Church on socio-economic affairs. Slovak Populists have likewise built on these social encyclicals of the Popes. Hence it was but natural that Dr. Tiso made application from these documents of the Church in the light of Christian philosophy rather than from any other sources when he set about his task of settling the long neglected problem of economics and social justice in Slovakia. He opposed class struggle and class hatred. "Instead of class warfare, we must. cultivate mutual and national SLOVAKIA 43 Christian charity; by humility, simplicity and industry we must supplant rapaciousness, materialism and voluptousness. "(17) "To every man his due and injustice to none! That is our watchword - no hollow-sounding catchword but an honored principle. If we do not wish to violate tradition, we must tolerate no privileged classes, no privileges of any kind whatever, no indulgence of prerogatives, whatever their origin may have been."(18) Dr. Tiso interprets Christian social politics as "founded on realistic assumption: it takes into account the nature of man composed of body and soul and conscious of this dual basis it classifies among the most potent agencies of the social order not mere material forces but rather spiritual and moral incentives, giving these precedence, in fact. Hence, it is not concerned solely about a crust of bread; it cares also for every man's spirit, for sheer materialism can never satisfy man completely."(19) Christian socialism has always defended man's right to own private property. Dr. Tiso realized that sometimes capitalism can go to extremes, since capitalists are in the money and on occasion "they use wealth only for self aggrandizement and not for the general good."(20) On the other hand, although Dr. Tiso appreciated the deficiencies of capitalism, he consistently defended the principle of private ownership because he knew that the abrogation of ownership "would endanger both economic and cultural progress to a greater extent than does the capitalistic system, hedged about as it is by social policies.' (21) "In regard to the great question of individual ownership, considering it, for example, from the one extreme of liberalism to the opposite extreme of socialist communism," Dr. Tiso emphasized, "we juxtapose our principle which asserts the sacredness of private ownership and the uninviolable right of the individual."(22) On the other hand, however, "let him who has capital make just returns; let him distribute it with labor, and satisfy labor with decent civic gain." (23) A Christian view of capital and the income derived from it differs from that of other systems. "Former systems of liberalism and capitalism," Tiso wrote, "were al- 44 SLOVAKIA ways ready to calculate the profit trhat would accrue from an enterprise or a plant. Superficially it appears that income is the natural end of enterprise, but Catholic morality has long since taught that all the estates and properties of this world exist for man, for life. This truth is supported by the natural law also. Life is of higher value than gain. The theory that gain is of utmost value and importance must be invalidated. What is the world and everything in it for? For life, not for gain. Gain is subordinated to life and it may become an end only to the extent that it promotes life." (24) And where is capital to be sought? "Out of the strong spiritual resources of our national character," declared Dr. Tiso, "not by any exploitation of those who are socially weaker than we ourselves. It is not an international capital, not impersonalized, not embodied in the worship of gold, but the capital of individuals happily at work in the interests of their nation and their State; a capital which is evidenced in morally strong individuals, in numerous families socially secure, in a contented society united in social justice, in the harmonious commerce of all the citizens who work under the aegis of an organized State."(25) Capital and income are not produced except as the fruit of the laborer's toil. "We look upon work in an enlightened manner," Dr. Tiso asserted. "In it we see not only the creative force of economic values but the animate expression of human personality which has moral and social obligations; which a workingman therefore performs as his required contribution for the communal good and for which a wage is paid not only as the countervalue of energy expended or economic income achieved, but rather as a medium which in turn enables the laborer to satisfy all his obligations."(26) "In the light of Christian teaching, work is not a burden; it is not a means for effecting gain; it is rather the life expression of a man who is the inevitable agent under all circumstances. Christianity proceeds from man and says 'God endowed you with physical, spiritual, and intellectual powers and faculties so that you might use them to advantage.' This is a noble and holy thought. Work is a requisite SLOVAKIA 45 for man even when he is already provided with sufficient resources for his livelihood."(27) He who works is entitled to a just wage. Humanity, in Dr. Tiso's words, "drew out of our venerable Christian socio-national spirit many a fresh impetus for fulfilling the words of Scripture 'The laborer is worthy of his hire'; to abide by the dictum of the same Scripture, 'He who does not work, let him not eat'; to demolish the idol of the golden calf in imitation of the example of Scripture; to measure with the same measure of justice to all, as the Scripture commands for we are all the children of one Father Who is in heaven."(28) Everyone has a claim to work. And "we shall distribute pay only for work." Dr. Tiso stresses this point, adding however, "We shall tolerate no unreasonable fomenting against capital. A workingman must not regard the capitalist as his enemy; on the other hand, a capitalist must realize that the capital, over which he is in reality only an administrator, essentially belongs to the nation in order to provide work and sustenance for all."(29) In short, the Christian-democratic system really "unites all - employers arnd workers - on the groundwork of a common interest: the material and moral well-being of the Slovak nation." (30) In all undertakings there must be effected an attitude in which "each one, regardless of what type of work he does, will come to regard the work as his own and will perform it with that devotion which he would lavish on his own."(31) It is the Christian democracy more than any other political system that cares for "the fundamental cell of the State and of society in general: the family," for the family "is the source from which all life is derived; it is the first school which educates one to think; it is the first temple which teaches one to pray; it is the first workshop which trains one to work; and it is also the first social bond which instructs one to live in the company of others in the spirit of love and equity. For this reason we must resist anything that may tend to ruin or impair the family and we must support everything that shall contribute to its unity and solidarity.... 46 SLOVAKIA "Therefore one prime concern shall be to foster the establishment of the family and to insure the material prerequisites for its existence. For the benefit of every type of employee, then, but especially for the laborer, measures must be taken to legislate a so-called family wage or familial pay to enable a young man to contract marriage and by a suitable scale of subsidies for wife and children (a scale graduated acording to their number) be assured a decent livelihood and proper education. Obviously this measure is also intended to provide a solution to the problem of married women now under employment. The ideal is to return married women to the family circle, for they are called to manage and maintain the government of the household and their proper place is the home."(32) Mankind as a Christian-democratic entity requires for its social security not only a family wage but also a settlement of housing policies. On this score Dr. Tiso observed, "Family life must be encouraged also by providing healthful and reasonably priced living quarters ... . A reasonable and hygienic housing unit is just as essential to family life as a decent income earned by the breadwinner."(33) "A family will be placed on the foundations where it properly belongs only when it has respectable quarters. When I say 'respectable quarters,' I mean that the home must qualify for the occupation of a family. . . . A guiding principle must be: to have a home in keeping with one's social standing."(34) "We must devote considerable attention to educate our people in regard to housing culture. The general cultural level of a nation is often judged by its housing culture and this also enters into the reasons why we are concerned about the living conditions of our Slovak residents in small towns and in the suburbs. Without improving housing conditions, one can hardly raise the level of the population or improve the position of the family."(35) In a Christian State, the family must be an exemplary unit in every respect. That is the reason why so much attention is devoted to preparation for family living. This was Dr. Tiso's attitude on the subject: "We shall provide for the family by supporting the SLOVAKIA 47 education of youth designedly for family living, by providing moral safeguards for children and by arranging sociomedical conferences for those contemplating marriage as well as for those who are married, especially mothers."(36) Also: "We regard solicitude for the Slovak child as the most .s ublime aspect of social care."(37) The Christian-democratic State watchfully takes note -0f all social problems. It resolves difficulties and extends help to every level of its inhabitants that may require the support of State authority. In this manner it seems even to encroach upon private ownership. But this is really no encroachment in the usually accepted sense of the word; it is rather a kind of mediation and vigilance. Dr. Tiso advocates, fo rexample, that the government "should provide for the unemployed by creating jobs for them" or even by "introducing a working obligation." "The government considers it a duty to feel responsible for the employed as well as for the unemployed. Protection for the workers will be perfected by more thorough supervision in regard to the wage claims of employees as well as in the matter of safety and security measures to safeguard the health and the lives of the workers, but, above all, in provisions to protect the existence of the employees .... "(38) If projects are not managed in accordance with the natural law, the government calls for mediation or collective bargaining. "True, it is not easy to translate the natural law into action. Herein devolves a difficult assignment for the State. The State must put the natural law into concrete expression, an application appropriate to prevailing circumstances. Allow me to illustrate this point by an example: A family wage is obligatory under the natural law. Realizing this and anxious to secure the greatest possible success in his business, a manufacturer plans to hire single men only. This amounts to cudgelling life. The State must find a remedy for such a situation, some means by which to help large families and likewise to secure the prosperity of enterprising business. In some states all the workers are allotted the same pay but a definite portion of their earnings is withheld. Out of this reserve, compensation is then distributed to workers with large families. In other states, a 48 SLOVAKIA financing administration supplements the work of the laborers to effect a family wage. It covers its own replacement for this outlay out of taxes that accrue from the entire ., national collective."(39) In a word, the role of a Christian democracy - according to Dr. Tiso - is to build "a State of Christian order in which laws are carried out in spirit of responsibility to the supreme authority of God; in which Christian thoughts of justice and charity are the basic pillars of social and moral order; in which the training of children is carried out in keeping with the eternal principles of Christ, the supreme Pedagogue; in which the fundamental cell of social life, the family, is protected by the defense of unity and indissolubility; in which there reigns not the terror of brute force and physical violence, but the spirit of true moral liberty. "(40) Dr. Tiso ardently promoted a Christian democracy which was supported by both of the Christian components of the Slovak nation, for he was convinced that "along with Catholic universality and Catholic idealism, Lutheran individualism and realism can be used beneficially in politics. When all these attributes are combined then not even the gates of hell can prevail against our common front. Catholic populists and Lutheran Nationalists, we must cooperate and neither covet nor seize. Let us not forget that we are allying ourselves in the cause of national politics and that there is here no possibility of joining with Catholics of other nationalities."(41) What motives prompted this alliance and this insistence that the independent Slovak Republic be organized on Christian-democratic principles? This alone that a Christian world-view and Christian democracy contain lasting values. Dr. Tiso declared: "We do not design our ideological activity for a week or for a month, but we come and we look always - and this is our peculiar characteristic - in a manner which is intended for the ages - eternally. Eternally, as the Slovak nation is to last, and from this eternal existence of the Slovak nation we derive practical applications for our temporal problems and tasks .... Whoever prides himself on being a SLOVAKIA 49 loyal son of the nation must also consider what he contributes to the nation: whether it is an infection which induces fever, or germs which destroy and can bring the nation to its grave, or labor which abides in the nation eternally like a cell of healthy social and cultural development."( 42) Because of this peculiar feature of Christian democracy, we must return to it repeatedly and draw upon it always. Naturally, the Communists regarded a political leader of this caliber as their key enemy and, consequently, Msgr. Joseph Tiso was the first Catholic prelate from behind the Iron Curtain singled out to make the supreme sacrifice in the struggle with Communism. However, "as a martyr to his love for the nation, Dr. Tiso will continue to live in the nation."(43) Dr. Tiso is a martyr for the cause of freedom and fittingly he ranks with Washington and many other great men of history."(44) ( 1) Daily "Slovak" 1939, No. 189, Bratislava, Slovakia. ( 2) "Slovak" 1924, 92. ( 3) "Tatransky Orol", Vol. VI, No. 4. ( 4) "Slovak" 1939, 197. ( 5) "Slovak" 1934, 113. ( 6) Ideol6gia Slovenskej :Uudovej Strany, pg. 25. ( 7) "Kult ura" 1933, No. 9, Trnava, Slovakia. ( 8) " Slovak" 1940, 227. ( 9) "Slovak" 1938, 293. (10) "Slovak" 1934, 221. (11) "Slovak" 1939, 44. (12) Ideol6gia, pg. 123-124. (13) "Slovak" 1935, 150. (14) "Slovenska Pravda" 1937, No. 74, Bratislava. (15) "Slovak" 1938, 243. (16) "Slovak" 1936, 178. (17) "Slovak" 1924, 92. (18) "Slovak" 1938, 249. (19) Ideol6gia, pg. 118-119. (20) "Slovak" 1938, 283. (21) Ideol6gia, p. 118. (22) "Slovak" 1925, 278. (23) "Slovak" 1938, 283. (24) "Slovak" 1941, 13. (25) Prve Posolstvo. (26) Posolstvo. SLOVAKIA 50 (27) (28) (29) (30) (31) (32) (33) (34) (35) (36) (37) (38) (39) (40) (41) (42) (43) (44) "Slovak" 1941, 105. "Slovak" 1940, 186. "Slovak" 1938, 243. "Slovak" 1938, 283. "Slovak" 1940, 186. "Slovak" 1939, 44. "Slovak" 1939, 44. "Slovak" 1941, 37. "Slovak" 1939, 44. Ibidem. Ibidem. Ibidem. "Slovak" 1941, 37. "Kultura" 1933, 9. "Slovak" 1932, 237. "Slovak" 1941, 17. Vatican Radio April 28, 1947. Congressman Alvin O'Konski May 31, 1948, at Bedford, 0 . • • Castles of Slovakia: ILA VA The name Ila va may be more familar to the outside world, because it has been mentioned more frequently than names of other castles and citadels of Slovakia. Political prisoners, "enemies of the state," are confined within its walls today by the communist regime of Prague. Just when the Ilava Castle was built is not definitely known; but we do know that it already existed at the end of the twelfth century. The first known written account of Ilava from that time states that "Castrum Ilava" was the property of the Knights Templars, who also occupied other castles in the Vah Valley. Ilava (Trencin County) was held by the Templars until the Order was abolished in 1312. The castle is situated on the left bank of the Vah near the railroad station. Its origin may go back to the times of the Great Moravian Empire. After the dissolution of the Knights Templars, Ilava Castle passed into the hands of the "mighty Lord of the Vah and the Tatras," Matthew Cak (Tchak) of Trencin, who made of it a mighty fortress. It remained in his possession to his death, when all of Ca.k's holdings were seized by the  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Dr. Joseph Tiso: Christian Democrat Description An account of the resource Dr. Joseph Paučo Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 2 (23), June 1957 pp. 37-50 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paučo, Jozef, 1914-1975 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June 1957 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/5179b2412e512cdaa1ac666128e66c6f.pdf e623b1edf714b7b51719573ff1cdc264 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA Published by the Slovak League of America VOL. IX JUNE-DECEMBER, 1959 NO. 5 (30) SLOVAKIA UNDER COMMUNISM Joseph Pauco In the past two years hundreds of American Slovaks visited Slovakia. They were not molested or harmed in any way; and no one was arrested or detained by the police that we know of. It is obvious that Prague wants visitors from America, because that means American DOLLARS. \Only two Slovak clergymen were allowed to visit Slovakia, though many more applied for visas but were refused them. The Czech Reds do not want Slovak Catholic priests from America to visit Slovakia. And most wellknown Slovak personalities in America, too, are persona no grata. They want to know too much about the plight of the Church in Slovakia, the condition of the Bishops and the cler• gy and the schools. I have talked with dozens of Americans of Slovak origin who have visited Slovakia. This report is based on these conversations. After World War n, a certain Slovak came to America to his father. '!'his year he was allowed to visit Slovakia. He had let his brothers and other relatives know that he was coming. So they waited for him at the station. And they waited and waited in the crowd for some time. H e did not recognize them, and they did not recognize him. "We had not seen each other for thirteen years," he related. "My brother and brother-in-law have changed beyond recognition." "My brother," he continued, "is younger than I, but today he looks older than our father. He has aged terribly; h e is wrinkled and gray. He is not the same man I said goodbye to in Slovakia thirteen years ago." What did he go through? They confiscated his property, as well as that of the other relatives. A nephew, a priest, is languishing somewhere in a concentration camp, while his two sisters members of a religious order are forced to work in the fields. The family is large and there is no money, or any way of earning it, that is, enough of it to k eep going. The spiritual and material property of these people is indescribable. No wonder the man aged prematurely! "During my stay in Slovakia," continued my fr i e n d, "not a single smile ever lit up the faces of my relatives. We all cried when my brother r elated what terrible things had transpired since the end of the war. And they all cry even when they eat a nd s leep." He met with his friends in the village. When h e lef-t them thirteen years ago, they were well off. Today they have nothing. All �2 SLOVAKIA must work in the kholkhoses. 1 ly." When this did not work out All are aging prematurely; all : very well, the 1Reds began to use are beggars today. "They walk I pressure. First on the wealthier In rags," said my friend, "like farmers, whom they labeled parasites, ~lood-sucker, and_ politithe gypsies used to long ago." d . cal unrel!ables. After their holdd f It .. so epresse m ings were diminished "by law," I never e all my life," he continued. "These the Reds began to work on the people have virtually lost all faith small farmers. They gave them in themselves. In their great fear a "choice": either to give up and sorrow th ey care for no th ing; their own farms and work on the nothing interests them. They pray kholkhoses, or to lose everything constantly, and it is prayer that and work the same amount ot k eeps them from despairing. I acreage somewhere else. In the certainly would not want to live end the en ti re community is in Slovakia today," concluded my changed. The farmers have nofriend. thing left but a garden which Farmers in Slovakia are losing cannot sustain the family. People their land. 'I'he Czech Communist get paid for working in the kholState is confiscating it system- khoses. Not in money, but in atically. The S tat e now owns "units." A unit is worth 6 crowns most of the farmers and their (86 cents) and three kilograms farms. The farmers, sooner or (6.6 lbs.) of grain. But to earn later, are forced to join the khol- this unit, the kholkhose slave khose system or they lose every- must, for example, cultivate cuthing. In the end they do lose cumbers or tobacco six hour!!. everythtng. Here is the story as The value of the "unit" is figured told by an American with a bro- otherwise for different jobs. ther in Slovakia, who "voluntariKholkhose guards are also paid ly" joined the collective farm in units. Daily they get one and system. a half units, that is, 9 crowns My brother owned 12 hectares ($1.28) and 4.50 kilograms (9.90 of land (29.64 acres). He was ob- lbs.) of grain. But the guard not liged to give the government an- cnly watches and supervises, but nually 2,640 lbs. of beef, 1,000 also must work. lbs. of pork, 8,360 lbs. of grain, A farmer's cow is worth 110 350 eggs, and 2,500 liters of milk. units to the State, that is, he If the season was dry and crops must pay with his work 666 were poor, or the animals gob crowns ($95.14) and give 330 kisick and died, the farmer was lograms (726 lbs. of grain. This lost. He had no mo n e y with means that a farmer must buy which to buy grain, meat, eggs, his own cow annually or else or milk. And even if he had lose It. In the summer the cows money, he could not buy any- have a common pasture; in the thing, because the other farmers, winter they are fed from the too, had to surrender their pro- kholkhoses. A milker has to take ducts. What could he do but sur- care of 16 cows. He milks the render his land to the State? cows by hand three times daily. 'I'o get the farmers to join the Everything is systematized. Each kholkhose system, the Reds pro- person works in his own departmised just about everything to ment only. With a whip over his h ave the farmers join "voluntarl- head at all times. People must I �SLOVAKIA 3 work Sundays, too, so that the I are now administe red by orthoReds can show that they comple- : dox clergyme n from Russia and tely control the "reaction ary pea- : Bohemia the Slovak Greek Cathsants," who have always been olics (Byzantin e Rite) attend faithful to God and to their Roman Catholic churches even if nation. 'I'oday practicall y every- I they have to walk ~iles to get thing is owned by the State - . to one. The Catholics are bebusiness, industry, bakeries, bu- ' coming thus more united in suftcher shops, drugstore s, farms, fering and in their opposition to and even the doctors. Everythin g the Reds. When I asked recent visitors is owned by all the people. "Everything is ours, but only to look to Slovakia how fares it with the at," is what the people say in schools there, I was told that the teachers must sign a statemen t Slovakia. that they have r enounced the * * * I asked several Am erican Slo- Catholic Faith or else they lose vaks who had visited Slovakia their positions. "The future ot 1 recently, how the Church fared I Communi sm," the Reds keep on in Slovakia and how the priests j bellowing , "depends on th e trainwere treated. I was told that ing of our youth." And God and many priests still are in jail and ! religion must be eradicated from that those who are not are under the h ear ts and minds of all strict police control. The Czech youngster s no matter what the Red secret police and their a- cost, according to the Reds. 'I'he Slovaks feel that they have gents shadow every cle~gyman . 1 then ~sked about the priests who been .forsaken by all except God. had signed the governme nt proturn constantly for . A c- To Him they . . regar d t o "C a th o11c gram m th at anot~er w~r pvaymg help, refused had who tion," and those soon breaks . • . . out. Yes, m their t o sign 1•t . Th e num b er o f th ose to the o- 1great afflict10n they are beggmg led ed lo alt who bewar, another allow to . . g · God Y Y g P R d f I th t th th vernment program was negligible . s e e a ee ey About half of the latter have c~use never let up unless they are will . t . th d tt d 1 0 n. beat up. The Slovaks are now eir ~ c a 1rea Y regre e Those who refused to sign have hardened and determine d to fight. th to live a hell on ear . The They tried to help the Magyars Communi sts spread malicious ru• 1956, but mors about them to turn their when they revolted inthem with Red Prague stopped parishion ers against them. Where its armies. If America or the remain churches that happens the West had come to the aid of the empty and then the Reds chase Magyars at that time, the Slothe priests to the labor camps, vaks over there say that they, saying that they have nothing to the Poles, Ukrainian s, Rumanian s, do in the parish. Of course, Sun- and the other behind the Iron days mean nothing to the Reds. Curtain would also have ma.de a People must devote Sundays to bid for freedom - and the situaput time in the "work brigades." tion today in central and eastern This means that people cannot Europe would be different that go to church - and in turn "the it is. They still ask why America. priest has nothing to do!" This and the West did not help. And in time will have telling effects. if they did not help in 1956, what Since the Greek Catholic churches are the chances of help from I �4 SLOVAKIA America and the West the next · clothes from America? They were time some nation makes a bid getting quite a bit of help from to burst from its Red chains? American relatives at first, but Who has the heart to tell them · since "Care" was proscribed and that America and the West have the government has taken over decided on a policy of "peace- everything, little is coming in, ful coexistence"? Of course, not because of exorbitant taxes or Radio Free Europe or the Voice ' customs d!!ty. A headkerchief of America - but the Reds will, j (babuska) from America for e>..and they did tell them: "Don't ample, is taxed 50 crowns ($7.15), expect any help from the Ameri- and other articles of wear as can imperiali~ts. Comrade Nikita ! high as 200 crowns per kilogram! Khruschchev 1s the only one now that can help. Stick by him!" A Slovak lady, who had visited I Slovakia recently, told of her sur* '~ * prise when she b o ugh t some How about the cost of living meat at a butcher shop and some in Slovakia? Terribly high._ Break- buns at a bakery. The clerk fast a very small piece ot would not wrap the merchandise. butter, a little jam, two pieces When she asked for wrapping of bread and a cup of coffee - paper, she was told to bring her come to 12 crowns (7 crowns own next time or wrap her stuff one dollar). Lunch pork and in an apron. sauerkraut, bread, and a small beer - adds up to 17.50 crowns. How about buying an auto in A kilogram (2.2 lbs.) of tomatoes Slovakia? Well, they are offered - 12 crowns; 3 lbs. of bread for sale, but not for everybody 8 crowns - a liter of vodka or anybody. The prices are ex80 crowns; a liter of rum 96 orbitant, but then it's not so easy crowns; a kilogram of sugar to get one even if one has the 10.20; poor quality sausage - 25 cash. A reguest form for an auto crowns per kilogram; better qua- must first be filled out and sent lity - 80 crowns; women's dress to the proper authorities. It may mater i a 1 400 crowns (per take up to three years to get an dress) and to sew same another answer. ~ut that does not mean 300 crowns; men's suits - 1,200 1 that one 1s ready to get the auto. crowns; work shoes 200, and 'I'he reply usually tells the apdress shoes - 380 crowns. There , plicant what further steps he are cheaper shoes, but they last . must take. only about 2-3 weeks of conti- j It's the same thing, my informnuous wear'. the better shoes ant tells me, with building one's last about six months. h ome. F' · • 1rs t h e mus t ge t perm1sThus a person must work two sion to build; then he waits till weeks to buy poor clothes. Facto- I he gets an approval for the nery workers are a bit better off. ! cessary material. He may ask for But even an expert or techni- ' a certain kin~ of material and cian does not make more than get another kmd. 1,400 crowns per month. A tractor man gets 1,200 crowns per "Y~~ know ,"_ my informer told month. A commander of the Na- · me, m Slovakia they have plenty tional Security is no better off. II of everything poverty, fear, jails, drudgery except money How about getting food and and fabricated materials. Many I I I I = -1 I i I I �SLOVAKIA times I could not even buy matches in a Slovak village. .And when I walked into a store and asked what they had to sell, one 'comrade' replied sourly: 'Don't ask what we have, but what we don't have!'" 5 low shadowing me for several days. When I entered the home of my aunt, the man slipped out of sight. The next morning he reappeared again. On this occasion he approached me and said: * * * "Pardon me, but I think you Visitors to Slovakia are gene- are looking for the home of your friend 's mother, not - the friend rally surprised at the excessive that lives in the same town in drinking of the ordinary folks. America that you do? Well, his " I visited five communities," a mother lives over there." friend of mine told me after returning from Slovakia, " but the "Surprised? Of course, I was," drinking problem is the same in continued Janko. "I had told no all of them, and, I suppose, in all one that I was going to visit my of Slovakia." The Slovaks drink friend 's mother, because he had not because they are well off, asked me not to, since he was but because they are suffering a public official. But the shadow extreme hardships. It seems that evidently knew whom I would the people there are trying to probably visit in that particular drink their hapless lot away. village! When I visited some re"But the stuH they are drinking," latives and friends in another added my friend, "is t e r r i b I e town, I was shadowed again." stuff, poison that most people themselves make clandestinely. Another American visitor viPerhaps it is worse than the worst moonshine ever made in sited the pastor of the parish to America." The clergy are doing which his relatives belong. "How their best to convince the people are you, Father?" he asked. "Oh, not to drink, but to little avail. I'm getting along fine, thank you. :',,lore than on e priest told me So fine, in fact, that things could that the situation is worsening hardly be better. And briefly, let me tell you how fine: with the years. "Last Sunday I gave a sermon Shadowing visitors is common and then celebrated Holy -Mass. in Slovakia. I learned from sev- .As 1 left the church, a welleral friends who recently visited known Communist olll!icial apSlovakia that the secret police proached me and asked me to of any district know who is com- repeat the sermon I gave since ing from where into the area. he did not have time to attend My friend, let's call him Janko church, because, he said, he want(John), recently visited his re- ed to be edified. latives, and he had quite a few of them. ".As I left the home of "Yes, he did want to learn one of my relatives for the home something. He wanted to hear of another," said Janko, "I be- from my own lips what I had came a w a r e of the fact that ' said so that he could check this somebody was following me. Well, with the report that would be the first time it did not bother brought to him by his own stoome. But I noticed the same fel- \ ges 1 " concluded the priest. I � SLOVAKIA Published by the Slovak League of America VOL. IX JUNE-DECEMBER, 1959 NO. 5 (30) SLOVAKIA UNDER COMMUNISM Joseph Pauco In the past two years hundreds of American Slovaks visited Slovakia. They were not molested or harmed in any way; and no one was arrested or detained by the police that we know of. It is obvious that Prague wants visitors from America, because that means American DOLLARS. \Only two Slovak clergymen were allowed to visit Slovakia, though many more applied for visas but were refused them. The Czech Reds do not want Slovak Catholic priests from America to visit Slovakia. And most wellknown Slovak personalities in America, too, are persona no grata. They want to know too much about the plight of the Church in Slovakia, the condition of the Bishops and the cler• gy and the schools. I have talked with dozens of Americans of Slovak origin who have visited Slovakia. This report is based on these conversations. After World War n, a certain Slovak came to America to his father. '!'his year he was allowed to visit Slovakia. He had let his brothers and other relatives know that he was coming. So they waited for him at the station. And they waited and waited in the crowd for some time. H e did not recognize them, and they did not recognize him. "We had not seen each other for thirteen years," he related. "My brother and brother-in-law have changed beyond recognition." "My brother," he continued, "is younger than I, but today he looks older than our father. He has aged terribly; h e is wrinkled and gray. He is not the same man I said goodbye to in Slovakia thirteen years ago." What did he go through? They confiscated his property, as well as that of the other relatives. A nephew, a priest, is languishing somewhere in a concentration camp, while his two sisters members of a religious order are forced to work in the fields. The family is large and there is no money, or any way of earning it, that is, enough of it to k eep going. The spiritual and material property of these people is indescribable. No wonder the man aged prematurely! "During my stay in Slovakia," continued my fr i e n d, "not a single smile ever lit up the faces of my relatives. We all cried when my brother r elated what terrible things had transpired since the end of the war. And they all cry even when they eat a nd s leep." He met with his friends in the village. When h e lef-t them thirteen years ago, they were well off. Today they have nothing. All �2 SLOVAKIA must work in the kholkhoses. 1 ly." When this did not work out All are aging prematurely; all : very well, the 1Reds began to use are beggars today. "They walk I pressure. First on the wealthier In rags," said my friend, "like farmers, whom they labeled parasites, ~lood-sucker, and_ politithe gypsies used to long ago." d . cal unrel!ables. After their holdd f It .. so epresse m ings were diminished "by law," I never e all my life," he continued. "These the Reds began to work on the people have virtually lost all faith small farmers. They gave them in themselves. In their great fear a "choice": either to give up and sorrow th ey care for no th ing; their own farms and work on the nothing interests them. They pray kholkhoses, or to lose everything constantly, and it is prayer that and work the same amount ot k eeps them from despairing. I acreage somewhere else. In the certainly would not want to live end the en ti re community is in Slovakia today," concluded my changed. The farmers have nofriend. thing left but a garden which Farmers in Slovakia are losing cannot sustain the family. People their land. 'I'he Czech Communist get paid for working in the kholState is confiscating it system- khoses. Not in money, but in atically. The S tat e now owns "units." A unit is worth 6 crowns most of the farmers and their (86 cents) and three kilograms farms. The farmers, sooner or (6.6 lbs.) of grain. But to earn later, are forced to join the khol- this unit, the kholkhose slave khose system or they lose every- must, for example, cultivate cuthing. In the end they do lose cumbers or tobacco six hour!!. everythtng. Here is the story as The value of the "unit" is figured told by an American with a bro- otherwise for different jobs. ther in Slovakia, who "voluntariKholkhose guards are also paid ly" joined the collective farm in units. Daily they get one and system. a half units, that is, 9 crowns My brother owned 12 hectares ($1.28) and 4.50 kilograms (9.90 of land (29.64 acres). He was ob- lbs.) of grain. But the guard not liged to give the government an- cnly watches and supervises, but nually 2,640 lbs. of beef, 1,000 also must work. lbs. of pork, 8,360 lbs. of grain, A farmer's cow is worth 110 350 eggs, and 2,500 liters of milk. units to the State, that is, he If the season was dry and crops must pay with his work 666 were poor, or the animals gob crowns ($95.14) and give 330 kisick and died, the farmer was lograms (726 lbs. of grain. This lost. He had no mo n e y with means that a farmer must buy which to buy grain, meat, eggs, his own cow annually or else or milk. And even if he had lose It. In the summer the cows money, he could not buy any- have a common pasture; in the thing, because the other farmers, winter they are fed from the too, had to surrender their pro- kholkhoses. A milker has to take ducts. What could he do but sur- care of 16 cows. He milks the render his land to the State? cows by hand three times daily. 'I'o get the farmers to join the Everything is systematized. Each kholkhose system, the Reds pro- person works in his own departmised just about everything to ment only. With a whip over his h ave the farmers join "voluntarl- head at all times. People must I �SLOVAKIA 3 work Sundays, too, so that the I are now administe red by orthoReds can show that they comple- : dox clergyme n from Russia and tely control the "reaction ary pea- : Bohemia the Slovak Greek Cathsants," who have always been olics (Byzantin e Rite) attend faithful to God and to their Roman Catholic churches even if nation. 'I'oday practicall y every- I they have to walk ~iles to get thing is owned by the State - . to one. The Catholics are bebusiness, industry, bakeries, bu- ' coming thus more united in suftcher shops, drugstore s, farms, fering and in their opposition to and even the doctors. Everythin g the Reds. When I asked recent visitors is owned by all the people. "Everything is ours, but only to look to Slovakia how fares it with the at," is what the people say in schools there, I was told that the teachers must sign a statemen t Slovakia. that they have r enounced the * * * I asked several Am erican Slo- Catholic Faith or else they lose vaks who had visited Slovakia their positions. "The future ot 1 recently, how the Church fared I Communi sm," the Reds keep on in Slovakia and how the priests j bellowing , "depends on th e trainwere treated. I was told that ing of our youth." And God and many priests still are in jail and ! religion must be eradicated from that those who are not are under the h ear ts and minds of all strict police control. The Czech youngster s no matter what the Red secret police and their a- cost, according to the Reds. 'I'he Slovaks feel that they have gents shadow every cle~gyman . 1 then ~sked about the priests who been .forsaken by all except God. had signed the governme nt proturn constantly for . A c- To Him they . . regar d t o "C a th o11c gram m th at anot~er w~r pvaymg help, refused had who tion," and those soon breaks . • . . out. Yes, m their t o sign 1•t . Th e num b er o f th ose to the o- 1great afflict10n they are beggmg led ed lo alt who bewar, another allow to . . g · God Y Y g P R d f I th t th th vernment program was negligible . s e e a ee ey About half of the latter have c~use never let up unless they are will . t . th d tt d 1 0 n. beat up. The Slovaks are now eir ~ c a 1rea Y regre e Those who refused to sign have hardened and determine d to fight. th to live a hell on ear . The They tried to help the Magyars Communi sts spread malicious ru• 1956, but mors about them to turn their when they revolted inthem with Red Prague stopped parishion ers against them. Where its armies. If America or the remain churches that happens the West had come to the aid of the empty and then the Reds chase Magyars at that time, the Slothe priests to the labor camps, vaks over there say that they, saying that they have nothing to the Poles, Ukrainian s, Rumanian s, do in the parish. Of course, Sun- and the other behind the Iron days mean nothing to the Reds. Curtain would also have ma.de a People must devote Sundays to bid for freedom - and the situaput time in the "work brigades." tion today in central and eastern This means that people cannot Europe would be different that go to church - and in turn "the it is. They still ask why America. priest has nothing to do!" This and the West did not help. And in time will have telling effects. if they did not help in 1956, what Since the Greek Catholic churches are the chances of help from I �4 SLOVAKIA America and the West the next · clothes from America? They were time some nation makes a bid getting quite a bit of help from to burst from its Red chains? American relatives at first, but Who has the heart to tell them · since "Care" was proscribed and that America and the West have the government has taken over decided on a policy of "peace- everything, little is coming in, ful coexistence"? Of course, not because of exorbitant taxes or Radio Free Europe or the Voice ' customs d!!ty. A headkerchief of America - but the Reds will, j (babuska) from America for e>..and they did tell them: "Don't ample, is taxed 50 crowns ($7.15), expect any help from the Ameri- and other articles of wear as can imperiali~ts. Comrade Nikita ! high as 200 crowns per kilogram! Khruschchev 1s the only one now that can help. Stick by him!" A Slovak lady, who had visited I Slovakia recently, told of her sur* '~ * prise when she b o ugh t some How about the cost of living meat at a butcher shop and some in Slovakia? Terribly high._ Break- buns at a bakery. The clerk fast a very small piece ot would not wrap the merchandise. butter, a little jam, two pieces When she asked for wrapping of bread and a cup of coffee - paper, she was told to bring her come to 12 crowns (7 crowns own next time or wrap her stuff one dollar). Lunch pork and in an apron. sauerkraut, bread, and a small beer - adds up to 17.50 crowns. How about buying an auto in A kilogram (2.2 lbs.) of tomatoes Slovakia? Well, they are offered - 12 crowns; 3 lbs. of bread for sale, but not for everybody 8 crowns - a liter of vodka or anybody. The prices are ex80 crowns; a liter of rum 96 orbitant, but then it's not so easy crowns; a kilogram of sugar to get one even if one has the 10.20; poor quality sausage - 25 cash. A reguest form for an auto crowns per kilogram; better qua- must first be filled out and sent lity - 80 crowns; women's dress to the proper authorities. It may mater i a 1 400 crowns (per take up to three years to get an dress) and to sew same another answer. ~ut that does not mean 300 crowns; men's suits - 1,200 1 that one 1s ready to get the auto. crowns; work shoes 200, and 'I'he reply usually tells the apdress shoes - 380 crowns. There , plicant what further steps he are cheaper shoes, but they last . must take. only about 2-3 weeks of conti- j It's the same thing, my informnuous wear'. the better shoes ant tells me, with building one's last about six months. h ome. F' · • 1rs t h e mus t ge t perm1sThus a person must work two sion to build; then he waits till weeks to buy poor clothes. Facto- I he gets an approval for the nery workers are a bit better off. ! cessary material. He may ask for But even an expert or techni- ' a certain kin~ of material and cian does not make more than get another kmd. 1,400 crowns per month. A tractor man gets 1,200 crowns per "Y~~ know ,"_ my informer told month. A commander of the Na- · me, m Slovakia they have plenty tional Security is no better off. II of everything poverty, fear, jails, drudgery except money How about getting food and and fabricated materials. Many I I I I = -1 I i I I �SLOVAKIA times I could not even buy matches in a Slovak village. .And when I walked into a store and asked what they had to sell, one 'comrade' replied sourly: 'Don't ask what we have, but what we don't have!'" 5 low shadowing me for several days. When I entered the home of my aunt, the man slipped out of sight. The next morning he reappeared again. On this occasion he approached me and said: * * * "Pardon me, but I think you Visitors to Slovakia are gene- are looking for the home of your friend 's mother, not - the friend rally surprised at the excessive that lives in the same town in drinking of the ordinary folks. America that you do? Well, his " I visited five communities," a mother lives over there." friend of mine told me after returning from Slovakia, " but the "Surprised? Of course, I was," drinking problem is the same in continued Janko. "I had told no all of them, and, I suppose, in all one that I was going to visit my of Slovakia." The Slovaks drink friend 's mother, because he had not because they are well off, asked me not to, since he was but because they are suffering a public official. But the shadow extreme hardships. It seems that evidently knew whom I would the people there are trying to probably visit in that particular drink their hapless lot away. village! When I visited some re"But the stuH they are drinking," latives and friends in another added my friend, "is t e r r i b I e town, I was shadowed again." stuff, poison that most people themselves make clandestinely. Another American visitor viPerhaps it is worse than the worst moonshine ever made in sited the pastor of the parish to America." The clergy are doing which his relatives belong. "How their best to convince the people are you, Father?" he asked. "Oh, not to drink, but to little avail. I'm getting along fine, thank you. :',,lore than on e priest told me So fine, in fact, that things could that the situation is worsening hardly be better. And briefly, let me tell you how fine: with the years. "Last Sunday I gave a sermon Shadowing visitors is common and then celebrated Holy -Mass. in Slovakia. I learned from sev- .As 1 left the church, a welleral friends who recently visited known Communist olll!icial apSlovakia that the secret police proached me and asked me to of any district know who is com- repeat the sermon I gave since ing from where into the area. he did not have time to attend My friend, let's call him Janko church, because, he said, he want(John), recently visited his re- ed to be edified. latives, and he had quite a few of them. ".As I left the home of "Yes, he did want to learn one of my relatives for the home something. He wanted to hear of another," said Janko, "I be- from my own lips what I had came a w a r e of the fact that ' said so that he could check this somebody was following me. Well, with the report that would be the first time it did not bother brought to him by his own stoome. But I noticed the same fel- \ ges 1 " concluded the priest. I � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1959, Vol. 9 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 4 [sic] (No. 29), March 1959.</li> <li>Issue 5 [sic] (No. 30), June-December 1959.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1959 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA Published by the Slovak League of America VOL. IX JUNE-DECEMBER, 1959 NO. 5 (30) SLOVAKIA UNDER COMMUNISM Joseph Pauco In the past two years hundreds of American Slovaks visited Slovakia. They were not molested or harmed in any way; and no one was arrested or detained by the police that we know of. It is obvious that Prague wants visitors from America, because that means American DOLLARS. \Only two Slovak clergymen were allowed to visit Slovakia, though many more applied for visas but were refused them. The Czech Reds do not want Slovak Catholic priests from America to visit Slovakia. And most wellknown Slovak personalities in America, too, are persona no grata. They want to know too much about the plight of the Church in Slovakia, the condition of the Bishops and the cler• gy and the schools. I have talked with dozens of Americans of Slovak origin who have visited Slovakia. This report is based on these conversations. After World War n, a certain Slovak came to America to his father. '!'his year he was allowed to visit Slovakia. He had let his brothers and other relatives know that he was coming. So they waited for him at the station. And they waited and waited in the crowd for some time. H e did not recognize them, and they did not recognize him. "We had not seen each other for thirteen years," he related. "My brother and brother-in-law have changed beyond recognition." "My brother," he continued, "is younger than I, but today he looks older than our father. He has aged terribly; h e is wrinkled and gray. He is not the same man I said goodbye to in Slovakia thirteen years ago." What did he go through? They confiscated his property, as well as that of the other relatives. A nephew, a priest, is languishing somewhere in a concentration camp, while his two sisters members of a religious order are forced to work in the fields. The family is large and there is no money, or any way of earning it, that is, enough of it to k eep going. The spiritual and material property of these people is indescribable. No wonder the man aged prematurely! "During my stay in Slovakia," continued my fr i e n d, "not a single smile ever lit up the faces of my relatives. We all cried when my brother r elated what terrible things had transpired since the end of the war. And they all cry even when they eat a nd s leep." He met with his friends in the village. When h e lef-t them thirteen years ago, they were well off. Today they have nothing. All 2 SLOVAKIA must work in the kholkhoses. 1 ly." When this did not work out All are aging prematurely; all : very well, the 1Reds began to use are beggars today. "They walk I pressure. First on the wealthier In rags," said my friend, "like farmers, whom they labeled parasites, ~lood-sucker, and_ politithe gypsies used to long ago." d . cal unrel!ables. After their holdd f It .. so epresse m ings were diminished "by law," I never e all my life," he continued. "These the Reds began to work on the people have virtually lost all faith small farmers. They gave them in themselves. In their great fear a "choice": either to give up and sorrow th ey care for no th ing; their own farms and work on the nothing interests them. They pray kholkhoses, or to lose everything constantly, and it is prayer that and work the same amount ot k eeps them from despairing. I acreage somewhere else. In the certainly would not want to live end the en ti re community is in Slovakia today," concluded my changed. The farmers have nofriend. thing left but a garden which Farmers in Slovakia are losing cannot sustain the family. People their land. 'I'he Czech Communist get paid for working in the kholState is confiscating it system- khoses. Not in money, but in atically. The S tat e now owns "units." A unit is worth 6 crowns most of the farmers and their (86 cents) and three kilograms farms. The farmers, sooner or (6.6 lbs.) of grain. But to earn later, are forced to join the khol- this unit, the kholkhose slave khose system or they lose every- must, for example, cultivate cuthing. In the end they do lose cumbers or tobacco six hour!!. everythtng. Here is the story as The value of the "unit" is figured told by an American with a bro- otherwise for different jobs. ther in Slovakia, who "voluntariKholkhose guards are also paid ly" joined the collective farm in units. Daily they get one and system. a half units, that is, 9 crowns My brother owned 12 hectares ($1.28) and 4.50 kilograms (9.90 of land (29.64 acres). He was ob- lbs.) of grain. But the guard not liged to give the government an- cnly watches and supervises, but nually 2,640 lbs. of beef, 1,000 also must work. lbs. of pork, 8,360 lbs. of grain, A farmer's cow is worth 110 350 eggs, and 2,500 liters of milk. units to the State, that is, he If the season was dry and crops must pay with his work 666 were poor, or the animals gob crowns ($95.14) and give 330 kisick and died, the farmer was lograms (726 lbs. of grain. This lost. He had no mo n e y with means that a farmer must buy which to buy grain, meat, eggs, his own cow annually or else or milk. And even if he had lose It. In the summer the cows money, he could not buy any- have a common pasture; in the thing, because the other farmers, winter they are fed from the too, had to surrender their pro- kholkhoses. A milker has to take ducts. What could he do but sur- care of 16 cows. He milks the render his land to the State? cows by hand three times daily. 'I'o get the farmers to join the Everything is systematized. Each kholkhose system, the Reds pro- person works in his own departmised just about everything to ment only. With a whip over his h ave the farmers join "voluntarl- head at all times. People must I SLOVAKIA 3 work Sundays, too, so that the I are now administe red by orthoReds can show that they comple- : dox clergyme n from Russia and tely control the "reaction ary pea- : Bohemia the Slovak Greek Cathsants," who have always been olics (Byzantin e Rite) attend faithful to God and to their Roman Catholic churches even if nation. 'I'oday practicall y every- I they have to walk ~iles to get thing is owned by the State - . to one. The Catholics are bebusiness, industry, bakeries, bu- ' coming thus more united in suftcher shops, drugstore s, farms, fering and in their opposition to and even the doctors. Everythin g the Reds. When I asked recent visitors is owned by all the people. "Everything is ours, but only to look to Slovakia how fares it with the at," is what the people say in schools there, I was told that the teachers must sign a statemen t Slovakia. that they have r enounced the * * * I asked several Am erican Slo- Catholic Faith or else they lose vaks who had visited Slovakia their positions. "The future ot 1 recently, how the Church fared I Communi sm," the Reds keep on in Slovakia and how the priests j bellowing , "depends on th e trainwere treated. I was told that ing of our youth." And God and many priests still are in jail and ! religion must be eradicated from that those who are not are under the h ear ts and minds of all strict police control. The Czech youngster s no matter what the Red secret police and their a- cost, according to the Reds. 'I'he Slovaks feel that they have gents shadow every cle~gyman . 1 then ~sked about the priests who been .forsaken by all except God. had signed the governme nt proturn constantly for . A c- To Him they . . regar d t o "C a th o11c gram m th at anot~er w~r pvaymg help, refused had who tion," and those soon breaks . • . . out. Yes, m their t o sign 1•t . Th e num b er o f th ose to the o- 1great afflict10n they are beggmg led ed lo alt who bewar, another allow to . . g · God Y Y g P R d f I th t th th vernment program was negligible . s e e a ee ey About half of the latter have c~use never let up unless they are will . t . th d tt d 1 0 n. beat up. The Slovaks are now eir ~ c a 1rea Y regre e Those who refused to sign have hardened and determine d to fight. th to live a hell on ear . The They tried to help the Magyars Communi sts spread malicious ru• 1956, but mors about them to turn their when they revolted inthem with Red Prague stopped parishion ers against them. Where its armies. If America or the remain churches that happens the West had come to the aid of the empty and then the Reds chase Magyars at that time, the Slothe priests to the labor camps, vaks over there say that they, saying that they have nothing to the Poles, Ukrainian s, Rumanian s, do in the parish. Of course, Sun- and the other behind the Iron days mean nothing to the Reds. Curtain would also have ma.de a People must devote Sundays to bid for freedom - and the situaput time in the "work brigades." tion today in central and eastern This means that people cannot Europe would be different that go to church - and in turn "the it is. They still ask why America. priest has nothing to do!" This and the West did not help. And in time will have telling effects. if they did not help in 1956, what Since the Greek Catholic churches are the chances of help from I 4 SLOVAKIA America and the West the next · clothes from America? They were time some nation makes a bid getting quite a bit of help from to burst from its Red chains? American relatives at first, but Who has the heart to tell them · since "Care" was proscribed and that America and the West have the government has taken over decided on a policy of "peace- everything, little is coming in, ful coexistence"? Of course, not because of exorbitant taxes or Radio Free Europe or the Voice ' customs d!!ty. A headkerchief of America - but the Reds will, j (babuska) from America for e>..and they did tell them: "Don't ample, is taxed 50 crowns ($7.15), expect any help from the Ameri- and other articles of wear as can imperiali~ts. Comrade Nikita ! high as 200 crowns per kilogram! Khruschchev 1s the only one now that can help. Stick by him!" A Slovak lady, who had visited I Slovakia recently, told of her sur* '~ * prise when she b o ugh t some How about the cost of living meat at a butcher shop and some in Slovakia? Terribly high._ Break- buns at a bakery. The clerk fast a very small piece ot would not wrap the merchandise. butter, a little jam, two pieces When she asked for wrapping of bread and a cup of coffee - paper, she was told to bring her come to 12 crowns (7 crowns own next time or wrap her stuff one dollar). Lunch pork and in an apron. sauerkraut, bread, and a small beer - adds up to 17.50 crowns. How about buying an auto in A kilogram (2.2 lbs.) of tomatoes Slovakia? Well, they are offered - 12 crowns; 3 lbs. of bread for sale, but not for everybody 8 crowns - a liter of vodka or anybody. The prices are ex80 crowns; a liter of rum 96 orbitant, but then it's not so easy crowns; a kilogram of sugar to get one even if one has the 10.20; poor quality sausage - 25 cash. A reguest form for an auto crowns per kilogram; better qua- must first be filled out and sent lity - 80 crowns; women's dress to the proper authorities. It may mater i a 1 400 crowns (per take up to three years to get an dress) and to sew same another answer. ~ut that does not mean 300 crowns; men's suits - 1,200 1 that one 1s ready to get the auto. crowns; work shoes 200, and 'I'he reply usually tells the apdress shoes - 380 crowns. There , plicant what further steps he are cheaper shoes, but they last . must take. only about 2-3 weeks of conti- j It's the same thing, my informnuous wear'. the better shoes ant tells me, with building one's last about six months. h ome. F' · • 1rs t h e mus t ge t perm1sThus a person must work two sion to build; then he waits till weeks to buy poor clothes. Facto- I he gets an approval for the nery workers are a bit better off. ! cessary material. He may ask for But even an expert or techni- ' a certain kin~ of material and cian does not make more than get another kmd. 1,400 crowns per month. A tractor man gets 1,200 crowns per "Y~~ know ,"_ my informer told month. A commander of the Na- · me, m Slovakia they have plenty tional Security is no better off. II of everything poverty, fear, jails, drudgery except money How about getting food and and fabricated materials. Many I I I I = -1 I i I I SLOVAKIA times I could not even buy matches in a Slovak village. .And when I walked into a store and asked what they had to sell, one 'comrade' replied sourly: 'Don't ask what we have, but what we don't have!'" 5 low shadowing me for several days. When I entered the home of my aunt, the man slipped out of sight. The next morning he reappeared again. On this occasion he approached me and said: * * * "Pardon me, but I think you Visitors to Slovakia are gene- are looking for the home of your friend 's mother, not - the friend rally surprised at the excessive that lives in the same town in drinking of the ordinary folks. America that you do? Well, his " I visited five communities," a mother lives over there." friend of mine told me after returning from Slovakia, " but the "Surprised? Of course, I was," drinking problem is the same in continued Janko. "I had told no all of them, and, I suppose, in all one that I was going to visit my of Slovakia." The Slovaks drink friend 's mother, because he had not because they are well off, asked me not to, since he was but because they are suffering a public official. But the shadow extreme hardships. It seems that evidently knew whom I would the people there are trying to probably visit in that particular drink their hapless lot away. village! When I visited some re"But the stuH they are drinking," latives and friends in another added my friend, "is t e r r i b I e town, I was shadowed again." stuff, poison that most people themselves make clandestinely. Another American visitor viPerhaps it is worse than the worst moonshine ever made in sited the pastor of the parish to America." The clergy are doing which his relatives belong. "How their best to convince the people are you, Father?" he asked. "Oh, not to drink, but to little avail. I'm getting along fine, thank you. :',,lore than on e priest told me So fine, in fact, that things could that the situation is worsening hardly be better. And briefly, let me tell you how fine: with the years. "Last Sunday I gave a sermon Shadowing visitors is common and then celebrated Holy -Mass. in Slovakia. I learned from sev- .As 1 left the church, a welleral friends who recently visited known Communist olll!icial apSlovakia that the secret police proached me and asked me to of any district know who is com- repeat the sermon I gave since ing from where into the area. he did not have time to attend My friend, let's call him Janko church, because, he said, he want(John), recently visited his re- ed to be edified. latives, and he had quite a few of them. ".As I left the home of "Yes, he did want to learn one of my relatives for the home something. He wanted to hear of another," said Janko, "I be- from my own lips what I had came a w a r e of the fact that ' said so that he could check this somebody was following me. Well, with the report that would be the first time it did not bother brought to him by his own stoome. But I noticed the same fel- \ ges 1 " concluded the priest. I  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovakia Under Communism Description An account of the resource Joseph Paučo Slovakia, Vol. 9, No. 5 (30), June-December 1959 pp. 1-5 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paučo, Jozef, 1914-1975 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June-December 1959 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/759d3af9024e26a0f4ce546ef688c640.pdf 7e0fadd488e0f42a01c99f2897f46fff PDF Text Text 24 SLOVAKIA THE STIRRING DAYS OF MARCH 1939 Dr. Joseph Pauco I lived at the Svoradov. On March 10, 1939, at about three in the morning, my friends awakened and told me that Czech soldiers had occupied the city of Trencin and that entire regiments of the Czech army were pouring through Malacky. The vanguards, they said, were already supposed to be in Bratislava. It was not easy to believe this report, because at that time a lot of rumors were in the wind. After a time, I stretched out on the bed and soon fell asleep again. My alarm-clock roused me at 5:30 A. M., when I had to get up to be on time at the editorial office of the Slovenska Pravda. I usually took a bus that stopped in front of the Svoradov. But this morning there seemed to be no bus operating from this point. That March morning was really chilly. After some time, I decided not to wait for a bus, so I started out on foot. The streets were quiet. In front of the district administra tion building I came upon a guard who was stepping lively. iHe cast his keen eye upon me searchingly for a moment and then went about his business of stepping lively again. I did not even wait for the streetcar near the church of the Holy Trinity. As I walked by the main post-office, I noticed that it was guarded by six soldiers and four policemen. All were heavily armed. "My friends at the Svoradov may have been right", flashed through my mind. Bratislava was full of espionage agents. Some may have been caught, while others were about to be taken in. From that point to the office I came across no one else that might strike my attention. I arrived at the office on schedule. At 6:115 A. M. I was on the third floor of the gigantic printing enterprise of the SLOVAK and the SLOVENS KA PR.AIVDA, the Andrej Building, on King Alexander street. Several minutes later, the entire editorial office of the daily Slovenska Pravda bristled with activity. In the office �SLOVAKIA 25 with me were Dr. Aladar Kocis, editor-in-chief, Celo Radvanyi, and Joseph 1P etro. We had no foreboding about what was to happen. Even after l told my colleagues what I had heard at the Svoradov that morning, they thought nothing of it. We applied ourselves to our tasks. That morning I was to write the leading editorial about the discussions taking place in Prague. Minister Karol Sidor was the ,Slovak representative in these discussions. My article was to be based on the reports supplied by the Slovak Press Bureau. The reports brought nothing new. I was then convinced that the discussions would be meaningless. And I meant to tell our readers just that. Well, it so happened that I wrote nothing that morning. Neither did my colleagues. Before I could strike a sentence on paper, the doors of my office flew open and a Czech major, with revolver in hand and accompanied by two bayonet-toting gendarmes, rushed at me. The major announced in a loud Czech voice : "In the name of the new Slovak Government I am stopping all work in this building and taking it over!" With that all four of us were taken to Dr. Kocis's office. We were all stunned. We did not know who the major and his companions were. The major and the gendarmes appeared to be a bit queer. But we could say nothing. The major ordered the gendarmes to cut all telephone wires. This they did speedily. In the hallway, they came upon the janitress and our secretary, Mrs. Noskay; both were detained in a separate room of the building. The major forbade us to look out the windows. A short time later he left us, ordering the gendarmes to keep an eye on us. After a time we asked the gendarmes what was going on, why they came to Bratislava, and who ordered them here. But they were not talking. They simply complained that they were tired and hungry. Several minutes later the Czech major brought in the editor-in-chief of the Slovenska Politika, Augustine Nacin. The major barked again that we were not to go near the windows : "iKeep at least six feet away!" When he left us again, however, we managed to get a few peeps in on the street below. It was full of people talking loudly and gesticulating wildly. There we spied two of our colleagues, Jo-- �26 SLOVAKIA seph Nizii.ansky and John Hrusovsky. They were looking up at our window quizzingly. Hrusovsky with his cane, switching his pipe rhythmically from one end of his mouth to the other. We waved to them from the window and one of my colleagues tapped on the window. It was precisely at this moment of tapping on the window that the Cech major burst again into the room. "Vo that again," he raved menacingly, "and I begin to shoot!" Well, we did not want to argue with him. We pulled away from the windows and- waited quietely for developments. About 9 :00 A. M. the Czech major paid us another visit, this time with a piece of paper in his hand. He read our names off the paper to identify us. Then, ordering Celo Radvanyi to remain in the room, he led the rest of us down the stairs. Armed guards in military and police uniforms were all over the place. At the main entrance to the building three soldiers manned a machine-gun aimed at the main portal. The major halted us at the main entrance, pulled out his revolver and, holding it over our heads, let us out into the street one at a time. People gaped at us, but nobody spoke to us. We looked about for familiar faces, but in vain. We still did not know exactly what was happening. On the corner of the National Bank we separated with the understanding that we would return in an hour to see whether we could get to work again. I then walked briskly to the Svoradov. When I arrived there things were pretty lively. One of my friends to-Id me that about the same time the Czech army took over the Andrej Building, detectives and policemen came to Svoradov to arrest Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum. This, however, was easier said than done, because the academicians of the Svoradov were determined to have a say in the matter. They forced the unwanted guests out of the building. We were about to call a mass meeting of all the inmates of Svoradov, when one of our boys announced that a bus pulled in with a load of armed guards. Immediately we locked all entrances to the building. Moments later army tanks thundered on the premises and �SLOVAKIA 27 Svoradov was quickly surrounded by heavily armed soldiers and policemen. They banged on all entrances, ordering the academicians to let them in. But nobody was willing to listen to Czech orders. Windows were opened on the upper floors of Svoradov and the students soon began shouting and ridiculing the invaders. "If there is to be a circus," one academician shouted, "why not sell admission tickets?" Others got their cameras and took pictures of our "so closely related" brethren, the Czechs, who came to the Svoradov boarding home with tanks and guns to prove their friendship for the Slovaks. The university courtyard of old Svoradov was called Alcazar. It so happened that six gendarmes got into the courtyard one way or another and were soon surrounded by quite a number of students, who were determined to keep them out of the building. Angry words were exchanged for a time. Dr. Kirschbaum, several others, and I, working on a plan of action, could hear them on the second floor. I was sent out to learn what was happening in the courtyard. Plowing through the mass of students, I faced the gendarmes and inquired where they came from, what they wanted or were looking for here, and who permitted them to violate private property rights. All looked very sheepishly at me and a bit flustered by my audacity. Finally, one of the gendarmes said: "We are looking for one Mr. Kristbaum." "Kristbaum ?" - I queried - "why there is no Kristbaum and we never heard of any Kristbaum !" I then reminded the gendarmes that they were on academic ground and that the mana,gement and students demanded that they leave the premises willingly at once. The gendarmes hesitated momentarily, then pointed their guns at us. When the students pushed closer to them, however, they put their guns down. Greatly outnumbered, they decided to leave the premises, the students accompanying them to the steet. After locking the door, several academicians visited the wine-shop in the cellar of the building and reminded the lessee to have more regard for the Slovaks. It was through this place the gendarmes got into the courtyard of Svoradov. �28 SLOVAKIA A half-hour later the Czech army and gendarmerie pulled away from Svoradov. It was then we called our colleagues of the Lafranconi. After joining us, the entire mass of students paraded in three columns in the streets of Bratislava, loudly singing songs to the wild applause of shoppers and inhabitants. As the paraders approached the government building on the Vajansky coast or bank, they were joined by masses of the population who, too, wanted to demonstrate against the Czech occupation of Slovakia, and particularly the city of Bratislava. The Slovak academicians had fired the Slovak masses with enthusiasm and determination to stand up for right and justice, the sacred cause of freedom and independence, which had been violated by Prague. The Czechs had blundered again, and blundered terribly. The chasm between the Czechs and the Slovaks widened. After twenty years of the Masaryk and Benes brand of democracy, the 1S lovaks and the Czechs were never before so far apart. The occupation of Slovakia by the Czechs was the straw that broke the camel's back. The Slovaks will never willingly join the Czechs in any venture. Czecho-Slovakia still exists, but only on paper. The Slovaks are kept in line only by force and violence. The Czechs sowed the wind and reaped a whirlwind. They have not a single true friend in Europe today. In the meantime, Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum had gone to the residence of Premier Dr. Joseph Tiso, the home of the Jesuits, where he pledged the loyalty of all Slovak students. As soon as he returned, he told us in front of the Slovak National Theater on the Hviezdoslav Square: "Dr. Joseph Tiso was saying his breviary. To the Slovak youth he sends this message: Carry on in a manner that you may not harm yourselves and that the world might see that we are not afraid of the bayonets and machineguns of any occupation army." There were parades and demostrations in Bratislava before March 10, 1939. And there many were after that. But the demonstration of the Slovak students on March 10, 1939, was undoubtedly the most spontaneous and greatest of all of them. The demonstrations were organized by the Club of Hlinka Academicians which was headed by Dr. Jo- �SLOVAKIA 29 seph Kirschbaum. The leaders of the academicians were everywhere when Bratislava needed help. They were in government buildings, editorial offices, and did jobs that were dangerous. Several ,w ere scared off by events that followed, while hundreds were jailed. Of those who managed to escape from their homeland after it was occupied by the Czech and the Red Armies in 1945, I might mention at least Dr. Joseph Mikula and Dr. Gabriel Danihel in addition to Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum. They rendered valuable services at that time, services which served Slovak politicians in good stead a few hours after the events of March 10th had been initiated. Bratislava, the capital city of Slovakia, was on its feet from the 10th to the 14th of March, 1939. Several tragic events occured. The Czech army and gendarmery took recourse to arms. The Hlinka Guards of the area repulsed the occupation of the Trade Building. A volley of shots rang out. Anthony Kopal, 27-year old laborer of Vel'ke Uherce, was hit fatally and died a short time later in the Bratislava State Hospital. The first victim of the Czech March 10th putsch. That evening, 58-year old Mary Psota was shot dead as she was closing her tobacco shop which was located opposite the District Court Building. Czech soldiers, firing from the building, were responsible for her death. The Czechs had occupied the broadcasting station in Bratislava. The Slovak Hlinka Guards fought for it all day on March 10 and did get possession of it at 10 :30 that night. It was then that Premier Karol Sidor spoke over the air. Up to that time the whole Slovakia was in confusion. Cities and towns were taken by the Czechs after General Homola announced over the air and with placards that he was taking over all political, military, judicial powers in Slovakia in the name of the Prague Government. Slovak army officers and police were disarmed and placed under guard; about 500 civic leaders were imprisoned and later taken to a jail in Moravia where they were held three days. Minister Matthew Cernak was among them. In the meantime, reports were pouring in from all parts of Slovakia, particularly from the cities and towns �30 SLOVAKIA which told of the brutalities committed by the Czech occupation forces. The situation was very grave. If the 'Slovaks would have had access to weapons, there undoubtedly would have been very much blood shed on March 10th in the fight against the Czech occupants. There were indications of this especially in Trencin, Nitra, Spisska Nova Ves, and Banska Stiavnica. The atrocities committed by the "brotherly" Czechs on March 10th shall never be forgotten by the Slovaks. What happened in those days was governed by the international situation. Adolph Hitler had decided to liquidate Czecho...:Slovakia. His decision and its consequences are already recorded by history. But during those three hectic March days, the 'Slovaks were convinced that, if an unexpected turn in events did not take place - which even the majority of the foremost Slovak politicians could not foresee - the Czechs would have continued to occupy Slovakia with their army. Little wonder then that the Slovaks in these days were bitter and proclaimed: Never again with the Czechs! March 14, 1939, arrived. A glorious day for the Slovaks, nowithstanding anything that anti-Slovak ~lements say about it to the contrary! The 'Slovaks knew only the simple facts of that historical event. First, Karol Sidor was called to Berlin. He did not go. Then the Germans called Tiso, not once but twice. But he, too, was reluctant to accept the invitation. When a third invitation was delivered to him by German representatives in person, Dr. Tiso deliberated with the presidium of the Slovak People's Party. The latter decided that Dr. Tiso should accept the invitation, so Tiso flew to Berlin. On Tuesday morning, March 14, before we could form ranks in Svoradov, somebody brought in a report that Hitler had requested iDr. Tiso to proclaim the independence of Slovakia directly from Berlin. But Tiso did not broadcast anything from Berlin. We were lined up to march to the Parliament Building to learn what the Slovak legislators had in mind. Furthermore, we wanted to be on hand in case the Czechs would again attempt to take over that building. It was a cold March morning. Rolling clouds overhead, �SLOVAKIA 31 snow clouds. The lively march of the academicians caught the attention of the inhabitants and warmed their hearts. They had little sleep the past three days, but there they were again on the streets waving banners and flags, shouting joyous acclaim to the Slovak Government and the academicians and demanding that the "Czechs get out of Slovakia". ; Our hearts were warm and we broke into song. Finally, we arrived at our destination and waited patiently. Then, as we broke into song again, we were joined by the academicians of Lafranconi and thousands of people. Soon the square was a mass of people. The banner of the Slovak Catholic Student Federation fluttered in the breeze over our heads. What we had gone through the past three days was like a motion picture. Then we had to make way for oncoming autos. In the first we saw temporary Premier Karol Sidor; in the second, Dr. Joseph Tiso. Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum greeted Karol Sidor and I greeted Dr. Joseph Tiso in the name of the student body. Without delay the Slovak parliament was in session. We still did not know definitely what was about to happen. Our representative, Dr. Kirschbaum, also went into the Parliament Building. After a time, he came out briefly to tell us that a very serious matter was being discussed. After he left us, he came out again shortly thereafter to inform us that the Parliament of autonomous Slovakia had decided to proclaim the independence of Slovakia. This happened at precisely seven minutes and twelve seconds after twelve o'clock noon. Bratislava streets burst out with joyous acclaim. Alexander Mach and Dr. Kirschbaum rushed to an auto and sped to the broadcasting station. First Mach made a brief broadcast and then Dr. Kirschbaum spoke in the name of Slovak youth. They told of the historical event that had taken place. As soon as the cities and towns heard the broadcast, bells began to peel in all the churches of Slovakia. The Fourth of July had arrived for the Slovaks on March 14, 1939. All offices and schools were quickly closed for the rest of the day. The Slovaks prayed and sang with joy as never before. �32 SLOVAKIA Bratislava streets rang out with song for quite a time. We embraced each other and danced. Then we marched, or rather should ,J say, danced all the way to Svoradov. The fraternity was another joyous scene. I still remember vividly how we embraced Colman Murgas in the refectory, his eyes streaming with tears. I was so excited that 1 could hardly eat. Like so many others, l had lost my appetite for food. Like them, I was satiated with joy. The Slovaks proclaimed their country an independent Republic on March 14, 1939. • • • SLOVAK NATIONALISM: THE ROLE OF EMIGRANTS IN SLOVAK NATIONALISM B. S. BUC, Ph.D. 1. The Nation of Emigrants Slovak nationalism cannot be considered as the outgrowth of the Central European soil and the pure product of political forces of that sector. It was steadily developing under many outside influences which penetrated that sector either in the form of new ideas or in the form of outside political and economic interests. Moreover, in the period of the greatest oppression, the real shaping of the Slovak national will for survival was occuring outside Slovakia, among emigrants. About one third of the present Slovak population lives outside Slovakia as emigrants in various sectors of the world. That makes Slovaks truly a nation of emigrants. They were forced to emigrate either for economic or political reasons. Slovakia is a mountainous country with forests covering 40 % of the land. Moreover, prior to 1918, a substantial part of Slovak land was owned by the Magyar or foreign aristocracy, so that Slovaks had little opportunity to make living from agriculture. Temporary or permanent emigration became, therefore the only solution to the economic problem for many children of Slovak farmers. When they � 24 SLOVAKIA THE STIRRING DAYS OF MARCH 1939 Dr. Joseph Pauco I lived at the Svoradov. On March 10, 1939, at about three in the morning, my friends awakened and told me that Czech soldiers had occupied the city of Trencin and that entire regiments of the Czech army were pouring through Malacky. The vanguards, they said, were already supposed to be in Bratislava. It was not easy to believe this report, because at that time a lot of rumors were in the wind. After a time, I stretched out on the bed and soon fell asleep again. My alarm-clock roused me at 5:30 A. M., when I had to get up to be on time at the editorial office of the Slovenska Pravda. I usually took a bus that stopped in front of the Svoradov. But this morning there seemed to be no bus operating from this point. That March morning was really chilly. After some time, I decided not to wait for a bus, so I started out on foot. The streets were quiet. In front of the district administra tion building I came upon a guard who was stepping lively. iHe cast his keen eye upon me searchingly for a moment and then went about his business of stepping lively again. I did not even wait for the streetcar near the church of the Holy Trinity. As I walked by the main post-office, I noticed that it was guarded by six soldiers and four policemen. All were heavily armed. "My friends at the Svoradov may have been right", flashed through my mind. Bratislava was full of espionage agents. Some may have been caught, while others were about to be taken in. From that point to the office I came across no one else that might strike my attention. I arrived at the office on schedule. At 6:115 A. M. I was on the third floor of the gigantic printing enterprise of the SLOVAK and the SLOVENS KA PR.AIVDA, the Andrej Building, on King Alexander street. Several minutes later, the entire editorial office of the daily Slovenska Pravda bristled with activity. In the office �SLOVAKIA 25 with me were Dr. Aladar Kocis, editor-in-chief, Celo Radvanyi, and Joseph 1P etro. We had no foreboding about what was to happen. Even after l told my colleagues what I had heard at the Svoradov that morning, they thought nothing of it. We applied ourselves to our tasks. That morning I was to write the leading editorial about the discussions taking place in Prague. Minister Karol Sidor was the ,Slovak representative in these discussions. My article was to be based on the reports supplied by the Slovak Press Bureau. The reports brought nothing new. I was then convinced that the discussions would be meaningless. And I meant to tell our readers just that. Well, it so happened that I wrote nothing that morning. Neither did my colleagues. Before I could strike a sentence on paper, the doors of my office flew open and a Czech major, with revolver in hand and accompanied by two bayonet-toting gendarmes, rushed at me. The major announced in a loud Czech voice : "In the name of the new Slovak Government I am stopping all work in this building and taking it over!" With that all four of us were taken to Dr. Kocis's office. We were all stunned. We did not know who the major and his companions were. The major and the gendarmes appeared to be a bit queer. But we could say nothing. The major ordered the gendarmes to cut all telephone wires. This they did speedily. In the hallway, they came upon the janitress and our secretary, Mrs. Noskay; both were detained in a separate room of the building. The major forbade us to look out the windows. A short time later he left us, ordering the gendarmes to keep an eye on us. After a time we asked the gendarmes what was going on, why they came to Bratislava, and who ordered them here. But they were not talking. They simply complained that they were tired and hungry. Several minutes later the Czech major brought in the editor-in-chief of the Slovenska Politika, Augustine Nacin. The major barked again that we were not to go near the windows : "iKeep at least six feet away!" When he left us again, however, we managed to get a few peeps in on the street below. It was full of people talking loudly and gesticulating wildly. There we spied two of our colleagues, Jo-- �26 SLOVAKIA seph Nizii.ansky and John Hrusovsky. They were looking up at our window quizzingly. Hrusovsky with his cane, switching his pipe rhythmically from one end of his mouth to the other. We waved to them from the window and one of my colleagues tapped on the window. It was precisely at this moment of tapping on the window that the Cech major burst again into the room. "Vo that again," he raved menacingly, "and I begin to shoot!" Well, we did not want to argue with him. We pulled away from the windows and- waited quietely for developments. About 9 :00 A. M. the Czech major paid us another visit, this time with a piece of paper in his hand. He read our names off the paper to identify us. Then, ordering Celo Radvanyi to remain in the room, he led the rest of us down the stairs. Armed guards in military and police uniforms were all over the place. At the main entrance to the building three soldiers manned a machine-gun aimed at the main portal. The major halted us at the main entrance, pulled out his revolver and, holding it over our heads, let us out into the street one at a time. People gaped at us, but nobody spoke to us. We looked about for familiar faces, but in vain. We still did not know exactly what was happening. On the corner of the National Bank we separated with the understanding that we would return in an hour to see whether we could get to work again. I then walked briskly to the Svoradov. When I arrived there things were pretty lively. One of my friends to-Id me that about the same time the Czech army took over the Andrej Building, detectives and policemen came to Svoradov to arrest Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum. This, however, was easier said than done, because the academicians of the Svoradov were determined to have a say in the matter. They forced the unwanted guests out of the building. We were about to call a mass meeting of all the inmates of Svoradov, when one of our boys announced that a bus pulled in with a load of armed guards. Immediately we locked all entrances to the building. Moments later army tanks thundered on the premises and �SLOVAKIA 27 Svoradov was quickly surrounded by heavily armed soldiers and policemen. They banged on all entrances, ordering the academicians to let them in. But nobody was willing to listen to Czech orders. Windows were opened on the upper floors of Svoradov and the students soon began shouting and ridiculing the invaders. "If there is to be a circus," one academician shouted, "why not sell admission tickets?" Others got their cameras and took pictures of our "so closely related" brethren, the Czechs, who came to the Svoradov boarding home with tanks and guns to prove their friendship for the Slovaks. The university courtyard of old Svoradov was called Alcazar. It so happened that six gendarmes got into the courtyard one way or another and were soon surrounded by quite a number of students, who were determined to keep them out of the building. Angry words were exchanged for a time. Dr. Kirschbaum, several others, and I, working on a plan of action, could hear them on the second floor. I was sent out to learn what was happening in the courtyard. Plowing through the mass of students, I faced the gendarmes and inquired where they came from, what they wanted or were looking for here, and who permitted them to violate private property rights. All looked very sheepishly at me and a bit flustered by my audacity. Finally, one of the gendarmes said: "We are looking for one Mr. Kristbaum." "Kristbaum ?" - I queried - "why there is no Kristbaum and we never heard of any Kristbaum !" I then reminded the gendarmes that they were on academic ground and that the mana,gement and students demanded that they leave the premises willingly at once. The gendarmes hesitated momentarily, then pointed their guns at us. When the students pushed closer to them, however, they put their guns down. Greatly outnumbered, they decided to leave the premises, the students accompanying them to the steet. After locking the door, several academicians visited the wine-shop in the cellar of the building and reminded the lessee to have more regard for the Slovaks. It was through this place the gendarmes got into the courtyard of Svoradov. �28 SLOVAKIA A half-hour later the Czech army and gendarmerie pulled away from Svoradov. It was then we called our colleagues of the Lafranconi. After joining us, the entire mass of students paraded in three columns in the streets of Bratislava, loudly singing songs to the wild applause of shoppers and inhabitants. As the paraders approached the government building on the Vajansky coast or bank, they were joined by masses of the population who, too, wanted to demonstrate against the Czech occupation of Slovakia, and particularly the city of Bratislava. The Slovak academicians had fired the Slovak masses with enthusiasm and determination to stand up for right and justice, the sacred cause of freedom and independence, which had been violated by Prague. The Czechs had blundered again, and blundered terribly. The chasm between the Czechs and the Slovaks widened. After twenty years of the Masaryk and Benes brand of democracy, the 1S lovaks and the Czechs were never before so far apart. The occupation of Slovakia by the Czechs was the straw that broke the camel's back. The Slovaks will never willingly join the Czechs in any venture. Czecho-Slovakia still exists, but only on paper. The Slovaks are kept in line only by force and violence. The Czechs sowed the wind and reaped a whirlwind. They have not a single true friend in Europe today. In the meantime, Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum had gone to the residence of Premier Dr. Joseph Tiso, the home of the Jesuits, where he pledged the loyalty of all Slovak students. As soon as he returned, he told us in front of the Slovak National Theater on the Hviezdoslav Square: "Dr. Joseph Tiso was saying his breviary. To the Slovak youth he sends this message: Carry on in a manner that you may not harm yourselves and that the world might see that we are not afraid of the bayonets and machineguns of any occupation army." There were parades and demostrations in Bratislava before March 10, 1939. And there many were after that. But the demonstration of the Slovak students on March 10, 1939, was undoubtedly the most spontaneous and greatest of all of them. The demonstrations were organized by the Club of Hlinka Academicians which was headed by Dr. Jo- �SLOVAKIA 29 seph Kirschbaum. The leaders of the academicians were everywhere when Bratislava needed help. They were in government buildings, editorial offices, and did jobs that were dangerous. Several ,w ere scared off by events that followed, while hundreds were jailed. Of those who managed to escape from their homeland after it was occupied by the Czech and the Red Armies in 1945, I might mention at least Dr. Joseph Mikula and Dr. Gabriel Danihel in addition to Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum. They rendered valuable services at that time, services which served Slovak politicians in good stead a few hours after the events of March 10th had been initiated. Bratislava, the capital city of Slovakia, was on its feet from the 10th to the 14th of March, 1939. Several tragic events occured. The Czech army and gendarmery took recourse to arms. The Hlinka Guards of the area repulsed the occupation of the Trade Building. A volley of shots rang out. Anthony Kopal, 27-year old laborer of Vel'ke Uherce, was hit fatally and died a short time later in the Bratislava State Hospital. The first victim of the Czech March 10th putsch. That evening, 58-year old Mary Psota was shot dead as she was closing her tobacco shop which was located opposite the District Court Building. Czech soldiers, firing from the building, were responsible for her death. The Czechs had occupied the broadcasting station in Bratislava. The Slovak Hlinka Guards fought for it all day on March 10 and did get possession of it at 10 :30 that night. It was then that Premier Karol Sidor spoke over the air. Up to that time the whole Slovakia was in confusion. Cities and towns were taken by the Czechs after General Homola announced over the air and with placards that he was taking over all political, military, judicial powers in Slovakia in the name of the Prague Government. Slovak army officers and police were disarmed and placed under guard; about 500 civic leaders were imprisoned and later taken to a jail in Moravia where they were held three days. Minister Matthew Cernak was among them. In the meantime, reports were pouring in from all parts of Slovakia, particularly from the cities and towns �30 SLOVAKIA which told of the brutalities committed by the Czech occupation forces. The situation was very grave. If the 'Slovaks would have had access to weapons, there undoubtedly would have been very much blood shed on March 10th in the fight against the Czech occupants. There were indications of this especially in Trencin, Nitra, Spisska Nova Ves, and Banska Stiavnica. The atrocities committed by the "brotherly" Czechs on March 10th shall never be forgotten by the Slovaks. What happened in those days was governed by the international situation. Adolph Hitler had decided to liquidate Czecho...:Slovakia. His decision and its consequences are already recorded by history. But during those three hectic March days, the 'Slovaks were convinced that, if an unexpected turn in events did not take place - which even the majority of the foremost Slovak politicians could not foresee - the Czechs would have continued to occupy Slovakia with their army. Little wonder then that the Slovaks in these days were bitter and proclaimed: Never again with the Czechs! March 14, 1939, arrived. A glorious day for the Slovaks, nowithstanding anything that anti-Slovak ~lements say about it to the contrary! The 'Slovaks knew only the simple facts of that historical event. First, Karol Sidor was called to Berlin. He did not go. Then the Germans called Tiso, not once but twice. But he, too, was reluctant to accept the invitation. When a third invitation was delivered to him by German representatives in person, Dr. Tiso deliberated with the presidium of the Slovak People's Party. The latter decided that Dr. Tiso should accept the invitation, so Tiso flew to Berlin. On Tuesday morning, March 14, before we could form ranks in Svoradov, somebody brought in a report that Hitler had requested iDr. Tiso to proclaim the independence of Slovakia directly from Berlin. But Tiso did not broadcast anything from Berlin. We were lined up to march to the Parliament Building to learn what the Slovak legislators had in mind. Furthermore, we wanted to be on hand in case the Czechs would again attempt to take over that building. It was a cold March morning. Rolling clouds overhead, �SLOVAKIA 31 snow clouds. The lively march of the academicians caught the attention of the inhabitants and warmed their hearts. They had little sleep the past three days, but there they were again on the streets waving banners and flags, shouting joyous acclaim to the Slovak Government and the academicians and demanding that the "Czechs get out of Slovakia". ; Our hearts were warm and we broke into song. Finally, we arrived at our destination and waited patiently. Then, as we broke into song again, we were joined by the academicians of Lafranconi and thousands of people. Soon the square was a mass of people. The banner of the Slovak Catholic Student Federation fluttered in the breeze over our heads. What we had gone through the past three days was like a motion picture. Then we had to make way for oncoming autos. In the first we saw temporary Premier Karol Sidor; in the second, Dr. Joseph Tiso. Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum greeted Karol Sidor and I greeted Dr. Joseph Tiso in the name of the student body. Without delay the Slovak parliament was in session. We still did not know definitely what was about to happen. Our representative, Dr. Kirschbaum, also went into the Parliament Building. After a time, he came out briefly to tell us that a very serious matter was being discussed. After he left us, he came out again shortly thereafter to inform us that the Parliament of autonomous Slovakia had decided to proclaim the independence of Slovakia. This happened at precisely seven minutes and twelve seconds after twelve o'clock noon. Bratislava streets burst out with joyous acclaim. Alexander Mach and Dr. Kirschbaum rushed to an auto and sped to the broadcasting station. First Mach made a brief broadcast and then Dr. Kirschbaum spoke in the name of Slovak youth. They told of the historical event that had taken place. As soon as the cities and towns heard the broadcast, bells began to peel in all the churches of Slovakia. The Fourth of July had arrived for the Slovaks on March 14, 1939. All offices and schools were quickly closed for the rest of the day. The Slovaks prayed and sang with joy as never before. �32 SLOVAKIA Bratislava streets rang out with song for quite a time. We embraced each other and danced. Then we marched, or rather should ,J say, danced all the way to Svoradov. The fraternity was another joyous scene. I still remember vividly how we embraced Colman Murgas in the refectory, his eyes streaming with tears. I was so excited that 1 could hardly eat. Like so many others, l had lost my appetite for food. Like them, I was satiated with joy. The Slovaks proclaimed their country an independent Republic on March 14, 1939. • • • SLOVAK NATIONALISM: THE ROLE OF EMIGRANTS IN SLOVAK NATIONALISM B. S. BUC, Ph.D. 1. The Nation of Emigrants Slovak nationalism cannot be considered as the outgrowth of the Central European soil and the pure product of political forces of that sector. It was steadily developing under many outside influences which penetrated that sector either in the form of new ideas or in the form of outside political and economic interests. Moreover, in the period of the greatest oppression, the real shaping of the Slovak national will for survival was occuring outside Slovakia, among emigrants. About one third of the present Slovak population lives outside Slovakia as emigrants in various sectors of the world. That makes Slovaks truly a nation of emigrants. They were forced to emigrate either for economic or political reasons. Slovakia is a mountainous country with forests covering 40 % of the land. Moreover, prior to 1918, a substantial part of Slovak land was owned by the Magyar or foreign aristocracy, so that Slovaks had little opportunity to make living from agriculture. Temporary or permanent emigration became, therefore the only solution to the economic problem for many children of Slovak farmers. When they � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1959, Vol. 9 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 4 [sic] (No. 29), March 1959.</li> <li>Issue 5 [sic] (No. 30), June-December 1959.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1959 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 24 SLOVAKIA THE STIRRING DAYS OF MARCH 1939 Dr. Joseph Pauco I lived at the Svoradov. On March 10, 1939, at about three in the morning, my friends awakened and told me that Czech soldiers had occupied the city of Trencin and that entire regiments of the Czech army were pouring through Malacky. The vanguards, they said, were already supposed to be in Bratislava. It was not easy to believe this report, because at that time a lot of rumors were in the wind. After a time, I stretched out on the bed and soon fell asleep again. My alarm-clock roused me at 5:30 A. M., when I had to get up to be on time at the editorial office of the Slovenska Pravda. I usually took a bus that stopped in front of the Svoradov. But this morning there seemed to be no bus operating from this point. That March morning was really chilly. After some time, I decided not to wait for a bus, so I started out on foot. The streets were quiet. In front of the district administra tion building I came upon a guard who was stepping lively. iHe cast his keen eye upon me searchingly for a moment and then went about his business of stepping lively again. I did not even wait for the streetcar near the church of the Holy Trinity. As I walked by the main post-office, I noticed that it was guarded by six soldiers and four policemen. All were heavily armed. "My friends at the Svoradov may have been right", flashed through my mind. Bratislava was full of espionage agents. Some may have been caught, while others were about to be taken in. From that point to the office I came across no one else that might strike my attention. I arrived at the office on schedule. At 6:115 A. M. I was on the third floor of the gigantic printing enterprise of the SLOVAK and the SLOVENS KA PR.AIVDA, the Andrej Building, on King Alexander street. Several minutes later, the entire editorial office of the daily Slovenska Pravda bristled with activity. In the office SLOVAKIA 25 with me were Dr. Aladar Kocis, editor-in-chief, Celo Radvanyi, and Joseph 1P etro. We had no foreboding about what was to happen. Even after l told my colleagues what I had heard at the Svoradov that morning, they thought nothing of it. We applied ourselves to our tasks. That morning I was to write the leading editorial about the discussions taking place in Prague. Minister Karol Sidor was the ,Slovak representative in these discussions. My article was to be based on the reports supplied by the Slovak Press Bureau. The reports brought nothing new. I was then convinced that the discussions would be meaningless. And I meant to tell our readers just that. Well, it so happened that I wrote nothing that morning. Neither did my colleagues. Before I could strike a sentence on paper, the doors of my office flew open and a Czech major, with revolver in hand and accompanied by two bayonet-toting gendarmes, rushed at me. The major announced in a loud Czech voice : "In the name of the new Slovak Government I am stopping all work in this building and taking it over!" With that all four of us were taken to Dr. Kocis's office. We were all stunned. We did not know who the major and his companions were. The major and the gendarmes appeared to be a bit queer. But we could say nothing. The major ordered the gendarmes to cut all telephone wires. This they did speedily. In the hallway, they came upon the janitress and our secretary, Mrs. Noskay; both were detained in a separate room of the building. The major forbade us to look out the windows. A short time later he left us, ordering the gendarmes to keep an eye on us. After a time we asked the gendarmes what was going on, why they came to Bratislava, and who ordered them here. But they were not talking. They simply complained that they were tired and hungry. Several minutes later the Czech major brought in the editor-in-chief of the Slovenska Politika, Augustine Nacin. The major barked again that we were not to go near the windows : "iKeep at least six feet away!" When he left us again, however, we managed to get a few peeps in on the street below. It was full of people talking loudly and gesticulating wildly. There we spied two of our colleagues, Jo-- 26 SLOVAKIA seph Nizii.ansky and John Hrusovsky. They were looking up at our window quizzingly. Hrusovsky with his cane, switching his pipe rhythmically from one end of his mouth to the other. We waved to them from the window and one of my colleagues tapped on the window. It was precisely at this moment of tapping on the window that the Cech major burst again into the room. "Vo that again," he raved menacingly, "and I begin to shoot!" Well, we did not want to argue with him. We pulled away from the windows and- waited quietely for developments. About 9 :00 A. M. the Czech major paid us another visit, this time with a piece of paper in his hand. He read our names off the paper to identify us. Then, ordering Celo Radvanyi to remain in the room, he led the rest of us down the stairs. Armed guards in military and police uniforms were all over the place. At the main entrance to the building three soldiers manned a machine-gun aimed at the main portal. The major halted us at the main entrance, pulled out his revolver and, holding it over our heads, let us out into the street one at a time. People gaped at us, but nobody spoke to us. We looked about for familiar faces, but in vain. We still did not know exactly what was happening. On the corner of the National Bank we separated with the understanding that we would return in an hour to see whether we could get to work again. I then walked briskly to the Svoradov. When I arrived there things were pretty lively. One of my friends to-Id me that about the same time the Czech army took over the Andrej Building, detectives and policemen came to Svoradov to arrest Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum. This, however, was easier said than done, because the academicians of the Svoradov were determined to have a say in the matter. They forced the unwanted guests out of the building. We were about to call a mass meeting of all the inmates of Svoradov, when one of our boys announced that a bus pulled in with a load of armed guards. Immediately we locked all entrances to the building. Moments later army tanks thundered on the premises and SLOVAKIA 27 Svoradov was quickly surrounded by heavily armed soldiers and policemen. They banged on all entrances, ordering the academicians to let them in. But nobody was willing to listen to Czech orders. Windows were opened on the upper floors of Svoradov and the students soon began shouting and ridiculing the invaders. "If there is to be a circus," one academician shouted, "why not sell admission tickets?" Others got their cameras and took pictures of our "so closely related" brethren, the Czechs, who came to the Svoradov boarding home with tanks and guns to prove their friendship for the Slovaks. The university courtyard of old Svoradov was called Alcazar. It so happened that six gendarmes got into the courtyard one way or another and were soon surrounded by quite a number of students, who were determined to keep them out of the building. Angry words were exchanged for a time. Dr. Kirschbaum, several others, and I, working on a plan of action, could hear them on the second floor. I was sent out to learn what was happening in the courtyard. Plowing through the mass of students, I faced the gendarmes and inquired where they came from, what they wanted or were looking for here, and who permitted them to violate private property rights. All looked very sheepishly at me and a bit flustered by my audacity. Finally, one of the gendarmes said: "We are looking for one Mr. Kristbaum." "Kristbaum ?" - I queried - "why there is no Kristbaum and we never heard of any Kristbaum !" I then reminded the gendarmes that they were on academic ground and that the mana,gement and students demanded that they leave the premises willingly at once. The gendarmes hesitated momentarily, then pointed their guns at us. When the students pushed closer to them, however, they put their guns down. Greatly outnumbered, they decided to leave the premises, the students accompanying them to the steet. After locking the door, several academicians visited the wine-shop in the cellar of the building and reminded the lessee to have more regard for the Slovaks. It was through this place the gendarmes got into the courtyard of Svoradov. 28 SLOVAKIA A half-hour later the Czech army and gendarmerie pulled away from Svoradov. It was then we called our colleagues of the Lafranconi. After joining us, the entire mass of students paraded in three columns in the streets of Bratislava, loudly singing songs to the wild applause of shoppers and inhabitants. As the paraders approached the government building on the Vajansky coast or bank, they were joined by masses of the population who, too, wanted to demonstrate against the Czech occupation of Slovakia, and particularly the city of Bratislava. The Slovak academicians had fired the Slovak masses with enthusiasm and determination to stand up for right and justice, the sacred cause of freedom and independence, which had been violated by Prague. The Czechs had blundered again, and blundered terribly. The chasm between the Czechs and the Slovaks widened. After twenty years of the Masaryk and Benes brand of democracy, the 1S lovaks and the Czechs were never before so far apart. The occupation of Slovakia by the Czechs was the straw that broke the camel's back. The Slovaks will never willingly join the Czechs in any venture. Czecho-Slovakia still exists, but only on paper. The Slovaks are kept in line only by force and violence. The Czechs sowed the wind and reaped a whirlwind. They have not a single true friend in Europe today. In the meantime, Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum had gone to the residence of Premier Dr. Joseph Tiso, the home of the Jesuits, where he pledged the loyalty of all Slovak students. As soon as he returned, he told us in front of the Slovak National Theater on the Hviezdoslav Square: "Dr. Joseph Tiso was saying his breviary. To the Slovak youth he sends this message: Carry on in a manner that you may not harm yourselves and that the world might see that we are not afraid of the bayonets and machineguns of any occupation army." There were parades and demostrations in Bratislava before March 10, 1939. And there many were after that. But the demonstration of the Slovak students on March 10, 1939, was undoubtedly the most spontaneous and greatest of all of them. The demonstrations were organized by the Club of Hlinka Academicians which was headed by Dr. Jo- SLOVAKIA 29 seph Kirschbaum. The leaders of the academicians were everywhere when Bratislava needed help. They were in government buildings, editorial offices, and did jobs that were dangerous. Several ,w ere scared off by events that followed, while hundreds were jailed. Of those who managed to escape from their homeland after it was occupied by the Czech and the Red Armies in 1945, I might mention at least Dr. Joseph Mikula and Dr. Gabriel Danihel in addition to Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum. They rendered valuable services at that time, services which served Slovak politicians in good stead a few hours after the events of March 10th had been initiated. Bratislava, the capital city of Slovakia, was on its feet from the 10th to the 14th of March, 1939. Several tragic events occured. The Czech army and gendarmery took recourse to arms. The Hlinka Guards of the area repulsed the occupation of the Trade Building. A volley of shots rang out. Anthony Kopal, 27-year old laborer of Vel'ke Uherce, was hit fatally and died a short time later in the Bratislava State Hospital. The first victim of the Czech March 10th putsch. That evening, 58-year old Mary Psota was shot dead as she was closing her tobacco shop which was located opposite the District Court Building. Czech soldiers, firing from the building, were responsible for her death. The Czechs had occupied the broadcasting station in Bratislava. The Slovak Hlinka Guards fought for it all day on March 10 and did get possession of it at 10 :30 that night. It was then that Premier Karol Sidor spoke over the air. Up to that time the whole Slovakia was in confusion. Cities and towns were taken by the Czechs after General Homola announced over the air and with placards that he was taking over all political, military, judicial powers in Slovakia in the name of the Prague Government. Slovak army officers and police were disarmed and placed under guard; about 500 civic leaders were imprisoned and later taken to a jail in Moravia where they were held three days. Minister Matthew Cernak was among them. In the meantime, reports were pouring in from all parts of Slovakia, particularly from the cities and towns 30 SLOVAKIA which told of the brutalities committed by the Czech occupation forces. The situation was very grave. If the 'Slovaks would have had access to weapons, there undoubtedly would have been very much blood shed on March 10th in the fight against the Czech occupants. There were indications of this especially in Trencin, Nitra, Spisska Nova Ves, and Banska Stiavnica. The atrocities committed by the "brotherly" Czechs on March 10th shall never be forgotten by the Slovaks. What happened in those days was governed by the international situation. Adolph Hitler had decided to liquidate Czecho...:Slovakia. His decision and its consequences are already recorded by history. But during those three hectic March days, the 'Slovaks were convinced that, if an unexpected turn in events did not take place - which even the majority of the foremost Slovak politicians could not foresee - the Czechs would have continued to occupy Slovakia with their army. Little wonder then that the Slovaks in these days were bitter and proclaimed: Never again with the Czechs! March 14, 1939, arrived. A glorious day for the Slovaks, nowithstanding anything that anti-Slovak ~lements say about it to the contrary! The 'Slovaks knew only the simple facts of that historical event. First, Karol Sidor was called to Berlin. He did not go. Then the Germans called Tiso, not once but twice. But he, too, was reluctant to accept the invitation. When a third invitation was delivered to him by German representatives in person, Dr. Tiso deliberated with the presidium of the Slovak People's Party. The latter decided that Dr. Tiso should accept the invitation, so Tiso flew to Berlin. On Tuesday morning, March 14, before we could form ranks in Svoradov, somebody brought in a report that Hitler had requested iDr. Tiso to proclaim the independence of Slovakia directly from Berlin. But Tiso did not broadcast anything from Berlin. We were lined up to march to the Parliament Building to learn what the Slovak legislators had in mind. Furthermore, we wanted to be on hand in case the Czechs would again attempt to take over that building. It was a cold March morning. Rolling clouds overhead, SLOVAKIA 31 snow clouds. The lively march of the academicians caught the attention of the inhabitants and warmed their hearts. They had little sleep the past three days, but there they were again on the streets waving banners and flags, shouting joyous acclaim to the Slovak Government and the academicians and demanding that the "Czechs get out of Slovakia". ; Our hearts were warm and we broke into song. Finally, we arrived at our destination and waited patiently. Then, as we broke into song again, we were joined by the academicians of Lafranconi and thousands of people. Soon the square was a mass of people. The banner of the Slovak Catholic Student Federation fluttered in the breeze over our heads. What we had gone through the past three days was like a motion picture. Then we had to make way for oncoming autos. In the first we saw temporary Premier Karol Sidor; in the second, Dr. Joseph Tiso. Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum greeted Karol Sidor and I greeted Dr. Joseph Tiso in the name of the student body. Without delay the Slovak parliament was in session. We still did not know definitely what was about to happen. Our representative, Dr. Kirschbaum, also went into the Parliament Building. After a time, he came out briefly to tell us that a very serious matter was being discussed. After he left us, he came out again shortly thereafter to inform us that the Parliament of autonomous Slovakia had decided to proclaim the independence of Slovakia. This happened at precisely seven minutes and twelve seconds after twelve o'clock noon. Bratislava streets burst out with joyous acclaim. Alexander Mach and Dr. Kirschbaum rushed to an auto and sped to the broadcasting station. First Mach made a brief broadcast and then Dr. Kirschbaum spoke in the name of Slovak youth. They told of the historical event that had taken place. As soon as the cities and towns heard the broadcast, bells began to peel in all the churches of Slovakia. The Fourth of July had arrived for the Slovaks on March 14, 1939. All offices and schools were quickly closed for the rest of the day. The Slovaks prayed and sang with joy as never before. 32 SLOVAKIA Bratislava streets rang out with song for quite a time. We embraced each other and danced. Then we marched, or rather should ,J say, danced all the way to Svoradov. The fraternity was another joyous scene. I still remember vividly how we embraced Colman Murgas in the refectory, his eyes streaming with tears. I was so excited that 1 could hardly eat. Like so many others, l had lost my appetite for food. Like them, I was satiated with joy. The Slovaks proclaimed their country an independent Republic on March 14, 1939. • • • SLOVAK NATIONALISM: THE ROLE OF EMIGRANTS IN SLOVAK NATIONALISM B. S. BUC, Ph.D. 1. The Nation of Emigrants Slovak nationalism cannot be considered as the outgrowth of the Central European soil and the pure product of political forces of that sector. It was steadily developing under many outside influences which penetrated that sector either in the form of new ideas or in the form of outside political and economic interests. Moreover, in the period of the greatest oppression, the real shaping of the Slovak national will for survival was occuring outside Slovakia, among emigrants. About one third of the present Slovak population lives outside Slovakia as emigrants in various sectors of the world. That makes Slovaks truly a nation of emigrants. They were forced to emigrate either for economic or political reasons. Slovakia is a mountainous country with forests covering 40 % of the land. Moreover, prior to 1918, a substantial part of Slovak land was owned by the Magyar or foreign aristocracy, so that Slovaks had little opportunity to make living from agriculture. Temporary or permanent emigration became, therefore the only solution to the economic problem for many children of Slovak farmers. When they  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Stirring Days of March 1939 Description An account of the resource Dr. Joseph Paučo Slovakia, Vol. 9, No. 4 (29), March 1959 pp. 24-32 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paučo, Jozef, 1914-1975 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 1959 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/45ef396945055687fcc826bbb6a33738.pdf d482228ad3a96993a77c403e5a7721dd PDF Text Text 62 SLOVAKIA SLOVAKIA UNDER COMMUNISM By Joseph Pauco Some Americans of Slovak ancestory who visit Slovakia keep in touch with me and keep me up to date as to what is or has recently transpired in our ancestoral homeland. From this I can faithfully present the following report about oppressed Slovakia under Czech Communism. The Scarcity of News Everyone who receives mail from Slovakia complains of the scarcity of news. In fact very little news is ever mentioned in personal letters. The only news we get and learn from the writer of any letter is that he is still living or that such and such are alive or that so and so of the family is dead. No one writing to America dare mention anything detrimental or in opposition to the regime. Most of our information about what is transpiring in Slovakia comes from the visitors. Last year's visitors to Slovakia disclosed the fact that a Slovak there, sending mail out of the country, must personally present every letter unsealed at the postal window and identify himself - for obvious reasons. One of our friends brought this message from his kin: Tell our relatives in America that they should not expect any details in our letters - because we may only praise our present regime. Whilst visiting there my friend learned of the cruel fate that happened to a young man whose father surprised him with an automobile from America. As soon as the communist authorities heard that he received the automobile they laid him off. When he inquired as to the reason for this, he was told that he has a wealthy American father who brought him a car; therefore let the father provide a living for him! A communist customs official directed a Slovak American lady to inform every one in America "not to bring or send clothes from America. We need American dollars �SLOVAKIA 63 with which to buy better things than those that you bring or send to us." Other visitor to Slovakia affirmed that: "The duty on new articles sent from the USA to Slovakia is several times higher than the value of the article. Hence the Slovak people there often beg and advise Americans not to send new clothing, shoes, etc." Communist Persecution of Slovak Peasants One of our countrymen who returned from Slovakia reports: "I was in Slovakia and I didn't recognize my own hometown. Much is changed. Since 1945 standards of living dropped and the people been living through nothing but woeful poverty, adversity and persecution. "Your Slovak-American press reports that everything is being communized," they told to my friend; "but you probably do not know that every farmer is resisting this as long as he possibly can. Not one wants to give up what he has; not one of them freely volunteers to be communized. "First the communist regime decreed that every farmer must turn over to the State a specific portion of the crop - so much grain, potatoes, sugar beets, vegetables, fruit, eggs, milk and other produce. If the farmer was unable the government got after him and asked him 'Will you sign?' If he declined to sign, he was taken a few days later to the police headquarters. "At the headquarters he was always investigated and intimidated - about his field, about his family, his work, where and who his kin is, where each member of the family works, with what girl does his son keep company, where his relatives live. "Whether he has any relatives in the United States of America, whether they write and send packages or money to him; and other similar questions. After all these always comes the persistent question: 'Will you sign?' If he declines again, the policeman grab his arms, twist them, stick a pen into his fingers and force him to sign. Some of the farmers are held at the police seven-ten days, �64 SLOVAKIA and tortured two or three times a day - to get them to give up their farms. "Those who were more determined would hold out longer, but even they would eventually yield. Indeed all those, whom I saw and whom I talked, the average American might be tempted to consider stupid or mental for they certainly talk peculiarly scared and nervous like, obviously because of the terror and beatings to which they were subjected. "Hence, they finally resign themselves to the hopeless fate and role to which the State subjects them. They thus in practice become utter slaves of the State. In enforcing the commune upon them, the State would dismiss the farmer's son or daughter from office work under the pretext that peasant and his family is sabotaging the commune. "My sister complained bitterly about this miserable situation. Her husband was persecuted and terrorized, her son was kicked out of the factory, and our priest-uncle was spirited away to the concentration camp. And last summer the state police came and ransacked her house and recorded all that she had in it. Every little item they checked and recorded - clothing, furniture, all her goods, stationary, toiletries, rags. Nothing is private to the communists." Slovaks Are Fleeing Into the Mountains Another visitor to Slovakia records: "As regards recruiting into the commune, this is done both by propaganda and terrorizing. In my hometown this was done even whilst I was there. Sixty communists poured out of a bus every morning to intimidate the farmers who resisted giving up their fields to the State. "My cousin was detained last spring by the regional national committee for investigation. He was beaten and locked up in a dark basement for two days. "My brother-in-law, who is on pension and who refused to turn over his property to the communist regime. had his pension taken away for good. "At the time of my visit to my hometown it was like �SLOVAKIA 65 doomsday. I wanted to visit with some of my friends with whom I used to chum around in my youth and who were still living, but they were afraid to talk to me. About twenty of the male friends fled before the police into the mountains. "Many of the other farmers of the country were likewise fleeing into the hills. "I am a rough coal miner. I never wept; but what I saw in my native town moved me to tears and I cried with many of the men there. They weep both out of just anger and out of bitter despair; for they are helpless and powerless to prevent their own plots of land from going to waste or to the communist regime. "I visited Slovakia when Khrushchev was preparing to visit America. Everyone who spoke of his visit, frowned on it, and prayed for the American leaders. "I'd love to visit again my native town in Slovakia; but not under communism, because my heart would break over the plight of my fellow countrymen." Whom Does Communism Permit to Attend the University Other Slovak American who visited Slovakia learned that: "I visited my native city - Kosice. My relatives have children whom they would like to send to the University. Out of five of them only one was able to send his son to a University. When I questioned them how such discrimination is possible, they answered: "'We are deeply worried when our children finish the required schooling. Besides, it is not easy to get permission to send one's child to a University; for 75 percent of the students must be of the so-called "proletariat families" - that is, of the already communized families. "'The growth of purely Slovak intelligentsia is thus restricted, indeed decreased.' "Another sad situation in Slovakia is this: "People live, so to speak, from hand to mouth. That is, they do not put away anything into the bank - either because they do not have anything to put in or because they do not trust communist banks or communist money. �66 SLOVAKIA "My cousin lives with her husband and children in a State home. It is a large home to house several families of workers - the privileged class which does not pay rent. The State leaves them in the apartments free of rent, because it does not wish to stir up scandal against those who are its privileged favorites. Hence, if these do not contribute to the support of the State, how can the State function - unless it discriminates against and takes from the majority of the Slovak populace? "It is obvious that the State does this deliberately both so that there would be no savings and so that all would live in State owned houses and apartments, where it is the easier for the State to check and control each family. Here and there, of course, a family will attempt to build its own home - but this is done under tremendous hardships. Nevertheless, though it is difficult to secure labor, unemployment is on the rise among the Slovak people - another reason why bitterness is increasing against communists." Slovak Youth lndoctrinat.ed and Educat.ed Against God The Communists in Slovakia concern themselves to turn Slovak youth against God and religion and to bring it up without religion is quite evident. Every visitor mentions this. We have first hand evidence of this policy even from the Communist daily "Praca"; for instance, under the date of December 6, 1959, under the heading "Circle of Young Atheists" we read: "In the schools of Slovakia Slovak youth is being organized and trained against God and the Church." The article mentions such an organized group or circle in a school on Dubova Street in Bratislava. The previous year the circle had 15 members; last year it had 73 members. Each circle, as then organized, the article claimed, was made up of eleventh graders. "What do these 'circles' do?" The article asks and answers this thus: "This year we read and discuss Lunacarsky's book 'Why It Is Impossible To Believe In God'" (Communists spell God with a small initial letter.) In Prague a so-called new "Broadcast University" �SLOVAKIA 67 was founded. The Chicago Daily News carried this short news-item on one of this "university's" lectures: CZE,CH RADIO ANAIL YZES Bl·BLE Bonn, Germany, Jan. 9 (1960) - Lectures in Czecho-Slovakia's "Radio University" have been at some pains recently to analyze sections of the Bible. The Bible, these Communist speakers argued, contains a good deal of brutality and immorality. As one example they cited the killing of the priests of Baal. The program was in reply to a listener who had written to defend Christianity, and to argue that the world would be a better place if everyone followed Christian principles. Religion, the lecturers said, had not been able to eliminate wars or to prevent fascism. Most of the good in religious ideas, the lecturers added, was of non-religious origin. This then is the way Czech Communists indoctrinate and poison the minds of the young and the faithful. Communist Destruction of Slovak Churches A visiting countryman reports: "In my native village, a few days prior to my arrival, the communist authorities closed the church and with my own eyes I saw posted on it the communists' official sign: 'STATE PROPERTY.' "My kinsfolks disclosed to me that their pastor was forced to preach most cautiously. He was unable to preach what he wished or as his heart and conscience dictated to him. Upon learning of this the faithful would crowd evenings after work into the church for prolonged periods of prayer - without their shepherd. So the civil authorities closed the church. "The parishioners then began to meet to pray at the outdoor on the outskirts of the village; but this was not for long, for not many days later heavily armed militia swooped down upon them and dispersed them. Terrorized people cried and defended themselves bare-handed as best they could. "From precedent Slovak citizenry now knows that communist authorities will turn any church into a granary or theatre or some propaganda house - as the communists did elsewhere and in Russia. "Terrorized peasants everywhere told me that: "'Everyone who is in the employment of the State �68 SLOVAKIA teachers, police, soldiers and the like - must renounce their faith and church. Students attending the University must likewise do so. Anyone who refuses to conform, looses his rights, his place and position. "I spoke with my cousin-priest who was held in prison for a very long time and who is now forced to work in a factory, and he revealed nervously how the Church situation is there: 'Worse,' he told me fearfully, 'than you or your American press realizes and reports; for only he who lived through it all can correctly tell of it. For instance, no priest can be sure in the evening when he retires that in the morning when he gets up he will be able to enter his own church again. He may have been dragged out of bed at night and spirited away to prison.' "Others again will tell you that the most tragic thing is that the seminaries were all closed down; only the State directed one in Bratislava is allowed to be opened, and it permits only a ridiculously small token number of seminarians. "It is public knowledge that the professors in this seminary are favorably disposed to the communist regime ; and even though they should not be, the seven or eight seminarians that are annually ordained are entirely too few for the 4 million inhabitants of Slovakia. More priests die annually in one diocese than that. Old priests are rapidly dying off - as they must; and there are none, or proportionately very few, to replace them. Such a situation is disastrous to the Church. In a generation or two there will scarcily be enough priests in the country to supply a town let alone the whole country. In the course of a few years Slovakia will be progressively without priests and churches. And not only for this reason. The State is trying to bring up an irreligious and churchless population. Tremendous pressure, for instance, is exerted upon the youth, especially in the Universities, to have nothing to do with religion. Students are mostly drawn from trusty communist circles or families ; and if one or the other of these is noticed to cling more to the Sacred Scriptures than to Karl Marx, he is immediately expelled. Communism wants only a communist intelligentsia. In key positions this in- �SLOVAKIA 69 telligentsia can control the world, the thoughts of men and have its own 'communist religion'." The Church Is the Greatest Opponent of Communism Though the press in Slovakia is completely controlled and carefully censored by the communists in order the more overtly and effectively to undermine religion and popularize communism, readers nevertheless can readily notice what and how this propaganda is doing and working against the Church and religion. No matter how careful the communist press is it cannot help but here and there expose and betray itself and its objectives. For example, the daily "PRACA" of November 3, 1959 treats of the "United Efforts of the Vatican." Among other things it writes: "Serfdom, feudalism and bourgeoisism - and bureaucracy - on the one side and the church on the other side needed each other in order to control the new, progressive and rapidly developing power of the revolutionary mass of serfs, non-farmers and workers, particularly after the laboring class proposed and obtained such a powerful ideological arsenal as is Marxism and such wonderful organizers as communism and its party are ... Religion and the Church remain practically the last and only ideological defenses and the only hope of the dying old world. . . Rapidly rising peaceful powers of the earth press the enemy to rely more and more on the ideological arsenal of religion and religion's organization. The defenders of darkness are seriously interested in the leadership of reli,gion. "The Vatican, as the supreme head and center of darkness and ideological warfare against progress, is preparing for total mobilization. For instance, the Vatican is preparing an ecumenical council, so that in the ensuing discussions with the 'separated brethren' the matter of political and ideological cooperation and mutual objectives against communism will be considered and achieved. "And if it should come to the union of Christians, this would be only so that the Vatican can the more successfully serve the disintegrating imperialistic colonial system and fight for the salvation of capitalism and strengthen the reactionary positions of the Church." �70 SLOVAKIA So the communist press alleges. This, however, is merely one instance of how the communistic press works. Those who accept such "revelations" of the communist press as a genuine contribution to the peace and concord of coexistence, must, in view of all this, be either deceived or stupid or mentally sick. The Chasm Between the Slovaks and Czechs I met another visitor from Slovakia and he expressed his impressions this way: "My brother works in an office there and he explained how things stand with him and what life is like in CzechoSlovakia. "'Everybody,' he said, 'is living in fear - scared; because in every office there sits a security agent, who records or notes for the police everything what he observes. "He is a common individual who works in the office like all of us; but he has this special personal assignment. Hence, wherever it is possible, Slovak officials, whether in the office or in the factory, sabotage the work. Sometimes Slovaks even go on strike; but Czechs have never gone on a strike. . "Czechs merely inquire of the Slovaks: 'What's happening in Slovakia?' - as if to say, they wish the Slovaks would begin a revolution in Slovakia. Then the Czech will sit back, observe and take credit for being a good and reliable citizens and deserving of better consideration, better positions and better treatment - in any kind of governmen, even foreign. "It's the same with listening to radio broadcasts. Most Slovaks listen to foreign broadcasts, watch Austrian TV programs, and the like. But not so the Czechs. They, allegedly, dislike Austrians and Germans. "Czechs would like the world to believe that Slovaks like to fraternalize with them (with Czechs); but this is untrue and absurd. S 1 o v a k s detest fraternalizing with Czechs - for obvious reasons. The true Slovak, because of the Czech persecution and exploitation of Slovakia and because of the common tendency amongst the Czechs to toy around sympathetically with communism and irreli- �SLOVAKIA 71 gion, is very wary of the Czech. If there was any fraternalizing between the Czech and Slovak before the First World War, there is none since the Czech attempt to Czechjze Slovakia after the formation of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Slovaks are convinced that it is impossible to coexist let alone live with the Czechs in one State. "I experienced this myself in Praha. Czech youth wholly does not comprehend the Slovak or the Slovak attitude. Prague youths, when I addressed them, persistently asked me, 'What are you, a Polak?' And my brother, who lives in Slovakia, would try to comfort me and say: 'Don't be amazed at this. They do not care to understand the Slovak tongue, muchless the Slovak and his democratic views. They behold him with disdain and contempt.' "Let me mention what I learned of what happened in 1956 when the Hungarians revolted. The Slovak people were hoping for a general war to break out, with America rushing to aid free Hungary, but nothing like this happened. "The Czechs, instead, sent a whole armed division against the revolting Hungarians. By chance I met in New York City a Hungarian who fought in that revolt and he told me that the revolting Hungarians got aid only from two places - from Spain and from Slovakia. The Slovaks somehow or another spirited away to them 500 loaded machine guns, a great quantity of hand grenades and ammuniti9n and a lot of bandages, and the Spaniards sent over a planeload of bazookas." I asked my Slovak informant how the Slovaks in Slovakia viewed the liquidation of the Hungarian revolt and he answered me : "They were tremendously disappointed - and they are so even at present. Nevertheless they still hope that America will help liberate all of them. And, if America does not help them, they certainly will despair." A Message To American Statesmen A friend of mine brought this message from Slovakia: "Tell all American Slovaks to work tirelessly for a free Slovakia. Let them rest assured that we are praying for them. And we also pray that God might enlighten the �72 SLOVAKIA minds of your American statesmen so that they might not be naive and might not betray the nations behind the Iron Curtain, not even our Slovak nation, because we await our rescue and liberation from America, her President and Government. Indeed, there has been already enough suffering, misery, real and judicial murders. There is no greater punishment for us than this communist hell. The sooner America realizes this, the better for her." Need anything be added to the above? Americans of Slovak descent, joined together in the Slovak League of America, are expending every effort in this direction to liberate the Slovaks at home and secure for them the independence they have fought for so many hundreds of years. The adamant anti-communist stand of the League is well known. The Slovak League of America, an American institution, believes that it is in the highest interest of the security and welfare of the United States, that the Government of the United States fully recognize and respect the inherent right of the Slovak nation to freedom and independence. Conclusion This then is the situation in Slovakia today. In reporting this I presented only some incidents and facts. In these our own United States of America, many people are not aware of what is happening behind the Iron Curtain. In my opinion, the things that are happening in Slovakia, in Poland, in Lithuania, in Rumania, in Yugoslavia and other communist controlled countries, indeed in Russia and China themselves, is not only a concern of these people and nations but also of every other country that does not wish to succumb to communism. America is no exception. Indeed America is and will be most responsible and reprehensible, I believe, in the eyes of world historians - and of the world in years to come - if communism spreads. Only America can prevent or limit its spread and contain and isolate it. I personally do not think that to isolate it is to solve the problem of communism; on the contrary, world communism has assumed such proportions that it cannot be isolated anymore. Communism overtook China. It is influencing other �SLOVAKIA 73 Asiatic people and it is penetrating into Africa. Some Americans rejoice that shaking hands with Khrushchev is solving the problem; but to do so is a stab in the back of those who suffer under communism. To solve it, America and the whole world must not run away with the form of government established for us by our American founders . Freedom is the right of our 181 million American people; but this is also the right of every people. The threats of Kremlin ought not make Americans wince and submit to the dictates of Khrushchev as to how a Paris conference must end or whether our president should or should not go to Tokyo. Because after such a dictate will encourage Khrushchev to continue further. The aim of communism even now in 1960 is the proletariat's world rule. Khrushchev said this summer, "I'd love to see the red banner flying over the whole world in my lifetime." • • • WHO SAID IT? The Czechs . . . . are inclined to be both socialistic in politics and agnostic in religion. The Slovaks on the other ·hand ... as conservative peasantry are for the most part loyal and pious Roman Catholics. It is perhaps not surprising therefore that friction developed between them." - (F. Lee Benm;: Europe Since 1914, New Y:ork, 193:11; p. 556). • • • "The population question is further complicated by the ant'agonism of the Czechs and Slovaks themselves. The Czechs, who outnumber the Slovaks almost two to one ... are more inclined toward political liberalism and religious scepticism .... The Slovaks are among the most pious and conservative of peasant folks . .." - (Walter C. Langsam: The World Since 1914, New York, 1953; p. 453). • • • "Some of the .radica,ls and the nationalists in parliament demanded an absolute sep·a ration of church and state, and in January 1920, as part of the so-called 'Away From Rome' movement, there was established a Czechoslovak National Church which proclaimed its independence of the papacy and abolished the requirement of celibacy for the clergy. This church, however, gained almost no Slovak adherents and fewer than a million Czech members." - (Walter C. Langsam : The World since 1914, New York, '1•953; p. 45'1). � 62 SLOVAKIA SLOVAKIA UNDER COMMUNISM By Joseph Pauco Some Americans of Slovak ancestory who visit Slovakia keep in touch with me and keep me up to date as to what is or has recently transpired in our ancestoral homeland. From this I can faithfully present the following report about oppressed Slovakia under Czech Communism. The Scarcity of News Everyone who receives mail from Slovakia complains of the scarcity of news. In fact very little news is ever mentioned in personal letters. The only news we get and learn from the writer of any letter is that he is still living or that such and such are alive or that so and so of the family is dead. No one writing to America dare mention anything detrimental or in opposition to the regime. Most of our information about what is transpiring in Slovakia comes from the visitors. Last year's visitors to Slovakia disclosed the fact that a Slovak there, sending mail out of the country, must personally present every letter unsealed at the postal window and identify himself - for obvious reasons. One of our friends brought this message from his kin: Tell our relatives in America that they should not expect any details in our letters - because we may only praise our present regime. Whilst visiting there my friend learned of the cruel fate that happened to a young man whose father surprised him with an automobile from America. As soon as the communist authorities heard that he received the automobile they laid him off. When he inquired as to the reason for this, he was told that he has a wealthy American father who brought him a car; therefore let the father provide a living for him! A communist customs official directed a Slovak American lady to inform every one in America "not to bring or send clothes from America. We need American dollars �SLOVAKIA 63 with which to buy better things than those that you bring or send to us." Other visitor to Slovakia affirmed that: "The duty on new articles sent from the USA to Slovakia is several times higher than the value of the article. Hence the Slovak people there often beg and advise Americans not to send new clothing, shoes, etc." Communist Persecution of Slovak Peasants One of our countrymen who returned from Slovakia reports: "I was in Slovakia and I didn't recognize my own hometown. Much is changed. Since 1945 standards of living dropped and the people been living through nothing but woeful poverty, adversity and persecution. "Your Slovak-American press reports that everything is being communized," they told to my friend; "but you probably do not know that every farmer is resisting this as long as he possibly can. Not one wants to give up what he has; not one of them freely volunteers to be communized. "First the communist regime decreed that every farmer must turn over to the State a specific portion of the crop - so much grain, potatoes, sugar beets, vegetables, fruit, eggs, milk and other produce. If the farmer was unable the government got after him and asked him 'Will you sign?' If he declined to sign, he was taken a few days later to the police headquarters. "At the headquarters he was always investigated and intimidated - about his field, about his family, his work, where and who his kin is, where each member of the family works, with what girl does his son keep company, where his relatives live. "Whether he has any relatives in the United States of America, whether they write and send packages or money to him; and other similar questions. After all these always comes the persistent question: 'Will you sign?' If he declines again, the policeman grab his arms, twist them, stick a pen into his fingers and force him to sign. Some of the farmers are held at the police seven-ten days, �64 SLOVAKIA and tortured two or three times a day - to get them to give up their farms. "Those who were more determined would hold out longer, but even they would eventually yield. Indeed all those, whom I saw and whom I talked, the average American might be tempted to consider stupid or mental for they certainly talk peculiarly scared and nervous like, obviously because of the terror and beatings to which they were subjected. "Hence, they finally resign themselves to the hopeless fate and role to which the State subjects them. They thus in practice become utter slaves of the State. In enforcing the commune upon them, the State would dismiss the farmer's son or daughter from office work under the pretext that peasant and his family is sabotaging the commune. "My sister complained bitterly about this miserable situation. Her husband was persecuted and terrorized, her son was kicked out of the factory, and our priest-uncle was spirited away to the concentration camp. And last summer the state police came and ransacked her house and recorded all that she had in it. Every little item they checked and recorded - clothing, furniture, all her goods, stationary, toiletries, rags. Nothing is private to the communists." Slovaks Are Fleeing Into the Mountains Another visitor to Slovakia records: "As regards recruiting into the commune, this is done both by propaganda and terrorizing. In my hometown this was done even whilst I was there. Sixty communists poured out of a bus every morning to intimidate the farmers who resisted giving up their fields to the State. "My cousin was detained last spring by the regional national committee for investigation. He was beaten and locked up in a dark basement for two days. "My brother-in-law, who is on pension and who refused to turn over his property to the communist regime. had his pension taken away for good. "At the time of my visit to my hometown it was like �SLOVAKIA 65 doomsday. I wanted to visit with some of my friends with whom I used to chum around in my youth and who were still living, but they were afraid to talk to me. About twenty of the male friends fled before the police into the mountains. "Many of the other farmers of the country were likewise fleeing into the hills. "I am a rough coal miner. I never wept; but what I saw in my native town moved me to tears and I cried with many of the men there. They weep both out of just anger and out of bitter despair; for they are helpless and powerless to prevent their own plots of land from going to waste or to the communist regime. "I visited Slovakia when Khrushchev was preparing to visit America. Everyone who spoke of his visit, frowned on it, and prayed for the American leaders. "I'd love to visit again my native town in Slovakia; but not under communism, because my heart would break over the plight of my fellow countrymen." Whom Does Communism Permit to Attend the University Other Slovak American who visited Slovakia learned that: "I visited my native city - Kosice. My relatives have children whom they would like to send to the University. Out of five of them only one was able to send his son to a University. When I questioned them how such discrimination is possible, they answered: "'We are deeply worried when our children finish the required schooling. Besides, it is not easy to get permission to send one's child to a University; for 75 percent of the students must be of the so-called "proletariat families" - that is, of the already communized families. "'The growth of purely Slovak intelligentsia is thus restricted, indeed decreased.' "Another sad situation in Slovakia is this: "People live, so to speak, from hand to mouth. That is, they do not put away anything into the bank - either because they do not have anything to put in or because they do not trust communist banks or communist money. �66 SLOVAKIA "My cousin lives with her husband and children in a State home. It is a large home to house several families of workers - the privileged class which does not pay rent. The State leaves them in the apartments free of rent, because it does not wish to stir up scandal against those who are its privileged favorites. Hence, if these do not contribute to the support of the State, how can the State function - unless it discriminates against and takes from the majority of the Slovak populace? "It is obvious that the State does this deliberately both so that there would be no savings and so that all would live in State owned houses and apartments, where it is the easier for the State to check and control each family. Here and there, of course, a family will attempt to build its own home - but this is done under tremendous hardships. Nevertheless, though it is difficult to secure labor, unemployment is on the rise among the Slovak people - another reason why bitterness is increasing against communists." Slovak Youth lndoctrinat.ed and Educat.ed Against God The Communists in Slovakia concern themselves to turn Slovak youth against God and religion and to bring it up without religion is quite evident. Every visitor mentions this. We have first hand evidence of this policy even from the Communist daily "Praca"; for instance, under the date of December 6, 1959, under the heading "Circle of Young Atheists" we read: "In the schools of Slovakia Slovak youth is being organized and trained against God and the Church." The article mentions such an organized group or circle in a school on Dubova Street in Bratislava. The previous year the circle had 15 members; last year it had 73 members. Each circle, as then organized, the article claimed, was made up of eleventh graders. "What do these 'circles' do?" The article asks and answers this thus: "This year we read and discuss Lunacarsky's book 'Why It Is Impossible To Believe In God'" (Communists spell God with a small initial letter.) In Prague a so-called new "Broadcast University" �SLOVAKIA 67 was founded. The Chicago Daily News carried this short news-item on one of this "university's" lectures: CZE,CH RADIO ANAIL YZES Bl·BLE Bonn, Germany, Jan. 9 (1960) - Lectures in Czecho-Slovakia's "Radio University" have been at some pains recently to analyze sections of the Bible. The Bible, these Communist speakers argued, contains a good deal of brutality and immorality. As one example they cited the killing of the priests of Baal. The program was in reply to a listener who had written to defend Christianity, and to argue that the world would be a better place if everyone followed Christian principles. Religion, the lecturers said, had not been able to eliminate wars or to prevent fascism. Most of the good in religious ideas, the lecturers added, was of non-religious origin. This then is the way Czech Communists indoctrinate and poison the minds of the young and the faithful. Communist Destruction of Slovak Churches A visiting countryman reports: "In my native village, a few days prior to my arrival, the communist authorities closed the church and with my own eyes I saw posted on it the communists' official sign: 'STATE PROPERTY.' "My kinsfolks disclosed to me that their pastor was forced to preach most cautiously. He was unable to preach what he wished or as his heart and conscience dictated to him. Upon learning of this the faithful would crowd evenings after work into the church for prolonged periods of prayer - without their shepherd. So the civil authorities closed the church. "The parishioners then began to meet to pray at the outdoor on the outskirts of the village; but this was not for long, for not many days later heavily armed militia swooped down upon them and dispersed them. Terrorized people cried and defended themselves bare-handed as best they could. "From precedent Slovak citizenry now knows that communist authorities will turn any church into a granary or theatre or some propaganda house - as the communists did elsewhere and in Russia. "Terrorized peasants everywhere told me that: "'Everyone who is in the employment of the State �68 SLOVAKIA teachers, police, soldiers and the like - must renounce their faith and church. Students attending the University must likewise do so. Anyone who refuses to conform, looses his rights, his place and position. "I spoke with my cousin-priest who was held in prison for a very long time and who is now forced to work in a factory, and he revealed nervously how the Church situation is there: 'Worse,' he told me fearfully, 'than you or your American press realizes and reports; for only he who lived through it all can correctly tell of it. For instance, no priest can be sure in the evening when he retires that in the morning when he gets up he will be able to enter his own church again. He may have been dragged out of bed at night and spirited away to prison.' "Others again will tell you that the most tragic thing is that the seminaries were all closed down; only the State directed one in Bratislava is allowed to be opened, and it permits only a ridiculously small token number of seminarians. "It is public knowledge that the professors in this seminary are favorably disposed to the communist regime ; and even though they should not be, the seven or eight seminarians that are annually ordained are entirely too few for the 4 million inhabitants of Slovakia. More priests die annually in one diocese than that. Old priests are rapidly dying off - as they must; and there are none, or proportionately very few, to replace them. Such a situation is disastrous to the Church. In a generation or two there will scarcily be enough priests in the country to supply a town let alone the whole country. In the course of a few years Slovakia will be progressively without priests and churches. And not only for this reason. The State is trying to bring up an irreligious and churchless population. Tremendous pressure, for instance, is exerted upon the youth, especially in the Universities, to have nothing to do with religion. Students are mostly drawn from trusty communist circles or families ; and if one or the other of these is noticed to cling more to the Sacred Scriptures than to Karl Marx, he is immediately expelled. Communism wants only a communist intelligentsia. In key positions this in- �SLOVAKIA 69 telligentsia can control the world, the thoughts of men and have its own 'communist religion'." The Church Is the Greatest Opponent of Communism Though the press in Slovakia is completely controlled and carefully censored by the communists in order the more overtly and effectively to undermine religion and popularize communism, readers nevertheless can readily notice what and how this propaganda is doing and working against the Church and religion. No matter how careful the communist press is it cannot help but here and there expose and betray itself and its objectives. For example, the daily "PRACA" of November 3, 1959 treats of the "United Efforts of the Vatican." Among other things it writes: "Serfdom, feudalism and bourgeoisism - and bureaucracy - on the one side and the church on the other side needed each other in order to control the new, progressive and rapidly developing power of the revolutionary mass of serfs, non-farmers and workers, particularly after the laboring class proposed and obtained such a powerful ideological arsenal as is Marxism and such wonderful organizers as communism and its party are ... Religion and the Church remain practically the last and only ideological defenses and the only hope of the dying old world. . . Rapidly rising peaceful powers of the earth press the enemy to rely more and more on the ideological arsenal of religion and religion's organization. The defenders of darkness are seriously interested in the leadership of reli,gion. "The Vatican, as the supreme head and center of darkness and ideological warfare against progress, is preparing for total mobilization. For instance, the Vatican is preparing an ecumenical council, so that in the ensuing discussions with the 'separated brethren' the matter of political and ideological cooperation and mutual objectives against communism will be considered and achieved. "And if it should come to the union of Christians, this would be only so that the Vatican can the more successfully serve the disintegrating imperialistic colonial system and fight for the salvation of capitalism and strengthen the reactionary positions of the Church." �70 SLOVAKIA So the communist press alleges. This, however, is merely one instance of how the communistic press works. Those who accept such "revelations" of the communist press as a genuine contribution to the peace and concord of coexistence, must, in view of all this, be either deceived or stupid or mentally sick. The Chasm Between the Slovaks and Czechs I met another visitor from Slovakia and he expressed his impressions this way: "My brother works in an office there and he explained how things stand with him and what life is like in CzechoSlovakia. "'Everybody,' he said, 'is living in fear - scared; because in every office there sits a security agent, who records or notes for the police everything what he observes. "He is a common individual who works in the office like all of us; but he has this special personal assignment. Hence, wherever it is possible, Slovak officials, whether in the office or in the factory, sabotage the work. Sometimes Slovaks even go on strike; but Czechs have never gone on a strike. . "Czechs merely inquire of the Slovaks: 'What's happening in Slovakia?' - as if to say, they wish the Slovaks would begin a revolution in Slovakia. Then the Czech will sit back, observe and take credit for being a good and reliable citizens and deserving of better consideration, better positions and better treatment - in any kind of governmen, even foreign. "It's the same with listening to radio broadcasts. Most Slovaks listen to foreign broadcasts, watch Austrian TV programs, and the like. But not so the Czechs. They, allegedly, dislike Austrians and Germans. "Czechs would like the world to believe that Slovaks like to fraternalize with them (with Czechs); but this is untrue and absurd. S 1 o v a k s detest fraternalizing with Czechs - for obvious reasons. The true Slovak, because of the Czech persecution and exploitation of Slovakia and because of the common tendency amongst the Czechs to toy around sympathetically with communism and irreli- �SLOVAKIA 71 gion, is very wary of the Czech. If there was any fraternalizing between the Czech and Slovak before the First World War, there is none since the Czech attempt to Czechjze Slovakia after the formation of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Slovaks are convinced that it is impossible to coexist let alone live with the Czechs in one State. "I experienced this myself in Praha. Czech youth wholly does not comprehend the Slovak or the Slovak attitude. Prague youths, when I addressed them, persistently asked me, 'What are you, a Polak?' And my brother, who lives in Slovakia, would try to comfort me and say: 'Don't be amazed at this. They do not care to understand the Slovak tongue, muchless the Slovak and his democratic views. They behold him with disdain and contempt.' "Let me mention what I learned of what happened in 1956 when the Hungarians revolted. The Slovak people were hoping for a general war to break out, with America rushing to aid free Hungary, but nothing like this happened. "The Czechs, instead, sent a whole armed division against the revolting Hungarians. By chance I met in New York City a Hungarian who fought in that revolt and he told me that the revolting Hungarians got aid only from two places - from Spain and from Slovakia. The Slovaks somehow or another spirited away to them 500 loaded machine guns, a great quantity of hand grenades and ammuniti9n and a lot of bandages, and the Spaniards sent over a planeload of bazookas." I asked my Slovak informant how the Slovaks in Slovakia viewed the liquidation of the Hungarian revolt and he answered me : "They were tremendously disappointed - and they are so even at present. Nevertheless they still hope that America will help liberate all of them. And, if America does not help them, they certainly will despair." A Message To American Statesmen A friend of mine brought this message from Slovakia: "Tell all American Slovaks to work tirelessly for a free Slovakia. Let them rest assured that we are praying for them. And we also pray that God might enlighten the �72 SLOVAKIA minds of your American statesmen so that they might not be naive and might not betray the nations behind the Iron Curtain, not even our Slovak nation, because we await our rescue and liberation from America, her President and Government. Indeed, there has been already enough suffering, misery, real and judicial murders. There is no greater punishment for us than this communist hell. The sooner America realizes this, the better for her." Need anything be added to the above? Americans of Slovak descent, joined together in the Slovak League of America, are expending every effort in this direction to liberate the Slovaks at home and secure for them the independence they have fought for so many hundreds of years. The adamant anti-communist stand of the League is well known. The Slovak League of America, an American institution, believes that it is in the highest interest of the security and welfare of the United States, that the Government of the United States fully recognize and respect the inherent right of the Slovak nation to freedom and independence. Conclusion This then is the situation in Slovakia today. In reporting this I presented only some incidents and facts. In these our own United States of America, many people are not aware of what is happening behind the Iron Curtain. In my opinion, the things that are happening in Slovakia, in Poland, in Lithuania, in Rumania, in Yugoslavia and other communist controlled countries, indeed in Russia and China themselves, is not only a concern of these people and nations but also of every other country that does not wish to succumb to communism. America is no exception. Indeed America is and will be most responsible and reprehensible, I believe, in the eyes of world historians - and of the world in years to come - if communism spreads. Only America can prevent or limit its spread and contain and isolate it. I personally do not think that to isolate it is to solve the problem of communism; on the contrary, world communism has assumed such proportions that it cannot be isolated anymore. Communism overtook China. It is influencing other �SLOVAKIA 73 Asiatic people and it is penetrating into Africa. Some Americans rejoice that shaking hands with Khrushchev is solving the problem; but to do so is a stab in the back of those who suffer under communism. To solve it, America and the whole world must not run away with the form of government established for us by our American founders . Freedom is the right of our 181 million American people; but this is also the right of every people. The threats of Kremlin ought not make Americans wince and submit to the dictates of Khrushchev as to how a Paris conference must end or whether our president should or should not go to Tokyo. Because after such a dictate will encourage Khrushchev to continue further. The aim of communism even now in 1960 is the proletariat's world rule. Khrushchev said this summer, "I'd love to see the red banner flying over the whole world in my lifetime." • • • WHO SAID IT? The Czechs . . . . are inclined to be both socialistic in politics and agnostic in religion. The Slovaks on the other ·hand ... as conservative peasantry are for the most part loyal and pious Roman Catholics. It is perhaps not surprising therefore that friction developed between them." - (F. Lee Benm;: Europe Since 1914, New Y:ork, 193:11; p. 556). • • • "The population question is further complicated by the ant'agonism of the Czechs and Slovaks themselves. The Czechs, who outnumber the Slovaks almost two to one ... are more inclined toward political liberalism and religious scepticism .... The Slovaks are among the most pious and conservative of peasant folks . .." - (Walter C. Langsam: The World Since 1914, New York, 1953; p. 453). • • • "Some of the .radica,ls and the nationalists in parliament demanded an absolute sep·a ration of church and state, and in January 1920, as part of the so-called 'Away From Rome' movement, there was established a Czechoslovak National Church which proclaimed its independence of the papacy and abolished the requirement of celibacy for the clergy. This church, however, gained almost no Slovak adherents and fewer than a million Czech members." - (Walter C. Langsam : The World since 1914, New York, '1•953; p. 45'1). � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1960, Vol. 10 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 6 [sic] (No. 31), March-June 1960.</li> <li>Issue 7 [sic] (No. 32), September-December 1960.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1960 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 62 SLOVAKIA SLOVAKIA UNDER COMMUNISM By Joseph Pauco Some Americans of Slovak ancestory who visit Slovakia keep in touch with me and keep me up to date as to what is or has recently transpired in our ancestoral homeland. From this I can faithfully present the following report about oppressed Slovakia under Czech Communism. The Scarcity of News Everyone who receives mail from Slovakia complains of the scarcity of news. In fact very little news is ever mentioned in personal letters. The only news we get and learn from the writer of any letter is that he is still living or that such and such are alive or that so and so of the family is dead. No one writing to America dare mention anything detrimental or in opposition to the regime. Most of our information about what is transpiring in Slovakia comes from the visitors. Last year's visitors to Slovakia disclosed the fact that a Slovak there, sending mail out of the country, must personally present every letter unsealed at the postal window and identify himself - for obvious reasons. One of our friends brought this message from his kin: Tell our relatives in America that they should not expect any details in our letters - because we may only praise our present regime. Whilst visiting there my friend learned of the cruel fate that happened to a young man whose father surprised him with an automobile from America. As soon as the communist authorities heard that he received the automobile they laid him off. When he inquired as to the reason for this, he was told that he has a wealthy American father who brought him a car; therefore let the father provide a living for him! A communist customs official directed a Slovak American lady to inform every one in America "not to bring or send clothes from America. We need American dollars SLOVAKIA 63 with which to buy better things than those that you bring or send to us." Other visitor to Slovakia affirmed that: "The duty on new articles sent from the USA to Slovakia is several times higher than the value of the article. Hence the Slovak people there often beg and advise Americans not to send new clothing, shoes, etc." Communist Persecution of Slovak Peasants One of our countrymen who returned from Slovakia reports: "I was in Slovakia and I didn't recognize my own hometown. Much is changed. Since 1945 standards of living dropped and the people been living through nothing but woeful poverty, adversity and persecution. "Your Slovak-American press reports that everything is being communized," they told to my friend; "but you probably do not know that every farmer is resisting this as long as he possibly can. Not one wants to give up what he has; not one of them freely volunteers to be communized. "First the communist regime decreed that every farmer must turn over to the State a specific portion of the crop - so much grain, potatoes, sugar beets, vegetables, fruit, eggs, milk and other produce. If the farmer was unable the government got after him and asked him 'Will you sign?' If he declined to sign, he was taken a few days later to the police headquarters. "At the headquarters he was always investigated and intimidated - about his field, about his family, his work, where and who his kin is, where each member of the family works, with what girl does his son keep company, where his relatives live. "Whether he has any relatives in the United States of America, whether they write and send packages or money to him; and other similar questions. After all these always comes the persistent question: 'Will you sign?' If he declines again, the policeman grab his arms, twist them, stick a pen into his fingers and force him to sign. Some of the farmers are held at the police seven-ten days, 64 SLOVAKIA and tortured two or three times a day - to get them to give up their farms. "Those who were more determined would hold out longer, but even they would eventually yield. Indeed all those, whom I saw and whom I talked, the average American might be tempted to consider stupid or mental for they certainly talk peculiarly scared and nervous like, obviously because of the terror and beatings to which they were subjected. "Hence, they finally resign themselves to the hopeless fate and role to which the State subjects them. They thus in practice become utter slaves of the State. In enforcing the commune upon them, the State would dismiss the farmer's son or daughter from office work under the pretext that peasant and his family is sabotaging the commune. "My sister complained bitterly about this miserable situation. Her husband was persecuted and terrorized, her son was kicked out of the factory, and our priest-uncle was spirited away to the concentration camp. And last summer the state police came and ransacked her house and recorded all that she had in it. Every little item they checked and recorded - clothing, furniture, all her goods, stationary, toiletries, rags. Nothing is private to the communists." Slovaks Are Fleeing Into the Mountains Another visitor to Slovakia records: "As regards recruiting into the commune, this is done both by propaganda and terrorizing. In my hometown this was done even whilst I was there. Sixty communists poured out of a bus every morning to intimidate the farmers who resisted giving up their fields to the State. "My cousin was detained last spring by the regional national committee for investigation. He was beaten and locked up in a dark basement for two days. "My brother-in-law, who is on pension and who refused to turn over his property to the communist regime. had his pension taken away for good. "At the time of my visit to my hometown it was like SLOVAKIA 65 doomsday. I wanted to visit with some of my friends with whom I used to chum around in my youth and who were still living, but they were afraid to talk to me. About twenty of the male friends fled before the police into the mountains. "Many of the other farmers of the country were likewise fleeing into the hills. "I am a rough coal miner. I never wept; but what I saw in my native town moved me to tears and I cried with many of the men there. They weep both out of just anger and out of bitter despair; for they are helpless and powerless to prevent their own plots of land from going to waste or to the communist regime. "I visited Slovakia when Khrushchev was preparing to visit America. Everyone who spoke of his visit, frowned on it, and prayed for the American leaders. "I'd love to visit again my native town in Slovakia; but not under communism, because my heart would break over the plight of my fellow countrymen." Whom Does Communism Permit to Attend the University Other Slovak American who visited Slovakia learned that: "I visited my native city - Kosice. My relatives have children whom they would like to send to the University. Out of five of them only one was able to send his son to a University. When I questioned them how such discrimination is possible, they answered: "'We are deeply worried when our children finish the required schooling. Besides, it is not easy to get permission to send one's child to a University; for 75 percent of the students must be of the so-called "proletariat families" - that is, of the already communized families. "'The growth of purely Slovak intelligentsia is thus restricted, indeed decreased.' "Another sad situation in Slovakia is this: "People live, so to speak, from hand to mouth. That is, they do not put away anything into the bank - either because they do not have anything to put in or because they do not trust communist banks or communist money. 66 SLOVAKIA "My cousin lives with her husband and children in a State home. It is a large home to house several families of workers - the privileged class which does not pay rent. The State leaves them in the apartments free of rent, because it does not wish to stir up scandal against those who are its privileged favorites. Hence, if these do not contribute to the support of the State, how can the State function - unless it discriminates against and takes from the majority of the Slovak populace? "It is obvious that the State does this deliberately both so that there would be no savings and so that all would live in State owned houses and apartments, where it is the easier for the State to check and control each family. Here and there, of course, a family will attempt to build its own home - but this is done under tremendous hardships. Nevertheless, though it is difficult to secure labor, unemployment is on the rise among the Slovak people - another reason why bitterness is increasing against communists." Slovak Youth lndoctrinat.ed and Educat.ed Against God The Communists in Slovakia concern themselves to turn Slovak youth against God and religion and to bring it up without religion is quite evident. Every visitor mentions this. We have first hand evidence of this policy even from the Communist daily "Praca"; for instance, under the date of December 6, 1959, under the heading "Circle of Young Atheists" we read: "In the schools of Slovakia Slovak youth is being organized and trained against God and the Church." The article mentions such an organized group or circle in a school on Dubova Street in Bratislava. The previous year the circle had 15 members; last year it had 73 members. Each circle, as then organized, the article claimed, was made up of eleventh graders. "What do these 'circles' do?" The article asks and answers this thus: "This year we read and discuss Lunacarsky's book 'Why It Is Impossible To Believe In God'" (Communists spell God with a small initial letter.) In Prague a so-called new "Broadcast University" SLOVAKIA 67 was founded. The Chicago Daily News carried this short news-item on one of this "university's" lectures: CZE,CH RADIO ANAIL YZES Bl·BLE Bonn, Germany, Jan. 9 (1960) - Lectures in Czecho-Slovakia's "Radio University" have been at some pains recently to analyze sections of the Bible. The Bible, these Communist speakers argued, contains a good deal of brutality and immorality. As one example they cited the killing of the priests of Baal. The program was in reply to a listener who had written to defend Christianity, and to argue that the world would be a better place if everyone followed Christian principles. Religion, the lecturers said, had not been able to eliminate wars or to prevent fascism. Most of the good in religious ideas, the lecturers added, was of non-religious origin. This then is the way Czech Communists indoctrinate and poison the minds of the young and the faithful. Communist Destruction of Slovak Churches A visiting countryman reports: "In my native village, a few days prior to my arrival, the communist authorities closed the church and with my own eyes I saw posted on it the communists' official sign: 'STATE PROPERTY.' "My kinsfolks disclosed to me that their pastor was forced to preach most cautiously. He was unable to preach what he wished or as his heart and conscience dictated to him. Upon learning of this the faithful would crowd evenings after work into the church for prolonged periods of prayer - without their shepherd. So the civil authorities closed the church. "The parishioners then began to meet to pray at the outdoor on the outskirts of the village; but this was not for long, for not many days later heavily armed militia swooped down upon them and dispersed them. Terrorized people cried and defended themselves bare-handed as best they could. "From precedent Slovak citizenry now knows that communist authorities will turn any church into a granary or theatre or some propaganda house - as the communists did elsewhere and in Russia. "Terrorized peasants everywhere told me that: "'Everyone who is in the employment of the State 68 SLOVAKIA teachers, police, soldiers and the like - must renounce their faith and church. Students attending the University must likewise do so. Anyone who refuses to conform, looses his rights, his place and position. "I spoke with my cousin-priest who was held in prison for a very long time and who is now forced to work in a factory, and he revealed nervously how the Church situation is there: 'Worse,' he told me fearfully, 'than you or your American press realizes and reports; for only he who lived through it all can correctly tell of it. For instance, no priest can be sure in the evening when he retires that in the morning when he gets up he will be able to enter his own church again. He may have been dragged out of bed at night and spirited away to prison.' "Others again will tell you that the most tragic thing is that the seminaries were all closed down; only the State directed one in Bratislava is allowed to be opened, and it permits only a ridiculously small token number of seminarians. "It is public knowledge that the professors in this seminary are favorably disposed to the communist regime ; and even though they should not be, the seven or eight seminarians that are annually ordained are entirely too few for the 4 million inhabitants of Slovakia. More priests die annually in one diocese than that. Old priests are rapidly dying off - as they must; and there are none, or proportionately very few, to replace them. Such a situation is disastrous to the Church. In a generation or two there will scarcily be enough priests in the country to supply a town let alone the whole country. In the course of a few years Slovakia will be progressively without priests and churches. And not only for this reason. The State is trying to bring up an irreligious and churchless population. Tremendous pressure, for instance, is exerted upon the youth, especially in the Universities, to have nothing to do with religion. Students are mostly drawn from trusty communist circles or families ; and if one or the other of these is noticed to cling more to the Sacred Scriptures than to Karl Marx, he is immediately expelled. Communism wants only a communist intelligentsia. In key positions this in- SLOVAKIA 69 telligentsia can control the world, the thoughts of men and have its own 'communist religion'." The Church Is the Greatest Opponent of Communism Though the press in Slovakia is completely controlled and carefully censored by the communists in order the more overtly and effectively to undermine religion and popularize communism, readers nevertheless can readily notice what and how this propaganda is doing and working against the Church and religion. No matter how careful the communist press is it cannot help but here and there expose and betray itself and its objectives. For example, the daily "PRACA" of November 3, 1959 treats of the "United Efforts of the Vatican." Among other things it writes: "Serfdom, feudalism and bourgeoisism - and bureaucracy - on the one side and the church on the other side needed each other in order to control the new, progressive and rapidly developing power of the revolutionary mass of serfs, non-farmers and workers, particularly after the laboring class proposed and obtained such a powerful ideological arsenal as is Marxism and such wonderful organizers as communism and its party are ... Religion and the Church remain practically the last and only ideological defenses and the only hope of the dying old world. . . Rapidly rising peaceful powers of the earth press the enemy to rely more and more on the ideological arsenal of religion and religion's organization. The defenders of darkness are seriously interested in the leadership of reli,gion. "The Vatican, as the supreme head and center of darkness and ideological warfare against progress, is preparing for total mobilization. For instance, the Vatican is preparing an ecumenical council, so that in the ensuing discussions with the 'separated brethren' the matter of political and ideological cooperation and mutual objectives against communism will be considered and achieved. "And if it should come to the union of Christians, this would be only so that the Vatican can the more successfully serve the disintegrating imperialistic colonial system and fight for the salvation of capitalism and strengthen the reactionary positions of the Church." 70 SLOVAKIA So the communist press alleges. This, however, is merely one instance of how the communistic press works. Those who accept such "revelations" of the communist press as a genuine contribution to the peace and concord of coexistence, must, in view of all this, be either deceived or stupid or mentally sick. The Chasm Between the Slovaks and Czechs I met another visitor from Slovakia and he expressed his impressions this way: "My brother works in an office there and he explained how things stand with him and what life is like in CzechoSlovakia. "'Everybody,' he said, 'is living in fear - scared; because in every office there sits a security agent, who records or notes for the police everything what he observes. "He is a common individual who works in the office like all of us; but he has this special personal assignment. Hence, wherever it is possible, Slovak officials, whether in the office or in the factory, sabotage the work. Sometimes Slovaks even go on strike; but Czechs have never gone on a strike. . "Czechs merely inquire of the Slovaks: 'What's happening in Slovakia?' - as if to say, they wish the Slovaks would begin a revolution in Slovakia. Then the Czech will sit back, observe and take credit for being a good and reliable citizens and deserving of better consideration, better positions and better treatment - in any kind of governmen, even foreign. "It's the same with listening to radio broadcasts. Most Slovaks listen to foreign broadcasts, watch Austrian TV programs, and the like. But not so the Czechs. They, allegedly, dislike Austrians and Germans. "Czechs would like the world to believe that Slovaks like to fraternalize with them (with Czechs); but this is untrue and absurd. S 1 o v a k s detest fraternalizing with Czechs - for obvious reasons. The true Slovak, because of the Czech persecution and exploitation of Slovakia and because of the common tendency amongst the Czechs to toy around sympathetically with communism and irreli- SLOVAKIA 71 gion, is very wary of the Czech. If there was any fraternalizing between the Czech and Slovak before the First World War, there is none since the Czech attempt to Czechjze Slovakia after the formation of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Slovaks are convinced that it is impossible to coexist let alone live with the Czechs in one State. "I experienced this myself in Praha. Czech youth wholly does not comprehend the Slovak or the Slovak attitude. Prague youths, when I addressed them, persistently asked me, 'What are you, a Polak?' And my brother, who lives in Slovakia, would try to comfort me and say: 'Don't be amazed at this. They do not care to understand the Slovak tongue, muchless the Slovak and his democratic views. They behold him with disdain and contempt.' "Let me mention what I learned of what happened in 1956 when the Hungarians revolted. The Slovak people were hoping for a general war to break out, with America rushing to aid free Hungary, but nothing like this happened. "The Czechs, instead, sent a whole armed division against the revolting Hungarians. By chance I met in New York City a Hungarian who fought in that revolt and he told me that the revolting Hungarians got aid only from two places - from Spain and from Slovakia. The Slovaks somehow or another spirited away to them 500 loaded machine guns, a great quantity of hand grenades and ammuniti9n and a lot of bandages, and the Spaniards sent over a planeload of bazookas." I asked my Slovak informant how the Slovaks in Slovakia viewed the liquidation of the Hungarian revolt and he answered me : "They were tremendously disappointed - and they are so even at present. Nevertheless they still hope that America will help liberate all of them. And, if America does not help them, they certainly will despair." A Message To American Statesmen A friend of mine brought this message from Slovakia: "Tell all American Slovaks to work tirelessly for a free Slovakia. Let them rest assured that we are praying for them. And we also pray that God might enlighten the 72 SLOVAKIA minds of your American statesmen so that they might not be naive and might not betray the nations behind the Iron Curtain, not even our Slovak nation, because we await our rescue and liberation from America, her President and Government. Indeed, there has been already enough suffering, misery, real and judicial murders. There is no greater punishment for us than this communist hell. The sooner America realizes this, the better for her." Need anything be added to the above? Americans of Slovak descent, joined together in the Slovak League of America, are expending every effort in this direction to liberate the Slovaks at home and secure for them the independence they have fought for so many hundreds of years. The adamant anti-communist stand of the League is well known. The Slovak League of America, an American institution, believes that it is in the highest interest of the security and welfare of the United States, that the Government of the United States fully recognize and respect the inherent right of the Slovak nation to freedom and independence. Conclusion This then is the situation in Slovakia today. In reporting this I presented only some incidents and facts. In these our own United States of America, many people are not aware of what is happening behind the Iron Curtain. In my opinion, the things that are happening in Slovakia, in Poland, in Lithuania, in Rumania, in Yugoslavia and other communist controlled countries, indeed in Russia and China themselves, is not only a concern of these people and nations but also of every other country that does not wish to succumb to communism. America is no exception. Indeed America is and will be most responsible and reprehensible, I believe, in the eyes of world historians - and of the world in years to come - if communism spreads. Only America can prevent or limit its spread and contain and isolate it. I personally do not think that to isolate it is to solve the problem of communism; on the contrary, world communism has assumed such proportions that it cannot be isolated anymore. Communism overtook China. It is influencing other SLOVAKIA 73 Asiatic people and it is penetrating into Africa. Some Americans rejoice that shaking hands with Khrushchev is solving the problem; but to do so is a stab in the back of those who suffer under communism. To solve it, America and the whole world must not run away with the form of government established for us by our American founders . Freedom is the right of our 181 million American people; but this is also the right of every people. The threats of Kremlin ought not make Americans wince and submit to the dictates of Khrushchev as to how a Paris conference must end or whether our president should or should not go to Tokyo. Because after such a dictate will encourage Khrushchev to continue further. The aim of communism even now in 1960 is the proletariat's world rule. Khrushchev said this summer, "I'd love to see the red banner flying over the whole world in my lifetime." • • • WHO SAID IT? The Czechs . . . . are inclined to be both socialistic in politics and agnostic in religion. The Slovaks on the other ·hand ... as conservative peasantry are for the most part loyal and pious Roman Catholics. It is perhaps not surprising therefore that friction developed between them." - (F. Lee Benm;: Europe Since 1914, New Y:ork, 193:11; p. 556). • • • "The population question is further complicated by the ant'agonism of the Czechs and Slovaks themselves. The Czechs, who outnumber the Slovaks almost two to one ... are more inclined toward political liberalism and religious scepticism .... The Slovaks are among the most pious and conservative of peasant folks . .." - (Walter C. Langsam: The World Since 1914, New York, 1953; p. 453). • • • "Some of the .radica,ls and the nationalists in parliament demanded an absolute sep·a ration of church and state, and in January 1920, as part of the so-called 'Away From Rome' movement, there was established a Czechoslovak National Church which proclaimed its independence of the papacy and abolished the requirement of celibacy for the clergy. This church, however, gained almost no Slovak adherents and fewer than a million Czech members." - (Walter C. Langsam : The World since 1914, New York, '1•953; p. 45'1).  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovakia Under Communism Description An account of the resource Joseph Paučo Slovakia, Vol. 10, No. 6 (31), March-June 1960 pp. 62-73 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paučo, Jozef, 1914-1975 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March-June 1960 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/e023c3484c4b5dd82617765ba4f434bc.pdf b570148a0978c0eba0cbabb3cac8a3d1 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 13 SLOVAK.IA UNDER COMMUNISM By Joseph Pauco During the past three months I met several Americams of Slovak descent who had visiited Slovakia. All were Amevican citizens. Since none played any active role in politics, they had no difficulty in obtainling visas from Red Prague. "They know I am not a politician," said my friend , "but they also know that I am bringing American dollars to P,r ague and Brati'slava, so the Reds do not hesitate to place their signa:ture to my viisa. But my spivitua;l director, t he pastor of my parish, could not get a visa, even though he, too, does no politioing. Being a priest apparently is reason enough not to allow him entry on Slovak soil, which today is washed by streams of innocent blood of martyrs fighting for the freedom of Slovakia. Communism Destroying All Hope One of the visitors told me this: "My brother-fa-law is a teacher. I talked with him for two hours; •but, except for his deploring the communist regime, I learned nothing new from him. He did, however, stress that there are very few active teachers from the old school, that is, those who taught during the Slovak Republic (1939-1945), and that the communist regime carefully supervises even the new school or generation of teachers, brought up and trained by the communists themselves, makes them renounce their religious convictions, and prohibits them even to mention religion except to ridicule, vilify, and condemn it. "This, of course, shocked me. My brother-in-law, alt hough 15 years younger, looked muoh older .than I. Indeed, he was unable to believe that there could be such a difference. "Communism," he would say, "brings no good to anyone; and when one does not approve of it, even though one does not actively oppose it, it destroys one s·p iritually and this in its turn reacts physically and one's body succumbs and slowly deteriorates. "Lt is even worse among the Slovak intellectuals, who �14 SLOVAKIA are desperate and have given up all hope. And this isn' t only among those who are years in prison or who, instead of having their regular office or teaching position, are working in the uranium mines, but also among those who still are at large, undetected. Despair is stalking them everywhere because they cannot tell when they also will be ,s eized and shipped to unlmown regions. "In a word, today in Slovakia, as perhaps in other communist countries, people are losing all hope. My brother-in-law specifically reiterated: "What can we now await, when for 15 years there was no undoing, no overturning and no possibility for such an undoing or overturning? Those of us who have been hoping for this transformation are aging and cannot live long enough to see any reversal or change-over so long as the West continues ,to ignore or to pay little attention to us . "And our ,c hildren and grandchildren? I'm dreadfully afraid most of them will be thoroughly brainwashed and trained in godless marxist ideology. And th~s will be disastrous for our nation and for all of central Europe." Take Us To America "Take us to Amer.ica !" is the pleading cry of a young man, bidding rfarewell to his American uncle, who was returning to America after visiting Slovakia. "Immediately, but immediately I'd leave with you even though I'd have to live on dry bread and water in your trunk the whole trip half-unconscious!" Those words express ,p ractically everything the communized and oppressed Slovaks feel. They long above all to escape and shake off the slavery of communism; and the only way to do this now is, it seems to them, to come to America. Even -though some Slovaks lost all hope and feel that the USA will come to terms with the Soviet Union, nevertheless the vast majority of them is still of the opinion that America will not abandon the nations behind the Iron Curtain and that it, therefore, will not abandon Slovaki,a either. "It is most unfortunate," remarked a Slovak native to our visitor in Slovakia, "that the USA did not act more energetically in 1956 when the Hungarians rebelled against communism. We were ready to rise up also. So would have the Poles, the Rumanians, the Croatians, �SLOVAKIA 15 and Slovenfans, and the whole of Central Europe would have been on the maroh to freedom." Even the communists at the time were apprehensive that the time had come for a change and were preparing for it. For instance, t:hey treated their prisoners wi th a:. healthy respect. The Slovaks often mention their relatives in America anld relay to them, as our informant tells us, that "If the American Slovaks do no-t help us out of communism's diabolical clui:ches, we have lived and struggled in vain. It is useless to continue to live as we do. Tell our Slovak Americans that never did a people so need assistance as we need it now. Tell them to knock daily at the White House in Washington and under the leadersh,ip of the Slovak League of America to rise up •:ogether in behalf of our Slovak Nation and its independent State. We want to be free and independent of communism, Czech imperialism, and every outside pressure." Slovaks in Slovakia have confidence in Amerka even though communist propaganda tells them that hunger and poverty prevail in Amer.ica, that children are barefooted and one third of its people unemployed. Slovaks, knowing that, like every country, America a:lso has its· economic problems, smile at this propaganda. But they also know, as they told v1sitovs from the USA, .that nowhere in the world are people as well off and free as in. America. Godless Communist Schools In Slovakia religion is still taught as an unprescr.i-bed subject; but only where the parents demand it. The communist press and administration are viciously opposed to religious instruction and training in any school. We read in a rather comprehensive article in the Bratisfava "Praca," dated September 28, 1960, and titled "Does Religion Belong In A Socialist School?": " ... religion, for i ts unscientific · character which emanates wholly from fantastic supersitions and not from real facts , is harmful. One of its basic principles is: Not to undermine or rebel against the gods created by a profit and exploiting system and not to destroy them and their plundering system if an eternal and blissful hereafter is to be successfully attained. It is difficult to visualize in-. �16 SLOVAKIA spired builders of a communistic future, builders belabored and burdened with such falise and silly concepts and ideals. Hence the socialistic school is and must basically and solely imbue and train the young from the scientific base - the materialistic Marxist world-wide view, the cor,r ectness of which not only does science confirm but also more often even practice. Therefore, in CzechoSlovak schools religion, even as an elective, is really never taught." "Praca" then further anailyzes the reasons of the communist regime as to why religion must not be taught. It alleges that "even our constitution ... guarantees freeeven though dom of worship and religious service truly only if this is not contrary to (communist) law." Who, however makes the laws in Slova:kia? The communists. And if they do not care to have religion taught or promulgated, then they pass such laws which will not permit religion to be .taught. "Praca" continues: "No religion, no religious concept is permitted in the educational program or its text books ; it is neither named nor alluded to, and the person who might dare teach it is not considered a teacher or a member of .t he teaching staff. And hence it is not a part of the course of education." Communists are convinced that "from the pedagogical viewpoint it is not only improper and incorrect but also confusing and unhealthy for a child to be placed into periods of conflict and contradiction between religion and science ; for instance, between the theories of divine creation and the scientific origin of the world." " ... there is no room for useless obstructions and burdening of young minds into lethargic religious imaginings which have no concrete value to a child.... "In a socialist state, religion, a:s an outlived form of socia'l science, loses the nm1bur.ing soil humus for its existence and inevitably dies. This is very obvious even in our schools where the number of children registered for religious instructions is constantly decreasing, and even this year is substantially lower than la,st year. This dying out of religion, however, must not be lerft to elementals. �SLOVAKIA 17 We feel that with purposeful work, after a definite time, interest ,i n the teaching of religion in Slovakia will decrease to such an extent, for example, as it hras in Mostecko and Karlovarski, where practically no religion is taug.ht." Rather it appears that the reason for this demise is its own inherent invia,b ility and destructive uselessness; and hence in the course of time t he designed purposeful training and education that youth will get ,in the socia1ist state will deminish and eliminate the ,i nterest in religion and its upbringing ait least to the tiny degree thaJt it is alveady eliminated for instance in Mostec or .in Karlovar where practica:l'ly no religion is given. Then the hours or periods for religious instruction will become wholly useless in all of our schools and religion and religious instructions wiU have outlived usefulness." "Praca" is organizing heckling units to instigate and incite opposition against the teaching of religion. Thus on October 10th of this year, it published a rep'l y to its article. The letter is significant for two things: (1) communism has already trained atheists in Slov,a kia; and (2) resistance against communism's a.ibolishment of ·r eligious education in schools continues. We quote the letter literaHy: "Everything which you write is true. We also are atheists and give priority to science over the tales of the clergy. But we see that difficulties do arise in the families when they must decide whether the child is to study religion. One of our fel'low-workers, for instance, did not register his daughter for religious instruction, and now he has great misunderstandings with his wife. In our own families we, too, have little children - and we expect complications when the children become of school age and bring their applications to register for religious instruction. How can quarrels in the families be avoided? We think that religion should not be taug,ht at all in our schools. - Rudolf Skolkay and Ludovit Vaverika, Hlohovec." 1 Communists Destroyed Hundreds of Thousands of Books An a,cquaintance, who spent two months in Slovakia, tells us how the communist authorities had confiscated and destroyed all the religious and cultural books they found in �16 SLOVAKIA the Matica Slovenska (Slovak Insti:tute), the Spolok Sv. Vojteoha (St. Adalbert's Society) and other publishing houses, and which tihe communist reg.ime regarded as not acceptable from the Marxist-Leninist viewpoint. Our acquaintance ascertained that one iday trucks pulled up to the publishing houses with the police, who ordered the confiscation of all books they had on prepared lists. Seven truckloads were taken from St. Adalbert's Society a:lone. At the head of the list were the religious books prayerbooks, catechisms, lives of the saints, entire volumes of religious periodicals, and everything with an imprimatur in it. Then they took all the books published during the existence Olf the Republic of Slovia:kia, the authors of which are either in exile or in prison. "When we learned this," sa:id the acquaintance, "we were shocked .... we just couldn't believe it. People had hoped that the communist regime would not go to this extreme and that somehow or other the books would still be saved at least in the stockrooms of the publishers since bookstores and book-sellers were not allowed to buy or sell them. Instead, however, the books - hundreds of thousands of good books - were destroyed." The books were ground up to a pulp to make new paper which is to serve the communist press. Paper that once carried the Word of God, religious thoughts and literature, is now being used against God, religion, democracy and humanity. Communism destroys everything that stands in its way. Tension Between Slovak and Czech Writers . We know an American whose relative in Slovakia is a wri:ter. Returning from Slovakia, this man told us of some of the problems of writers. The communists, he related, hesitated for a long time to permit a new edition of the novel, "Tri Gastanove Kone" (Three Chestnut Horses) which Margita Figuli wrote and published long before the communists came into control. The reason for this was nolt that the author or the novel was political or anti-communistic. Not at all; for it is a novel with many love affairs. Nor was the author on any �SLOVAKIA 19 political index. She had never been in politics, and if she ever was incHned or orienta,ted to any political view it was towards Prague, the Czech viewpoint. Nevertheless she had .to wait a full six years till the communist regime of Prague permitted her to put out a new edition of her novel. The reason for this delay? The vinain of the novel, the tyrant, the torturer of women and horses, is a man na:med Zapotocny. 'Dhe Czech communists feared that the readers would confuse this name with the name of the communist president of Czecho-Slovakia whose name was Zapotocky. So the party waited until Za.potocky di'ed and then aMowed a new edition af Figuli's novel. The consent of the Slovak .communists was not enough. The Slovak communists had first to consult and get the approval of .bhe Czech communists. This, however, is how things go in Slovakia in all things- politics, economics, literary works, justice, in a word, in everything, the Red Czechs of Prag,ue must first be consulted and their approval or decision must first be obtained, or else My friend mentioned other problems that Slovak }VI'iters have. For instance, there is a tremendous amount of tension and antagonism between .the Czech and Slovak writers. For the communist party is trying to fuse or merge the two groups of writers - the Czech and the Slov,ak into one, the Czecho-Slovak writers, as the Academy of Science previously attempted. The Slovak writers, whether communist or not, adamantly refuse to give up their Slovak aHiance and submit to the Czech or Czech-Slovak Alliance. They told WiHiam Siroky, who pressured them: "A united alliance can be achieved only through the medium of our lorn up communist idenitification cards!" Low Wages and High Prices Another Slovak American who visited Slovakia, related how much Slovaks can earn anid how much they pay for the things they need. Today most of the Slovaks have to work in groups or collectives. In the .rural areas - and Slovakia is predominantly agricultural - to work they must belong to single farm collectives or · "kokhozes". The farmers' fields or �20 SLOVAKIA farms were .taken away and nationalized; now they must work on them for the state. The collective worker however, does not make more than seven crowns ($1.00) a day. Sometimes only six crowns, depending on the way his unit of work is estimated. A woman, working in a poultry-house 14 hours a day, gets almost 10 crowns. Likewise a dairy-maid, but she must milk by hand 18 cows twice daily. A construction worker receives only 6.50 crowns a day. Stoneworkers are better off; they get 1,000 crowns a month. But let us see how this compa,,res with the price of things. The American visitor expla,ineld it this way: If only one person works in the collective, two people cannot live on his income. Simply because: A kilogram (2.2 l'b s.) of the blackest bread costs 8 crowns; a better bread 10 crowns; and a half-white bread costs 12 crowns. It is obvious that a laborer cannot make enough a day to buy a kilogram of good bread. And if he wants to buy a little cheese-cake, or a little poppy-seed roll or jelly-bun (roll), which in America would cost about 40 cents, in Slovakia he won•rt be able to obtain it for less than 6 crowns. Hence a construction worker labors almost all day for a ro'll or good bun which won't be enough to go with one cup of coffee. Wi,th meat it's the same business. Beef and pork cost 48 crowns a kilogram. Women stand in front of butcher shops in lines blocks long from 5 in the morning sometimes until noon; but the last ones usually get no meat at all. For a kilogram of meat a collective worker must work seven days. Average oloth or material fior men's clothing costs 750 crowns. A well paid worker then must toil 3 weeks just for the material for a suit of clothes. In Slovakia common summer-shoes or sa,,ndals cost 500 crowns a pair; and a well paid worker must work a good 15 days for a pair of these shoes. A commune worker has to work over two months to be able to buy a good pair of sanidals. My friend also visited the Czech lands, where his relatives from Slovakia work in Bohemia and Moravia. From �SLOVAKIA 21 them he learned of the dis<!rimination and inequality in the wages paid in the Czech lands as compared w.ith those in Slovakia. It is unbelievingly shocking inequa:lity, injustice and discrimination. Every worker in the Czech lands receives dowble the amount he would receive for the same work in Slovakia. This inequality and discrimination gives rise to serious misunderstandings . The Czechs have not learned the lessons of history; little has changed since the days of T. G. Masaryk and Benes : the Slovaks are still regarded as servants of the Czechs, to be exploited solely for Czech interests. 'NIE SLOVA.KS by Peter P. Yurchak, should be in every pwblk library, in every college and university, in the home of every American of Slovak descent. Get your copy NOW. Paper bound copy-· $2.00; in cloth $3.00. SLOVAKl,A: the women of Rejdova, Gerner Province, once wore this type of headdress. � SLOVAKIA 13 SLOVAK.IA UNDER COMMUNISM By Joseph Pauco During the past three months I met several Americams of Slovak descent who had visiited Slovakia. All were Amevican citizens. Since none played any active role in politics, they had no difficulty in obtainling visas from Red Prague. "They know I am not a politician," said my friend , "but they also know that I am bringing American dollars to P,r ague and Brati'slava, so the Reds do not hesitate to place their signa:ture to my viisa. But my spivitua;l director, t he pastor of my parish, could not get a visa, even though he, too, does no politioing. Being a priest apparently is reason enough not to allow him entry on Slovak soil, which today is washed by streams of innocent blood of martyrs fighting for the freedom of Slovakia. Communism Destroying All Hope One of the visitors told me this: "My brother-fa-law is a teacher. I talked with him for two hours; •but, except for his deploring the communist regime, I learned nothing new from him. He did, however, stress that there are very few active teachers from the old school, that is, those who taught during the Slovak Republic (1939-1945), and that the communist regime carefully supervises even the new school or generation of teachers, brought up and trained by the communists themselves, makes them renounce their religious convictions, and prohibits them even to mention religion except to ridicule, vilify, and condemn it. "This, of course, shocked me. My brother-in-law, alt hough 15 years younger, looked muoh older .than I. Indeed, he was unable to believe that there could be such a difference. "Communism," he would say, "brings no good to anyone; and when one does not approve of it, even though one does not actively oppose it, it destroys one s·p iritually and this in its turn reacts physically and one's body succumbs and slowly deteriorates. "Lt is even worse among the Slovak intellectuals, who �14 SLOVAKIA are desperate and have given up all hope. And this isn' t only among those who are years in prison or who, instead of having their regular office or teaching position, are working in the uranium mines, but also among those who still are at large, undetected. Despair is stalking them everywhere because they cannot tell when they also will be ,s eized and shipped to unlmown regions. "In a word, today in Slovakia, as perhaps in other communist countries, people are losing all hope. My brother-in-law specifically reiterated: "What can we now await, when for 15 years there was no undoing, no overturning and no possibility for such an undoing or overturning? Those of us who have been hoping for this transformation are aging and cannot live long enough to see any reversal or change-over so long as the West continues ,to ignore or to pay little attention to us . "And our ,c hildren and grandchildren? I'm dreadfully afraid most of them will be thoroughly brainwashed and trained in godless marxist ideology. And th~s will be disastrous for our nation and for all of central Europe." Take Us To America "Take us to Amer.ica !" is the pleading cry of a young man, bidding rfarewell to his American uncle, who was returning to America after visiting Slovakia. "Immediately, but immediately I'd leave with you even though I'd have to live on dry bread and water in your trunk the whole trip half-unconscious!" Those words express ,p ractically everything the communized and oppressed Slovaks feel. They long above all to escape and shake off the slavery of communism; and the only way to do this now is, it seems to them, to come to America. Even -though some Slovaks lost all hope and feel that the USA will come to terms with the Soviet Union, nevertheless the vast majority of them is still of the opinion that America will not abandon the nations behind the Iron Curtain and that it, therefore, will not abandon Slovaki,a either. "It is most unfortunate," remarked a Slovak native to our visitor in Slovakia, "that the USA did not act more energetically in 1956 when the Hungarians rebelled against communism. We were ready to rise up also. So would have the Poles, the Rumanians, the Croatians, �SLOVAKIA 15 and Slovenfans, and the whole of Central Europe would have been on the maroh to freedom." Even the communists at the time were apprehensive that the time had come for a change and were preparing for it. For instance, t:hey treated their prisoners wi th a:. healthy respect. The Slovaks often mention their relatives in America anld relay to them, as our informant tells us, that "If the American Slovaks do no-t help us out of communism's diabolical clui:ches, we have lived and struggled in vain. It is useless to continue to live as we do. Tell our Slovak Americans that never did a people so need assistance as we need it now. Tell them to knock daily at the White House in Washington and under the leadersh,ip of the Slovak League of America to rise up •:ogether in behalf of our Slovak Nation and its independent State. We want to be free and independent of communism, Czech imperialism, and every outside pressure." Slovaks in Slovakia have confidence in Amerka even though communist propaganda tells them that hunger and poverty prevail in Amer.ica, that children are barefooted and one third of its people unemployed. Slovaks, knowing that, like every country, America a:lso has its· economic problems, smile at this propaganda. But they also know, as they told v1sitovs from the USA, .that nowhere in the world are people as well off and free as in. America. Godless Communist Schools In Slovakia religion is still taught as an unprescr.i-bed subject; but only where the parents demand it. The communist press and administration are viciously opposed to religious instruction and training in any school. We read in a rather comprehensive article in the Bratisfava "Praca," dated September 28, 1960, and titled "Does Religion Belong In A Socialist School?": " ... religion, for i ts unscientific · character which emanates wholly from fantastic supersitions and not from real facts , is harmful. One of its basic principles is: Not to undermine or rebel against the gods created by a profit and exploiting system and not to destroy them and their plundering system if an eternal and blissful hereafter is to be successfully attained. It is difficult to visualize in-. �16 SLOVAKIA spired builders of a communistic future, builders belabored and burdened with such falise and silly concepts and ideals. Hence the socialistic school is and must basically and solely imbue and train the young from the scientific base - the materialistic Marxist world-wide view, the cor,r ectness of which not only does science confirm but also more often even practice. Therefore, in CzechoSlovak schools religion, even as an elective, is really never taught." "Praca" then further anailyzes the reasons of the communist regime as to why religion must not be taught. It alleges that "even our constitution ... guarantees freeeven though dom of worship and religious service truly only if this is not contrary to (communist) law." Who, however makes the laws in Slova:kia? The communists. And if they do not care to have religion taught or promulgated, then they pass such laws which will not permit religion to be .taught. "Praca" continues: "No religion, no religious concept is permitted in the educational program or its text books ; it is neither named nor alluded to, and the person who might dare teach it is not considered a teacher or a member of .t he teaching staff. And hence it is not a part of the course of education." Communists are convinced that "from the pedagogical viewpoint it is not only improper and incorrect but also confusing and unhealthy for a child to be placed into periods of conflict and contradiction between religion and science ; for instance, between the theories of divine creation and the scientific origin of the world." " ... there is no room for useless obstructions and burdening of young minds into lethargic religious imaginings which have no concrete value to a child.... "In a socialist state, religion, a:s an outlived form of socia'l science, loses the nm1bur.ing soil humus for its existence and inevitably dies. This is very obvious even in our schools where the number of children registered for religious instructions is constantly decreasing, and even this year is substantially lower than la,st year. This dying out of religion, however, must not be lerft to elementals. �SLOVAKIA 17 We feel that with purposeful work, after a definite time, interest ,i n the teaching of religion in Slovakia will decrease to such an extent, for example, as it hras in Mostecko and Karlovarski, where practically no religion is taug.ht." Rather it appears that the reason for this demise is its own inherent invia,b ility and destructive uselessness; and hence in the course of time t he designed purposeful training and education that youth will get ,in the socia1ist state will deminish and eliminate the ,i nterest in religion and its upbringing ait least to the tiny degree thaJt it is alveady eliminated for instance in Mostec or .in Karlovar where practica:l'ly no religion is given. Then the hours or periods for religious instruction will become wholly useless in all of our schools and religion and religious instructions wiU have outlived usefulness." "Praca" is organizing heckling units to instigate and incite opposition against the teaching of religion. Thus on October 10th of this year, it published a rep'l y to its article. The letter is significant for two things: (1) communism has already trained atheists in Slov,a kia; and (2) resistance against communism's a.ibolishment of ·r eligious education in schools continues. We quote the letter literaHy: "Everything which you write is true. We also are atheists and give priority to science over the tales of the clergy. But we see that difficulties do arise in the families when they must decide whether the child is to study religion. One of our fel'low-workers, for instance, did not register his daughter for religious instruction, and now he has great misunderstandings with his wife. In our own families we, too, have little children - and we expect complications when the children become of school age and bring their applications to register for religious instruction. How can quarrels in the families be avoided? We think that religion should not be taug,ht at all in our schools. - Rudolf Skolkay and Ludovit Vaverika, Hlohovec." 1 Communists Destroyed Hundreds of Thousands of Books An a,cquaintance, who spent two months in Slovakia, tells us how the communist authorities had confiscated and destroyed all the religious and cultural books they found in �16 SLOVAKIA the Matica Slovenska (Slovak Insti:tute), the Spolok Sv. Vojteoha (St. Adalbert's Society) and other publishing houses, and which tihe communist reg.ime regarded as not acceptable from the Marxist-Leninist viewpoint. Our acquaintance ascertained that one iday trucks pulled up to the publishing houses with the police, who ordered the confiscation of all books they had on prepared lists. Seven truckloads were taken from St. Adalbert's Society a:lone. At the head of the list were the religious books prayerbooks, catechisms, lives of the saints, entire volumes of religious periodicals, and everything with an imprimatur in it. Then they took all the books published during the existence Olf the Republic of Slovia:kia, the authors of which are either in exile or in prison. "When we learned this," sa:id the acquaintance, "we were shocked .... we just couldn't believe it. People had hoped that the communist regime would not go to this extreme and that somehow or other the books would still be saved at least in the stockrooms of the publishers since bookstores and book-sellers were not allowed to buy or sell them. Instead, however, the books - hundreds of thousands of good books - were destroyed." The books were ground up to a pulp to make new paper which is to serve the communist press. Paper that once carried the Word of God, religious thoughts and literature, is now being used against God, religion, democracy and humanity. Communism destroys everything that stands in its way. Tension Between Slovak and Czech Writers . We know an American whose relative in Slovakia is a wri:ter. Returning from Slovakia, this man told us of some of the problems of writers. The communists, he related, hesitated for a long time to permit a new edition of the novel, "Tri Gastanove Kone" (Three Chestnut Horses) which Margita Figuli wrote and published long before the communists came into control. The reason for this was nolt that the author or the novel was political or anti-communistic. Not at all; for it is a novel with many love affairs. Nor was the author on any �SLOVAKIA 19 political index. She had never been in politics, and if she ever was incHned or orienta,ted to any political view it was towards Prague, the Czech viewpoint. Nevertheless she had .to wait a full six years till the communist regime of Prague permitted her to put out a new edition of her novel. The reason for this delay? The vinain of the novel, the tyrant, the torturer of women and horses, is a man na:med Zapotocny. 'Dhe Czech communists feared that the readers would confuse this name with the name of the communist president of Czecho-Slovakia whose name was Zapotocky. So the party waited until Za.potocky di'ed and then aMowed a new edition af Figuli's novel. The consent of the Slovak .communists was not enough. The Slovak communists had first to consult and get the approval of .bhe Czech communists. This, however, is how things go in Slovakia in all things- politics, economics, literary works, justice, in a word, in everything, the Red Czechs of Prag,ue must first be consulted and their approval or decision must first be obtained, or else My friend mentioned other problems that Slovak }VI'iters have. For instance, there is a tremendous amount of tension and antagonism between .the Czech and Slovak writers. For the communist party is trying to fuse or merge the two groups of writers - the Czech and the Slov,ak into one, the Czecho-Slovak writers, as the Academy of Science previously attempted. The Slovak writers, whether communist or not, adamantly refuse to give up their Slovak aHiance and submit to the Czech or Czech-Slovak Alliance. They told WiHiam Siroky, who pressured them: "A united alliance can be achieved only through the medium of our lorn up communist idenitification cards!" Low Wages and High Prices Another Slovak American who visited Slovakia, related how much Slovaks can earn anid how much they pay for the things they need. Today most of the Slovaks have to work in groups or collectives. In the .rural areas - and Slovakia is predominantly agricultural - to work they must belong to single farm collectives or · "kokhozes". The farmers' fields or �20 SLOVAKIA farms were .taken away and nationalized; now they must work on them for the state. The collective worker however, does not make more than seven crowns ($1.00) a day. Sometimes only six crowns, depending on the way his unit of work is estimated. A woman, working in a poultry-house 14 hours a day, gets almost 10 crowns. Likewise a dairy-maid, but she must milk by hand 18 cows twice daily. A construction worker receives only 6.50 crowns a day. Stoneworkers are better off; they get 1,000 crowns a month. But let us see how this compa,,res with the price of things. The American visitor expla,ineld it this way: If only one person works in the collective, two people cannot live on his income. Simply because: A kilogram (2.2 l'b s.) of the blackest bread costs 8 crowns; a better bread 10 crowns; and a half-white bread costs 12 crowns. It is obvious that a laborer cannot make enough a day to buy a kilogram of good bread. And if he wants to buy a little cheese-cake, or a little poppy-seed roll or jelly-bun (roll), which in America would cost about 40 cents, in Slovakia he won•rt be able to obtain it for less than 6 crowns. Hence a construction worker labors almost all day for a ro'll or good bun which won't be enough to go with one cup of coffee. Wi,th meat it's the same business. Beef and pork cost 48 crowns a kilogram. Women stand in front of butcher shops in lines blocks long from 5 in the morning sometimes until noon; but the last ones usually get no meat at all. For a kilogram of meat a collective worker must work seven days. Average oloth or material fior men's clothing costs 750 crowns. A well paid worker then must toil 3 weeks just for the material for a suit of clothes. In Slovakia common summer-shoes or sa,,ndals cost 500 crowns a pair; and a well paid worker must work a good 15 days for a pair of these shoes. A commune worker has to work over two months to be able to buy a good pair of sanidals. My friend also visited the Czech lands, where his relatives from Slovakia work in Bohemia and Moravia. From �SLOVAKIA 21 them he learned of the dis<!rimination and inequality in the wages paid in the Czech lands as compared w.ith those in Slovakia. It is unbelievingly shocking inequa:lity, injustice and discrimination. Every worker in the Czech lands receives dowble the amount he would receive for the same work in Slovakia. This inequality and discrimination gives rise to serious misunderstandings . The Czechs have not learned the lessons of history; little has changed since the days of T. G. Masaryk and Benes : the Slovaks are still regarded as servants of the Czechs, to be exploited solely for Czech interests. 'NIE SLOVA.KS by Peter P. Yurchak, should be in every pwblk library, in every college and university, in the home of every American of Slovak descent. Get your copy NOW. Paper bound copy-· $2.00; in cloth $3.00. SLOVAKl,A: the women of Rejdova, Gerner Province, once wore this type of headdress. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1961, Vol. 11 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 33), March-June 1961.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 34), September-December June 1961.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1961 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 13 SLOVAK.IA UNDER COMMUNISM By Joseph Pauco During the past three months I met several Americams of Slovak descent who had visiited Slovakia. All were Amevican citizens. Since none played any active role in politics, they had no difficulty in obtainling visas from Red Prague. "They know I am not a politician," said my friend , "but they also know that I am bringing American dollars to P,r ague and Brati'slava, so the Reds do not hesitate to place their signa:ture to my viisa. But my spivitua;l director, t he pastor of my parish, could not get a visa, even though he, too, does no politioing. Being a priest apparently is reason enough not to allow him entry on Slovak soil, which today is washed by streams of innocent blood of martyrs fighting for the freedom of Slovakia. Communism Destroying All Hope One of the visitors told me this: "My brother-fa-law is a teacher. I talked with him for two hours; •but, except for his deploring the communist regime, I learned nothing new from him. He did, however, stress that there are very few active teachers from the old school, that is, those who taught during the Slovak Republic (1939-1945), and that the communist regime carefully supervises even the new school or generation of teachers, brought up and trained by the communists themselves, makes them renounce their religious convictions, and prohibits them even to mention religion except to ridicule, vilify, and condemn it. "This, of course, shocked me. My brother-in-law, alt hough 15 years younger, looked muoh older .than I. Indeed, he was unable to believe that there could be such a difference. "Communism," he would say, "brings no good to anyone; and when one does not approve of it, even though one does not actively oppose it, it destroys one s·p iritually and this in its turn reacts physically and one's body succumbs and slowly deteriorates. "Lt is even worse among the Slovak intellectuals, who 14 SLOVAKIA are desperate and have given up all hope. And this isn' t only among those who are years in prison or who, instead of having their regular office or teaching position, are working in the uranium mines, but also among those who still are at large, undetected. Despair is stalking them everywhere because they cannot tell when they also will be ,s eized and shipped to unlmown regions. "In a word, today in Slovakia, as perhaps in other communist countries, people are losing all hope. My brother-in-law specifically reiterated: "What can we now await, when for 15 years there was no undoing, no overturning and no possibility for such an undoing or overturning? Those of us who have been hoping for this transformation are aging and cannot live long enough to see any reversal or change-over so long as the West continues ,to ignore or to pay little attention to us . "And our ,c hildren and grandchildren? I'm dreadfully afraid most of them will be thoroughly brainwashed and trained in godless marxist ideology. And th~s will be disastrous for our nation and for all of central Europe." Take Us To America "Take us to Amer.ica !" is the pleading cry of a young man, bidding rfarewell to his American uncle, who was returning to America after visiting Slovakia. "Immediately, but immediately I'd leave with you even though I'd have to live on dry bread and water in your trunk the whole trip half-unconscious!" Those words express ,p ractically everything the communized and oppressed Slovaks feel. They long above all to escape and shake off the slavery of communism; and the only way to do this now is, it seems to them, to come to America. Even -though some Slovaks lost all hope and feel that the USA will come to terms with the Soviet Union, nevertheless the vast majority of them is still of the opinion that America will not abandon the nations behind the Iron Curtain and that it, therefore, will not abandon Slovaki,a either. "It is most unfortunate," remarked a Slovak native to our visitor in Slovakia, "that the USA did not act more energetically in 1956 when the Hungarians rebelled against communism. We were ready to rise up also. So would have the Poles, the Rumanians, the Croatians, SLOVAKIA 15 and Slovenfans, and the whole of Central Europe would have been on the maroh to freedom." Even the communists at the time were apprehensive that the time had come for a change and were preparing for it. For instance, t:hey treated their prisoners wi th a:. healthy respect. The Slovaks often mention their relatives in America anld relay to them, as our informant tells us, that "If the American Slovaks do no-t help us out of communism's diabolical clui:ches, we have lived and struggled in vain. It is useless to continue to live as we do. Tell our Slovak Americans that never did a people so need assistance as we need it now. Tell them to knock daily at the White House in Washington and under the leadersh,ip of the Slovak League of America to rise up •:ogether in behalf of our Slovak Nation and its independent State. We want to be free and independent of communism, Czech imperialism, and every outside pressure." Slovaks in Slovakia have confidence in Amerka even though communist propaganda tells them that hunger and poverty prevail in Amer.ica, that children are barefooted and one third of its people unemployed. Slovaks, knowing that, like every country, America a:lso has its· economic problems, smile at this propaganda. But they also know, as they told v1sitovs from the USA, .that nowhere in the world are people as well off and free as in. America. Godless Communist Schools In Slovakia religion is still taught as an unprescr.i-bed subject; but only where the parents demand it. The communist press and administration are viciously opposed to religious instruction and training in any school. We read in a rather comprehensive article in the Bratisfava "Praca," dated September 28, 1960, and titled "Does Religion Belong In A Socialist School?": " ... religion, for i ts unscientific · character which emanates wholly from fantastic supersitions and not from real facts , is harmful. One of its basic principles is: Not to undermine or rebel against the gods created by a profit and exploiting system and not to destroy them and their plundering system if an eternal and blissful hereafter is to be successfully attained. It is difficult to visualize in-. 16 SLOVAKIA spired builders of a communistic future, builders belabored and burdened with such falise and silly concepts and ideals. Hence the socialistic school is and must basically and solely imbue and train the young from the scientific base - the materialistic Marxist world-wide view, the cor,r ectness of which not only does science confirm but also more often even practice. Therefore, in CzechoSlovak schools religion, even as an elective, is really never taught." "Praca" then further anailyzes the reasons of the communist regime as to why religion must not be taught. It alleges that "even our constitution ... guarantees freeeven though dom of worship and religious service truly only if this is not contrary to (communist) law." Who, however makes the laws in Slova:kia? The communists. And if they do not care to have religion taught or promulgated, then they pass such laws which will not permit religion to be .taught. "Praca" continues: "No religion, no religious concept is permitted in the educational program or its text books ; it is neither named nor alluded to, and the person who might dare teach it is not considered a teacher or a member of .t he teaching staff. And hence it is not a part of the course of education." Communists are convinced that "from the pedagogical viewpoint it is not only improper and incorrect but also confusing and unhealthy for a child to be placed into periods of conflict and contradiction between religion and science ; for instance, between the theories of divine creation and the scientific origin of the world." " ... there is no room for useless obstructions and burdening of young minds into lethargic religious imaginings which have no concrete value to a child.... "In a socialist state, religion, a:s an outlived form of socia'l science, loses the nm1bur.ing soil humus for its existence and inevitably dies. This is very obvious even in our schools where the number of children registered for religious instructions is constantly decreasing, and even this year is substantially lower than la,st year. This dying out of religion, however, must not be lerft to elementals. SLOVAKIA 17 We feel that with purposeful work, after a definite time, interest ,i n the teaching of religion in Slovakia will decrease to such an extent, for example, as it hras in Mostecko and Karlovarski, where practically no religion is taug.ht." Rather it appears that the reason for this demise is its own inherent invia,b ility and destructive uselessness; and hence in the course of time t he designed purposeful training and education that youth will get ,in the socia1ist state will deminish and eliminate the ,i nterest in religion and its upbringing ait least to the tiny degree thaJt it is alveady eliminated for instance in Mostec or .in Karlovar where practica:l'ly no religion is given. Then the hours or periods for religious instruction will become wholly useless in all of our schools and religion and religious instructions wiU have outlived usefulness." "Praca" is organizing heckling units to instigate and incite opposition against the teaching of religion. Thus on October 10th of this year, it published a rep'l y to its article. The letter is significant for two things: (1) communism has already trained atheists in Slov,a kia; and (2) resistance against communism's a.ibolishment of ·r eligious education in schools continues. We quote the letter literaHy: "Everything which you write is true. We also are atheists and give priority to science over the tales of the clergy. But we see that difficulties do arise in the families when they must decide whether the child is to study religion. One of our fel'low-workers, for instance, did not register his daughter for religious instruction, and now he has great misunderstandings with his wife. In our own families we, too, have little children - and we expect complications when the children become of school age and bring their applications to register for religious instruction. How can quarrels in the families be avoided? We think that religion should not be taug,ht at all in our schools. - Rudolf Skolkay and Ludovit Vaverika, Hlohovec." 1 Communists Destroyed Hundreds of Thousands of Books An a,cquaintance, who spent two months in Slovakia, tells us how the communist authorities had confiscated and destroyed all the religious and cultural books they found in 16 SLOVAKIA the Matica Slovenska (Slovak Insti:tute), the Spolok Sv. Vojteoha (St. Adalbert's Society) and other publishing houses, and which tihe communist reg.ime regarded as not acceptable from the Marxist-Leninist viewpoint. Our acquaintance ascertained that one iday trucks pulled up to the publishing houses with the police, who ordered the confiscation of all books they had on prepared lists. Seven truckloads were taken from St. Adalbert's Society a:lone. At the head of the list were the religious books prayerbooks, catechisms, lives of the saints, entire volumes of religious periodicals, and everything with an imprimatur in it. Then they took all the books published during the existence Olf the Republic of Slovia:kia, the authors of which are either in exile or in prison. "When we learned this," sa:id the acquaintance, "we were shocked .... we just couldn't believe it. People had hoped that the communist regime would not go to this extreme and that somehow or other the books would still be saved at least in the stockrooms of the publishers since bookstores and book-sellers were not allowed to buy or sell them. Instead, however, the books - hundreds of thousands of good books - were destroyed." The books were ground up to a pulp to make new paper which is to serve the communist press. Paper that once carried the Word of God, religious thoughts and literature, is now being used against God, religion, democracy and humanity. Communism destroys everything that stands in its way. Tension Between Slovak and Czech Writers . We know an American whose relative in Slovakia is a wri:ter. Returning from Slovakia, this man told us of some of the problems of writers. The communists, he related, hesitated for a long time to permit a new edition of the novel, "Tri Gastanove Kone" (Three Chestnut Horses) which Margita Figuli wrote and published long before the communists came into control. The reason for this was nolt that the author or the novel was political or anti-communistic. Not at all; for it is a novel with many love affairs. Nor was the author on any SLOVAKIA 19 political index. She had never been in politics, and if she ever was incHned or orienta,ted to any political view it was towards Prague, the Czech viewpoint. Nevertheless she had .to wait a full six years till the communist regime of Prague permitted her to put out a new edition of her novel. The reason for this delay? The vinain of the novel, the tyrant, the torturer of women and horses, is a man na:med Zapotocny. 'Dhe Czech communists feared that the readers would confuse this name with the name of the communist president of Czecho-Slovakia whose name was Zapotocky. So the party waited until Za.potocky di'ed and then aMowed a new edition af Figuli's novel. The consent of the Slovak .communists was not enough. The Slovak communists had first to consult and get the approval of .bhe Czech communists. This, however, is how things go in Slovakia in all things- politics, economics, literary works, justice, in a word, in everything, the Red Czechs of Prag,ue must first be consulted and their approval or decision must first be obtained, or else My friend mentioned other problems that Slovak }VI'iters have. For instance, there is a tremendous amount of tension and antagonism between .the Czech and Slovak writers. For the communist party is trying to fuse or merge the two groups of writers - the Czech and the Slov,ak into one, the Czecho-Slovak writers, as the Academy of Science previously attempted. The Slovak writers, whether communist or not, adamantly refuse to give up their Slovak aHiance and submit to the Czech or Czech-Slovak Alliance. They told WiHiam Siroky, who pressured them: "A united alliance can be achieved only through the medium of our lorn up communist idenitification cards!" Low Wages and High Prices Another Slovak American who visited Slovakia, related how much Slovaks can earn anid how much they pay for the things they need. Today most of the Slovaks have to work in groups or collectives. In the .rural areas - and Slovakia is predominantly agricultural - to work they must belong to single farm collectives or · "kokhozes". The farmers' fields or 20 SLOVAKIA farms were .taken away and nationalized; now they must work on them for the state. The collective worker however, does not make more than seven crowns ($1.00) a day. Sometimes only six crowns, depending on the way his unit of work is estimated. A woman, working in a poultry-house 14 hours a day, gets almost 10 crowns. Likewise a dairy-maid, but she must milk by hand 18 cows twice daily. A construction worker receives only 6.50 crowns a day. Stoneworkers are better off; they get 1,000 crowns a month. But let us see how this compa,,res with the price of things. The American visitor expla,ineld it this way: If only one person works in the collective, two people cannot live on his income. Simply because: A kilogram (2.2 l'b s.) of the blackest bread costs 8 crowns; a better bread 10 crowns; and a half-white bread costs 12 crowns. It is obvious that a laborer cannot make enough a day to buy a kilogram of good bread. And if he wants to buy a little cheese-cake, or a little poppy-seed roll or jelly-bun (roll), which in America would cost about 40 cents, in Slovakia he won•rt be able to obtain it for less than 6 crowns. Hence a construction worker labors almost all day for a ro'll or good bun which won't be enough to go with one cup of coffee. Wi,th meat it's the same business. Beef and pork cost 48 crowns a kilogram. Women stand in front of butcher shops in lines blocks long from 5 in the morning sometimes until noon; but the last ones usually get no meat at all. For a kilogram of meat a collective worker must work seven days. Average oloth or material fior men's clothing costs 750 crowns. A well paid worker then must toil 3 weeks just for the material for a suit of clothes. In Slovakia common summer-shoes or sa,,ndals cost 500 crowns a pair; and a well paid worker must work a good 15 days for a pair of these shoes. A commune worker has to work over two months to be able to buy a good pair of sanidals. My friend also visited the Czech lands, where his relatives from Slovakia work in Bohemia and Moravia. From SLOVAKIA 21 them he learned of the dis<!rimination and inequality in the wages paid in the Czech lands as compared w.ith those in Slovakia. It is unbelievingly shocking inequa:lity, injustice and discrimination. Every worker in the Czech lands receives dowble the amount he would receive for the same work in Slovakia. This inequality and discrimination gives rise to serious misunderstandings . The Czechs have not learned the lessons of history; little has changed since the days of T. G. Masaryk and Benes : the Slovaks are still regarded as servants of the Czechs, to be exploited solely for Czech interests. 'NIE SLOVA.KS by Peter P. Yurchak, should be in every pwblk library, in every college and university, in the home of every American of Slovak descent. Get your copy NOW. Paper bound copy-· $2.00; in cloth $3.00. SLOVAKl,A: the women of Rejdova, Gerner Province, once wore this type of headdress.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovakia Under Communism Description An account of the resource Joseph Paučo Slovakia, Vol. 11, No. 1 (33), March-June 1961 pp. 13-21 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paučo, Jozef, 1914-1975 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March-June 1961 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/940fc8e5506394b87c91288100e5826c.pdf a63412e374518eb1b76e89e14fea4a92 PDF Text Text SWVAKIA 77 '.nlE MATICA SLOVENSKA IN A.MERICA JOSEPH PAUCO Father Furdek was quite happy over the progress the Slovak fratemal benefit societies, he was instrumental in bringing into being, were making: The First Catholic Slovak Union and The First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union. 1 Both organizations had the same mission. But to Furdek it was wery obvious that "the Slovak nation needs help. We, the children of the Slovak family," he said, "are obligated ito sacrifice, to the limit of our strength, for our poor nation which, already so weakened ,b y ,M agyar chauvinism, is becoming still weaker because of emilgration. No one can satisfy his hunger on eulogies - speeches will not make the Slovak nation wealthy, whether thereby we praise our timid people or -blast its destroyers. Here deeds are necessary, here sacrifices are needed". 2 Furdek was well aware of the spiritual poverty in Slovakia; he knew there was a sad lack Otf Slova:k intelligentsia; he knew that the Slovaks did not have enough schools. Fully realizing this sad situation, Furdek was the fimt of the Slovaks in America. to raise his voice to save Slovakia, inviting all Slova:k groups in the Unted States to take part in this action: '"Slovak men, to all of you who have the welfare of our people at heart, regardless of whatever side you may be on, let us get together at our own exipense sometime in September or Octdber, in Chicago, to delilberate in what way we might besit act to uplift the Slovak people in Slovalcla. Getting together would not hann us American SlovaJks; and a conference of Slovaks certainly would not injure the Slovaks in Slovakia" .3 Furdek's appeal struck "the string of the Slova:k heart. Individuals and newspapers without exception acknowledged the need of the proposed conference". 4 Furdek forthwith set the coniference date for September 26, 1893, in Ohioogo, Ill. F-urdek's proposal was backed by the Supreme Officers of the First Catholic Slovak Union, who issued the following statement on Sept. 5, 1893: "Coun,tcymen - in Chicago, Ill., on the 26th of September, there will be a meeting of the lovers of the Slovak �78 SLOVAKIA people. We shall discuss in what way we might most effectively act for the welfare of our nation here and in Slovakia. "Countrymen, who of us would not wish to uplift the wronged Slovak people? We know, we are not deceiving ourselves, you are not indifferent to the fate of the Slovak' people, therefore we respectfully invite you to come, if you can, to Chicago, on September 26, at nine in the morning, to this conference in the school hall of St. Procopius parish at 704 Allport Street. "The program at this time would perhaips be premature - many people lmow much. Now our main effort is: let us get together, let us delilberate together. Our pur.pose is sacred, our intention sel:fless, admission to friends of the Slovak people is free, therefore we hope you will truke part in the conference to which we respectfully invite you. With familiar respect: Rev. R. Wider, Rev. E. Gellhof, Rev. V. Panuska, Rev. S. Furdek, J. Onda, J. V. Rozko". 5 The conference in Chicago was attended by some 100 Slovak leaders, priests and laymen, representatives of Slovak organizations and of both main confessions, Catholic and Lutheran. Father Stefan Furdek opened and presided at the conference. Peter Rovnianek, president of the National Slovak Society, suggested that the group found a Slavia!k League of America. The conference, however, adopted the motion of Father Ervin Gellhof to establish the Matica Sloven.ska (Slova:k Institute) of America in memory of the Matica Slovenska in Slovakia which was dissolved by the Magyars. The main pur.pose of the Matica was "to support the interests of our countrymen in the old fatherland and here in America". 6 In Chicago the Matica immediately decided to publish a document in the English, German, French, Russian, and Slovak languages, in which would be revealed the injustices perpetrated by the Magyars on the Slova;ks. The conference of the Matica ordered a letter to be sent to th~ Government of the United States accusing the Magyar Government of violating international postal regulations by opening aind confiscating mail sent to Slov•aJria from America. In order to gain a massive membership, individuals and societies, the dues were purposely very low: 25 cents per annum. Furdek suggested that a substantial part of the 1 �SLOVAKIA 79 membership dues be used to support Slovak newspapers in Slovakia. The following were elected officers of the Matica Slovenska: Rev. Stephen Furdek, president; A. Ruma.n, vice president; Dr. M. Francisci, secretary; J. 2izka, treasurer; Rev. F. Vlasak, fin. secretary. In the first appeal of the Matica by Furdek and F·r ancisci, we find these words: "It is the sacred duty of every one whom a !Slovak mother carried under her heart to become a member of the Matica. However, ,i f any one hesitates or offe-ra excuses, let him not boast of the honored name of Slovak because he is not worthy of it". 7 Furdek rested his hope on the First Catholic Slovak Union and exerted every effort to ha,ve the entire Union join the Matica and pay the dues for every member. 8 When the matter came before the fifth convention, however, the majority of delegates voted it down. 9 Furdek was disappointed but not disheartened; he continued to plead for all Jednotars to join the Matica. The following branches of the Jednota joined the Matica with their entire membership: 1. m, 14, 18, rn, 23, 24, 30, 46, 55, 59, 64, 65, 10, 715, 82, 86, 89, 91, 92, 104, 106, 108, tlO, 1111, 123, 127. 10 At the first convention of the Matica Slovenska in Chicago, m., on September 17, 1894, Father Furdek reported that some 1,200 individuals, most of them J ednotars, had become members of the Matica. 11 The meeting approved the By-laws of the Matica which were prepared by the By-Law Committee. Since Father Furdek did not want a second term as president, Gustav Marsall was elected to that office. Svehla became vice president, P. V. Rovnianek, secretary, Father S. Furdek, treasurer, 2i.zka, fin. secretary, Imrich Podkrivacky, trustee. Furdek wrote that the Matica meeting "was harmonious a.nd that indisputably the Matica had become an important factor in the life of the Slovaks here and in the old country". 12 Almost immediately thereafter, however, the old arguments were revived by some of the leading members of the National Slovak Society, Rovnianek announced that he was not taking over the office of secretary and withdrew from the organization. G. Marsall, the president of the Matica thereupon named John A. Feriencik in his �80 SLOVAKIA place. At that time Feriencik worked in the editorial office of the Jednota and his keen reflections about cultwal .and national problems evoked a lively .response.13 He took up the work of the Matica willingly and energetically, presenting it as "the academy of the national ca,use". 14 The National Slovak Society, like the First Catholic Slovak Union, was a fraternal benefit society, but presumed to speak in the name of all the Slovaks in Arrnerti.oa.. The First Catholic Slovak Union (the JEDNOTA) repudiated this presumptuous claim, especially since a strong antiCatholic element began to exert its influence in the NSS. mather F1urdek proclaimed: "Let our motto be: for Catholics in religious matters - the First Catholic Slovak Union; and in national (Slovak) matters - the Matica".15 Shortly ·b efore the second convention of the Matica, which took place in Cleveland, Ohio, on June 6, 1895, Ferie:ncik resigned his secretaryship. This meeting was held on the 34th anniversary of the historical 1861 Memorandum of the Slovak Nation. Reports of the ofificers revealed that the Matica had the following as charter members: Jozef 2izka, Rev. Stefan Furdek, Rev. R. Wider, Rev. F. Janusek, Rev. Jan Stas, iRev. V. Kazincy, Rev. J. Kasparek, Rev. F. Horvath, Rev. Matus Jankola, and Jozef Kuruca.r. The membership numbered 864, which included 476 members of the Jednota and 216 of the NSS. President Marsall stated that causes of the decline were "the commercial spirit of our people," Jack of information and unfavorable conditions.16 The Literary Committee of the Mwtica was happy to report that Gustav Marsall's book "Radca Slovenskych Prisfahovalcov v Spojenych Sta.toch Sevemej Ameriky" 17 (The Counsellor of Slovak Immigrants in the United States of North America) was .p ublished. The second convention of the Matica sent 100 Gold Crowns to Tureiansky Svaty Martin to support national aims and ten dollars to the Tatran Society in Vienna. Marsall was re-elected president, Rev. R. Wider was elected treasurer and Rev. V. Cerveny, secretary. A "cultural evening" closed the second convention. Recurrent dissension undermined the foundation of the Matica Slovenska. in America. Then the National Slovak �SLOVAKIA 81 Society, under the leadership of ' Peter P. Rovnia.nek - a fallen away Catholic-openly expressed its distrust of the Matica and, thus, Furdek aigain represented all hopes of the Slovaiks. "Without Furdek not much . could be accomplished. The convention of September 1, 1896, elected Furdek president again" .18 Furdek kept on pleading with the members of the Jednota to back the Matica and his appeals, in a measure, met with a favorable response. 19 Furdek insisted a.n. propagating good Slovak literature at low cost so that "the nation might undertand that a literary society (the Matica) is of benefit to it. Publish ·b ooks, get them among the people, and proba.bly the Matica will be reV'ived !" .20 F'ather Furdek's plans, however, were never fully rea.li.z.ed. The Matica Sliovenska in America was doomed before it really became a going concern. The workers of the Matica had a meeting in Pittsburgh, Pa., on August 16, l.'899, a.n.d the last report of its activity was published in the JEDNOTA (the organ of the First Catholic Slovak Union, which also was founded by Father Furdek) a week later. The M.aJtica took over the "National Fund" - a newly born organization, which to a certain extent replaced the Matica. The National Fbnd organization fared no better than its predecessors. After it came the Slovak League of America which was also founded by the Rev. Stephen Furdek in Cleveland, ·onio, cm' May 26, 1907.21 REFERENCES 1. Furdek organized the First Cllltholic Slovak Union, in 1890, in Cleveland, Ohio, and the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union, also in Cleveland, in 1892. Together they total a membership or over 200,000. 2. Od Srdca k Srdcu: Jednota, Aug. 16, 1893, p. 4. 3. lbidem. 4. Ona 26. aeptembra do Chicaga: Jednota, Aug. 30, 1893, p. 4. 5. Jednota, Sept. 13, 189.3, p. 1. 6. Chlcagaka porada: Jednota, Oct. 4, 1893, p. 1. The details or the conference are given In this report. The telegram sent to the -Narodne Noviny In Turclansky Svaty Martin read: "We have estalblished the Matica SlovenskA. The resurrected Matlca sends .g reetings ·to Slovakia." 7. The appeal, entitled "SloTakom," was published in the Jednota, <:Yet. 11, · 1893, p . 1. 8. Matlca: Jednota, April 18, 1894, p. 4; J rd nota , May 2 and !J . 1894, P. 4. �SLOVAKIA 82 9. Minutes of the Fifth Convention, Home Otfiee, Cleveland, O'hio. 10. KatoHcka Slovenaka Jednota: Kalendar J®DNO'IIA, 1896, p. 3~. 11. Vaine ahromafdenie Matice Slovenakej: Jednota, Sept. 19, 1894, p. 4. 12. !Ilbidem. 13. Jednota, Nov. 14, 1894. 1'4. 1Matica. Jednota, Nov. 21, 1894, p. 2. 15. Jednota, Nov. 21, 1894, p. 4; Konstantin Culen: Dejiny Slovakov v Amerike, Vol. 1, p. 217 - Spor Slovakov v Amerike, Kalendar J1EIDNl()T,A, 1896, p. 69. 16. Dru he valne ahromafdenie ( Konvencia) "Matice Slovenakej v Amerike": Jednota, June 12, 1895, p. 2. 17. Podiel Matice Slovenakej: Jednota, June 12, 1895, p. 4. The book of 164 pp. was really the first history of the United States in the United States in the Slovaik languwge. Every mem.ber of the Matica was given the book for free. 18. Culen, op. cit., p. 235. 19. !Many issues of the Jednota contained the personal a;ppeal of Furdek and other oUicers of the Matica. 20. Podielova kniha Matice: Jednota, June 9, 1897, P. 4. In that year the second and last literary work was published by the Matica, the 'ISbornik Matice Slovenskej". Most of the contributions were by authors from Slovakia (IBlelek, Sasinek, Zigmundik, Kmet, Srobar). 21. Maticna sch6dza: Jednota, Aug_ 23, 1899, p. 4. Representatives of the First Ca:tholic Slovak Union, the corresponding Ladies Union, National Slovak 'Society, the Zivena and the Evangelical Slovak Union attended the meeting. The next five years the Matica existed only on paper. Prof. Andrew B. Slaibey: Prehfad dejin Slovakov v Amerike in the Kalendar of the NS:S, 1926, p. 52. DID YOU READ UN<:ONQUERABLES "a true classic because its literary style, ita deep emotional undertones, ita spiritual strength and the vivid picture it pre-senta of life under Communist terror . . . " (Father John l.Jach and Msgr. M. K. Mlynarovich)? If not, get your copy today ( $2.00) from the author: .JOSEPH PAUl:O Mici.-11.-town. Pa . P. 0. Rox 2R5 • � SWVAKIA 77 '.nlE MATICA SLOVENSKA IN A.MERICA JOSEPH PAUCO Father Furdek was quite happy over the progress the Slovak fratemal benefit societies, he was instrumental in bringing into being, were making: The First Catholic Slovak Union and The First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union. 1 Both organizations had the same mission. But to Furdek it was wery obvious that "the Slovak nation needs help. We, the children of the Slovak family," he said, "are obligated ito sacrifice, to the limit of our strength, for our poor nation which, already so weakened ,b y ,M agyar chauvinism, is becoming still weaker because of emilgration. No one can satisfy his hunger on eulogies - speeches will not make the Slovak nation wealthy, whether thereby we praise our timid people or -blast its destroyers. Here deeds are necessary, here sacrifices are needed". 2 Furdek was well aware of the spiritual poverty in Slovakia; he knew there was a sad lack Otf Slova:k intelligentsia; he knew that the Slovaks did not have enough schools. Fully realizing this sad situation, Furdek was the fimt of the Slovaks in America. to raise his voice to save Slovakia, inviting all Slova:k groups in the Unted States to take part in this action: '"Slovak men, to all of you who have the welfare of our people at heart, regardless of whatever side you may be on, let us get together at our own exipense sometime in September or Octdber, in Chicago, to delilberate in what way we might besit act to uplift the Slovak people in Slovalcla. Getting together would not hann us American SlovaJks; and a conference of Slovaks certainly would not injure the Slovaks in Slovakia" .3 Furdek's appeal struck "the string of the Slova:k heart. Individuals and newspapers without exception acknowledged the need of the proposed conference". 4 Furdek forthwith set the coniference date for September 26, 1893, in Ohioogo, Ill. F-urdek's proposal was backed by the Supreme Officers of the First Catholic Slovak Union, who issued the following statement on Sept. 5, 1893: "Coun,tcymen - in Chicago, Ill., on the 26th of September, there will be a meeting of the lovers of the Slovak �78 SLOVAKIA people. We shall discuss in what way we might most effectively act for the welfare of our nation here and in Slovakia. "Countrymen, who of us would not wish to uplift the wronged Slovak people? We know, we are not deceiving ourselves, you are not indifferent to the fate of the Slovak' people, therefore we respectfully invite you to come, if you can, to Chicago, on September 26, at nine in the morning, to this conference in the school hall of St. Procopius parish at 704 Allport Street. "The program at this time would perhaips be premature - many people lmow much. Now our main effort is: let us get together, let us delilberate together. Our pur.pose is sacred, our intention sel:fless, admission to friends of the Slovak people is free, therefore we hope you will truke part in the conference to which we respectfully invite you. With familiar respect: Rev. R. Wider, Rev. E. Gellhof, Rev. V. Panuska, Rev. S. Furdek, J. Onda, J. V. Rozko". 5 The conference in Chicago was attended by some 100 Slovak leaders, priests and laymen, representatives of Slovak organizations and of both main confessions, Catholic and Lutheran. Father Stefan Furdek opened and presided at the conference. Peter Rovnianek, president of the National Slovak Society, suggested that the group found a Slavia!k League of America. The conference, however, adopted the motion of Father Ervin Gellhof to establish the Matica Sloven.ska (Slova:k Institute) of America in memory of the Matica Slovenska in Slovakia which was dissolved by the Magyars. The main pur.pose of the Matica was "to support the interests of our countrymen in the old fatherland and here in America". 6 In Chicago the Matica immediately decided to publish a document in the English, German, French, Russian, and Slovak languages, in which would be revealed the injustices perpetrated by the Magyars on the Slova;ks. The conference of the Matica ordered a letter to be sent to th~ Government of the United States accusing the Magyar Government of violating international postal regulations by opening aind confiscating mail sent to Slov•aJria from America. In order to gain a massive membership, individuals and societies, the dues were purposely very low: 25 cents per annum. Furdek suggested that a substantial part of the 1 �SLOVAKIA 79 membership dues be used to support Slovak newspapers in Slovakia. The following were elected officers of the Matica Slovenska: Rev. Stephen Furdek, president; A. Ruma.n, vice president; Dr. M. Francisci, secretary; J. 2izka, treasurer; Rev. F. Vlasak, fin. secretary. In the first appeal of the Matica by Furdek and F·r ancisci, we find these words: "It is the sacred duty of every one whom a !Slovak mother carried under her heart to become a member of the Matica. However, ,i f any one hesitates or offe-ra excuses, let him not boast of the honored name of Slovak because he is not worthy of it". 7 Furdek rested his hope on the First Catholic Slovak Union and exerted every effort to ha,ve the entire Union join the Matica and pay the dues for every member. 8 When the matter came before the fifth convention, however, the majority of delegates voted it down. 9 Furdek was disappointed but not disheartened; he continued to plead for all Jednotars to join the Matica. The following branches of the Jednota joined the Matica with their entire membership: 1. m, 14, 18, rn, 23, 24, 30, 46, 55, 59, 64, 65, 10, 715, 82, 86, 89, 91, 92, 104, 106, 108, tlO, 1111, 123, 127. 10 At the first convention of the Matica Slovenska in Chicago, m., on September 17, 1894, Father Furdek reported that some 1,200 individuals, most of them J ednotars, had become members of the Matica. 11 The meeting approved the By-laws of the Matica which were prepared by the By-Law Committee. Since Father Furdek did not want a second term as president, Gustav Marsall was elected to that office. Svehla became vice president, P. V. Rovnianek, secretary, Father S. Furdek, treasurer, 2i.zka, fin. secretary, Imrich Podkrivacky, trustee. Furdek wrote that the Matica meeting "was harmonious a.nd that indisputably the Matica had become an important factor in the life of the Slovaks here and in the old country". 12 Almost immediately thereafter, however, the old arguments were revived by some of the leading members of the National Slovak Society, Rovnianek announced that he was not taking over the office of secretary and withdrew from the organization. G. Marsall, the president of the Matica thereupon named John A. Feriencik in his �80 SLOVAKIA place. At that time Feriencik worked in the editorial office of the Jednota and his keen reflections about cultwal .and national problems evoked a lively .response.13 He took up the work of the Matica willingly and energetically, presenting it as "the academy of the national ca,use". 14 The National Slovak Society, like the First Catholic Slovak Union, was a fraternal benefit society, but presumed to speak in the name of all the Slovaks in Arrnerti.oa.. The First Catholic Slovak Union (the JEDNOTA) repudiated this presumptuous claim, especially since a strong antiCatholic element began to exert its influence in the NSS. mather F1urdek proclaimed: "Let our motto be: for Catholics in religious matters - the First Catholic Slovak Union; and in national (Slovak) matters - the Matica".15 Shortly ·b efore the second convention of the Matica, which took place in Cleveland, Ohio, on June 6, 1895, Ferie:ncik resigned his secretaryship. This meeting was held on the 34th anniversary of the historical 1861 Memorandum of the Slovak Nation. Reports of the ofificers revealed that the Matica had the following as charter members: Jozef 2izka, Rev. Stefan Furdek, Rev. R. Wider, Rev. F. Janusek, Rev. Jan Stas, iRev. V. Kazincy, Rev. J. Kasparek, Rev. F. Horvath, Rev. Matus Jankola, and Jozef Kuruca.r. The membership numbered 864, which included 476 members of the Jednota and 216 of the NSS. President Marsall stated that causes of the decline were "the commercial spirit of our people," Jack of information and unfavorable conditions.16 The Literary Committee of the Mwtica was happy to report that Gustav Marsall's book "Radca Slovenskych Prisfahovalcov v Spojenych Sta.toch Sevemej Ameriky" 17 (The Counsellor of Slovak Immigrants in the United States of North America) was .p ublished. The second convention of the Matica sent 100 Gold Crowns to Tureiansky Svaty Martin to support national aims and ten dollars to the Tatran Society in Vienna. Marsall was re-elected president, Rev. R. Wider was elected treasurer and Rev. V. Cerveny, secretary. A "cultural evening" closed the second convention. Recurrent dissension undermined the foundation of the Matica Slovenska. in America. Then the National Slovak �SLOVAKIA 81 Society, under the leadership of ' Peter P. Rovnia.nek - a fallen away Catholic-openly expressed its distrust of the Matica and, thus, Furdek aigain represented all hopes of the Slovaiks. "Without Furdek not much . could be accomplished. The convention of September 1, 1896, elected Furdek president again" .18 Furdek kept on pleading with the members of the Jednota to back the Matica and his appeals, in a measure, met with a favorable response. 19 Furdek insisted a.n. propagating good Slovak literature at low cost so that "the nation might undertand that a literary society (the Matica) is of benefit to it. Publish ·b ooks, get them among the people, and proba.bly the Matica will be reV'ived !" .20 F'ather Furdek's plans, however, were never fully rea.li.z.ed. The Matica Sliovenska in America was doomed before it really became a going concern. The workers of the Matica had a meeting in Pittsburgh, Pa., on August 16, l.'899, a.n.d the last report of its activity was published in the JEDNOTA (the organ of the First Catholic Slovak Union, which also was founded by Father Furdek) a week later. The M.aJtica took over the "National Fund" - a newly born organization, which to a certain extent replaced the Matica. The National Fbnd organization fared no better than its predecessors. After it came the Slovak League of America which was also founded by the Rev. Stephen Furdek in Cleveland, ·onio, cm' May 26, 1907.21 REFERENCES 1. Furdek organized the First Cllltholic Slovak Union, in 1890, in Cleveland, Ohio, and the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union, also in Cleveland, in 1892. Together they total a membership or over 200,000. 2. Od Srdca k Srdcu: Jednota, Aug. 16, 1893, p. 4. 3. lbidem. 4. Ona 26. aeptembra do Chicaga: Jednota, Aug. 30, 1893, p. 4. 5. Jednota, Sept. 13, 189.3, p. 1. 6. Chlcagaka porada: Jednota, Oct. 4, 1893, p. 1. The details or the conference are given In this report. The telegram sent to the -Narodne Noviny In Turclansky Svaty Martin read: "We have estalblished the Matica SlovenskA. The resurrected Matlca sends .g reetings ·to Slovakia." 7. The appeal, entitled "SloTakom," was published in the Jednota, <:Yet. 11, · 1893, p . 1. 8. Matlca: Jednota, April 18, 1894, p. 4; J rd nota , May 2 and !J . 1894, P. 4. �SLOVAKIA 82 9. Minutes of the Fifth Convention, Home Otfiee, Cleveland, O'hio. 10. KatoHcka Slovenaka Jednota: Kalendar J®DNO'IIA, 1896, p. 3~. 11. Vaine ahromafdenie Matice Slovenakej: Jednota, Sept. 19, 1894, p. 4. 12. !Ilbidem. 13. Jednota, Nov. 14, 1894. 1'4. 1Matica. Jednota, Nov. 21, 1894, p. 2. 15. Jednota, Nov. 21, 1894, p. 4; Konstantin Culen: Dejiny Slovakov v Amerike, Vol. 1, p. 217 - Spor Slovakov v Amerike, Kalendar J1EIDNl()T,A, 1896, p. 69. 16. Dru he valne ahromafdenie ( Konvencia) "Matice Slovenakej v Amerike": Jednota, June 12, 1895, p. 2. 17. Podiel Matice Slovenakej: Jednota, June 12, 1895, p. 4. The book of 164 pp. was really the first history of the United States in the United States in the Slovaik languwge. Every mem.ber of the Matica was given the book for free. 18. Culen, op. cit., p. 235. 19. !Many issues of the Jednota contained the personal a;ppeal of Furdek and other oUicers of the Matica. 20. Podielova kniha Matice: Jednota, June 9, 1897, P. 4. In that year the second and last literary work was published by the Matica, the 'ISbornik Matice Slovenskej". Most of the contributions were by authors from Slovakia (IBlelek, Sasinek, Zigmundik, Kmet, Srobar). 21. Maticna sch6dza: Jednota, Aug_ 23, 1899, p. 4. Representatives of the First Ca:tholic Slovak Union, the corresponding Ladies Union, National Slovak 'Society, the Zivena and the Evangelical Slovak Union attended the meeting. The next five years the Matica existed only on paper. Prof. Andrew B. Slaibey: Prehfad dejin Slovakov v Amerike in the Kalendar of the NS:S, 1926, p. 52. DID YOU READ UN<:ONQUERABLES "a true classic because its literary style, ita deep emotional undertones, ita spiritual strength and the vivid picture it pre-senta of life under Communist terror . . . " (Father John l.Jach and Msgr. M. K. Mlynarovich)? If not, get your copy today ( $2.00) from the author: .JOSEPH PAUl:O Mici.-11.-town. Pa . P. 0. Rox 2R5 • � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1963, Vol. 13 Description An account of the resource Issue 1 (No. 36), March 1963. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1963 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SWVAKIA 77 '.nlE MATICA SLOVENSKA IN A.MERICA JOSEPH PAUCO Father Furdek was quite happy over the progress the Slovak fratemal benefit societies, he was instrumental in bringing into being, were making: The First Catholic Slovak Union and The First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union. 1 Both organizations had the same mission. But to Furdek it was wery obvious that "the Slovak nation needs help. We, the children of the Slovak family," he said, "are obligated ito sacrifice, to the limit of our strength, for our poor nation which, already so weakened ,b y ,M agyar chauvinism, is becoming still weaker because of emilgration. No one can satisfy his hunger on eulogies - speeches will not make the Slovak nation wealthy, whether thereby we praise our timid people or -blast its destroyers. Here deeds are necessary, here sacrifices are needed". 2 Furdek was well aware of the spiritual poverty in Slovakia; he knew there was a sad lack Otf Slova:k intelligentsia; he knew that the Slovaks did not have enough schools. Fully realizing this sad situation, Furdek was the fimt of the Slovaks in America. to raise his voice to save Slovakia, inviting all Slova:k groups in the Unted States to take part in this action: '"Slovak men, to all of you who have the welfare of our people at heart, regardless of whatever side you may be on, let us get together at our own exipense sometime in September or Octdber, in Chicago, to delilberate in what way we might besit act to uplift the Slovak people in Slovalcla. Getting together would not hann us American SlovaJks; and a conference of Slovaks certainly would not injure the Slovaks in Slovakia" .3 Furdek's appeal struck "the string of the Slova:k heart. Individuals and newspapers without exception acknowledged the need of the proposed conference". 4 Furdek forthwith set the coniference date for September 26, 1893, in Ohioogo, Ill. F-urdek's proposal was backed by the Supreme Officers of the First Catholic Slovak Union, who issued the following statement on Sept. 5, 1893: "Coun,tcymen - in Chicago, Ill., on the 26th of September, there will be a meeting of the lovers of the Slovak 78 SLOVAKIA people. We shall discuss in what way we might most effectively act for the welfare of our nation here and in Slovakia. "Countrymen, who of us would not wish to uplift the wronged Slovak people? We know, we are not deceiving ourselves, you are not indifferent to the fate of the Slovak' people, therefore we respectfully invite you to come, if you can, to Chicago, on September 26, at nine in the morning, to this conference in the school hall of St. Procopius parish at 704 Allport Street. "The program at this time would perhaips be premature - many people lmow much. Now our main effort is: let us get together, let us delilberate together. Our pur.pose is sacred, our intention sel:fless, admission to friends of the Slovak people is free, therefore we hope you will truke part in the conference to which we respectfully invite you. With familiar respect: Rev. R. Wider, Rev. E. Gellhof, Rev. V. Panuska, Rev. S. Furdek, J. Onda, J. V. Rozko". 5 The conference in Chicago was attended by some 100 Slovak leaders, priests and laymen, representatives of Slovak organizations and of both main confessions, Catholic and Lutheran. Father Stefan Furdek opened and presided at the conference. Peter Rovnianek, president of the National Slovak Society, suggested that the group found a Slavia!k League of America. The conference, however, adopted the motion of Father Ervin Gellhof to establish the Matica Sloven.ska (Slova:k Institute) of America in memory of the Matica Slovenska in Slovakia which was dissolved by the Magyars. The main pur.pose of the Matica was "to support the interests of our countrymen in the old fatherland and here in America". 6 In Chicago the Matica immediately decided to publish a document in the English, German, French, Russian, and Slovak languages, in which would be revealed the injustices perpetrated by the Magyars on the Slova;ks. The conference of the Matica ordered a letter to be sent to th~ Government of the United States accusing the Magyar Government of violating international postal regulations by opening aind confiscating mail sent to Slov•aJria from America. In order to gain a massive membership, individuals and societies, the dues were purposely very low: 25 cents per annum. Furdek suggested that a substantial part of the 1 SLOVAKIA 79 membership dues be used to support Slovak newspapers in Slovakia. The following were elected officers of the Matica Slovenska: Rev. Stephen Furdek, president; A. Ruma.n, vice president; Dr. M. Francisci, secretary; J. 2izka, treasurer; Rev. F. Vlasak, fin. secretary. In the first appeal of the Matica by Furdek and F·r ancisci, we find these words: "It is the sacred duty of every one whom a !Slovak mother carried under her heart to become a member of the Matica. However, ,i f any one hesitates or offe-ra excuses, let him not boast of the honored name of Slovak because he is not worthy of it". 7 Furdek rested his hope on the First Catholic Slovak Union and exerted every effort to ha,ve the entire Union join the Matica and pay the dues for every member. 8 When the matter came before the fifth convention, however, the majority of delegates voted it down. 9 Furdek was disappointed but not disheartened; he continued to plead for all Jednotars to join the Matica. The following branches of the Jednota joined the Matica with their entire membership: 1. m, 14, 18, rn, 23, 24, 30, 46, 55, 59, 64, 65, 10, 715, 82, 86, 89, 91, 92, 104, 106, 108, tlO, 1111, 123, 127. 10 At the first convention of the Matica Slovenska in Chicago, m., on September 17, 1894, Father Furdek reported that some 1,200 individuals, most of them J ednotars, had become members of the Matica. 11 The meeting approved the By-laws of the Matica which were prepared by the By-Law Committee. Since Father Furdek did not want a second term as president, Gustav Marsall was elected to that office. Svehla became vice president, P. V. Rovnianek, secretary, Father S. Furdek, treasurer, 2i.zka, fin. secretary, Imrich Podkrivacky, trustee. Furdek wrote that the Matica meeting "was harmonious a.nd that indisputably the Matica had become an important factor in the life of the Slovaks here and in the old country". 12 Almost immediately thereafter, however, the old arguments were revived by some of the leading members of the National Slovak Society, Rovnianek announced that he was not taking over the office of secretary and withdrew from the organization. G. Marsall, the president of the Matica thereupon named John A. Feriencik in his 80 SLOVAKIA place. At that time Feriencik worked in the editorial office of the Jednota and his keen reflections about cultwal .and national problems evoked a lively .response.13 He took up the work of the Matica willingly and energetically, presenting it as "the academy of the national ca,use". 14 The National Slovak Society, like the First Catholic Slovak Union, was a fraternal benefit society, but presumed to speak in the name of all the Slovaks in Arrnerti.oa.. The First Catholic Slovak Union (the JEDNOTA) repudiated this presumptuous claim, especially since a strong antiCatholic element began to exert its influence in the NSS. mather F1urdek proclaimed: "Let our motto be: for Catholics in religious matters - the First Catholic Slovak Union; and in national (Slovak) matters - the Matica".15 Shortly ·b efore the second convention of the Matica, which took place in Cleveland, Ohio, on June 6, 1895, Ferie:ncik resigned his secretaryship. This meeting was held on the 34th anniversary of the historical 1861 Memorandum of the Slovak Nation. Reports of the ofificers revealed that the Matica had the following as charter members: Jozef 2izka, Rev. Stefan Furdek, Rev. R. Wider, Rev. F. Janusek, Rev. Jan Stas, iRev. V. Kazincy, Rev. J. Kasparek, Rev. F. Horvath, Rev. Matus Jankola, and Jozef Kuruca.r. The membership numbered 864, which included 476 members of the Jednota and 216 of the NSS. President Marsall stated that causes of the decline were "the commercial spirit of our people," Jack of information and unfavorable conditions.16 The Literary Committee of the Mwtica was happy to report that Gustav Marsall's book "Radca Slovenskych Prisfahovalcov v Spojenych Sta.toch Sevemej Ameriky" 17 (The Counsellor of Slovak Immigrants in the United States of North America) was .p ublished. The second convention of the Matica sent 100 Gold Crowns to Tureiansky Svaty Martin to support national aims and ten dollars to the Tatran Society in Vienna. Marsall was re-elected president, Rev. R. Wider was elected treasurer and Rev. V. Cerveny, secretary. A "cultural evening" closed the second convention. Recurrent dissension undermined the foundation of the Matica Slovenska. in America. Then the National Slovak SLOVAKIA 81 Society, under the leadership of ' Peter P. Rovnia.nek - a fallen away Catholic-openly expressed its distrust of the Matica and, thus, Furdek aigain represented all hopes of the Slovaiks. "Without Furdek not much . could be accomplished. The convention of September 1, 1896, elected Furdek president again" .18 Furdek kept on pleading with the members of the Jednota to back the Matica and his appeals, in a measure, met with a favorable response. 19 Furdek insisted a.n. propagating good Slovak literature at low cost so that "the nation might undertand that a literary society (the Matica) is of benefit to it. Publish ·b ooks, get them among the people, and proba.bly the Matica will be reV'ived !" .20 F'ather Furdek's plans, however, were never fully rea.li.z.ed. The Matica Sliovenska in America was doomed before it really became a going concern. The workers of the Matica had a meeting in Pittsburgh, Pa., on August 16, l.'899, a.n.d the last report of its activity was published in the JEDNOTA (the organ of the First Catholic Slovak Union, which also was founded by Father Furdek) a week later. The M.aJtica took over the "National Fund" - a newly born organization, which to a certain extent replaced the Matica. The National Fbnd organization fared no better than its predecessors. After it came the Slovak League of America which was also founded by the Rev. Stephen Furdek in Cleveland, ·onio, cm' May 26, 1907.21 REFERENCES 1. Furdek organized the First Cllltholic Slovak Union, in 1890, in Cleveland, Ohio, and the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union, also in Cleveland, in 1892. Together they total a membership or over 200,000. 2. Od Srdca k Srdcu: Jednota, Aug. 16, 1893, p. 4. 3. lbidem. 4. Ona 26. aeptembra do Chicaga: Jednota, Aug. 30, 1893, p. 4. 5. Jednota, Sept. 13, 189.3, p. 1. 6. Chlcagaka porada: Jednota, Oct. 4, 1893, p. 1. The details or the conference are given In this report. The telegram sent to the -Narodne Noviny In Turclansky Svaty Martin read: "We have estalblished the Matica SlovenskA. The resurrected Matlca sends .g reetings ·to Slovakia." 7. The appeal, entitled "SloTakom," was published in the Jednota, <:Yet. 11, · 1893, p . 1. 8. Matlca: Jednota, April 18, 1894, p. 4; J rd nota , May 2 and !J . 1894, P. 4. SLOVAKIA 82 9. Minutes of the Fifth Convention, Home Otfiee, Cleveland, O'hio. 10. KatoHcka Slovenaka Jednota: Kalendar J®DNO'IIA, 1896, p. 3~. 11. Vaine ahromafdenie Matice Slovenakej: Jednota, Sept. 19, 1894, p. 4. 12. !Ilbidem. 13. Jednota, Nov. 14, 1894. 1'4. 1Matica. Jednota, Nov. 21, 1894, p. 2. 15. Jednota, Nov. 21, 1894, p. 4; Konstantin Culen: Dejiny Slovakov v Amerike, Vol. 1, p. 217 - Spor Slovakov v Amerike, Kalendar J1EIDNl()T,A, 1896, p. 69. 16. Dru he valne ahromafdenie ( Konvencia) "Matice Slovenakej v Amerike": Jednota, June 12, 1895, p. 2. 17. Podiel Matice Slovenakej: Jednota, June 12, 1895, p. 4. The book of 164 pp. was really the first history of the United States in the United States in the Slovaik languwge. Every mem.ber of the Matica was given the book for free. 18. Culen, op. cit., p. 235. 19. !Many issues of the Jednota contained the personal a;ppeal of Furdek and other oUicers of the Matica. 20. Podielova kniha Matice: Jednota, June 9, 1897, P. 4. In that year the second and last literary work was published by the Matica, the 'ISbornik Matice Slovenskej". Most of the contributions were by authors from Slovakia (IBlelek, Sasinek, Zigmundik, Kmet, Srobar). 21. Maticna sch6dza: Jednota, Aug_ 23, 1899, p. 4. Representatives of the First Ca:tholic Slovak Union, the corresponding Ladies Union, National Slovak 'Society, the Zivena and the Evangelical Slovak Union attended the meeting. The next five years the Matica existed only on paper. Prof. Andrew B. Slaibey: Prehfad dejin Slovakov v Amerike in the Kalendar of the NS:S, 1926, p. 52. DID YOU READ UN<:ONQUERABLES "a true classic because its literary style, ita deep emotional undertones, ita spiritual strength and the vivid picture it pre-senta of life under Communist terror . . . " (Father John l.Jach and Msgr. M. K. Mlynarovich)? If not, get your copy today ( $2.00) from the author: .JOSEPH PAUl:O Mici.-11.-town. Pa . P. 0. Rox 2R5 •  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Matica Slovenská in America Description An account of the resource Joseph Paučo Slovakia, Vol. 13, No. 1 (36), March 1963 pp. 77-82 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paučo, Jozef, 1914-1975 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 1963 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/5d85595f4b7c2b959ee29d06a2fe5ef1.pdf 660c5204a16b4cb09eba283c166adb88 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 63 AMIDRIO.AN SLOV:.A.KiS AND '.DHE BEJG]NNJNGS OF 02'JIDOHO-SLOVAKI.A. By Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. In 1907 there was founded in Cleveland, Ohio, an organiiization ,ca:lled the Slovaik LeaJgue of America. This orga'Illization represented a coailition of aiH 1:Jhe existing Slovaik fraite:m al and r~i:giou:s organizations in the United States, and rallied besides, the support of t'he Slovaik clergy, both OatJholic amd Evangelka!l (Lutheran), as well as t!he suipport of the then--e:ristiing Slov:aik-American periodicals. The Slova!k League set as its major goail tJhe lilberation of the SllovaJk nation in its homelaind. For t!his reason it toO!k a srtand for t!he dismaintlement of tJhe .Austro-Hiungarian Empire and e:,oplo;z-ed possiibi'lities for political cooperation wit:Jh the Czech nation. Thiis cooperation reached formal expression in 1:Jhe signing of the Pi'Ubsburgh Pad of May 30, 1918, parties to which were 11epresentatives of the Silova'k Leaigue of America on the one side, and the represenrtatives of the Czech Natriona:l .Alliance and the Union of Czech Ca1fuolics, on the otJher. The Czechs were led by Thomas G. Masaryik, who prepared both .p arties for the aJgreement, aind wiho later became the first president of the O.zechoSlovaik Republiic. The text of tJhe Pittsburgh Paict reads as foHows: The representatives of the Slovak and Czech organizations in the United States-the Slovak League, the Czech National Alliance, and the Union of Czech Catholics-have deliberated, in the presence of the Chairman of the Czecho•Slovak National Council, Professor Masa• ryk, on the Czecho•Slovak question and on our previous program mani• festations, and have resolved as follows: We favor a political program whose purpose it shall be to unite the Czechs and Slovaks into an autonomous state comprising the Czech lands and Slovakia. Slovakia shall have her own administration, her own assembly, and her own courts. The Slovak language shall be the official language in the schools, in public offices, and in the public life in general. The Czecho•Slovak State shall be a republic; its constitution shall be democratic. The cooperation of the Czechs and the Slovaks in the United States shall be intensified and regulated by mutual consent, according to need and changing situations. Detailed provisions relating to the organization of the Czecho· Slovak State shall be left to the liberated Czechs and Slovaks and their legal representatives. �64 SLOVAKIA It is interesting to tmce the early evolution in the attitude of tJhe Prague government, under T. G. Masaryk, to the Pittsburgh Pact, and to the movement of Andrej HLinika, the eminent Slovak politicail leader, wtho adopted the progra:m of the Paiet. And it is no less interesting to review the thirnlkinig on this matter among American Sfoviaks, a faction of wihom rejected the program and succeeded for a short time in leading astray even the Slova:k League of America. On Maroh 7, 1919 Joseph Rusek left for Slova;kii1a. He was sent by t!he Slovak Lea:gue a;g one of a five-member mission, and the supreme of.ficers of the First Oatholic Slovaik Un:ion, too, at their annual meeting in New York, charged "brother Joseph Husek, editor of our organ 'Jedinota', in the name of 70,000 SlovaJk Catholics organized in tlhe FCSU, as a competent ma:n, to represent us illl the o1d country in matters both ecclesiastical aJild national, and to keep us informed on the state of SioV18lk ailfairs." 1 This was the first important mission of the American Siovruks to the continent after the overthrow of the old order. Joseph Huisek spent ten weeks in Slov&kia and urpon his return presented a comprehen,s ive report of his impressions. He analyzed the times and r!Jhe peop{e, circumstances and events, with great perspicacity, in the newspruper Jednotia and the a,lmainac of the same name. 2 It had been Husek's intention to a:cquaint SlloviaJk leaders with the Ame rican Slovaks' interpretation of the program emlbodied in the Pittsrburg,h Pruct. But in Bratislava his voice fell on deaf ears, because "the government was controlled by individuals, as it is to this day, who saw in the new ord€r an excellent opportunity to acihieve their ideal: the Czechizabiorn of S,l ova kia curlturaHy, economically and politic,ally. And by a standing imposition of martial law they envisioned the possi1bi11rity of intilmida;ting not only elemenrts inimi,ca:l to the Republic, hut also elements inimical to tJhis ideal." These people did not acknowledge the reservations of the American-SlovaJk emissaries. "'Dhey only smirled artfully, as if they pittied me for my naive fai'bh in the fitness of tihe Slovaik nation," wrote Joseph Rusek, ·b y way of commentary to •his conversations in Bratislava, for he saw clearly that the ruling c8iste in Srlova:kia was interested "ilil a com1 1 �SLOVAKIA 65 rtsko-~lo1ttll!lk11JQgbl~.. tnmtrettri ll i)ittsbnr9htt. l}n.. bntt ,;o. tndjR. l9ltl • .,ifrr~sttw iMio ~lottttt!ikvch uo ., ll ~kiich o~nnisocif . t •~ ~,P"J•. -'-:t't ~ ll om. - . •~htu t1tsatj 1J~\!~~tho ]Ttlll)~ni.ho.$bttittnfu. . ll ~\!i)!ll frsj1.1,h.~ . " · P•'l"<'lh'1.•,1li t.i pnl.-niu,•;;ti ~~~~t-.'u e,1-1t .... $l..:.•m:-tt,_i "~1Jr.-..1' .,,'!4• ~r,"'f.~h,; ..,1-yh,, . ., ~1-ft,,~Jlct.,i:niok~j ,.....\,h, ,1 ..... th1$i,·b {~\t~:ti:b pr~~;!~l\'?'?Cl•~i.·b pr('_i~-:1.,,'1! r.\ usnt,--.l~-,.l~~,,.a.•\'\.: ! -.. s~b'M !u_irn,~ pditi,·h:i pr.:-~r.t~ uii\ll~U,"\ ~l •' Sp.:-j.:ni~ e.:~h~,i• lt $\i."li,Jk,.. ~ \t ~.,m,;•att1o1hl,'\1' 1ttit, 1. f~-,p.l\lf~-b 1nnl,, Sl\"l\tti:t!th~\~ 4 } ' ,"~""-~ .. :·.:-tc;•~n . . lt.• l;tt~~ mut -..~•-~iu L•l<l1-fn1'.i.)mitliih·..muu.1i,,j ~\j,:·\!1 "~ i,\••:\~ $'UL~~ . ,_S\ci.•(t-:ftn,, ru~..: ,fr,~~n!'t1! j,,iyb.~ t•~\i~l~. ~· Ut",,~~ ,, t,~., t tNi 1"'"'\'\1 !\t, ...,t..! t,;_;~-:-.c. · "€.:~t.,-;,(.,,,,-u1-l,{';;l,1t l-ub.: tt}'u~lik,,u, j~l,..,~.:-1Wtittici" bu ..'-: ~~m""kr"tti4!k-.\. _ ··~•l\'li'!-.i,'t,'\ fp,•lupr.{.:~ e.:cb,"t•" $\.;,i•,tlwv t•c Sp...i. -.:: ., • t1 L • • ·t ' . · ~ ·. '~ ~t-1,t ..--..,h Lru,,,, P•'t. :'"- f"' t r~..,~ ,, mcnt,\~~.t :'1o'\ fl u-1~\<.pn ~}'-' I ..,~o~"t\11 ~~'r-"'?tnn(n\. pr.:hl~~t:..\ ,, '-'}'TOt•~n..i. ·. t: .~ · 1 ~ ,-~ ..... ._\t,.. ~nl t.1,st..,n-:'t~ni~, c- t..\t't'1,'.:1Ul.:-5k~~,l~,tC"Ot~~k~~ ;,1,1tu }'-'ll~.:b,ll.•,i.iu ;," •'!W••r,•~~nym €.i.:!icm ,, Sl,'l C1hcm "icb _ prJi,,•pl.ltni1m pN,'11-t,wit.:l,'tlt." 1 ====---- I w -{. . L_._ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _J Photographic reproduction of the original copy of the Pittsburgh Pact ("Pittsburghska Dohoda") plete merging of 1Jhe Slmr31k nart~on wi1:!h tlhe Czeoh." Burt on the 01:!her hand he also ascertained tihat "Masary,k's ideology of tJhe nationa,,l unity of Slovaks and Czecihs was completely foreign to the ordinary Slovaik person." 3 And it did not escape Husek's observation that ''the �oe SLOVAKIA Slov~s !have no desire fo:r the kind of democraitic wwk that haJS to be performed in the shadow of Czech bayonets!" He 01Scertained that the Czeoho-Slovaik Pairliament was gravely deficient in point of "ropresenrta'tion for the SlovaJk nation. Agriculture and the triades haid not a single representative firom among tJhei'r own rarrk!s, and in any case, members of pairliaiment were nominated and a,ppointed by the regime ibselif, whicih ma!kes no seoret of its intentions to consolidate its power at every cost, and whfoh pursues a poli~ica[, cu1tural and economic course that ha,s bhe support of only a smaifil minority of bhe Slovak nation." He noted that bhe policies of bhli s government ran oouniter to the interests of bhe Slovia'k people. Husek verified tllrough his own Olbservations tJhat "in PraJgue many influential pdlitidans want aJbsolurtely no tr,uok with the idea tJhait Slovakia belongs to tJhe Slovaks and that the Slova:ks have no need to go to Piriague for tutelage in the management of bheir own land and nation. Indeed, Pra,gue is completely at a loss as to what to do in its own bailiwick. Politioal chaos reigns in Bohemia. 'flhe national assemlbly speaJks with twenty tongues. Not one faction aictua'lly knows what it wants . .A!I1d in the maisses tJhe most prevalent pdlitic'al orientatfon is Bollshevism." Of suoh stuf.f, too, were the OzechlS who cMne to Slov,a,kia. Hrusek oharaoteri!.zed them aJS fol!lows : "The arrogance am.d domineering attitude of some Czeclhs in Slov.akia was indeed Ml af:firont. And I encountered these maniifestation,s, in per,son, frequently during my stay i'n the old country. I e,cperienced them on tJhe tr,aJirnis and in tlhe restaiurants. On the trams you were comfuaintly being jostled aside for some Ozedh dignilbairy, while in tJhe restaiurants your order WaJS taiken only after 1:Jhe Ozooh had reccived his ... It is a major fault witih many of OUT Czeoh brethren, and not tihe leaist with men of culrttvalbi.on, that tlley do not ,consider the ,Slova,k an equa•l citizen of the Republic." In the political sphere Husek saw cleair signs tJhait the rulling regime in Slov,ailcia haJd no desire to even hear of aultonomy. 'Dhe regime considered tihe autonom:i!sts traitors. It WaJS Huook's finding that a great gaip separated the policie'S of 1:Jhe Slova!k LeaJgue of Amerioa fram the tJhmktmg of tihe current rulers in Slovakia. �6i SLOVAKIA On tJhe subject of autQIIlomy, writes Joseph Husek, "Hlirrrka aJlone g,ave me a clear...oot srtatement - he liives and dies for the American pa,dt . . . Hli'nlka stamds for autooomy antd a Ohrisitian world-view. He stamlds for autonomy becaiuse he sees in it the assu:rainrce of a better future for Ms naJtion, and a gual'amtee of the firee growt:Jh of its natio n.1aJl cu1lture and economy, as weJ1l as a bai:rder to Ozeoh materialilsm and atheism ... Hlmka stand1s for •autonomy because he is Slov,aJk, not Ozeclho-Slovaik ! . . . And besides, it mmt be said of H]i[llka tJhat he loves his naltion warriznrly, truly and entirely seMllessly; he is ready to sacl'ifice evecytlhing for it - whircih is something I camnot in good con,s cience say a!bout many of his opponents." In regard to Joseph Husek'is trirp as "a:n emliss,rury of the Amwican Sfovakis" A. J. Pirha!11a, president of the F1irrist Catholic Slovak Union, commented: "'he accomplished a ,g reat deal of wortJhwhile wo"Pk. His detailed rerport gave us an accurate, clear and specific rev-iew of the situation in Slova,kia. " 4 Hrusek and MH'an Gettilllg presented the reports on tJhcir Slo'ViaJkian trirp at the 12'1:Jh Oongress of tihe SlovaJk Le•ague of America, wh~-c'h todk plaice on May 29, 1919 ilil Scranton, Pennsylva,nia. Getting ,prorposed that the League send the "Slovak Administration" a printing press vail ued at $50,000.00, and in addit-ilon, to Mr. Sirobar, finamcirail a:ssistance in tihe amount of $10,000.00. 'Dhe Congress rupproved t'he proposal, and a•l so moved to send sixty-thousamd dollar3 wO'!'th of clothing to Slovaikia. 5 Husek wrote after tJhe congress: "HHnika is the forunder, president amd guiding spitrit of tlhe SloWJk People's Party, wihldh wiH play a great, if ndt decishre, role in the history of Slovaik'ia, and whiiC'h claims the loyalty of ahnost a'1.!l the patriotiic S'lov~k clergy, even of those who do not approve m ,i:nka'·s -bi'tter anrd unrestrai,ned critilcism of 1:Jh~ administration i01 Braitirs]ra va." 6 In th±s vein Joseph Husek filled tlhe columTIJS Olf · the newspaper Jednota through the year 1919. He subjected the Prrugue regime and its functionaries in Bratislava to shar,p criticism. He believed fifflllly tJhiat ''oniy through aiutonomy wou'ld it be poss~ble to purt Slovaikila finmly on its feet! . . . 'Dhe Slovaks need aiutanomy mairrrly to preserve their national existence. But without srpecific leg~si.ation 1 �68 SLOVAKIA there will be no self-rule of any kiJnid." The sel!f-ru[e "that Slov:aikia has today its not only worbhiless, but even positively pernrjlciou1s. Suoh 'selrf..1rule' demoraJl.ilzes pulbJi.c Hfe in Sloviaikia aind stirs the natiQIIl to open revoU.'' 7 On October 24, 1919, the execubi.ive committtee of tJhe SlovaJk League of Arm.edoa approved a memoramtdurm. addressed to the "policy-rm.1a;king fundt,iana11ieis" ( of t'he Czeoho-Slovaik gavernrrnent), in wihi'clh it oaUed for tJhe implementatiton of the Pit'tsburglh P.aiot. 8 A concentrated fig,ht agiainst Hilinka got under way. The fig,ht WaJS OO'gani.ized on two fronts: in Sfovakia, and in America; •a nd the f.ight gmdruaHy gained ground even ilil tJhe SfovaJk League. As H'linlka was returrning :6rom the peruce conference in Parris, on the evening of October 12, 1919, he wais arrested and spirited away to Mirrov prison. The baJSiis for hiJS arrest waJs hlis 1Jr1p to Piari.is and his a:ttempt there to place before the pea;ce conference, Sfo.viak demands as contaJitned in tJhe P,iUsburr1gih Pact. "If HHn:ka had gone to Pari.is, tJhougih the wa:y hakl led through Budapest, for the purpose of protesting the Bad - let's put the matter squarely on the taJble - the Ozecho..,Slovak ,press iand the Czeoho~SlovaJk gov,ernment would today be prarsing Hli!n!ka to the highest heaven, and everywhere he would be hera:lded as the future rurchb1shop of S'lovaikfa ! . . . Hliillka, therefore, witl!l face tria•l on behaJlf of our P,ruct, aJnd in effoct it will be our P.ruct tJhat will be on trial . . . And because this Pact, whloh ts to go on t'l'ial ~n Olom,o uc, 1s ours, in effect it will be we American Slovaks wiho wi'l'l face trila:l - ()lllT con'triburtion to the revolutionary struggle." 9 To the Uruted StaJrtes oa;me Hltinka's representath,es, Rev. Joseipfri Rudrnisiky and Joseph KU!bala, wiho called a meeting of S'1ovalk Crut:Jholic priests irn Piit1:Jsbu'I"gh 01I1 November 19, 1919, an1d om the following day, a meeting of the represen1ia.1t!ives of Slovak Oaitholiic org,anii!zations, loldiges and newspa;pers. Rerv. Joseph Du'lik of Olyphant, Penn!sy<lw.nia, pres•i!ded at the meeting of 1:Jhe clergy, and Atrrdrew J. Birha!&, presildent of the FiTlst Ca1Jholic S1l0Vlalk Union, at the second meetiinig. Both meet:Jing,s devei~oped g,uideliines for aiction by Slovruk Catholics of America, aJnd issued in a spontaneous determination to defend Aindrew Hlilillkia. Pla;n:s well"e made to expoiSe to the pub]i!c ruH fille events surround!ing Hlinlka's trip to Paris and his subsequent imprisonment. 1 1 �SLOVAKIA 69 The pu11pose of the Pittsburg,h meeting was: "1. To lay a foundation for wide 8Jl1d e:fifective publi<city and a:gitation for Sriovalkian 0Jutonomy within the frame-worik of the Ozeciho-,S,lovaJk Republic; 2. To 13/Un'Ch a movement for the creation of a OatJholic press fund, for the Sll.llpport of Catholi:c l<iterature ... Arrnerica,n S·1nVia1ks do nro t cornsiider the Paict a scrap of pruper: tfuey wr~l underibake everyrtlhilng irn theirr power to whieve its recogndltion. And tn a,ddiition to this, aifter so ma,ny disruppoi1nitment:Js from both tihe SIOVaJk Lea,g,ue, and spokesmen for tfue Ozeehio-S lov,aik goveirnment, they have ehosern t!he only proper courne: tlhey demand th1at the Pact be incorporated in the provi'81ion:s of the P.aris Pea.ice Treaty." 10 1 1 These meetings received an eX!tension, in effect, in the convention of the S~ov·a k Ca1:lho'lic Federation, held in Scranton, Pennsylv,ania, on December 18, 1919. This organization's delegate, Rev. Anton Gmdk, ha.id just returned from Slovaikioa, and he confirmed tJhe coniolusion,s of Hooek, Rudinsky, and K111ba1a. 'J.'1he conventiOIIl, therefoTe, moved to support, in full, Hilin:ka's activities and tJhe Pittsbuirgih Pact. 11 lniaJSmuc'h a.is the leadersthiilp of the S'lov:alk Leag,ue ha:d entetred the services of ''anti.,SiloviaJk and aniti-Ohristian poli,cies," 12 the SlovaJk CatJholic Federation beg,ain to taike noltdce of the politkail si tu ation in SJ.ovaikia. Srrovalk Catho4iics begam taking a heig,htened internst in t,h e n1ationa:l program because the Prague regime had proved itselif not on!ly anti-S1lovaik, but also amti-Oat!ho•l k. "The beMigerent merusuires undeI'balken by the Ozeicihs agairnst the Catholli,c Church a,nd the reH:gions sentiments of believing Slovalks" 13 ciolrld su1c1ceed only in arousing everyfbody. Rev. GraJcik, speaking from hi,s personal observa,tions in Slovakia, dec'l aired: "\Religion hars complete freedom in the Ozecho-Slo'W!Jk Republic, guaranteed by law. But filris f.reedom in only on paper. Nort erven 20 % of the p111blic sti:H be'l~eves in thi s reli•gio1rns freedom. Power rest:Js m 1Jhe han'd s of Sodail-De mocratk atheists, nom.--!believeris; and these people are aJbusing 1!heir power in an attempt to per;pe1tnmte their pairtisan conrtiro1l, and to entren,c h tJheir posirbions. ThU!s, re'ligious :fireedOIJll exists only on pruper and tJhe Ohuircih ooduires cons~deraJble suffering . . . Ln S10V1all da, except for prlimera and bi:bles, no Catlholi1c literaiture is cmrently being publ'islhed. The Ozeciho-SlovaJk government 1hrus completeily stopped 1 1 1 1 �70 SLOVAKIA Catlhol~c presses, suppressed ail OaltJhiolic per'iodicaJ1'S. The Catholic sohool youth is prohilbiited :f.irom organi1z ing in defence of its religficntJS sentiments." 14 Towarids the en!d of 1919 tJhe president of tJhe Sli0W1Jk League, Albert Mamaitej, tiriaveled to S1ovaJkia, 0JI1d returned wiifu a letter from Dr. Mfillan Hoooa, a SlavaJk pol.ritircian on 1:Jhe side of tJhe Ozecfus, wlhi!dh promrlised a definite, sart:isfactory stabi'liz,ati:on of the relaitionlsihiiip between the Ozeoos amid Slo'V'aikls. HoweveT, the resulits of MaJmatej's journey "could be desori:bed, on bailance, only as negative." 15 For the Amerioam SlovaJks, he brought baok more promi:ses from the Ptmgue regime; for himseJrf, he broug,ht badk a committment from Prague that he would be awarded tJhe post of Ozedho-SlovaJk conS'l.1!1 in Bittsburgh. His aJppointment caJme through in Septem1ber 1920. The XII]tJh Congress of the Slova1k Leagure of America, whidh took p'lace at the end of J'll!l1e 1920 in MiilwaJUlkee, Wisconsin, transpired in a ,c ompletely di:£ferent atmosphere from thait of its predecessoI'S. On J1Une 16 Joseph Husek puibiJJioly announced his withd<rawaJl from the League, whose leaJdeirshi!p "is moraHy amd finandaiHy supporting agitation and opposition to the PiittJs'lmrgh PaJct." 16 'Dhe SlovaJk League haJd joined battle witlh t!he wtonmni,stls in America, and bJaJd even given tadd assenlt to the waJgin:g of sUJoh a battle in Slovaklia, at a time that WaJS oritiicaJl, since the na'tiornai election1s Olf 1920 were drawilng neaT. For 1:Jhis reaJson not one S'lav,aJk CaJt:lholic organization in America sent de'leg,ates to 1:Jhe XIILtih Congress, and Husek, after t he Oong,ress warned: 1 ..'Tihe League has ceased to be the mOTal and offioiail representative of the AmeI'icam-Sloviaik colony." 17 RepresentaJtives of Slovak CaJthidlics, under the leaJdership af the S1ovaik OatholJ.i<c Federation and tlhe ot!her orgaJI1izations working in C'1ose ooopera'tion with it, began to taJke over the League's erat-w:hile role in the defence of SllOV1aJk nationaJl rights. On Ja.nuaJry 14, 1920, the cenwail committee of the SlovaJk Catholic Federat•i on "voted 100,000 crowns as a personal girft to the Rev. Andrew HEmlka, our leader, t!he imprisoned SlavaJk martyr. It also rupproved a Clheok in the amownt �SLOVAKIA 71 of $5,000.00 as a stop-gap aid to old-country Catholics, for Catholic aiction. l1t furrtiher passed a motion to issue memoria1 staimps bearing the i'mage of H!lliJ11lm and an inrsm"ilption of his motto ... Dr. Joseph Rudinsky was aippoonted to t'he position of organizer in the Slovak Oa:tholic Fedwarbion, arnd MT. Joseph KUJba:11a was nirumed a,siistanrt to the comptTolileT." 18 The president of the Slovak Oathol1k FedeTation, Rev. Joseph :Dulik, reminded t'he memlbershilp tJhat tJhe basic provisions of the co,nstitution of the Ozeoho-Slovaik Repulblric remaJined inadequate ilil the opinlion of tJhe Federation, and that tJhe lrust ooniverition haJd taiken a position "in suipport of S1ova!kiam aJUtonomy, as g,ururanteed to tJhe Slovruk nation in tJhe PlilftsbuTgh Pact." 19 And in the same vein, the Rev. :DuHk exip:ressed his view on the issue: "We aire foT the Ozecihio.,Slovruk Repufb'li<:, 'body and sou[ - but only on condition tJhat we receive in it what is ouT due." 20 From 1:Jhis standpoint 1fuere was great va:lue in the message of the SIJ:ovak Cathollic Fedevation to "ouir brothers in SfovaJkia", by which historic realities concerning American SfovaJks were put in proper fomis, and a demand was registered "for the incorpOTaltion of tJhe suibstamce of the Pittsburg,h Pact in the basic 11aw of tJhe Repuibl~c." 21 '.Dhe stand of the FedeTation inspired tJhe Slova:k-American community. At its conrvention of 13 and 14 OctO'beT, 1920, in Chicago, the recoros revealed t!hat the Slovalk CartJholic Federation "numbered 17'5 strong men's brandhes, and 14 women's brancihes; and its membership haJd risen to close to twenty thousand. This g,rowfu dated from onily ten months ba;ck." 22 '.Dhe pr,ogram of the Federation with respect to nationaEty matters remained unchanged: autonomy a:s set for!Jh and defined in the Pittsburgh Pact. 23 To the United States came ort!her emissaries, too. These were tlhe agents of tJhe Brague regime, Rev. LaJdis1aiv Moys, a Catlholiic priest, rund the Sooiial..,Democvat Jiohrn Pocislk, whose assignment wa;s to swing pu!b'lic opinion among American Slovaks to tJhe side of 1Jhe Ozeciho-,Slovruks and rugaJinst the SlovaJk People's Party. But American Silovaikrs were not swayed by the mission, despite its ecclesiasticaJl traJppings, because they knew it traveled rubout the country on funds �72 SLOVAKIA provided by Prague. 'l'hey gave no credence to Moys becaruse "he associates and cooperates, works hand in hand, with Socia'li,s ts." 24 Nor were Slovruk Catho'lios shiaJken by Maisrurytk's cli!savowa:l of his sigrrature on t!he Plirttsbmg1h Pact, or by his deo}ruration that 1fue Pa;ct wrus inrva!lid.25 They reaJCted with dignity, becaJU!se their chief concern was to "remain tirue to the honor of t!he SlovaJk nation." 26 In t!he uneven battJle between Andirew Hlinika and fue organized power of Prague and its SUipporting p<jli.tical prurties, the assistaJnce of American Sloviaks was extraordinari1ly wekome. Andrew H1inlka sat innocently in a Oze0h ja:il for seven months. Fior a long time his ja;iiloirs even wi'tfuheld his marl from him; and as he sat in helplessness and isO'}a'bion, tJhe mi,nions of the new state's power structuire tried to disrupt the ranks of the 1P eople's Party. 27 In the me:antiline caJIDe the elections. A!bout t!hem Hlinlka gave the foHowing testimony: "Unfortunately, the elections did not produce the spectacular results for the Peqp'le's Party that we had every reruson to expect. The People's Party did not receive the ma:jority that it should have received. Reasons for this development run to the hun1drreds: t!h:ey locked us urp, tlhey branded us tra!itor,s, they unlerushed a;gainst us tiheiir soildiers, gen1damnerie, sheriffs and professors . . . Agaiinst us was turned every power - and every means was perm~ss~ble. 'Dhe :riig,ht of assembly was denied uiS: and wihen granted, our meetings were diispersed. 'I'he starved and pauperized Slova;k populace threw itselif into the em/brace of the SocialDemocratic Party, whidh ha;d pre~ously been little known in SlovaJlcia. Two-iliuindred tJhous and soldiers were transfer.red to Sfovaikia - to vote. Ozeoh Olfficia;ls, teachers and function airies were for,ced UipOil us; and these people, numbering ~rmcimately fifty th01.1<s'a.nd, voted against Slo"W!Jk autonomy. Where hunger ~atled, the s<jldiier anid official produced t!he de's1red resulit." 28 The Socialists were not, 8Jild could not be, the sa!lvation of S1wa!kia. On the contrary, the sociia.Uistic "Ozech regi,me in Slova;kfa enstranged Slovakia from Bohemia. It created cha,os, because it drove the people witlh fa.:1se prom~ses in'to the airms of the Internationa!le." 29 1 1 1 1 �SLOVAKIA 73 American S~ovaJks exipected the worst in S1lovaJkia. They envisioned the sprea!d of Somallism and its oo!lrrninabon in Coarumrunii.sm - uniless refor,ms were introdUJced in time. In this context CaJt:Jholic organi!za1Jion-s, in particufar, intensified their ef1forts and soug,ht new ways to help Hlinlka win his objectives. 30 FOOTNOTES 1. Minutes of the annual meeting of the supreme officers of the First Catholic Slovak Union, New York City, January 6-9, 1919, page 73. Husek was a member of the Reconstruction Committee of the Slovak League of America, chairman of which was Dr. Miroslav Francisci, and the other members, John Matlocha, Edward Kovac, and Milan Getting. 2. Joseph Husek wrote several articles about his trip to Slovakia, but the most comprehensive was his contribution to the almanac Jednota for 1920, titled "Co som videl, pocul a skusil na Slovensku." (What I Saw, Heard and Experienced in Slovakia.), pages 33-60. All of the above quotes on Husek's mission are taken from this source. 3. This was a group that styled itself "Mlade Slovensko" (Young Slovakia). Hlas (The Voice) was its journal, and the forum from which it expounded views on literature and life, social and political, all heavily influenced by Masaryk. 4. Minutes of the annual meeting of the supreme officers of the First Catholic Slovak Union, Cleveland, Ohio, January 19-22, 1920, page 8. 5. Cover story on this Congress in the newspaper Jednota, June 4, 1919, page 1. The Congress approved a motion to establish a scholarship fund in memory of General Stefanik for "the support of students and writers in Slovakia and America. The Slovak League will contribute $10,000.00 to this fund, and school-fund collections by various organizations and newspapers are also to be turned over to it." 6. "Prestante!" (Desist!). Jednota, June 4, 1919, page 4. 7. "Eppur si muove." Jednota, October 22, 1919, page 4. 8. See the actual text in the Jednota, October 29, 1919, page 1. 9. " Dohoda, Hlinka a Masaryk" (The Pact, Hlinka and Masaryk). Jednota, November 19, 1919, page 4. 10. "Za krest'anske a autonomne Slovensko" (For a Christian and Autonomous Slovakia). Jednota, November 26, 1919, page 4. Also compare with the story of the meetings in the same issue of the Jednota on page one. Inasmuch as the convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation was postponed, a Slovak Catholic Council was elected from among the delegates in Pittsburgh, which however only served till the convention, and then merged with the Federation. Time moved quickly, and the liberal and Czecho-Slovak oriented groups began to break up local branches of the Slovak League, and to scatter accusations against sympathizers with Hlinka's movement. For this reason Slovak Catholics rallied to the cause. Anti-Slovak activities are touched upon in the article "Za auton6miu"' (For Autonomy) in the Jednota, December 3, 1919, page 4, and in subsequent issues. 11. Compare with the coverage of the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation in the Jednota, December 24, 1919, on page one. The article "Z konvencie Sdruzenia slovenskych katolikov" (From �74 SLOVAKIA the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation) , in the same edition of the Jednota, page 5, notes that all Slovak Catholic organizations were represented at this convention. 12. "Sdruzenie slovenskych katolikov" (The Slovak Catholic Federation ). Jednota, December 31, 1919, page 4. 13. From a letter by the Rev. Andrew Dor{msky, a pastor in Hladovka, Slovakia, dated August 12, 1919, published in the Jednota, September 17, 1919, page 1. 14. "Prednaska Rev. Gracika" (A Lecture by the Rev. Gracik). Jednota, December 10, 1919, page 1. 15. Culen, K. "Strucne dejiny Slovenskej ligy" (A Short History of the Slovak League) . Jednota, August 27, 1958, page 2. 16. "Vystupujem zo Slovenskej ligy" (I am Withdrawing from the Slovak League) . Jedn ota, June 16, 1920, page 4. 17. "Po kongrese" (After the Congress) . Jednota, July 7, 1920, page 4. 18. "Vaznejsie uznesenia Sdruzenia slovenskych katolikov" (Some Important Decisions of the Slovak Catholic Federation) . Jednota, January 28, 1920, page 1. 19. "Nase stanovisko" (Our Standpoint). Jednota, March 17, 1920, page 4. 20. "Este raz Rev. Moysovi" ( Once Again to the Rev. Moys). Jednota, April 21, 1920, page 4. Joseph Husek remained an unswerving adherent of the autonomist idea: "From the standpoint of the enemies of Slovak national distinctivness, Slovak autonomy would constitute virtual suicide-suicide for the idea of Czecho-Slovak national unity! Only a fool could believe that Slovak truth, were it to have behind it the full power of a state, courts, bureau, schools, and the moral and material support of the highly cultured Czech nation, could not successfully resist an immoral and politically bankrupt Magyaronismonly a fool, or someone who considers the Slovak nation a morally debilitated, nationally paralyzed rabble of near-idiots! " "To nie je to prave" (This Isn't the Real Thing) . Jednota, February 18, 1920, page 4. Also see the article "Matez" (Turmoil) , Jednota, March 24, 1920, page 5; and the article "Salus reipublicae suprema lex", Jednota, April 14, 1920, page 4. Among other things, this article states: "For the Slovak politician, the good of the Slovak nation must take precedence over the good of the Republic, or as the case may be, the government. The vital interests of the nation, its natural rights, its national character, may not be sacrificed to the good of the state, the Republic, or the regime. The Republic exists for the nation, not the reverse. The nation is an end, the Republic only a means. The idea of the supremacy of the state (government) must yield to the idea of the supremacy of the nation. Only in monolinguistic democratic states, where the concept of nationality is synonymous with the concept of state, where nationality in reality equates with state and vice versa, can the good of the nation be equated with the good of the state." Husek returns to this theme frequently on the pages of the Jednota in signed and anonymous articles, as well as editorials and remarks. 21. The complete text appears in the Jednota, May 26, 1920, page 5. 22. "Konvencia Sdruzenia slovenskych katolikov" (The Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation). Jednota, October 20, 1920, page 1. 23. "The Slovak Catholic Federation still favors an autonomous Slovakia and will continue to do so until at last. the banner of Slovak autonomy within the framework of a Czecho-Slovak Republic, will �SLOVAKIA 75 wave over our Tatra mountains." Rev. C. K. Vaniscak, O.S.B.: "Po konvencii Sdruzenia slovenskych katolikov" (After the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation) , Jednota, October 20, 1920, page 4. 24. Hrtanek, Klemo. "Koho chcete, abych vam prepustil, Hlinku alebo Moysa?" (Whom Do You Wish I Release to You, Hlinka or Moy~?). Jednota, April 28, 1920, page 4. "Priest or no-priest, come down from the cherry-tree . . . Any Slovak priest who does not fight with us for the martyr Hlinka and his democratic idea, has no right to be called one of us; any priest who favors the Socialists in Prague defeats the legitimate efforts of the Slovaks." 25. The Jednota, in its issue of March 17, 1920, page one, published a letter from Masaryk to his prime minister, Tusar, on the subject of "the so-called Pittsburgh Agreement." Translated from the original Czech, Masaryk's letter reads as follows : "Representatives of American Slovak and Czech organizations resolved in this agreement to combat agitation against a union of the Czechs and Slovaks. The pact was made, it seems to me, largely by American citizens. The Pittsburgh program is one of many pre-revolutionary programs formulated abroad. It has an historical value. The Pittsburgh Pact was contracted between Slovaks and Czechs, and were it to have any validity at all, surely this validity would be predicated on the condition that both parties still agreed on its contents. In the pact itself, toward the end, there is a stipulation that detailed provisions for the organization of the Czecho-Slovak state were to be left to the Czechs and Slovaks and their legal representatives ; this stipulation was entered because the Czechs and Slovaks at the Pittsburgh meeting understood that Ame· rican citizens had no right to make decisions concerning the definitive organization of the Czecho-Slovak state." Husek, who immediately published the letter in the Jednota, alongside the text of the Pittsburgh Pact enclosed in a black frame, took an entirely different view of the matter, and in commentary, remarked among other things : "the Pittsburgh Pact is valid because it rests on the eternally valid natural rights of nations." (Ibid.) 26. "Za Pittsburghsku dohodu 'kavova nahrazka' " (Instead of the Pittsburgh Pact "ersatz coffee"). Jednota, March 31, 1920, page 4. And the Rev. Dulik comments: "To contract an agreement and then not care whether it is observed or not, amounts to making oneself ridiculous before the world." "Rev. Moysovi" (To the Rev. Moy~). Jednota, March 31, 1920, page 4. 27. Karol Sidor gives a detailed description in his book "Andrej Hlinka", Bratislava 1934. 28. "Apel Hlinkov na Slovakov v Amerike" (Hlinka's Appeal to American Slovaks). Jednota, July 21, 1920, page 4. The Jednota expressed the conviction, even after the defeat of the People's Party, that the national idea "will be stopped by nothing and nobody in its victorious advance." "Vol'by na Slovensku" (The Elections in Slo• vakia). Jednota, May 12, 1920, page 4. 29. "Statarium na Slovensku" (Martial Law in Slovakia) . Jed.nota, August 11, 1920, page 1. "But martial law will not preserve Slovakia for the Czechs! Czech bayonets will not preserve Slovakia for the Czecho-Slovak Republic ... Prague is blind, it does not see the writing on the wall ... " 30. Compare with the article by the president of the Slovak Catholic Federation, Rev. Joseph Dulik: "My netratime nadej" (We are not losing Hope), Jednota, August 11, 1920, page 4, and others. � SLOVAKIA 63 AMIDRIO.AN SLOV:.A.KiS AND '.DHE BEJG]NNJNGS OF 02'JIDOHO-SLOVAKI.A. By Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. In 1907 there was founded in Cleveland, Ohio, an organiiization ,ca:lled the Slovaik LeaJgue of America. This orga'Illization represented a coailition of aiH 1:Jhe existing Slovaik fraite:m al and r~i:giou:s organizations in the United States, and rallied besides, the support of t'he Slovaik clergy, both OatJholic amd Evangelka!l (Lutheran), as well as t!he suipport of the then--e:ristiing Slov:aik-American periodicals. The Slova!k League set as its major goail tJhe lilberation of the SllovaJk nation in its homelaind. For t!his reason it toO!k a srtand for t!he dismaintlement of tJhe .Austro-Hiungarian Empire and e:,oplo;z-ed possiibi'lities for political cooperation wit:Jh the Czech nation. Thiis cooperation reached formal expression in 1:Jhe signing of the Pi'Ubsburgh Pad of May 30, 1918, parties to which were 11epresentatives of the Silova'k Leaigue of America on the one side, and the represenrtatives of the Czech Natriona:l .Alliance and the Union of Czech Ca1fuolics, on the otJher. The Czechs were led by Thomas G. Masaryik, who prepared both .p arties for the aJgreement, aind wiho later became the first president of the O.zechoSlovaik Republiic. The text of tJhe Pittsburgh Paict reads as foHows: The representatives of the Slovak and Czech organizations in the United States-the Slovak League, the Czech National Alliance, and the Union of Czech Catholics-have deliberated, in the presence of the Chairman of the Czecho•Slovak National Council, Professor Masa• ryk, on the Czecho•Slovak question and on our previous program mani• festations, and have resolved as follows: We favor a political program whose purpose it shall be to unite the Czechs and Slovaks into an autonomous state comprising the Czech lands and Slovakia. Slovakia shall have her own administration, her own assembly, and her own courts. The Slovak language shall be the official language in the schools, in public offices, and in the public life in general. The Czecho•Slovak State shall be a republic; its constitution shall be democratic. The cooperation of the Czechs and the Slovaks in the United States shall be intensified and regulated by mutual consent, according to need and changing situations. Detailed provisions relating to the organization of the Czecho· Slovak State shall be left to the liberated Czechs and Slovaks and their legal representatives. �64 SLOVAKIA It is interesting to tmce the early evolution in the attitude of tJhe Prague government, under T. G. Masaryk, to the Pittsburgh Pact, and to the movement of Andrej HLinika, the eminent Slovak politicail leader, wtho adopted the progra:m of the Paiet. And it is no less interesting to review the thirnlkinig on this matter among American Sfoviaks, a faction of wihom rejected the program and succeeded for a short time in leading astray even the Slova:k League of America. On Maroh 7, 1919 Joseph Rusek left for Slova;kii1a. He was sent by t!he Slovak Lea:gue a;g one of a five-member mission, and the supreme of.ficers of the First Oatholic Slovaik Un:ion, too, at their annual meeting in New York, charged "brother Joseph Husek, editor of our organ 'Jedinota', in the name of 70,000 SlovaJk Catholics organized in tlhe FCSU, as a competent ma:n, to represent us illl the o1d country in matters both ecclesiastical aJild national, and to keep us informed on the state of SioV18lk ailfairs." 1 This was the first important mission of the American Siovruks to the continent after the overthrow of the old order. Joseph Huisek spent ten weeks in Slov&kia and urpon his return presented a comprehen,s ive report of his impressions. He analyzed the times and r!Jhe peop{e, circumstances and events, with great perspicacity, in the newspruper Jednotia and the a,lmainac of the same name. 2 It had been Husek's intention to a:cquaint SlloviaJk leaders with the Ame rican Slovaks' interpretation of the program emlbodied in the Pittsrburg,h Pruct. But in Bratislava his voice fell on deaf ears, because "the government was controlled by individuals, as it is to this day, who saw in the new ord€r an excellent opportunity to acihieve their ideal: the Czechizabiorn of S,l ova kia curlturaHy, economically and politic,ally. And by a standing imposition of martial law they envisioned the possi1bi11rity of intilmida;ting not only elemenrts inimi,ca:l to the Republic, hut also elements inimical to tJhis ideal." These people did not acknowledge the reservations of the American-SlovaJk emissaries. "'Dhey only smirled artfully, as if they pittied me for my naive fai'bh in the fitness of tihe Slovaik nation," wrote Joseph Rusek, ·b y way of commentary to •his conversations in Bratislava, for he saw clearly that the ruling c8iste in Srlova:kia was interested "ilil a com1 1 �SLOVAKIA 65 rtsko-~lo1ttll!lk11JQgbl~.. tnmtrettri ll i)ittsbnr9htt. l}n.. bntt ,;o. tndjR. l9ltl • .,ifrr~sttw iMio ~lottttt!ikvch uo ., ll ~kiich o~nnisocif . t •~ ~,P"J•. -'-:t't ~ ll om. - . •~htu t1tsatj 1J~\!~~tho ]Ttlll)~ni.ho.$bttittnfu. . ll ~\!i)!ll frsj1.1,h.~ . " · P•'l"<'lh'1.•,1li t.i pnl.-niu,•;;ti ~~~~t-.'u e,1-1t .... $l..:.•m:-tt,_i "~1Jr.-..1' .,,'!4• ~r,"'f.~h,; ..,1-yh,, . ., ~1-ft,,~Jlct.,i:niok~j ,.....\,h, ,1 ..... th1$i,·b {~\t~:ti:b pr~~;!~l\'?'?Cl•~i.·b pr('_i~-:1.,,'1! r.\ usnt,--.l~-,.l~~,,.a.•\'\.: ! -.. s~b'M !u_irn,~ pditi,·h:i pr.:-~r.t~ uii\ll~U,"\ ~l •' Sp.:-j.:ni~ e.:~h~,i• lt $\i."li,Jk,.. ~ \t ~.,m,;•att1o1hl,'\1' 1ttit, 1. f~-,p.l\lf~-b 1nnl,, Sl\"l\tti:t!th~\~ 4 } ' ,"~""-~ .. :·.:-tc;•~n . . lt.• l;tt~~ mut -..~•-~iu L•l<l1-fn1'.i.)mitliih·..muu.1i,,j ~\j,:·\!1 "~ i,\••:\~ $'UL~~ . ,_S\ci.•(t-:ftn,, ru~..: ,fr,~~n!'t1! j,,iyb.~ t•~\i~l~. ~· Ut",,~~ ,, t,~., t tNi 1"'"'\'\1 !\t, ...,t..! t,;_;~-:-.c. · "€.:~t.,-;,(.,,,,-u1-l,{';;l,1t l-ub.: tt}'u~lik,,u, j~l,..,~.:-1Wtittici" bu ..'-: ~~m""kr"tti4!k-.\. _ ··~•l\'li'!-.i,'t,'\ fp,•lupr.{.:~ e.:cb,"t•" $\.;,i•,tlwv t•c Sp...i. -.:: ., • t1 L • • ·t ' . · ~ ·. '~ ~t-1,t ..--..,h Lru,,,, P•'t. :'"- f"' t r~..,~ ,, mcnt,\~~.t :'1o'\ fl u-1~\<.pn ~}'-' I ..,~o~"t\11 ~~'r-"'?tnn(n\. pr.:hl~~t:..\ ,, '-'}'TOt•~n..i. ·. t: .~ · 1 ~ ,-~ ..... ._\t,.. ~nl t.1,st..,n-:'t~ni~, c- t..\t't'1,'.:1Ul.:-5k~~,l~,tC"Ot~~k~~ ;,1,1tu }'-'ll~.:b,ll.•,i.iu ;," •'!W••r,•~~nym €.i.:!icm ,, Sl,'l C1hcm "icb _ prJi,,•pl.ltni1m pN,'11-t,wit.:l,'tlt." 1 ====---- I w -{. . L_._ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _J Photographic reproduction of the original copy of the Pittsburgh Pact ("Pittsburghska Dohoda") plete merging of 1Jhe Slmr31k nart~on wi1:!h tlhe Czeoh." Burt on the 01:!her hand he also ascertained tihat "Masary,k's ideology of tJhe nationa,,l unity of Slovaks and Czecihs was completely foreign to the ordinary Slovaik person." 3 And it did not escape Husek's observation that ''the �oe SLOVAKIA Slov~s !have no desire fo:r the kind of democraitic wwk that haJS to be performed in the shadow of Czech bayonets!" He 01Scertained that the Czeoho-Slovaik Pairliament was gravely deficient in point of "ropresenrta'tion for the SlovaJk nation. Agriculture and the triades haid not a single representative firom among tJhei'r own rarrk!s, and in any case, members of pairliaiment were nominated and a,ppointed by the regime ibselif, whicih ma!kes no seoret of its intentions to consolidate its power at every cost, and whfoh pursues a poli~ica[, cu1tural and economic course that ha,s bhe support of only a smaifil minority of bhe Slovak nation." He noted that bhe policies of bhli s government ran oouniter to the interests of bhe Slovia'k people. Husek verified tllrough his own Olbservations tJhat "in PraJgue many influential pdlitidans want aJbsolurtely no tr,uok with the idea tJhait Slovakia belongs to tJhe Slovaks and that the Slova:ks have no need to go to Piriague for tutelage in the management of bheir own land and nation. Indeed, Pra,gue is completely at a loss as to what to do in its own bailiwick. Politioal chaos reigns in Bohemia. 'flhe national assemlbly speaJks with twenty tongues. Not one faction aictua'lly knows what it wants . .A!I1d in the maisses tJhe most prevalent pdlitic'al orientatfon is Bollshevism." Of suoh stuf.f, too, were the OzechlS who cMne to Slov,a,kia. Hrusek oharaoteri!.zed them aJS fol!lows : "The arrogance am.d domineering attitude of some Czeclhs in Slov.akia was indeed Ml af:firont. And I encountered these maniifestation,s, in per,son, frequently during my stay i'n the old country. I e,cperienced them on tJhe tr,aJirnis and in tlhe restaiurants. On the trams you were comfuaintly being jostled aside for some Ozedh dignilbairy, while in tJhe restaiurants your order WaJS taiken only after 1:Jhe Ozooh had reccived his ... It is a major fault witih many of OUT Czeoh brethren, and not tihe leaist with men of culrttvalbi.on, that tlley do not ,consider the ,Slova,k an equa•l citizen of the Republic." In the political sphere Husek saw cleair signs tJhait the rulling regime in Slov,ailcia haJd no desire to even hear of aultonomy. 'Dhe regime considered tihe autonom:i!sts traitors. It WaJS Huook's finding that a great gaip separated the policie'S of 1:Jhe Slova!k LeaJgue of Amerioa fram the tJhmktmg of tihe current rulers in Slovakia. �6i SLOVAKIA On tJhe subject of autQIIlomy, writes Joseph Husek, "Hlirrrka aJlone g,ave me a clear...oot srtatement - he liives and dies for the American pa,dt . . . Hli'nlka stamds for autooomy antd a Ohrisitian world-view. He stamlds for autonomy becaiuse he sees in it the assu:rainrce of a better future for Ms naJtion, and a gual'amtee of the firee growt:Jh of its natio n.1aJl cu1lture and economy, as weJ1l as a bai:rder to Ozeoh materialilsm and atheism ... Hlmka stand1s for •autonomy because he is Slov,aJk, not Ozeclho-Slovaik ! . . . And besides, it mmt be said of H]i[llka tJhat he loves his naltion warriznrly, truly and entirely seMllessly; he is ready to sacl'ifice evecytlhing for it - whircih is something I camnot in good con,s cience say a!bout many of his opponents." In regard to Joseph Husek'is trirp as "a:n emliss,rury of the Amwican Sfovakis" A. J. Pirha!11a, president of the F1irrist Catholic Slovak Union, commented: "'he accomplished a ,g reat deal of wortJhwhile wo"Pk. His detailed rerport gave us an accurate, clear and specific rev-iew of the situation in Slova,kia. " 4 Hrusek and MH'an Gettilllg presented the reports on tJhcir Slo'ViaJkian trirp at the 12'1:Jh Oongress of tihe SlovaJk Le•ague of America, wh~-c'h todk plaice on May 29, 1919 ilil Scranton, Pennsylva,nia. Getting ,prorposed that the League send the "Slovak Administration" a printing press vail ued at $50,000.00, and in addit-ilon, to Mr. Sirobar, finamcirail a:ssistance in tihe amount of $10,000.00. 'Dhe Congress rupproved t'he proposal, and a•l so moved to send sixty-thousamd dollar3 wO'!'th of clothing to Slovaikia. 5 Husek wrote after tJhe congress: "HHnika is the forunder, president amd guiding spitrit of tlhe SloWJk People's Party, wihldh wiH play a great, if ndt decishre, role in the history of Slovaik'ia, and whiiC'h claims the loyalty of ahnost a'1.!l the patriotiic S'lov~k clergy, even of those who do not approve m ,i:nka'·s -bi'tter anrd unrestrai,ned critilcism of 1:Jh~ administration i01 Braitirs]ra va." 6 In th±s vein Joseph Husek filled tlhe columTIJS Olf · the newspaper Jednota through the year 1919. He subjected the Prrugue regime and its functionaries in Bratislava to shar,p criticism. He believed fifflllly tJhiat ''oniy through aiutonomy wou'ld it be poss~ble to purt Slovaikila finmly on its feet! . . . 'Dhe Slovaks need aiutanomy mairrrly to preserve their national existence. But without srpecific leg~si.ation 1 �68 SLOVAKIA there will be no self-rule of any kiJnid." The sel!f-ru[e "that Slov:aikia has today its not only worbhiless, but even positively pernrjlciou1s. Suoh 'selrf..1rule' demoraJl.ilzes pulbJi.c Hfe in Sloviaikia aind stirs the natiQIIl to open revoU.'' 7 On October 24, 1919, the execubi.ive committtee of tJhe SlovaJk League of Arm.edoa approved a memoramtdurm. addressed to the "policy-rm.1a;king fundt,iana11ieis" ( of t'he Czeoho-Slovaik gavernrrnent), in wihi'clh it oaUed for tJhe implementatiton of the Pit'tsburglh P.aiot. 8 A concentrated fig,ht agiainst Hilinka got under way. The fig,ht WaJS OO'gani.ized on two fronts: in Sfovakia, and in America; •a nd the f.ight gmdruaHy gained ground even ilil tJhe SfovaJk League. As H'linlka was returrning :6rom the peruce conference in Parris, on the evening of October 12, 1919, he wais arrested and spirited away to Mirrov prison. The baJSiis for hiJS arrest waJs hlis 1Jr1p to Piari.is and his a:ttempt there to place before the pea;ce conference, Sfo.viak demands as contaJitned in tJhe P,iUsburr1gih Pact. "If HHn:ka had gone to Pari.is, tJhougih the wa:y hakl led through Budapest, for the purpose of protesting the Bad - let's put the matter squarely on the taJble - the Ozecho..,Slovak ,press iand the Czeoho~SlovaJk gov,ernment would today be prarsing Hli!n!ka to the highest heaven, and everywhere he would be hera:lded as the future rurchb1shop of S'lovaikfa ! . . . Hliillka, therefore, witl!l face tria•l on behaJlf of our P,ruct, aJnd in effoct it will be our P.ruct tJhat will be on trial . . . And because this Pact, whloh ts to go on t'l'ial ~n Olom,o uc, 1s ours, in effect it will be we American Slovaks wiho wi'l'l face trila:l - ()lllT con'triburtion to the revolutionary struggle." 9 To the Uruted StaJrtes oa;me Hltinka's representath,es, Rev. Joseipfri Rudrnisiky and Joseph KU!bala, wiho called a meeting of S'1ovalk Crut:Jholic priests irn Piit1:Jsbu'I"gh 01I1 November 19, 1919, an1d om the following day, a meeting of the represen1ia.1t!ives of Slovak Oaitholiic org,anii!zations, loldiges and newspa;pers. Rerv. Joseph Du'lik of Olyphant, Penn!sy<lw.nia, pres•i!ded at the meeting of 1:Jhe clergy, and Atrrdrew J. Birha!&, presildent of the FiTlst Ca1Jholic S1l0Vlalk Union, at the second meetiinig. Both meet:Jing,s devei~oped g,uideliines for aiction by Slovruk Catholics of America, aJnd issued in a spontaneous determination to defend Aindrew Hlilillkia. Pla;n:s well"e made to expoiSe to the pub]i!c ruH fille events surround!ing Hlinlka's trip to Paris and his subsequent imprisonment. 1 1 �SLOVAKIA 69 The pu11pose of the Pittsburg,h meeting was: "1. To lay a foundation for wide 8Jl1d e:fifective publi<city and a:gitation for Sriovalkian 0Jutonomy within the frame-worik of the Ozeciho-,S,lovaJk Republic; 2. To 13/Un'Ch a movement for the creation of a OatJholic press fund, for the Sll.llpport of Catholi:c l<iterature ... Arrnerica,n S·1nVia1ks do nro t cornsiider the Paict a scrap of pruper: tfuey wr~l underibake everyrtlhilng irn theirr power to whieve its recogndltion. And tn a,ddiition to this, aifter so ma,ny disruppoi1nitment:Js from both tihe SIOVaJk Lea,g,ue, and spokesmen for tfue Ozeehio-S lov,aik goveirnment, they have ehosern t!he only proper courne: tlhey demand th1at the Pact be incorporated in the provi'81ion:s of the P.aris Pea.ice Treaty." 10 1 1 These meetings received an eX!tension, in effect, in the convention of the S~ov·a k Ca1:lho'lic Federation, held in Scranton, Pennsylv,ania, on December 18, 1919. This organization's delegate, Rev. Anton Gmdk, ha.id just returned from Slovaikioa, and he confirmed tJhe coniolusion,s of Hooek, Rudinsky, and K111ba1a. 'J.'1he conventiOIIl, therefoTe, moved to support, in full, Hilin:ka's activities and tJhe Pittsbuirgih Pact. 11 lniaJSmuc'h a.is the leadersthiilp of the S'lov:alk Leag,ue ha:d entetred the services of ''anti.,SiloviaJk and aniti-Ohristian poli,cies," 12 the SlovaJk CatJholic Federation beg,ain to taike noltdce of the politkail si tu ation in SJ.ovaikia. Srrovalk Catho4iics begam taking a heig,htened internst in t,h e n1ationa:l program because the Prague regime had proved itselif not on!ly anti-S1lovaik, but also amti-Oat!ho•l k. "The beMigerent merusuires undeI'balken by the Ozeicihs agairnst the Catholli,c Church a,nd the reH:gions sentiments of believing Slovalks" 13 ciolrld su1c1ceed only in arousing everyfbody. Rev. GraJcik, speaking from hi,s personal observa,tions in Slovakia, dec'l aired: "\Religion hars complete freedom in the Ozecho-Slo'W!Jk Republic, guaranteed by law. But filris f.reedom in only on paper. Nort erven 20 % of the p111blic sti:H be'l~eves in thi s reli•gio1rns freedom. Power rest:Js m 1Jhe han'd s of Sodail-De mocratk atheists, nom.--!believeris; and these people are aJbusing 1!heir power in an attempt to per;pe1tnmte their pairtisan conrtiro1l, and to entren,c h tJheir posirbions. ThU!s, re'ligious :fireedOIJll exists only on pruper and tJhe Ohuircih ooduires cons~deraJble suffering . . . Ln S10V1all da, except for prlimera and bi:bles, no Catlholi1c literaiture is cmrently being publ'islhed. The Ozeciho-SlovaJk government 1hrus completeily stopped 1 1 1 1 �70 SLOVAKIA Catlhol~c presses, suppressed ail OaltJhiolic per'iodicaJ1'S. The Catholic sohool youth is prohilbiited :f.irom organi1z ing in defence of its religficntJS sentiments." 14 Towarids the en!d of 1919 tJhe president of tJhe Sli0W1Jk League, Albert Mamaitej, tiriaveled to S1ovaJkia, 0JI1d returned wiifu a letter from Dr. Mfillan Hoooa, a SlavaJk pol.ritircian on 1:Jhe side of tJhe Ozecfus, wlhi!dh promrlised a definite, sart:isfactory stabi'liz,ati:on of the relaitionlsihiiip between the Ozeoos amid Slo'V'aikls. HoweveT, the resulits of MaJmatej's journey "could be desori:bed, on bailance, only as negative." 15 For the Amerioam SlovaJks, he brought baok more promi:ses from the Ptmgue regime; for himseJrf, he broug,ht badk a committment from Prague that he would be awarded tJhe post of Ozedho-SlovaJk conS'l.1!1 in Bittsburgh. His aJppointment caJme through in Septem1ber 1920. The XII]tJh Congress of the Slova1k Leagure of America, whidh took p'lace at the end of J'll!l1e 1920 in MiilwaJUlkee, Wisconsin, transpired in a ,c ompletely di:£ferent atmosphere from thait of its predecessoI'S. On J1Une 16 Joseph Husek puibiJJioly announced his withd<rawaJl from the League, whose leaJdeirshi!p "is moraHy amd finandaiHy supporting agitation and opposition to the PiittJs'lmrgh PaJct." 16 'Dhe SlovaJk League haJd joined battle witlh t!he wtonmni,stls in America, and bJaJd even given tadd assenlt to the waJgin:g of sUJoh a battle in Slovaklia, at a time that WaJS oritiicaJl, since the na'tiornai election1s Olf 1920 were drawilng neaT. For 1:Jhis reaJson not one S'lav,aJk CaJt:lholic organization in America sent de'leg,ates to 1:Jhe XIILtih Congress, and Husek, after t he Oong,ress warned: 1 ..'Tihe League has ceased to be the mOTal and offioiail representative of the AmeI'icam-Sloviaik colony." 17 RepresentaJtives of Slovak CaJthidlics, under the leaJdership af the S1ovaik OatholJ.i<c Federation and tlhe ot!her orgaJI1izations working in C'1ose ooopera'tion with it, began to taJke over the League's erat-w:hile role in the defence of SllOV1aJk nationaJl rights. On Ja.nuaJry 14, 1920, the cenwail committee of the SlovaJk Catholic Federat•i on "voted 100,000 crowns as a personal girft to the Rev. Andrew HEmlka, our leader, t!he imprisoned SlavaJk martyr. It also rupproved a Clheok in the amownt �SLOVAKIA 71 of $5,000.00 as a stop-gap aid to old-country Catholics, for Catholic aiction. l1t furrtiher passed a motion to issue memoria1 staimps bearing the i'mage of H!lliJ11lm and an inrsm"ilption of his motto ... Dr. Joseph Rudinsky was aippoonted to t'he position of organizer in the Slovak Oa:tholic Fedwarbion, arnd MT. Joseph KUJba:11a was nirumed a,siistanrt to the comptTolileT." 18 The president of the Slovak Oathol1k FedeTation, Rev. Joseph :Dulik, reminded t'he memlbershilp tJhat tJhe basic provisions of the co,nstitution of the Ozeoho-Slovaik Repulblric remaJined inadequate ilil the opinlion of tJhe Federation, and that tJhe lrust ooniverition haJd taiken a position "in suipport of S1ova!kiam aJUtonomy, as g,ururanteed to tJhe Slovruk nation in tJhe PlilftsbuTgh Pact." 19 And in the same vein, the Rev. :DuHk exip:ressed his view on the issue: "We aire foT the Ozecihio.,Slovruk Repufb'li<:, 'body and sou[ - but only on condition tJhat we receive in it what is ouT due." 20 From 1:Jhis standpoint 1fuere was great va:lue in the message of the SIJ:ovak Cathollic Fedevation to "ouir brothers in SfovaJkia", by which historic realities concerning American SfovaJks were put in proper fomis, and a demand was registered "for the incorpOTaltion of tJhe suibstamce of the Pittsburg,h Pact in the basic 11aw of tJhe Repuibl~c." 21 '.Dhe stand of the FedeTation inspired tJhe Slova:k-American community. At its conrvention of 13 and 14 OctO'beT, 1920, in Chicago, the recoros revealed t!hat the Slovalk CartJholic Federation "numbered 17'5 strong men's brandhes, and 14 women's brancihes; and its membership haJd risen to close to twenty thousand. This g,rowfu dated from onily ten months ba;ck." 22 '.Dhe pr,ogram of the Federation with respect to nationaEty matters remained unchanged: autonomy a:s set for!Jh and defined in the Pittsburgh Pact. 23 To the United States came ort!her emissaries, too. These were tlhe agents of tJhe Brague regime, Rev. LaJdis1aiv Moys, a Catlholiic priest, rund the Sooiial..,Democvat Jiohrn Pocislk, whose assignment wa;s to swing pu!b'lic opinion among American Slovaks to tJhe side of 1Jhe Ozeciho-,Slovruks and rugaJinst the SlovaJk People's Party. But American Silovaikrs were not swayed by the mission, despite its ecclesiasticaJl traJppings, because they knew it traveled rubout the country on funds �72 SLOVAKIA provided by Prague. 'l'hey gave no credence to Moys becaruse "he associates and cooperates, works hand in hand, with Socia'li,s ts." 24 Nor were Slovruk Catho'lios shiaJken by Maisrurytk's cli!savowa:l of his sigrrature on t!he Plirttsbmg1h Pact, or by his deo}ruration that 1fue Pa;ct wrus inrva!lid.25 They reaJCted with dignity, becaJU!se their chief concern was to "remain tirue to the honor of t!he SlovaJk nation." 26 In t!he uneven battJle between Andirew Hlinika and fue organized power of Prague and its SUipporting p<jli.tical prurties, the assistaJnce of American Sloviaks was extraordinari1ly wekome. Andrew H1inlka sat innocently in a Oze0h ja:il for seven months. Fior a long time his ja;iiloirs even wi'tfuheld his marl from him; and as he sat in helplessness and isO'}a'bion, tJhe mi,nions of the new state's power structuire tried to disrupt the ranks of the 1P eople's Party. 27 In the me:antiline caJIDe the elections. A!bout t!hem Hlinlka gave the foHowing testimony: "Unfortunately, the elections did not produce the spectacular results for the Peqp'le's Party that we had every reruson to expect. The People's Party did not receive the ma:jority that it should have received. Reasons for this development run to the hun1drreds: t!h:ey locked us urp, tlhey branded us tra!itor,s, they unlerushed a;gainst us tiheiir soildiers, gen1damnerie, sheriffs and professors . . . Agaiinst us was turned every power - and every means was perm~ss~ble. 'Dhe :riig,ht of assembly was denied uiS: and wihen granted, our meetings were diispersed. 'I'he starved and pauperized Slova;k populace threw itselif into the em/brace of the SocialDemocratic Party, whidh ha;d pre~ously been little known in SlovaJlcia. Two-iliuindred tJhous and soldiers were transfer.red to Sfovaikia - to vote. Ozeoh Olfficia;ls, teachers and function airies were for,ced UipOil us; and these people, numbering ~rmcimately fifty th01.1<s'a.nd, voted against Slo"W!Jk autonomy. Where hunger ~atled, the s<jldiier anid official produced t!he de's1red resulit." 28 The Socialists were not, 8Jild could not be, the sa!lvation of S1wa!kia. On the contrary, the sociia.Uistic "Ozech regi,me in Slova;kfa enstranged Slovakia from Bohemia. It created cha,os, because it drove the people witlh fa.:1se prom~ses in'to the airms of the Internationa!le." 29 1 1 1 1 �SLOVAKIA 73 American S~ovaJks exipected the worst in S1lovaJkia. They envisioned the sprea!d of Somallism and its oo!lrrninabon in Coarumrunii.sm - uniless refor,ms were introdUJced in time. In this context CaJt:Jholic organi!za1Jion-s, in particufar, intensified their ef1forts and soug,ht new ways to help Hlinlka win his objectives. 30 FOOTNOTES 1. Minutes of the annual meeting of the supreme officers of the First Catholic Slovak Union, New York City, January 6-9, 1919, page 73. Husek was a member of the Reconstruction Committee of the Slovak League of America, chairman of which was Dr. Miroslav Francisci, and the other members, John Matlocha, Edward Kovac, and Milan Getting. 2. Joseph Husek wrote several articles about his trip to Slovakia, but the most comprehensive was his contribution to the almanac Jednota for 1920, titled "Co som videl, pocul a skusil na Slovensku." (What I Saw, Heard and Experienced in Slovakia.), pages 33-60. All of the above quotes on Husek's mission are taken from this source. 3. This was a group that styled itself "Mlade Slovensko" (Young Slovakia). Hlas (The Voice) was its journal, and the forum from which it expounded views on literature and life, social and political, all heavily influenced by Masaryk. 4. Minutes of the annual meeting of the supreme officers of the First Catholic Slovak Union, Cleveland, Ohio, January 19-22, 1920, page 8. 5. Cover story on this Congress in the newspaper Jednota, June 4, 1919, page 1. The Congress approved a motion to establish a scholarship fund in memory of General Stefanik for "the support of students and writers in Slovakia and America. The Slovak League will contribute $10,000.00 to this fund, and school-fund collections by various organizations and newspapers are also to be turned over to it." 6. "Prestante!" (Desist!). Jednota, June 4, 1919, page 4. 7. "Eppur si muove." Jednota, October 22, 1919, page 4. 8. See the actual text in the Jednota, October 29, 1919, page 1. 9. " Dohoda, Hlinka a Masaryk" (The Pact, Hlinka and Masaryk). Jednota, November 19, 1919, page 4. 10. "Za krest'anske a autonomne Slovensko" (For a Christian and Autonomous Slovakia). Jednota, November 26, 1919, page 4. Also compare with the story of the meetings in the same issue of the Jednota on page one. Inasmuch as the convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation was postponed, a Slovak Catholic Council was elected from among the delegates in Pittsburgh, which however only served till the convention, and then merged with the Federation. Time moved quickly, and the liberal and Czecho-Slovak oriented groups began to break up local branches of the Slovak League, and to scatter accusations against sympathizers with Hlinka's movement. For this reason Slovak Catholics rallied to the cause. Anti-Slovak activities are touched upon in the article "Za auton6miu"' (For Autonomy) in the Jednota, December 3, 1919, page 4, and in subsequent issues. 11. Compare with the coverage of the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation in the Jednota, December 24, 1919, on page one. The article "Z konvencie Sdruzenia slovenskych katolikov" (From �74 SLOVAKIA the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation) , in the same edition of the Jednota, page 5, notes that all Slovak Catholic organizations were represented at this convention. 12. "Sdruzenie slovenskych katolikov" (The Slovak Catholic Federation ). Jednota, December 31, 1919, page 4. 13. From a letter by the Rev. Andrew Dor{msky, a pastor in Hladovka, Slovakia, dated August 12, 1919, published in the Jednota, September 17, 1919, page 1. 14. "Prednaska Rev. Gracika" (A Lecture by the Rev. Gracik). Jednota, December 10, 1919, page 1. 15. Culen, K. "Strucne dejiny Slovenskej ligy" (A Short History of the Slovak League) . Jednota, August 27, 1958, page 2. 16. "Vystupujem zo Slovenskej ligy" (I am Withdrawing from the Slovak League) . Jedn ota, June 16, 1920, page 4. 17. "Po kongrese" (After the Congress) . Jednota, July 7, 1920, page 4. 18. "Vaznejsie uznesenia Sdruzenia slovenskych katolikov" (Some Important Decisions of the Slovak Catholic Federation) . Jednota, January 28, 1920, page 1. 19. "Nase stanovisko" (Our Standpoint). Jednota, March 17, 1920, page 4. 20. "Este raz Rev. Moysovi" ( Once Again to the Rev. Moys). Jednota, April 21, 1920, page 4. Joseph Husek remained an unswerving adherent of the autonomist idea: "From the standpoint of the enemies of Slovak national distinctivness, Slovak autonomy would constitute virtual suicide-suicide for the idea of Czecho-Slovak national unity! Only a fool could believe that Slovak truth, were it to have behind it the full power of a state, courts, bureau, schools, and the moral and material support of the highly cultured Czech nation, could not successfully resist an immoral and politically bankrupt Magyaronismonly a fool, or someone who considers the Slovak nation a morally debilitated, nationally paralyzed rabble of near-idiots! " "To nie je to prave" (This Isn't the Real Thing) . Jednota, February 18, 1920, page 4. Also see the article "Matez" (Turmoil) , Jednota, March 24, 1920, page 5; and the article "Salus reipublicae suprema lex", Jednota, April 14, 1920, page 4. Among other things, this article states: "For the Slovak politician, the good of the Slovak nation must take precedence over the good of the Republic, or as the case may be, the government. The vital interests of the nation, its natural rights, its national character, may not be sacrificed to the good of the state, the Republic, or the regime. The Republic exists for the nation, not the reverse. The nation is an end, the Republic only a means. The idea of the supremacy of the state (government) must yield to the idea of the supremacy of the nation. Only in monolinguistic democratic states, where the concept of nationality is synonymous with the concept of state, where nationality in reality equates with state and vice versa, can the good of the nation be equated with the good of the state." Husek returns to this theme frequently on the pages of the Jednota in signed and anonymous articles, as well as editorials and remarks. 21. The complete text appears in the Jednota, May 26, 1920, page 5. 22. "Konvencia Sdruzenia slovenskych katolikov" (The Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation). Jednota, October 20, 1920, page 1. 23. "The Slovak Catholic Federation still favors an autonomous Slovakia and will continue to do so until at last. the banner of Slovak autonomy within the framework of a Czecho-Slovak Republic, will �SLOVAKIA 75 wave over our Tatra mountains." Rev. C. K. Vaniscak, O.S.B.: "Po konvencii Sdruzenia slovenskych katolikov" (After the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation) , Jednota, October 20, 1920, page 4. 24. Hrtanek, Klemo. "Koho chcete, abych vam prepustil, Hlinku alebo Moysa?" (Whom Do You Wish I Release to You, Hlinka or Moy~?). Jednota, April 28, 1920, page 4. "Priest or no-priest, come down from the cherry-tree . . . Any Slovak priest who does not fight with us for the martyr Hlinka and his democratic idea, has no right to be called one of us; any priest who favors the Socialists in Prague defeats the legitimate efforts of the Slovaks." 25. The Jednota, in its issue of March 17, 1920, page one, published a letter from Masaryk to his prime minister, Tusar, on the subject of "the so-called Pittsburgh Agreement." Translated from the original Czech, Masaryk's letter reads as follows : "Representatives of American Slovak and Czech organizations resolved in this agreement to combat agitation against a union of the Czechs and Slovaks. The pact was made, it seems to me, largely by American citizens. The Pittsburgh program is one of many pre-revolutionary programs formulated abroad. It has an historical value. The Pittsburgh Pact was contracted between Slovaks and Czechs, and were it to have any validity at all, surely this validity would be predicated on the condition that both parties still agreed on its contents. In the pact itself, toward the end, there is a stipulation that detailed provisions for the organization of the Czecho-Slovak state were to be left to the Czechs and Slovaks and their legal representatives ; this stipulation was entered because the Czechs and Slovaks at the Pittsburgh meeting understood that Ame· rican citizens had no right to make decisions concerning the definitive organization of the Czecho-Slovak state." Husek, who immediately published the letter in the Jednota, alongside the text of the Pittsburgh Pact enclosed in a black frame, took an entirely different view of the matter, and in commentary, remarked among other things : "the Pittsburgh Pact is valid because it rests on the eternally valid natural rights of nations." (Ibid.) 26. "Za Pittsburghsku dohodu 'kavova nahrazka' " (Instead of the Pittsburgh Pact "ersatz coffee"). Jednota, March 31, 1920, page 4. And the Rev. Dulik comments: "To contract an agreement and then not care whether it is observed or not, amounts to making oneself ridiculous before the world." "Rev. Moysovi" (To the Rev. Moy~). Jednota, March 31, 1920, page 4. 27. Karol Sidor gives a detailed description in his book "Andrej Hlinka", Bratislava 1934. 28. "Apel Hlinkov na Slovakov v Amerike" (Hlinka's Appeal to American Slovaks). Jednota, July 21, 1920, page 4. The Jednota expressed the conviction, even after the defeat of the People's Party, that the national idea "will be stopped by nothing and nobody in its victorious advance." "Vol'by na Slovensku" (The Elections in Slo• vakia). Jednota, May 12, 1920, page 4. 29. "Statarium na Slovensku" (Martial Law in Slovakia) . Jed.nota, August 11, 1920, page 1. "But martial law will not preserve Slovakia for the Czechs! Czech bayonets will not preserve Slovakia for the Czecho-Slovak Republic ... Prague is blind, it does not see the writing on the wall ... " 30. Compare with the article by the president of the Slovak Catholic Federation, Rev. Joseph Dulik: "My netratime nadej" (We are not losing Hope), Jednota, August 11, 1920, page 4, and others. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1966, Vol. 16 Description An account of the resource Vol. 16 (No. 39), 1966. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1966 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 63 AMIDRIO.AN SLOV:.A.KiS AND '.DHE BEJG]NNJNGS OF 02'JIDOHO-SLOVAKI.A. By Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. In 1907 there was founded in Cleveland, Ohio, an organiiization ,ca:lled the Slovaik LeaJgue of America. This orga'Illization represented a coailition of aiH 1:Jhe existing Slovaik fraite:m al and r~i:giou:s organizations in the United States, and rallied besides, the support of t'he Slovaik clergy, both OatJholic amd Evangelka!l (Lutheran), as well as t!he suipport of the then--e:ristiing Slov:aik-American periodicals. The Slova!k League set as its major goail tJhe lilberation of the SllovaJk nation in its homelaind. For t!his reason it toO!k a srtand for t!he dismaintlement of tJhe .Austro-Hiungarian Empire and e:,oplo;z-ed possiibi'lities for political cooperation wit:Jh the Czech nation. Thiis cooperation reached formal expression in 1:Jhe signing of the Pi'Ubsburgh Pad of May 30, 1918, parties to which were 11epresentatives of the Silova'k Leaigue of America on the one side, and the represenrtatives of the Czech Natriona:l .Alliance and the Union of Czech Ca1fuolics, on the otJher. The Czechs were led by Thomas G. Masaryik, who prepared both .p arties for the aJgreement, aind wiho later became the first president of the O.zechoSlovaik Republiic. The text of tJhe Pittsburgh Paict reads as foHows: The representatives of the Slovak and Czech organizations in the United States-the Slovak League, the Czech National Alliance, and the Union of Czech Catholics-have deliberated, in the presence of the Chairman of the Czecho•Slovak National Council, Professor Masa• ryk, on the Czecho•Slovak question and on our previous program mani• festations, and have resolved as follows: We favor a political program whose purpose it shall be to unite the Czechs and Slovaks into an autonomous state comprising the Czech lands and Slovakia. Slovakia shall have her own administration, her own assembly, and her own courts. The Slovak language shall be the official language in the schools, in public offices, and in the public life in general. The Czecho•Slovak State shall be a republic; its constitution shall be democratic. The cooperation of the Czechs and the Slovaks in the United States shall be intensified and regulated by mutual consent, according to need and changing situations. Detailed provisions relating to the organization of the Czecho· Slovak State shall be left to the liberated Czechs and Slovaks and their legal representatives. 64 SLOVAKIA It is interesting to tmce the early evolution in the attitude of tJhe Prague government, under T. G. Masaryk, to the Pittsburgh Pact, and to the movement of Andrej HLinika, the eminent Slovak politicail leader, wtho adopted the progra:m of the Paiet. And it is no less interesting to review the thirnlkinig on this matter among American Sfoviaks, a faction of wihom rejected the program and succeeded for a short time in leading astray even the Slova:k League of America. On Maroh 7, 1919 Joseph Rusek left for Slova;kii1a. He was sent by t!he Slovak Lea:gue a;g one of a five-member mission, and the supreme of.ficers of the First Oatholic Slovaik Un:ion, too, at their annual meeting in New York, charged "brother Joseph Husek, editor of our organ 'Jedinota', in the name of 70,000 SlovaJk Catholics organized in tlhe FCSU, as a competent ma:n, to represent us illl the o1d country in matters both ecclesiastical aJild national, and to keep us informed on the state of SioV18lk ailfairs." 1 This was the first important mission of the American Siovruks to the continent after the overthrow of the old order. Joseph Huisek spent ten weeks in Slov&kia and urpon his return presented a comprehen,s ive report of his impressions. He analyzed the times and r!Jhe peop{e, circumstances and events, with great perspicacity, in the newspruper Jednotia and the a,lmainac of the same name. 2 It had been Husek's intention to a:cquaint SlloviaJk leaders with the Ame rican Slovaks' interpretation of the program emlbodied in the Pittsrburg,h Pruct. But in Bratislava his voice fell on deaf ears, because "the government was controlled by individuals, as it is to this day, who saw in the new ord€r an excellent opportunity to acihieve their ideal: the Czechizabiorn of S,l ova kia curlturaHy, economically and politic,ally. And by a standing imposition of martial law they envisioned the possi1bi11rity of intilmida;ting not only elemenrts inimi,ca:l to the Republic, hut also elements inimical to tJhis ideal." These people did not acknowledge the reservations of the American-SlovaJk emissaries. "'Dhey only smirled artfully, as if they pittied me for my naive fai'bh in the fitness of tihe Slovaik nation," wrote Joseph Rusek, ·b y way of commentary to •his conversations in Bratislava, for he saw clearly that the ruling c8iste in Srlova:kia was interested "ilil a com1 1 SLOVAKIA 65 rtsko-~lo1ttll!lk11JQgbl~.. tnmtrettri ll i)ittsbnr9htt. l}n.. bntt ,;o. tndjR. l9ltl • .,ifrr~sttw iMio ~lottttt!ikvch uo ., ll ~kiich o~nnisocif . t •~ ~,P"J•. -'-:t't ~ ll om. - . •~htu t1tsatj 1J~\!~~tho ]Ttlll)~ni.ho.$bttittnfu. . ll ~\!i)!ll frsj1.1,h.~ . " · P•'l"<'lh'1.•,1li t.i pnl.-niu,•;;ti ~~~~t-.'u e,1-1t .... $l..:.•m:-tt,_i "~1Jr.-..1' .,,'!4• ~r,"'f.~h,; ..,1-yh,, . ., ~1-ft,,~Jlct.,i:niok~j ,.....\,h, ,1 ..... th1$i,·b {~\t~:ti:b pr~~;!~l\'?'?Cl•~i.·b pr('_i~-:1.,,'1! r.\ usnt,--.l~-,.l~~,,.a.•\'\.: ! -.. s~b'M !u_irn,~ pditi,·h:i pr.:-~r.t~ uii\ll~U,"\ ~l •' Sp.:-j.:ni~ e.:~h~,i• lt $\i."li,Jk,.. ~ \t ~.,m,;•att1o1hl,'\1' 1ttit, 1. f~-,p.l\lf~-b 1nnl,, Sl\"l\tti:t!th~\~ 4 } ' ,"~""-~ .. :·.:-tc;•~n . . lt.• l;tt~~ mut -..~•-~iu L•l<l1-fn1'.i.)mitliih·..muu.1i,,j ~\j,:·\!1 "~ i,\••:\~ $'UL~~ . ,_S\ci.•(t-:ftn,, ru~..: ,fr,~~n!'t1! j,,iyb.~ t•~\i~l~. ~· Ut",,~~ ,, t,~., t tNi 1"'"'\'\1 !\t, ...,t..! t,;_;~-:-.c. · "€.:~t.,-;,(.,,,,-u1-l,{';;l,1t l-ub.: tt}'u~lik,,u, j~l,..,~.:-1Wtittici" bu ..'-: ~~m""kr"tti4!k-.\. _ ··~•l\'li'!-.i,'t,'\ fp,•lupr.{.:~ e.:cb,"t•" $\.;,i•,tlwv t•c Sp...i. -.:: ., • t1 L • • ·t ' . · ~ ·. '~ ~t-1,t ..--..,h Lru,,,, P•'t. :'"- f"' t r~..,~ ,, mcnt,\~~.t :'1o'\ fl u-1~\<.pn ~}'-' I ..,~o~"t\11 ~~'r-"'?tnn(n\. pr.:hl~~t:..\ ,, '-'}'TOt•~n..i. ·. t: .~ · 1 ~ ,-~ ..... ._\t,.. ~nl t.1,st..,n-:'t~ni~, c- t..\t't'1,'.:1Ul.:-5k~~,l~,tC"Ot~~k~~ ;,1,1tu }'-'ll~.:b,ll.•,i.iu ;," •'!W••r,•~~nym €.i.:!icm ,, Sl,'l C1hcm "icb _ prJi,,•pl.ltni1m pN,'11-t,wit.:l,'tlt." 1 ====---- I w -{. . L_._ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _J Photographic reproduction of the original copy of the Pittsburgh Pact ("Pittsburghska Dohoda") plete merging of 1Jhe Slmr31k nart~on wi1:!h tlhe Czeoh." Burt on the 01:!her hand he also ascertained tihat "Masary,k's ideology of tJhe nationa,,l unity of Slovaks and Czecihs was completely foreign to the ordinary Slovaik person." 3 And it did not escape Husek's observation that ''the oe SLOVAKIA Slov~s !have no desire fo:r the kind of democraitic wwk that haJS to be performed in the shadow of Czech bayonets!" He 01Scertained that the Czeoho-Slovaik Pairliament was gravely deficient in point of "ropresenrta'tion for the SlovaJk nation. Agriculture and the triades haid not a single representative firom among tJhei'r own rarrk!s, and in any case, members of pairliaiment were nominated and a,ppointed by the regime ibselif, whicih ma!kes no seoret of its intentions to consolidate its power at every cost, and whfoh pursues a poli~ica[, cu1tural and economic course that ha,s bhe support of only a smaifil minority of bhe Slovak nation." He noted that bhe policies of bhli s government ran oouniter to the interests of bhe Slovia'k people. Husek verified tllrough his own Olbservations tJhat "in PraJgue many influential pdlitidans want aJbsolurtely no tr,uok with the idea tJhait Slovakia belongs to tJhe Slovaks and that the Slova:ks have no need to go to Piriague for tutelage in the management of bheir own land and nation. Indeed, Pra,gue is completely at a loss as to what to do in its own bailiwick. Politioal chaos reigns in Bohemia. 'flhe national assemlbly speaJks with twenty tongues. Not one faction aictua'lly knows what it wants . .A!I1d in the maisses tJhe most prevalent pdlitic'al orientatfon is Bollshevism." Of suoh stuf.f, too, were the OzechlS who cMne to Slov,a,kia. Hrusek oharaoteri!.zed them aJS fol!lows : "The arrogance am.d domineering attitude of some Czeclhs in Slov.akia was indeed Ml af:firont. And I encountered these maniifestation,s, in per,son, frequently during my stay i'n the old country. I e,cperienced them on tJhe tr,aJirnis and in tlhe restaiurants. On the trams you were comfuaintly being jostled aside for some Ozedh dignilbairy, while in tJhe restaiurants your order WaJS taiken only after 1:Jhe Ozooh had reccived his ... It is a major fault witih many of OUT Czeoh brethren, and not tihe leaist with men of culrttvalbi.on, that tlley do not ,consider the ,Slova,k an equa•l citizen of the Republic." In the political sphere Husek saw cleair signs tJhait the rulling regime in Slov,ailcia haJd no desire to even hear of aultonomy. 'Dhe regime considered tihe autonom:i!sts traitors. It WaJS Huook's finding that a great gaip separated the policie'S of 1:Jhe Slova!k LeaJgue of Amerioa fram the tJhmktmg of tihe current rulers in Slovakia. 6i SLOVAKIA On tJhe subject of autQIIlomy, writes Joseph Husek, "Hlirrrka aJlone g,ave me a clear...oot srtatement - he liives and dies for the American pa,dt . . . Hli'nlka stamds for autooomy antd a Ohrisitian world-view. He stamlds for autonomy becaiuse he sees in it the assu:rainrce of a better future for Ms naJtion, and a gual'amtee of the firee growt:Jh of its natio n.1aJl cu1lture and economy, as weJ1l as a bai:rder to Ozeoh materialilsm and atheism ... Hlmka stand1s for •autonomy because he is Slov,aJk, not Ozeclho-Slovaik ! . . . And besides, it mmt be said of H]i[llka tJhat he loves his naltion warriznrly, truly and entirely seMllessly; he is ready to sacl'ifice evecytlhing for it - whircih is something I camnot in good con,s cience say a!bout many of his opponents." In regard to Joseph Husek'is trirp as "a:n emliss,rury of the Amwican Sfovakis" A. J. Pirha!11a, president of the F1irrist Catholic Slovak Union, commented: "'he accomplished a ,g reat deal of wortJhwhile wo"Pk. His detailed rerport gave us an accurate, clear and specific rev-iew of the situation in Slova,kia. " 4 Hrusek and MH'an Gettilllg presented the reports on tJhcir Slo'ViaJkian trirp at the 12'1:Jh Oongress of tihe SlovaJk Le•ague of America, wh~-c'h todk plaice on May 29, 1919 ilil Scranton, Pennsylva,nia. Getting ,prorposed that the League send the "Slovak Administration" a printing press vail ued at $50,000.00, and in addit-ilon, to Mr. Sirobar, finamcirail a:ssistance in tihe amount of $10,000.00. 'Dhe Congress rupproved t'he proposal, and a•l so moved to send sixty-thousamd dollar3 wO'!'th of clothing to Slovaikia. 5 Husek wrote after tJhe congress: "HHnika is the forunder, president amd guiding spitrit of tlhe SloWJk People's Party, wihldh wiH play a great, if ndt decishre, role in the history of Slovaik'ia, and whiiC'h claims the loyalty of ahnost a'1.!l the patriotiic S'lov~k clergy, even of those who do not approve m ,i:nka'·s -bi'tter anrd unrestrai,ned critilcism of 1:Jh~ administration i01 Braitirs]ra va." 6 In th±s vein Joseph Husek filled tlhe columTIJS Olf · the newspaper Jednota through the year 1919. He subjected the Prrugue regime and its functionaries in Bratislava to shar,p criticism. He believed fifflllly tJhiat ''oniy through aiutonomy wou'ld it be poss~ble to purt Slovaikila finmly on its feet! . . . 'Dhe Slovaks need aiutanomy mairrrly to preserve their national existence. But without srpecific leg~si.ation 1 68 SLOVAKIA there will be no self-rule of any kiJnid." The sel!f-ru[e "that Slov:aikia has today its not only worbhiless, but even positively pernrjlciou1s. Suoh 'selrf..1rule' demoraJl.ilzes pulbJi.c Hfe in Sloviaikia aind stirs the natiQIIl to open revoU.'' 7 On October 24, 1919, the execubi.ive committtee of tJhe SlovaJk League of Arm.edoa approved a memoramtdurm. addressed to the "policy-rm.1a;king fundt,iana11ieis" ( of t'he Czeoho-Slovaik gavernrrnent), in wihi'clh it oaUed for tJhe implementatiton of the Pit'tsburglh P.aiot. 8 A concentrated fig,ht agiainst Hilinka got under way. The fig,ht WaJS OO'gani.ized on two fronts: in Sfovakia, and in America; •a nd the f.ight gmdruaHy gained ground even ilil tJhe SfovaJk League. As H'linlka was returrning :6rom the peruce conference in Parris, on the evening of October 12, 1919, he wais arrested and spirited away to Mirrov prison. The baJSiis for hiJS arrest waJs hlis 1Jr1p to Piari.is and his a:ttempt there to place before the pea;ce conference, Sfo.viak demands as contaJitned in tJhe P,iUsburr1gih Pact. "If HHn:ka had gone to Pari.is, tJhougih the wa:y hakl led through Budapest, for the purpose of protesting the Bad - let's put the matter squarely on the taJble - the Ozecho..,Slovak ,press iand the Czeoho~SlovaJk gov,ernment would today be prarsing Hli!n!ka to the highest heaven, and everywhere he would be hera:lded as the future rurchb1shop of S'lovaikfa ! . . . Hliillka, therefore, witl!l face tria•l on behaJlf of our P,ruct, aJnd in effoct it will be our P.ruct tJhat will be on trial . . . And because this Pact, whloh ts to go on t'l'ial ~n Olom,o uc, 1s ours, in effect it will be we American Slovaks wiho wi'l'l face trila:l - ()lllT con'triburtion to the revolutionary struggle." 9 To the Uruted StaJrtes oa;me Hltinka's representath,es, Rev. Joseipfri Rudrnisiky and Joseph KU!bala, wiho called a meeting of S'1ovalk Crut:Jholic priests irn Piit1:Jsbu'I"gh 01I1 November 19, 1919, an1d om the following day, a meeting of the represen1ia.1t!ives of Slovak Oaitholiic org,anii!zations, loldiges and newspa;pers. Rerv. Joseph Du'lik of Olyphant, Penn!sy<lw.nia, pres•i!ded at the meeting of 1:Jhe clergy, and Atrrdrew J. Birha!&, presildent of the FiTlst Ca1Jholic S1l0Vlalk Union, at the second meetiinig. Both meet:Jing,s devei~oped g,uideliines for aiction by Slovruk Catholics of America, aJnd issued in a spontaneous determination to defend Aindrew Hlilillkia. Pla;n:s well"e made to expoiSe to the pub]i!c ruH fille events surround!ing Hlinlka's trip to Paris and his subsequent imprisonment. 1 1 SLOVAKIA 69 The pu11pose of the Pittsburg,h meeting was: "1. To lay a foundation for wide 8Jl1d e:fifective publi<city and a:gitation for Sriovalkian 0Jutonomy within the frame-worik of the Ozeciho-,S,lovaJk Republic; 2. To 13/Un'Ch a movement for the creation of a OatJholic press fund, for the Sll.llpport of Catholi:c l<iterature ... Arrnerica,n S·1nVia1ks do nro t cornsiider the Paict a scrap of pruper: tfuey wr~l underibake everyrtlhilng irn theirr power to whieve its recogndltion. And tn a,ddiition to this, aifter so ma,ny disruppoi1nitment:Js from both tihe SIOVaJk Lea,g,ue, and spokesmen for tfue Ozeehio-S lov,aik goveirnment, they have ehosern t!he only proper courne: tlhey demand th1at the Pact be incorporated in the provi'81ion:s of the P.aris Pea.ice Treaty." 10 1 1 These meetings received an eX!tension, in effect, in the convention of the S~ov·a k Ca1:lho'lic Federation, held in Scranton, Pennsylv,ania, on December 18, 1919. This organization's delegate, Rev. Anton Gmdk, ha.id just returned from Slovaikioa, and he confirmed tJhe coniolusion,s of Hooek, Rudinsky, and K111ba1a. 'J.'1he conventiOIIl, therefoTe, moved to support, in full, Hilin:ka's activities and tJhe Pittsbuirgih Pact. 11 lniaJSmuc'h a.is the leadersthiilp of the S'lov:alk Leag,ue ha:d entetred the services of ''anti.,SiloviaJk and aniti-Ohristian poli,cies," 12 the SlovaJk CatJholic Federation beg,ain to taike noltdce of the politkail si tu ation in SJ.ovaikia. Srrovalk Catho4iics begam taking a heig,htened internst in t,h e n1ationa:l program because the Prague regime had proved itselif not on!ly anti-S1lovaik, but also amti-Oat!ho•l k. "The beMigerent merusuires undeI'balken by the Ozeicihs agairnst the Catholli,c Church a,nd the reH:gions sentiments of believing Slovalks" 13 ciolrld su1c1ceed only in arousing everyfbody. Rev. GraJcik, speaking from hi,s personal observa,tions in Slovakia, dec'l aired: "\Religion hars complete freedom in the Ozecho-Slo'W!Jk Republic, guaranteed by law. But filris f.reedom in only on paper. Nort erven 20 % of the p111blic sti:H be'l~eves in thi s reli•gio1rns freedom. Power rest:Js m 1Jhe han'd s of Sodail-De mocratk atheists, nom.--!believeris; and these people are aJbusing 1!heir power in an attempt to per;pe1tnmte their pairtisan conrtiro1l, and to entren,c h tJheir posirbions. ThU!s, re'ligious :fireedOIJll exists only on pruper and tJhe Ohuircih ooduires cons~deraJble suffering . . . Ln S10V1all da, except for prlimera and bi:bles, no Catlholi1c literaiture is cmrently being publ'islhed. The Ozeciho-SlovaJk government 1hrus completeily stopped 1 1 1 1 70 SLOVAKIA Catlhol~c presses, suppressed ail OaltJhiolic per'iodicaJ1'S. The Catholic sohool youth is prohilbiited :f.irom organi1z ing in defence of its religficntJS sentiments." 14 Towarids the en!d of 1919 tJhe president of tJhe Sli0W1Jk League, Albert Mamaitej, tiriaveled to S1ovaJkia, 0JI1d returned wiifu a letter from Dr. Mfillan Hoooa, a SlavaJk pol.ritircian on 1:Jhe side of tJhe Ozecfus, wlhi!dh promrlised a definite, sart:isfactory stabi'liz,ati:on of the relaitionlsihiiip between the Ozeoos amid Slo'V'aikls. HoweveT, the resulits of MaJmatej's journey "could be desori:bed, on bailance, only as negative." 15 For the Amerioam SlovaJks, he brought baok more promi:ses from the Ptmgue regime; for himseJrf, he broug,ht badk a committment from Prague that he would be awarded tJhe post of Ozedho-SlovaJk conS'l.1!1 in Bittsburgh. His aJppointment caJme through in Septem1ber 1920. The XII]tJh Congress of the Slova1k Leagure of America, whidh took p'lace at the end of J'll!l1e 1920 in MiilwaJUlkee, Wisconsin, transpired in a ,c ompletely di:£ferent atmosphere from thait of its predecessoI'S. On J1Une 16 Joseph Husek puibiJJioly announced his withd<rawaJl from the League, whose leaJdeirshi!p "is moraHy amd finandaiHy supporting agitation and opposition to the PiittJs'lmrgh PaJct." 16 'Dhe SlovaJk League haJd joined battle witlh t!he wtonmni,stls in America, and bJaJd even given tadd assenlt to the waJgin:g of sUJoh a battle in Slovaklia, at a time that WaJS oritiicaJl, since the na'tiornai election1s Olf 1920 were drawilng neaT. For 1:Jhis reaJson not one S'lav,aJk CaJt:lholic organization in America sent de'leg,ates to 1:Jhe XIILtih Congress, and Husek, after t he Oong,ress warned: 1 ..'Tihe League has ceased to be the mOTal and offioiail representative of the AmeI'icam-Sloviaik colony." 17 RepresentaJtives of Slovak CaJthidlics, under the leaJdership af the S1ovaik OatholJ.i<c Federation and tlhe ot!her orgaJI1izations working in C'1ose ooopera'tion with it, began to taJke over the League's erat-w:hile role in the defence of SllOV1aJk nationaJl rights. On Ja.nuaJry 14, 1920, the cenwail committee of the SlovaJk Catholic Federat•i on "voted 100,000 crowns as a personal girft to the Rev. Andrew HEmlka, our leader, t!he imprisoned SlavaJk martyr. It also rupproved a Clheok in the amownt SLOVAKIA 71 of $5,000.00 as a stop-gap aid to old-country Catholics, for Catholic aiction. l1t furrtiher passed a motion to issue memoria1 staimps bearing the i'mage of H!lliJ11lm and an inrsm"ilption of his motto ... Dr. Joseph Rudinsky was aippoonted to t'he position of organizer in the Slovak Oa:tholic Fedwarbion, arnd MT. Joseph KUJba:11a was nirumed a,siistanrt to the comptTolileT." 18 The president of the Slovak Oathol1k FedeTation, Rev. Joseph :Dulik, reminded t'he memlbershilp tJhat tJhe basic provisions of the co,nstitution of the Ozeoho-Slovaik Repulblric remaJined inadequate ilil the opinlion of tJhe Federation, and that tJhe lrust ooniverition haJd taiken a position "in suipport of S1ova!kiam aJUtonomy, as g,ururanteed to tJhe Slovruk nation in tJhe PlilftsbuTgh Pact." 19 And in the same vein, the Rev. :DuHk exip:ressed his view on the issue: "We aire foT the Ozecihio.,Slovruk Repufb'li<:, 'body and sou[ - but only on condition tJhat we receive in it what is ouT due." 20 From 1:Jhis standpoint 1fuere was great va:lue in the message of the SIJ:ovak Cathollic Fedevation to "ouir brothers in SfovaJkia", by which historic realities concerning American SfovaJks were put in proper fomis, and a demand was registered "for the incorpOTaltion of tJhe suibstamce of the Pittsburg,h Pact in the basic 11aw of tJhe Repuibl~c." 21 '.Dhe stand of the FedeTation inspired tJhe Slova:k-American community. At its conrvention of 13 and 14 OctO'beT, 1920, in Chicago, the recoros revealed t!hat the Slovalk CartJholic Federation "numbered 17'5 strong men's brandhes, and 14 women's brancihes; and its membership haJd risen to close to twenty thousand. This g,rowfu dated from onily ten months ba;ck." 22 '.Dhe pr,ogram of the Federation with respect to nationaEty matters remained unchanged: autonomy a:s set for!Jh and defined in the Pittsburgh Pact. 23 To the United States came ort!her emissaries, too. These were tlhe agents of tJhe Brague regime, Rev. LaJdis1aiv Moys, a Catlholiic priest, rund the Sooiial..,Democvat Jiohrn Pocislk, whose assignment wa;s to swing pu!b'lic opinion among American Slovaks to tJhe side of 1Jhe Ozeciho-,Slovruks and rugaJinst the SlovaJk People's Party. But American Silovaikrs were not swayed by the mission, despite its ecclesiasticaJl traJppings, because they knew it traveled rubout the country on funds 72 SLOVAKIA provided by Prague. 'l'hey gave no credence to Moys becaruse "he associates and cooperates, works hand in hand, with Socia'li,s ts." 24 Nor were Slovruk Catho'lios shiaJken by Maisrurytk's cli!savowa:l of his sigrrature on t!he Plirttsbmg1h Pact, or by his deo}ruration that 1fue Pa;ct wrus inrva!lid.25 They reaJCted with dignity, becaJU!se their chief concern was to "remain tirue to the honor of t!he SlovaJk nation." 26 In t!he uneven battJle between Andirew Hlinika and fue organized power of Prague and its SUipporting p<jli.tical prurties, the assistaJnce of American Sloviaks was extraordinari1ly wekome. Andrew H1inlka sat innocently in a Oze0h ja:il for seven months. Fior a long time his ja;iiloirs even wi'tfuheld his marl from him; and as he sat in helplessness and isO'}a'bion, tJhe mi,nions of the new state's power structuire tried to disrupt the ranks of the 1P eople's Party. 27 In the me:antiline caJIDe the elections. A!bout t!hem Hlinlka gave the foHowing testimony: "Unfortunately, the elections did not produce the spectacular results for the Peqp'le's Party that we had every reruson to expect. The People's Party did not receive the ma:jority that it should have received. Reasons for this development run to the hun1drreds: t!h:ey locked us urp, tlhey branded us tra!itor,s, they unlerushed a;gainst us tiheiir soildiers, gen1damnerie, sheriffs and professors . . . Agaiinst us was turned every power - and every means was perm~ss~ble. 'Dhe :riig,ht of assembly was denied uiS: and wihen granted, our meetings were diispersed. 'I'he starved and pauperized Slova;k populace threw itselif into the em/brace of the SocialDemocratic Party, whidh ha;d pre~ously been little known in SlovaJlcia. Two-iliuindred tJhous and soldiers were transfer.red to Sfovaikia - to vote. Ozeoh Olfficia;ls, teachers and function airies were for,ced UipOil us; and these people, numbering ~rmcimately fifty th01.1<s'a.nd, voted against Slo"W!Jk autonomy. Where hunger ~atled, the s<jldiier anid official produced t!he de's1red resulit." 28 The Socialists were not, 8Jild could not be, the sa!lvation of S1wa!kia. On the contrary, the sociia.Uistic "Ozech regi,me in Slova;kfa enstranged Slovakia from Bohemia. It created cha,os, because it drove the people witlh fa.:1se prom~ses in'to the airms of the Internationa!le." 29 1 1 1 1 SLOVAKIA 73 American S~ovaJks exipected the worst in S1lovaJkia. They envisioned the sprea!d of Somallism and its oo!lrrninabon in Coarumrunii.sm - uniless refor,ms were introdUJced in time. In this context CaJt:Jholic organi!za1Jion-s, in particufar, intensified their ef1forts and soug,ht new ways to help Hlinlka win his objectives. 30 FOOTNOTES 1. Minutes of the annual meeting of the supreme officers of the First Catholic Slovak Union, New York City, January 6-9, 1919, page 73. Husek was a member of the Reconstruction Committee of the Slovak League of America, chairman of which was Dr. Miroslav Francisci, and the other members, John Matlocha, Edward Kovac, and Milan Getting. 2. Joseph Husek wrote several articles about his trip to Slovakia, but the most comprehensive was his contribution to the almanac Jednota for 1920, titled "Co som videl, pocul a skusil na Slovensku." (What I Saw, Heard and Experienced in Slovakia.), pages 33-60. All of the above quotes on Husek's mission are taken from this source. 3. This was a group that styled itself "Mlade Slovensko" (Young Slovakia). Hlas (The Voice) was its journal, and the forum from which it expounded views on literature and life, social and political, all heavily influenced by Masaryk. 4. Minutes of the annual meeting of the supreme officers of the First Catholic Slovak Union, Cleveland, Ohio, January 19-22, 1920, page 8. 5. Cover story on this Congress in the newspaper Jednota, June 4, 1919, page 1. The Congress approved a motion to establish a scholarship fund in memory of General Stefanik for "the support of students and writers in Slovakia and America. The Slovak League will contribute $10,000.00 to this fund, and school-fund collections by various organizations and newspapers are also to be turned over to it." 6. "Prestante!" (Desist!). Jednota, June 4, 1919, page 4. 7. "Eppur si muove." Jednota, October 22, 1919, page 4. 8. See the actual text in the Jednota, October 29, 1919, page 1. 9. " Dohoda, Hlinka a Masaryk" (The Pact, Hlinka and Masaryk). Jednota, November 19, 1919, page 4. 10. "Za krest'anske a autonomne Slovensko" (For a Christian and Autonomous Slovakia). Jednota, November 26, 1919, page 4. Also compare with the story of the meetings in the same issue of the Jednota on page one. Inasmuch as the convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation was postponed, a Slovak Catholic Council was elected from among the delegates in Pittsburgh, which however only served till the convention, and then merged with the Federation. Time moved quickly, and the liberal and Czecho-Slovak oriented groups began to break up local branches of the Slovak League, and to scatter accusations against sympathizers with Hlinka's movement. For this reason Slovak Catholics rallied to the cause. Anti-Slovak activities are touched upon in the article "Za auton6miu"' (For Autonomy) in the Jednota, December 3, 1919, page 4, and in subsequent issues. 11. Compare with the coverage of the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation in the Jednota, December 24, 1919, on page one. The article "Z konvencie Sdruzenia slovenskych katolikov" (From 74 SLOVAKIA the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation) , in the same edition of the Jednota, page 5, notes that all Slovak Catholic organizations were represented at this convention. 12. "Sdruzenie slovenskych katolikov" (The Slovak Catholic Federation ). Jednota, December 31, 1919, page 4. 13. From a letter by the Rev. Andrew Dor{msky, a pastor in Hladovka, Slovakia, dated August 12, 1919, published in the Jednota, September 17, 1919, page 1. 14. "Prednaska Rev. Gracika" (A Lecture by the Rev. Gracik). Jednota, December 10, 1919, page 1. 15. Culen, K. "Strucne dejiny Slovenskej ligy" (A Short History of the Slovak League) . Jednota, August 27, 1958, page 2. 16. "Vystupujem zo Slovenskej ligy" (I am Withdrawing from the Slovak League) . Jedn ota, June 16, 1920, page 4. 17. "Po kongrese" (After the Congress) . Jednota, July 7, 1920, page 4. 18. "Vaznejsie uznesenia Sdruzenia slovenskych katolikov" (Some Important Decisions of the Slovak Catholic Federation) . Jednota, January 28, 1920, page 1. 19. "Nase stanovisko" (Our Standpoint). Jednota, March 17, 1920, page 4. 20. "Este raz Rev. Moysovi" ( Once Again to the Rev. Moys). Jednota, April 21, 1920, page 4. Joseph Husek remained an unswerving adherent of the autonomist idea: "From the standpoint of the enemies of Slovak national distinctivness, Slovak autonomy would constitute virtual suicide-suicide for the idea of Czecho-Slovak national unity! Only a fool could believe that Slovak truth, were it to have behind it the full power of a state, courts, bureau, schools, and the moral and material support of the highly cultured Czech nation, could not successfully resist an immoral and politically bankrupt Magyaronismonly a fool, or someone who considers the Slovak nation a morally debilitated, nationally paralyzed rabble of near-idiots! " "To nie je to prave" (This Isn't the Real Thing) . Jednota, February 18, 1920, page 4. Also see the article "Matez" (Turmoil) , Jednota, March 24, 1920, page 5; and the article "Salus reipublicae suprema lex", Jednota, April 14, 1920, page 4. Among other things, this article states: "For the Slovak politician, the good of the Slovak nation must take precedence over the good of the Republic, or as the case may be, the government. The vital interests of the nation, its natural rights, its national character, may not be sacrificed to the good of the state, the Republic, or the regime. The Republic exists for the nation, not the reverse. The nation is an end, the Republic only a means. The idea of the supremacy of the state (government) must yield to the idea of the supremacy of the nation. Only in monolinguistic democratic states, where the concept of nationality is synonymous with the concept of state, where nationality in reality equates with state and vice versa, can the good of the nation be equated with the good of the state." Husek returns to this theme frequently on the pages of the Jednota in signed and anonymous articles, as well as editorials and remarks. 21. The complete text appears in the Jednota, May 26, 1920, page 5. 22. "Konvencia Sdruzenia slovenskych katolikov" (The Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation). Jednota, October 20, 1920, page 1. 23. "The Slovak Catholic Federation still favors an autonomous Slovakia and will continue to do so until at last. the banner of Slovak autonomy within the framework of a Czecho-Slovak Republic, will SLOVAKIA 75 wave over our Tatra mountains." Rev. C. K. Vaniscak, O.S.B.: "Po konvencii Sdruzenia slovenskych katolikov" (After the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation) , Jednota, October 20, 1920, page 4. 24. Hrtanek, Klemo. "Koho chcete, abych vam prepustil, Hlinku alebo Moysa?" (Whom Do You Wish I Release to You, Hlinka or Moy~?). Jednota, April 28, 1920, page 4. "Priest or no-priest, come down from the cherry-tree . . . Any Slovak priest who does not fight with us for the martyr Hlinka and his democratic idea, has no right to be called one of us; any priest who favors the Socialists in Prague defeats the legitimate efforts of the Slovaks." 25. The Jednota, in its issue of March 17, 1920, page one, published a letter from Masaryk to his prime minister, Tusar, on the subject of "the so-called Pittsburgh Agreement." Translated from the original Czech, Masaryk's letter reads as follows : "Representatives of American Slovak and Czech organizations resolved in this agreement to combat agitation against a union of the Czechs and Slovaks. The pact was made, it seems to me, largely by American citizens. The Pittsburgh program is one of many pre-revolutionary programs formulated abroad. It has an historical value. The Pittsburgh Pact was contracted between Slovaks and Czechs, and were it to have any validity at all, surely this validity would be predicated on the condition that both parties still agreed on its contents. In the pact itself, toward the end, there is a stipulation that detailed provisions for the organization of the Czecho-Slovak state were to be left to the Czechs and Slovaks and their legal representatives ; this stipulation was entered because the Czechs and Slovaks at the Pittsburgh meeting understood that Ame· rican citizens had no right to make decisions concerning the definitive organization of the Czecho-Slovak state." Husek, who immediately published the letter in the Jednota, alongside the text of the Pittsburgh Pact enclosed in a black frame, took an entirely different view of the matter, and in commentary, remarked among other things : "the Pittsburgh Pact is valid because it rests on the eternally valid natural rights of nations." (Ibid.) 26. "Za Pittsburghsku dohodu 'kavova nahrazka' " (Instead of the Pittsburgh Pact "ersatz coffee"). Jednota, March 31, 1920, page 4. And the Rev. Dulik comments: "To contract an agreement and then not care whether it is observed or not, amounts to making oneself ridiculous before the world." "Rev. Moysovi" (To the Rev. Moy~). Jednota, March 31, 1920, page 4. 27. Karol Sidor gives a detailed description in his book "Andrej Hlinka", Bratislava 1934. 28. "Apel Hlinkov na Slovakov v Amerike" (Hlinka's Appeal to American Slovaks). Jednota, July 21, 1920, page 4. The Jednota expressed the conviction, even after the defeat of the People's Party, that the national idea "will be stopped by nothing and nobody in its victorious advance." "Vol'by na Slovensku" (The Elections in Slo• vakia). Jednota, May 12, 1920, page 4. 29. "Statarium na Slovensku" (Martial Law in Slovakia) . Jed.nota, August 11, 1920, page 1. "But martial law will not preserve Slovakia for the Czechs! Czech bayonets will not preserve Slovakia for the Czecho-Slovak Republic ... Prague is blind, it does not see the writing on the wall ... " 30. Compare with the article by the president of the Slovak Catholic Federation, Rev. Joseph Dulik: "My netratime nadej" (We are not losing Hope), Jednota, August 11, 1920, page 4, and others.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource American Slovaks and the Beginning of Czecho-Slovakia Description An account of the resource Joseph Paučo, Ph.D. Slovakia, Vol. 16 (No. 39), 1966 pp. 63-75 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paučo, Jozef, 1914-1975 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1966 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/464320d721fd4e1726f6e1a34dd49137.pdf 8726645fda2d11f5c3fd66e29386b1ec PDF Text Text 104 SLOVAKIA UNDER DYNAMIC LEADERSHI P Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. The activity of the Slovak League of America in its 40th year centered around Slovakia and the person of the president of the Slovak Republic, Dr. Joseph Tiso. President Peter Jurcak, in his report to the League's 29th congress on October 20, 1947 in Cleveland, Ohio, disclosed that the Slovak League of America had sent "more than 40,000 letters to official circles, congressmen and senators, to all the delegates to the United Nations, and to leading personalities in the United States, underlining its anti-Communist policies, and placing particular stress on the trend of events in the land of our forefathers." 1 The League had undertaken this action because "just one year past, American official circles and the press had been speaking of some sort of Czecho-Slova k bridge. The assumption was fostered that this bridge would entice the Soviet bear into Western Europe, and that once there he would be transformed into a lamb. There existed a wide-spread belief in the possibility of such a miracle. Generally overlooked was the fact that this bridge was occupied by the Soviet army, which would blow it to smithereens, the moment it lost its prerogative to control traffic, and thus abruptly bring to a halt any such 'monkey business'." Jurcak's report sheds light on the attitude of the Slovak League of America towards the president of the Slovak Republic, Dr. Joseph Tiso, at that most critical moment. Before the verdict of the "People's Court" in Bratislava was given "we sent more than 20,000 letters", states Jurcak, " to every imaginable recipient, from the smallest fraternal branch to the President of the United States." Jurcak as president of the Slovak League made eight trips to Washington to raise his voice in the cause of saving Dr. Tiso. The Slovak League published a distinguished brochure in defense of Dr. Tiso titled The Truth about Slovakia.2 This action demonstrated the love of American Slovaks for the nation of their origin, and their devotion to the personality of Dr. Joseph Tiso. American Slovaks under the leadership of the League appealed to the Amer- �SLOVAKIA 105 ican Government to save the live of Dr. Joseph Tiso. They defended the policies of the president of the Slovak Republic, and pointed out that his case was not merely an internal matter of the "pertinent country", but that all Slovaks must work towards its just disposition, and that America might demonstrate by saving Tiso's life how committed she is to the strengthening of democratic infuences in a country which contains some of our most devoted allies in the current conflict between the USSR and the Western Democracies. The Slovak League distributed the brochure The Truth about Slovakia to all senators, congressmen, to all the delegates to the United Nations, and to many newspapers. In addition to this the League prepared a special appeal to the President of the United States, which was sent for signing to all its branches and to all its affiliated organizations and church parishes. In the appeal American Slovaks protested the cynical trial of Dr. Tiso and preparations for his execution, and they urged President Truman to intercede in the matter with the Prague government. This appeal evoked a huge response among American Slovaks. Indeed, it was signed by many non-Slovaks. At the behest of the First Catholic Slovak Women's Union, presented in the form of a motion at its annual meeting, the Slovak League called a conference of all American-Slovak organizations in Washington, D.C., placing at the top of the agenda the goal of obtaining an audience with President Truman. This conference was attended by representatives of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, and the Women's Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union. President Truman sent a representative of the State Department to the Conference. Peter P. Jurcak in his report to the 29th congress noted: "We did not suceed in saving the life of the president of the Slovak State, but at least we acquainted the American public, more than ever before in the history of the Slovak League, with the Slovak nation and the Slovak question. Many congressmen became our friends; the fate of the Slovak hero so touched them that they expressed their convictions about this unpleasant affair publicly in �106 SLOVAKIA the forum of the United States Congress and thus before the whole world." In particular, the speeches of Congressmen Madden and O'Konski received wide publicity. Peter P. Jurcak was convinced that Dr. Joseph Tiso "would receive from history quite a different verdict from that of his present judges. When future generation s, particularly in America, compare his conduct with the voluntary embracem ent of Communis m by those who convicted him-whom do you think they will consider the greater enemy of American democracy ? Considerab le time may yet pass, but eventually the outside world will come to the realization that had Tiso voluntarily turned over Slovakia to the Communis ts, he might have preserved the Slovak state, and his life to boot." The 29th congress of the Slovak League of America adopted the viewpoint of Peter Jurcak, and in a policy statement added: The Czecho-Slovak government in Prague has committed (April 18, 1947) the gravest kind of injustice in .t he hanging of Monsignore Joseph Tiso, an exemplary priest, a staunch Slovak patriot, and wartime president of the Slovak Republic. This act defies the will of the entire Slovak nation and inflicts a most damaging blow to Czech Slovak relations. We are convinced that this is a case of the most arbitrary parody of justice, and we cannot but decisively condemn Dr. Eduard Benes and his government. This declaration expresses the anti-Comm unist sentiments of the Slovak League, and brings witness to the historic reality that "the Slovak Republic was destroyed by a self-appoin ted Communis t political regime and by brute military force-with out consultatio n of the will of the Slovak people", and that the new regime "distinguis hes itself with terror and the totalitarian conquest of a country by a minority which employs any means to impose its rule over Slovakia." Furthermo re the declaration demands free elections in Slovakia, commentin g: We are fully convinced that Czecho-Slovakia is not a democracy in the sense accepted in this country. In the 'people's democracy', as Czecho-Slovakia now styles itself, the government controls all political parties, the press, and the air-waves-a state of affairs which is at obvious odds with the fundamental principles embraced by all democratic governments . The declaration requests that the President and Con- �SLOVAKIA 107 gress of the United States protest the occupation of Slovakia and "the persecution of Slovak ecclesiastical, cultural and political leaders." Peter Jurcak was reelected president of the Slovak League of America, and John Kocur secretary. Shortly after the congress Jurcak sent a telegram to President Truman, in the name of the League, stating: To say nothing about what is happening in Slovakia today is but another form o:fl appeasement which will make the eventual liberation of the countries of Central Europe more difficult and more costly to the United States and will leave these people without hope.a The Slovak League also turned its attention to the problem of the expatriation of the Slovak nationals to the Sudetenland. According to a news release appearing in cas, the official administration newspaper in Bratislava, February 5, 1947 issue, 200,000 Slovaks had already been moved to the Sudetenland as of that date. On February 24, 1947 the Slovak League (Jurcak and Kocur) sent a petition to the President of the United States which read: We specifically appeal with reference to the proposed expatriation of several hundred thousand Slovaks from their homeland to the Sudetenland in Czecho-Slovakia. There is reason to believe that this is another effort to dismember this small nation and defeat permanently any effort at independence by the Slovak people.4 On March 29, 1947 Joseph Rusek, a past president of the Slovak League and an outstanding Slovak newspaperman, died in Palmyra, Pennsylvania. Husek's name is closely associated with almost half a century's activity among American Slovaks. As editor of the weekly Jednota he stood in the front ranks as a defender of Slovak national individuality he had few peers in America. He was one of the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact, and remained and unswerving proponent of its letter and spirit. Not a single question affecting Slovak welfare either in America or the old country escaped his attention in the columns of his newspaper; his analyses covered a broad spectrum of problems - social, economic, cultural and national. The uniqueness of Husek's journalistic contributions lay in his penetrating criticism. Joseph Rusek was without doubt one of the greatest Slovak newsmen of his time, or any time. To promote interest in the plight of Slovakia the �108 SLOVAKIA League opened a campaign, headed by the Rev. John J . Lach of Whiting, Indiana, for distribution of Freedom for Slovakia stamps. The profit was to be channeled into a Fund for Slovak Freedom, established to support efforts for the liberation of the Slovak nation and the organization of a democratic government in a hoped-for independent Slovak state. In addition the League's attention was taken by the bitter fate of Slovak exiles, who were not recognized by the Western powers as refugees and who therefore failed to meet eligibility requirements for legal and material assistence in resettlement. A change was achieved through the efforts of the Slovak League, which through the intervention of its president Peter Jurcak engaged the favorable attention of the International Refugee Organization, and saw its representative, Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum, received in the European headquarters of IRO in Geneva. As a result the IRO took the Slovak exile community under its protective wing. The League held a special meeting on this matter in Washington, D.C. on January 19 and 20, 1948, and committees visited American congressmen and administrative officials to work towards solution of this problem. On the 13th of July, 1948, in Springdale, Pennsylvania, John Kocur, long-time secretary of the Slovak League, died at the age of 61. The historian Dr. Francis Hrusovsky wrote of him: John A. Kocu r , in his uprightness of• char acter , his firmness of conviction, and his deep love of the Slovak nation, was a beautiful exemplification of the perfect American of Slovak extraction, who t hrough his tireless labor cultivated a deep furrow in Slovak life in America and earned an honorable niche in the history of his nation.s On December 20, 1948, in Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania, Peter P . Jurcak, attorney and president of the Slovak League, died at the age of only 48 years. With Peter Jurcak had begun a new era in the Slovak League of America-an era of dynamic workers, born in America, to be sure, but in their love for Slovakia holding steadily to the ideals of the founders and promoters of the League. Jurcak was the first president of the Slovak League who through English books and memoranda, as well as personal contacts, worked mightily to persuade American political and cultural workers to recognize the individuality and cultural �SLOVAKIA 109 distinctiveness of the Slovak nation. His activity in the Slovak League of America falls into the }lectic post-war years. He proved himself an aggressive and resourceful leader, such as was sorely needed by the Slovak League and the Slovak cause in general. During the 30th congress of the Slovak League of America on March 1 and 2, 1949 in Chicago, the delegates expressed their opposition to any form of Czecho-Slovakia, and by resolution took a stand on the Communist putsch there in February 1948: The Slovak nation by no means condones the aggressive tactics of the Communist party, but on the contrary, demanding respect for the convictions and will of the overwhelming majority, most resolutely condemns these tactics, and awaits only the opportunity to cast off this government by terror and violence.6 The congress also took a stand with respect to the new currents that appeared in the Slovak and Czech exile communities. It recognized the Slovak National Council Abroad, with Karol Sidor at the helm, as the leader in the fight for the independence of Slovakia.On the other hand "the Slovak League extends no recognition whatsoever to the Council of Free Czecho-Slovakia", wrote the new president of the League, Paul Jamriska; "it does not concede any right to the Czechs to meddle in the fate of Slovakia, and it considers those 'Czecho-Slovaks' who support the afore-mentioned organization enemies of their own nation." 7 The new vice-president of the Slovak League, Phillip A. Hrobak, began to publish in January 1949 a monthly Slovak Newsletter, dedicated to the defense of Slovak interests and the informing of American public opinion. The first issues of this periodical were devoted largely to countering the claims and theses of the Council of Free CzechoSlovakia, about which organization a leading American journal ( America) wrote: The leaders of the newly formed Council are Marxists - can Bolshevism be defeated by its own ideas? They are free thinkers and opponents of any religious instruction. What cultural ideas will they give to the unhappy Slovak people? They will have to rule in Slovakia by sheer force - could that be called democracy?B The Slovak League gained extraordinary recognition on June 26, 1949 in the House of Representatives, when the �110 SLOVAKIA Un-American Activities Committee issued a Report on the American Slav CO?uJress and Associated Organizations. This official report Cit_es the opposition of the Slovak League of America to the American Slav Congress. A whole passage is quoted from the declaration issued by the League's 29th congress, and in conclusion the Report remarks that the Slovak League and its affiliated organizations "are on record as opposed to Communist rule and as supporting 'present American foreign policy'." On the other hand this same repor~ notes that the organizations defending the idea of Czecho-Slovak unity were a mainstay of the American Slav Congress, and against them stood "the opposition of the American-Slovak League." Further the Report states : ... the friendly relations between the Benes government and the Soviet Union insured the cooperation of the bulk of the Czecho-Slovakian organizations, which constituted one of the most dependable elements in the American Slav Congress.9 The 31st congress of the Slovak League of America was held in the city of Cleveland. The delegates issued a manifest on May 24, 1950, in which they state among other things: At the end of World War II the Slovak nation found itself, despite great-power declarations affirming the principle of the self-determination of nations, back in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, in which it had no desire to live, under any condiUons. In the renewed Czecho-Slovak Republic the Slovaks lost all the prerequisites for their free national development, and in this 'people's democracy' they are suffering the unendurable fate of helpless slaves. To this political degradation, economic misery and cultural enslavement has been added religious persecution, which is designed to break the moral strength of the Slovak nation, to destroy its peculiarly Christian character, so eventually a way of life might be forced on it that would obliterate its distinctive temperament, its convictions, its long Christian traditions, and its goals. The Slovak League, in the name of justice and human rights, most resolutely protests this ruthless enslavement of the Slovak nation, and sees in the progressive constriction of the rights of the churches and the disruption of religious life in Slovakia, the rawest form of Communist barbarity.10 The opponents of the movement for independeJt Slovakia continued to bring heavy pressures against the natural leaders of the Slovak nation, even on the soil of the free nations of the world. They attempted to prevent the very visit to America of Karol Sidor, author, journalist, �SLOVAKIA 111 and one-time minister in the Slovak Republic. The strength of the Slovak League, however, rallied to the occasion, and persuaded the State Department to grant a visa to Sidor as a guest of the League. Minister Karol Sidor received a warm welcome from the delegates at the League's 31st congress. Afterwards he visited almost all the Slovak centers in the United States. He made tens of speeches, leaving deep impressions with his listeners, and helping the broad Slovak masses to orient themselves in the welter of influences and events. Phillip A. Hrobak became the new president of the Slovak League of America. In January 1951 he was the first American-Slovak leader to raise his voice against the recent trial and conviction of Slovak bishops by Communist courts in Czecho-Slovakia. He sent a memorandum to the President and Congress of the United States in which he appealed to the Government to protest publicly against these convictions and the religious persecution in Slovakia, and to sever diplomatic relations with the Prague government "which has sinned so grievously against humanity and the fundamental principles of freedom." Lastly, Hrobak requested that the American Government present a resolution to the United Nations demanding an investigation of all the crimes committed against the Slovak nation.11 In April 1951 the Slovak League sent a further memorandum to the President and Congress of the United States, in which it appealed for independence of Slovakia and again underscored its anti-Communist sentiments.12 On May 21, 1951 the delegates to the League's 32nd congress, held in New York City, adopted a declaration condemning Communism and ... the insincere and false peace propaganda which by attractive slogans of world peace is attempting to still the consciences of individual nations, and thus to distract their attention from preparations for aggression and world rule. In Moscow's peace propaganda we are witness to duplicity of such dimensions as has no parallel in history. As citizens of a free and democratic country, which guarantees us not only all rights, but also all the conditions for material welfare and spiritual progress, we construe every aggressive war as criminal, but we see as no less criminal the immoral abuse of peace slogans for military buld-up, which threatens international peace and drives humanity towards a new catastrophe. �112 SLOVAKIA The 32nd congress of the Slovak League was attended by an official representativ e of the State Department in the person of Barstow H. Underwill. Also, the American publicist, Ann Su Cardwell, presented a significant speech to the delegates. A Slovak guest was the author and journalist, general-secre tary of the Slovak National Council Abroad, Peter Pridavok, from London, England. On the occasion of this congress the Slovak League published the first issue of a quarterly called Slovakia, which was edited by its president, Phillip Hrobak. This publication presented historical and topical articles, designed to furnish accurate information about Slovakia to the American political and cultural-scien tific communities. Phillip A. Hrobak was again elected president and Dr. Francis Hrusovsky became secretary for the third time. In early 1952 the Slovak League opened an information office in the nation's capital, Washington, D.C., directed by the former Slovak diplomat Dr. Joseph Mikus. On the 23rd of May 1952 the League held a conference in Washingto, which was attended by representativ es of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the First Catholic Slovak Women's Union, the Slovak Catholic Sokol, the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, the Women's Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, the Slovak Catholic Cadet Union, the Federation of Slovak Catholics, and representativ es of the Slovak Press in America. The conference heard addresses by Senator Theodore F. Green and Congressman Charles J. Kersten. The conferees issued a declaration in which the Slovak League and its affiliated organizations reaffirmed the appeals on behalf of Slovakia presented to the U.S. Government in past years. 13 On October 28, 1952, in Monessen, Pennsylvania , died Michael Sincak, former vice-presiden t of the Slovak League and well-known fraternalist. He had been one of the most energetic organizers of Slovak life in America, devoting his efforts with particular affection to Slovak song. He collected several hundred Slovak songs and promoted them enthusiastically . The Slovak public had met his name often on the pages of Slovak newspapers. The 33rd congress of the Slovak League of America �SLOVAKIA 113 was held on the 27th and 28th of April, 1953, in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. In the two preceeding years the League's membership had increased by 2,000, its information office had proved its value, and the work of the League had aroused interest in many quarters. Among other things the League, in these two years, had presented 60 film showings. Many American politicians sent greetings to this congress. Foremost among them was the President of the United States, Dwight D. Eisenhower, who stated in his message: Our nation has been enriched by the contribution to our spiritual and economic welfare by the hundreds of thousands of Slovak people who have emigrated to the United States to find freedom and better livelihood. Experiencing and treasuring our representative democracy, our religious freedom, and our economic prosperity, Americans of Slovak descent naturally look forward eagerly to the day when the homeland of their forefathers may again know these blessings.14 This congress too passed a memorandum addressed to the President and Congress of the United States. Among other things it states: It is only natural that Americans of Slovak descent are vitally interested in the question of the national existence of the nation they are descended from. And since the Slovak nation cannot speak freely for itself, imprisoned as it is behind a forced iron curtain, the Slovak League of America has taken upon itself the obligation of pleading for the recognition and respect for the fundamental rights of the Slovak nation. Those rights are predicated in the elementary democratic principle that all peoples, wherever they may be found and however few their numbers, are morally obligated and entitled to speak in the council of nations, there to defend rights to survival and selffulfillment. The members of the Slovak League of America, including the membership of the organizations actively affiliated with it, are loyal to America because to them America is the ideal - the living symbol of freedom, tolerance and justice. They seek no special favors for the people from which they are descended but only the recognition of and respect for, the inherent and fundamental rights of the Slovak nation. We firmly believe that it is in the highest interests of America and the rest of the free world that the Slovaks be free and have their independent state.1s At the 33rd congress, which again elected Phillip A. Hrobak president, an honored guest was the former Slovak diplomat and active political worker in exile, Matus Cernak, from Munich, Germany. His speeches among American Slovaks provided a strong stimulus to interests in Slovak affairs . • On March 5, 1953, in Scranton, Pennsylvania, died the �114 SLOVAKIA Reverend John Porubsky, first secretary of the Slovak League, author and newspaperman of extraordinary talent. He was 79 years old. For half a century he had filled the columns of Slovak newspapers and almanacs in America, under his own name as well as under several pseudonyms (Sestros, Stary Farmer). John Porubsky was a living Slovak chronicle. He knew the history of the Slovak nation, particularly that of its American off-shoot. He applied himself on the one hand to the earthy problems of animal husbandry and farming, and on the other, to the more elevated fields of history and literature. Slovak literature he enriched with scores of essays and articles, crowning his efforts with a History of Slovak Literature. On October 20, 1953, in Montreal, Canada, died Karol Sidor, who in the Slovak movement for independence, occupies a position only slightly behind Andrej Hlinka and Dr. Joseph Tiso. The range of his interests was wide and varied, including at many points the affairs of American Slovaks. He had contacts with them, recognized their existence and needs; and it was Karol Sidor who first approached the writing of serious American-Slovak history with his work Slovdci v zahranicnom odboji (1928) (The Contributions of Slovaks Abroad to the Struggle for Independence of Slovakia). Sidor had particularly warm relations with the Slovak League of America. Among his personal friends were Phillip A. Hrobak and Dr. Peter P. Hletko. On the 24th and 25th of May, 1954 the Slovak League held another conference in WRshington, D.C. Tens of congressmen came to extend their greetings, as did representatives of various Central-European nationalities and exile groups. President Dwight D. Eisenhower, Vice-President Richard M. Nixon, and Secretary of State John Foster Dulles sent separate messages to the conference. Dulles' statement included the following : Our government is deeply concerned about the plight of the Slovak people and of the other peoples of Central and Eastern Europe under the present Soviet-controlled regimes.16 The conference issued a declaration which touches on a number of topical subjects. It reads in part: We heartily commend all efforts on the part of our Government, �SLOVAKIA 115 its agencies and Congressional Committee to ferret out, unmask and prosecute all subversive elements, specifically all communists and fellow-travellers, which propagate class hatreds, economic strife, chaos and anarchy. All persons and organizations, who wittingly or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of Communism, should be thoroughly investigated by the proper organs of the Government. Concerning Slovakia the declaration emphasizes: As Christians and adherents of the democratic way of life, we resolutely oppose the domination and exploiitation of any nation by any other nation or political state. The Slovak nation did not want to be dominated by the Magyars prior to 1918 and, today, does not want to be ruled by the Czech nation. We firmly believe that the national existence and the welfare of the Slovak nation can best be safeguarded by the Slovaks themselves in their own Slovak Republic.17 In the year 1954, thanks to the efforts of Phillip Hrobak, president of the Slovak League, a number of Slovaks testified before committees of the American Congress which were investigating the fate of nations behind the iron curtain. Phillip Hrobak presented testimony in which he reviewed the history of the Slovak nation, with emphasis on its contemporary tribulations. In the Congress a special subcommittee was formed for Poland, Lithuania and Slovakia, and the testimony was printed in a publication titled Investigation of Communist Takeover and Occupation of Poland, Lithuania, and Slovakia. In these hearings American officials received more information about Slovakia and the Slovaks than ever before. The greatest credit for enabling the Slovaks to speak freely before the committee of the American Congress belong to Congressman Charles J. Kersten, Chairman of the Committee, and Congressman Alvin N. Bentley, a member of the Committee. Congressman Bentley was a guest of the Slovak League at its 34th congress, which took place on the 23rd and 24th of May, 1955, in Washington, D.C. In his address he designated as the greatest bane of the Slovak nation the socalled Czech Slovaks. He declared at the same time that the American Government should recognize the demands of the Slovak League of America. Vice-President Nixon spoke for the Administration in a written message to the congress. The 130 delegates approved a memorandum which in substance made the same demands for Slovak rights as had previous memoranda. �116 SLOVAKIA This congress also observed the one-hundredth anniversary of the birth of the League's founder, the Reverend Stephen Furdek. On this occasion the Slovak League made a decision to sponsor the publication of a history of Slovakia in the English language. This announcement evoked such enthusiasm among the delegates and guests that they contributed more than $5,000.00 to the treasury of the League for this end. The Slovak League again commemorated the onehundredth anniversary of the birth of its founder in a joint observance with the First Catholic Slovak Union, held in Cleveland, Ohio, on the 4th and 5th of September, 1955. Approximately 10,000 American Slovaks attended the affair. The life and work of the Reverend Furdek were presented by Phillip Hrobak in a booklet titled The Reverend Stephen Furdek. 1855-1955. For Slovak readers a booklet by Joseph Pauco was issued, under the title stefan Furdek a slovenske prist'ahovalectvo (Stephen Furdek and the Slovak Immigration). On November 20, 1955, in Lakewood, Ohio, Martin Slimak, a past vice-president of the Slovak League, and otherwise well-known fraternalist and financier, died at the age of 70. He was one of the most colorful figures in American-Slovak life. On July 5, 1955 news spread through the world of the dastardly murder of the outstanding Slovak politician, Matus Cernak. He was assassinated in Munich, Germany. The world press concluded unanimously that the case involved political murder. The culprits were never discovered by the police, but in Slovak circles little doubt exists that they were Communist agents. In 1956 the Slovak League was accorded one of the highest distinctions possible when on October 24th its eight-member delegation was received in audience by Secretary-of-State John F. Dulles. The Secretary entertained the delegates for almost half an hour and answered a whole series of questions which they put to him. At the head of this delegation was Phillip A. Hrobak, president of the League. The Hungarian uprising in 1956 touched off strong reverberations in Slovakia, as it did elsewhere. Reports in �SLOVAKIA 117 the American press spoke of unrest in Slovak towns and a general mood for revolt. But the eruption of rebellious feelings into overt act was effectively forestalled by the Czecho-Slovak army, which was controlled in all key positions by Czech officers. These circumstances and realities were pointed out by the Slovak League and the Slovak National Council Abroad in a joint memorandum to the United Nations. This memorandum presented a detailed description of the mood in Slovakia and reviewed the events had taken place there since 1945. The memorandum also notes the fact that by 1956, 320,000 Slovaks had been resettled in the Sudetenland. "This transfer of Slovak population," states the memorandum, "has much in common with deportations of the Baltic population to Siberia by the Soviets. The main purpose of the Prague Government is to cut people from their native roots and thus weaken the resistance which the compact mass of the Slovak population could exert against both Communism and also Czech domination. Prague obviously figures that the Slovak population, submerged thus by its new Czech environment, will finally lose its original Slovak character and become either entirely Czech, or at least proletarian."18 On May 31, 1956, in Owosso, Michigan, Julius Janci, American-Slovak doctor, member of the executive board of the Slovak League of America, and promoter of Slovak culture in America, died at the age of 51. He was one of the best known figures of Slovak life in the United States. On September 9, 1956 the Slovak League lost its secretary, Dr. Francis Hrusovsky. Death took him at the age of 53. He had plowed a deep furrow in Slovak life--as a national historian, and as an expert in the history and contemporary affairs of the American Slovaks. He was also an outstanding newspaperman and first-rate speaker. His loss was particularly painful for the Slovak League of America. The Abbot of the Monastery of St. Andrew Svorad in Cleveland, Ohio, Right Reverend Theodore Kojis, O.S.B. wrote of this outstanding Slovak: When nine years ago he came to us in Cleveland, it was as if the whole of Slovakia had come to us: with his simple faith in God, �116 SLOVAKIA his broad erudition, his intense desire for freedom and justice, his modesty, his industry, all his beauty of soul, Dr. Hru~ovsky personified the best of Slovak virtue and nobility.1 9 The 50th anniversary of the founding of the Slovak League of America came in the year 1957. The occasion was celebrated in conjunction with the League's 35th congress, which was held in Cleveland on the 26th to the 28th of May. A distinguished guest was the American bishop of Slovak extraction, the Right Reverend Andrew Grutka, D. D., of Gary, Indiana, who stated in an address: The Slovaks are one of the most godfearing of nations: this makes me happy to profess my national origin ; I love my native tongue. 20 During the congress extraordinary attention was aroused by a display featuring the life of the American Slovaks from the days of the pioneers to recent times. The exhibit in pictures, documents, newspapers, carvings, and statistical charts, engaged the interest of the Slovak public, and the American public as well. It was viewed in Benedectine High School by approximately 7,000 Slovaks and non-Slovaks. The local press, radio and television gave it exceptionally good coverage. In the preparation of this exhibit Constantine Culen, author and secretary of the Slovak League, accomplished a most worth-while bit of work. The leading Slovak writer and last director of the free Matica Slovenska, J . C. Hronsky, gave symbolic voice to the sentiments of the humiliated and silenced Slovak nation in anniversary greetings to this congress. "Slovak blood sends you greetings here today," went his salutation from far-off Argentina, "bidding you joy in your deliberations - because you have not betrayed it; because it still flows robustly in your veins; because it remains the same proud blood that has refused to bow in Slovakia, and has so often in the past been tempered to toughness by dungeon and gallow, as it continues to be today; because it refuses to stoop to self-betrayal."21 The delegates to the 35th congress of the Slovak League, who again elected Phillip Hrobak president and Constantine Culen secretary, adopted a memorandum in which they stressed: We rededicate ourselves to the preservation of the basic moral �SLOVAKIA 119 principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence, the Con• stitution, and the Bill of Rights of the United States of America . They declared further : .. . on the solemn occasion of our Golden Jubilee, as represen• tatives of the vast majority of the Slovak ethnic group, we deem it our moral right and obligation to respectfully request, seek, and, if the need arises, to insist that our Government through its executive branch, in its various sections and divisions, not excluding our able ambassador to the United Nations, take all legitimate avenues of action in keeping with the sacred moral law of God and the law of nations to make certain that a true and lasting independent Slovakia may again take its rightful place in the community of nations which seek to preserve peace and promulgate the brotherhood of man and the fatherhood of God.22 The leaders of the Slovak League prepared a special bi-lingual publication for this occasion, in which they reviewed the broad principles of the jubilating organiza. tion.23 The jubilee observance was rounded out by a com• plementary festivity - the first presentation on American soil of the "Andrew Hlinka Cup". The keepers of the cup, with Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum at their head, honored the president of the Slovak League and longtime editor of the newspaper Jednota, Phillip Hrobak, for his many contribu• tions to Slovak life, in particular for his contribution to American Slovaks of "a grammar and dictionary, and because with his aggresive elan, his perseverance and fear• lessness both as a newspaperman and as an organizer, he personifies the finest qualities, such as graced not only Uudovit stur, but also the first recipient of the cup, Andrew Hlinka, and those who came after."24 Phillip Hrobak remained at his post alert to developments on the international scene, and at the same time keeping American administrative circles informed of Slovak interests. He made several trips to Washington in 1958. His appeals and petitions were corroborated by reports in the American press, which wrote with admiration of developments in Slovakia. For instance the New York Times on January 13, 1958 carried a report which read: "The imperialists want to overthrow," announced the Czech communist, general-secretary of the Communist Party in Slovakia, Karel Bacilek, "our people's democracy by using Slovakia as a channel. Bourgeois nationalism is �120 SLOVAKIA allied with Ludakism and finds expression in an outcry against Czechs working in Slovakia." Another American newspaper disclosed: Slovakia, which has been more anti-Communist than some other East European countries, has experienced a new wave of anti-Czech, anti-Russian feeling in the past few months, and with Bulgaria is considered one of the Russian's most restless satellites.25 The League conducted its 36th congress on the 14th and 15th of June 1959 in Johnstown, Pennsylvania. It directed its attention to matters of American-Slovak cultural and civic life, and again declared itself for freedom and independence of Slovakia in the spirit of the address of its honorary president, Msgr. Francis Dubosh, who asserted: Our duty is to persevere in the struggle against Communism and to bolster everywhere the principles of democratic thought, democratic action, and the victory of democracy over dictatorship. This must also be the motivation of all our efforts with respect to the Slovak nation, to which we wish the same kind of freedom that we ourselves enjoy. In the struggle for an independent Slovakia the Slovak League will never, under any circumstances, capitulate. 26 The delegates unanimously reinstated Phillip Hrobak at the helm of the League, and Constantine culen at the post of secretary. In 1959 regional and local assemblies of the League prepared fitting commemorations of the 20th anniversary of the establishment of the Slovak Republic. A year later, through the initiative of Phillip Hrobak, president of the League, for the first time a public prayer for the Slovak nation was invoked on the floor of the American Congress. The March 14, 1960 session of the House of Representatives was opened by Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B., with the following prayer: Almighty God, heavenly Father, we beseach Thee to continue to bless our leaders so that they may always conscientiously serve the best interest of our nation and its people and thus remain in the favor of Thy Divine Providence. We pray Thee, God of Mercy, to mitigate the sufferings of all enslaved victims of brutal Communism and, in particular, on this solemn occasion of the Twenty-First Anniversary of the Proclamation of Slovak Independence, we implore Thee to grant the same blessings of freedom to the Slovak nation as Thou hast deigned to give us in our United States, so that Slovakia likewise, should have a 'government of the people, by the people, for the people'. �SLOVAKIA 121 Lord, hear our prayers. And let our cries come unto Thee. Amen. 2 7 On May 9, 1960, in Whiting, Indiana, died the Reverend John Lach, a former member of the executive board of the Slovak League, cultural and social worker, particularly well-known as a generous patron of Slovak literary endeavors. "He was known and beloved not only among American Slovaks, but also among the Slovaks beyond the sea. His place was among the outstanding personalities of Slovak national life. He radiated love for his priestly calling, and for the Slovak people, and the Slovak people responded with the kind of love only they can show for the priests they love and for their genuine leaders ... " 28 The 37th congress of the Slovak League took place in the city of New York, on the 29th and 30th of May, 1961. It was conducted in the spirit of the preceeding congresses. The president of the First Catholic Slovak Union, John A. Sabol, described the Slovak League of America on this occasion as the finest heritage left by its founder Stephen Furdek. 29 This congress too, aproved a comprehensive memorandum in which the League expressed its loyalty to the United States and its government, and at the same time renewed its pleas for the liberation of the Slovak nation. In the memorandum are found the following statements: As Americans we sincerely believe that every nation, large and small, has the inherent, God-given right to freedom and independence, the right to its own nationhood and statehood. We believe, too, that liberty cannot be exercised by proxy and that all nations are entitled to a voice in the determination of their own destinies ... It is only natural that Americans of Slovak descent are vitally interested in the question of the national existence of the nation they are descended from. And since the Slovak nation cannot speak freely for itself, imprisoned as it is behind the Iron Curtain, the Slovak League of America has taken upon itself the obligation of pleading for the recognition of and respect for the fundamental rights of the Slovak nation. These rights are predicated in the elementary democratic principle that all peoples, wherever they may be found and however few their numbers, are morally obligated and entitled to speak in the council of nations, there to defend their rights to survival and self-fulfillment.30 Phillip Hrobak was again elected to the post of president of the Slovak League. The preceding five years had witnessed an outbreak �122 SLOVAKIA of considerable feuding among American Slovaks. The strife carried over into the Slovak League, which was thus hampered in the conduct of the activities which clamored for its attention. In the year 1962 all the clashes and disputes in the Slovak press were brought to a close. The 38th congress, convened in Detroit, Michigan, on the 27th to the 29th of May, turned its attention to this problem. It reflects well on the perspicacity of all the groups which sent delegates to this congress, that they were able to reach an agreement and to dispel the belligerence that had discouraged and retarded the cultural and national activities of American Slovaks. Dr. Peter P. Hletko became the new president of the League at this congress. Also, a decision was made to restore the office of the secretary, and to this post was elected Dr. Joseph Pauco. The proceedings of the congress were conducted on a high level. It was visited and addressed by several American politicians, foremost among whom was the Governor of the State of Michigan, J. S . Swainson. In 1963 American Slovaks joined everywhere in the free world in commemorating with appropriate ceremony and solemnity the 1100th anniversary of the advent of the apostles Cyril and Methodius in Slovakia. The League rose to its calling on this occasion, too. Phillip Hrobak, continuing in the post of editor of the periodical Slovakia, dedicated the 1963 issue to the memorable Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee. He himself, along with other contributors, illuminated the importance and far-reaching significance of Christian culture and Christian morals for the Slovak nation. In addition, the Slovak League convoked a national conference in Washington, D.C., on the 5th and 6th of April, 1963, which marked this anniversary with fitting observances, and also commemorated another event of great national significance, the centenary of the founding of the Matica Slovenska, the outstanding Slovak cultural institution. Lectures on the significance of these anniversaries were presented in Slovak by Dr. Joseph Stasko, and in English by Phillip A. Hrobak. The occasion was also observed with religious ceremonies in the National Shrine of the �SLOVAKIA 123 Immaculate Conception, in Washington, D.C., which were conducted by the Reverend Paul Miklosovic, J.C.D., of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Also on this occasion, a delegation of the Slovak League, led by its president Peter P. Hletko and Phillip A. Hrobak, executive-board member, visited the State Department and again ventilated the demands of the Slovak League in the interest of the liberation of Slovakia. Thanks to the initiative of Phillip A. Hrobak the Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee received a signal commemoration on the floor of the American House of Representatives, when on March 14, 1963, the invocation was spoken by the Very Reverend Joseph Baran, V.F., from Lansford, Pennsylvania. A further project of the Slovak League of America in this connection was developed primarily through the initiative of its secretary: requests were sent to the governors of the States of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois, Wisconsin, and Michigan to declare days, weeks or months as commemorative observances of the CyriloMethodian Jubilee. Such observances were in fact proclaimed in all seven of the above-named states, which contain an absolute majority of Slovaks living in the United States. 31 The Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee and the Matica centenary called forth the finest efforts of the Slovak League, because the events they commemorate are deeply woven into the fabric of the Slovak national character-they form the pith and substance of the Slovak national heritage. To review: The Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee recalls the historical fact that the Slovaks are one of the oldest nations in Central Europe. Eleven hundred years ago they accepted Christianity and with it also Christian culture and civilization, whereby they definitely joined themselves with the western cultural world. The entire history of the Slovak people is characterized by this orientation. After the advent of the Slovak Apostles, a wealth of Slovak literature emanated in Slovakia which later became also the foundation of the literary culture of the other Slovanic nations. With the fall of Great Moravia, at the beginning of the tenth century, this culture gradually disappeared in Slovakia, because the Slovaks, after the collapse of their first political entity, came under the hegemony of the Magyars in Hungary, where Latin gradually replaced the ancient Slovak language as a literary medium. Politically, however, Slovakia retained �124 SLOVAKIA its independent status for many years. During the reign of Matus (Matthew) Cak of Trencin in the 14th century who controlled a large part of the Slovak country, Slovakia had its own army and its own mint ; and Matus concluded his own treaties with other countries without regard for Hungarian kings. Despite the fact that Slovaks had to suffer the hegemony of the Magyars for long centuries, they never renounced their Cyrilo-Methodian tradition, which became an integral part of their national ideology_ From the fifteenth century they are manifesting their adherence to the glorious past of their ancestors in numerous songs and historical works, thus demonstrating their antiquity and their claim to equality with the Magyars in old Hungary. In the middle of the nineteenth century the Slovaks, under the leadership of Louis Stur, Joseph Miloslav Hurban and Michael Hodfa, declared their independence and broke out in armed revolt against Magyar hegemony. In this struggle the Slovaks fondly recalled their first political entity, Great Moravia of the ninth century, and their national culture which was founded by SS. Cyril and Methodius. In 1863, despite the disfavor and opposition of Magyar authorities, the Slovaks celebrated the Millenium of the advent of SS. Cyril and Methodius to Slovakia in practically every town and hamlet. The same year, to honor their Apostles, the Slovaks established the Matica Slovenska. And in the first half of the nineteenth century the bard of Slovakia, Jan Holly, wrote his great epic "Cyrilo-Methodiada," which is unique in European literature, glorifying the merits of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The cult of SS. Cyril and Methodius is wide-spread not only in Slovakia, but also wherever the Slovaks live, especially in the United States of America. This certainly is proof positive that the Slovaks are conscious of their cultural and .political antiquity. In America this cult is attested to by the numerous churches, schools, monasteries and fraternal societies that bear the name of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The Slovaks in the free world are commemorating the 1,lO0th anniversary of the advent of SS. Cyril and Methodius to Slovakia in a grandiose manner. Besides religious and national celebrations in the United States and Canada, the Slovaks are planning two pilgrimages to Rome, the Eternal City where St. Cyril is buried, where they will dedicate the Institute of SS. Cyril and Methodius on September 15, 1963, the seminary made possible by the gifts of Slovaks in the free world to train young men for the priesthood who will one day, God willing, do missionary work in a free Slovakia. Slovak poets of the free world are publishing a collection of poems to honor the memory of the Slovak Apostles; writers and journalists are extending themselves to the utmost to make the cult of 88. Cyril and Methodius better known to the non-Slovak world. All this forcefully stresses the fact that the Slovaks - after 1,100 years - are still spiritually connected with their ancient past, with their own Great Moravian Empire, and with the foundations of the literary culture established by SS. Cyril and Methodius. All these celebrations and commemorations are at the same time a clear expression of the desire of the Slovaks for political freedom, for a free culture, for a free religious life. The Slovaks in the free world, under the leadership of the Slovak League of America, are at this time also reminding the free world that �SLOVAKIA 125 their brethren in Slovakia, suffering under the brutal tyranny of the communists of Prague and Moscow, never did and never shall renounce their right to the political independence of Slovakia. This their right emanates from their political history and from their national and cultural antiquity. From Slovakia eleven hundred years ago Christianity spread to the Czech land, to Poland, to Hungary, to Bulgaria, and even to Russia. All these nations enjoyed a more fortunate past, they were able to create their own political states, only the Slovaks - one of the oldest nations in Central Europe - could not validate for long centuries their yearning and their right to their own state, because of the chauvinism and avariciousness of the nations that ruled over them. This year's great jubilee of the Slovak past is again a confirmation of the viability of the Slovak nation, of its loyalty to valid Christian val ues and, at the same time, an expression of the firm will of the Slovak to live an independent life, the kind of life ordained by God for man and for nations, the kind of life all nations of the world have the inherent right to live. The Slovak League of America, fully aware of its responsibility and fully conscious of its historical mission, expresses its profound feelings of fraternal relations with the suffering nation we are descended from, and in this great Slovak year, assembled in Washington, D.C., we again solemnly declare that we shall continue to exert ourselves, by all legal and ethical means at our disposal, for the preservation of the heritage of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Bernolak, and the Matica Slovenska, among American Slovaks, and that we shall continue in our effort to gain the favor of our American Government in the interest of renewing the free Slovak State in which, with the cooperation of all free nations, the Slovaks will fully enjoy the blessings of true freedom, the beginning and the end of which is the Gospel, and the most beautiful fruit of which. is contained in the testament of our Slovak Apostles, SS. Cyril and Methodius.32 Whereas the Slovak League had directed the Washington Declaration of 1963 to the American public at large, it addressed itself anew to topical political demands in a memorandum sent to Secretary-of-State Dean Rusk on October 7, 1963. This memorandum reads in part: As a representative of the United States government the President has asked me to tell you that the United States will continue to support the just aspirations of all people in the world for independence and liberty-aspirations which the Slovaks share today with many other captive nations. We hail and welcome this assurance from our President and we request, Mr. Secretary of State, that you graciously recognize the fact that the Slovak League of America represents over 300,000 organized Americans of Slovak extraction and as such deems it its sacred duty to speak before the American Government in behalf of the Slovak nation which now lives under a Communist form of government and is unable to speak out for its rights and self-determination of its freedom and independence. The movement for an independent Slovakia is very strong at this time in Europe as well as here in America. Just in the past few months -as may be verified by our Ambassador in Prague, a strong wave of �126 SLOVAKIA resistance swept across Slovakia against the Czech Stalinists who for years were represented in Bratislava by their own man, Karel Bacilek, the secretary general of the Communist party. Slovak Communists with strong nationalistic inclinations forced the Prague government to recall Bacilek, and another Stalinist, Premier Viliam Siroky. In addition, they forced the posthumous rehabilitation of the former secretary of foreign affairs, Vlado Clementis, a Slovak, whom the Stalinists have executed. Along with Clementis, other nationalistically inclined Communists in Slovakia, who had been jailed during <the era of the Czech Stalinists, were pardoned, namely: Dr. Gustav Husak and Ladislav Novomesky. Membership in the Communist party was restored to both and their voice is now being heard more and more in Slovakia. Husak was removed some 10 years ago because immediately after the Second World War he clamored for an independent Soviet Slovak Republic and took a stand against the Czecho-Slovak Republic. According to information we have, the situation in Slovakia during the last four months is very similar and almost as explosive as was the situation in Hungary in 1956, which led to the well-known revolt against the Soviets. The Slovaks, of course, have no assurance from the outside world that they would be provided help if they revolted against the Prague and Moscow governments. Without such assurance any attempted revolt must prove foolhardy. The recent retreat of Moscow in Prague, while only in the Communist ranks thus for, is apparent in Slovakia. The nationalists are acquiring a voice and it appears that there is no force that can stop them . Naturally, we in no way support and will not support any Communist movement. But it is apparent and clear to us that Slovak patriotism in the political aspects has deep roots in the anti-Communist movement in Slovakia as well as in the ranks of the Slovak Communists themeselves. For that reason we are stronger and stronger in our conviction that it is our moral duty to come to the defense of the sovereign rights of the Slovak nation from which we have descended and to ask for that much recognition in a practical political sense as was expressed and interpreted to us by the brother of our President, John F. Kennedy. 33 The historic city of Philadelphia hosted the 39th Congress of the Slovak League of America, on the 3rd to the 5th of May, 1964. The highlight of the Congress was a conference of young Americans of Slovak extraction. More than 80 young men and women participated. All walks of American-Slovak life were represented, and the discussion was extremely lively as the young people made suggestions for new forms of work. Out of the conference came a recommendation for the reorganization of courses in the Slovak language at various American centers. And the meeting issued an unanimous affirmation of the political program of the Slovak League: "Independence for Slovakia. This program is the most effective means of upholding Slovak consciousness."34 �SLOVAKIA 127 The 39th Congress set forth its sympathetic support of the aspirations of the Slovak nation, when it declared in a special proclamation: As representatives of the vast majority of the Slovak ethnic group of Americans, we deem it our moral duty to move for, seek and, as dutiful citizens, rightfully demand, that our duly elected officialsnational, state and municipal-give a sympathetic ear to our pleas and that they take all legitimate avenues of action to bring about their fruition . Soberly mindful of the soul searching efforts of the Constitutional Fathers, ·here in this City of Brotherly Love, and in a humble effort to make comparable worthy contributions towards the liberation of our brethren and kinfolk from the tyranny and yoke of atheistic Soviet Communism in our ancestral land of Slovakia, we unanimously adopt this form of proclamation to put in operation our highly principled aims. We, accordingly, request our member organizations and their membership to solicit their local, state and federal officials for the assistance needed to reestablish, in God's good time, Slovakia as a free state in central Europe, an independent Slovakia, firmly dedicated to the moral principles upon which our own United States of America and all Western civilization stand and must stand or be doomed to the extinction that befell the Roman civilization and its predecessors.35 1 From the comprehensive report presented to the 39th Congress of the Slovak League by its president, Dr. Peter P. Hletko, clear evidence emerges that the League had advanced both morally and materially in the period following the Detroit congress. A generally enlivened interest had coursed through the organization, which was reflected in positive responses, from the Slovak man-in-the-street, as well as from American politicians - governors of states to members of Congress. Several regional conferences of the Slovak League were conducted with marked success, and the treasury of the League recorded a gain of over $10,000.00.36 President Hletko declined to run for reelection and in his place the delegates to the 39th Congress elected Mr. Stephen J. Tkac; Dr. Pauco was reelected to the office of Secretary-Treasurer. In 1964 the Slovak League of America commemorated, with a special declaration, the one-hundredth anniversary of the birth of Andrew Hlinka, and the twenty-fifth anniversary of the declaration of Slovak independence. In the declaration it reaffirmed that: �128 SLOVAKIA The 14th of March remains an extraordinarily important milestone in Slovak history. This is true not only because, after long centuries of subjection, the Slovak nation had once more become master of its own destinies, but also because after March 14, 1939, there is no power on earth that can wipe from the souls of nationally conscious Slovaks the desire for independence and their own democratically administered state.37 The Slovak League and American Slovaks in general suffered painful losses in the year 1964. On January 10, in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, died Phillip A. Hrobak. "Only future decades will reveal what a loss for all of us was the death of the zealous, industrious, and noble Phillip Hrobak ... his drive was not after venal mammon, or earthly glory - on the contrary, the work of his life was motivated by sincere conviction and holy enthusiasm", wrote Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B.38 Bishop Andrew Grutka rounded out Hrobak's profile: His departure deprives Slovaks and people of Slovak extraction of a courageous defender and zealous promoter whose weapons and tool was a pen. With the pen he has enshrined himself in the hearts of Slovaks. The world over his name will be indelibly inscribed in the pages of history as one who labored for God and country untiringly and unselfishly.39 Phillip Hrobak "never wavered, never strayed from the Slovak line; never backed down - but stood an unflinching guard over the finest aspirations of his nation; he was the gallant warrior who was not affraid of battle, and who always knew that his place was in the raging center of the battle."40 Another worker of great merit in the spheres of church and nationality, Monsignore Francis Dubosh, spoke the following testimonial: ... a man like Phillip Hrobak is outstanding. To him, an American of Slovak origin, freedom was not an empty word, it was not a fetish, but it was something real. It was an actual right given by the Creator himself, and not by some human government. Some human governments have usurped to themselves the right of granting or denying freedom to men and nations. Against these, Phillip Hrobak, a man of deep faith and love for God and men, took up the cudgel and fought, in season and out of season, to restore the divine right of freedom to all men, and in particular to the Slovak nation, from which he descended, of which he was never ashamed, and which nation he loved.41 Almost never before had an American-Slovak leader received the kind of recognition that came to the deceased Phillip Hrobak, and this was so because, in the words of �SLOVAKIA 129 the editor af Slovenska Obrana, "we can say without fear of contradiction that Hrobak performed a service of high merit for his nation. He left behind himself work of lasting value." 42 Shortly after Hrobak another eminent Slovak newspaperman and writer died: the former Secretary of the Slovak League, Constantine culen. Death struck him in the city of New York, on April 7, 1964. In culen the Slovaks lost one of the most aggressive and representative figures of their era. Constantine culen was the first Slovak writer to undertake systematic research in the history of American Slovaks, and the first to write a part of that history. He prepared many rich chapters in the history of parishes, movements, organizations, societies; he wrote biographies of priests; and he steadily pursued this line of work to the end. Even the first biography of the Reverend Stephen Furdek was prepared by Constantine culen. This work was written during the period of the Slovak Republic, when the daily siovak, in particular, regularly featured sketches of American-Slovak past and present, from the pen of Constantine culen. Constantine culen was first to bring about a reapprochement between Slovak America and the land of its origins. And had he accomplished nothing more as a writer and newspaperman, this accomplishment alone would rate him with the best - to be remembered as one of the foremost Slovak intellectuals of our century.43 On May 8, 1964, in the city of New York, died a former vice-president of the Slovak League of America and versatile correspondent of the Slovak newspapers, a man beloved among the Slovak rank-and-file-John Horecky. In Philadelphia the second vice-president-elect of the Slovak League, Dr. Paul Miklosovic, died suddenly on June 26, 1964, not having yet assumed office. He had been one of the most enlightened Slovak priests in America. On the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the declaration of the Slovak Republic he had pronounced the invocation to a session of the Senate of the United States. In it he spoke of the Slovaks, who "had always turned their eyes and hearts to the United States of America, knowing it to be strong, magnanimous, patient, and understanding."44 The new officers of the Slovak League of America addressed both candidates for the Presidency of the United States in a letter dated October 14, 1964, which stated in part: �130 SLOVAKIA The Slovak League of America is concerned that up to this time there has not been an announcement by your party about the future of the peoples in Central Europe, where -0ur heritage stems and where over four million Slovaks suffer under Russian Communism and Czech domination and centralization. It is our conviction that the Slovaks have the God-given right to independence, because it is a people with over 1100 years of cultural background and a nation that has been striving for hundreds of years for freedom ... The Slovak League of America requests full recognition of American Slovaks in matters concerning ethnic groups and asks that our foreign policy concerned with oppressed peoples does not forget about the Slovaks in Central Europe and their birthright for independence. On October 21, 1965 the Slovak League addressed a letter to President L. B. Johnson, expressing approval of his policies in Vietnam, but reminding him at the same time of the plight of the Slovaks under Communism and their struggle for freedom and independence. In the spirit of the above-mentioned letters delegations of the Slovak League, headed by its president Stephen J. Tkac, visited the State Department on September 3, 1965 and March 28, 1966, where they presented petitions concerning the Voice of America and other administrative agencies. In these petitions the League requested that the organizational structure of these agencies be adjusted to allow for Slovak sections, separate and apart from existing Czech and Czecho-Slovak counterparts. Likewise, these delegations informed the State Department of the situation in Slovakia, placing particular stress on evidence that the Slovak movement for complete freedom was now much stronger than it had been in the years 1938-1939. The leadership of the League was given assurances that its petitions and related information were under study and had been passed on to the proper channels. In the spirit of the decisions of the 39th Congress of the Slovak League, its chief officers made overtures to the Slovak Lutherans (Evangelicals) of the United States for a strengthening of mutual ties and cooperation. This work was carried on by members of a special committee, which included Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B., Dr. Peter P. Hletko, and Paul Jamriska. Particularly wide-ranging efforts in this direction were developed by Dr. Joseph Pauco, Secretary-Treasurer of the League - through personal and �SLOVAKIA 131 official contacts with various religious, national, and fraternal organizations of the Slovak Lutherans of the United States. A special campaign for reapproachment with the Lutherans was conducted on the pages of the weekly Slovak v Amerike, of which Dr. Pauco is publisher. An address which the Secretary-Treasurer presented to the Synod of the Slovak Lutherans held in Johnstown, Pennsylvania, on June 2, 1965, was described in their official publication as historic. "All these steps", said the president of the League Stephen J. Tkac in his report to the 40th Congress, "the meetings, articles, discussions and solemn pronouncements, have brought forth fruit. There is noticeable, in the first place, a relaxation of mutual tensions, and in both camps exploration of grounds for cooperation. I think that a most essential step has been taken and we have begun to talk. Our discussions are calm, we are exchanging views and accomplishing in the social and national spheres what has been taking place among Christian church groups in matters of a spiritual nature." 45 Cooperation with Slovak organizations and periodicals between the 39th and 40th congress was very good. Many regional and local units of the League held observances in 1965 and 1966, as in prior years, of March 14, Slovak Independence Day. These observances were designed to call to the American public's attention the fact that free Slovaks earnestly support freedom and independence for the nation from which they are descended. The publication Slovakia was issued in the years 1965 and 1966 under the editorship of Dr. Joseph Pauco, in 160 pages. Many universities, public libraries, and many young Slovak Americans evinced interest in this periodical, which is dedicated to Slovak cultural and national matters of the past and present. Financially the Slovak League entered the 40th Congress with a cash balance of over $18,000.00. The 40th Congress of the Slovak League was conducted on the 15th to the 17th of May, 1966, in the city of Youngstown, Ohio. A second conference of young people was �132 SLOVAKIA attended by over 100 participants. With Dr. Peter Hletko at the chair many matters of interest to young American Slovaks were debated and the participants expressed their viewpoints. Attorney Edward J. Behuncik, first vice-president of the League, delivered a talk on Slovak self-respect and pride. The young people requested further such conferences, in conjunction with congresses of the League, and outside them. The Slovak League also arranged with representatives of organizations which lively interest was developed for in the preservation of Slovak cultural in America. special conferences and periodicals, at further cooperation and national values The Congress approved the establishment of a scholarship fund for American college students of Slovak extraction, who would study Slovak history and arts, and would write serious studies in these fields. Discussion in the Congress was constructive and favorable to the strengthening of ecumenical ideas. At the closing banquet the benediction was invoked by a Lutheran Dean, Rev. August skodacek; another Lutheran pastor, the Reverend Andrew Rolik sent written salutations; and the Reverend Rudolph Flachbarth came to extend personal well-wishes, and to sit with the League's leaders in work sessions. At the banquet of the 40th Congress the principal address was presented by Congressman Michael A. Feighan, who evaluated the patriotic program of the Slovak League, expressed high praise for the Christian ideals of the Slovak nation, and announced that he had presented a demand to the Administration for a separate Slovak section in the Voice of America. In closing he declared: While the evil hand of Russian Communism continues its attempts to destroy the very spirit of Saints Cyril and Methodius and to reduce the Slovak people to a state of complete servility, the Slovak people refuse to surrender that which, over a thousand years, they have continued to fi ght for - their spirit of independence, of justice and of freedom.46 The 40th Congress too approved a meaningful memorandum, in which the delegates noted, among other things: The eventual liberation of our brethren and kinfolk, and, in the �SLOVAKIA 133 ecumenical spirit, all mankind from the tyranny and yoke of atheistic materialism of Communism must and will be our continuous goal. The reestablishment of an independent Slovakia as a free state in a united Europe must be, and, in God's good time, will be brought about through the efforts of our members and the peoples of other God fearing, oppressed ethnic groups and nations.4 7 The local American press, as well as radio and television, brought noteworthy attention to the 40th Congress of the Slovak League of America. From this standpoint it was one of the most successful congresses in the history of the League. The delegates in Youngstown approved a motion to celebrate the 60th anniversary of the founding of the League in the month of May 1966, in the city of Cleveland, Ohio. Preparations were started immediately after the conclusion of the congress and the executive board shifted most of its energies to this purpose. Nevertheless, oranizational and cultural work was by no means neglected, and further contacts with Administration people were steadily cultivated. President Stephen J. Tkac and Secretary-Treasurer Joseph Pauco wrote to President Lyndon Johnson to remind him that 20 years had passed since American-Slovak periodicals had been banned in Slovakia, while Communists continued to freely spread their propaganda throughout the free world. The honorary president of the League, Dr. Peter P. Hletko, had preserved in his possession a copy of a film produced by the Matica Slovenska (The Slovak Institute) titled Zem spieva (Song of the Earth). The League held showings of this film at various locations in the period preceding its jubilee celebration. The film arroused lively interest particularly among Slovak oldtimers and contributed to the enlivening of Slovak life in America. On the eve of the jubilee observance, held on the 27th and 28th of May, 1967, the publication Slovakia issued from the presses, again under the editorship of SecretaryTreasurer Pauco. This issue presents a compact history of the Slovak League of America, from its founding to the present, as well as other noteworthy contributions. The pre-jubilee mood among American Slovaks reflected a spirit of harmony, which had in recent years �134 SLOVAKIA become noticeable along the whole line of Slovak endeavors. The observance of the 60th anniversary of the Slovak League was conducted without the participation of a most prominent personality, one who had played an eminent role in Slovak life, particularly in the Slovak League of America: On January 17, 1967 in Chicago, Illinois died Mrs. Julia Krajcovic, perennial first lady of the League's Women's Auxiliary, the Vcielky (Bees), for many years vice-president of the League itself, and since 1966, its honorary vice-president. More than half a century of educational, organizational and charitable work is associated with the name of Julia Krajcovic. The charitable and patriotic work of the Vcielky under her leadership, as is pointed out elsewhere in this issue of Slovakia, comprises one of the finest chapters in the history of the Slovak League of America. One instance was the Vcielky's effective and substantial aid to Slovak victims of World War II, which presented a shining example of Slovak unity and harmony. Without Julia Krajcovic Slovak life in Chicago and all of America would hardly have flourished as it had during the days of the fullness of her vigor and elan. She was everywhere, and she did everything possible to promote love for the Slovak people and the Slovak word, to strengthen it, and to demonstrate it to the world.48 In its 60th year the Slovak League of America was poorer by many a distinguished colleague, including precious workers of the distaff side - but its momentum was full-forward, and its posture reflected readiness to continue its work for the preservation of Slovak consciousness, Slovak culture and Slovak traditions in America, and for a free Slovakia. FOOTNOTES 1. Zprava predsedu S'lovenskej Ligy v Amerike podana na XXIX . kongrese. (Report of the President of the Slovak League of America 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Presented to the 29th Congress.), Cleveland, Ohio, 1947. Published for distribution. Yurchak, Peter P. The Truth about Slovakia. 1947. Jednota. November 12, 1947. Jednota. March 12, 1947 "Prve vyrocie smrti Jana A. Kocura. " (The First Anniversary of the Death of John A. Kocur.) Jednota, July 20, 1949. Pauco, Joseph. Slovcici a komunizmus. (The Slovaks and Communism), Middletown, Pa., 1957, pg. 306. �SLOVAKIA 135 7. "Vedieme boj a z boja neustt'.ipime." (We Are Engaged in Battle and Will Never Retreat from the Field), Jednota, April 27, 1947. 8. "The Czechoslovak Council." America, March 19, 1949. 9. Report on the American Slav Congress and Associated Organizations. Prepared and released by the Committee on Un-American Activities, U.S. House of Representatives, Washington, D.C., 1949. 10. Pauco, Joseph. Sfovcici a komunizmus. pg. 307. 11. Full text in Jednota, January 31, 1951. 12. "To the President and Congress of the United States." Jednota, May 9, 1951. 13. Report on the conference in Jednota, May 28, 1952. 14. Jednota. May 6, 1953. 15. The memorandum was published for distribution under the title : Memorandum to the President and the Congress of the United States of America. Issued by the Thirty-Third Congress of the Slovak League of America, April 28, 1953, Milwaukee, Wisconsin. 16. Jednota. June 9, 1954. 17. Declaration of the National Conferenc e of Americans of Slovak Descent. May 24-25, 1954, Washington, D.C. Eight-page publication with photostatic copies of the signatures of the participants. 18. Memorandum Concerning the Czech-Communist Military Intervention in Slovakia. Presented to the United Nations General Assembly by the Slovak League of America and Slovak National Council Abroad . Middletown, Pa., December 22, 1956. Published for distribution. 19. "Za Dr. Frantiskom Hrusovskym." (In Memoriam to Dr. Francis Hrusovsky.) , Kalendcir Jednota 1957, pg. 23. 20. "Biskup Grutka na kongrese Slovenskej Ligy." (Bishop Grutka at the Congress of the Slovak League,), Jednota, May 29, 1957. 21. "Slovenskej Lige v Amerike." (To the Slovak League of America.), Jednota, May 22, 1957. 22. Memorandum to the President of the United States of America, the Hon. Secretary of State of the United States of America, and the Hon. Ambassador of the United States to the United Nations by the Thirty-Fifth Congress of the Slovak League of America. Cleveland, Ohio, May 28, 1957. Published for distribution. 23. Golden Jubilee and the XXXV Congress of the Slovak League of America. May 26-28, 1957, Cleveland, Ohio, 96 pp. Contributors: Phillip A. Hrobak, Msgr. Francis Dubosh, Julia Krajcovic, Paul Jamriska, and Dr. Joseph A. Mikus. The publication is bi-lingual. 24. From the speech of Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum, as quoted in Jednota, March 27, 1957. 25. "Czech Trials Seen as Sign of Red Fears." Sunday News. New York City, March 16, 1958. 26. Jednota. June 24, 1959. 27. Full text in Jednota, March 16, 1960. 28. From an eulogy by Bishop Andrew Grutka, as quoted in Jednota, May 18, 1960. 29. The complete text of Sabol's salutation in Jednota, June 7, 1961. 30. Memorandum to the President and the Congress of the United �136 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. SLOVAKIA States of America. The XXXVII Congress of the Slovak League of America, May 29-30, 1961, New York, N. Y., 4 pp. "Slovenska Liga oznamuje." (The Slovak League Announces.), Jednota, August 7, 1963. "Proclamation of the Slovak League of America, Washington, D.C., April 5, 1963." Jednota, April 17, 1963. The full text of the memorandum in Jednota, October 16, 1963. From a report published in Jednota, May 6, 1964. Proclam ati on of May 5, 1964. 39th Congress - Slovak League of America. Philadelphia, Pa., 4 pp. Jednota published the full text of Dr. Peter Hletko's report in its issues of May 20 and 27, 1964. "Na pamat' storocnice Andreja Hlinku a 25. vyrocia vyhlasenia Slovenskej Republiky." (In Commemoration of the Hlinka Centennial and the 25th Anniversary of the Declaration of Slovak Independence.), Jednota, March 11, 1964. The declaration was signed by the chief officers and executive board of the Slovak League of America, as well as by the presidents of all its affiliated organizations. "Nad smrt'ou Filipa Hrobaka. " (Reflections on the Death of Phillip Hrobak.),Jednota, January 22, 1964. "In Memoriam." Ibid. " Tryzna za Filipom Hrobakom." (An Elegy to Phillip Hrobak. ), Mikulas Sprinc, Jednota, January 29, 1964. " Phillip Anthony Hrobak." Jednota, February 12, 1964. "Za Filipom Hrobakom." (In Memory of Phillip Hrobak. ), Slov enska Obr ana, Scranton, Pa., January 21, 1964. Additional data from the life of Phillip Hrobak appears in Literarny Almanach Slovaka v A m erike, Middletown, Pa., 1967, pp. 157-158. Jednota. April 15, 1964. More about Constantine Culen in the abovecited Literarny Alm anach Slovaka v Amerike, pp. 129-130. Jedn ota. April 1, 1964. 45. Zprav a preds edu Slovensk ej L i gy v Amerike Stefana J. Tkaca na 40. kongrese v o Voyager Motor Inn, Youngstown, Ohio, 16. maja 1966. (Report of the President of the Slovak League of America Stephen J. Tkac at the 40th Congress in the Voyager Motor Inn, Youngstown, Ohio, May 16, 1966.), pg. 7. 46. Slov akia. Middletown, Pa., Volume XVI, 1966. pp. 126-127. 47. M emorandum Adopted Unani mously by the 40th Congress of the Slov ak League of America. Youngstown, Ohio, May 17, 1966. 4 pp. 48. " Chicago stratilo najpoprednejsiu Slovenku." (Chicago Loses its Foremost Slovak Lady.)), Nase Hlasy, February 1967. Anna Kolena eulogized the life and work of Julia Krajcovic in an extensive necrology titled "Za Juliou Krajcovicovou." (In Memory of Julia Krajcovic ), Slovak v Amerike, February 1, 1967. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is an AMERICAN INSTITUTION; it was organized May 26, 1907, at Cleveland, 0 ., by the Rev. Stephen Furdek. � 104 SLOVAKIA UNDER DYNAMIC LEADERSHI P Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. The activity of the Slovak League of America in its 40th year centered around Slovakia and the person of the president of the Slovak Republic, Dr. Joseph Tiso. President Peter Jurcak, in his report to the League's 29th congress on October 20, 1947 in Cleveland, Ohio, disclosed that the Slovak League of America had sent "more than 40,000 letters to official circles, congressmen and senators, to all the delegates to the United Nations, and to leading personalities in the United States, underlining its anti-Communist policies, and placing particular stress on the trend of events in the land of our forefathers." 1 The League had undertaken this action because "just one year past, American official circles and the press had been speaking of some sort of Czecho-Slova k bridge. The assumption was fostered that this bridge would entice the Soviet bear into Western Europe, and that once there he would be transformed into a lamb. There existed a wide-spread belief in the possibility of such a miracle. Generally overlooked was the fact that this bridge was occupied by the Soviet army, which would blow it to smithereens, the moment it lost its prerogative to control traffic, and thus abruptly bring to a halt any such 'monkey business'." Jurcak's report sheds light on the attitude of the Slovak League of America towards the president of the Slovak Republic, Dr. Joseph Tiso, at that most critical moment. Before the verdict of the "People's Court" in Bratislava was given "we sent more than 20,000 letters", states Jurcak, " to every imaginable recipient, from the smallest fraternal branch to the President of the United States." Jurcak as president of the Slovak League made eight trips to Washington to raise his voice in the cause of saving Dr. Tiso. The Slovak League published a distinguished brochure in defense of Dr. Tiso titled The Truth about Slovakia.2 This action demonstrated the love of American Slovaks for the nation of their origin, and their devotion to the personality of Dr. Joseph Tiso. American Slovaks under the leadership of the League appealed to the Amer- �SLOVAKIA 105 ican Government to save the live of Dr. Joseph Tiso. They defended the policies of the president of the Slovak Republic, and pointed out that his case was not merely an internal matter of the "pertinent country", but that all Slovaks must work towards its just disposition, and that America might demonstrate by saving Tiso's life how committed she is to the strengthening of democratic infuences in a country which contains some of our most devoted allies in the current conflict between the USSR and the Western Democracies. The Slovak League distributed the brochure The Truth about Slovakia to all senators, congressmen, to all the delegates to the United Nations, and to many newspapers. In addition to this the League prepared a special appeal to the President of the United States, which was sent for signing to all its branches and to all its affiliated organizations and church parishes. In the appeal American Slovaks protested the cynical trial of Dr. Tiso and preparations for his execution, and they urged President Truman to intercede in the matter with the Prague government. This appeal evoked a huge response among American Slovaks. Indeed, it was signed by many non-Slovaks. At the behest of the First Catholic Slovak Women's Union, presented in the form of a motion at its annual meeting, the Slovak League called a conference of all American-Slovak organizations in Washington, D.C., placing at the top of the agenda the goal of obtaining an audience with President Truman. This conference was attended by representatives of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, and the Women's Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union. President Truman sent a representative of the State Department to the Conference. Peter P. Jurcak in his report to the 29th congress noted: "We did not suceed in saving the life of the president of the Slovak State, but at least we acquainted the American public, more than ever before in the history of the Slovak League, with the Slovak nation and the Slovak question. Many congressmen became our friends; the fate of the Slovak hero so touched them that they expressed their convictions about this unpleasant affair publicly in �106 SLOVAKIA the forum of the United States Congress and thus before the whole world." In particular, the speeches of Congressmen Madden and O'Konski received wide publicity. Peter P. Jurcak was convinced that Dr. Joseph Tiso "would receive from history quite a different verdict from that of his present judges. When future generation s, particularly in America, compare his conduct with the voluntary embracem ent of Communis m by those who convicted him-whom do you think they will consider the greater enemy of American democracy ? Considerab le time may yet pass, but eventually the outside world will come to the realization that had Tiso voluntarily turned over Slovakia to the Communis ts, he might have preserved the Slovak state, and his life to boot." The 29th congress of the Slovak League of America adopted the viewpoint of Peter Jurcak, and in a policy statement added: The Czecho-Slovak government in Prague has committed (April 18, 1947) the gravest kind of injustice in .t he hanging of Monsignore Joseph Tiso, an exemplary priest, a staunch Slovak patriot, and wartime president of the Slovak Republic. This act defies the will of the entire Slovak nation and inflicts a most damaging blow to Czech Slovak relations. We are convinced that this is a case of the most arbitrary parody of justice, and we cannot but decisively condemn Dr. Eduard Benes and his government. This declaration expresses the anti-Comm unist sentiments of the Slovak League, and brings witness to the historic reality that "the Slovak Republic was destroyed by a self-appoin ted Communis t political regime and by brute military force-with out consultatio n of the will of the Slovak people", and that the new regime "distinguis hes itself with terror and the totalitarian conquest of a country by a minority which employs any means to impose its rule over Slovakia." Furthermo re the declaration demands free elections in Slovakia, commentin g: We are fully convinced that Czecho-Slovakia is not a democracy in the sense accepted in this country. In the 'people's democracy', as Czecho-Slovakia now styles itself, the government controls all political parties, the press, and the air-waves-a state of affairs which is at obvious odds with the fundamental principles embraced by all democratic governments . The declaration requests that the President and Con- �SLOVAKIA 107 gress of the United States protest the occupation of Slovakia and "the persecution of Slovak ecclesiastical, cultural and political leaders." Peter Jurcak was reelected president of the Slovak League of America, and John Kocur secretary. Shortly after the congress Jurcak sent a telegram to President Truman, in the name of the League, stating: To say nothing about what is happening in Slovakia today is but another form o:fl appeasement which will make the eventual liberation of the countries of Central Europe more difficult and more costly to the United States and will leave these people without hope.a The Slovak League also turned its attention to the problem of the expatriation of the Slovak nationals to the Sudetenland. According to a news release appearing in cas, the official administration newspaper in Bratislava, February 5, 1947 issue, 200,000 Slovaks had already been moved to the Sudetenland as of that date. On February 24, 1947 the Slovak League (Jurcak and Kocur) sent a petition to the President of the United States which read: We specifically appeal with reference to the proposed expatriation of several hundred thousand Slovaks from their homeland to the Sudetenland in Czecho-Slovakia. There is reason to believe that this is another effort to dismember this small nation and defeat permanently any effort at independence by the Slovak people.4 On March 29, 1947 Joseph Rusek, a past president of the Slovak League and an outstanding Slovak newspaperman, died in Palmyra, Pennsylvania. Husek's name is closely associated with almost half a century's activity among American Slovaks. As editor of the weekly Jednota he stood in the front ranks as a defender of Slovak national individuality he had few peers in America. He was one of the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact, and remained and unswerving proponent of its letter and spirit. Not a single question affecting Slovak welfare either in America or the old country escaped his attention in the columns of his newspaper; his analyses covered a broad spectrum of problems - social, economic, cultural and national. The uniqueness of Husek's journalistic contributions lay in his penetrating criticism. Joseph Rusek was without doubt one of the greatest Slovak newsmen of his time, or any time. To promote interest in the plight of Slovakia the �108 SLOVAKIA League opened a campaign, headed by the Rev. John J . Lach of Whiting, Indiana, for distribution of Freedom for Slovakia stamps. The profit was to be channeled into a Fund for Slovak Freedom, established to support efforts for the liberation of the Slovak nation and the organization of a democratic government in a hoped-for independent Slovak state. In addition the League's attention was taken by the bitter fate of Slovak exiles, who were not recognized by the Western powers as refugees and who therefore failed to meet eligibility requirements for legal and material assistence in resettlement. A change was achieved through the efforts of the Slovak League, which through the intervention of its president Peter Jurcak engaged the favorable attention of the International Refugee Organization, and saw its representative, Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum, received in the European headquarters of IRO in Geneva. As a result the IRO took the Slovak exile community under its protective wing. The League held a special meeting on this matter in Washington, D.C. on January 19 and 20, 1948, and committees visited American congressmen and administrative officials to work towards solution of this problem. On the 13th of July, 1948, in Springdale, Pennsylvania, John Kocur, long-time secretary of the Slovak League, died at the age of 61. The historian Dr. Francis Hrusovsky wrote of him: John A. Kocu r , in his uprightness of• char acter , his firmness of conviction, and his deep love of the Slovak nation, was a beautiful exemplification of the perfect American of Slovak extraction, who t hrough his tireless labor cultivated a deep furrow in Slovak life in America and earned an honorable niche in the history of his nation.s On December 20, 1948, in Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania, Peter P . Jurcak, attorney and president of the Slovak League, died at the age of only 48 years. With Peter Jurcak had begun a new era in the Slovak League of America-an era of dynamic workers, born in America, to be sure, but in their love for Slovakia holding steadily to the ideals of the founders and promoters of the League. Jurcak was the first president of the Slovak League who through English books and memoranda, as well as personal contacts, worked mightily to persuade American political and cultural workers to recognize the individuality and cultural �SLOVAKIA 109 distinctiveness of the Slovak nation. His activity in the Slovak League of America falls into the }lectic post-war years. He proved himself an aggressive and resourceful leader, such as was sorely needed by the Slovak League and the Slovak cause in general. During the 30th congress of the Slovak League of America on March 1 and 2, 1949 in Chicago, the delegates expressed their opposition to any form of Czecho-Slovakia, and by resolution took a stand on the Communist putsch there in February 1948: The Slovak nation by no means condones the aggressive tactics of the Communist party, but on the contrary, demanding respect for the convictions and will of the overwhelming majority, most resolutely condemns these tactics, and awaits only the opportunity to cast off this government by terror and violence.6 The congress also took a stand with respect to the new currents that appeared in the Slovak and Czech exile communities. It recognized the Slovak National Council Abroad, with Karol Sidor at the helm, as the leader in the fight for the independence of Slovakia.On the other hand "the Slovak League extends no recognition whatsoever to the Council of Free Czecho-Slovakia", wrote the new president of the League, Paul Jamriska; "it does not concede any right to the Czechs to meddle in the fate of Slovakia, and it considers those 'Czecho-Slovaks' who support the afore-mentioned organization enemies of their own nation." 7 The new vice-president of the Slovak League, Phillip A. Hrobak, began to publish in January 1949 a monthly Slovak Newsletter, dedicated to the defense of Slovak interests and the informing of American public opinion. The first issues of this periodical were devoted largely to countering the claims and theses of the Council of Free CzechoSlovakia, about which organization a leading American journal ( America) wrote: The leaders of the newly formed Council are Marxists - can Bolshevism be defeated by its own ideas? They are free thinkers and opponents of any religious instruction. What cultural ideas will they give to the unhappy Slovak people? They will have to rule in Slovakia by sheer force - could that be called democracy?B The Slovak League gained extraordinary recognition on June 26, 1949 in the House of Representatives, when the �110 SLOVAKIA Un-American Activities Committee issued a Report on the American Slav CO?uJress and Associated Organizations. This official report Cit_es the opposition of the Slovak League of America to the American Slav Congress. A whole passage is quoted from the declaration issued by the League's 29th congress, and in conclusion the Report remarks that the Slovak League and its affiliated organizations "are on record as opposed to Communist rule and as supporting 'present American foreign policy'." On the other hand this same repor~ notes that the organizations defending the idea of Czecho-Slovak unity were a mainstay of the American Slav Congress, and against them stood "the opposition of the American-Slovak League." Further the Report states : ... the friendly relations between the Benes government and the Soviet Union insured the cooperation of the bulk of the Czecho-Slovakian organizations, which constituted one of the most dependable elements in the American Slav Congress.9 The 31st congress of the Slovak League of America was held in the city of Cleveland. The delegates issued a manifest on May 24, 1950, in which they state among other things: At the end of World War II the Slovak nation found itself, despite great-power declarations affirming the principle of the self-determination of nations, back in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, in which it had no desire to live, under any condiUons. In the renewed Czecho-Slovak Republic the Slovaks lost all the prerequisites for their free national development, and in this 'people's democracy' they are suffering the unendurable fate of helpless slaves. To this political degradation, economic misery and cultural enslavement has been added religious persecution, which is designed to break the moral strength of the Slovak nation, to destroy its peculiarly Christian character, so eventually a way of life might be forced on it that would obliterate its distinctive temperament, its convictions, its long Christian traditions, and its goals. The Slovak League, in the name of justice and human rights, most resolutely protests this ruthless enslavement of the Slovak nation, and sees in the progressive constriction of the rights of the churches and the disruption of religious life in Slovakia, the rawest form of Communist barbarity.10 The opponents of the movement for independeJt Slovakia continued to bring heavy pressures against the natural leaders of the Slovak nation, even on the soil of the free nations of the world. They attempted to prevent the very visit to America of Karol Sidor, author, journalist, �SLOVAKIA 111 and one-time minister in the Slovak Republic. The strength of the Slovak League, however, rallied to the occasion, and persuaded the State Department to grant a visa to Sidor as a guest of the League. Minister Karol Sidor received a warm welcome from the delegates at the League's 31st congress. Afterwards he visited almost all the Slovak centers in the United States. He made tens of speeches, leaving deep impressions with his listeners, and helping the broad Slovak masses to orient themselves in the welter of influences and events. Phillip A. Hrobak became the new president of the Slovak League of America. In January 1951 he was the first American-Slovak leader to raise his voice against the recent trial and conviction of Slovak bishops by Communist courts in Czecho-Slovakia. He sent a memorandum to the President and Congress of the United States in which he appealed to the Government to protest publicly against these convictions and the religious persecution in Slovakia, and to sever diplomatic relations with the Prague government "which has sinned so grievously against humanity and the fundamental principles of freedom." Lastly, Hrobak requested that the American Government present a resolution to the United Nations demanding an investigation of all the crimes committed against the Slovak nation.11 In April 1951 the Slovak League sent a further memorandum to the President and Congress of the United States, in which it appealed for independence of Slovakia and again underscored its anti-Communist sentiments.12 On May 21, 1951 the delegates to the League's 32nd congress, held in New York City, adopted a declaration condemning Communism and ... the insincere and false peace propaganda which by attractive slogans of world peace is attempting to still the consciences of individual nations, and thus to distract their attention from preparations for aggression and world rule. In Moscow's peace propaganda we are witness to duplicity of such dimensions as has no parallel in history. As citizens of a free and democratic country, which guarantees us not only all rights, but also all the conditions for material welfare and spiritual progress, we construe every aggressive war as criminal, but we see as no less criminal the immoral abuse of peace slogans for military buld-up, which threatens international peace and drives humanity towards a new catastrophe. �112 SLOVAKIA The 32nd congress of the Slovak League was attended by an official representativ e of the State Department in the person of Barstow H. Underwill. Also, the American publicist, Ann Su Cardwell, presented a significant speech to the delegates. A Slovak guest was the author and journalist, general-secre tary of the Slovak National Council Abroad, Peter Pridavok, from London, England. On the occasion of this congress the Slovak League published the first issue of a quarterly called Slovakia, which was edited by its president, Phillip Hrobak. This publication presented historical and topical articles, designed to furnish accurate information about Slovakia to the American political and cultural-scien tific communities. Phillip A. Hrobak was again elected president and Dr. Francis Hrusovsky became secretary for the third time. In early 1952 the Slovak League opened an information office in the nation's capital, Washington, D.C., directed by the former Slovak diplomat Dr. Joseph Mikus. On the 23rd of May 1952 the League held a conference in Washingto, which was attended by representativ es of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the First Catholic Slovak Women's Union, the Slovak Catholic Sokol, the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, the Women's Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, the Slovak Catholic Cadet Union, the Federation of Slovak Catholics, and representativ es of the Slovak Press in America. The conference heard addresses by Senator Theodore F. Green and Congressman Charles J. Kersten. The conferees issued a declaration in which the Slovak League and its affiliated organizations reaffirmed the appeals on behalf of Slovakia presented to the U.S. Government in past years. 13 On October 28, 1952, in Monessen, Pennsylvania , died Michael Sincak, former vice-presiden t of the Slovak League and well-known fraternalist. He had been one of the most energetic organizers of Slovak life in America, devoting his efforts with particular affection to Slovak song. He collected several hundred Slovak songs and promoted them enthusiastically . The Slovak public had met his name often on the pages of Slovak newspapers. The 33rd congress of the Slovak League of America �SLOVAKIA 113 was held on the 27th and 28th of April, 1953, in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. In the two preceeding years the League's membership had increased by 2,000, its information office had proved its value, and the work of the League had aroused interest in many quarters. Among other things the League, in these two years, had presented 60 film showings. Many American politicians sent greetings to this congress. Foremost among them was the President of the United States, Dwight D. Eisenhower, who stated in his message: Our nation has been enriched by the contribution to our spiritual and economic welfare by the hundreds of thousands of Slovak people who have emigrated to the United States to find freedom and better livelihood. Experiencing and treasuring our representative democracy, our religious freedom, and our economic prosperity, Americans of Slovak descent naturally look forward eagerly to the day when the homeland of their forefathers may again know these blessings.14 This congress too passed a memorandum addressed to the President and Congress of the United States. Among other things it states: It is only natural that Americans of Slovak descent are vitally interested in the question of the national existence of the nation they are descended from. And since the Slovak nation cannot speak freely for itself, imprisoned as it is behind a forced iron curtain, the Slovak League of America has taken upon itself the obligation of pleading for the recognition and respect for the fundamental rights of the Slovak nation. Those rights are predicated in the elementary democratic principle that all peoples, wherever they may be found and however few their numbers, are morally obligated and entitled to speak in the council of nations, there to defend rights to survival and selffulfillment. The members of the Slovak League of America, including the membership of the organizations actively affiliated with it, are loyal to America because to them America is the ideal - the living symbol of freedom, tolerance and justice. They seek no special favors for the people from which they are descended but only the recognition of and respect for, the inherent and fundamental rights of the Slovak nation. We firmly believe that it is in the highest interests of America and the rest of the free world that the Slovaks be free and have their independent state.1s At the 33rd congress, which again elected Phillip A. Hrobak president, an honored guest was the former Slovak diplomat and active political worker in exile, Matus Cernak, from Munich, Germany. His speeches among American Slovaks provided a strong stimulus to interests in Slovak affairs . • On March 5, 1953, in Scranton, Pennsylvania, died the �114 SLOVAKIA Reverend John Porubsky, first secretary of the Slovak League, author and newspaperman of extraordinary talent. He was 79 years old. For half a century he had filled the columns of Slovak newspapers and almanacs in America, under his own name as well as under several pseudonyms (Sestros, Stary Farmer). John Porubsky was a living Slovak chronicle. He knew the history of the Slovak nation, particularly that of its American off-shoot. He applied himself on the one hand to the earthy problems of animal husbandry and farming, and on the other, to the more elevated fields of history and literature. Slovak literature he enriched with scores of essays and articles, crowning his efforts with a History of Slovak Literature. On October 20, 1953, in Montreal, Canada, died Karol Sidor, who in the Slovak movement for independence, occupies a position only slightly behind Andrej Hlinka and Dr. Joseph Tiso. The range of his interests was wide and varied, including at many points the affairs of American Slovaks. He had contacts with them, recognized their existence and needs; and it was Karol Sidor who first approached the writing of serious American-Slovak history with his work Slovdci v zahranicnom odboji (1928) (The Contributions of Slovaks Abroad to the Struggle for Independence of Slovakia). Sidor had particularly warm relations with the Slovak League of America. Among his personal friends were Phillip A. Hrobak and Dr. Peter P. Hletko. On the 24th and 25th of May, 1954 the Slovak League held another conference in WRshington, D.C. Tens of congressmen came to extend their greetings, as did representatives of various Central-European nationalities and exile groups. President Dwight D. Eisenhower, Vice-President Richard M. Nixon, and Secretary of State John Foster Dulles sent separate messages to the conference. Dulles' statement included the following : Our government is deeply concerned about the plight of the Slovak people and of the other peoples of Central and Eastern Europe under the present Soviet-controlled regimes.16 The conference issued a declaration which touches on a number of topical subjects. It reads in part: We heartily commend all efforts on the part of our Government, �SLOVAKIA 115 its agencies and Congressional Committee to ferret out, unmask and prosecute all subversive elements, specifically all communists and fellow-travellers, which propagate class hatreds, economic strife, chaos and anarchy. All persons and organizations, who wittingly or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of Communism, should be thoroughly investigated by the proper organs of the Government. Concerning Slovakia the declaration emphasizes: As Christians and adherents of the democratic way of life, we resolutely oppose the domination and exploiitation of any nation by any other nation or political state. The Slovak nation did not want to be dominated by the Magyars prior to 1918 and, today, does not want to be ruled by the Czech nation. We firmly believe that the national existence and the welfare of the Slovak nation can best be safeguarded by the Slovaks themselves in their own Slovak Republic.17 In the year 1954, thanks to the efforts of Phillip Hrobak, president of the Slovak League, a number of Slovaks testified before committees of the American Congress which were investigating the fate of nations behind the iron curtain. Phillip Hrobak presented testimony in which he reviewed the history of the Slovak nation, with emphasis on its contemporary tribulations. In the Congress a special subcommittee was formed for Poland, Lithuania and Slovakia, and the testimony was printed in a publication titled Investigation of Communist Takeover and Occupation of Poland, Lithuania, and Slovakia. In these hearings American officials received more information about Slovakia and the Slovaks than ever before. The greatest credit for enabling the Slovaks to speak freely before the committee of the American Congress belong to Congressman Charles J. Kersten, Chairman of the Committee, and Congressman Alvin N. Bentley, a member of the Committee. Congressman Bentley was a guest of the Slovak League at its 34th congress, which took place on the 23rd and 24th of May, 1955, in Washington, D.C. In his address he designated as the greatest bane of the Slovak nation the socalled Czech Slovaks. He declared at the same time that the American Government should recognize the demands of the Slovak League of America. Vice-President Nixon spoke for the Administration in a written message to the congress. The 130 delegates approved a memorandum which in substance made the same demands for Slovak rights as had previous memoranda. �116 SLOVAKIA This congress also observed the one-hundredth anniversary of the birth of the League's founder, the Reverend Stephen Furdek. On this occasion the Slovak League made a decision to sponsor the publication of a history of Slovakia in the English language. This announcement evoked such enthusiasm among the delegates and guests that they contributed more than $5,000.00 to the treasury of the League for this end. The Slovak League again commemorated the onehundredth anniversary of the birth of its founder in a joint observance with the First Catholic Slovak Union, held in Cleveland, Ohio, on the 4th and 5th of September, 1955. Approximately 10,000 American Slovaks attended the affair. The life and work of the Reverend Furdek were presented by Phillip Hrobak in a booklet titled The Reverend Stephen Furdek. 1855-1955. For Slovak readers a booklet by Joseph Pauco was issued, under the title stefan Furdek a slovenske prist'ahovalectvo (Stephen Furdek and the Slovak Immigration). On November 20, 1955, in Lakewood, Ohio, Martin Slimak, a past vice-president of the Slovak League, and otherwise well-known fraternalist and financier, died at the age of 70. He was one of the most colorful figures in American-Slovak life. On July 5, 1955 news spread through the world of the dastardly murder of the outstanding Slovak politician, Matus Cernak. He was assassinated in Munich, Germany. The world press concluded unanimously that the case involved political murder. The culprits were never discovered by the police, but in Slovak circles little doubt exists that they were Communist agents. In 1956 the Slovak League was accorded one of the highest distinctions possible when on October 24th its eight-member delegation was received in audience by Secretary-of-State John F. Dulles. The Secretary entertained the delegates for almost half an hour and answered a whole series of questions which they put to him. At the head of this delegation was Phillip A. Hrobak, president of the League. The Hungarian uprising in 1956 touched off strong reverberations in Slovakia, as it did elsewhere. Reports in �SLOVAKIA 117 the American press spoke of unrest in Slovak towns and a general mood for revolt. But the eruption of rebellious feelings into overt act was effectively forestalled by the Czecho-Slovak army, which was controlled in all key positions by Czech officers. These circumstances and realities were pointed out by the Slovak League and the Slovak National Council Abroad in a joint memorandum to the United Nations. This memorandum presented a detailed description of the mood in Slovakia and reviewed the events had taken place there since 1945. The memorandum also notes the fact that by 1956, 320,000 Slovaks had been resettled in the Sudetenland. "This transfer of Slovak population," states the memorandum, "has much in common with deportations of the Baltic population to Siberia by the Soviets. The main purpose of the Prague Government is to cut people from their native roots and thus weaken the resistance which the compact mass of the Slovak population could exert against both Communism and also Czech domination. Prague obviously figures that the Slovak population, submerged thus by its new Czech environment, will finally lose its original Slovak character and become either entirely Czech, or at least proletarian."18 On May 31, 1956, in Owosso, Michigan, Julius Janci, American-Slovak doctor, member of the executive board of the Slovak League of America, and promoter of Slovak culture in America, died at the age of 51. He was one of the best known figures of Slovak life in the United States. On September 9, 1956 the Slovak League lost its secretary, Dr. Francis Hrusovsky. Death took him at the age of 53. He had plowed a deep furrow in Slovak life--as a national historian, and as an expert in the history and contemporary affairs of the American Slovaks. He was also an outstanding newspaperman and first-rate speaker. His loss was particularly painful for the Slovak League of America. The Abbot of the Monastery of St. Andrew Svorad in Cleveland, Ohio, Right Reverend Theodore Kojis, O.S.B. wrote of this outstanding Slovak: When nine years ago he came to us in Cleveland, it was as if the whole of Slovakia had come to us: with his simple faith in God, �116 SLOVAKIA his broad erudition, his intense desire for freedom and justice, his modesty, his industry, all his beauty of soul, Dr. Hru~ovsky personified the best of Slovak virtue and nobility.1 9 The 50th anniversary of the founding of the Slovak League of America came in the year 1957. The occasion was celebrated in conjunction with the League's 35th congress, which was held in Cleveland on the 26th to the 28th of May. A distinguished guest was the American bishop of Slovak extraction, the Right Reverend Andrew Grutka, D. D., of Gary, Indiana, who stated in an address: The Slovaks are one of the most godfearing of nations: this makes me happy to profess my national origin ; I love my native tongue. 20 During the congress extraordinary attention was aroused by a display featuring the life of the American Slovaks from the days of the pioneers to recent times. The exhibit in pictures, documents, newspapers, carvings, and statistical charts, engaged the interest of the Slovak public, and the American public as well. It was viewed in Benedectine High School by approximately 7,000 Slovaks and non-Slovaks. The local press, radio and television gave it exceptionally good coverage. In the preparation of this exhibit Constantine Culen, author and secretary of the Slovak League, accomplished a most worth-while bit of work. The leading Slovak writer and last director of the free Matica Slovenska, J . C. Hronsky, gave symbolic voice to the sentiments of the humiliated and silenced Slovak nation in anniversary greetings to this congress. "Slovak blood sends you greetings here today," went his salutation from far-off Argentina, "bidding you joy in your deliberations - because you have not betrayed it; because it still flows robustly in your veins; because it remains the same proud blood that has refused to bow in Slovakia, and has so often in the past been tempered to toughness by dungeon and gallow, as it continues to be today; because it refuses to stoop to self-betrayal."21 The delegates to the 35th congress of the Slovak League, who again elected Phillip Hrobak president and Constantine Culen secretary, adopted a memorandum in which they stressed: We rededicate ourselves to the preservation of the basic moral �SLOVAKIA 119 principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence, the Con• stitution, and the Bill of Rights of the United States of America . They declared further : .. . on the solemn occasion of our Golden Jubilee, as represen• tatives of the vast majority of the Slovak ethnic group, we deem it our moral right and obligation to respectfully request, seek, and, if the need arises, to insist that our Government through its executive branch, in its various sections and divisions, not excluding our able ambassador to the United Nations, take all legitimate avenues of action in keeping with the sacred moral law of God and the law of nations to make certain that a true and lasting independent Slovakia may again take its rightful place in the community of nations which seek to preserve peace and promulgate the brotherhood of man and the fatherhood of God.22 The leaders of the Slovak League prepared a special bi-lingual publication for this occasion, in which they reviewed the broad principles of the jubilating organiza. tion.23 The jubilee observance was rounded out by a com• plementary festivity - the first presentation on American soil of the "Andrew Hlinka Cup". The keepers of the cup, with Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum at their head, honored the president of the Slovak League and longtime editor of the newspaper Jednota, Phillip Hrobak, for his many contribu• tions to Slovak life, in particular for his contribution to American Slovaks of "a grammar and dictionary, and because with his aggresive elan, his perseverance and fear• lessness both as a newspaperman and as an organizer, he personifies the finest qualities, such as graced not only Uudovit stur, but also the first recipient of the cup, Andrew Hlinka, and those who came after."24 Phillip Hrobak remained at his post alert to developments on the international scene, and at the same time keeping American administrative circles informed of Slovak interests. He made several trips to Washington in 1958. His appeals and petitions were corroborated by reports in the American press, which wrote with admiration of developments in Slovakia. For instance the New York Times on January 13, 1958 carried a report which read: "The imperialists want to overthrow," announced the Czech communist, general-secretary of the Communist Party in Slovakia, Karel Bacilek, "our people's democracy by using Slovakia as a channel. Bourgeois nationalism is �120 SLOVAKIA allied with Ludakism and finds expression in an outcry against Czechs working in Slovakia." Another American newspaper disclosed: Slovakia, which has been more anti-Communist than some other East European countries, has experienced a new wave of anti-Czech, anti-Russian feeling in the past few months, and with Bulgaria is considered one of the Russian's most restless satellites.25 The League conducted its 36th congress on the 14th and 15th of June 1959 in Johnstown, Pennsylvania. It directed its attention to matters of American-Slovak cultural and civic life, and again declared itself for freedom and independence of Slovakia in the spirit of the address of its honorary president, Msgr. Francis Dubosh, who asserted: Our duty is to persevere in the struggle against Communism and to bolster everywhere the principles of democratic thought, democratic action, and the victory of democracy over dictatorship. This must also be the motivation of all our efforts with respect to the Slovak nation, to which we wish the same kind of freedom that we ourselves enjoy. In the struggle for an independent Slovakia the Slovak League will never, under any circumstances, capitulate. 26 The delegates unanimously reinstated Phillip Hrobak at the helm of the League, and Constantine culen at the post of secretary. In 1959 regional and local assemblies of the League prepared fitting commemorations of the 20th anniversary of the establishment of the Slovak Republic. A year later, through the initiative of Phillip Hrobak, president of the League, for the first time a public prayer for the Slovak nation was invoked on the floor of the American Congress. The March 14, 1960 session of the House of Representatives was opened by Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B., with the following prayer: Almighty God, heavenly Father, we beseach Thee to continue to bless our leaders so that they may always conscientiously serve the best interest of our nation and its people and thus remain in the favor of Thy Divine Providence. We pray Thee, God of Mercy, to mitigate the sufferings of all enslaved victims of brutal Communism and, in particular, on this solemn occasion of the Twenty-First Anniversary of the Proclamation of Slovak Independence, we implore Thee to grant the same blessings of freedom to the Slovak nation as Thou hast deigned to give us in our United States, so that Slovakia likewise, should have a 'government of the people, by the people, for the people'. �SLOVAKIA 121 Lord, hear our prayers. And let our cries come unto Thee. Amen. 2 7 On May 9, 1960, in Whiting, Indiana, died the Reverend John Lach, a former member of the executive board of the Slovak League, cultural and social worker, particularly well-known as a generous patron of Slovak literary endeavors. "He was known and beloved not only among American Slovaks, but also among the Slovaks beyond the sea. His place was among the outstanding personalities of Slovak national life. He radiated love for his priestly calling, and for the Slovak people, and the Slovak people responded with the kind of love only they can show for the priests they love and for their genuine leaders ... " 28 The 37th congress of the Slovak League took place in the city of New York, on the 29th and 30th of May, 1961. It was conducted in the spirit of the preceeding congresses. The president of the First Catholic Slovak Union, John A. Sabol, described the Slovak League of America on this occasion as the finest heritage left by its founder Stephen Furdek. 29 This congress too, aproved a comprehensive memorandum in which the League expressed its loyalty to the United States and its government, and at the same time renewed its pleas for the liberation of the Slovak nation. In the memorandum are found the following statements: As Americans we sincerely believe that every nation, large and small, has the inherent, God-given right to freedom and independence, the right to its own nationhood and statehood. We believe, too, that liberty cannot be exercised by proxy and that all nations are entitled to a voice in the determination of their own destinies ... It is only natural that Americans of Slovak descent are vitally interested in the question of the national existence of the nation they are descended from. And since the Slovak nation cannot speak freely for itself, imprisoned as it is behind the Iron Curtain, the Slovak League of America has taken upon itself the obligation of pleading for the recognition of and respect for the fundamental rights of the Slovak nation. These rights are predicated in the elementary democratic principle that all peoples, wherever they may be found and however few their numbers, are morally obligated and entitled to speak in the council of nations, there to defend their rights to survival and self-fulfillment.30 Phillip Hrobak was again elected to the post of president of the Slovak League. The preceding five years had witnessed an outbreak �122 SLOVAKIA of considerable feuding among American Slovaks. The strife carried over into the Slovak League, which was thus hampered in the conduct of the activities which clamored for its attention. In the year 1962 all the clashes and disputes in the Slovak press were brought to a close. The 38th congress, convened in Detroit, Michigan, on the 27th to the 29th of May, turned its attention to this problem. It reflects well on the perspicacity of all the groups which sent delegates to this congress, that they were able to reach an agreement and to dispel the belligerence that had discouraged and retarded the cultural and national activities of American Slovaks. Dr. Peter P. Hletko became the new president of the League at this congress. Also, a decision was made to restore the office of the secretary, and to this post was elected Dr. Joseph Pauco. The proceedings of the congress were conducted on a high level. It was visited and addressed by several American politicians, foremost among whom was the Governor of the State of Michigan, J. S . Swainson. In 1963 American Slovaks joined everywhere in the free world in commemorating with appropriate ceremony and solemnity the 1100th anniversary of the advent of the apostles Cyril and Methodius in Slovakia. The League rose to its calling on this occasion, too. Phillip Hrobak, continuing in the post of editor of the periodical Slovakia, dedicated the 1963 issue to the memorable Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee. He himself, along with other contributors, illuminated the importance and far-reaching significance of Christian culture and Christian morals for the Slovak nation. In addition, the Slovak League convoked a national conference in Washington, D.C., on the 5th and 6th of April, 1963, which marked this anniversary with fitting observances, and also commemorated another event of great national significance, the centenary of the founding of the Matica Slovenska, the outstanding Slovak cultural institution. Lectures on the significance of these anniversaries were presented in Slovak by Dr. Joseph Stasko, and in English by Phillip A. Hrobak. The occasion was also observed with religious ceremonies in the National Shrine of the �SLOVAKIA 123 Immaculate Conception, in Washington, D.C., which were conducted by the Reverend Paul Miklosovic, J.C.D., of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Also on this occasion, a delegation of the Slovak League, led by its president Peter P. Hletko and Phillip A. Hrobak, executive-board member, visited the State Department and again ventilated the demands of the Slovak League in the interest of the liberation of Slovakia. Thanks to the initiative of Phillip A. Hrobak the Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee received a signal commemoration on the floor of the American House of Representatives, when on March 14, 1963, the invocation was spoken by the Very Reverend Joseph Baran, V.F., from Lansford, Pennsylvania. A further project of the Slovak League of America in this connection was developed primarily through the initiative of its secretary: requests were sent to the governors of the States of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois, Wisconsin, and Michigan to declare days, weeks or months as commemorative observances of the CyriloMethodian Jubilee. Such observances were in fact proclaimed in all seven of the above-named states, which contain an absolute majority of Slovaks living in the United States. 31 The Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee and the Matica centenary called forth the finest efforts of the Slovak League, because the events they commemorate are deeply woven into the fabric of the Slovak national character-they form the pith and substance of the Slovak national heritage. To review: The Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee recalls the historical fact that the Slovaks are one of the oldest nations in Central Europe. Eleven hundred years ago they accepted Christianity and with it also Christian culture and civilization, whereby they definitely joined themselves with the western cultural world. The entire history of the Slovak people is characterized by this orientation. After the advent of the Slovak Apostles, a wealth of Slovak literature emanated in Slovakia which later became also the foundation of the literary culture of the other Slovanic nations. With the fall of Great Moravia, at the beginning of the tenth century, this culture gradually disappeared in Slovakia, because the Slovaks, after the collapse of their first political entity, came under the hegemony of the Magyars in Hungary, where Latin gradually replaced the ancient Slovak language as a literary medium. Politically, however, Slovakia retained �124 SLOVAKIA its independent status for many years. During the reign of Matus (Matthew) Cak of Trencin in the 14th century who controlled a large part of the Slovak country, Slovakia had its own army and its own mint ; and Matus concluded his own treaties with other countries without regard for Hungarian kings. Despite the fact that Slovaks had to suffer the hegemony of the Magyars for long centuries, they never renounced their Cyrilo-Methodian tradition, which became an integral part of their national ideology_ From the fifteenth century they are manifesting their adherence to the glorious past of their ancestors in numerous songs and historical works, thus demonstrating their antiquity and their claim to equality with the Magyars in old Hungary. In the middle of the nineteenth century the Slovaks, under the leadership of Louis Stur, Joseph Miloslav Hurban and Michael Hodfa, declared their independence and broke out in armed revolt against Magyar hegemony. In this struggle the Slovaks fondly recalled their first political entity, Great Moravia of the ninth century, and their national culture which was founded by SS. Cyril and Methodius. In 1863, despite the disfavor and opposition of Magyar authorities, the Slovaks celebrated the Millenium of the advent of SS. Cyril and Methodius to Slovakia in practically every town and hamlet. The same year, to honor their Apostles, the Slovaks established the Matica Slovenska. And in the first half of the nineteenth century the bard of Slovakia, Jan Holly, wrote his great epic "Cyrilo-Methodiada," which is unique in European literature, glorifying the merits of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The cult of SS. Cyril and Methodius is wide-spread not only in Slovakia, but also wherever the Slovaks live, especially in the United States of America. This certainly is proof positive that the Slovaks are conscious of their cultural and .political antiquity. In America this cult is attested to by the numerous churches, schools, monasteries and fraternal societies that bear the name of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The Slovaks in the free world are commemorating the 1,lO0th anniversary of the advent of SS. Cyril and Methodius to Slovakia in a grandiose manner. Besides religious and national celebrations in the United States and Canada, the Slovaks are planning two pilgrimages to Rome, the Eternal City where St. Cyril is buried, where they will dedicate the Institute of SS. Cyril and Methodius on September 15, 1963, the seminary made possible by the gifts of Slovaks in the free world to train young men for the priesthood who will one day, God willing, do missionary work in a free Slovakia. Slovak poets of the free world are publishing a collection of poems to honor the memory of the Slovak Apostles; writers and journalists are extending themselves to the utmost to make the cult of 88. Cyril and Methodius better known to the non-Slovak world. All this forcefully stresses the fact that the Slovaks - after 1,100 years - are still spiritually connected with their ancient past, with their own Great Moravian Empire, and with the foundations of the literary culture established by SS. Cyril and Methodius. All these celebrations and commemorations are at the same time a clear expression of the desire of the Slovaks for political freedom, for a free culture, for a free religious life. The Slovaks in the free world, under the leadership of the Slovak League of America, are at this time also reminding the free world that �SLOVAKIA 125 their brethren in Slovakia, suffering under the brutal tyranny of the communists of Prague and Moscow, never did and never shall renounce their right to the political independence of Slovakia. This their right emanates from their political history and from their national and cultural antiquity. From Slovakia eleven hundred years ago Christianity spread to the Czech land, to Poland, to Hungary, to Bulgaria, and even to Russia. All these nations enjoyed a more fortunate past, they were able to create their own political states, only the Slovaks - one of the oldest nations in Central Europe - could not validate for long centuries their yearning and their right to their own state, because of the chauvinism and avariciousness of the nations that ruled over them. This year's great jubilee of the Slovak past is again a confirmation of the viability of the Slovak nation, of its loyalty to valid Christian val ues and, at the same time, an expression of the firm will of the Slovak to live an independent life, the kind of life ordained by God for man and for nations, the kind of life all nations of the world have the inherent right to live. The Slovak League of America, fully aware of its responsibility and fully conscious of its historical mission, expresses its profound feelings of fraternal relations with the suffering nation we are descended from, and in this great Slovak year, assembled in Washington, D.C., we again solemnly declare that we shall continue to exert ourselves, by all legal and ethical means at our disposal, for the preservation of the heritage of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Bernolak, and the Matica Slovenska, among American Slovaks, and that we shall continue in our effort to gain the favor of our American Government in the interest of renewing the free Slovak State in which, with the cooperation of all free nations, the Slovaks will fully enjoy the blessings of true freedom, the beginning and the end of which is the Gospel, and the most beautiful fruit of which. is contained in the testament of our Slovak Apostles, SS. Cyril and Methodius.32 Whereas the Slovak League had directed the Washington Declaration of 1963 to the American public at large, it addressed itself anew to topical political demands in a memorandum sent to Secretary-of-State Dean Rusk on October 7, 1963. This memorandum reads in part: As a representative of the United States government the President has asked me to tell you that the United States will continue to support the just aspirations of all people in the world for independence and liberty-aspirations which the Slovaks share today with many other captive nations. We hail and welcome this assurance from our President and we request, Mr. Secretary of State, that you graciously recognize the fact that the Slovak League of America represents over 300,000 organized Americans of Slovak extraction and as such deems it its sacred duty to speak before the American Government in behalf of the Slovak nation which now lives under a Communist form of government and is unable to speak out for its rights and self-determination of its freedom and independence. The movement for an independent Slovakia is very strong at this time in Europe as well as here in America. Just in the past few months -as may be verified by our Ambassador in Prague, a strong wave of �126 SLOVAKIA resistance swept across Slovakia against the Czech Stalinists who for years were represented in Bratislava by their own man, Karel Bacilek, the secretary general of the Communist party. Slovak Communists with strong nationalistic inclinations forced the Prague government to recall Bacilek, and another Stalinist, Premier Viliam Siroky. In addition, they forced the posthumous rehabilitation of the former secretary of foreign affairs, Vlado Clementis, a Slovak, whom the Stalinists have executed. Along with Clementis, other nationalistically inclined Communists in Slovakia, who had been jailed during <the era of the Czech Stalinists, were pardoned, namely: Dr. Gustav Husak and Ladislav Novomesky. Membership in the Communist party was restored to both and their voice is now being heard more and more in Slovakia. Husak was removed some 10 years ago because immediately after the Second World War he clamored for an independent Soviet Slovak Republic and took a stand against the Czecho-Slovak Republic. According to information we have, the situation in Slovakia during the last four months is very similar and almost as explosive as was the situation in Hungary in 1956, which led to the well-known revolt against the Soviets. The Slovaks, of course, have no assurance from the outside world that they would be provided help if they revolted against the Prague and Moscow governments. Without such assurance any attempted revolt must prove foolhardy. The recent retreat of Moscow in Prague, while only in the Communist ranks thus for, is apparent in Slovakia. The nationalists are acquiring a voice and it appears that there is no force that can stop them . Naturally, we in no way support and will not support any Communist movement. But it is apparent and clear to us that Slovak patriotism in the political aspects has deep roots in the anti-Communist movement in Slovakia as well as in the ranks of the Slovak Communists themeselves. For that reason we are stronger and stronger in our conviction that it is our moral duty to come to the defense of the sovereign rights of the Slovak nation from which we have descended and to ask for that much recognition in a practical political sense as was expressed and interpreted to us by the brother of our President, John F. Kennedy. 33 The historic city of Philadelphia hosted the 39th Congress of the Slovak League of America, on the 3rd to the 5th of May, 1964. The highlight of the Congress was a conference of young Americans of Slovak extraction. More than 80 young men and women participated. All walks of American-Slovak life were represented, and the discussion was extremely lively as the young people made suggestions for new forms of work. Out of the conference came a recommendation for the reorganization of courses in the Slovak language at various American centers. And the meeting issued an unanimous affirmation of the political program of the Slovak League: "Independence for Slovakia. This program is the most effective means of upholding Slovak consciousness."34 �SLOVAKIA 127 The 39th Congress set forth its sympathetic support of the aspirations of the Slovak nation, when it declared in a special proclamation: As representatives of the vast majority of the Slovak ethnic group of Americans, we deem it our moral duty to move for, seek and, as dutiful citizens, rightfully demand, that our duly elected officialsnational, state and municipal-give a sympathetic ear to our pleas and that they take all legitimate avenues of action to bring about their fruition . Soberly mindful of the soul searching efforts of the Constitutional Fathers, ·here in this City of Brotherly Love, and in a humble effort to make comparable worthy contributions towards the liberation of our brethren and kinfolk from the tyranny and yoke of atheistic Soviet Communism in our ancestral land of Slovakia, we unanimously adopt this form of proclamation to put in operation our highly principled aims. We, accordingly, request our member organizations and their membership to solicit their local, state and federal officials for the assistance needed to reestablish, in God's good time, Slovakia as a free state in central Europe, an independent Slovakia, firmly dedicated to the moral principles upon which our own United States of America and all Western civilization stand and must stand or be doomed to the extinction that befell the Roman civilization and its predecessors.35 1 From the comprehensive report presented to the 39th Congress of the Slovak League by its president, Dr. Peter P. Hletko, clear evidence emerges that the League had advanced both morally and materially in the period following the Detroit congress. A generally enlivened interest had coursed through the organization, which was reflected in positive responses, from the Slovak man-in-the-street, as well as from American politicians - governors of states to members of Congress. Several regional conferences of the Slovak League were conducted with marked success, and the treasury of the League recorded a gain of over $10,000.00.36 President Hletko declined to run for reelection and in his place the delegates to the 39th Congress elected Mr. Stephen J. Tkac; Dr. Pauco was reelected to the office of Secretary-Treasurer. In 1964 the Slovak League of America commemorated, with a special declaration, the one-hundredth anniversary of the birth of Andrew Hlinka, and the twenty-fifth anniversary of the declaration of Slovak independence. In the declaration it reaffirmed that: �128 SLOVAKIA The 14th of March remains an extraordinarily important milestone in Slovak history. This is true not only because, after long centuries of subjection, the Slovak nation had once more become master of its own destinies, but also because after March 14, 1939, there is no power on earth that can wipe from the souls of nationally conscious Slovaks the desire for independence and their own democratically administered state.37 The Slovak League and American Slovaks in general suffered painful losses in the year 1964. On January 10, in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, died Phillip A. Hrobak. "Only future decades will reveal what a loss for all of us was the death of the zealous, industrious, and noble Phillip Hrobak ... his drive was not after venal mammon, or earthly glory - on the contrary, the work of his life was motivated by sincere conviction and holy enthusiasm", wrote Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B.38 Bishop Andrew Grutka rounded out Hrobak's profile: His departure deprives Slovaks and people of Slovak extraction of a courageous defender and zealous promoter whose weapons and tool was a pen. With the pen he has enshrined himself in the hearts of Slovaks. The world over his name will be indelibly inscribed in the pages of history as one who labored for God and country untiringly and unselfishly.39 Phillip Hrobak "never wavered, never strayed from the Slovak line; never backed down - but stood an unflinching guard over the finest aspirations of his nation; he was the gallant warrior who was not affraid of battle, and who always knew that his place was in the raging center of the battle."40 Another worker of great merit in the spheres of church and nationality, Monsignore Francis Dubosh, spoke the following testimonial: ... a man like Phillip Hrobak is outstanding. To him, an American of Slovak origin, freedom was not an empty word, it was not a fetish, but it was something real. It was an actual right given by the Creator himself, and not by some human government. Some human governments have usurped to themselves the right of granting or denying freedom to men and nations. Against these, Phillip Hrobak, a man of deep faith and love for God and men, took up the cudgel and fought, in season and out of season, to restore the divine right of freedom to all men, and in particular to the Slovak nation, from which he descended, of which he was never ashamed, and which nation he loved.41 Almost never before had an American-Slovak leader received the kind of recognition that came to the deceased Phillip Hrobak, and this was so because, in the words of �SLOVAKIA 129 the editor af Slovenska Obrana, "we can say without fear of contradiction that Hrobak performed a service of high merit for his nation. He left behind himself work of lasting value." 42 Shortly after Hrobak another eminent Slovak newspaperman and writer died: the former Secretary of the Slovak League, Constantine culen. Death struck him in the city of New York, on April 7, 1964. In culen the Slovaks lost one of the most aggressive and representative figures of their era. Constantine culen was the first Slovak writer to undertake systematic research in the history of American Slovaks, and the first to write a part of that history. He prepared many rich chapters in the history of parishes, movements, organizations, societies; he wrote biographies of priests; and he steadily pursued this line of work to the end. Even the first biography of the Reverend Stephen Furdek was prepared by Constantine culen. This work was written during the period of the Slovak Republic, when the daily siovak, in particular, regularly featured sketches of American-Slovak past and present, from the pen of Constantine culen. Constantine culen was first to bring about a reapprochement between Slovak America and the land of its origins. And had he accomplished nothing more as a writer and newspaperman, this accomplishment alone would rate him with the best - to be remembered as one of the foremost Slovak intellectuals of our century.43 On May 8, 1964, in the city of New York, died a former vice-president of the Slovak League of America and versatile correspondent of the Slovak newspapers, a man beloved among the Slovak rank-and-file-John Horecky. In Philadelphia the second vice-president-elect of the Slovak League, Dr. Paul Miklosovic, died suddenly on June 26, 1964, not having yet assumed office. He had been one of the most enlightened Slovak priests in America. On the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the declaration of the Slovak Republic he had pronounced the invocation to a session of the Senate of the United States. In it he spoke of the Slovaks, who "had always turned their eyes and hearts to the United States of America, knowing it to be strong, magnanimous, patient, and understanding."44 The new officers of the Slovak League of America addressed both candidates for the Presidency of the United States in a letter dated October 14, 1964, which stated in part: �130 SLOVAKIA The Slovak League of America is concerned that up to this time there has not been an announcement by your party about the future of the peoples in Central Europe, where -0ur heritage stems and where over four million Slovaks suffer under Russian Communism and Czech domination and centralization. It is our conviction that the Slovaks have the God-given right to independence, because it is a people with over 1100 years of cultural background and a nation that has been striving for hundreds of years for freedom ... The Slovak League of America requests full recognition of American Slovaks in matters concerning ethnic groups and asks that our foreign policy concerned with oppressed peoples does not forget about the Slovaks in Central Europe and their birthright for independence. On October 21, 1965 the Slovak League addressed a letter to President L. B. Johnson, expressing approval of his policies in Vietnam, but reminding him at the same time of the plight of the Slovaks under Communism and their struggle for freedom and independence. In the spirit of the above-mentioned letters delegations of the Slovak League, headed by its president Stephen J. Tkac, visited the State Department on September 3, 1965 and March 28, 1966, where they presented petitions concerning the Voice of America and other administrative agencies. In these petitions the League requested that the organizational structure of these agencies be adjusted to allow for Slovak sections, separate and apart from existing Czech and Czecho-Slovak counterparts. Likewise, these delegations informed the State Department of the situation in Slovakia, placing particular stress on evidence that the Slovak movement for complete freedom was now much stronger than it had been in the years 1938-1939. The leadership of the League was given assurances that its petitions and related information were under study and had been passed on to the proper channels. In the spirit of the decisions of the 39th Congress of the Slovak League, its chief officers made overtures to the Slovak Lutherans (Evangelicals) of the United States for a strengthening of mutual ties and cooperation. This work was carried on by members of a special committee, which included Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B., Dr. Peter P. Hletko, and Paul Jamriska. Particularly wide-ranging efforts in this direction were developed by Dr. Joseph Pauco, Secretary-Treasurer of the League - through personal and �SLOVAKIA 131 official contacts with various religious, national, and fraternal organizations of the Slovak Lutherans of the United States. A special campaign for reapproachment with the Lutherans was conducted on the pages of the weekly Slovak v Amerike, of which Dr. Pauco is publisher. An address which the Secretary-Treasurer presented to the Synod of the Slovak Lutherans held in Johnstown, Pennsylvania, on June 2, 1965, was described in their official publication as historic. "All these steps", said the president of the League Stephen J. Tkac in his report to the 40th Congress, "the meetings, articles, discussions and solemn pronouncements, have brought forth fruit. There is noticeable, in the first place, a relaxation of mutual tensions, and in both camps exploration of grounds for cooperation. I think that a most essential step has been taken and we have begun to talk. Our discussions are calm, we are exchanging views and accomplishing in the social and national spheres what has been taking place among Christian church groups in matters of a spiritual nature." 45 Cooperation with Slovak organizations and periodicals between the 39th and 40th congress was very good. Many regional and local units of the League held observances in 1965 and 1966, as in prior years, of March 14, Slovak Independence Day. These observances were designed to call to the American public's attention the fact that free Slovaks earnestly support freedom and independence for the nation from which they are descended. The publication Slovakia was issued in the years 1965 and 1966 under the editorship of Dr. Joseph Pauco, in 160 pages. Many universities, public libraries, and many young Slovak Americans evinced interest in this periodical, which is dedicated to Slovak cultural and national matters of the past and present. Financially the Slovak League entered the 40th Congress with a cash balance of over $18,000.00. The 40th Congress of the Slovak League was conducted on the 15th to the 17th of May, 1966, in the city of Youngstown, Ohio. A second conference of young people was �132 SLOVAKIA attended by over 100 participants. With Dr. Peter Hletko at the chair many matters of interest to young American Slovaks were debated and the participants expressed their viewpoints. Attorney Edward J. Behuncik, first vice-president of the League, delivered a talk on Slovak self-respect and pride. The young people requested further such conferences, in conjunction with congresses of the League, and outside them. The Slovak League also arranged with representatives of organizations which lively interest was developed for in the preservation of Slovak cultural in America. special conferences and periodicals, at further cooperation and national values The Congress approved the establishment of a scholarship fund for American college students of Slovak extraction, who would study Slovak history and arts, and would write serious studies in these fields. Discussion in the Congress was constructive and favorable to the strengthening of ecumenical ideas. At the closing banquet the benediction was invoked by a Lutheran Dean, Rev. August skodacek; another Lutheran pastor, the Reverend Andrew Rolik sent written salutations; and the Reverend Rudolph Flachbarth came to extend personal well-wishes, and to sit with the League's leaders in work sessions. At the banquet of the 40th Congress the principal address was presented by Congressman Michael A. Feighan, who evaluated the patriotic program of the Slovak League, expressed high praise for the Christian ideals of the Slovak nation, and announced that he had presented a demand to the Administration for a separate Slovak section in the Voice of America. In closing he declared: While the evil hand of Russian Communism continues its attempts to destroy the very spirit of Saints Cyril and Methodius and to reduce the Slovak people to a state of complete servility, the Slovak people refuse to surrender that which, over a thousand years, they have continued to fi ght for - their spirit of independence, of justice and of freedom.46 The 40th Congress too approved a meaningful memorandum, in which the delegates noted, among other things: The eventual liberation of our brethren and kinfolk, and, in the �SLOVAKIA 133 ecumenical spirit, all mankind from the tyranny and yoke of atheistic materialism of Communism must and will be our continuous goal. The reestablishment of an independent Slovakia as a free state in a united Europe must be, and, in God's good time, will be brought about through the efforts of our members and the peoples of other God fearing, oppressed ethnic groups and nations.4 7 The local American press, as well as radio and television, brought noteworthy attention to the 40th Congress of the Slovak League of America. From this standpoint it was one of the most successful congresses in the history of the League. The delegates in Youngstown approved a motion to celebrate the 60th anniversary of the founding of the League in the month of May 1966, in the city of Cleveland, Ohio. Preparations were started immediately after the conclusion of the congress and the executive board shifted most of its energies to this purpose. Nevertheless, oranizational and cultural work was by no means neglected, and further contacts with Administration people were steadily cultivated. President Stephen J. Tkac and Secretary-Treasurer Joseph Pauco wrote to President Lyndon Johnson to remind him that 20 years had passed since American-Slovak periodicals had been banned in Slovakia, while Communists continued to freely spread their propaganda throughout the free world. The honorary president of the League, Dr. Peter P. Hletko, had preserved in his possession a copy of a film produced by the Matica Slovenska (The Slovak Institute) titled Zem spieva (Song of the Earth). The League held showings of this film at various locations in the period preceding its jubilee celebration. The film arroused lively interest particularly among Slovak oldtimers and contributed to the enlivening of Slovak life in America. On the eve of the jubilee observance, held on the 27th and 28th of May, 1967, the publication Slovakia issued from the presses, again under the editorship of SecretaryTreasurer Pauco. This issue presents a compact history of the Slovak League of America, from its founding to the present, as well as other noteworthy contributions. The pre-jubilee mood among American Slovaks reflected a spirit of harmony, which had in recent years �134 SLOVAKIA become noticeable along the whole line of Slovak endeavors. The observance of the 60th anniversary of the Slovak League was conducted without the participation of a most prominent personality, one who had played an eminent role in Slovak life, particularly in the Slovak League of America: On January 17, 1967 in Chicago, Illinois died Mrs. Julia Krajcovic, perennial first lady of the League's Women's Auxiliary, the Vcielky (Bees), for many years vice-president of the League itself, and since 1966, its honorary vice-president. More than half a century of educational, organizational and charitable work is associated with the name of Julia Krajcovic. The charitable and patriotic work of the Vcielky under her leadership, as is pointed out elsewhere in this issue of Slovakia, comprises one of the finest chapters in the history of the Slovak League of America. One instance was the Vcielky's effective and substantial aid to Slovak victims of World War II, which presented a shining example of Slovak unity and harmony. Without Julia Krajcovic Slovak life in Chicago and all of America would hardly have flourished as it had during the days of the fullness of her vigor and elan. She was everywhere, and she did everything possible to promote love for the Slovak people and the Slovak word, to strengthen it, and to demonstrate it to the world.48 In its 60th year the Slovak League of America was poorer by many a distinguished colleague, including precious workers of the distaff side - but its momentum was full-forward, and its posture reflected readiness to continue its work for the preservation of Slovak consciousness, Slovak culture and Slovak traditions in America, and for a free Slovakia. FOOTNOTES 1. Zprava predsedu S'lovenskej Ligy v Amerike podana na XXIX . kongrese. (Report of the President of the Slovak League of America 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Presented to the 29th Congress.), Cleveland, Ohio, 1947. Published for distribution. Yurchak, Peter P. The Truth about Slovakia. 1947. Jednota. November 12, 1947. Jednota. March 12, 1947 "Prve vyrocie smrti Jana A. Kocura. " (The First Anniversary of the Death of John A. Kocur.) Jednota, July 20, 1949. Pauco, Joseph. Slovcici a komunizmus. (The Slovaks and Communism), Middletown, Pa., 1957, pg. 306. �SLOVAKIA 135 7. "Vedieme boj a z boja neustt'.ipime." (We Are Engaged in Battle and Will Never Retreat from the Field), Jednota, April 27, 1947. 8. "The Czechoslovak Council." America, March 19, 1949. 9. Report on the American Slav Congress and Associated Organizations. Prepared and released by the Committee on Un-American Activities, U.S. House of Representatives, Washington, D.C., 1949. 10. Pauco, Joseph. Sfovcici a komunizmus. pg. 307. 11. Full text in Jednota, January 31, 1951. 12. "To the President and Congress of the United States." Jednota, May 9, 1951. 13. Report on the conference in Jednota, May 28, 1952. 14. Jednota. May 6, 1953. 15. The memorandum was published for distribution under the title : Memorandum to the President and the Congress of the United States of America. Issued by the Thirty-Third Congress of the Slovak League of America, April 28, 1953, Milwaukee, Wisconsin. 16. Jednota. June 9, 1954. 17. Declaration of the National Conferenc e of Americans of Slovak Descent. May 24-25, 1954, Washington, D.C. Eight-page publication with photostatic copies of the signatures of the participants. 18. Memorandum Concerning the Czech-Communist Military Intervention in Slovakia. Presented to the United Nations General Assembly by the Slovak League of America and Slovak National Council Abroad . Middletown, Pa., December 22, 1956. Published for distribution. 19. "Za Dr. Frantiskom Hrusovskym." (In Memoriam to Dr. Francis Hrusovsky.) , Kalendcir Jednota 1957, pg. 23. 20. "Biskup Grutka na kongrese Slovenskej Ligy." (Bishop Grutka at the Congress of the Slovak League,), Jednota, May 29, 1957. 21. "Slovenskej Lige v Amerike." (To the Slovak League of America.), Jednota, May 22, 1957. 22. Memorandum to the President of the United States of America, the Hon. Secretary of State of the United States of America, and the Hon. Ambassador of the United States to the United Nations by the Thirty-Fifth Congress of the Slovak League of America. Cleveland, Ohio, May 28, 1957. Published for distribution. 23. Golden Jubilee and the XXXV Congress of the Slovak League of America. May 26-28, 1957, Cleveland, Ohio, 96 pp. Contributors: Phillip A. Hrobak, Msgr. Francis Dubosh, Julia Krajcovic, Paul Jamriska, and Dr. Joseph A. Mikus. The publication is bi-lingual. 24. From the speech of Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum, as quoted in Jednota, March 27, 1957. 25. "Czech Trials Seen as Sign of Red Fears." Sunday News. New York City, March 16, 1958. 26. Jednota. June 24, 1959. 27. Full text in Jednota, March 16, 1960. 28. From an eulogy by Bishop Andrew Grutka, as quoted in Jednota, May 18, 1960. 29. The complete text of Sabol's salutation in Jednota, June 7, 1961. 30. Memorandum to the President and the Congress of the United �136 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. SLOVAKIA States of America. The XXXVII Congress of the Slovak League of America, May 29-30, 1961, New York, N. Y., 4 pp. "Slovenska Liga oznamuje." (The Slovak League Announces.), Jednota, August 7, 1963. "Proclamation of the Slovak League of America, Washington, D.C., April 5, 1963." Jednota, April 17, 1963. The full text of the memorandum in Jednota, October 16, 1963. From a report published in Jednota, May 6, 1964. Proclam ati on of May 5, 1964. 39th Congress - Slovak League of America. Philadelphia, Pa., 4 pp. Jednota published the full text of Dr. Peter Hletko's report in its issues of May 20 and 27, 1964. "Na pamat' storocnice Andreja Hlinku a 25. vyrocia vyhlasenia Slovenskej Republiky." (In Commemoration of the Hlinka Centennial and the 25th Anniversary of the Declaration of Slovak Independence.), Jednota, March 11, 1964. The declaration was signed by the chief officers and executive board of the Slovak League of America, as well as by the presidents of all its affiliated organizations. "Nad smrt'ou Filipa Hrobaka. " (Reflections on the Death of Phillip Hrobak.),Jednota, January 22, 1964. "In Memoriam." Ibid. " Tryzna za Filipom Hrobakom." (An Elegy to Phillip Hrobak. ), Mikulas Sprinc, Jednota, January 29, 1964. " Phillip Anthony Hrobak." Jednota, February 12, 1964. "Za Filipom Hrobakom." (In Memory of Phillip Hrobak. ), Slov enska Obr ana, Scranton, Pa., January 21, 1964. Additional data from the life of Phillip Hrobak appears in Literarny Almanach Slovaka v A m erike, Middletown, Pa., 1967, pp. 157-158. Jednota. April 15, 1964. More about Constantine Culen in the abovecited Literarny Alm anach Slovaka v Amerike, pp. 129-130. Jedn ota. April 1, 1964. 45. Zprav a preds edu Slovensk ej L i gy v Amerike Stefana J. Tkaca na 40. kongrese v o Voyager Motor Inn, Youngstown, Ohio, 16. maja 1966. (Report of the President of the Slovak League of America Stephen J. Tkac at the 40th Congress in the Voyager Motor Inn, Youngstown, Ohio, May 16, 1966.), pg. 7. 46. Slov akia. Middletown, Pa., Volume XVI, 1966. pp. 126-127. 47. M emorandum Adopted Unani mously by the 40th Congress of the Slov ak League of America. Youngstown, Ohio, May 17, 1966. 4 pp. 48. " Chicago stratilo najpoprednejsiu Slovenku." (Chicago Loses its Foremost Slovak Lady.)), Nase Hlasy, February 1967. Anna Kolena eulogized the life and work of Julia Krajcovic in an extensive necrology titled "Za Juliou Krajcovicovou." (In Memory of Julia Krajcovic ), Slovak v Amerike, February 1, 1967. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is an AMERICAN INSTITUTION; it was organized May 26, 1907, at Cleveland, 0 ., by the Rev. Stephen Furdek. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1967, Vol. 17 Description An account of the resource Special Issue: Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 104 SLOVAKIA UNDER DYNAMIC LEADERSHI P Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. The activity of the Slovak League of America in its 40th year centered around Slovakia and the person of the president of the Slovak Republic, Dr. Joseph Tiso. President Peter Jurcak, in his report to the League's 29th congress on October 20, 1947 in Cleveland, Ohio, disclosed that the Slovak League of America had sent "more than 40,000 letters to official circles, congressmen and senators, to all the delegates to the United Nations, and to leading personalities in the United States, underlining its anti-Communist policies, and placing particular stress on the trend of events in the land of our forefathers." 1 The League had undertaken this action because "just one year past, American official circles and the press had been speaking of some sort of Czecho-Slova k bridge. The assumption was fostered that this bridge would entice the Soviet bear into Western Europe, and that once there he would be transformed into a lamb. There existed a wide-spread belief in the possibility of such a miracle. Generally overlooked was the fact that this bridge was occupied by the Soviet army, which would blow it to smithereens, the moment it lost its prerogative to control traffic, and thus abruptly bring to a halt any such 'monkey business'." Jurcak's report sheds light on the attitude of the Slovak League of America towards the president of the Slovak Republic, Dr. Joseph Tiso, at that most critical moment. Before the verdict of the "People's Court" in Bratislava was given "we sent more than 20,000 letters", states Jurcak, " to every imaginable recipient, from the smallest fraternal branch to the President of the United States." Jurcak as president of the Slovak League made eight trips to Washington to raise his voice in the cause of saving Dr. Tiso. The Slovak League published a distinguished brochure in defense of Dr. Tiso titled The Truth about Slovakia.2 This action demonstrated the love of American Slovaks for the nation of their origin, and their devotion to the personality of Dr. Joseph Tiso. American Slovaks under the leadership of the League appealed to the Amer- SLOVAKIA 105 ican Government to save the live of Dr. Joseph Tiso. They defended the policies of the president of the Slovak Republic, and pointed out that his case was not merely an internal matter of the "pertinent country", but that all Slovaks must work towards its just disposition, and that America might demonstrate by saving Tiso's life how committed she is to the strengthening of democratic infuences in a country which contains some of our most devoted allies in the current conflict between the USSR and the Western Democracies. The Slovak League distributed the brochure The Truth about Slovakia to all senators, congressmen, to all the delegates to the United Nations, and to many newspapers. In addition to this the League prepared a special appeal to the President of the United States, which was sent for signing to all its branches and to all its affiliated organizations and church parishes. In the appeal American Slovaks protested the cynical trial of Dr. Tiso and preparations for his execution, and they urged President Truman to intercede in the matter with the Prague government. This appeal evoked a huge response among American Slovaks. Indeed, it was signed by many non-Slovaks. At the behest of the First Catholic Slovak Women's Union, presented in the form of a motion at its annual meeting, the Slovak League called a conference of all American-Slovak organizations in Washington, D.C., placing at the top of the agenda the goal of obtaining an audience with President Truman. This conference was attended by representatives of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, and the Women's Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union. President Truman sent a representative of the State Department to the Conference. Peter P. Jurcak in his report to the 29th congress noted: "We did not suceed in saving the life of the president of the Slovak State, but at least we acquainted the American public, more than ever before in the history of the Slovak League, with the Slovak nation and the Slovak question. Many congressmen became our friends; the fate of the Slovak hero so touched them that they expressed their convictions about this unpleasant affair publicly in 106 SLOVAKIA the forum of the United States Congress and thus before the whole world." In particular, the speeches of Congressmen Madden and O'Konski received wide publicity. Peter P. Jurcak was convinced that Dr. Joseph Tiso "would receive from history quite a different verdict from that of his present judges. When future generation s, particularly in America, compare his conduct with the voluntary embracem ent of Communis m by those who convicted him-whom do you think they will consider the greater enemy of American democracy ? Considerab le time may yet pass, but eventually the outside world will come to the realization that had Tiso voluntarily turned over Slovakia to the Communis ts, he might have preserved the Slovak state, and his life to boot." The 29th congress of the Slovak League of America adopted the viewpoint of Peter Jurcak, and in a policy statement added: The Czecho-Slovak government in Prague has committed (April 18, 1947) the gravest kind of injustice in .t he hanging of Monsignore Joseph Tiso, an exemplary priest, a staunch Slovak patriot, and wartime president of the Slovak Republic. This act defies the will of the entire Slovak nation and inflicts a most damaging blow to Czech Slovak relations. We are convinced that this is a case of the most arbitrary parody of justice, and we cannot but decisively condemn Dr. Eduard Benes and his government. This declaration expresses the anti-Comm unist sentiments of the Slovak League, and brings witness to the historic reality that "the Slovak Republic was destroyed by a self-appoin ted Communis t political regime and by brute military force-with out consultatio n of the will of the Slovak people", and that the new regime "distinguis hes itself with terror and the totalitarian conquest of a country by a minority which employs any means to impose its rule over Slovakia." Furthermo re the declaration demands free elections in Slovakia, commentin g: We are fully convinced that Czecho-Slovakia is not a democracy in the sense accepted in this country. In the 'people's democracy', as Czecho-Slovakia now styles itself, the government controls all political parties, the press, and the air-waves-a state of affairs which is at obvious odds with the fundamental principles embraced by all democratic governments . The declaration requests that the President and Con- SLOVAKIA 107 gress of the United States protest the occupation of Slovakia and "the persecution of Slovak ecclesiastical, cultural and political leaders." Peter Jurcak was reelected president of the Slovak League of America, and John Kocur secretary. Shortly after the congress Jurcak sent a telegram to President Truman, in the name of the League, stating: To say nothing about what is happening in Slovakia today is but another form o:fl appeasement which will make the eventual liberation of the countries of Central Europe more difficult and more costly to the United States and will leave these people without hope.a The Slovak League also turned its attention to the problem of the expatriation of the Slovak nationals to the Sudetenland. According to a news release appearing in cas, the official administration newspaper in Bratislava, February 5, 1947 issue, 200,000 Slovaks had already been moved to the Sudetenland as of that date. On February 24, 1947 the Slovak League (Jurcak and Kocur) sent a petition to the President of the United States which read: We specifically appeal with reference to the proposed expatriation of several hundred thousand Slovaks from their homeland to the Sudetenland in Czecho-Slovakia. There is reason to believe that this is another effort to dismember this small nation and defeat permanently any effort at independence by the Slovak people.4 On March 29, 1947 Joseph Rusek, a past president of the Slovak League and an outstanding Slovak newspaperman, died in Palmyra, Pennsylvania. Husek's name is closely associated with almost half a century's activity among American Slovaks. As editor of the weekly Jednota he stood in the front ranks as a defender of Slovak national individuality he had few peers in America. He was one of the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact, and remained and unswerving proponent of its letter and spirit. Not a single question affecting Slovak welfare either in America or the old country escaped his attention in the columns of his newspaper; his analyses covered a broad spectrum of problems - social, economic, cultural and national. The uniqueness of Husek's journalistic contributions lay in his penetrating criticism. Joseph Rusek was without doubt one of the greatest Slovak newsmen of his time, or any time. To promote interest in the plight of Slovakia the 108 SLOVAKIA League opened a campaign, headed by the Rev. John J . Lach of Whiting, Indiana, for distribution of Freedom for Slovakia stamps. The profit was to be channeled into a Fund for Slovak Freedom, established to support efforts for the liberation of the Slovak nation and the organization of a democratic government in a hoped-for independent Slovak state. In addition the League's attention was taken by the bitter fate of Slovak exiles, who were not recognized by the Western powers as refugees and who therefore failed to meet eligibility requirements for legal and material assistence in resettlement. A change was achieved through the efforts of the Slovak League, which through the intervention of its president Peter Jurcak engaged the favorable attention of the International Refugee Organization, and saw its representative, Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum, received in the European headquarters of IRO in Geneva. As a result the IRO took the Slovak exile community under its protective wing. The League held a special meeting on this matter in Washington, D.C. on January 19 and 20, 1948, and committees visited American congressmen and administrative officials to work towards solution of this problem. On the 13th of July, 1948, in Springdale, Pennsylvania, John Kocur, long-time secretary of the Slovak League, died at the age of 61. The historian Dr. Francis Hrusovsky wrote of him: John A. Kocu r , in his uprightness of• char acter , his firmness of conviction, and his deep love of the Slovak nation, was a beautiful exemplification of the perfect American of Slovak extraction, who t hrough his tireless labor cultivated a deep furrow in Slovak life in America and earned an honorable niche in the history of his nation.s On December 20, 1948, in Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania, Peter P . Jurcak, attorney and president of the Slovak League, died at the age of only 48 years. With Peter Jurcak had begun a new era in the Slovak League of America-an era of dynamic workers, born in America, to be sure, but in their love for Slovakia holding steadily to the ideals of the founders and promoters of the League. Jurcak was the first president of the Slovak League who through English books and memoranda, as well as personal contacts, worked mightily to persuade American political and cultural workers to recognize the individuality and cultural SLOVAKIA 109 distinctiveness of the Slovak nation. His activity in the Slovak League of America falls into the }lectic post-war years. He proved himself an aggressive and resourceful leader, such as was sorely needed by the Slovak League and the Slovak cause in general. During the 30th congress of the Slovak League of America on March 1 and 2, 1949 in Chicago, the delegates expressed their opposition to any form of Czecho-Slovakia, and by resolution took a stand on the Communist putsch there in February 1948: The Slovak nation by no means condones the aggressive tactics of the Communist party, but on the contrary, demanding respect for the convictions and will of the overwhelming majority, most resolutely condemns these tactics, and awaits only the opportunity to cast off this government by terror and violence.6 The congress also took a stand with respect to the new currents that appeared in the Slovak and Czech exile communities. It recognized the Slovak National Council Abroad, with Karol Sidor at the helm, as the leader in the fight for the independence of Slovakia.On the other hand "the Slovak League extends no recognition whatsoever to the Council of Free Czecho-Slovakia", wrote the new president of the League, Paul Jamriska; "it does not concede any right to the Czechs to meddle in the fate of Slovakia, and it considers those 'Czecho-Slovaks' who support the afore-mentioned organization enemies of their own nation." 7 The new vice-president of the Slovak League, Phillip A. Hrobak, began to publish in January 1949 a monthly Slovak Newsletter, dedicated to the defense of Slovak interests and the informing of American public opinion. The first issues of this periodical were devoted largely to countering the claims and theses of the Council of Free CzechoSlovakia, about which organization a leading American journal ( America) wrote: The leaders of the newly formed Council are Marxists - can Bolshevism be defeated by its own ideas? They are free thinkers and opponents of any religious instruction. What cultural ideas will they give to the unhappy Slovak people? They will have to rule in Slovakia by sheer force - could that be called democracy?B The Slovak League gained extraordinary recognition on June 26, 1949 in the House of Representatives, when the 110 SLOVAKIA Un-American Activities Committee issued a Report on the American Slav CO?uJress and Associated Organizations. This official report Cit_es the opposition of the Slovak League of America to the American Slav Congress. A whole passage is quoted from the declaration issued by the League's 29th congress, and in conclusion the Report remarks that the Slovak League and its affiliated organizations "are on record as opposed to Communist rule and as supporting 'present American foreign policy'." On the other hand this same repor~ notes that the organizations defending the idea of Czecho-Slovak unity were a mainstay of the American Slav Congress, and against them stood "the opposition of the American-Slovak League." Further the Report states : ... the friendly relations between the Benes government and the Soviet Union insured the cooperation of the bulk of the Czecho-Slovakian organizations, which constituted one of the most dependable elements in the American Slav Congress.9 The 31st congress of the Slovak League of America was held in the city of Cleveland. The delegates issued a manifest on May 24, 1950, in which they state among other things: At the end of World War II the Slovak nation found itself, despite great-power declarations affirming the principle of the self-determination of nations, back in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, in which it had no desire to live, under any condiUons. In the renewed Czecho-Slovak Republic the Slovaks lost all the prerequisites for their free national development, and in this 'people's democracy' they are suffering the unendurable fate of helpless slaves. To this political degradation, economic misery and cultural enslavement has been added religious persecution, which is designed to break the moral strength of the Slovak nation, to destroy its peculiarly Christian character, so eventually a way of life might be forced on it that would obliterate its distinctive temperament, its convictions, its long Christian traditions, and its goals. The Slovak League, in the name of justice and human rights, most resolutely protests this ruthless enslavement of the Slovak nation, and sees in the progressive constriction of the rights of the churches and the disruption of religious life in Slovakia, the rawest form of Communist barbarity.10 The opponents of the movement for independeJt Slovakia continued to bring heavy pressures against the natural leaders of the Slovak nation, even on the soil of the free nations of the world. They attempted to prevent the very visit to America of Karol Sidor, author, journalist, SLOVAKIA 111 and one-time minister in the Slovak Republic. The strength of the Slovak League, however, rallied to the occasion, and persuaded the State Department to grant a visa to Sidor as a guest of the League. Minister Karol Sidor received a warm welcome from the delegates at the League's 31st congress. Afterwards he visited almost all the Slovak centers in the United States. He made tens of speeches, leaving deep impressions with his listeners, and helping the broad Slovak masses to orient themselves in the welter of influences and events. Phillip A. Hrobak became the new president of the Slovak League of America. In January 1951 he was the first American-Slovak leader to raise his voice against the recent trial and conviction of Slovak bishops by Communist courts in Czecho-Slovakia. He sent a memorandum to the President and Congress of the United States in which he appealed to the Government to protest publicly against these convictions and the religious persecution in Slovakia, and to sever diplomatic relations with the Prague government "which has sinned so grievously against humanity and the fundamental principles of freedom." Lastly, Hrobak requested that the American Government present a resolution to the United Nations demanding an investigation of all the crimes committed against the Slovak nation.11 In April 1951 the Slovak League sent a further memorandum to the President and Congress of the United States, in which it appealed for independence of Slovakia and again underscored its anti-Communist sentiments.12 On May 21, 1951 the delegates to the League's 32nd congress, held in New York City, adopted a declaration condemning Communism and ... the insincere and false peace propaganda which by attractive slogans of world peace is attempting to still the consciences of individual nations, and thus to distract their attention from preparations for aggression and world rule. In Moscow's peace propaganda we are witness to duplicity of such dimensions as has no parallel in history. As citizens of a free and democratic country, which guarantees us not only all rights, but also all the conditions for material welfare and spiritual progress, we construe every aggressive war as criminal, but we see as no less criminal the immoral abuse of peace slogans for military buld-up, which threatens international peace and drives humanity towards a new catastrophe. 112 SLOVAKIA The 32nd congress of the Slovak League was attended by an official representativ e of the State Department in the person of Barstow H. Underwill. Also, the American publicist, Ann Su Cardwell, presented a significant speech to the delegates. A Slovak guest was the author and journalist, general-secre tary of the Slovak National Council Abroad, Peter Pridavok, from London, England. On the occasion of this congress the Slovak League published the first issue of a quarterly called Slovakia, which was edited by its president, Phillip Hrobak. This publication presented historical and topical articles, designed to furnish accurate information about Slovakia to the American political and cultural-scien tific communities. Phillip A. Hrobak was again elected president and Dr. Francis Hrusovsky became secretary for the third time. In early 1952 the Slovak League opened an information office in the nation's capital, Washington, D.C., directed by the former Slovak diplomat Dr. Joseph Mikus. On the 23rd of May 1952 the League held a conference in Washingto, which was attended by representativ es of the First Catholic Slovak Union, the First Catholic Slovak Women's Union, the Slovak Catholic Sokol, the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, the Women's Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, the Slovak Catholic Cadet Union, the Federation of Slovak Catholics, and representativ es of the Slovak Press in America. The conference heard addresses by Senator Theodore F. Green and Congressman Charles J. Kersten. The conferees issued a declaration in which the Slovak League and its affiliated organizations reaffirmed the appeals on behalf of Slovakia presented to the U.S. Government in past years. 13 On October 28, 1952, in Monessen, Pennsylvania , died Michael Sincak, former vice-presiden t of the Slovak League and well-known fraternalist. He had been one of the most energetic organizers of Slovak life in America, devoting his efforts with particular affection to Slovak song. He collected several hundred Slovak songs and promoted them enthusiastically . The Slovak public had met his name often on the pages of Slovak newspapers. The 33rd congress of the Slovak League of America SLOVAKIA 113 was held on the 27th and 28th of April, 1953, in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. In the two preceeding years the League's membership had increased by 2,000, its information office had proved its value, and the work of the League had aroused interest in many quarters. Among other things the League, in these two years, had presented 60 film showings. Many American politicians sent greetings to this congress. Foremost among them was the President of the United States, Dwight D. Eisenhower, who stated in his message: Our nation has been enriched by the contribution to our spiritual and economic welfare by the hundreds of thousands of Slovak people who have emigrated to the United States to find freedom and better livelihood. Experiencing and treasuring our representative democracy, our religious freedom, and our economic prosperity, Americans of Slovak descent naturally look forward eagerly to the day when the homeland of their forefathers may again know these blessings.14 This congress too passed a memorandum addressed to the President and Congress of the United States. Among other things it states: It is only natural that Americans of Slovak descent are vitally interested in the question of the national existence of the nation they are descended from. And since the Slovak nation cannot speak freely for itself, imprisoned as it is behind a forced iron curtain, the Slovak League of America has taken upon itself the obligation of pleading for the recognition and respect for the fundamental rights of the Slovak nation. Those rights are predicated in the elementary democratic principle that all peoples, wherever they may be found and however few their numbers, are morally obligated and entitled to speak in the council of nations, there to defend rights to survival and selffulfillment. The members of the Slovak League of America, including the membership of the organizations actively affiliated with it, are loyal to America because to them America is the ideal - the living symbol of freedom, tolerance and justice. They seek no special favors for the people from which they are descended but only the recognition of and respect for, the inherent and fundamental rights of the Slovak nation. We firmly believe that it is in the highest interests of America and the rest of the free world that the Slovaks be free and have their independent state.1s At the 33rd congress, which again elected Phillip A. Hrobak president, an honored guest was the former Slovak diplomat and active political worker in exile, Matus Cernak, from Munich, Germany. His speeches among American Slovaks provided a strong stimulus to interests in Slovak affairs . • On March 5, 1953, in Scranton, Pennsylvania, died the 114 SLOVAKIA Reverend John Porubsky, first secretary of the Slovak League, author and newspaperman of extraordinary talent. He was 79 years old. For half a century he had filled the columns of Slovak newspapers and almanacs in America, under his own name as well as under several pseudonyms (Sestros, Stary Farmer). John Porubsky was a living Slovak chronicle. He knew the history of the Slovak nation, particularly that of its American off-shoot. He applied himself on the one hand to the earthy problems of animal husbandry and farming, and on the other, to the more elevated fields of history and literature. Slovak literature he enriched with scores of essays and articles, crowning his efforts with a History of Slovak Literature. On October 20, 1953, in Montreal, Canada, died Karol Sidor, who in the Slovak movement for independence, occupies a position only slightly behind Andrej Hlinka and Dr. Joseph Tiso. The range of his interests was wide and varied, including at many points the affairs of American Slovaks. He had contacts with them, recognized their existence and needs; and it was Karol Sidor who first approached the writing of serious American-Slovak history with his work Slovdci v zahranicnom odboji (1928) (The Contributions of Slovaks Abroad to the Struggle for Independence of Slovakia). Sidor had particularly warm relations with the Slovak League of America. Among his personal friends were Phillip A. Hrobak and Dr. Peter P. Hletko. On the 24th and 25th of May, 1954 the Slovak League held another conference in WRshington, D.C. Tens of congressmen came to extend their greetings, as did representatives of various Central-European nationalities and exile groups. President Dwight D. Eisenhower, Vice-President Richard M. Nixon, and Secretary of State John Foster Dulles sent separate messages to the conference. Dulles' statement included the following : Our government is deeply concerned about the plight of the Slovak people and of the other peoples of Central and Eastern Europe under the present Soviet-controlled regimes.16 The conference issued a declaration which touches on a number of topical subjects. It reads in part: We heartily commend all efforts on the part of our Government, SLOVAKIA 115 its agencies and Congressional Committee to ferret out, unmask and prosecute all subversive elements, specifically all communists and fellow-travellers, which propagate class hatreds, economic strife, chaos and anarchy. All persons and organizations, who wittingly or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of Communism, should be thoroughly investigated by the proper organs of the Government. Concerning Slovakia the declaration emphasizes: As Christians and adherents of the democratic way of life, we resolutely oppose the domination and exploiitation of any nation by any other nation or political state. The Slovak nation did not want to be dominated by the Magyars prior to 1918 and, today, does not want to be ruled by the Czech nation. We firmly believe that the national existence and the welfare of the Slovak nation can best be safeguarded by the Slovaks themselves in their own Slovak Republic.17 In the year 1954, thanks to the efforts of Phillip Hrobak, president of the Slovak League, a number of Slovaks testified before committees of the American Congress which were investigating the fate of nations behind the iron curtain. Phillip Hrobak presented testimony in which he reviewed the history of the Slovak nation, with emphasis on its contemporary tribulations. In the Congress a special subcommittee was formed for Poland, Lithuania and Slovakia, and the testimony was printed in a publication titled Investigation of Communist Takeover and Occupation of Poland, Lithuania, and Slovakia. In these hearings American officials received more information about Slovakia and the Slovaks than ever before. The greatest credit for enabling the Slovaks to speak freely before the committee of the American Congress belong to Congressman Charles J. Kersten, Chairman of the Committee, and Congressman Alvin N. Bentley, a member of the Committee. Congressman Bentley was a guest of the Slovak League at its 34th congress, which took place on the 23rd and 24th of May, 1955, in Washington, D.C. In his address he designated as the greatest bane of the Slovak nation the socalled Czech Slovaks. He declared at the same time that the American Government should recognize the demands of the Slovak League of America. Vice-President Nixon spoke for the Administration in a written message to the congress. The 130 delegates approved a memorandum which in substance made the same demands for Slovak rights as had previous memoranda. 116 SLOVAKIA This congress also observed the one-hundredth anniversary of the birth of the League's founder, the Reverend Stephen Furdek. On this occasion the Slovak League made a decision to sponsor the publication of a history of Slovakia in the English language. This announcement evoked such enthusiasm among the delegates and guests that they contributed more than $5,000.00 to the treasury of the League for this end. The Slovak League again commemorated the onehundredth anniversary of the birth of its founder in a joint observance with the First Catholic Slovak Union, held in Cleveland, Ohio, on the 4th and 5th of September, 1955. Approximately 10,000 American Slovaks attended the affair. The life and work of the Reverend Furdek were presented by Phillip Hrobak in a booklet titled The Reverend Stephen Furdek. 1855-1955. For Slovak readers a booklet by Joseph Pauco was issued, under the title stefan Furdek a slovenske prist'ahovalectvo (Stephen Furdek and the Slovak Immigration). On November 20, 1955, in Lakewood, Ohio, Martin Slimak, a past vice-president of the Slovak League, and otherwise well-known fraternalist and financier, died at the age of 70. He was one of the most colorful figures in American-Slovak life. On July 5, 1955 news spread through the world of the dastardly murder of the outstanding Slovak politician, Matus Cernak. He was assassinated in Munich, Germany. The world press concluded unanimously that the case involved political murder. The culprits were never discovered by the police, but in Slovak circles little doubt exists that they were Communist agents. In 1956 the Slovak League was accorded one of the highest distinctions possible when on October 24th its eight-member delegation was received in audience by Secretary-of-State John F. Dulles. The Secretary entertained the delegates for almost half an hour and answered a whole series of questions which they put to him. At the head of this delegation was Phillip A. Hrobak, president of the League. The Hungarian uprising in 1956 touched off strong reverberations in Slovakia, as it did elsewhere. Reports in SLOVAKIA 117 the American press spoke of unrest in Slovak towns and a general mood for revolt. But the eruption of rebellious feelings into overt act was effectively forestalled by the Czecho-Slovak army, which was controlled in all key positions by Czech officers. These circumstances and realities were pointed out by the Slovak League and the Slovak National Council Abroad in a joint memorandum to the United Nations. This memorandum presented a detailed description of the mood in Slovakia and reviewed the events had taken place there since 1945. The memorandum also notes the fact that by 1956, 320,000 Slovaks had been resettled in the Sudetenland. "This transfer of Slovak population," states the memorandum, "has much in common with deportations of the Baltic population to Siberia by the Soviets. The main purpose of the Prague Government is to cut people from their native roots and thus weaken the resistance which the compact mass of the Slovak population could exert against both Communism and also Czech domination. Prague obviously figures that the Slovak population, submerged thus by its new Czech environment, will finally lose its original Slovak character and become either entirely Czech, or at least proletarian."18 On May 31, 1956, in Owosso, Michigan, Julius Janci, American-Slovak doctor, member of the executive board of the Slovak League of America, and promoter of Slovak culture in America, died at the age of 51. He was one of the best known figures of Slovak life in the United States. On September 9, 1956 the Slovak League lost its secretary, Dr. Francis Hrusovsky. Death took him at the age of 53. He had plowed a deep furrow in Slovak life--as a national historian, and as an expert in the history and contemporary affairs of the American Slovaks. He was also an outstanding newspaperman and first-rate speaker. His loss was particularly painful for the Slovak League of America. The Abbot of the Monastery of St. Andrew Svorad in Cleveland, Ohio, Right Reverend Theodore Kojis, O.S.B. wrote of this outstanding Slovak: When nine years ago he came to us in Cleveland, it was as if the whole of Slovakia had come to us: with his simple faith in God, 116 SLOVAKIA his broad erudition, his intense desire for freedom and justice, his modesty, his industry, all his beauty of soul, Dr. Hru~ovsky personified the best of Slovak virtue and nobility.1 9 The 50th anniversary of the founding of the Slovak League of America came in the year 1957. The occasion was celebrated in conjunction with the League's 35th congress, which was held in Cleveland on the 26th to the 28th of May. A distinguished guest was the American bishop of Slovak extraction, the Right Reverend Andrew Grutka, D. D., of Gary, Indiana, who stated in an address: The Slovaks are one of the most godfearing of nations: this makes me happy to profess my national origin ; I love my native tongue. 20 During the congress extraordinary attention was aroused by a display featuring the life of the American Slovaks from the days of the pioneers to recent times. The exhibit in pictures, documents, newspapers, carvings, and statistical charts, engaged the interest of the Slovak public, and the American public as well. It was viewed in Benedectine High School by approximately 7,000 Slovaks and non-Slovaks. The local press, radio and television gave it exceptionally good coverage. In the preparation of this exhibit Constantine Culen, author and secretary of the Slovak League, accomplished a most worth-while bit of work. The leading Slovak writer and last director of the free Matica Slovenska, J . C. Hronsky, gave symbolic voice to the sentiments of the humiliated and silenced Slovak nation in anniversary greetings to this congress. "Slovak blood sends you greetings here today," went his salutation from far-off Argentina, "bidding you joy in your deliberations - because you have not betrayed it; because it still flows robustly in your veins; because it remains the same proud blood that has refused to bow in Slovakia, and has so often in the past been tempered to toughness by dungeon and gallow, as it continues to be today; because it refuses to stoop to self-betrayal."21 The delegates to the 35th congress of the Slovak League, who again elected Phillip Hrobak president and Constantine Culen secretary, adopted a memorandum in which they stressed: We rededicate ourselves to the preservation of the basic moral SLOVAKIA 119 principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence, the Con• stitution, and the Bill of Rights of the United States of America . They declared further : .. . on the solemn occasion of our Golden Jubilee, as represen• tatives of the vast majority of the Slovak ethnic group, we deem it our moral right and obligation to respectfully request, seek, and, if the need arises, to insist that our Government through its executive branch, in its various sections and divisions, not excluding our able ambassador to the United Nations, take all legitimate avenues of action in keeping with the sacred moral law of God and the law of nations to make certain that a true and lasting independent Slovakia may again take its rightful place in the community of nations which seek to preserve peace and promulgate the brotherhood of man and the fatherhood of God.22 The leaders of the Slovak League prepared a special bi-lingual publication for this occasion, in which they reviewed the broad principles of the jubilating organiza. tion.23 The jubilee observance was rounded out by a com• plementary festivity - the first presentation on American soil of the "Andrew Hlinka Cup". The keepers of the cup, with Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum at their head, honored the president of the Slovak League and longtime editor of the newspaper Jednota, Phillip Hrobak, for his many contribu• tions to Slovak life, in particular for his contribution to American Slovaks of "a grammar and dictionary, and because with his aggresive elan, his perseverance and fear• lessness both as a newspaperman and as an organizer, he personifies the finest qualities, such as graced not only Uudovit stur, but also the first recipient of the cup, Andrew Hlinka, and those who came after."24 Phillip Hrobak remained at his post alert to developments on the international scene, and at the same time keeping American administrative circles informed of Slovak interests. He made several trips to Washington in 1958. His appeals and petitions were corroborated by reports in the American press, which wrote with admiration of developments in Slovakia. For instance the New York Times on January 13, 1958 carried a report which read: "The imperialists want to overthrow," announced the Czech communist, general-secretary of the Communist Party in Slovakia, Karel Bacilek, "our people's democracy by using Slovakia as a channel. Bourgeois nationalism is 120 SLOVAKIA allied with Ludakism and finds expression in an outcry against Czechs working in Slovakia." Another American newspaper disclosed: Slovakia, which has been more anti-Communist than some other East European countries, has experienced a new wave of anti-Czech, anti-Russian feeling in the past few months, and with Bulgaria is considered one of the Russian's most restless satellites.25 The League conducted its 36th congress on the 14th and 15th of June 1959 in Johnstown, Pennsylvania. It directed its attention to matters of American-Slovak cultural and civic life, and again declared itself for freedom and independence of Slovakia in the spirit of the address of its honorary president, Msgr. Francis Dubosh, who asserted: Our duty is to persevere in the struggle against Communism and to bolster everywhere the principles of democratic thought, democratic action, and the victory of democracy over dictatorship. This must also be the motivation of all our efforts with respect to the Slovak nation, to which we wish the same kind of freedom that we ourselves enjoy. In the struggle for an independent Slovakia the Slovak League will never, under any circumstances, capitulate. 26 The delegates unanimously reinstated Phillip Hrobak at the helm of the League, and Constantine culen at the post of secretary. In 1959 regional and local assemblies of the League prepared fitting commemorations of the 20th anniversary of the establishment of the Slovak Republic. A year later, through the initiative of Phillip Hrobak, president of the League, for the first time a public prayer for the Slovak nation was invoked on the floor of the American Congress. The March 14, 1960 session of the House of Representatives was opened by Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B., with the following prayer: Almighty God, heavenly Father, we beseach Thee to continue to bless our leaders so that they may always conscientiously serve the best interest of our nation and its people and thus remain in the favor of Thy Divine Providence. We pray Thee, God of Mercy, to mitigate the sufferings of all enslaved victims of brutal Communism and, in particular, on this solemn occasion of the Twenty-First Anniversary of the Proclamation of Slovak Independence, we implore Thee to grant the same blessings of freedom to the Slovak nation as Thou hast deigned to give us in our United States, so that Slovakia likewise, should have a 'government of the people, by the people, for the people'. SLOVAKIA 121 Lord, hear our prayers. And let our cries come unto Thee. Amen. 2 7 On May 9, 1960, in Whiting, Indiana, died the Reverend John Lach, a former member of the executive board of the Slovak League, cultural and social worker, particularly well-known as a generous patron of Slovak literary endeavors. "He was known and beloved not only among American Slovaks, but also among the Slovaks beyond the sea. His place was among the outstanding personalities of Slovak national life. He radiated love for his priestly calling, and for the Slovak people, and the Slovak people responded with the kind of love only they can show for the priests they love and for their genuine leaders ... " 28 The 37th congress of the Slovak League took place in the city of New York, on the 29th and 30th of May, 1961. It was conducted in the spirit of the preceeding congresses. The president of the First Catholic Slovak Union, John A. Sabol, described the Slovak League of America on this occasion as the finest heritage left by its founder Stephen Furdek. 29 This congress too, aproved a comprehensive memorandum in which the League expressed its loyalty to the United States and its government, and at the same time renewed its pleas for the liberation of the Slovak nation. In the memorandum are found the following statements: As Americans we sincerely believe that every nation, large and small, has the inherent, God-given right to freedom and independence, the right to its own nationhood and statehood. We believe, too, that liberty cannot be exercised by proxy and that all nations are entitled to a voice in the determination of their own destinies ... It is only natural that Americans of Slovak descent are vitally interested in the question of the national existence of the nation they are descended from. And since the Slovak nation cannot speak freely for itself, imprisoned as it is behind the Iron Curtain, the Slovak League of America has taken upon itself the obligation of pleading for the recognition of and respect for the fundamental rights of the Slovak nation. These rights are predicated in the elementary democratic principle that all peoples, wherever they may be found and however few their numbers, are morally obligated and entitled to speak in the council of nations, there to defend their rights to survival and self-fulfillment.30 Phillip Hrobak was again elected to the post of president of the Slovak League. The preceding five years had witnessed an outbreak 122 SLOVAKIA of considerable feuding among American Slovaks. The strife carried over into the Slovak League, which was thus hampered in the conduct of the activities which clamored for its attention. In the year 1962 all the clashes and disputes in the Slovak press were brought to a close. The 38th congress, convened in Detroit, Michigan, on the 27th to the 29th of May, turned its attention to this problem. It reflects well on the perspicacity of all the groups which sent delegates to this congress, that they were able to reach an agreement and to dispel the belligerence that had discouraged and retarded the cultural and national activities of American Slovaks. Dr. Peter P. Hletko became the new president of the League at this congress. Also, a decision was made to restore the office of the secretary, and to this post was elected Dr. Joseph Pauco. The proceedings of the congress were conducted on a high level. It was visited and addressed by several American politicians, foremost among whom was the Governor of the State of Michigan, J. S . Swainson. In 1963 American Slovaks joined everywhere in the free world in commemorating with appropriate ceremony and solemnity the 1100th anniversary of the advent of the apostles Cyril and Methodius in Slovakia. The League rose to its calling on this occasion, too. Phillip Hrobak, continuing in the post of editor of the periodical Slovakia, dedicated the 1963 issue to the memorable Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee. He himself, along with other contributors, illuminated the importance and far-reaching significance of Christian culture and Christian morals for the Slovak nation. In addition, the Slovak League convoked a national conference in Washington, D.C., on the 5th and 6th of April, 1963, which marked this anniversary with fitting observances, and also commemorated another event of great national significance, the centenary of the founding of the Matica Slovenska, the outstanding Slovak cultural institution. Lectures on the significance of these anniversaries were presented in Slovak by Dr. Joseph Stasko, and in English by Phillip A. Hrobak. The occasion was also observed with religious ceremonies in the National Shrine of the SLOVAKIA 123 Immaculate Conception, in Washington, D.C., which were conducted by the Reverend Paul Miklosovic, J.C.D., of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Also on this occasion, a delegation of the Slovak League, led by its president Peter P. Hletko and Phillip A. Hrobak, executive-board member, visited the State Department and again ventilated the demands of the Slovak League in the interest of the liberation of Slovakia. Thanks to the initiative of Phillip A. Hrobak the Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee received a signal commemoration on the floor of the American House of Representatives, when on March 14, 1963, the invocation was spoken by the Very Reverend Joseph Baran, V.F., from Lansford, Pennsylvania. A further project of the Slovak League of America in this connection was developed primarily through the initiative of its secretary: requests were sent to the governors of the States of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois, Wisconsin, and Michigan to declare days, weeks or months as commemorative observances of the CyriloMethodian Jubilee. Such observances were in fact proclaimed in all seven of the above-named states, which contain an absolute majority of Slovaks living in the United States. 31 The Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee and the Matica centenary called forth the finest efforts of the Slovak League, because the events they commemorate are deeply woven into the fabric of the Slovak national character-they form the pith and substance of the Slovak national heritage. To review: The Cyrilo-Methodian jubilee recalls the historical fact that the Slovaks are one of the oldest nations in Central Europe. Eleven hundred years ago they accepted Christianity and with it also Christian culture and civilization, whereby they definitely joined themselves with the western cultural world. The entire history of the Slovak people is characterized by this orientation. After the advent of the Slovak Apostles, a wealth of Slovak literature emanated in Slovakia which later became also the foundation of the literary culture of the other Slovanic nations. With the fall of Great Moravia, at the beginning of the tenth century, this culture gradually disappeared in Slovakia, because the Slovaks, after the collapse of their first political entity, came under the hegemony of the Magyars in Hungary, where Latin gradually replaced the ancient Slovak language as a literary medium. Politically, however, Slovakia retained 124 SLOVAKIA its independent status for many years. During the reign of Matus (Matthew) Cak of Trencin in the 14th century who controlled a large part of the Slovak country, Slovakia had its own army and its own mint ; and Matus concluded his own treaties with other countries without regard for Hungarian kings. Despite the fact that Slovaks had to suffer the hegemony of the Magyars for long centuries, they never renounced their Cyrilo-Methodian tradition, which became an integral part of their national ideology_ From the fifteenth century they are manifesting their adherence to the glorious past of their ancestors in numerous songs and historical works, thus demonstrating their antiquity and their claim to equality with the Magyars in old Hungary. In the middle of the nineteenth century the Slovaks, under the leadership of Louis Stur, Joseph Miloslav Hurban and Michael Hodfa, declared their independence and broke out in armed revolt against Magyar hegemony. In this struggle the Slovaks fondly recalled their first political entity, Great Moravia of the ninth century, and their national culture which was founded by SS. Cyril and Methodius. In 1863, despite the disfavor and opposition of Magyar authorities, the Slovaks celebrated the Millenium of the advent of SS. Cyril and Methodius to Slovakia in practically every town and hamlet. The same year, to honor their Apostles, the Slovaks established the Matica Slovenska. And in the first half of the nineteenth century the bard of Slovakia, Jan Holly, wrote his great epic "Cyrilo-Methodiada," which is unique in European literature, glorifying the merits of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The cult of SS. Cyril and Methodius is wide-spread not only in Slovakia, but also wherever the Slovaks live, especially in the United States of America. This certainly is proof positive that the Slovaks are conscious of their cultural and .political antiquity. In America this cult is attested to by the numerous churches, schools, monasteries and fraternal societies that bear the name of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The Slovaks in the free world are commemorating the 1,lO0th anniversary of the advent of SS. Cyril and Methodius to Slovakia in a grandiose manner. Besides religious and national celebrations in the United States and Canada, the Slovaks are planning two pilgrimages to Rome, the Eternal City where St. Cyril is buried, where they will dedicate the Institute of SS. Cyril and Methodius on September 15, 1963, the seminary made possible by the gifts of Slovaks in the free world to train young men for the priesthood who will one day, God willing, do missionary work in a free Slovakia. Slovak poets of the free world are publishing a collection of poems to honor the memory of the Slovak Apostles; writers and journalists are extending themselves to the utmost to make the cult of 88. Cyril and Methodius better known to the non-Slovak world. All this forcefully stresses the fact that the Slovaks - after 1,100 years - are still spiritually connected with their ancient past, with their own Great Moravian Empire, and with the foundations of the literary culture established by SS. Cyril and Methodius. All these celebrations and commemorations are at the same time a clear expression of the desire of the Slovaks for political freedom, for a free culture, for a free religious life. The Slovaks in the free world, under the leadership of the Slovak League of America, are at this time also reminding the free world that SLOVAKIA 125 their brethren in Slovakia, suffering under the brutal tyranny of the communists of Prague and Moscow, never did and never shall renounce their right to the political independence of Slovakia. This their right emanates from their political history and from their national and cultural antiquity. From Slovakia eleven hundred years ago Christianity spread to the Czech land, to Poland, to Hungary, to Bulgaria, and even to Russia. All these nations enjoyed a more fortunate past, they were able to create their own political states, only the Slovaks - one of the oldest nations in Central Europe - could not validate for long centuries their yearning and their right to their own state, because of the chauvinism and avariciousness of the nations that ruled over them. This year's great jubilee of the Slovak past is again a confirmation of the viability of the Slovak nation, of its loyalty to valid Christian val ues and, at the same time, an expression of the firm will of the Slovak to live an independent life, the kind of life ordained by God for man and for nations, the kind of life all nations of the world have the inherent right to live. The Slovak League of America, fully aware of its responsibility and fully conscious of its historical mission, expresses its profound feelings of fraternal relations with the suffering nation we are descended from, and in this great Slovak year, assembled in Washington, D.C., we again solemnly declare that we shall continue to exert ourselves, by all legal and ethical means at our disposal, for the preservation of the heritage of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Bernolak, and the Matica Slovenska, among American Slovaks, and that we shall continue in our effort to gain the favor of our American Government in the interest of renewing the free Slovak State in which, with the cooperation of all free nations, the Slovaks will fully enjoy the blessings of true freedom, the beginning and the end of which is the Gospel, and the most beautiful fruit of which. is contained in the testament of our Slovak Apostles, SS. Cyril and Methodius.32 Whereas the Slovak League had directed the Washington Declaration of 1963 to the American public at large, it addressed itself anew to topical political demands in a memorandum sent to Secretary-of-State Dean Rusk on October 7, 1963. This memorandum reads in part: As a representative of the United States government the President has asked me to tell you that the United States will continue to support the just aspirations of all people in the world for independence and liberty-aspirations which the Slovaks share today with many other captive nations. We hail and welcome this assurance from our President and we request, Mr. Secretary of State, that you graciously recognize the fact that the Slovak League of America represents over 300,000 organized Americans of Slovak extraction and as such deems it its sacred duty to speak before the American Government in behalf of the Slovak nation which now lives under a Communist form of government and is unable to speak out for its rights and self-determination of its freedom and independence. The movement for an independent Slovakia is very strong at this time in Europe as well as here in America. Just in the past few months -as may be verified by our Ambassador in Prague, a strong wave of 126 SLOVAKIA resistance swept across Slovakia against the Czech Stalinists who for years were represented in Bratislava by their own man, Karel Bacilek, the secretary general of the Communist party. Slovak Communists with strong nationalistic inclinations forced the Prague government to recall Bacilek, and another Stalinist, Premier Viliam Siroky. In addition, they forced the posthumous rehabilitation of the former secretary of foreign affairs, Vlado Clementis, a Slovak, whom the Stalinists have executed. Along with Clementis, other nationalistically inclined Communists in Slovakia, who had been jailed during <the era of the Czech Stalinists, were pardoned, namely: Dr. Gustav Husak and Ladislav Novomesky. Membership in the Communist party was restored to both and their voice is now being heard more and more in Slovakia. Husak was removed some 10 years ago because immediately after the Second World War he clamored for an independent Soviet Slovak Republic and took a stand against the Czecho-Slovak Republic. According to information we have, the situation in Slovakia during the last four months is very similar and almost as explosive as was the situation in Hungary in 1956, which led to the well-known revolt against the Soviets. The Slovaks, of course, have no assurance from the outside world that they would be provided help if they revolted against the Prague and Moscow governments. Without such assurance any attempted revolt must prove foolhardy. The recent retreat of Moscow in Prague, while only in the Communist ranks thus for, is apparent in Slovakia. The nationalists are acquiring a voice and it appears that there is no force that can stop them . Naturally, we in no way support and will not support any Communist movement. But it is apparent and clear to us that Slovak patriotism in the political aspects has deep roots in the anti-Communist movement in Slovakia as well as in the ranks of the Slovak Communists themeselves. For that reason we are stronger and stronger in our conviction that it is our moral duty to come to the defense of the sovereign rights of the Slovak nation from which we have descended and to ask for that much recognition in a practical political sense as was expressed and interpreted to us by the brother of our President, John F. Kennedy. 33 The historic city of Philadelphia hosted the 39th Congress of the Slovak League of America, on the 3rd to the 5th of May, 1964. The highlight of the Congress was a conference of young Americans of Slovak extraction. More than 80 young men and women participated. All walks of American-Slovak life were represented, and the discussion was extremely lively as the young people made suggestions for new forms of work. Out of the conference came a recommendation for the reorganization of courses in the Slovak language at various American centers. And the meeting issued an unanimous affirmation of the political program of the Slovak League: "Independence for Slovakia. This program is the most effective means of upholding Slovak consciousness."34 SLOVAKIA 127 The 39th Congress set forth its sympathetic support of the aspirations of the Slovak nation, when it declared in a special proclamation: As representatives of the vast majority of the Slovak ethnic group of Americans, we deem it our moral duty to move for, seek and, as dutiful citizens, rightfully demand, that our duly elected officialsnational, state and municipal-give a sympathetic ear to our pleas and that they take all legitimate avenues of action to bring about their fruition . Soberly mindful of the soul searching efforts of the Constitutional Fathers, ·here in this City of Brotherly Love, and in a humble effort to make comparable worthy contributions towards the liberation of our brethren and kinfolk from the tyranny and yoke of atheistic Soviet Communism in our ancestral land of Slovakia, we unanimously adopt this form of proclamation to put in operation our highly principled aims. We, accordingly, request our member organizations and their membership to solicit their local, state and federal officials for the assistance needed to reestablish, in God's good time, Slovakia as a free state in central Europe, an independent Slovakia, firmly dedicated to the moral principles upon which our own United States of America and all Western civilization stand and must stand or be doomed to the extinction that befell the Roman civilization and its predecessors.35 1 From the comprehensive report presented to the 39th Congress of the Slovak League by its president, Dr. Peter P. Hletko, clear evidence emerges that the League had advanced both morally and materially in the period following the Detroit congress. A generally enlivened interest had coursed through the organization, which was reflected in positive responses, from the Slovak man-in-the-street, as well as from American politicians - governors of states to members of Congress. Several regional conferences of the Slovak League were conducted with marked success, and the treasury of the League recorded a gain of over $10,000.00.36 President Hletko declined to run for reelection and in his place the delegates to the 39th Congress elected Mr. Stephen J. Tkac; Dr. Pauco was reelected to the office of Secretary-Treasurer. In 1964 the Slovak League of America commemorated, with a special declaration, the one-hundredth anniversary of the birth of Andrew Hlinka, and the twenty-fifth anniversary of the declaration of Slovak independence. In the declaration it reaffirmed that: 128 SLOVAKIA The 14th of March remains an extraordinarily important milestone in Slovak history. This is true not only because, after long centuries of subjection, the Slovak nation had once more become master of its own destinies, but also because after March 14, 1939, there is no power on earth that can wipe from the souls of nationally conscious Slovaks the desire for independence and their own democratically administered state.37 The Slovak League and American Slovaks in general suffered painful losses in the year 1964. On January 10, in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, died Phillip A. Hrobak. "Only future decades will reveal what a loss for all of us was the death of the zealous, industrious, and noble Phillip Hrobak ... his drive was not after venal mammon, or earthly glory - on the contrary, the work of his life was motivated by sincere conviction and holy enthusiasm", wrote Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B.38 Bishop Andrew Grutka rounded out Hrobak's profile: His departure deprives Slovaks and people of Slovak extraction of a courageous defender and zealous promoter whose weapons and tool was a pen. With the pen he has enshrined himself in the hearts of Slovaks. The world over his name will be indelibly inscribed in the pages of history as one who labored for God and country untiringly and unselfishly.39 Phillip Hrobak "never wavered, never strayed from the Slovak line; never backed down - but stood an unflinching guard over the finest aspirations of his nation; he was the gallant warrior who was not affraid of battle, and who always knew that his place was in the raging center of the battle."40 Another worker of great merit in the spheres of church and nationality, Monsignore Francis Dubosh, spoke the following testimonial: ... a man like Phillip Hrobak is outstanding. To him, an American of Slovak origin, freedom was not an empty word, it was not a fetish, but it was something real. It was an actual right given by the Creator himself, and not by some human government. Some human governments have usurped to themselves the right of granting or denying freedom to men and nations. Against these, Phillip Hrobak, a man of deep faith and love for God and men, took up the cudgel and fought, in season and out of season, to restore the divine right of freedom to all men, and in particular to the Slovak nation, from which he descended, of which he was never ashamed, and which nation he loved.41 Almost never before had an American-Slovak leader received the kind of recognition that came to the deceased Phillip Hrobak, and this was so because, in the words of SLOVAKIA 129 the editor af Slovenska Obrana, "we can say without fear of contradiction that Hrobak performed a service of high merit for his nation. He left behind himself work of lasting value." 42 Shortly after Hrobak another eminent Slovak newspaperman and writer died: the former Secretary of the Slovak League, Constantine culen. Death struck him in the city of New York, on April 7, 1964. In culen the Slovaks lost one of the most aggressive and representative figures of their era. Constantine culen was the first Slovak writer to undertake systematic research in the history of American Slovaks, and the first to write a part of that history. He prepared many rich chapters in the history of parishes, movements, organizations, societies; he wrote biographies of priests; and he steadily pursued this line of work to the end. Even the first biography of the Reverend Stephen Furdek was prepared by Constantine culen. This work was written during the period of the Slovak Republic, when the daily siovak, in particular, regularly featured sketches of American-Slovak past and present, from the pen of Constantine culen. Constantine culen was first to bring about a reapprochement between Slovak America and the land of its origins. And had he accomplished nothing more as a writer and newspaperman, this accomplishment alone would rate him with the best - to be remembered as one of the foremost Slovak intellectuals of our century.43 On May 8, 1964, in the city of New York, died a former vice-president of the Slovak League of America and versatile correspondent of the Slovak newspapers, a man beloved among the Slovak rank-and-file-John Horecky. In Philadelphia the second vice-president-elect of the Slovak League, Dr. Paul Miklosovic, died suddenly on June 26, 1964, not having yet assumed office. He had been one of the most enlightened Slovak priests in America. On the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the declaration of the Slovak Republic he had pronounced the invocation to a session of the Senate of the United States. In it he spoke of the Slovaks, who "had always turned their eyes and hearts to the United States of America, knowing it to be strong, magnanimous, patient, and understanding."44 The new officers of the Slovak League of America addressed both candidates for the Presidency of the United States in a letter dated October 14, 1964, which stated in part: 130 SLOVAKIA The Slovak League of America is concerned that up to this time there has not been an announcement by your party about the future of the peoples in Central Europe, where -0ur heritage stems and where over four million Slovaks suffer under Russian Communism and Czech domination and centralization. It is our conviction that the Slovaks have the God-given right to independence, because it is a people with over 1100 years of cultural background and a nation that has been striving for hundreds of years for freedom ... The Slovak League of America requests full recognition of American Slovaks in matters concerning ethnic groups and asks that our foreign policy concerned with oppressed peoples does not forget about the Slovaks in Central Europe and their birthright for independence. On October 21, 1965 the Slovak League addressed a letter to President L. B. Johnson, expressing approval of his policies in Vietnam, but reminding him at the same time of the plight of the Slovaks under Communism and their struggle for freedom and independence. In the spirit of the above-mentioned letters delegations of the Slovak League, headed by its president Stephen J. Tkac, visited the State Department on September 3, 1965 and March 28, 1966, where they presented petitions concerning the Voice of America and other administrative agencies. In these petitions the League requested that the organizational structure of these agencies be adjusted to allow for Slovak sections, separate and apart from existing Czech and Czecho-Slovak counterparts. Likewise, these delegations informed the State Department of the situation in Slovakia, placing particular stress on evidence that the Slovak movement for complete freedom was now much stronger than it had been in the years 1938-1939. The leadership of the League was given assurances that its petitions and related information were under study and had been passed on to the proper channels. In the spirit of the decisions of the 39th Congress of the Slovak League, its chief officers made overtures to the Slovak Lutherans (Evangelicals) of the United States for a strengthening of mutual ties and cooperation. This work was carried on by members of a special committee, which included Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B., Dr. Peter P. Hletko, and Paul Jamriska. Particularly wide-ranging efforts in this direction were developed by Dr. Joseph Pauco, Secretary-Treasurer of the League - through personal and SLOVAKIA 131 official contacts with various religious, national, and fraternal organizations of the Slovak Lutherans of the United States. A special campaign for reapproachment with the Lutherans was conducted on the pages of the weekly Slovak v Amerike, of which Dr. Pauco is publisher. An address which the Secretary-Treasurer presented to the Synod of the Slovak Lutherans held in Johnstown, Pennsylvania, on June 2, 1965, was described in their official publication as historic. "All these steps", said the president of the League Stephen J. Tkac in his report to the 40th Congress, "the meetings, articles, discussions and solemn pronouncements, have brought forth fruit. There is noticeable, in the first place, a relaxation of mutual tensions, and in both camps exploration of grounds for cooperation. I think that a most essential step has been taken and we have begun to talk. Our discussions are calm, we are exchanging views and accomplishing in the social and national spheres what has been taking place among Christian church groups in matters of a spiritual nature." 45 Cooperation with Slovak organizations and periodicals between the 39th and 40th congress was very good. Many regional and local units of the League held observances in 1965 and 1966, as in prior years, of March 14, Slovak Independence Day. These observances were designed to call to the American public's attention the fact that free Slovaks earnestly support freedom and independence for the nation from which they are descended. The publication Slovakia was issued in the years 1965 and 1966 under the editorship of Dr. Joseph Pauco, in 160 pages. Many universities, public libraries, and many young Slovak Americans evinced interest in this periodical, which is dedicated to Slovak cultural and national matters of the past and present. Financially the Slovak League entered the 40th Congress with a cash balance of over $18,000.00. The 40th Congress of the Slovak League was conducted on the 15th to the 17th of May, 1966, in the city of Youngstown, Ohio. A second conference of young people was 132 SLOVAKIA attended by over 100 participants. With Dr. Peter Hletko at the chair many matters of interest to young American Slovaks were debated and the participants expressed their viewpoints. Attorney Edward J. Behuncik, first vice-president of the League, delivered a talk on Slovak self-respect and pride. The young people requested further such conferences, in conjunction with congresses of the League, and outside them. The Slovak League also arranged with representatives of organizations which lively interest was developed for in the preservation of Slovak cultural in America. special conferences and periodicals, at further cooperation and national values The Congress approved the establishment of a scholarship fund for American college students of Slovak extraction, who would study Slovak history and arts, and would write serious studies in these fields. Discussion in the Congress was constructive and favorable to the strengthening of ecumenical ideas. At the closing banquet the benediction was invoked by a Lutheran Dean, Rev. August skodacek; another Lutheran pastor, the Reverend Andrew Rolik sent written salutations; and the Reverend Rudolph Flachbarth came to extend personal well-wishes, and to sit with the League's leaders in work sessions. At the banquet of the 40th Congress the principal address was presented by Congressman Michael A. Feighan, who evaluated the patriotic program of the Slovak League, expressed high praise for the Christian ideals of the Slovak nation, and announced that he had presented a demand to the Administration for a separate Slovak section in the Voice of America. In closing he declared: While the evil hand of Russian Communism continues its attempts to destroy the very spirit of Saints Cyril and Methodius and to reduce the Slovak people to a state of complete servility, the Slovak people refuse to surrender that which, over a thousand years, they have continued to fi ght for - their spirit of independence, of justice and of freedom.46 The 40th Congress too approved a meaningful memorandum, in which the delegates noted, among other things: The eventual liberation of our brethren and kinfolk, and, in the SLOVAKIA 133 ecumenical spirit, all mankind from the tyranny and yoke of atheistic materialism of Communism must and will be our continuous goal. The reestablishment of an independent Slovakia as a free state in a united Europe must be, and, in God's good time, will be brought about through the efforts of our members and the peoples of other God fearing, oppressed ethnic groups and nations.4 7 The local American press, as well as radio and television, brought noteworthy attention to the 40th Congress of the Slovak League of America. From this standpoint it was one of the most successful congresses in the history of the League. The delegates in Youngstown approved a motion to celebrate the 60th anniversary of the founding of the League in the month of May 1966, in the city of Cleveland, Ohio. Preparations were started immediately after the conclusion of the congress and the executive board shifted most of its energies to this purpose. Nevertheless, oranizational and cultural work was by no means neglected, and further contacts with Administration people were steadily cultivated. President Stephen J. Tkac and Secretary-Treasurer Joseph Pauco wrote to President Lyndon Johnson to remind him that 20 years had passed since American-Slovak periodicals had been banned in Slovakia, while Communists continued to freely spread their propaganda throughout the free world. The honorary president of the League, Dr. Peter P. Hletko, had preserved in his possession a copy of a film produced by the Matica Slovenska (The Slovak Institute) titled Zem spieva (Song of the Earth). The League held showings of this film at various locations in the period preceding its jubilee celebration. The film arroused lively interest particularly among Slovak oldtimers and contributed to the enlivening of Slovak life in America. On the eve of the jubilee observance, held on the 27th and 28th of May, 1967, the publication Slovakia issued from the presses, again under the editorship of SecretaryTreasurer Pauco. This issue presents a compact history of the Slovak League of America, from its founding to the present, as well as other noteworthy contributions. The pre-jubilee mood among American Slovaks reflected a spirit of harmony, which had in recent years 134 SLOVAKIA become noticeable along the whole line of Slovak endeavors. The observance of the 60th anniversary of the Slovak League was conducted without the participation of a most prominent personality, one who had played an eminent role in Slovak life, particularly in the Slovak League of America: On January 17, 1967 in Chicago, Illinois died Mrs. Julia Krajcovic, perennial first lady of the League's Women's Auxiliary, the Vcielky (Bees), for many years vice-president of the League itself, and since 1966, its honorary vice-president. More than half a century of educational, organizational and charitable work is associated with the name of Julia Krajcovic. The charitable and patriotic work of the Vcielky under her leadership, as is pointed out elsewhere in this issue of Slovakia, comprises one of the finest chapters in the history of the Slovak League of America. One instance was the Vcielky's effective and substantial aid to Slovak victims of World War II, which presented a shining example of Slovak unity and harmony. Without Julia Krajcovic Slovak life in Chicago and all of America would hardly have flourished as it had during the days of the fullness of her vigor and elan. She was everywhere, and she did everything possible to promote love for the Slovak people and the Slovak word, to strengthen it, and to demonstrate it to the world.48 In its 60th year the Slovak League of America was poorer by many a distinguished colleague, including precious workers of the distaff side - but its momentum was full-forward, and its posture reflected readiness to continue its work for the preservation of Slovak consciousness, Slovak culture and Slovak traditions in America, and for a free Slovakia. FOOTNOTES 1. Zprava predsedu S'lovenskej Ligy v Amerike podana na XXIX . kongrese. (Report of the President of the Slovak League of America 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Presented to the 29th Congress.), Cleveland, Ohio, 1947. Published for distribution. Yurchak, Peter P. The Truth about Slovakia. 1947. Jednota. November 12, 1947. Jednota. March 12, 1947 "Prve vyrocie smrti Jana A. Kocura. " (The First Anniversary of the Death of John A. Kocur.) Jednota, July 20, 1949. Pauco, Joseph. Slovcici a komunizmus. (The Slovaks and Communism), Middletown, Pa., 1957, pg. 306. SLOVAKIA 135 7. "Vedieme boj a z boja neustt'.ipime." (We Are Engaged in Battle and Will Never Retreat from the Field), Jednota, April 27, 1947. 8. "The Czechoslovak Council." America, March 19, 1949. 9. Report on the American Slav Congress and Associated Organizations. Prepared and released by the Committee on Un-American Activities, U.S. House of Representatives, Washington, D.C., 1949. 10. Pauco, Joseph. Sfovcici a komunizmus. pg. 307. 11. Full text in Jednota, January 31, 1951. 12. "To the President and Congress of the United States." Jednota, May 9, 1951. 13. Report on the conference in Jednota, May 28, 1952. 14. Jednota. May 6, 1953. 15. The memorandum was published for distribution under the title : Memorandum to the President and the Congress of the United States of America. Issued by the Thirty-Third Congress of the Slovak League of America, April 28, 1953, Milwaukee, Wisconsin. 16. Jednota. June 9, 1954. 17. Declaration of the National Conferenc e of Americans of Slovak Descent. May 24-25, 1954, Washington, D.C. Eight-page publication with photostatic copies of the signatures of the participants. 18. Memorandum Concerning the Czech-Communist Military Intervention in Slovakia. Presented to the United Nations General Assembly by the Slovak League of America and Slovak National Council Abroad . Middletown, Pa., December 22, 1956. Published for distribution. 19. "Za Dr. Frantiskom Hrusovskym." (In Memoriam to Dr. Francis Hrusovsky.) , Kalendcir Jednota 1957, pg. 23. 20. "Biskup Grutka na kongrese Slovenskej Ligy." (Bishop Grutka at the Congress of the Slovak League,), Jednota, May 29, 1957. 21. "Slovenskej Lige v Amerike." (To the Slovak League of America.), Jednota, May 22, 1957. 22. Memorandum to the President of the United States of America, the Hon. Secretary of State of the United States of America, and the Hon. Ambassador of the United States to the United Nations by the Thirty-Fifth Congress of the Slovak League of America. Cleveland, Ohio, May 28, 1957. Published for distribution. 23. Golden Jubilee and the XXXV Congress of the Slovak League of America. May 26-28, 1957, Cleveland, Ohio, 96 pp. Contributors: Phillip A. Hrobak, Msgr. Francis Dubosh, Julia Krajcovic, Paul Jamriska, and Dr. Joseph A. Mikus. The publication is bi-lingual. 24. From the speech of Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum, as quoted in Jednota, March 27, 1957. 25. "Czech Trials Seen as Sign of Red Fears." Sunday News. New York City, March 16, 1958. 26. Jednota. June 24, 1959. 27. Full text in Jednota, March 16, 1960. 28. From an eulogy by Bishop Andrew Grutka, as quoted in Jednota, May 18, 1960. 29. The complete text of Sabol's salutation in Jednota, June 7, 1961. 30. Memorandum to the President and the Congress of the United 136 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. SLOVAKIA States of America. The XXXVII Congress of the Slovak League of America, May 29-30, 1961, New York, N. Y., 4 pp. "Slovenska Liga oznamuje." (The Slovak League Announces.), Jednota, August 7, 1963. "Proclamation of the Slovak League of America, Washington, D.C., April 5, 1963." Jednota, April 17, 1963. The full text of the memorandum in Jednota, October 16, 1963. From a report published in Jednota, May 6, 1964. Proclam ati on of May 5, 1964. 39th Congress - Slovak League of America. Philadelphia, Pa., 4 pp. Jednota published the full text of Dr. Peter Hletko's report in its issues of May 20 and 27, 1964. "Na pamat' storocnice Andreja Hlinku a 25. vyrocia vyhlasenia Slovenskej Republiky." (In Commemoration of the Hlinka Centennial and the 25th Anniversary of the Declaration of Slovak Independence.), Jednota, March 11, 1964. The declaration was signed by the chief officers and executive board of the Slovak League of America, as well as by the presidents of all its affiliated organizations. "Nad smrt'ou Filipa Hrobaka. " (Reflections on the Death of Phillip Hrobak.),Jednota, January 22, 1964. "In Memoriam." Ibid. " Tryzna za Filipom Hrobakom." (An Elegy to Phillip Hrobak. ), Mikulas Sprinc, Jednota, January 29, 1964. " Phillip Anthony Hrobak." Jednota, February 12, 1964. "Za Filipom Hrobakom." (In Memory of Phillip Hrobak. ), Slov enska Obr ana, Scranton, Pa., January 21, 1964. Additional data from the life of Phillip Hrobak appears in Literarny Almanach Slovaka v A m erike, Middletown, Pa., 1967, pp. 157-158. Jednota. April 15, 1964. More about Constantine Culen in the abovecited Literarny Alm anach Slovaka v Amerike, pp. 129-130. Jedn ota. April 1, 1964. 45. Zprav a preds edu Slovensk ej L i gy v Amerike Stefana J. Tkaca na 40. kongrese v o Voyager Motor Inn, Youngstown, Ohio, 16. maja 1966. (Report of the President of the Slovak League of America Stephen J. Tkac at the 40th Congress in the Voyager Motor Inn, Youngstown, Ohio, May 16, 1966.), pg. 7. 46. Slov akia. Middletown, Pa., Volume XVI, 1966. pp. 126-127. 47. M emorandum Adopted Unani mously by the 40th Congress of the Slov ak League of America. Youngstown, Ohio, May 17, 1966. 4 pp. 48. " Chicago stratilo najpoprednejsiu Slovenku." (Chicago Loses its Foremost Slovak Lady.)), Nase Hlasy, February 1967. Anna Kolena eulogized the life and work of Julia Krajcovic in an extensive necrology titled "Za Juliou Krajcovicovou." (In Memory of Julia Krajcovic ), Slovak v Amerike, February 1, 1967. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is an AMERICAN INSTITUTION; it was organized May 26, 1907, at Cleveland, 0 ., by the Rev. Stephen Furdek.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Under Dynamic Leadership Description An account of the resource Joseph Paučo, Ph.D. Slovakia, Vol. 17 (No. 40), 1967 pp. 104-136 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paučo, Jozef, 1914-1975 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1967 Relation A related resource This article is one of five from this special issue republished as a monograph: Paučo, Jozef, ed. 1967. <em>Sixty Years of the Slovak League of America.</em> Middletown Pennsylvania: Slovak League of America. <a href="https://worldcat.org/en/title/36616" target="_blank" title="Link to WorldCat" rel="noreferrer noopener">https://worldcat.org/en/title/36616</a> 60years SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/bd1e7e74d0a067a4c8cdb7dbc77da199.pdf aa51708e32362a00d48b8ed3255314e5 PDF Text Text 108 SLOVAKIA Slovak Pioneers in A1nerica DR. ALEXANDER DIANISKA (March 21, 1867-November 9, 1923) Alexander Dianiska who played a significant role in Slovak-American life was born on March 21, 1867 in Banska Bystrica, Slovakia. Affluence was not the lot of his parents but the very lack of material wealth and wellbeing only disposed them to cling to God and abide by His commandments all the more faithfully. In this spirit of filial fear of God which is the beginning of wisdom, they reared their son who was a precocious boy. From the very outset of his formal schooling he applied himself to learning with marked talent and zest, and as a youth of about high school level he gave unmistakable evidence of his Slovak consciousness and undeviating loyalty to his homeland-a gift that came to him from his parents. The intermediate school which young Dianiska attended in Banska Bystrica was controlled by Magyar and Magyarone professors bent on a program of alienating Slovak students to the Magyar cause. Dianiska was not won by them. He had been an outstanding student in all his classes and graduated with distinction. His final examination earned a special award for excellence and was sent to the educational ministry in Budapest as a model of meritorious achievement and exceptional quality. Yet aside from this deserved academic recognition, Dianiska did not fare well; his national convictions disturbed the authorities. He was Slovak enough even to be one of a group who chose to make sacramental confession in Slovak. When the Rev. Joseph Martincek, another patriot, for the first time heard Dianiska confess in Slovak, he marveled that a student of the Banska Bystrica intermediate school had the spirit and the daring to defy the professorial overlords of the school who had absolutely proscribed the use of Slovak. The overjoyed priest invited the youth to stop for a chat at the rectory, and from a chance religious encounter there developed a lifelong friendship, Father Martincek deepening and strength- �SLOVAKIA 109 ening in the younger man his already deep-rooted Slovak devotion. Together with Father Martin Kolar, Father Martincek took special interest in the future of the gifted Alexander Dianiska especially after learning of his desire to become a priest. Both clergymen conferred with Canon John Juriga of Ostrihom, urging him to find practical means of enabling the young man to realize his aspiration. In time, and despite repeated obstacles, it did become possible for Dianiska to launch his theological courses at the seminary of Ostrihom even though his acceptance restricted him to the status of an extern student. As an externist, Dianiska roomed with four other Slovak theology students, one of whom was Ferdis Juriga. Just at this time the Magyar journal Budapest Hirlap launched a new attack on Slovak students and inveighed against the seminary at Ostrihom as a nest of Panslavism. Father Martincek hurried a warning note to Dianiska advising that the Slovak loyalists be circumspect and even put into temporary hiding all the works of Vajansky and copies of the literary periodical Slovenske pohl'ady. But the communication never reached Dianiska because it was intercepted. Only in a personal interview with the prefect of the seminary did he learn that Father Martincek had written him . The Magyar professors then investigated the Slovak student group and Dianiska as well as Aloysius Vladar . also a theology major, were dismissed. John Donoval (a Slovak poet who wrote under the pseudonym Tichomir Milkin) was severely reprimanded and all but dismissed. After this setback, Dianiska returned to his hometown and went directly to Father Martincek who secretly sheltered him for a few days. The distraught young stu• dent eventually found the courage to approach his father who was in a dying condition. In a voice that could not hide great feeling and anxiety for his father's advanced illness he explained what had happened to him at the seminary and awaited his father's reaction. "Be the Slovak that you have been up to now; God will not forsake us," was the brave father's only observation to his suffering son. Alexander was worthy of his father's expectations. Father Martincek found him another sponsor and pro- �110 SLOVAKIA tector in the person of Canon Majovsky and it became possible for him to complete his theological courses at Banska Bystrica where he was ordained a priest on July 5, 1889. Because he wished to pursue advanced studies, the newly ordained Father Dianiska began to prepare for a doctoral degree in sacred theology. He had no prospect of enrolling as a regular university student because his ordinary rated him as a dangerous pan-Slavist and subjected him to repeated transferrals from one curacy to another. In spite of all difficulties and obstacles, however, the young priest did achieve his goal: a doctoral degree in theology granted by the University of Vienna with a special citation for excellence. But this only whetted the rancor of the Magyar and Magyarone forces, and the thorny way of the young ardent priest grew more and more forbidding and impossible. It now became his lot to be assigned to the most impoverished and all but destitute curacies of the diocese. Father Martincek understood clearly and with undeniable conviction that if Dr. Dianiska had only reneged his Slovak loyalties and had offered his talents at the service of the alien political powers, he would have been promoted not only to the rank of canon but even to the dignity of an episcopal position. In the thirteenth year of his priestly ministry Dr. Dianiska was named administrator of the parish at Brezno . Commissioner Repaszy of the Zvolen County with calculated deliberateness told Dr. Dianiska that this parish would immediately become his permanent pastorate if he would do as simple a thing as pay him a brief visit and denounce "panslavism." Dr. Dianiska rejected the offer as he would spurn a bribe; he would not forswear his nation. He made no visit to Commissioner Repaszy; he went, instead, to Lopej to see Father Martincek. Two staunch friends, two staunch patriots-they had little need for circumlocutions or prolonged conference. Father Martincek's fate was much like that of Dr. Dianiska. They sang the heart-rending lament "Hojze, Boze, jak to boli . . ." and Dr. Dianiska left Slovakia for the United States. The year was 1903. He gave his adopted country twenty years of illustrious priestly service until he died at Mercy Hospital in Wilkes-Barre on Nov. 9, 1923. �SLOVAKIA 111 Dr. Dianiska's American assignment was a pastorate at St. Stephen's parish in Plymouth, Pennsylvania, and it was here that he spent the remainder of his life. "His wisdom, kindliness, apostolic zeal, and fatherly concern in a short time transformed this struggling Plymouth parish and made of it one of the most efficiently organized parishes in the diocese" was the deserving appraisal expressed in the eulogy by Dr. Dianiska's lifelong friend, Father Martincek.1 As St. Stephen's pastor, Dr. Dianiska had the church artistically decorated. He also procured a new organ, built a rectory, provided a convent, and constructed a fine school. He became the vital spark that activated all the local fraternities and organizations, and under his aegis they prospered and flourished and contributed notably to the vitality of parish life and of Slovak-American life in general. His exemplary priestly involvement deeply affected the flowering of spiritual life in St. Stephen's parish and it is largely to the credit of so zealous and worthy a pastor that this parish gave the Church eight priests as well as fourteen Sisters in the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The name of Dr. Dianiska will be eternally associated with St. Stephen's parish. In 1903 the Slovak priests of the Scranton diocese founded the Treasury of St. Anthony, a priestly society to further in the younger Slovak generation vocations to the priestly and religious life. It became one of the key agencies in founding the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. And Dr. Dianiska was one of the seven charter members who sent invitations to the preliminary conference that resulted in the establishment of this Treasury of St. Anthony. He was also close to Father Jankola in the early trying days that marked the origins of this religious congregation. It was specifically Fathers Matthew Jankola, Andrew Pavco, Alexander Dianiska, and Joseph Murgas who in the spring of 1909 presented to Pope St. Pius X, through the mediation of Bishop Michael Hoban of Scranton, Pa., the petition for authorization to found the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. When the Holy Father granted this decree of approval, the first religious �112 SLOVAKIA congregation of Slovak Sisters in the history of the Church became a reality. A reading of the minutes of the Treasury of St. Anthony reveals that on more than one occasion Dr. Dianiska was the leading force in activities to be undertaken and that he consistently supported the efforts of Father Jankola to have the Community preserve and deepen its Slovak character. 2 Because of his natural endowment and moral integrity, the Treasury of St. Anthony entrusted to Dr. Dianiska many responsible offices. He was, for example, a member of the exam ining board that screened applicants to the congregation of Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius and he was also on the advisory board that was to assign Sisters to their specific apostolates. In the light of contemporary thinking on Church renewal and adaptation it is noteworthy to observe that Dr. Dianiska was in advance of his age, for he strongly advocated that the laity also be involved in the Treasury of St. Anthony. Although his efforts in this direction were fruitless, for his motion to admit lay members were consistently voted down, his contemporaries often recalled how Dr. Dianiska made it a practice to develop intimate ties with laymen even in other situations. He was especially interested in cultivating church organists, and both Dr. Dianiska and Father John Porubsky effected practically a distinct Slovak institution of these professionals. One who reads and studies in the light of history must naturally make some observations about the position which Dr. Dianiska took when the leadership of American Slovaks broke into camps and this split was patent even in the ranks of the Catholic clergy. From beginning to end, Dr . Dianiska stood firmly at the side of Father Furdek and Father Jankola. "A rich and warm friendship as well as a bond of common effort and cooperation both in religio-ecclesial as well as in socio-cultural and national spheres bound him to the late Father Furdek and Father Jankola. These were three mighty pillars in our national and religious structure in America," wrote the journalist-patriot Joseph Husek.3 Efforts were started to bring into the leadership core of American Slovaks some persons whose instability and �SLOVAKIA 113 proneness toward Magyarone associations would have shaken the very foundations of organizations already established. Such a trend could have also jeopardized other groups that were still in their early organizational st~P."e. Among the clear-eyed guardians of untained patriotism was Dr. Dianiska and it was especially at the meetings of the Treasury of St. Anthony that he unflinchingly and uncompromisingly took action to safeguard the purity of spirit and principle that characterized Slovak organizations. It was he, for example, who in 1911 together with Fathers Furdek, Jankola, and Porubsky saw to it that only persons of proven worth be at the helm of the Sdruzenie Slovenskych Katolikov ( As~oci~.t.ion of Slovak Catholics) which was viewed by many priests as a concurrent offshoot of the already fully functioning and proven Treasury of St. Anthony. Although the labors of Dr. Dianiska were rooted first and foremost in his own assi~ned parish and within the sphere of Catholic organizational circles, it necessarily followed that his name eventually became a kind of talisman of universal Slovak exchange in all cultural and national movements of any significant dimension. Dr. Dianiska's peers are agreed that a career in science would have been his readiest road to self-fulfillment. He had the potential, the attraction, and the qualifications for it; however, his apostolic ministry became his all, for he was-before all things-a priest. Yet he did not deny his American Slovaks a legacy from the heart; he bent his gifted spirit to writing on spiritual themes. His outstanding achievement here is an admirable translation of Goffine's masterpiece titled Postila. "But his writing interests were not limited to this one type of subject," wrote Joseph Rusek. "He also produced cultural and political essays and articles glowing with national awareness. These excelled in aptness and directness of expression, precision and clearness, and a sense of logic that brooked no appeal. Whatever he wrote, he wrote well. Whatever he said, he said well, ex cathedra. His authority was generally recognized even beyond Slovak borders as the theoretics of a man of thought who was also a leader. Because of his lack of adaptability, practically an inflexibility or intransigence, he did not �114 SLOVAKIA become popular - in the ordinary connotation of the word-with his younger colleagues, but because of his innate sterling character, his learning and nobility of spirit he won esteem and prestige among all those whose lives he touched, even his adversaries."4 Dr. Dianiska was a patriot par excellence. His was a quiet and unobtrusive quality of devotion to the fatherland, the kind that did not seek the publicity of pretentious functions and the acclaim of broadcast honors, still there were few others in his period of Slovak America to whom as many seekers came for counsel and exchange of views concerning cultural and national interests as the countless numbers that had recourse to Dr. Dianiska. As Father Martincek often affirmed that Dr. Dianiska could have became a bishop in his younger years had he given up the allegiance he bore his own nation, so Joseph Rusek believed with quiet but unavailing hope and anticipation that the new regime after World War I would recall Dr. Dianiska to Slovakia and there see him honored with the dignity of the episcopacy. This would have been a deserved reward and compensation not only for Dr. Dianiska personally but also for all American Slovaks since it was in their midst that he found refuge and a more serene way of life than had been granted him within native boundaries. But it was a fruitless expectation. The new government only suspected Dr. Dianiska of every questionable motive and wrong possible but it never admitted or conceded that he had qualifications to distinguish him as a bishop. He was (they implied) a monarchist and therefore an enemy of the new state that had risen from the ruins of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. This was a gross untruth. Dr. Dianiska had demanded for Slovakia only those rights which the vast majority of American Slovaks were demanding through their representatives, the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact, who stood firm in their position and defended both the letter and the spirit of the compact. Dr. Dianiska "knew no pretense," Joseph Husek recalls, "and for this reason he made no secrets of his dislike for the current ruling system in Czecho-Slovakia because of its anti-Catholic and anti- Slovak bias. And he did not hesitate to express himself on this score with undisguised and unmitigated bitterness. �SLOVAKIA 115 This made him suspect of being a monarchist. It reality he was not. The writer of these lines had ample opportunity to convince himself of this thoroughly. Dr. Dianiska did not on principle oppose a republican form of state government, but he did want to see the rights of the Catholic Church and of the Slovak nation guaranteed within the framework of such a government." 5 The case of Dr. Dianiska is only another instance o! the tragic experience that befell Slovak leaders from the pre-Uprising days-strong souls who had to leave for America because the political climate and the ruling powers did not care to favor them with the chance to use their talents, their intellectual endowments, their training and education and various other potentials within the confines of Slovakia, their own native country. A worthy gifted Slovak had to leave Slovakia which needed him more sorely than did any foreign territory to which he was forced to migrate. In a pioneer age, however, the free land of America could not provide adequate conditions for the full and satisfying use of such talents as those of Dr. Dianiska. It could not offer situations most conducive to the flowering of such gifts since the masses of immigrants needed these leaders in a different capacity and they, bound by service to their people, did not desert them even at the cost of sacrificing distinguished careers and rewards that would have been available if they had devoted themselves discretely to their particular professional fields-science, theology, philosophy, technology, or whatever the individual major talent happened to be. Dr. Alexander Dianiska, the son of Slovak parents of ordinary stock, came a long way and rose to eminence as an unsung hero of the spirit; his name is inscribed in perpetual memory in the annals of American Slovaks. 1 At the Bier of Dr. Alexander Dianiska (Nad rakvou Dr. Alexandra nianisJcu) , Jednota (weekly), Nov. 28, 1923. 2 "Rev. Joseph Murgas moves that the Sisters teach their classes in Slovak. Rev. Alexander Dianiska seconds the motion, specifically enumerating that ·t hese be the subjects taught in Slovak: 1) Christian Doctrine 2) Slovak reading 3) Slovak grammar 4) Slovak composition 5) History 6) Slovak geography 7) Church music at the direction or recommendation of the local pastor 8) Children's stage plays and presentations, suited to the situa tion and the circumstances of each particular school. Unanimously �116 SLOVAKIA carried." Minutes of the regular meeting of the Treasu_ry of St. Anthony, July 25, 1912, Pittston, Penna. 3 Alexander Dianiska, D .D ., Jednota, (weekly) , Nov. 14, 1923. 4 Ibid. 5 Ibid. Cf. also Joseph Pauco, Matthew JankoLa, Priest and Patriot (Matus Jankola, ki\.az a narodovec), Danville, Pa., 1959. IGNATIUS GESSAY ( June 17, 1874-August 12, 1928) In the little town of Tvrdosin, Orava County, the Gessay family of small means brought up a son who became a leader of no small stature. He was born on June 17, 1874 and chose teaching as his life's career. The Magyar school system of his day was geared to extinguish in him the very last spark of national consciousness, but the choked glow managed to burst into a glorious vital flame fanned by the spirited journalism of the magazine Dom a skola ( Home and School) published by Karol Salva in Ruzomberok. Shortly after this revitalizing experience, Ignatius Gessay became a co-worker on the daily Krest'an ( The Christian) which was managed and edited by Edward ~andorfi, a zealous Catholic Slovak priest in Budapest. Like too many another patriot of his day, Gessay was tracked by Magyar officials who labeled him a "Dangerous Panslav" and forbade him to write any more contributions for Slovak publications. Like too many others who were unmercifully hounded before him and after him, he found the situation more and more unbearable as time went on, and finally he decided to leave Slovakia, the land of his birth, in order to find a free country for uninterrupted and unhampered work on behalf of his nation. He came to the haven of America in 1898. This was a time of prime need among American Slovaks for qualified and available professionals in all walks of life. Gessay's first stopping point was at Olyphant, Pennsylvania, where he used his talents as a Slovak teacher. But the keen organizer and leader, Peter Rovnianek, with his astute sense of discernment for excellences among men, readily discovered Gessay and offered him a position in the editorial offices of the Amerikdnsko-Slovenske Novi- �SLOVAKIA 117 ny ( American-Slovak News ). This was in 1900. For a full decade Gessay worked under the immediate direction of Rovnianek. In 1910 he became editor-in-chief of the Slovensky dennik ( The Slovak Daily) and then editor of the Ndrodne Noviny (The National News ), the official organ of the Narodny Slovensky Spolok (The National Slovak Society). In 1914 Gessay assumed editorship of the New Yorsky Dennik ( The New York Daily) but a year later he founded his own journal Denny hlas ( The Daily Voice ) which he managed successfully for three years. But this did not exhaust his rich editorial capacity. He next became editor of the first Slovak magazine for student groups in America-Mlddez ( Youth) and he also managed the official magazine of the Slovak League in America, Nave Slovensko ( New Slovakia). Ignatius Gessay was one of the most distinguished, most diligent and most productive of Slovak editors in America. At the same time sincere and cordial ties bound him also to Slovak-American fraternal organizations whose foremost concern then was the welfare of immigrants to America. This association with fraternal and organizational life also provided Gessay with excellent opportunities for a further excercise of his manifold talents. His initiation into this direct interaction with large groups of people united in fraternal bodies envolved largely within the framework of the Narodny Slovensky Spolok and brought him very close to the heart and inner workings of extensive cultural and national movements on American soil. He became one of the pillars of this first Slovak national society in America. As a matter of fact, the NSS is indebted to Gessay for founding its youth division Kruh Mlddeze, a project he inaugurated because he had the insight to realize that an organization will survive only with great difficulty unless it is nurtured by younger forces coming to it through a juvenile membership body. Ignatius Gessay also played a prominent part in the founding of the Slovak League in America. The preliminary groundwork for this organization was undertaken by the Association of Slovak Journalists when Rev. Stephen Furdek invited Slovak newsmen to attend a conference in Pittsburgh on December 21 , 1906. Specific invitations �118 SLOVAKIA were sent to the following newspaper offices: SlovenskJ} Dennik (The Slovak Daily), Jednota (the official organ of the First Catholic Slovak Union), Amerikdnsko-Slovenske Noviny ( The American-Slovak News) , Slovak v Amerike ( The Slovak in America), Slovensky Hldsnik (The Slovak Herald) , Slovensky Sokol (The Slovak Falcon) , Bratstvo ( Brotherhood), and Svedok ( Witness ). These were the contemporary press agencies that served the Slovak reading public and supported the Slovak cause. They all answered the invitation by sending representatives to the conference except Bratstvo and Svedok. Both of these however, pledged support and gave assurance that they would endorse the decisions of the conference. The purpose of the deliberations at this first conference of Slovak journalists was this: "that having taken into account all the persecutions and injustices inflicted upon our nation and upon the champions of its cause in our homeland abroad, we initiate action on the part of all American Slovak patriots for the spiritual rescue of our nation across the sea."1 The assemblage agreed at once to found an Association of Slovak Journalists in America and they voted the following individuals into office: Rev. Stephen Furdek, president; Rev. John Porubsky, secretary; Ignatius Gessay, treasurer . The new organization further decided to sponsor in key American-Slovak centers a series of public protest demonstrations (Indignacne schodze) in order to publicize their condemnation of "the oppression of our people on native territory, and specifically to denounce the inequitable sentencing of our national leaders Rev. Andrew Hlinka and Rev. Ferdinand Juriga." 2 These newsmen were well aware that it would not be enough to project only Slovak-contained demonstrations ; important as these were, it was even far more important to put before the English-speaking public the scope of some of the injustice and wrongs perpetrated upon the Slovak nation, upon its outstanding leaders and prominent citizens. For this purpose an English brochure was planned, specifically to expose the farce of the Magyar court trial of Andrew Hlinka, and an initial printing of 15,000 copies of this pamphlet was ordered. �SLOVAKIA 119 This 1907 program of public protest meetings held in twenty American cities alerted not only American and European Slovaks but also the American public at large. Keynote speakers at the programs included American as well as Slovak lecturers. The gatherings and activities were covered by reporters of all the Slovak press agencies and, more importantly, by American newsmen too, with the result that "American dailies and journals set themselves to writing about the Slovaks and their cause more prolifically than they had ever done before."3 The Slovak League in America is the offspring of the Association of Slovak Journalists, for it was conceived at the second gathering of the Association held in Pittsburgh on April 4, 1907. This conference was attended by representatives from all the Slovak journals and newspapers as well as by delegations from all the Slovak organizations in the United States. The gathering unanimously agreed to convene "a mass meeting of all Slovak loyalists living in America in order to lay the foundation for a single organization working in solid and unified cooperation for the most efficient promotion of our national endeavors."~ This became no mere meeting; it developed into a grand convention that was held in Cleveland on May 26, 1907, and it was under these auspices that the Slovak League in America was founded. The Association of Slovak Journalists appointed the following to form a committee for organizational preliminaries for the prospective League: A. S. Ambrose, Ignatius Gessay, Gustav Marsall-Petrovski' and Rev. Stephen Furdek. At the founding congress of the Slovak League in America, Ignatius Gessay represented the Slovensky Dennik (The Slovak Daily). But this was really just an initiation into the rich national and cultural activity of this extraordinarily productive and vigorous Slovak intellectual. Gessay was the first Slovak of academic stature to undertake visiting all the American Slovak settlements in order to gather firsthand data for a history of the Slovaks in America. In 1910 he toured and studied practically the entire U.S. East and Midwest, assembling notes and gathering every bit of �120 SLOVAKIA available material that he considered relevant for his projected historical account. It is most unfortunate that he never actually compiled all this significant research into the finished product that he had envisioned. It is also highly regrettable that this collection of invaluable data (like too many other priceless memorabilia) is now irretrievably lost. Imbued with love for the written word in Slovak and a devotion for values of the spirit in general, Gessay undertook a movement which he called "Four books for a dollar." He knew that as worthwhile reading serves to educate man, so the Slovak immigrant family would find its horizons of spirit and intellect broadened by good reading, and this benefit would, in turn, dispose American Slovaks to advance readily in their new country and to overcome many of the limitations that either deliberately or accidentally barred their way toward better things. If Gessay had enjoyed deserved support in this one effort alone, the American Slovaks of today would be able to pride themselves on an enviable book market and a most flourishing publications enterprise. Ignatius Gessay found himself in the front ranks of every national movement. When the notorious Magyar Count Albert Apponyi arrived here in 1911 with the intent which he publicly proclaimed in New York : to set afoot intrigues against national groups and to leave them crushed beneath his heel, 5 Gessay drafted and effected successful and wholesome counter-strategy. The American Slovaks resolutely used the forum of the press and of public assemblage to make known to the world their repudiation of Apponyi's tactics and objectives. Gessay, on his part, took the lead in keeping the American press adequately informed concerning the position and the attitudes of the Slovaks. As a result, American newspapers and journals carried almost daily reports about the justified resistance of the Slovaks not only to Magyar politics and the wave of Magyarization abroad but also to Apponyi's propagandizing in this country. The English-speaking world was being honestly informed. Similarly did Ignatius Gessay in 1914 take an intrepid lead in exposing the true nature of another Magyar count's �SLOVAKIA 121 visit to America. This time it was Count Michael Karolyi who flagrantly vilified the Slovaks and hoped to reap from the American government the support of American dollars. Gessay at once saw what was to be done. He personally drew up an English draft of a direct Slovak appeal which disproved Karolyi's allegations and revealed the true nature of the visitor's intent. Copies of this appeal to defend truth and justice were delivered to American newsmen and journalists. They effected a much desired and widespread publicity for the Slovak cause and evoked appropriate reaction. It can be said of Gessay that he was one of the first Slovaks in America fully to understand the need for presenting to the American public the true state of the Slovak problem abroad. His English expose of Karolyi, channeled through the arteries of American journalism, forced the unscrupulous count to leave America as a foiled schemer: The American Slovaks in this instance scored a triumph, and Ignatius Gessay-as a recognized leader among them -had every right to take personal satisfaction in this successful issue of a formidable problem though he did not look for personal glory. During World War I, Gessay was close to the vital pulse of every Slovak undertaking in America. He participated in the preliminary conference that led to the signing of the Cleveland Agreement. He was close to General Milan Rastislav Stefanik when Legionnaires were being recruited in America from among those not subject to the Selective Service Laws. 7 He served as a war correspondent and in Cleveland and the surrounding areas he was very active in organizing the Legionnaires. As the war effort mounted toward a climax of victory, so did the endeavor of American Slovaks also wax stronger to secure guarantees of freedom for the Slovak nation. Here, too, Gessay satisfied his obligations as a devoted son of his native country. Since the original Association of Slovak Journalists fell into a hiatus of inactivity, the deliberations of the Slovak League in America established a Society of Slovak Newsmen on April 13, 1917, and it entrusted the office of president to Ignatius Gessay. Almost immediately after this, American Slovaks �122 SLOVAKIA launched the famed Million Dollar Drive and Ignatius Gessay was one of the leaders who became most enthusiastic about this undertaking. Its gratifying outcome testifies that the drive was in capable and worthy hands . The entire project, as the Slovak League in America had conceived it, maintained but one goal: "to promote action for attaining Slovakia's self-determin ation and independence."8 True, this independence was envisioned within a coalition structured as a Czecho-Slova k federation and it was also accepted as such within the provisions of the Cleveland Agreement and the subsequent Pittsburgh Pact. Ignatius Gessay had been one of the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact and one of its staunch defenders. In 1918 Gessay founded the magazine Nave Slovensko (New Slovakia). A year later he traveled to Paris to attend the peace conference. From there he went to Slovakia and then returned to report to the Slovak League in America all his experiences on this trip. It was at this time that he decided to return to Slovakia and take up permanent residence there, and he lost little time between decision and reality. He made his home in Bratislava where he set up an information center, trusting that it would become a liason medium between Slovakia and the Slovaks living in America. As he had ever in this country dedicated his journalistic and organizationa l talents to the service of immigrants, so now in Slovakia he worked with great compassion and understandin g on behalf of those who became returned emigres. Slovaks who returned to their native land after some period of emigration found him willing and resourceful "to help in procuring licenses, offices, positions, and property. And he was always animated with utmost concern that they become more and more closely bound to their homeland again." 9 For the proper orientation of this segment of Slovak citizens, he founded the periodical Americky Slovak (The American Slovak). The crowning achievement of Ignatius Gessay was his founding of the Slovak League in Slovakia in 1920. In this undertaking he put to use his host of experiences in the United States, adapted the constitutions of the �SLOVAKIA 123 American League to fit the home situation and with apparent relish and enterprise he ventured upon this new pioneering. As he had noted in America the alienation and isolation of many of his countrymen who were unattached -without a parish, a school and the possibilities of becoming involved in organizational life-so in Slovakia he readily grasped the fact that entire Slovak areas on the border fringes were in danger of suffering a telling severance unless help reached out to them without delay. He oriented the Slovak League in Slovakia for mixed ethnic territories where Slovaks were generally in the minority. He was fortunate in securing first-class support in this work and he raised this Slovak League abroad to the proportions of a national organization which played a vital role in the cultural life of the Slovak nation up to the end of World War II. The Slovak League in Slovakia had a membership of over 20,000 individuals gathered into over 400 branch units. Its historic mission was to establish upon territories of mixed ethnic peoples 205 Slovak schools whose total enrollment exceeded 10,000 students-young people who otherwise would have been subjected to Magyarizing pressures and influences because the government was disinclined to build new schools for minorities and most of the existing schools were already appropriated by nonSlovak elements. Only the genius of a patriot gifted with uncommon foresight could meet the challenge of so noble and so demanding an assigment, and to meet it as did Gessay, so that the fulfillment of plans exceeded all sanguine expectations. Ignatius Gessay died in Bratislava on August 12, 1928, still comparatively young and in the midst of some of his greatest activity. He is buried in the local St. Andrew Cemetery and his own words are engraved as an epitaph upon his tombstone: "If my labors have inspired anyone with zeal for our sacred cause, then I have not lived in vain." Gessay did inspire and still inspires the hearts of Slovak sons who are willing to spend themselves in the service of their country. He was one of those extraordinary patriots whose devotion to his nation prompted him- �124 SLOVAKIA both on home territory as well as in America-to undertake as much as his strength and energy could possibly endure in the defense and interests of the most seriously threatened portion of the national body. Such heroes achieve far beyond the measure of everyday hopes and dreams. Gessay had offered himself totally and without the slightest reservations in order to save ten thousand fellowmen. This alone makes him deserving of a lasting monument in Slovakia as well as in America. Joseph Pauco, Ph. D. Translated by Si ster M. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. 1) J ednota (weekly) January 2, 1907. Excerpt fro m the published minutes of the confe rence of Slovak Journalists held in Pittsburgh, P ennsylvania , on December 21 , 1906. 2 ) I bid. 3 ) Indignacne schodze (Protest Mee tings-Demonstrations), J ednota K alendar (Jednota Y ear boo k) 1908, p. 154. 4 ) Jednota (weekly), April 10, 1907 Schodza slovenskych novincirov (Meeting of Slovak Journalists) . 5 ) J ednot a (weekly), March 1, 1911. 6) An Open Letter Addr essed to Count Michae l K cirolyi, New York, N. Y. , April 13, 1914. 7 ) As a r esult of this effort on the part of Stefanik and the cooper ation of Slovak Americans, four thousand men were recruited and sent to France where they were trained and later served with distinc tion in the F rench army. 8) Jednota (weekly) , May 30, 1917. Zbierka mili6n dolcirov (Th e Million Dollar Drive). 9) J oseph Sr obar, Canon, 0 Igncicovi Gessayov i ( A bout Ignatius Gessay ) , an add ress delivered at the unveiling of a bust of Ignatius Gessay in Bratislava on October 18, 1936. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA firmly believes that the national existence and welfare of the Slovak nation can best be safeguarded by the Slovaks themselves in their own independent Slovak Republic. � 108 SLOVAKIA Slovak Pioneers in A1nerica DR. ALEXANDER DIANISKA (March 21, 1867-November 9, 1923) Alexander Dianiska who played a significant role in Slovak-American life was born on March 21, 1867 in Banska Bystrica, Slovakia. Affluence was not the lot of his parents but the very lack of material wealth and wellbeing only disposed them to cling to God and abide by His commandments all the more faithfully. In this spirit of filial fear of God which is the beginning of wisdom, they reared their son who was a precocious boy. From the very outset of his formal schooling he applied himself to learning with marked talent and zest, and as a youth of about high school level he gave unmistakable evidence of his Slovak consciousness and undeviating loyalty to his homeland-a gift that came to him from his parents. The intermediate school which young Dianiska attended in Banska Bystrica was controlled by Magyar and Magyarone professors bent on a program of alienating Slovak students to the Magyar cause. Dianiska was not won by them. He had been an outstanding student in all his classes and graduated with distinction. His final examination earned a special award for excellence and was sent to the educational ministry in Budapest as a model of meritorious achievement and exceptional quality. Yet aside from this deserved academic recognition, Dianiska did not fare well; his national convictions disturbed the authorities. He was Slovak enough even to be one of a group who chose to make sacramental confession in Slovak. When the Rev. Joseph Martincek, another patriot, for the first time heard Dianiska confess in Slovak, he marveled that a student of the Banska Bystrica intermediate school had the spirit and the daring to defy the professorial overlords of the school who had absolutely proscribed the use of Slovak. The overjoyed priest invited the youth to stop for a chat at the rectory, and from a chance religious encounter there developed a lifelong friendship, Father Martincek deepening and strength- �SLOVAKIA 109 ening in the younger man his already deep-rooted Slovak devotion. Together with Father Martin Kolar, Father Martincek took special interest in the future of the gifted Alexander Dianiska especially after learning of his desire to become a priest. Both clergymen conferred with Canon John Juriga of Ostrihom, urging him to find practical means of enabling the young man to realize his aspiration. In time, and despite repeated obstacles, it did become possible for Dianiska to launch his theological courses at the seminary of Ostrihom even though his acceptance restricted him to the status of an extern student. As an externist, Dianiska roomed with four other Slovak theology students, one of whom was Ferdis Juriga. Just at this time the Magyar journal Budapest Hirlap launched a new attack on Slovak students and inveighed against the seminary at Ostrihom as a nest of Panslavism. Father Martincek hurried a warning note to Dianiska advising that the Slovak loyalists be circumspect and even put into temporary hiding all the works of Vajansky and copies of the literary periodical Slovenske pohl'ady. But the communication never reached Dianiska because it was intercepted. Only in a personal interview with the prefect of the seminary did he learn that Father Martincek had written him . The Magyar professors then investigated the Slovak student group and Dianiska as well as Aloysius Vladar . also a theology major, were dismissed. John Donoval (a Slovak poet who wrote under the pseudonym Tichomir Milkin) was severely reprimanded and all but dismissed. After this setback, Dianiska returned to his hometown and went directly to Father Martincek who secretly sheltered him for a few days. The distraught young stu• dent eventually found the courage to approach his father who was in a dying condition. In a voice that could not hide great feeling and anxiety for his father's advanced illness he explained what had happened to him at the seminary and awaited his father's reaction. "Be the Slovak that you have been up to now; God will not forsake us," was the brave father's only observation to his suffering son. Alexander was worthy of his father's expectations. Father Martincek found him another sponsor and pro- �110 SLOVAKIA tector in the person of Canon Majovsky and it became possible for him to complete his theological courses at Banska Bystrica where he was ordained a priest on July 5, 1889. Because he wished to pursue advanced studies, the newly ordained Father Dianiska began to prepare for a doctoral degree in sacred theology. He had no prospect of enrolling as a regular university student because his ordinary rated him as a dangerous pan-Slavist and subjected him to repeated transferrals from one curacy to another. In spite of all difficulties and obstacles, however, the young priest did achieve his goal: a doctoral degree in theology granted by the University of Vienna with a special citation for excellence. But this only whetted the rancor of the Magyar and Magyarone forces, and the thorny way of the young ardent priest grew more and more forbidding and impossible. It now became his lot to be assigned to the most impoverished and all but destitute curacies of the diocese. Father Martincek understood clearly and with undeniable conviction that if Dr. Dianiska had only reneged his Slovak loyalties and had offered his talents at the service of the alien political powers, he would have been promoted not only to the rank of canon but even to the dignity of an episcopal position. In the thirteenth year of his priestly ministry Dr. Dianiska was named administrator of the parish at Brezno . Commissioner Repaszy of the Zvolen County with calculated deliberateness told Dr. Dianiska that this parish would immediately become his permanent pastorate if he would do as simple a thing as pay him a brief visit and denounce "panslavism." Dr. Dianiska rejected the offer as he would spurn a bribe; he would not forswear his nation. He made no visit to Commissioner Repaszy; he went, instead, to Lopej to see Father Martincek. Two staunch friends, two staunch patriots-they had little need for circumlocutions or prolonged conference. Father Martincek's fate was much like that of Dr. Dianiska. They sang the heart-rending lament "Hojze, Boze, jak to boli . . ." and Dr. Dianiska left Slovakia for the United States. The year was 1903. He gave his adopted country twenty years of illustrious priestly service until he died at Mercy Hospital in Wilkes-Barre on Nov. 9, 1923. �SLOVAKIA 111 Dr. Dianiska's American assignment was a pastorate at St. Stephen's parish in Plymouth, Pennsylvania, and it was here that he spent the remainder of his life. "His wisdom, kindliness, apostolic zeal, and fatherly concern in a short time transformed this struggling Plymouth parish and made of it one of the most efficiently organized parishes in the diocese" was the deserving appraisal expressed in the eulogy by Dr. Dianiska's lifelong friend, Father Martincek.1 As St. Stephen's pastor, Dr. Dianiska had the church artistically decorated. He also procured a new organ, built a rectory, provided a convent, and constructed a fine school. He became the vital spark that activated all the local fraternities and organizations, and under his aegis they prospered and flourished and contributed notably to the vitality of parish life and of Slovak-American life in general. His exemplary priestly involvement deeply affected the flowering of spiritual life in St. Stephen's parish and it is largely to the credit of so zealous and worthy a pastor that this parish gave the Church eight priests as well as fourteen Sisters in the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The name of Dr. Dianiska will be eternally associated with St. Stephen's parish. In 1903 the Slovak priests of the Scranton diocese founded the Treasury of St. Anthony, a priestly society to further in the younger Slovak generation vocations to the priestly and religious life. It became one of the key agencies in founding the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. And Dr. Dianiska was one of the seven charter members who sent invitations to the preliminary conference that resulted in the establishment of this Treasury of St. Anthony. He was also close to Father Jankola in the early trying days that marked the origins of this religious congregation. It was specifically Fathers Matthew Jankola, Andrew Pavco, Alexander Dianiska, and Joseph Murgas who in the spring of 1909 presented to Pope St. Pius X, through the mediation of Bishop Michael Hoban of Scranton, Pa., the petition for authorization to found the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. When the Holy Father granted this decree of approval, the first religious �112 SLOVAKIA congregation of Slovak Sisters in the history of the Church became a reality. A reading of the minutes of the Treasury of St. Anthony reveals that on more than one occasion Dr. Dianiska was the leading force in activities to be undertaken and that he consistently supported the efforts of Father Jankola to have the Community preserve and deepen its Slovak character. 2 Because of his natural endowment and moral integrity, the Treasury of St. Anthony entrusted to Dr. Dianiska many responsible offices. He was, for example, a member of the exam ining board that screened applicants to the congregation of Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius and he was also on the advisory board that was to assign Sisters to their specific apostolates. In the light of contemporary thinking on Church renewal and adaptation it is noteworthy to observe that Dr. Dianiska was in advance of his age, for he strongly advocated that the laity also be involved in the Treasury of St. Anthony. Although his efforts in this direction were fruitless, for his motion to admit lay members were consistently voted down, his contemporaries often recalled how Dr. Dianiska made it a practice to develop intimate ties with laymen even in other situations. He was especially interested in cultivating church organists, and both Dr. Dianiska and Father John Porubsky effected practically a distinct Slovak institution of these professionals. One who reads and studies in the light of history must naturally make some observations about the position which Dr. Dianiska took when the leadership of American Slovaks broke into camps and this split was patent even in the ranks of the Catholic clergy. From beginning to end, Dr . Dianiska stood firmly at the side of Father Furdek and Father Jankola. "A rich and warm friendship as well as a bond of common effort and cooperation both in religio-ecclesial as well as in socio-cultural and national spheres bound him to the late Father Furdek and Father Jankola. These were three mighty pillars in our national and religious structure in America," wrote the journalist-patriot Joseph Husek.3 Efforts were started to bring into the leadership core of American Slovaks some persons whose instability and �SLOVAKIA 113 proneness toward Magyarone associations would have shaken the very foundations of organizations already established. Such a trend could have also jeopardized other groups that were still in their early organizational st~P."e. Among the clear-eyed guardians of untained patriotism was Dr. Dianiska and it was especially at the meetings of the Treasury of St. Anthony that he unflinchingly and uncompromisingly took action to safeguard the purity of spirit and principle that characterized Slovak organizations. It was he, for example, who in 1911 together with Fathers Furdek, Jankola, and Porubsky saw to it that only persons of proven worth be at the helm of the Sdruzenie Slovenskych Katolikov ( As~oci~.t.ion of Slovak Catholics) which was viewed by many priests as a concurrent offshoot of the already fully functioning and proven Treasury of St. Anthony. Although the labors of Dr. Dianiska were rooted first and foremost in his own assi~ned parish and within the sphere of Catholic organizational circles, it necessarily followed that his name eventually became a kind of talisman of universal Slovak exchange in all cultural and national movements of any significant dimension. Dr. Dianiska's peers are agreed that a career in science would have been his readiest road to self-fulfillment. He had the potential, the attraction, and the qualifications for it; however, his apostolic ministry became his all, for he was-before all things-a priest. Yet he did not deny his American Slovaks a legacy from the heart; he bent his gifted spirit to writing on spiritual themes. His outstanding achievement here is an admirable translation of Goffine's masterpiece titled Postila. "But his writing interests were not limited to this one type of subject," wrote Joseph Rusek. "He also produced cultural and political essays and articles glowing with national awareness. These excelled in aptness and directness of expression, precision and clearness, and a sense of logic that brooked no appeal. Whatever he wrote, he wrote well. Whatever he said, he said well, ex cathedra. His authority was generally recognized even beyond Slovak borders as the theoretics of a man of thought who was also a leader. Because of his lack of adaptability, practically an inflexibility or intransigence, he did not �114 SLOVAKIA become popular - in the ordinary connotation of the word-with his younger colleagues, but because of his innate sterling character, his learning and nobility of spirit he won esteem and prestige among all those whose lives he touched, even his adversaries."4 Dr. Dianiska was a patriot par excellence. His was a quiet and unobtrusive quality of devotion to the fatherland, the kind that did not seek the publicity of pretentious functions and the acclaim of broadcast honors, still there were few others in his period of Slovak America to whom as many seekers came for counsel and exchange of views concerning cultural and national interests as the countless numbers that had recourse to Dr. Dianiska. As Father Martincek often affirmed that Dr. Dianiska could have became a bishop in his younger years had he given up the allegiance he bore his own nation, so Joseph Rusek believed with quiet but unavailing hope and anticipation that the new regime after World War I would recall Dr. Dianiska to Slovakia and there see him honored with the dignity of the episcopacy. This would have been a deserved reward and compensation not only for Dr. Dianiska personally but also for all American Slovaks since it was in their midst that he found refuge and a more serene way of life than had been granted him within native boundaries. But it was a fruitless expectation. The new government only suspected Dr. Dianiska of every questionable motive and wrong possible but it never admitted or conceded that he had qualifications to distinguish him as a bishop. He was (they implied) a monarchist and therefore an enemy of the new state that had risen from the ruins of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. This was a gross untruth. Dr. Dianiska had demanded for Slovakia only those rights which the vast majority of American Slovaks were demanding through their representatives, the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact, who stood firm in their position and defended both the letter and the spirit of the compact. Dr. Dianiska "knew no pretense," Joseph Husek recalls, "and for this reason he made no secrets of his dislike for the current ruling system in Czecho-Slovakia because of its anti-Catholic and anti- Slovak bias. And he did not hesitate to express himself on this score with undisguised and unmitigated bitterness. �SLOVAKIA 115 This made him suspect of being a monarchist. It reality he was not. The writer of these lines had ample opportunity to convince himself of this thoroughly. Dr. Dianiska did not on principle oppose a republican form of state government, but he did want to see the rights of the Catholic Church and of the Slovak nation guaranteed within the framework of such a government." 5 The case of Dr. Dianiska is only another instance o! the tragic experience that befell Slovak leaders from the pre-Uprising days-strong souls who had to leave for America because the political climate and the ruling powers did not care to favor them with the chance to use their talents, their intellectual endowments, their training and education and various other potentials within the confines of Slovakia, their own native country. A worthy gifted Slovak had to leave Slovakia which needed him more sorely than did any foreign territory to which he was forced to migrate. In a pioneer age, however, the free land of America could not provide adequate conditions for the full and satisfying use of such talents as those of Dr. Dianiska. It could not offer situations most conducive to the flowering of such gifts since the masses of immigrants needed these leaders in a different capacity and they, bound by service to their people, did not desert them even at the cost of sacrificing distinguished careers and rewards that would have been available if they had devoted themselves discretely to their particular professional fields-science, theology, philosophy, technology, or whatever the individual major talent happened to be. Dr. Alexander Dianiska, the son of Slovak parents of ordinary stock, came a long way and rose to eminence as an unsung hero of the spirit; his name is inscribed in perpetual memory in the annals of American Slovaks. 1 At the Bier of Dr. Alexander Dianiska (Nad rakvou Dr. Alexandra nianisJcu) , Jednota (weekly), Nov. 28, 1923. 2 "Rev. Joseph Murgas moves that the Sisters teach their classes in Slovak. Rev. Alexander Dianiska seconds the motion, specifically enumerating that ·t hese be the subjects taught in Slovak: 1) Christian Doctrine 2) Slovak reading 3) Slovak grammar 4) Slovak composition 5) History 6) Slovak geography 7) Church music at the direction or recommendation of the local pastor 8) Children's stage plays and presentations, suited to the situa tion and the circumstances of each particular school. Unanimously �116 SLOVAKIA carried." Minutes of the regular meeting of the Treasu_ry of St. Anthony, July 25, 1912, Pittston, Penna. 3 Alexander Dianiska, D .D ., Jednota, (weekly) , Nov. 14, 1923. 4 Ibid. 5 Ibid. Cf. also Joseph Pauco, Matthew JankoLa, Priest and Patriot (Matus Jankola, ki\.az a narodovec), Danville, Pa., 1959. IGNATIUS GESSAY ( June 17, 1874-August 12, 1928) In the little town of Tvrdosin, Orava County, the Gessay family of small means brought up a son who became a leader of no small stature. He was born on June 17, 1874 and chose teaching as his life's career. The Magyar school system of his day was geared to extinguish in him the very last spark of national consciousness, but the choked glow managed to burst into a glorious vital flame fanned by the spirited journalism of the magazine Dom a skola ( Home and School) published by Karol Salva in Ruzomberok. Shortly after this revitalizing experience, Ignatius Gessay became a co-worker on the daily Krest'an ( The Christian) which was managed and edited by Edward ~andorfi, a zealous Catholic Slovak priest in Budapest. Like too many another patriot of his day, Gessay was tracked by Magyar officials who labeled him a "Dangerous Panslav" and forbade him to write any more contributions for Slovak publications. Like too many others who were unmercifully hounded before him and after him, he found the situation more and more unbearable as time went on, and finally he decided to leave Slovakia, the land of his birth, in order to find a free country for uninterrupted and unhampered work on behalf of his nation. He came to the haven of America in 1898. This was a time of prime need among American Slovaks for qualified and available professionals in all walks of life. Gessay's first stopping point was at Olyphant, Pennsylvania, where he used his talents as a Slovak teacher. But the keen organizer and leader, Peter Rovnianek, with his astute sense of discernment for excellences among men, readily discovered Gessay and offered him a position in the editorial offices of the Amerikdnsko-Slovenske Novi- �SLOVAKIA 117 ny ( American-Slovak News ). This was in 1900. For a full decade Gessay worked under the immediate direction of Rovnianek. In 1910 he became editor-in-chief of the Slovensky dennik ( The Slovak Daily) and then editor of the Ndrodne Noviny (The National News ), the official organ of the Narodny Slovensky Spolok (The National Slovak Society). In 1914 Gessay assumed editorship of the New Yorsky Dennik ( The New York Daily) but a year later he founded his own journal Denny hlas ( The Daily Voice ) which he managed successfully for three years. But this did not exhaust his rich editorial capacity. He next became editor of the first Slovak magazine for student groups in America-Mlddez ( Youth) and he also managed the official magazine of the Slovak League in America, Nave Slovensko ( New Slovakia). Ignatius Gessay was one of the most distinguished, most diligent and most productive of Slovak editors in America. At the same time sincere and cordial ties bound him also to Slovak-American fraternal organizations whose foremost concern then was the welfare of immigrants to America. This association with fraternal and organizational life also provided Gessay with excellent opportunities for a further excercise of his manifold talents. His initiation into this direct interaction with large groups of people united in fraternal bodies envolved largely within the framework of the Narodny Slovensky Spolok and brought him very close to the heart and inner workings of extensive cultural and national movements on American soil. He became one of the pillars of this first Slovak national society in America. As a matter of fact, the NSS is indebted to Gessay for founding its youth division Kruh Mlddeze, a project he inaugurated because he had the insight to realize that an organization will survive only with great difficulty unless it is nurtured by younger forces coming to it through a juvenile membership body. Ignatius Gessay also played a prominent part in the founding of the Slovak League in America. The preliminary groundwork for this organization was undertaken by the Association of Slovak Journalists when Rev. Stephen Furdek invited Slovak newsmen to attend a conference in Pittsburgh on December 21 , 1906. Specific invitations �118 SLOVAKIA were sent to the following newspaper offices: SlovenskJ} Dennik (The Slovak Daily), Jednota (the official organ of the First Catholic Slovak Union), Amerikdnsko-Slovenske Noviny ( The American-Slovak News) , Slovak v Amerike ( The Slovak in America), Slovensky Hldsnik (The Slovak Herald) , Slovensky Sokol (The Slovak Falcon) , Bratstvo ( Brotherhood), and Svedok ( Witness ). These were the contemporary press agencies that served the Slovak reading public and supported the Slovak cause. They all answered the invitation by sending representatives to the conference except Bratstvo and Svedok. Both of these however, pledged support and gave assurance that they would endorse the decisions of the conference. The purpose of the deliberations at this first conference of Slovak journalists was this: "that having taken into account all the persecutions and injustices inflicted upon our nation and upon the champions of its cause in our homeland abroad, we initiate action on the part of all American Slovak patriots for the spiritual rescue of our nation across the sea."1 The assemblage agreed at once to found an Association of Slovak Journalists in America and they voted the following individuals into office: Rev. Stephen Furdek, president; Rev. John Porubsky, secretary; Ignatius Gessay, treasurer . The new organization further decided to sponsor in key American-Slovak centers a series of public protest demonstrations (Indignacne schodze) in order to publicize their condemnation of "the oppression of our people on native territory, and specifically to denounce the inequitable sentencing of our national leaders Rev. Andrew Hlinka and Rev. Ferdinand Juriga." 2 These newsmen were well aware that it would not be enough to project only Slovak-contained demonstrations ; important as these were, it was even far more important to put before the English-speaking public the scope of some of the injustice and wrongs perpetrated upon the Slovak nation, upon its outstanding leaders and prominent citizens. For this purpose an English brochure was planned, specifically to expose the farce of the Magyar court trial of Andrew Hlinka, and an initial printing of 15,000 copies of this pamphlet was ordered. �SLOVAKIA 119 This 1907 program of public protest meetings held in twenty American cities alerted not only American and European Slovaks but also the American public at large. Keynote speakers at the programs included American as well as Slovak lecturers. The gatherings and activities were covered by reporters of all the Slovak press agencies and, more importantly, by American newsmen too, with the result that "American dailies and journals set themselves to writing about the Slovaks and their cause more prolifically than they had ever done before."3 The Slovak League in America is the offspring of the Association of Slovak Journalists, for it was conceived at the second gathering of the Association held in Pittsburgh on April 4, 1907. This conference was attended by representatives from all the Slovak journals and newspapers as well as by delegations from all the Slovak organizations in the United States. The gathering unanimously agreed to convene "a mass meeting of all Slovak loyalists living in America in order to lay the foundation for a single organization working in solid and unified cooperation for the most efficient promotion of our national endeavors."~ This became no mere meeting; it developed into a grand convention that was held in Cleveland on May 26, 1907, and it was under these auspices that the Slovak League in America was founded. The Association of Slovak Journalists appointed the following to form a committee for organizational preliminaries for the prospective League: A. S. Ambrose, Ignatius Gessay, Gustav Marsall-Petrovski' and Rev. Stephen Furdek. At the founding congress of the Slovak League in America, Ignatius Gessay represented the Slovensky Dennik (The Slovak Daily). But this was really just an initiation into the rich national and cultural activity of this extraordinarily productive and vigorous Slovak intellectual. Gessay was the first Slovak of academic stature to undertake visiting all the American Slovak settlements in order to gather firsthand data for a history of the Slovaks in America. In 1910 he toured and studied practically the entire U.S. East and Midwest, assembling notes and gathering every bit of �120 SLOVAKIA available material that he considered relevant for his projected historical account. It is most unfortunate that he never actually compiled all this significant research into the finished product that he had envisioned. It is also highly regrettable that this collection of invaluable data (like too many other priceless memorabilia) is now irretrievably lost. Imbued with love for the written word in Slovak and a devotion for values of the spirit in general, Gessay undertook a movement which he called "Four books for a dollar." He knew that as worthwhile reading serves to educate man, so the Slovak immigrant family would find its horizons of spirit and intellect broadened by good reading, and this benefit would, in turn, dispose American Slovaks to advance readily in their new country and to overcome many of the limitations that either deliberately or accidentally barred their way toward better things. If Gessay had enjoyed deserved support in this one effort alone, the American Slovaks of today would be able to pride themselves on an enviable book market and a most flourishing publications enterprise. Ignatius Gessay found himself in the front ranks of every national movement. When the notorious Magyar Count Albert Apponyi arrived here in 1911 with the intent which he publicly proclaimed in New York : to set afoot intrigues against national groups and to leave them crushed beneath his heel, 5 Gessay drafted and effected successful and wholesome counter-strategy. The American Slovaks resolutely used the forum of the press and of public assemblage to make known to the world their repudiation of Apponyi's tactics and objectives. Gessay, on his part, took the lead in keeping the American press adequately informed concerning the position and the attitudes of the Slovaks. As a result, American newspapers and journals carried almost daily reports about the justified resistance of the Slovaks not only to Magyar politics and the wave of Magyarization abroad but also to Apponyi's propagandizing in this country. The English-speaking world was being honestly informed. Similarly did Ignatius Gessay in 1914 take an intrepid lead in exposing the true nature of another Magyar count's �SLOVAKIA 121 visit to America. This time it was Count Michael Karolyi who flagrantly vilified the Slovaks and hoped to reap from the American government the support of American dollars. Gessay at once saw what was to be done. He personally drew up an English draft of a direct Slovak appeal which disproved Karolyi's allegations and revealed the true nature of the visitor's intent. Copies of this appeal to defend truth and justice were delivered to American newsmen and journalists. They effected a much desired and widespread publicity for the Slovak cause and evoked appropriate reaction. It can be said of Gessay that he was one of the first Slovaks in America fully to understand the need for presenting to the American public the true state of the Slovak problem abroad. His English expose of Karolyi, channeled through the arteries of American journalism, forced the unscrupulous count to leave America as a foiled schemer: The American Slovaks in this instance scored a triumph, and Ignatius Gessay-as a recognized leader among them -had every right to take personal satisfaction in this successful issue of a formidable problem though he did not look for personal glory. During World War I, Gessay was close to the vital pulse of every Slovak undertaking in America. He participated in the preliminary conference that led to the signing of the Cleveland Agreement. He was close to General Milan Rastislav Stefanik when Legionnaires were being recruited in America from among those not subject to the Selective Service Laws. 7 He served as a war correspondent and in Cleveland and the surrounding areas he was very active in organizing the Legionnaires. As the war effort mounted toward a climax of victory, so did the endeavor of American Slovaks also wax stronger to secure guarantees of freedom for the Slovak nation. Here, too, Gessay satisfied his obligations as a devoted son of his native country. Since the original Association of Slovak Journalists fell into a hiatus of inactivity, the deliberations of the Slovak League in America established a Society of Slovak Newsmen on April 13, 1917, and it entrusted the office of president to Ignatius Gessay. Almost immediately after this, American Slovaks �122 SLOVAKIA launched the famed Million Dollar Drive and Ignatius Gessay was one of the leaders who became most enthusiastic about this undertaking. Its gratifying outcome testifies that the drive was in capable and worthy hands . The entire project, as the Slovak League in America had conceived it, maintained but one goal: "to promote action for attaining Slovakia's self-determin ation and independence."8 True, this independence was envisioned within a coalition structured as a Czecho-Slova k federation and it was also accepted as such within the provisions of the Cleveland Agreement and the subsequent Pittsburgh Pact. Ignatius Gessay had been one of the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact and one of its staunch defenders. In 1918 Gessay founded the magazine Nave Slovensko (New Slovakia). A year later he traveled to Paris to attend the peace conference. From there he went to Slovakia and then returned to report to the Slovak League in America all his experiences on this trip. It was at this time that he decided to return to Slovakia and take up permanent residence there, and he lost little time between decision and reality. He made his home in Bratislava where he set up an information center, trusting that it would become a liason medium between Slovakia and the Slovaks living in America. As he had ever in this country dedicated his journalistic and organizationa l talents to the service of immigrants, so now in Slovakia he worked with great compassion and understandin g on behalf of those who became returned emigres. Slovaks who returned to their native land after some period of emigration found him willing and resourceful "to help in procuring licenses, offices, positions, and property. And he was always animated with utmost concern that they become more and more closely bound to their homeland again." 9 For the proper orientation of this segment of Slovak citizens, he founded the periodical Americky Slovak (The American Slovak). The crowning achievement of Ignatius Gessay was his founding of the Slovak League in Slovakia in 1920. In this undertaking he put to use his host of experiences in the United States, adapted the constitutions of the �SLOVAKIA 123 American League to fit the home situation and with apparent relish and enterprise he ventured upon this new pioneering. As he had noted in America the alienation and isolation of many of his countrymen who were unattached -without a parish, a school and the possibilities of becoming involved in organizational life-so in Slovakia he readily grasped the fact that entire Slovak areas on the border fringes were in danger of suffering a telling severance unless help reached out to them without delay. He oriented the Slovak League in Slovakia for mixed ethnic territories where Slovaks were generally in the minority. He was fortunate in securing first-class support in this work and he raised this Slovak League abroad to the proportions of a national organization which played a vital role in the cultural life of the Slovak nation up to the end of World War II. The Slovak League in Slovakia had a membership of over 20,000 individuals gathered into over 400 branch units. Its historic mission was to establish upon territories of mixed ethnic peoples 205 Slovak schools whose total enrollment exceeded 10,000 students-young people who otherwise would have been subjected to Magyarizing pressures and influences because the government was disinclined to build new schools for minorities and most of the existing schools were already appropriated by nonSlovak elements. Only the genius of a patriot gifted with uncommon foresight could meet the challenge of so noble and so demanding an assigment, and to meet it as did Gessay, so that the fulfillment of plans exceeded all sanguine expectations. Ignatius Gessay died in Bratislava on August 12, 1928, still comparatively young and in the midst of some of his greatest activity. He is buried in the local St. Andrew Cemetery and his own words are engraved as an epitaph upon his tombstone: "If my labors have inspired anyone with zeal for our sacred cause, then I have not lived in vain." Gessay did inspire and still inspires the hearts of Slovak sons who are willing to spend themselves in the service of their country. He was one of those extraordinary patriots whose devotion to his nation prompted him- �124 SLOVAKIA both on home territory as well as in America-to undertake as much as his strength and energy could possibly endure in the defense and interests of the most seriously threatened portion of the national body. Such heroes achieve far beyond the measure of everyday hopes and dreams. Gessay had offered himself totally and without the slightest reservations in order to save ten thousand fellowmen. This alone makes him deserving of a lasting monument in Slovakia as well as in America. Joseph Pauco, Ph. D. Translated by Si ster M. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. 1) J ednota (weekly) January 2, 1907. Excerpt fro m the published minutes of the confe rence of Slovak Journalists held in Pittsburgh, P ennsylvania , on December 21 , 1906. 2 ) I bid. 3 ) Indignacne schodze (Protest Mee tings-Demonstrations), J ednota K alendar (Jednota Y ear boo k) 1908, p. 154. 4 ) Jednota (weekly), April 10, 1907 Schodza slovenskych novincirov (Meeting of Slovak Journalists) . 5 ) J ednot a (weekly), March 1, 1911. 6) An Open Letter Addr essed to Count Michae l K cirolyi, New York, N. Y. , April 13, 1914. 7 ) As a r esult of this effort on the part of Stefanik and the cooper ation of Slovak Americans, four thousand men were recruited and sent to France where they were trained and later served with distinc tion in the F rench army. 8) Jednota (weekly) , May 30, 1917. Zbierka mili6n dolcirov (Th e Million Dollar Drive). 9) J oseph Sr obar, Canon, 0 Igncicovi Gessayov i ( A bout Ignatius Gessay ) , an add ress delivered at the unveiling of a bust of Ignatius Gessay in Bratislava on October 18, 1936. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA firmly believes that the national existence and welfare of the Slovak nation can best be safeguarded by the Slovaks themselves in their own independent Slovak Republic. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1969, Vol. 19 Description An account of the resource Vol. 19 (No. 42), 1969. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1969 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 108 SLOVAKIA Slovak Pioneers in A1nerica DR. ALEXANDER DIANISKA (March 21, 1867-November 9, 1923) Alexander Dianiska who played a significant role in Slovak-American life was born on March 21, 1867 in Banska Bystrica, Slovakia. Affluence was not the lot of his parents but the very lack of material wealth and wellbeing only disposed them to cling to God and abide by His commandments all the more faithfully. In this spirit of filial fear of God which is the beginning of wisdom, they reared their son who was a precocious boy. From the very outset of his formal schooling he applied himself to learning with marked talent and zest, and as a youth of about high school level he gave unmistakable evidence of his Slovak consciousness and undeviating loyalty to his homeland-a gift that came to him from his parents. The intermediate school which young Dianiska attended in Banska Bystrica was controlled by Magyar and Magyarone professors bent on a program of alienating Slovak students to the Magyar cause. Dianiska was not won by them. He had been an outstanding student in all his classes and graduated with distinction. His final examination earned a special award for excellence and was sent to the educational ministry in Budapest as a model of meritorious achievement and exceptional quality. Yet aside from this deserved academic recognition, Dianiska did not fare well; his national convictions disturbed the authorities. He was Slovak enough even to be one of a group who chose to make sacramental confession in Slovak. When the Rev. Joseph Martincek, another patriot, for the first time heard Dianiska confess in Slovak, he marveled that a student of the Banska Bystrica intermediate school had the spirit and the daring to defy the professorial overlords of the school who had absolutely proscribed the use of Slovak. The overjoyed priest invited the youth to stop for a chat at the rectory, and from a chance religious encounter there developed a lifelong friendship, Father Martincek deepening and strength- SLOVAKIA 109 ening in the younger man his already deep-rooted Slovak devotion. Together with Father Martin Kolar, Father Martincek took special interest in the future of the gifted Alexander Dianiska especially after learning of his desire to become a priest. Both clergymen conferred with Canon John Juriga of Ostrihom, urging him to find practical means of enabling the young man to realize his aspiration. In time, and despite repeated obstacles, it did become possible for Dianiska to launch his theological courses at the seminary of Ostrihom even though his acceptance restricted him to the status of an extern student. As an externist, Dianiska roomed with four other Slovak theology students, one of whom was Ferdis Juriga. Just at this time the Magyar journal Budapest Hirlap launched a new attack on Slovak students and inveighed against the seminary at Ostrihom as a nest of Panslavism. Father Martincek hurried a warning note to Dianiska advising that the Slovak loyalists be circumspect and even put into temporary hiding all the works of Vajansky and copies of the literary periodical Slovenske pohl'ady. But the communication never reached Dianiska because it was intercepted. Only in a personal interview with the prefect of the seminary did he learn that Father Martincek had written him . The Magyar professors then investigated the Slovak student group and Dianiska as well as Aloysius Vladar . also a theology major, were dismissed. John Donoval (a Slovak poet who wrote under the pseudonym Tichomir Milkin) was severely reprimanded and all but dismissed. After this setback, Dianiska returned to his hometown and went directly to Father Martincek who secretly sheltered him for a few days. The distraught young stu• dent eventually found the courage to approach his father who was in a dying condition. In a voice that could not hide great feeling and anxiety for his father's advanced illness he explained what had happened to him at the seminary and awaited his father's reaction. "Be the Slovak that you have been up to now; God will not forsake us," was the brave father's only observation to his suffering son. Alexander was worthy of his father's expectations. Father Martincek found him another sponsor and pro- 110 SLOVAKIA tector in the person of Canon Majovsky and it became possible for him to complete his theological courses at Banska Bystrica where he was ordained a priest on July 5, 1889. Because he wished to pursue advanced studies, the newly ordained Father Dianiska began to prepare for a doctoral degree in sacred theology. He had no prospect of enrolling as a regular university student because his ordinary rated him as a dangerous pan-Slavist and subjected him to repeated transferrals from one curacy to another. In spite of all difficulties and obstacles, however, the young priest did achieve his goal: a doctoral degree in theology granted by the University of Vienna with a special citation for excellence. But this only whetted the rancor of the Magyar and Magyarone forces, and the thorny way of the young ardent priest grew more and more forbidding and impossible. It now became his lot to be assigned to the most impoverished and all but destitute curacies of the diocese. Father Martincek understood clearly and with undeniable conviction that if Dr. Dianiska had only reneged his Slovak loyalties and had offered his talents at the service of the alien political powers, he would have been promoted not only to the rank of canon but even to the dignity of an episcopal position. In the thirteenth year of his priestly ministry Dr. Dianiska was named administrator of the parish at Brezno . Commissioner Repaszy of the Zvolen County with calculated deliberateness told Dr. Dianiska that this parish would immediately become his permanent pastorate if he would do as simple a thing as pay him a brief visit and denounce "panslavism." Dr. Dianiska rejected the offer as he would spurn a bribe; he would not forswear his nation. He made no visit to Commissioner Repaszy; he went, instead, to Lopej to see Father Martincek. Two staunch friends, two staunch patriots-they had little need for circumlocutions or prolonged conference. Father Martincek's fate was much like that of Dr. Dianiska. They sang the heart-rending lament "Hojze, Boze, jak to boli . . ." and Dr. Dianiska left Slovakia for the United States. The year was 1903. He gave his adopted country twenty years of illustrious priestly service until he died at Mercy Hospital in Wilkes-Barre on Nov. 9, 1923. SLOVAKIA 111 Dr. Dianiska's American assignment was a pastorate at St. Stephen's parish in Plymouth, Pennsylvania, and it was here that he spent the remainder of his life. "His wisdom, kindliness, apostolic zeal, and fatherly concern in a short time transformed this struggling Plymouth parish and made of it one of the most efficiently organized parishes in the diocese" was the deserving appraisal expressed in the eulogy by Dr. Dianiska's lifelong friend, Father Martincek.1 As St. Stephen's pastor, Dr. Dianiska had the church artistically decorated. He also procured a new organ, built a rectory, provided a convent, and constructed a fine school. He became the vital spark that activated all the local fraternities and organizations, and under his aegis they prospered and flourished and contributed notably to the vitality of parish life and of Slovak-American life in general. His exemplary priestly involvement deeply affected the flowering of spiritual life in St. Stephen's parish and it is largely to the credit of so zealous and worthy a pastor that this parish gave the Church eight priests as well as fourteen Sisters in the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The name of Dr. Dianiska will be eternally associated with St. Stephen's parish. In 1903 the Slovak priests of the Scranton diocese founded the Treasury of St. Anthony, a priestly society to further in the younger Slovak generation vocations to the priestly and religious life. It became one of the key agencies in founding the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. And Dr. Dianiska was one of the seven charter members who sent invitations to the preliminary conference that resulted in the establishment of this Treasury of St. Anthony. He was also close to Father Jankola in the early trying days that marked the origins of this religious congregation. It was specifically Fathers Matthew Jankola, Andrew Pavco, Alexander Dianiska, and Joseph Murgas who in the spring of 1909 presented to Pope St. Pius X, through the mediation of Bishop Michael Hoban of Scranton, Pa., the petition for authorization to found the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. When the Holy Father granted this decree of approval, the first religious 112 SLOVAKIA congregation of Slovak Sisters in the history of the Church became a reality. A reading of the minutes of the Treasury of St. Anthony reveals that on more than one occasion Dr. Dianiska was the leading force in activities to be undertaken and that he consistently supported the efforts of Father Jankola to have the Community preserve and deepen its Slovak character. 2 Because of his natural endowment and moral integrity, the Treasury of St. Anthony entrusted to Dr. Dianiska many responsible offices. He was, for example, a member of the exam ining board that screened applicants to the congregation of Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius and he was also on the advisory board that was to assign Sisters to their specific apostolates. In the light of contemporary thinking on Church renewal and adaptation it is noteworthy to observe that Dr. Dianiska was in advance of his age, for he strongly advocated that the laity also be involved in the Treasury of St. Anthony. Although his efforts in this direction were fruitless, for his motion to admit lay members were consistently voted down, his contemporaries often recalled how Dr. Dianiska made it a practice to develop intimate ties with laymen even in other situations. He was especially interested in cultivating church organists, and both Dr. Dianiska and Father John Porubsky effected practically a distinct Slovak institution of these professionals. One who reads and studies in the light of history must naturally make some observations about the position which Dr. Dianiska took when the leadership of American Slovaks broke into camps and this split was patent even in the ranks of the Catholic clergy. From beginning to end, Dr . Dianiska stood firmly at the side of Father Furdek and Father Jankola. "A rich and warm friendship as well as a bond of common effort and cooperation both in religio-ecclesial as well as in socio-cultural and national spheres bound him to the late Father Furdek and Father Jankola. These were three mighty pillars in our national and religious structure in America," wrote the journalist-patriot Joseph Husek.3 Efforts were started to bring into the leadership core of American Slovaks some persons whose instability and SLOVAKIA 113 proneness toward Magyarone associations would have shaken the very foundations of organizations already established. Such a trend could have also jeopardized other groups that were still in their early organizational st~P."e. Among the clear-eyed guardians of untained patriotism was Dr. Dianiska and it was especially at the meetings of the Treasury of St. Anthony that he unflinchingly and uncompromisingly took action to safeguard the purity of spirit and principle that characterized Slovak organizations. It was he, for example, who in 1911 together with Fathers Furdek, Jankola, and Porubsky saw to it that only persons of proven worth be at the helm of the Sdruzenie Slovenskych Katolikov ( As~oci~.t.ion of Slovak Catholics) which was viewed by many priests as a concurrent offshoot of the already fully functioning and proven Treasury of St. Anthony. Although the labors of Dr. Dianiska were rooted first and foremost in his own assi~ned parish and within the sphere of Catholic organizational circles, it necessarily followed that his name eventually became a kind of talisman of universal Slovak exchange in all cultural and national movements of any significant dimension. Dr. Dianiska's peers are agreed that a career in science would have been his readiest road to self-fulfillment. He had the potential, the attraction, and the qualifications for it; however, his apostolic ministry became his all, for he was-before all things-a priest. Yet he did not deny his American Slovaks a legacy from the heart; he bent his gifted spirit to writing on spiritual themes. His outstanding achievement here is an admirable translation of Goffine's masterpiece titled Postila. "But his writing interests were not limited to this one type of subject," wrote Joseph Rusek. "He also produced cultural and political essays and articles glowing with national awareness. These excelled in aptness and directness of expression, precision and clearness, and a sense of logic that brooked no appeal. Whatever he wrote, he wrote well. Whatever he said, he said well, ex cathedra. His authority was generally recognized even beyond Slovak borders as the theoretics of a man of thought who was also a leader. Because of his lack of adaptability, practically an inflexibility or intransigence, he did not 114 SLOVAKIA become popular - in the ordinary connotation of the word-with his younger colleagues, but because of his innate sterling character, his learning and nobility of spirit he won esteem and prestige among all those whose lives he touched, even his adversaries."4 Dr. Dianiska was a patriot par excellence. His was a quiet and unobtrusive quality of devotion to the fatherland, the kind that did not seek the publicity of pretentious functions and the acclaim of broadcast honors, still there were few others in his period of Slovak America to whom as many seekers came for counsel and exchange of views concerning cultural and national interests as the countless numbers that had recourse to Dr. Dianiska. As Father Martincek often affirmed that Dr. Dianiska could have became a bishop in his younger years had he given up the allegiance he bore his own nation, so Joseph Rusek believed with quiet but unavailing hope and anticipation that the new regime after World War I would recall Dr. Dianiska to Slovakia and there see him honored with the dignity of the episcopacy. This would have been a deserved reward and compensation not only for Dr. Dianiska personally but also for all American Slovaks since it was in their midst that he found refuge and a more serene way of life than had been granted him within native boundaries. But it was a fruitless expectation. The new government only suspected Dr. Dianiska of every questionable motive and wrong possible but it never admitted or conceded that he had qualifications to distinguish him as a bishop. He was (they implied) a monarchist and therefore an enemy of the new state that had risen from the ruins of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. This was a gross untruth. Dr. Dianiska had demanded for Slovakia only those rights which the vast majority of American Slovaks were demanding through their representatives, the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact, who stood firm in their position and defended both the letter and the spirit of the compact. Dr. Dianiska "knew no pretense," Joseph Husek recalls, "and for this reason he made no secrets of his dislike for the current ruling system in Czecho-Slovakia because of its anti-Catholic and anti- Slovak bias. And he did not hesitate to express himself on this score with undisguised and unmitigated bitterness. SLOVAKIA 115 This made him suspect of being a monarchist. It reality he was not. The writer of these lines had ample opportunity to convince himself of this thoroughly. Dr. Dianiska did not on principle oppose a republican form of state government, but he did want to see the rights of the Catholic Church and of the Slovak nation guaranteed within the framework of such a government." 5 The case of Dr. Dianiska is only another instance o! the tragic experience that befell Slovak leaders from the pre-Uprising days-strong souls who had to leave for America because the political climate and the ruling powers did not care to favor them with the chance to use their talents, their intellectual endowments, their training and education and various other potentials within the confines of Slovakia, their own native country. A worthy gifted Slovak had to leave Slovakia which needed him more sorely than did any foreign territory to which he was forced to migrate. In a pioneer age, however, the free land of America could not provide adequate conditions for the full and satisfying use of such talents as those of Dr. Dianiska. It could not offer situations most conducive to the flowering of such gifts since the masses of immigrants needed these leaders in a different capacity and they, bound by service to their people, did not desert them even at the cost of sacrificing distinguished careers and rewards that would have been available if they had devoted themselves discretely to their particular professional fields-science, theology, philosophy, technology, or whatever the individual major talent happened to be. Dr. Alexander Dianiska, the son of Slovak parents of ordinary stock, came a long way and rose to eminence as an unsung hero of the spirit; his name is inscribed in perpetual memory in the annals of American Slovaks. 1 At the Bier of Dr. Alexander Dianiska (Nad rakvou Dr. Alexandra nianisJcu) , Jednota (weekly), Nov. 28, 1923. 2 "Rev. Joseph Murgas moves that the Sisters teach their classes in Slovak. Rev. Alexander Dianiska seconds the motion, specifically enumerating that ·t hese be the subjects taught in Slovak: 1) Christian Doctrine 2) Slovak reading 3) Slovak grammar 4) Slovak composition 5) History 6) Slovak geography 7) Church music at the direction or recommendation of the local pastor 8) Children's stage plays and presentations, suited to the situa tion and the circumstances of each particular school. Unanimously 116 SLOVAKIA carried." Minutes of the regular meeting of the Treasu_ry of St. Anthony, July 25, 1912, Pittston, Penna. 3 Alexander Dianiska, D .D ., Jednota, (weekly) , Nov. 14, 1923. 4 Ibid. 5 Ibid. Cf. also Joseph Pauco, Matthew JankoLa, Priest and Patriot (Matus Jankola, ki\.az a narodovec), Danville, Pa., 1959. IGNATIUS GESSAY ( June 17, 1874-August 12, 1928) In the little town of Tvrdosin, Orava County, the Gessay family of small means brought up a son who became a leader of no small stature. He was born on June 17, 1874 and chose teaching as his life's career. The Magyar school system of his day was geared to extinguish in him the very last spark of national consciousness, but the choked glow managed to burst into a glorious vital flame fanned by the spirited journalism of the magazine Dom a skola ( Home and School) published by Karol Salva in Ruzomberok. Shortly after this revitalizing experience, Ignatius Gessay became a co-worker on the daily Krest'an ( The Christian) which was managed and edited by Edward ~andorfi, a zealous Catholic Slovak priest in Budapest. Like too many another patriot of his day, Gessay was tracked by Magyar officials who labeled him a "Dangerous Panslav" and forbade him to write any more contributions for Slovak publications. Like too many others who were unmercifully hounded before him and after him, he found the situation more and more unbearable as time went on, and finally he decided to leave Slovakia, the land of his birth, in order to find a free country for uninterrupted and unhampered work on behalf of his nation. He came to the haven of America in 1898. This was a time of prime need among American Slovaks for qualified and available professionals in all walks of life. Gessay's first stopping point was at Olyphant, Pennsylvania, where he used his talents as a Slovak teacher. But the keen organizer and leader, Peter Rovnianek, with his astute sense of discernment for excellences among men, readily discovered Gessay and offered him a position in the editorial offices of the Amerikdnsko-Slovenske Novi- SLOVAKIA 117 ny ( American-Slovak News ). This was in 1900. For a full decade Gessay worked under the immediate direction of Rovnianek. In 1910 he became editor-in-chief of the Slovensky dennik ( The Slovak Daily) and then editor of the Ndrodne Noviny (The National News ), the official organ of the Narodny Slovensky Spolok (The National Slovak Society). In 1914 Gessay assumed editorship of the New Yorsky Dennik ( The New York Daily) but a year later he founded his own journal Denny hlas ( The Daily Voice ) which he managed successfully for three years. But this did not exhaust his rich editorial capacity. He next became editor of the first Slovak magazine for student groups in America-Mlddez ( Youth) and he also managed the official magazine of the Slovak League in America, Nave Slovensko ( New Slovakia). Ignatius Gessay was one of the most distinguished, most diligent and most productive of Slovak editors in America. At the same time sincere and cordial ties bound him also to Slovak-American fraternal organizations whose foremost concern then was the welfare of immigrants to America. This association with fraternal and organizational life also provided Gessay with excellent opportunities for a further excercise of his manifold talents. His initiation into this direct interaction with large groups of people united in fraternal bodies envolved largely within the framework of the Narodny Slovensky Spolok and brought him very close to the heart and inner workings of extensive cultural and national movements on American soil. He became one of the pillars of this first Slovak national society in America. As a matter of fact, the NSS is indebted to Gessay for founding its youth division Kruh Mlddeze, a project he inaugurated because he had the insight to realize that an organization will survive only with great difficulty unless it is nurtured by younger forces coming to it through a juvenile membership body. Ignatius Gessay also played a prominent part in the founding of the Slovak League in America. The preliminary groundwork for this organization was undertaken by the Association of Slovak Journalists when Rev. Stephen Furdek invited Slovak newsmen to attend a conference in Pittsburgh on December 21 , 1906. Specific invitations 118 SLOVAKIA were sent to the following newspaper offices: SlovenskJ} Dennik (The Slovak Daily), Jednota (the official organ of the First Catholic Slovak Union), Amerikdnsko-Slovenske Noviny ( The American-Slovak News) , Slovak v Amerike ( The Slovak in America), Slovensky Hldsnik (The Slovak Herald) , Slovensky Sokol (The Slovak Falcon) , Bratstvo ( Brotherhood), and Svedok ( Witness ). These were the contemporary press agencies that served the Slovak reading public and supported the Slovak cause. They all answered the invitation by sending representatives to the conference except Bratstvo and Svedok. Both of these however, pledged support and gave assurance that they would endorse the decisions of the conference. The purpose of the deliberations at this first conference of Slovak journalists was this: "that having taken into account all the persecutions and injustices inflicted upon our nation and upon the champions of its cause in our homeland abroad, we initiate action on the part of all American Slovak patriots for the spiritual rescue of our nation across the sea."1 The assemblage agreed at once to found an Association of Slovak Journalists in America and they voted the following individuals into office: Rev. Stephen Furdek, president; Rev. John Porubsky, secretary; Ignatius Gessay, treasurer . The new organization further decided to sponsor in key American-Slovak centers a series of public protest demonstrations (Indignacne schodze) in order to publicize their condemnation of "the oppression of our people on native territory, and specifically to denounce the inequitable sentencing of our national leaders Rev. Andrew Hlinka and Rev. Ferdinand Juriga." 2 These newsmen were well aware that it would not be enough to project only Slovak-contained demonstrations ; important as these were, it was even far more important to put before the English-speaking public the scope of some of the injustice and wrongs perpetrated upon the Slovak nation, upon its outstanding leaders and prominent citizens. For this purpose an English brochure was planned, specifically to expose the farce of the Magyar court trial of Andrew Hlinka, and an initial printing of 15,000 copies of this pamphlet was ordered. SLOVAKIA 119 This 1907 program of public protest meetings held in twenty American cities alerted not only American and European Slovaks but also the American public at large. Keynote speakers at the programs included American as well as Slovak lecturers. The gatherings and activities were covered by reporters of all the Slovak press agencies and, more importantly, by American newsmen too, with the result that "American dailies and journals set themselves to writing about the Slovaks and their cause more prolifically than they had ever done before."3 The Slovak League in America is the offspring of the Association of Slovak Journalists, for it was conceived at the second gathering of the Association held in Pittsburgh on April 4, 1907. This conference was attended by representatives from all the Slovak journals and newspapers as well as by delegations from all the Slovak organizations in the United States. The gathering unanimously agreed to convene "a mass meeting of all Slovak loyalists living in America in order to lay the foundation for a single organization working in solid and unified cooperation for the most efficient promotion of our national endeavors."~ This became no mere meeting; it developed into a grand convention that was held in Cleveland on May 26, 1907, and it was under these auspices that the Slovak League in America was founded. The Association of Slovak Journalists appointed the following to form a committee for organizational preliminaries for the prospective League: A. S. Ambrose, Ignatius Gessay, Gustav Marsall-Petrovski' and Rev. Stephen Furdek. At the founding congress of the Slovak League in America, Ignatius Gessay represented the Slovensky Dennik (The Slovak Daily). But this was really just an initiation into the rich national and cultural activity of this extraordinarily productive and vigorous Slovak intellectual. Gessay was the first Slovak of academic stature to undertake visiting all the American Slovak settlements in order to gather firsthand data for a history of the Slovaks in America. In 1910 he toured and studied practically the entire U.S. East and Midwest, assembling notes and gathering every bit of 120 SLOVAKIA available material that he considered relevant for his projected historical account. It is most unfortunate that he never actually compiled all this significant research into the finished product that he had envisioned. It is also highly regrettable that this collection of invaluable data (like too many other priceless memorabilia) is now irretrievably lost. Imbued with love for the written word in Slovak and a devotion for values of the spirit in general, Gessay undertook a movement which he called "Four books for a dollar." He knew that as worthwhile reading serves to educate man, so the Slovak immigrant family would find its horizons of spirit and intellect broadened by good reading, and this benefit would, in turn, dispose American Slovaks to advance readily in their new country and to overcome many of the limitations that either deliberately or accidentally barred their way toward better things. If Gessay had enjoyed deserved support in this one effort alone, the American Slovaks of today would be able to pride themselves on an enviable book market and a most flourishing publications enterprise. Ignatius Gessay found himself in the front ranks of every national movement. When the notorious Magyar Count Albert Apponyi arrived here in 1911 with the intent which he publicly proclaimed in New York : to set afoot intrigues against national groups and to leave them crushed beneath his heel, 5 Gessay drafted and effected successful and wholesome counter-strategy. The American Slovaks resolutely used the forum of the press and of public assemblage to make known to the world their repudiation of Apponyi's tactics and objectives. Gessay, on his part, took the lead in keeping the American press adequately informed concerning the position and the attitudes of the Slovaks. As a result, American newspapers and journals carried almost daily reports about the justified resistance of the Slovaks not only to Magyar politics and the wave of Magyarization abroad but also to Apponyi's propagandizing in this country. The English-speaking world was being honestly informed. Similarly did Ignatius Gessay in 1914 take an intrepid lead in exposing the true nature of another Magyar count's SLOVAKIA 121 visit to America. This time it was Count Michael Karolyi who flagrantly vilified the Slovaks and hoped to reap from the American government the support of American dollars. Gessay at once saw what was to be done. He personally drew up an English draft of a direct Slovak appeal which disproved Karolyi's allegations and revealed the true nature of the visitor's intent. Copies of this appeal to defend truth and justice were delivered to American newsmen and journalists. They effected a much desired and widespread publicity for the Slovak cause and evoked appropriate reaction. It can be said of Gessay that he was one of the first Slovaks in America fully to understand the need for presenting to the American public the true state of the Slovak problem abroad. His English expose of Karolyi, channeled through the arteries of American journalism, forced the unscrupulous count to leave America as a foiled schemer: The American Slovaks in this instance scored a triumph, and Ignatius Gessay-as a recognized leader among them -had every right to take personal satisfaction in this successful issue of a formidable problem though he did not look for personal glory. During World War I, Gessay was close to the vital pulse of every Slovak undertaking in America. He participated in the preliminary conference that led to the signing of the Cleveland Agreement. He was close to General Milan Rastislav Stefanik when Legionnaires were being recruited in America from among those not subject to the Selective Service Laws. 7 He served as a war correspondent and in Cleveland and the surrounding areas he was very active in organizing the Legionnaires. As the war effort mounted toward a climax of victory, so did the endeavor of American Slovaks also wax stronger to secure guarantees of freedom for the Slovak nation. Here, too, Gessay satisfied his obligations as a devoted son of his native country. Since the original Association of Slovak Journalists fell into a hiatus of inactivity, the deliberations of the Slovak League in America established a Society of Slovak Newsmen on April 13, 1917, and it entrusted the office of president to Ignatius Gessay. Almost immediately after this, American Slovaks 122 SLOVAKIA launched the famed Million Dollar Drive and Ignatius Gessay was one of the leaders who became most enthusiastic about this undertaking. Its gratifying outcome testifies that the drive was in capable and worthy hands . The entire project, as the Slovak League in America had conceived it, maintained but one goal: "to promote action for attaining Slovakia's self-determin ation and independence."8 True, this independence was envisioned within a coalition structured as a Czecho-Slova k federation and it was also accepted as such within the provisions of the Cleveland Agreement and the subsequent Pittsburgh Pact. Ignatius Gessay had been one of the signers of the Pittsburgh Pact and one of its staunch defenders. In 1918 Gessay founded the magazine Nave Slovensko (New Slovakia). A year later he traveled to Paris to attend the peace conference. From there he went to Slovakia and then returned to report to the Slovak League in America all his experiences on this trip. It was at this time that he decided to return to Slovakia and take up permanent residence there, and he lost little time between decision and reality. He made his home in Bratislava where he set up an information center, trusting that it would become a liason medium between Slovakia and the Slovaks living in America. As he had ever in this country dedicated his journalistic and organizationa l talents to the service of immigrants, so now in Slovakia he worked with great compassion and understandin g on behalf of those who became returned emigres. Slovaks who returned to their native land after some period of emigration found him willing and resourceful "to help in procuring licenses, offices, positions, and property. And he was always animated with utmost concern that they become more and more closely bound to their homeland again." 9 For the proper orientation of this segment of Slovak citizens, he founded the periodical Americky Slovak (The American Slovak). The crowning achievement of Ignatius Gessay was his founding of the Slovak League in Slovakia in 1920. In this undertaking he put to use his host of experiences in the United States, adapted the constitutions of the SLOVAKIA 123 American League to fit the home situation and with apparent relish and enterprise he ventured upon this new pioneering. As he had noted in America the alienation and isolation of many of his countrymen who were unattached -without a parish, a school and the possibilities of becoming involved in organizational life-so in Slovakia he readily grasped the fact that entire Slovak areas on the border fringes were in danger of suffering a telling severance unless help reached out to them without delay. He oriented the Slovak League in Slovakia for mixed ethnic territories where Slovaks were generally in the minority. He was fortunate in securing first-class support in this work and he raised this Slovak League abroad to the proportions of a national organization which played a vital role in the cultural life of the Slovak nation up to the end of World War II. The Slovak League in Slovakia had a membership of over 20,000 individuals gathered into over 400 branch units. Its historic mission was to establish upon territories of mixed ethnic peoples 205 Slovak schools whose total enrollment exceeded 10,000 students-young people who otherwise would have been subjected to Magyarizing pressures and influences because the government was disinclined to build new schools for minorities and most of the existing schools were already appropriated by nonSlovak elements. Only the genius of a patriot gifted with uncommon foresight could meet the challenge of so noble and so demanding an assigment, and to meet it as did Gessay, so that the fulfillment of plans exceeded all sanguine expectations. Ignatius Gessay died in Bratislava on August 12, 1928, still comparatively young and in the midst of some of his greatest activity. He is buried in the local St. Andrew Cemetery and his own words are engraved as an epitaph upon his tombstone: "If my labors have inspired anyone with zeal for our sacred cause, then I have not lived in vain." Gessay did inspire and still inspires the hearts of Slovak sons who are willing to spend themselves in the service of their country. He was one of those extraordinary patriots whose devotion to his nation prompted him- 124 SLOVAKIA both on home territory as well as in America-to undertake as much as his strength and energy could possibly endure in the defense and interests of the most seriously threatened portion of the national body. Such heroes achieve far beyond the measure of everyday hopes and dreams. Gessay had offered himself totally and without the slightest reservations in order to save ten thousand fellowmen. This alone makes him deserving of a lasting monument in Slovakia as well as in America. Joseph Pauco, Ph. D. Translated by Si ster M. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. 1) J ednota (weekly) January 2, 1907. Excerpt fro m the published minutes of the confe rence of Slovak Journalists held in Pittsburgh, P ennsylvania , on December 21 , 1906. 2 ) I bid. 3 ) Indignacne schodze (Protest Mee tings-Demonstrations), J ednota K alendar (Jednota Y ear boo k) 1908, p. 154. 4 ) Jednota (weekly), April 10, 1907 Schodza slovenskych novincirov (Meeting of Slovak Journalists) . 5 ) J ednot a (weekly), March 1, 1911. 6) An Open Letter Addr essed to Count Michae l K cirolyi, New York, N. Y. , April 13, 1914. 7 ) As a r esult of this effort on the part of Stefanik and the cooper ation of Slovak Americans, four thousand men were recruited and sent to France where they were trained and later served with distinc tion in the F rench army. 8) Jednota (weekly) , May 30, 1917. Zbierka mili6n dolcirov (Th e Million Dollar Drive). 9) J oseph Sr obar, Canon, 0 Igncicovi Gessayov i ( A bout Ignatius Gessay ) , an add ress delivered at the unveiling of a bust of Ignatius Gessay in Bratislava on October 18, 1936. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA firmly believes that the national existence and welfare of the Slovak nation can best be safeguarded by the Slovaks themselves in their own independent Slovak Republic.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak Pioneers in America Description An account of the resource includes Dr. Alexander Dianiška (1867-1923) and Ignatius Gessay (1874-1928) Joseph Paučo, Ph.D. Slovakia, Vol. 19 (No. 42), 1969 pp. 108-124 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paučo, Jozef, 1914-1975 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1969 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/9f038add5ee50b9c7b79791e9bdbd49f.pdf e2c22e9efca9f94f65f2f20df6142e0a PDF Text Text 92 SLOVAKIA The Slovak Benedictines Review 50 Years in Cleveland, Ohio (1922-1972) By Joseph Pa u co, Ph.D. Cleveland has been the home of the Slovak Benedictines, who came to the city from St. Procopius Abbey, Lisle, Illinois, with the blessing of Abbot Valentine Kohlbeck, O.S.B. and his community at the invitation of Bishop Joseph Schrembs, D. D., for a full half century. The official day of their coming is February 2, 1922, when Father Stanislaus Gmuca, O.S.B. offered up the first Mass at St. Andrew's parish church at East 51st Street and Superior Avenue. The Slovak parish had been relinquished to the monks of St. Benedict earlier by Father John Liscinsky at the request of Bishop Schrembs. Father Stanislaus was named prior of the newly-established dependent priory soon afterwards by his Abbot. Father Matthew Jankola was instrumental in sending several Slovak young men to the Czech abbey of Saint Procopius in Lisle, Ill. in 1903. His hope that at least some of them would become Benedictines was realized when John Vaniscak was given the name 'Gregory' upon entering the Order of St. Benedict. Father Gregory was destined to become the founder of the Slovak Benedictine monastery in Cleveland, Ohio. Rev. Clement Hrtanek, president of the Slovak Catholic Federation of America, and Rev. Stefan Kocis, the secretary, encouraged Father Vaniscak to establish a Slovak Benedictine foundation. This became a reality in the fall of 1921 when Bishop Schrembs, D. D., a graduate of St. Vincent's College and Abbey Seminary in Latrobe, Pa., extended a formal invitation to the Slovak Benedictines to come to Cleveland. Bishop Schrembs, a friend and benefactor of the Slovaks, could always be counted on to appear at their important functions. Moreover, his greetings, invariably �SLOVAKIA 93 in their native language, were greatly appreciated by Slovak audiences and congregations throughout the country. Father Gregory Vaniscak, O.S.B., who had been appointed pastor of St. Michael's Slovak parish in Chicago soon after his ordination in the early summer of 1914, remained as pastor of the large parish until the fall of 1929 when the St. Andrew Svorad dependent priory received independent status from the Holy See. The pioneer community immediately elected him as canonical prior. Father Gregory established his headquarters at the new site at 10510 Buckeye Road. The property was acquired from the Notre Dame Sisters at a cost of $125,000. The entire sum for the 15-acre tract and old building was furnished by the Slovak Educational Foundation headed by Michael Bosak, Sr., outstanding Slovak banker in Scranton, Pa. Meanwhile, in the summer of 1927 Father George Luba, O.S .B. was sent by Abbot Kohlbeck to organize a high school for boys at the priory of St. Andrew's . The versatile young priest as first principal welcomed a total of 27 boys on the opening day of Benedictine High School on September 8, 1927. Two years later when the new property was purchased the school was transfered to the East Side. The old but tenable 4-story structure at 10510 Buckeye Road was divided equally between the priory and the school; the third and fourth floors for the residence of the Religious members while the first and second floors were used for classrooms. During the early summer of 1934 the priory was elevated to abbey status and Father Stanislaus Gmuca was elected as the first abbot of St. Andrew Svorad Benedictine Abbey on August 8, 1934. The blessing of the new Abbot on October 2, 1934, was attended by a dozen abbots and five bishops, several hundred clergy and more than two thousand laity at St. John's Cathedral. As pastor and prior of the dependent priory of St. Andrew's, Father Stanislaus built the unique Spanish-style new Church in 1926. In 1940 as Abbot of St. Andrew's Abbey he directed the construction of the new Benedictine High School building at 2900 East Boulevard. This forward step was destiped to increase the school enrollment from 150 to more than 1,200 in six years. Abbot Theodore Kojis, 0. S. B., who succeeded Abbot �94 SLOVAKIA Gmuca in 1946, completed the north and south wings of the high school, added a machine shop, aeronautical depart-ment, science building, a new cafeteria, auditorium and modem gymnasium, and supervised the building of the new Abbey building during the tenure of twenty years in office. In 1953, the year after the new Abbey was completed, Father Leo Rehak, O.S.B., pastor of St. Benedict's abbey church, saw Archbishop Edward Hoban, D. D. dedicate the beautiful new edifice. One of the highlights of Abbot Kojis' administration was the grant of $50,000 in 1960 to establish a Slovak religious and cultural center in Rome. This donation by the Slovak Benedictine community in Cleveland spurred a nationwide campaign that netted more than a half million dollars (mostly donated by American Slovaks) for the project known as the Slovak SS. Cyril and Methodius Institute which sponsors a seminary, publishes religious books and acts as a center for Slovak tourists from all over the world. Abbot Jerome Koval, O.S.B., successor to Abbot Kojis in the spring of 1966, has guided the Abbey in the spirit of the founder and his pioneer community along the guidelines of the spiritual renewal of Vatican II. Abbot Koval is a member of many Slovak and non-Slovak Catholic organizations and is always in great demand as a homilist and after-dinner speaker everywhere. The abbey, in addition to administering Benedictine High School in which the majority of the faculty members are Religious, also furnishes pastoral aid on weekends the year round to many parishes in the diocese. Outside the diocese of Cleveland, the Abbey Fathers have charge of parishes in Illinois, Wisconsin and Michigan. One of the members has been an army chaplain for ten years and three priest have assignments as chaplains at various institutions and one priest is a seminary professor. Both Abbot Stanislaus and Abbot Theodore are still active doing parish work regularly. The Ave Maria monthly religious publication in the Slovak language has been edited by the Slovak Benedictines for more than forty-two years. Editors in the past were: Father Gregory Vaniscak, Father Paschal Kavulic and Father George Luba, O.S.B. The present editors are Father �SLOVAKIA 95 Andrew Pier, O.S.B. and Dr. Karol Strmen. Brother Alfred Nasticky, O.S.B. is the business manager. Subscribers are listed from all over the world. The only countries which will not admit the magazine are communist-ruled countries, including Slovakia. Precisely twenty years ago this summer the Slovak Institute was founded at the Abbey by Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B . Charter members were: Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, Rev. Mikulas Sprinc, Dr. Karol Strmen, Dr. Joseph Cincik, and Rev. Andrew Pier, O.S.B. The ruling abbot of St. Andrew's Abbey is ex officio the president, and he appoints the director. Dr. Francis Hrusovsky was the first director until his death on September 9, 1956. Konstantin Culen served for two full years as his successor and Rev. Andrew Pier O.S.B. has been director since 1958. The Slovak Institute library contains several thousand volumes on Slovak literature, history, etc. The Most, cultural quarterly edited the past eighteen years by Father Mikulas Sprinc, is a Slovak Institute publication. Cleveland's "Slovenske Noviny-Slovak News" (19491959) spanned a decade under the sponsorship of St. Andrew's Abbey and various Slovak organizations in the city. The Slovak weekly (3 pages in Slovak and 1 page in English) finally ceased publication because of lack of funds despite the fact that the Abbey had furnished both the office and the editorial staff for the entire ten years. The editors were: Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, 1949-1952, Dr. Karol Strmen, 1952-1959 for the Slovak section and Rev. Bernard Slimak, O.S.B. (1949 ) and Rev. Andrew Pier, O.S.B. (19491959) for the English section. At one time several Fathers conducted Slovak Missions in various parts of the country. Novenas and Forty Hour devotions, as well as Triduums and pilgrimages were on their schedule. The following priests shared this apostolate: Father George Luba, Wendelin Kravec, Paschal Kavulic, Theodore Kojis, Benedict Dobrancin, Sylvester Prise, Francis Durkac, Jerome Koval, Florian Hudac and Matthew Bonk, O.S.B . Among distinguished guests at the Abbey through the years were the following: The Matica Slovenska (Slovak Institute) delegation from Turciansky Sv. Martin from Slovakia in 1935. The members were: J . C. Hronsky, �96 SLOVAKIA leading Slovak novelist, Konstantin Culen, foremost Slovak journalist, Dr. Jozef Cincik, artist and architectual consultant, K . Plicka, ace photographer . The Spolok sv. Vojtecha delegation from Trnava, Slovakia, in 1937. The members were: Dr. Jozef Tiso (later President of the Slovak Republic), Msgr. Postenyi, Msgr. Korper, Msgr. Caban and Father Mondok. Both of these delegations donated valuable works on Slovak literature and history to the Abbey library, now in the Slovak Institute library. Abbot Primate Kaelin came from Rome in 1952 to participate in the dedication of the new Abbey building. The General Chapter of the Benedictine Abbots was held at the Abbey in 1953 after the blessing of the new abbey church of St. Benedict. Among famous Slovak authors associated with the Abbey were: Philip A. Hrobak (teacher at Benedictine High School for eight years), author of a Slovak dictionary and Slovak Lessons series. J. J. Konus (spent some time in research at the Abbey library), author of several Slovak dictionaries and a grammar. Father Gregory Vaniscak, O.S.B. was the author of a Slovak grammar and translation of the Holy Rule into Slovak. Abbot Stanislaus Gmuca, O.S.B. was the author of a Slovak grammar. For the past quarter of a century the Slovak Institute cooperates with the Cleveland Slovak Radio Club in arranging a speaker's program for its Slovak Hour every Sunday. Aside from their spiritual and educational work the Benedictines in Cleveland are widely known for the prowess of the Bengals in scholastic athletic circles. Benedictine High School has produced city football, basketball, baseball, bowling, tennis and golf championship s and won a state football crown in 1957. In the past quarter of a century Benedictine football teams won eleven city titles. two co-titles and lost only 4 times. In baseball the Bengals have won almost a score city titles, two city crowns in basketball, two in golf, two in tennis and two in bowling. The latest sport is hockey and in the past four years the team has won two city titles. The CYO has used the facilities of the Bengal's gym each year at no charge since 1940. �SLOVAKIA 97 At the very beginning the contributions for the foundation of Benedictine education came exclusively from the Slovaks, from individuals and our organizations. The Jednota, First Catholic Slovak Union, has been in the forefront of the Slovak fraternals that have supported the Slovak Benedictines with donations approved by the delegates at various conventions. Others like the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Association, the Slovak Catholic Sokol, Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, the Ladies Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union and several others have at various times made contributions to the Abbey. The most consistent supporter to the Slovak Benedictines for their high school has been the Benedictine Dads Club which has contributed more than $500,000 the past twentyseven years. At present the membership is approximately 70 ( 46 priest, 13 Brothers, 3 novices and a growing number of postulants) . The death of 15 priests in the service of God and the community the past 30 years has been a great loss to the Abbey but new vocations are beginning to come in increasing numbers. Perhaps some day St. Andrew's Abbey will send missionary monks to Slovakia to renew Benedictine monastic foundations that once flourished there during the middle ages. The last Benedictine monastery was closed by imperial edict of Joseph II of Austria-Hungary at the end of the eighteenth century. LIT ERA T U R E Frantisek Hrusovsky, Ph.D.: Slovenske re hole v Amerike. Cleveland , Ohio, 1955. Slovenski benediktini. Kalendar J edno ta, Middletown , Pa. 1928; p p. 103-109. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to American Democracy, the American way of life, and encourages Americans of Slovak descent to be loyal and alert citizens of America; it urges and aids Slovak emigrants to become U. S. citizens by publishing appropriate manuals and brochures in Slovak and English. � 92 SLOVAKIA The Slovak Benedictines Review 50 Years in Cleveland, Ohio (1922-1972) By Joseph Pa u co, Ph.D. Cleveland has been the home of the Slovak Benedictines, who came to the city from St. Procopius Abbey, Lisle, Illinois, with the blessing of Abbot Valentine Kohlbeck, O.S.B. and his community at the invitation of Bishop Joseph Schrembs, D. D., for a full half century. The official day of their coming is February 2, 1922, when Father Stanislaus Gmuca, O.S.B. offered up the first Mass at St. Andrew's parish church at East 51st Street and Superior Avenue. The Slovak parish had been relinquished to the monks of St. Benedict earlier by Father John Liscinsky at the request of Bishop Schrembs. Father Stanislaus was named prior of the newly-established dependent priory soon afterwards by his Abbot. Father Matthew Jankola was instrumental in sending several Slovak young men to the Czech abbey of Saint Procopius in Lisle, Ill. in 1903. His hope that at least some of them would become Benedictines was realized when John Vaniscak was given the name 'Gregory' upon entering the Order of St. Benedict. Father Gregory was destined to become the founder of the Slovak Benedictine monastery in Cleveland, Ohio. Rev. Clement Hrtanek, president of the Slovak Catholic Federation of America, and Rev. Stefan Kocis, the secretary, encouraged Father Vaniscak to establish a Slovak Benedictine foundation. This became a reality in the fall of 1921 when Bishop Schrembs, D. D., a graduate of St. Vincent's College and Abbey Seminary in Latrobe, Pa., extended a formal invitation to the Slovak Benedictines to come to Cleveland. Bishop Schrembs, a friend and benefactor of the Slovaks, could always be counted on to appear at their important functions. Moreover, his greetings, invariably �SLOVAKIA 93 in their native language, were greatly appreciated by Slovak audiences and congregations throughout the country. Father Gregory Vaniscak, O.S.B., who had been appointed pastor of St. Michael's Slovak parish in Chicago soon after his ordination in the early summer of 1914, remained as pastor of the large parish until the fall of 1929 when the St. Andrew Svorad dependent priory received independent status from the Holy See. The pioneer community immediately elected him as canonical prior. Father Gregory established his headquarters at the new site at 10510 Buckeye Road. The property was acquired from the Notre Dame Sisters at a cost of $125,000. The entire sum for the 15-acre tract and old building was furnished by the Slovak Educational Foundation headed by Michael Bosak, Sr., outstanding Slovak banker in Scranton, Pa. Meanwhile, in the summer of 1927 Father George Luba, O.S .B. was sent by Abbot Kohlbeck to organize a high school for boys at the priory of St. Andrew's . The versatile young priest as first principal welcomed a total of 27 boys on the opening day of Benedictine High School on September 8, 1927. Two years later when the new property was purchased the school was transfered to the East Side. The old but tenable 4-story structure at 10510 Buckeye Road was divided equally between the priory and the school; the third and fourth floors for the residence of the Religious members while the first and second floors were used for classrooms. During the early summer of 1934 the priory was elevated to abbey status and Father Stanislaus Gmuca was elected as the first abbot of St. Andrew Svorad Benedictine Abbey on August 8, 1934. The blessing of the new Abbot on October 2, 1934, was attended by a dozen abbots and five bishops, several hundred clergy and more than two thousand laity at St. John's Cathedral. As pastor and prior of the dependent priory of St. Andrew's, Father Stanislaus built the unique Spanish-style new Church in 1926. In 1940 as Abbot of St. Andrew's Abbey he directed the construction of the new Benedictine High School building at 2900 East Boulevard. This forward step was destiped to increase the school enrollment from 150 to more than 1,200 in six years. Abbot Theodore Kojis, 0. S. B., who succeeded Abbot �94 SLOVAKIA Gmuca in 1946, completed the north and south wings of the high school, added a machine shop, aeronautical depart-ment, science building, a new cafeteria, auditorium and modem gymnasium, and supervised the building of the new Abbey building during the tenure of twenty years in office. In 1953, the year after the new Abbey was completed, Father Leo Rehak, O.S.B., pastor of St. Benedict's abbey church, saw Archbishop Edward Hoban, D. D. dedicate the beautiful new edifice. One of the highlights of Abbot Kojis' administration was the grant of $50,000 in 1960 to establish a Slovak religious and cultural center in Rome. This donation by the Slovak Benedictine community in Cleveland spurred a nationwide campaign that netted more than a half million dollars (mostly donated by American Slovaks) for the project known as the Slovak SS. Cyril and Methodius Institute which sponsors a seminary, publishes religious books and acts as a center for Slovak tourists from all over the world. Abbot Jerome Koval, O.S.B., successor to Abbot Kojis in the spring of 1966, has guided the Abbey in the spirit of the founder and his pioneer community along the guidelines of the spiritual renewal of Vatican II. Abbot Koval is a member of many Slovak and non-Slovak Catholic organizations and is always in great demand as a homilist and after-dinner speaker everywhere. The abbey, in addition to administering Benedictine High School in which the majority of the faculty members are Religious, also furnishes pastoral aid on weekends the year round to many parishes in the diocese. Outside the diocese of Cleveland, the Abbey Fathers have charge of parishes in Illinois, Wisconsin and Michigan. One of the members has been an army chaplain for ten years and three priest have assignments as chaplains at various institutions and one priest is a seminary professor. Both Abbot Stanislaus and Abbot Theodore are still active doing parish work regularly. The Ave Maria monthly religious publication in the Slovak language has been edited by the Slovak Benedictines for more than forty-two years. Editors in the past were: Father Gregory Vaniscak, Father Paschal Kavulic and Father George Luba, O.S.B. The present editors are Father �SLOVAKIA 95 Andrew Pier, O.S.B. and Dr. Karol Strmen. Brother Alfred Nasticky, O.S.B. is the business manager. Subscribers are listed from all over the world. The only countries which will not admit the magazine are communist-ruled countries, including Slovakia. Precisely twenty years ago this summer the Slovak Institute was founded at the Abbey by Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B . Charter members were: Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, Rev. Mikulas Sprinc, Dr. Karol Strmen, Dr. Joseph Cincik, and Rev. Andrew Pier, O.S.B. The ruling abbot of St. Andrew's Abbey is ex officio the president, and he appoints the director. Dr. Francis Hrusovsky was the first director until his death on September 9, 1956. Konstantin Culen served for two full years as his successor and Rev. Andrew Pier O.S.B. has been director since 1958. The Slovak Institute library contains several thousand volumes on Slovak literature, history, etc. The Most, cultural quarterly edited the past eighteen years by Father Mikulas Sprinc, is a Slovak Institute publication. Cleveland's "Slovenske Noviny-Slovak News" (19491959) spanned a decade under the sponsorship of St. Andrew's Abbey and various Slovak organizations in the city. The Slovak weekly (3 pages in Slovak and 1 page in English) finally ceased publication because of lack of funds despite the fact that the Abbey had furnished both the office and the editorial staff for the entire ten years. The editors were: Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, 1949-1952, Dr. Karol Strmen, 1952-1959 for the Slovak section and Rev. Bernard Slimak, O.S.B. (1949 ) and Rev. Andrew Pier, O.S.B. (19491959) for the English section. At one time several Fathers conducted Slovak Missions in various parts of the country. Novenas and Forty Hour devotions, as well as Triduums and pilgrimages were on their schedule. The following priests shared this apostolate: Father George Luba, Wendelin Kravec, Paschal Kavulic, Theodore Kojis, Benedict Dobrancin, Sylvester Prise, Francis Durkac, Jerome Koval, Florian Hudac and Matthew Bonk, O.S.B . Among distinguished guests at the Abbey through the years were the following: The Matica Slovenska (Slovak Institute) delegation from Turciansky Sv. Martin from Slovakia in 1935. The members were: J . C. Hronsky, �96 SLOVAKIA leading Slovak novelist, Konstantin Culen, foremost Slovak journalist, Dr. Jozef Cincik, artist and architectual consultant, K . Plicka, ace photographer . The Spolok sv. Vojtecha delegation from Trnava, Slovakia, in 1937. The members were: Dr. Jozef Tiso (later President of the Slovak Republic), Msgr. Postenyi, Msgr. Korper, Msgr. Caban and Father Mondok. Both of these delegations donated valuable works on Slovak literature and history to the Abbey library, now in the Slovak Institute library. Abbot Primate Kaelin came from Rome in 1952 to participate in the dedication of the new Abbey building. The General Chapter of the Benedictine Abbots was held at the Abbey in 1953 after the blessing of the new abbey church of St. Benedict. Among famous Slovak authors associated with the Abbey were: Philip A. Hrobak (teacher at Benedictine High School for eight years), author of a Slovak dictionary and Slovak Lessons series. J. J. Konus (spent some time in research at the Abbey library), author of several Slovak dictionaries and a grammar. Father Gregory Vaniscak, O.S.B. was the author of a Slovak grammar and translation of the Holy Rule into Slovak. Abbot Stanislaus Gmuca, O.S.B. was the author of a Slovak grammar. For the past quarter of a century the Slovak Institute cooperates with the Cleveland Slovak Radio Club in arranging a speaker's program for its Slovak Hour every Sunday. Aside from their spiritual and educational work the Benedictines in Cleveland are widely known for the prowess of the Bengals in scholastic athletic circles. Benedictine High School has produced city football, basketball, baseball, bowling, tennis and golf championship s and won a state football crown in 1957. In the past quarter of a century Benedictine football teams won eleven city titles. two co-titles and lost only 4 times. In baseball the Bengals have won almost a score city titles, two city crowns in basketball, two in golf, two in tennis and two in bowling. The latest sport is hockey and in the past four years the team has won two city titles. The CYO has used the facilities of the Bengal's gym each year at no charge since 1940. �SLOVAKIA 97 At the very beginning the contributions for the foundation of Benedictine education came exclusively from the Slovaks, from individuals and our organizations. The Jednota, First Catholic Slovak Union, has been in the forefront of the Slovak fraternals that have supported the Slovak Benedictines with donations approved by the delegates at various conventions. Others like the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Association, the Slovak Catholic Sokol, Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, the Ladies Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union and several others have at various times made contributions to the Abbey. The most consistent supporter to the Slovak Benedictines for their high school has been the Benedictine Dads Club which has contributed more than $500,000 the past twentyseven years. At present the membership is approximately 70 ( 46 priest, 13 Brothers, 3 novices and a growing number of postulants) . The death of 15 priests in the service of God and the community the past 30 years has been a great loss to the Abbey but new vocations are beginning to come in increasing numbers. Perhaps some day St. Andrew's Abbey will send missionary monks to Slovakia to renew Benedictine monastic foundations that once flourished there during the middle ages. The last Benedictine monastery was closed by imperial edict of Joseph II of Austria-Hungary at the end of the eighteenth century. LIT ERA T U R E Frantisek Hrusovsky, Ph.D.: Slovenske re hole v Amerike. Cleveland , Ohio, 1955. Slovenski benediktini. Kalendar J edno ta, Middletown , Pa. 1928; p p. 103-109. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to American Democracy, the American way of life, and encourages Americans of Slovak descent to be loyal and alert citizens of America; it urges and aids Slovak emigrants to become U. S. citizens by publishing appropriate manuals and brochures in Slovak and English. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1972, Vol. 22 Description An account of the resource Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1972 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 92 SLOVAKIA The Slovak Benedictines Review 50 Years in Cleveland, Ohio (1922-1972) By Joseph Pa u co, Ph.D. Cleveland has been the home of the Slovak Benedictines, who came to the city from St. Procopius Abbey, Lisle, Illinois, with the blessing of Abbot Valentine Kohlbeck, O.S.B. and his community at the invitation of Bishop Joseph Schrembs, D. D., for a full half century. The official day of their coming is February 2, 1922, when Father Stanislaus Gmuca, O.S.B. offered up the first Mass at St. Andrew's parish church at East 51st Street and Superior Avenue. The Slovak parish had been relinquished to the monks of St. Benedict earlier by Father John Liscinsky at the request of Bishop Schrembs. Father Stanislaus was named prior of the newly-established dependent priory soon afterwards by his Abbot. Father Matthew Jankola was instrumental in sending several Slovak young men to the Czech abbey of Saint Procopius in Lisle, Ill. in 1903. His hope that at least some of them would become Benedictines was realized when John Vaniscak was given the name 'Gregory' upon entering the Order of St. Benedict. Father Gregory was destined to become the founder of the Slovak Benedictine monastery in Cleveland, Ohio. Rev. Clement Hrtanek, president of the Slovak Catholic Federation of America, and Rev. Stefan Kocis, the secretary, encouraged Father Vaniscak to establish a Slovak Benedictine foundation. This became a reality in the fall of 1921 when Bishop Schrembs, D. D., a graduate of St. Vincent's College and Abbey Seminary in Latrobe, Pa., extended a formal invitation to the Slovak Benedictines to come to Cleveland. Bishop Schrembs, a friend and benefactor of the Slovaks, could always be counted on to appear at their important functions. Moreover, his greetings, invariably SLOVAKIA 93 in their native language, were greatly appreciated by Slovak audiences and congregations throughout the country. Father Gregory Vaniscak, O.S.B., who had been appointed pastor of St. Michael's Slovak parish in Chicago soon after his ordination in the early summer of 1914, remained as pastor of the large parish until the fall of 1929 when the St. Andrew Svorad dependent priory received independent status from the Holy See. The pioneer community immediately elected him as canonical prior. Father Gregory established his headquarters at the new site at 10510 Buckeye Road. The property was acquired from the Notre Dame Sisters at a cost of $125,000. The entire sum for the 15-acre tract and old building was furnished by the Slovak Educational Foundation headed by Michael Bosak, Sr., outstanding Slovak banker in Scranton, Pa. Meanwhile, in the summer of 1927 Father George Luba, O.S .B. was sent by Abbot Kohlbeck to organize a high school for boys at the priory of St. Andrew's . The versatile young priest as first principal welcomed a total of 27 boys on the opening day of Benedictine High School on September 8, 1927. Two years later when the new property was purchased the school was transfered to the East Side. The old but tenable 4-story structure at 10510 Buckeye Road was divided equally between the priory and the school; the third and fourth floors for the residence of the Religious members while the first and second floors were used for classrooms. During the early summer of 1934 the priory was elevated to abbey status and Father Stanislaus Gmuca was elected as the first abbot of St. Andrew Svorad Benedictine Abbey on August 8, 1934. The blessing of the new Abbot on October 2, 1934, was attended by a dozen abbots and five bishops, several hundred clergy and more than two thousand laity at St. John's Cathedral. As pastor and prior of the dependent priory of St. Andrew's, Father Stanislaus built the unique Spanish-style new Church in 1926. In 1940 as Abbot of St. Andrew's Abbey he directed the construction of the new Benedictine High School building at 2900 East Boulevard. This forward step was destiped to increase the school enrollment from 150 to more than 1,200 in six years. Abbot Theodore Kojis, 0. S. B., who succeeded Abbot 94 SLOVAKIA Gmuca in 1946, completed the north and south wings of the high school, added a machine shop, aeronautical depart-ment, science building, a new cafeteria, auditorium and modem gymnasium, and supervised the building of the new Abbey building during the tenure of twenty years in office. In 1953, the year after the new Abbey was completed, Father Leo Rehak, O.S.B., pastor of St. Benedict's abbey church, saw Archbishop Edward Hoban, D. D. dedicate the beautiful new edifice. One of the highlights of Abbot Kojis' administration was the grant of $50,000 in 1960 to establish a Slovak religious and cultural center in Rome. This donation by the Slovak Benedictine community in Cleveland spurred a nationwide campaign that netted more than a half million dollars (mostly donated by American Slovaks) for the project known as the Slovak SS. Cyril and Methodius Institute which sponsors a seminary, publishes religious books and acts as a center for Slovak tourists from all over the world. Abbot Jerome Koval, O.S.B., successor to Abbot Kojis in the spring of 1966, has guided the Abbey in the spirit of the founder and his pioneer community along the guidelines of the spiritual renewal of Vatican II. Abbot Koval is a member of many Slovak and non-Slovak Catholic organizations and is always in great demand as a homilist and after-dinner speaker everywhere. The abbey, in addition to administering Benedictine High School in which the majority of the faculty members are Religious, also furnishes pastoral aid on weekends the year round to many parishes in the diocese. Outside the diocese of Cleveland, the Abbey Fathers have charge of parishes in Illinois, Wisconsin and Michigan. One of the members has been an army chaplain for ten years and three priest have assignments as chaplains at various institutions and one priest is a seminary professor. Both Abbot Stanislaus and Abbot Theodore are still active doing parish work regularly. The Ave Maria monthly religious publication in the Slovak language has been edited by the Slovak Benedictines for more than forty-two years. Editors in the past were: Father Gregory Vaniscak, Father Paschal Kavulic and Father George Luba, O.S.B. The present editors are Father SLOVAKIA 95 Andrew Pier, O.S.B. and Dr. Karol Strmen. Brother Alfred Nasticky, O.S.B. is the business manager. Subscribers are listed from all over the world. The only countries which will not admit the magazine are communist-ruled countries, including Slovakia. Precisely twenty years ago this summer the Slovak Institute was founded at the Abbey by Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B . Charter members were: Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, Rev. Mikulas Sprinc, Dr. Karol Strmen, Dr. Joseph Cincik, and Rev. Andrew Pier, O.S.B. The ruling abbot of St. Andrew's Abbey is ex officio the president, and he appoints the director. Dr. Francis Hrusovsky was the first director until his death on September 9, 1956. Konstantin Culen served for two full years as his successor and Rev. Andrew Pier O.S.B. has been director since 1958. The Slovak Institute library contains several thousand volumes on Slovak literature, history, etc. The Most, cultural quarterly edited the past eighteen years by Father Mikulas Sprinc, is a Slovak Institute publication. Cleveland's "Slovenske Noviny-Slovak News" (19491959) spanned a decade under the sponsorship of St. Andrew's Abbey and various Slovak organizations in the city. The Slovak weekly (3 pages in Slovak and 1 page in English) finally ceased publication because of lack of funds despite the fact that the Abbey had furnished both the office and the editorial staff for the entire ten years. The editors were: Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, 1949-1952, Dr. Karol Strmen, 1952-1959 for the Slovak section and Rev. Bernard Slimak, O.S.B. (1949 ) and Rev. Andrew Pier, O.S.B. (19491959) for the English section. At one time several Fathers conducted Slovak Missions in various parts of the country. Novenas and Forty Hour devotions, as well as Triduums and pilgrimages were on their schedule. The following priests shared this apostolate: Father George Luba, Wendelin Kravec, Paschal Kavulic, Theodore Kojis, Benedict Dobrancin, Sylvester Prise, Francis Durkac, Jerome Koval, Florian Hudac and Matthew Bonk, O.S.B . Among distinguished guests at the Abbey through the years were the following: The Matica Slovenska (Slovak Institute) delegation from Turciansky Sv. Martin from Slovakia in 1935. The members were: J . C. Hronsky, 96 SLOVAKIA leading Slovak novelist, Konstantin Culen, foremost Slovak journalist, Dr. Jozef Cincik, artist and architectual consultant, K . Plicka, ace photographer . The Spolok sv. Vojtecha delegation from Trnava, Slovakia, in 1937. The members were: Dr. Jozef Tiso (later President of the Slovak Republic), Msgr. Postenyi, Msgr. Korper, Msgr. Caban and Father Mondok. Both of these delegations donated valuable works on Slovak literature and history to the Abbey library, now in the Slovak Institute library. Abbot Primate Kaelin came from Rome in 1952 to participate in the dedication of the new Abbey building. The General Chapter of the Benedictine Abbots was held at the Abbey in 1953 after the blessing of the new abbey church of St. Benedict. Among famous Slovak authors associated with the Abbey were: Philip A. Hrobak (teacher at Benedictine High School for eight years), author of a Slovak dictionary and Slovak Lessons series. J. J. Konus (spent some time in research at the Abbey library), author of several Slovak dictionaries and a grammar. Father Gregory Vaniscak, O.S.B. was the author of a Slovak grammar and translation of the Holy Rule into Slovak. Abbot Stanislaus Gmuca, O.S.B. was the author of a Slovak grammar. For the past quarter of a century the Slovak Institute cooperates with the Cleveland Slovak Radio Club in arranging a speaker's program for its Slovak Hour every Sunday. Aside from their spiritual and educational work the Benedictines in Cleveland are widely known for the prowess of the Bengals in scholastic athletic circles. Benedictine High School has produced city football, basketball, baseball, bowling, tennis and golf championship s and won a state football crown in 1957. In the past quarter of a century Benedictine football teams won eleven city titles. two co-titles and lost only 4 times. In baseball the Bengals have won almost a score city titles, two city crowns in basketball, two in golf, two in tennis and two in bowling. The latest sport is hockey and in the past four years the team has won two city titles. The CYO has used the facilities of the Bengal's gym each year at no charge since 1940. SLOVAKIA 97 At the very beginning the contributions for the foundation of Benedictine education came exclusively from the Slovaks, from individuals and our organizations. The Jednota, First Catholic Slovak Union, has been in the forefront of the Slovak fraternals that have supported the Slovak Benedictines with donations approved by the delegates at various conventions. Others like the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Association, the Slovak Catholic Sokol, Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, the Ladies Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union and several others have at various times made contributions to the Abbey. The most consistent supporter to the Slovak Benedictines for their high school has been the Benedictine Dads Club which has contributed more than $500,000 the past twentyseven years. At present the membership is approximately 70 ( 46 priest, 13 Brothers, 3 novices and a growing number of postulants) . The death of 15 priests in the service of God and the community the past 30 years has been a great loss to the Abbey but new vocations are beginning to come in increasing numbers. Perhaps some day St. Andrew's Abbey will send missionary monks to Slovakia to renew Benedictine monastic foundations that once flourished there during the middle ages. The last Benedictine monastery was closed by imperial edict of Joseph II of Austria-Hungary at the end of the eighteenth century. LIT ERA T U R E Frantisek Hrusovsky, Ph.D.: Slovenske re hole v Amerike. Cleveland , Ohio, 1955. Slovenski benediktini. Kalendar J edno ta, Middletown , Pa. 1928; p p. 103-109. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to American Democracy, the American way of life, and encourages Americans of Slovak descent to be loyal and alert citizens of America; it urges and aids Slovak emigrants to become U. S. citizens by publishing appropriate manuals and brochures in Slovak and English.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Slovak Benedictines Review 50 Years in Cleveland, Ohio (1922-1972) Description An account of the resource Joseph Paučo, Ph.D. Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972 pp. 92-97 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paučo, Jozef, 1914-1975 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1972 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/a82b96779fc5c05abaf1f3ffcb4e80b0.pdf 1a1ed88603749b8b9ef7a5c67a745482 PDF Text Text 72 SLOVAKIA Cultural Revival of American And Canadian Slovaks Jozef Pa u co, Ph.D. I. During the past ten years, American and Canadian Slovaks are living a cultural revival. There are many instances to indicate this. Above all, they received support from many intellectuals who emigrated from Slovakia after the second world war. A firm collaboration was created in the cultural field, primarily through the Slovak League of America, the Canadian Slovak League, and the Slovak Institute in Cleveland-Rome. The 1100 centennial of the arrival of SS. Cyril and Methodius to Slovakia, which was celebrated auspiciously by the free Slovaks, inspired many scientific and cultural workers and awakened an interest in the past and present culture among a great number. Finally, a wave of national and cultural rebirth swept over American soil, in all aspects. During the first years of revival, preparation was quite slow, but since 1960 there was a complete flourishing in practically all educational and scientific disciplines. When at first an attempt was made to discuss cultural revival it was doubtful as to its success. The results were amazing because the third and fourth generation of American Slovaks did not yet sink in the sea of anonymity. This appears from the fact that American and Canadian Slovaks not only read but are active in Slovak life and activities. Scholarships are available sponsored by practically every Slovak organization in America. It is not extraordinary for students to receive awards for outstanding work. If a student seeks for ethnical news where scholarships are published, it is a sign of his Slovak interest. Of course all applicants must belong to the organization concerned. Amidst approximately 450,000 organized American Slovaks rnmrly 1/ 3 belong to a youth branch. 1 �SLOVAKIA 73 II. Slovak cultural educators published and sold a great number of books about Slovakia and its people and that not only in Slovak but also in English and to a certain extent French. Two goals were aimed at: 1) to bring Slovakia to the youngest Americans of Slovak extraction; 2) to inform the non-Slovak public with objective information which was, until recently, rare, .because only those spoke and wrote about Slovaks, who through various reasons were not favorable towards and did not recognize the Slovaks as a nation. In this respect it must be admitted that Slovak knowledge and publicity took a step forward. HISTORICAL WORKS Several noteworthy volumes dealing with the history of the Slovak nation, incidently the American and Canadian Slovaks, were published. Professor Gilbert L. Oddo is the author of the first complete English history of the Slovak people in which he partially despicts the history of American Slovaks.2 The work was published in three editions and is still in demand by Slovak as well as American educators. Professor Jozef M. Kirschbaum published a remarkable book3 in which he portrays important incidents of the Slovak people. Professor Jozef A. Mikus devoted his well documented treatise to the events from 1918 to 1950.4 Professor Frantisek Vnuk wrote a detailed account of the evolvement of Slovakia from autonomy to independent statehood.5 These works form the basic orientation of Slovak history. The supplement in Slovak Studies, Slovakia, and Jednota Annual Furdek, 6 provides the reader with a great deal of material, which in America concentrates and objectively casts light on Slovakian past. The hi~tory of American and Canadian Slovaks is grasped as well. The complete history in English is found in Canada. It was written on the basis of a dissertation and strictly according to scientific form by Professor Jozef M. Kirschbaum. 7 Canada and ethnic critics accepted this work with highest honors. �74 SLOVAKIA The First Catholic Slovak Union published a detailed history about its organization.8 Even though it concerns the history of one organization, this book contains such material touching upon all phases of American Slovaks in-as-much as the First Catholic Slovak Union played an exceptionally significant role in their lives. A history of the Slovak League of America was published in English. 9 To this work we must add a meaningful chapter about the Pittsburgh Pact written by Peter P. Hletko. 10 Both publications offer the students o! American Slovak life adequate research material for the study of attitudes towards Slovakia. Practically every American Slovak organization has a chronicle review in its calendars or memoirs. Even the American Slovak parishes brief chronicles or histories of their parishes, at first in Slovak, later bi-lingual, and finally just English. In the United States and later in Canada, Slovak religious orders played and are playing an important role. The history of all the Slovak religious orders was compiled by Professor Francis Hrusovsky. 11 The accomplishment was of high quality and well documented. The congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius which began in America in 1909 has its own history; 12 so do the Slovak Franciscan Fathers.13 Both works were written by members of the respective religious orders. In addition, it is well to mention a miriad of books or periodicals containing biographies of leading American Slovaks particularly of pioneer days. The greater number were printed in Slovak.14 These and other works as well as those of the Slovak Institute and other cultural Slovak-American Institutes developed an interest in students of Slovak origin, about the past of the Slovak nation, its culture and politics. Upon this basis many academic thesis developed. The author of this article receives at least five inquiries annually for suggestions of topics regarding Slovak life. The Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius wrote more than twenty thesis many of which undergo severe departmental criticism. 15 Particular emphasis is placed upon the historical era of SS. Cyril and Methodius. To attain this goal Slovak Studies aided greatly by publishing many technical con- �SLOVAKIA 75 tribution in one volume. 16 A well known historian of the Cyrilo-Methodian era, Michal Lacko, wrote the biography of the Apostles and the Slavonic nations, in general. 17 Sister M. Martina Tybor wrote the Junior and Senior edition of SS. Cyril and Methodius, who are the patrons of her congregation.18 Most 1963 presented an expanded appraisal of the SS. Cyril and Methodius traditions among Slovaks. The history of the persecution of the church under communism was very well written by Father Teodorik J. Zubek, 0. F. M. in a documentary volume and other opportune studies.19 Sister Cecilia revealed the unbearable conditions, as she beheld and lived through them under the Communist regime. 20 Further attempts were made to enlighten this tragic period of the church, hierarchy, priesthood, religious orders, and the people of God. 21 In western Europe and South America free Slovaks published books in other languages, principally German , French, Italian and Spanish in which they dealt with the Slovak tragedy after 1945 as well as specific problems which painfully were incorporated in the history of the Slovak nation. In this regard the most valuable works were edited by Bishop Paul Hnilica, Msgr. Stefan Nahalka, Msgr. Jozef Tomko, Rev. Stanislav :C>urica and Rev. Michal Lacko in Italy; Rev. Vojtech Bucko, Dr. Ferdinand :C>urcansky and Kristof Greiner in West Germany; P. G. Dobis in Austria; Dr. Arved Grebert in Switzerland; Dr. Stefan Glejdura in Spain; Dr. Stanislav Meciar, Dr. Ernest zatko and Alojz Macek in Argentina. 22 LITERATURE AND LANGUAGE While the history of the Slovak nation and AmericanCanadian Slovaks have a sufficient representation in English, the history of Slovak Literature and language awaits further elaboration. Basic studies emanated in single, particularly cited annuals or individual articles. Most attention to those themes was devoted by Professor Jozef M. Kirschbaum, Msgr. Jan Rekem , and professor Frantisek Vnuk. While Dr. Kirschbaum and Dr. Rekem occupied themselves with individual periods of Slovak literature and development of the language of the past, Vnuk concentrated upon strengthening Slovak literature. 23 �76 SLOVAKIA Language studies of a practical nature are properly represented. Modern textbooks in Slovak language were compiled by Mother M. Emerencia, SS.C.M., S. E. Bue, Filip A. Hrobak and Konus. 24 Among the best dictionaries are those of Hrobak and Konus.25 NEWSPAPERS AND ALMANACS Editors and co-workers of American and Canadian Slovak newspapers in Slovak and in the past few years in English are returning to the problem concerned with preservation of national consciousness, cultural, ethnical awareness, enlightening the public with various phases of Slovak life. Representative voices of the third generation of Slovaks in the news methods and articles are not lacking. Emphasis, however, is placed upon the preservation of Slovak cultural inheritance. In this regard the Jednota, Katolicky Sokol, Narodne Noviny, zivena and Kanadsk?} Slovak are performing a great work in the English language. The technical and representative review Most, Literdrny Almanach, Slovak v Amerike, and other newspapers are returning to the all-Slovak problems exclusively in the Slovak language.26 Literarny Almanach, Slovak v Amerike and Slovak Studies published an outlook upon the events of the cultural activities of Slovak writers, leaders, poets, artists, and news editors. The reports are not complete, but they are sufficient evidence to assure the unprejudiced reader that in the revival of Slovak cultural life in America are intellectuals who do not want to stifle the development of Americanization, but they do not want to speed it up . They strive to evolve in this field as much as other ethnic groups. It is not coincidental that in the preparation of ethnic cultural centers, American Slovaks wish to enkindle appropriate roles equal to their number and missions. 27 In the United States and Canada, after the Second Vatican Council, Slovak liturgy is heard in practically every Slovak Roman Catholic parish. Even in churches of Lutheran denomination, the liturgy is Slovak. As we shall see in next chapter the sale of prayer books in the Slovak language is widespread. At Slovak picnics, which are held by the hundreds, �SLOVAKIA 77 every summer, in the United States and Canada, Slovak music and songs are heard. In like manner, these are heard at weddings, even to the third and fourth generation. Slovak songs and music binds and deepens Slovak consciousness more than enything else. Slovak records are being made in practically every city where Slovaks live and at least one musician versed in Slovak folk songs and dances is found. In the past few years professional Slovak singing and dance groups were organized. The leading ones are in Toronto and Montreal, followed by Detroit, Chicago, and New York. At conventions of American-Slovak and Canadian-Slovak organizations the Slovak language is still used, even though less than the English. Official reports and minutes are written bi-lingually in spite of the fact that the pioneer generation of Slovak immigrants, especially in America, bas no representation at the conventions. III Another indication of cultural awakening among American and Canadian Slovaks is the sale of books. During the past five years, 113,755 Slovak books and 450,000 pamphlets were sold in North America. This number includes 61,215 scientific, popular science, and novels; 65,000 pamphlets; 52,540 religious books and 385,000 religious pamphlets. The number of English books about the Slovaks 31,248; Slovak-English and English-Slovak dictionaries and textbooks sold amounted to 14,195. Altogether during the past five years 159,198 books in English or Slovak about Slovaks were sold, in addition to 450,000 pamphlets. The greatest number of books were sold by the First Catholic Slovak Union: 49,008. The greatest number of religious books, 32,000, were sold by the Slovak Franciscan Fathers. Books were sold by the Slovak Institute of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Slovak Jesuit Fathers, Sisters of St. Dominic (Oxford, Mich.), Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, and �78 SLOVAKIA other smaller publishers, namely Slovak v Amerike, Slovenskd Obrana, Rev. Frantisek Fuga and others.28 During the past five years 5,200 maps of Slovakia29 were sold and 45,400 Slovak records were distributed. 30 IV It is difficult to estim8.te how many Slovaks live in America and what per cent of American inhabitants consist of Slovak immigrants and their descendants. It is generally admitted that the people of ethnic groups number not less than 30,000,000. How many Americans are of Slovak ancestry? The statistics of the Slovak Academy of Science in Bratislava report that up to 1921 when mass emigration ceased, 867,720 Slovaks emigrated to America. 31 It is true that some of these retlirned to their homeland. However, approximately 500,000 remained in America. Today there are three generations of Slovak origin in the United States. If we calculated that each family has at least four children, then emphasising that three million Slovaks live in America is a conservative number. The question is, to what extent do these American citizens of Slovak ancestry feel their Slovak heritage. We can judge this through the aid of organizations and newspapers. Slovak-American organizations have more than 450,000 members; newspapers around 150,000 subscribers. This does not include various parish societies and clubs of all sects. There are over 400 Slovak parishes. All organized American-Slovaks with their families create at least 2,000,000 citizens who can be included to a greater or lesser extent as conscious Slovaks. There are about 70,000 Slovaks in Canada.32 Since practically all Slovak emigrees came to Canada after the first world war, we do not exaggerate when we emphasize that the Slovak spirit lives on not only in the first but also in the second and third generation of Canadian Slovaks. FOOTNOTES 1) Slovakia, Middletown, Pa.: Slovak League of America, XX, Ne. 43, pp. 105-121; XXI, No. 44, pp. 109-144. �SLOVAKIA 79 2) Gilbert L. Oddo, Slovakia and Its People, New York: Robert Speller and Sons, 1960. 3) J. M. Kirschbaum, Slovakia: Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe, New York: Robert Speller and Sons, 1960. 4) Joseph A. Mikus, Slovakia-A Political History, Milwaukee, Wis. : Marquette University Press, 1964. The same work is in French: La Slovaquie dans le drame de L 'Europe, Paris: Les Iles d'or, 1955. 5) F. Vnuk, Slovakia's Six Eventful Months (October 1938-March 1939) . Rome: Slovak Institute, Cleveland-Rome, 1964. He devoted much attention to Communistic politics. The following work is very important: Historical Outline of the Communist Party of Slovakia, Middletown, Pa.: Slovak v Amerike, 1968. Another important work is that of F rantisek Vnuk, Neuveritel'ne sprisahanie: vojenske a politicke akcie proti Slovenskej republike v roku 1944 (English resume), Middletown, Pa.: Slovak v Amerike, 1964. 6) Slovak Studies, Rome, Italy: Slovak Institute, Cleveland-Rome, 19611967, VII Volumes. Slovakia, Middletown, Pa.: Slovak League of America, 1951-1971, XXI Volumes. Jednota Annual Furdek, Middletown, Pa.: First Catholic Slovak Union, 1962-1971, X Vol. 7) J. M. Kirschbaum, Slovaks in Canada, Toronto, Canada: Canadian Ethnic Press Association of Ontario, Toronto, Canada, 1967. 8) Jozef Pauco, Ph.D., 75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty, Cleveland, Ohio: First Catholic Slovak Union, 1965. 9) Joseph Pauco, Ph.D., (Ed.) 60 Years of the Slovak League of America, Middletown, Pa.: Slovak League of America, 1967. 10) Peter P. IDetko, M.D., The Slovaks and the Pittsburgh Pact, Slovakia, XVIII, No. 41, pp. 5-54. 11) Frantisek Hru~ovsky, Ph.D., Slovenske rehole v Amerike, Cleveland, Ohio: Slovak Institute at the abbey of St. Andrew-Svorad, 1955. 12) Mother M. Emerentia Petrasek, Brief History of the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Danville, Pa. , 1959. 13) Richard Portasik, O.F.M., Slovak Franciscans in America, History of the Most Holy Savior Commissariate, 1926-1966, Pittsburgh, Pa.: Franciscan Fathers, 1966. 14) Here are for instance: Jozef Pauco, Stefan Furdek a slovenske prist'ahovalectvo, Middletown, Pa., J ednota, 1955. Jozef Pauco, MatitS Jankola, knaz a narodovec, Danville, Pa., Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, 1959. A host of other contributions by the same author about the Slovak pioneers in America in the newspaper JEDNOTA, Middletown, Pa., The annual Furdek contributed English articles about the Slovak peoples in almost every edition. �SLOVAKIA 80 15) The well known are: Sister M. Consuela Gregorovich, Contribution of Rev. Matthew Jankola to Slovak Education in the United States, 1944. Sister M. Delphine Opet, SS.C.M., Political Views of Dudovit Stur, Slovakia, XXI, No. 44, pp. 20-78. S. E. Bue, Slovak Nationalism, Middletown, Pa.: Slovak League of America, 1960. M. G. Woytko, Slovakia's Road to Statehood, Whiting, Indiana, Lach Publications, 1956. 16) Slovak Studies, Vol. III, Cyrilomethodiana, Rome, Italy, 1963. 17) M. Lacko, The Life of Saints Cyril and Methodius, Rome: Slovak Institute, Cleveland-Rome, 1963. Second Edition, 1970. Here is an additionally important work: Smrzik, The Glagolitic or Roman-Slavonic Liturgy, Cleveland, Ohio: Slovak Institute, 1959. 18) Sister Martina Tybor, Saints Cyril and Methodius, Milwaukee, Wis ., Bruce Publishing Co., Senior and Junior edition. 19) Theodoric J. Zubek, O.F.M., S.T.D., The Church of Silence in Slovakia, Whiting, Indiana, Lach Publications, 1956.: Slovak BishopsMartyrs of Christ, Toronto, Ontario, Canadian Slovak League, 1963.; Slovak Clergy in History and Culture, Middletown, Pa., First Catholic Slovak Union, 1970. 20) Sister Cecilia, The Deliverance of Sister Cecilia, New York, New York, Farrar, Straus and Young, First Printing, 1954. 21) For example: Jozef Pauco, Unconquerables, New York, Vantage Press, 1958.; Christian Slovakia under Communism, Valparaiso , Indiana, Slovak Catholic Federation of America, 1953. 22) More accurate facts in the Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, "Predstavitelia slovenskej kulturnej tvorby," 1967, pp. 113-252 and Slovak Studies, Vol. VII, Bibliography, Rome, Italy: Slovak Institute, Cleveland-Rome, 1967. 23) J.M. Kirschbaum, nudovit Stur and His Place in the Slav-tc World, Cleveland, Ohio.: Slovak Institute, 1953.: Pavel Jozef Safarik and His Contribution to Slavic Studies, Cleveland-Winnipeg, Slavistica No. 43, 1962. Literature of the Cyrilo-Methodian Period and Slova,. kia, Cleveland, Ohio.: Slovak Institute, 1964.; Anton Bernolak, the First Codifier of the Slovak Language, Winnipeg-Cleveland, Ohio: Slavistica No. 52, 1964. Jan Kollar-Slovak Poet of Panslavism, Winnipeg-Toronto: Slavistica No. LVI, 1966. J. Rekem, The Origin and Development of the Slovak Language, Middletown, Pa.: Jednota, 1962. Slovak Litcratiire and National Consciousness Before Anton Bernolak (1762-1813), Cleveland, Ohio, Slovak Institute, 1965. Frantisek Vnuk, Sedemnast' neurodnych rokov (excerpts from the history of Slovak literature, 1945-1962) , Middletown, Pa.; Slovak v Amerike, English resume, 1965. 24) Mother M. Emerentia, Steps in Elementary Slovak, Hazleton, Pa., Sisters of Saints Cyril and Methodius, I, II, III, 1959.; Rev. Bonaventure S. Bue, O.F.M., Ph.D., Slovak Language Laboratory Course, Cleveland, Ohio: The First Catholic Slovak Union, 1968.; Philip A. �SLOVAKIA 81 Hrobak, Slovak Lessons, Middletown, Pa., 1949.; Let's Learn Slovak, Middletown, Pa., 1959.; Slovak for Beginners, Middletown, Pa., I, IT, III, 1963.; J. Konus, Practical Slovak Grammar, Pittsburgh, Pa., 1939. A good service was rendered in the work of Henrich Bartek, Slovensky pravopis s gramatickymi pouckami a slovnikom, Whiting, Ind., Rev. John Lach, 1956. A textbook in the Slovak language was prepared also by Sister M. Gabriel, SS.C.M. and Stefan Blasko. 25) Hrobak's English-Slovak Dictionary, Middletown, Pa., 1944. Second Printing, New York, N.Y.; Robert Speller and Sons, 1965. J. J.Konus, Slov ensko-anglicky slovnik, Slovak-English Dictionary, Federation of Slovak Catholics in America, 1930.; Slovak-English Dictionary, Passaic, N. J.: Slovak Catholic Sokol, 1970. 26) Jednota, Middletown, Pa., Official Organ of the First Catholic Slovak Union. Katolicky Sokol, Passaic, N. J., Official Organ of the Slovak Catholic Sokol. Narodne Noviny, Pittsburgh, Pa., Official Organ of the National Slovak Society. Zivena, Pittsburgh, Pa., Official Organ of the 2ivena Beneficial Society. Kanadsky Slovak, Toronto, Ont., Canada, Official Organ of the Canadian Slovak League. Most, Cleveland, Ohio. Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, Middletown, Pa. Slovak v Amerike, Middletown, Pa. Details of Slovak newspapers in America are presented by Konstantin Culen in:Slovenske casopisy v Amerike, Cleveland, Ohio: First Catholic Slovak Union, 1970. 27) The Slovak League of America worked with American Slovaks within 31 states regarding the bill S23 sponsored by U. S. Senator Richard S. Schweiker (R.-Pa.). 28) The author of this paper personally ascertained the number of books sold by various publishers. 29) The map was printed by the Slovak Institute, Cleveland. 30) Books, with the exception of dictionaries and textbooks, sent by the Communist regime in Slovakia are sold in very small numbers. However, the records made by the singing group SL'UK are in great demand. 31) J. M. Kirschbaum, The Assimilation Process of American Slovaks, Slovakia XII, No. 44, pp. 79-84. 32) J . M. Kirschbaum, Slovaks in Canada, p. 4. * * * THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA represents an overwhelming majority of organized Americans of Slovak descent; actively affiliated with it are the large5t Slova k traternals, religious organizations, Slovak Clubs and Slovak civic organizations in the United States . � 72 SLOVAKIA Cultural Revival of American And Canadian Slovaks Jozef Pa u co, Ph.D. I. During the past ten years, American and Canadian Slovaks are living a cultural revival. There are many instances to indicate this. Above all, they received support from many intellectuals who emigrated from Slovakia after the second world war. A firm collaboration was created in the cultural field, primarily through the Slovak League of America, the Canadian Slovak League, and the Slovak Institute in Cleveland-Rome. The 1100 centennial of the arrival of SS. Cyril and Methodius to Slovakia, which was celebrated auspiciously by the free Slovaks, inspired many scientific and cultural workers and awakened an interest in the past and present culture among a great number. Finally, a wave of national and cultural rebirth swept over American soil, in all aspects. During the first years of revival, preparation was quite slow, but since 1960 there was a complete flourishing in practically all educational and scientific disciplines. When at first an attempt was made to discuss cultural revival it was doubtful as to its success. The results were amazing because the third and fourth generation of American Slovaks did not yet sink in the sea of anonymity. This appears from the fact that American and Canadian Slovaks not only read but are active in Slovak life and activities. Scholarships are available sponsored by practically every Slovak organization in America. It is not extraordinary for students to receive awards for outstanding work. If a student seeks for ethnical news where scholarships are published, it is a sign of his Slovak interest. Of course all applicants must belong to the organization concerned. Amidst approximately 450,000 organized American Slovaks rnmrly 1/ 3 belong to a youth branch. 1 �SLOVAKIA 73 II. Slovak cultural educators published and sold a great number of books about Slovakia and its people and that not only in Slovak but also in English and to a certain extent French. Two goals were aimed at: 1) to bring Slovakia to the youngest Americans of Slovak extraction; 2) to inform the non-Slovak public with objective information which was, until recently, rare, .because only those spoke and wrote about Slovaks, who through various reasons were not favorable towards and did not recognize the Slovaks as a nation. In this respect it must be admitted that Slovak knowledge and publicity took a step forward. HISTORICAL WORKS Several noteworthy volumes dealing with the history of the Slovak nation, incidently the American and Canadian Slovaks, were published. Professor Gilbert L. Oddo is the author of the first complete English history of the Slovak people in which he partially despicts the history of American Slovaks.2 The work was published in three editions and is still in demand by Slovak as well as American educators. Professor Jozef M. Kirschbaum published a remarkable book3 in which he portrays important incidents of the Slovak people. Professor Jozef A. Mikus devoted his well documented treatise to the events from 1918 to 1950.4 Professor Frantisek Vnuk wrote a detailed account of the evolvement of Slovakia from autonomy to independent statehood.5 These works form the basic orientation of Slovak history. The supplement in Slovak Studies, Slovakia, and Jednota Annual Furdek, 6 provides the reader with a great deal of material, which in America concentrates and objectively casts light on Slovakian past. The hi~tory of American and Canadian Slovaks is grasped as well. The complete history in English is found in Canada. It was written on the basis of a dissertation and strictly according to scientific form by Professor Jozef M. Kirschbaum. 7 Canada and ethnic critics accepted this work with highest honors. �74 SLOVAKIA The First Catholic Slovak Union published a detailed history about its organization.8 Even though it concerns the history of one organization, this book contains such material touching upon all phases of American Slovaks in-as-much as the First Catholic Slovak Union played an exceptionally significant role in their lives. A history of the Slovak League of America was published in English. 9 To this work we must add a meaningful chapter about the Pittsburgh Pact written by Peter P. Hletko. 10 Both publications offer the students o! American Slovak life adequate research material for the study of attitudes towards Slovakia. Practically every American Slovak organization has a chronicle review in its calendars or memoirs. Even the American Slovak parishes brief chronicles or histories of their parishes, at first in Slovak, later bi-lingual, and finally just English. In the United States and later in Canada, Slovak religious orders played and are playing an important role. The history of all the Slovak religious orders was compiled by Professor Francis Hrusovsky. 11 The accomplishment was of high quality and well documented. The congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius which began in America in 1909 has its own history; 12 so do the Slovak Franciscan Fathers.13 Both works were written by members of the respective religious orders. In addition, it is well to mention a miriad of books or periodicals containing biographies of leading American Slovaks particularly of pioneer days. The greater number were printed in Slovak.14 These and other works as well as those of the Slovak Institute and other cultural Slovak-American Institutes developed an interest in students of Slovak origin, about the past of the Slovak nation, its culture and politics. Upon this basis many academic thesis developed. The author of this article receives at least five inquiries annually for suggestions of topics regarding Slovak life. The Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius wrote more than twenty thesis many of which undergo severe departmental criticism. 15 Particular emphasis is placed upon the historical era of SS. Cyril and Methodius. To attain this goal Slovak Studies aided greatly by publishing many technical con- �SLOVAKIA 75 tribution in one volume. 16 A well known historian of the Cyrilo-Methodian era, Michal Lacko, wrote the biography of the Apostles and the Slavonic nations, in general. 17 Sister M. Martina Tybor wrote the Junior and Senior edition of SS. Cyril and Methodius, who are the patrons of her congregation.18 Most 1963 presented an expanded appraisal of the SS. Cyril and Methodius traditions among Slovaks. The history of the persecution of the church under communism was very well written by Father Teodorik J. Zubek, 0. F. M. in a documentary volume and other opportune studies.19 Sister Cecilia revealed the unbearable conditions, as she beheld and lived through them under the Communist regime. 20 Further attempts were made to enlighten this tragic period of the church, hierarchy, priesthood, religious orders, and the people of God. 21 In western Europe and South America free Slovaks published books in other languages, principally German , French, Italian and Spanish in which they dealt with the Slovak tragedy after 1945 as well as specific problems which painfully were incorporated in the history of the Slovak nation. In this regard the most valuable works were edited by Bishop Paul Hnilica, Msgr. Stefan Nahalka, Msgr. Jozef Tomko, Rev. Stanislav :C>urica and Rev. Michal Lacko in Italy; Rev. Vojtech Bucko, Dr. Ferdinand :C>urcansky and Kristof Greiner in West Germany; P. G. Dobis in Austria; Dr. Arved Grebert in Switzerland; Dr. Stefan Glejdura in Spain; Dr. Stanislav Meciar, Dr. Ernest zatko and Alojz Macek in Argentina. 22 LITERATURE AND LANGUAGE While the history of the Slovak nation and AmericanCanadian Slovaks have a sufficient representation in English, the history of Slovak Literature and language awaits further elaboration. Basic studies emanated in single, particularly cited annuals or individual articles. Most attention to those themes was devoted by Professor Jozef M. Kirschbaum, Msgr. Jan Rekem , and professor Frantisek Vnuk. While Dr. Kirschbaum and Dr. Rekem occupied themselves with individual periods of Slovak literature and development of the language of the past, Vnuk concentrated upon strengthening Slovak literature. 23 �76 SLOVAKIA Language studies of a practical nature are properly represented. Modern textbooks in Slovak language were compiled by Mother M. Emerencia, SS.C.M., S. E. Bue, Filip A. Hrobak and Konus. 24 Among the best dictionaries are those of Hrobak and Konus.25 NEWSPAPERS AND ALMANACS Editors and co-workers of American and Canadian Slovak newspapers in Slovak and in the past few years in English are returning to the problem concerned with preservation of national consciousness, cultural, ethnical awareness, enlightening the public with various phases of Slovak life. Representative voices of the third generation of Slovaks in the news methods and articles are not lacking. Emphasis, however, is placed upon the preservation of Slovak cultural inheritance. In this regard the Jednota, Katolicky Sokol, Narodne Noviny, zivena and Kanadsk?} Slovak are performing a great work in the English language. The technical and representative review Most, Literdrny Almanach, Slovak v Amerike, and other newspapers are returning to the all-Slovak problems exclusively in the Slovak language.26 Literarny Almanach, Slovak v Amerike and Slovak Studies published an outlook upon the events of the cultural activities of Slovak writers, leaders, poets, artists, and news editors. The reports are not complete, but they are sufficient evidence to assure the unprejudiced reader that in the revival of Slovak cultural life in America are intellectuals who do not want to stifle the development of Americanization, but they do not want to speed it up . They strive to evolve in this field as much as other ethnic groups. It is not coincidental that in the preparation of ethnic cultural centers, American Slovaks wish to enkindle appropriate roles equal to their number and missions. 27 In the United States and Canada, after the Second Vatican Council, Slovak liturgy is heard in practically every Slovak Roman Catholic parish. Even in churches of Lutheran denomination, the liturgy is Slovak. As we shall see in next chapter the sale of prayer books in the Slovak language is widespread. At Slovak picnics, which are held by the hundreds, �SLOVAKIA 77 every summer, in the United States and Canada, Slovak music and songs are heard. In like manner, these are heard at weddings, even to the third and fourth generation. Slovak songs and music binds and deepens Slovak consciousness more than enything else. Slovak records are being made in practically every city where Slovaks live and at least one musician versed in Slovak folk songs and dances is found. In the past few years professional Slovak singing and dance groups were organized. The leading ones are in Toronto and Montreal, followed by Detroit, Chicago, and New York. At conventions of American-Slovak and Canadian-Slovak organizations the Slovak language is still used, even though less than the English. Official reports and minutes are written bi-lingually in spite of the fact that the pioneer generation of Slovak immigrants, especially in America, bas no representation at the conventions. III Another indication of cultural awakening among American and Canadian Slovaks is the sale of books. During the past five years, 113,755 Slovak books and 450,000 pamphlets were sold in North America. This number includes 61,215 scientific, popular science, and novels; 65,000 pamphlets; 52,540 religious books and 385,000 religious pamphlets. The number of English books about the Slovaks 31,248; Slovak-English and English-Slovak dictionaries and textbooks sold amounted to 14,195. Altogether during the past five years 159,198 books in English or Slovak about Slovaks were sold, in addition to 450,000 pamphlets. The greatest number of books were sold by the First Catholic Slovak Union: 49,008. The greatest number of religious books, 32,000, were sold by the Slovak Franciscan Fathers. Books were sold by the Slovak Institute of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Slovak Jesuit Fathers, Sisters of St. Dominic (Oxford, Mich.), Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, and �78 SLOVAKIA other smaller publishers, namely Slovak v Amerike, Slovenskd Obrana, Rev. Frantisek Fuga and others.28 During the past five years 5,200 maps of Slovakia29 were sold and 45,400 Slovak records were distributed. 30 IV It is difficult to estim8.te how many Slovaks live in America and what per cent of American inhabitants consist of Slovak immigrants and their descendants. It is generally admitted that the people of ethnic groups number not less than 30,000,000. How many Americans are of Slovak ancestry? The statistics of the Slovak Academy of Science in Bratislava report that up to 1921 when mass emigration ceased, 867,720 Slovaks emigrated to America. 31 It is true that some of these retlirned to their homeland. However, approximately 500,000 remained in America. Today there are three generations of Slovak origin in the United States. If we calculated that each family has at least four children, then emphasising that three million Slovaks live in America is a conservative number. The question is, to what extent do these American citizens of Slovak ancestry feel their Slovak heritage. We can judge this through the aid of organizations and newspapers. Slovak-American organizations have more than 450,000 members; newspapers around 150,000 subscribers. This does not include various parish societies and clubs of all sects. There are over 400 Slovak parishes. All organized American-Slovaks with their families create at least 2,000,000 citizens who can be included to a greater or lesser extent as conscious Slovaks. There are about 70,000 Slovaks in Canada.32 Since practically all Slovak emigrees came to Canada after the first world war, we do not exaggerate when we emphasize that the Slovak spirit lives on not only in the first but also in the second and third generation of Canadian Slovaks. FOOTNOTES 1) Slovakia, Middletown, Pa.: Slovak League of America, XX, Ne. 43, pp. 105-121; XXI, No. 44, pp. 109-144. �SLOVAKIA 79 2) Gilbert L. Oddo, Slovakia and Its People, New York: Robert Speller and Sons, 1960. 3) J. M. Kirschbaum, Slovakia: Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe, New York: Robert Speller and Sons, 1960. 4) Joseph A. Mikus, Slovakia-A Political History, Milwaukee, Wis. : Marquette University Press, 1964. The same work is in French: La Slovaquie dans le drame de L 'Europe, Paris: Les Iles d'or, 1955. 5) F. Vnuk, Slovakia's Six Eventful Months (October 1938-March 1939) . Rome: Slovak Institute, Cleveland-Rome, 1964. He devoted much attention to Communistic politics. The following work is very important: Historical Outline of the Communist Party of Slovakia, Middletown, Pa.: Slovak v Amerike, 1968. Another important work is that of F rantisek Vnuk, Neuveritel'ne sprisahanie: vojenske a politicke akcie proti Slovenskej republike v roku 1944 (English resume), Middletown, Pa.: Slovak v Amerike, 1964. 6) Slovak Studies, Rome, Italy: Slovak Institute, Cleveland-Rome, 19611967, VII Volumes. Slovakia, Middletown, Pa.: Slovak League of America, 1951-1971, XXI Volumes. Jednota Annual Furdek, Middletown, Pa.: First Catholic Slovak Union, 1962-1971, X Vol. 7) J. M. Kirschbaum, Slovaks in Canada, Toronto, Canada: Canadian Ethnic Press Association of Ontario, Toronto, Canada, 1967. 8) Jozef Pauco, Ph.D., 75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty, Cleveland, Ohio: First Catholic Slovak Union, 1965. 9) Joseph Pauco, Ph.D., (Ed.) 60 Years of the Slovak League of America, Middletown, Pa.: Slovak League of America, 1967. 10) Peter P. IDetko, M.D., The Slovaks and the Pittsburgh Pact, Slovakia, XVIII, No. 41, pp. 5-54. 11) Frantisek Hru~ovsky, Ph.D., Slovenske rehole v Amerike, Cleveland, Ohio: Slovak Institute at the abbey of St. Andrew-Svorad, 1955. 12) Mother M. Emerentia Petrasek, Brief History of the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Danville, Pa. , 1959. 13) Richard Portasik, O.F.M., Slovak Franciscans in America, History of the Most Holy Savior Commissariate, 1926-1966, Pittsburgh, Pa.: Franciscan Fathers, 1966. 14) Here are for instance: Jozef Pauco, Stefan Furdek a slovenske prist'ahovalectvo, Middletown, Pa., J ednota, 1955. Jozef Pauco, MatitS Jankola, knaz a narodovec, Danville, Pa., Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, 1959. A host of other contributions by the same author about the Slovak pioneers in America in the newspaper JEDNOTA, Middletown, Pa., The annual Furdek contributed English articles about the Slovak peoples in almost every edition. �SLOVAKIA 80 15) The well known are: Sister M. Consuela Gregorovich, Contribution of Rev. Matthew Jankola to Slovak Education in the United States, 1944. Sister M. Delphine Opet, SS.C.M., Political Views of Dudovit Stur, Slovakia, XXI, No. 44, pp. 20-78. S. E. Bue, Slovak Nationalism, Middletown, Pa.: Slovak League of America, 1960. M. G. Woytko, Slovakia's Road to Statehood, Whiting, Indiana, Lach Publications, 1956. 16) Slovak Studies, Vol. III, Cyrilomethodiana, Rome, Italy, 1963. 17) M. Lacko, The Life of Saints Cyril and Methodius, Rome: Slovak Institute, Cleveland-Rome, 1963. Second Edition, 1970. Here is an additionally important work: Smrzik, The Glagolitic or Roman-Slavonic Liturgy, Cleveland, Ohio: Slovak Institute, 1959. 18) Sister Martina Tybor, Saints Cyril and Methodius, Milwaukee, Wis ., Bruce Publishing Co., Senior and Junior edition. 19) Theodoric J. Zubek, O.F.M., S.T.D., The Church of Silence in Slovakia, Whiting, Indiana, Lach Publications, 1956.: Slovak BishopsMartyrs of Christ, Toronto, Ontario, Canadian Slovak League, 1963.; Slovak Clergy in History and Culture, Middletown, Pa., First Catholic Slovak Union, 1970. 20) Sister Cecilia, The Deliverance of Sister Cecilia, New York, New York, Farrar, Straus and Young, First Printing, 1954. 21) For example: Jozef Pauco, Unconquerables, New York, Vantage Press, 1958.; Christian Slovakia under Communism, Valparaiso , Indiana, Slovak Catholic Federation of America, 1953. 22) More accurate facts in the Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, "Predstavitelia slovenskej kulturnej tvorby," 1967, pp. 113-252 and Slovak Studies, Vol. VII, Bibliography, Rome, Italy: Slovak Institute, Cleveland-Rome, 1967. 23) J.M. Kirschbaum, nudovit Stur and His Place in the Slav-tc World, Cleveland, Ohio.: Slovak Institute, 1953.: Pavel Jozef Safarik and His Contribution to Slavic Studies, Cleveland-Winnipeg, Slavistica No. 43, 1962. Literature of the Cyrilo-Methodian Period and Slova,. kia, Cleveland, Ohio.: Slovak Institute, 1964.; Anton Bernolak, the First Codifier of the Slovak Language, Winnipeg-Cleveland, Ohio: Slavistica No. 52, 1964. Jan Kollar-Slovak Poet of Panslavism, Winnipeg-Toronto: Slavistica No. LVI, 1966. J. Rekem, The Origin and Development of the Slovak Language, Middletown, Pa.: Jednota, 1962. Slovak Litcratiire and National Consciousness Before Anton Bernolak (1762-1813), Cleveland, Ohio, Slovak Institute, 1965. Frantisek Vnuk, Sedemnast' neurodnych rokov (excerpts from the history of Slovak literature, 1945-1962) , Middletown, Pa.; Slovak v Amerike, English resume, 1965. 24) Mother M. Emerentia, Steps in Elementary Slovak, Hazleton, Pa., Sisters of Saints Cyril and Methodius, I, II, III, 1959.; Rev. Bonaventure S. Bue, O.F.M., Ph.D., Slovak Language Laboratory Course, Cleveland, Ohio: The First Catholic Slovak Union, 1968.; Philip A. �SLOVAKIA 81 Hrobak, Slovak Lessons, Middletown, Pa., 1949.; Let's Learn Slovak, Middletown, Pa., 1959.; Slovak for Beginners, Middletown, Pa., I, IT, III, 1963.; J. Konus, Practical Slovak Grammar, Pittsburgh, Pa., 1939. A good service was rendered in the work of Henrich Bartek, Slovensky pravopis s gramatickymi pouckami a slovnikom, Whiting, Ind., Rev. John Lach, 1956. A textbook in the Slovak language was prepared also by Sister M. Gabriel, SS.C.M. and Stefan Blasko. 25) Hrobak's English-Slovak Dictionary, Middletown, Pa., 1944. Second Printing, New York, N.Y.; Robert Speller and Sons, 1965. J. J.Konus, Slov ensko-anglicky slovnik, Slovak-English Dictionary, Federation of Slovak Catholics in America, 1930.; Slovak-English Dictionary, Passaic, N. J.: Slovak Catholic Sokol, 1970. 26) Jednota, Middletown, Pa., Official Organ of the First Catholic Slovak Union. Katolicky Sokol, Passaic, N. J., Official Organ of the Slovak Catholic Sokol. Narodne Noviny, Pittsburgh, Pa., Official Organ of the National Slovak Society. Zivena, Pittsburgh, Pa., Official Organ of the 2ivena Beneficial Society. Kanadsky Slovak, Toronto, Ont., Canada, Official Organ of the Canadian Slovak League. Most, Cleveland, Ohio. Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, Middletown, Pa. Slovak v Amerike, Middletown, Pa. Details of Slovak newspapers in America are presented by Konstantin Culen in:Slovenske casopisy v Amerike, Cleveland, Ohio: First Catholic Slovak Union, 1970. 27) The Slovak League of America worked with American Slovaks within 31 states regarding the bill S23 sponsored by U. S. Senator Richard S. Schweiker (R.-Pa.). 28) The author of this paper personally ascertained the number of books sold by various publishers. 29) The map was printed by the Slovak Institute, Cleveland. 30) Books, with the exception of dictionaries and textbooks, sent by the Communist regime in Slovakia are sold in very small numbers. However, the records made by the singing group SL'UK are in great demand. 31) J. M. Kirschbaum, The Assimilation Process of American Slovaks, Slovakia XII, No. 44, pp. 79-84. 32) J . M. Kirschbaum, Slovaks in Canada, p. 4. * * * THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA represents an overwhelming majority of organized Americans of Slovak descent; actively affiliated with it are the large5t Slova k traternals, religious organizations, Slovak Clubs and Slovak civic organizations in the United States . � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1973, Vol. 23 Description An account of the resource Vol. 23 (No. 46), 1973. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1973 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 72 SLOVAKIA Cultural Revival of American And Canadian Slovaks Jozef Pa u co, Ph.D. I. During the past ten years, American and Canadian Slovaks are living a cultural revival. There are many instances to indicate this. Above all, they received support from many intellectuals who emigrated from Slovakia after the second world war. A firm collaboration was created in the cultural field, primarily through the Slovak League of America, the Canadian Slovak League, and the Slovak Institute in Cleveland-Rome. The 1100 centennial of the arrival of SS. Cyril and Methodius to Slovakia, which was celebrated auspiciously by the free Slovaks, inspired many scientific and cultural workers and awakened an interest in the past and present culture among a great number. Finally, a wave of national and cultural rebirth swept over American soil, in all aspects. During the first years of revival, preparation was quite slow, but since 1960 there was a complete flourishing in practically all educational and scientific disciplines. When at first an attempt was made to discuss cultural revival it was doubtful as to its success. The results were amazing because the third and fourth generation of American Slovaks did not yet sink in the sea of anonymity. This appears from the fact that American and Canadian Slovaks not only read but are active in Slovak life and activities. Scholarships are available sponsored by practically every Slovak organization in America. It is not extraordinary for students to receive awards for outstanding work. If a student seeks for ethnical news where scholarships are published, it is a sign of his Slovak interest. Of course all applicants must belong to the organization concerned. Amidst approximately 450,000 organized American Slovaks rnmrly 1/ 3 belong to a youth branch. 1 SLOVAKIA 73 II. Slovak cultural educators published and sold a great number of books about Slovakia and its people and that not only in Slovak but also in English and to a certain extent French. Two goals were aimed at: 1) to bring Slovakia to the youngest Americans of Slovak extraction; 2) to inform the non-Slovak public with objective information which was, until recently, rare, .because only those spoke and wrote about Slovaks, who through various reasons were not favorable towards and did not recognize the Slovaks as a nation. In this respect it must be admitted that Slovak knowledge and publicity took a step forward. HISTORICAL WORKS Several noteworthy volumes dealing with the history of the Slovak nation, incidently the American and Canadian Slovaks, were published. Professor Gilbert L. Oddo is the author of the first complete English history of the Slovak people in which he partially despicts the history of American Slovaks.2 The work was published in three editions and is still in demand by Slovak as well as American educators. Professor Jozef M. Kirschbaum published a remarkable book3 in which he portrays important incidents of the Slovak people. Professor Jozef A. Mikus devoted his well documented treatise to the events from 1918 to 1950.4 Professor Frantisek Vnuk wrote a detailed account of the evolvement of Slovakia from autonomy to independent statehood.5 These works form the basic orientation of Slovak history. The supplement in Slovak Studies, Slovakia, and Jednota Annual Furdek, 6 provides the reader with a great deal of material, which in America concentrates and objectively casts light on Slovakian past. The hi~tory of American and Canadian Slovaks is grasped as well. The complete history in English is found in Canada. It was written on the basis of a dissertation and strictly according to scientific form by Professor Jozef M. Kirschbaum. 7 Canada and ethnic critics accepted this work with highest honors. 74 SLOVAKIA The First Catholic Slovak Union published a detailed history about its organization.8 Even though it concerns the history of one organization, this book contains such material touching upon all phases of American Slovaks in-as-much as the First Catholic Slovak Union played an exceptionally significant role in their lives. A history of the Slovak League of America was published in English. 9 To this work we must add a meaningful chapter about the Pittsburgh Pact written by Peter P. Hletko. 10 Both publications offer the students o! American Slovak life adequate research material for the study of attitudes towards Slovakia. Practically every American Slovak organization has a chronicle review in its calendars or memoirs. Even the American Slovak parishes brief chronicles or histories of their parishes, at first in Slovak, later bi-lingual, and finally just English. In the United States and later in Canada, Slovak religious orders played and are playing an important role. The history of all the Slovak religious orders was compiled by Professor Francis Hrusovsky. 11 The accomplishment was of high quality and well documented. The congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius which began in America in 1909 has its own history; 12 so do the Slovak Franciscan Fathers.13 Both works were written by members of the respective religious orders. In addition, it is well to mention a miriad of books or periodicals containing biographies of leading American Slovaks particularly of pioneer days. The greater number were printed in Slovak.14 These and other works as well as those of the Slovak Institute and other cultural Slovak-American Institutes developed an interest in students of Slovak origin, about the past of the Slovak nation, its culture and politics. Upon this basis many academic thesis developed. The author of this article receives at least five inquiries annually for suggestions of topics regarding Slovak life. The Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius wrote more than twenty thesis many of which undergo severe departmental criticism. 15 Particular emphasis is placed upon the historical era of SS. Cyril and Methodius. To attain this goal Slovak Studies aided greatly by publishing many technical con- SLOVAKIA 75 tribution in one volume. 16 A well known historian of the Cyrilo-Methodian era, Michal Lacko, wrote the biography of the Apostles and the Slavonic nations, in general. 17 Sister M. Martina Tybor wrote the Junior and Senior edition of SS. Cyril and Methodius, who are the patrons of her congregation.18 Most 1963 presented an expanded appraisal of the SS. Cyril and Methodius traditions among Slovaks. The history of the persecution of the church under communism was very well written by Father Teodorik J. Zubek, 0. F. M. in a documentary volume and other opportune studies.19 Sister Cecilia revealed the unbearable conditions, as she beheld and lived through them under the Communist regime. 20 Further attempts were made to enlighten this tragic period of the church, hierarchy, priesthood, religious orders, and the people of God. 21 In western Europe and South America free Slovaks published books in other languages, principally German , French, Italian and Spanish in which they dealt with the Slovak tragedy after 1945 as well as specific problems which painfully were incorporated in the history of the Slovak nation. In this regard the most valuable works were edited by Bishop Paul Hnilica, Msgr. Stefan Nahalka, Msgr. Jozef Tomko, Rev. Stanislav :C>urica and Rev. Michal Lacko in Italy; Rev. Vojtech Bucko, Dr. Ferdinand :C>urcansky and Kristof Greiner in West Germany; P. G. Dobis in Austria; Dr. Arved Grebert in Switzerland; Dr. Stefan Glejdura in Spain; Dr. Stanislav Meciar, Dr. Ernest zatko and Alojz Macek in Argentina. 22 LITERATURE AND LANGUAGE While the history of the Slovak nation and AmericanCanadian Slovaks have a sufficient representation in English, the history of Slovak Literature and language awaits further elaboration. Basic studies emanated in single, particularly cited annuals or individual articles. Most attention to those themes was devoted by Professor Jozef M. Kirschbaum, Msgr. Jan Rekem , and professor Frantisek Vnuk. While Dr. Kirschbaum and Dr. Rekem occupied themselves with individual periods of Slovak literature and development of the language of the past, Vnuk concentrated upon strengthening Slovak literature. 23 76 SLOVAKIA Language studies of a practical nature are properly represented. Modern textbooks in Slovak language were compiled by Mother M. Emerencia, SS.C.M., S. E. Bue, Filip A. Hrobak and Konus. 24 Among the best dictionaries are those of Hrobak and Konus.25 NEWSPAPERS AND ALMANACS Editors and co-workers of American and Canadian Slovak newspapers in Slovak and in the past few years in English are returning to the problem concerned with preservation of national consciousness, cultural, ethnical awareness, enlightening the public with various phases of Slovak life. Representative voices of the third generation of Slovaks in the news methods and articles are not lacking. Emphasis, however, is placed upon the preservation of Slovak cultural inheritance. In this regard the Jednota, Katolicky Sokol, Narodne Noviny, zivena and Kanadsk?} Slovak are performing a great work in the English language. The technical and representative review Most, Literdrny Almanach, Slovak v Amerike, and other newspapers are returning to the all-Slovak problems exclusively in the Slovak language.26 Literarny Almanach, Slovak v Amerike and Slovak Studies published an outlook upon the events of the cultural activities of Slovak writers, leaders, poets, artists, and news editors. The reports are not complete, but they are sufficient evidence to assure the unprejudiced reader that in the revival of Slovak cultural life in America are intellectuals who do not want to stifle the development of Americanization, but they do not want to speed it up . They strive to evolve in this field as much as other ethnic groups. It is not coincidental that in the preparation of ethnic cultural centers, American Slovaks wish to enkindle appropriate roles equal to their number and missions. 27 In the United States and Canada, after the Second Vatican Council, Slovak liturgy is heard in practically every Slovak Roman Catholic parish. Even in churches of Lutheran denomination, the liturgy is Slovak. As we shall see in next chapter the sale of prayer books in the Slovak language is widespread. At Slovak picnics, which are held by the hundreds, SLOVAKIA 77 every summer, in the United States and Canada, Slovak music and songs are heard. In like manner, these are heard at weddings, even to the third and fourth generation. Slovak songs and music binds and deepens Slovak consciousness more than enything else. Slovak records are being made in practically every city where Slovaks live and at least one musician versed in Slovak folk songs and dances is found. In the past few years professional Slovak singing and dance groups were organized. The leading ones are in Toronto and Montreal, followed by Detroit, Chicago, and New York. At conventions of American-Slovak and Canadian-Slovak organizations the Slovak language is still used, even though less than the English. Official reports and minutes are written bi-lingually in spite of the fact that the pioneer generation of Slovak immigrants, especially in America, bas no representation at the conventions. III Another indication of cultural awakening among American and Canadian Slovaks is the sale of books. During the past five years, 113,755 Slovak books and 450,000 pamphlets were sold in North America. This number includes 61,215 scientific, popular science, and novels; 65,000 pamphlets; 52,540 religious books and 385,000 religious pamphlets. The number of English books about the Slovaks 31,248; Slovak-English and English-Slovak dictionaries and textbooks sold amounted to 14,195. Altogether during the past five years 159,198 books in English or Slovak about Slovaks were sold, in addition to 450,000 pamphlets. The greatest number of books were sold by the First Catholic Slovak Union: 49,008. The greatest number of religious books, 32,000, were sold by the Slovak Franciscan Fathers. Books were sold by the Slovak Institute of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Slovak Jesuit Fathers, Sisters of St. Dominic (Oxford, Mich.), Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, and 78 SLOVAKIA other smaller publishers, namely Slovak v Amerike, Slovenskd Obrana, Rev. Frantisek Fuga and others.28 During the past five years 5,200 maps of Slovakia29 were sold and 45,400 Slovak records were distributed. 30 IV It is difficult to estim8.te how many Slovaks live in America and what per cent of American inhabitants consist of Slovak immigrants and their descendants. It is generally admitted that the people of ethnic groups number not less than 30,000,000. How many Americans are of Slovak ancestry? The statistics of the Slovak Academy of Science in Bratislava report that up to 1921 when mass emigration ceased, 867,720 Slovaks emigrated to America. 31 It is true that some of these retlirned to their homeland. However, approximately 500,000 remained in America. Today there are three generations of Slovak origin in the United States. If we calculated that each family has at least four children, then emphasising that three million Slovaks live in America is a conservative number. The question is, to what extent do these American citizens of Slovak ancestry feel their Slovak heritage. We can judge this through the aid of organizations and newspapers. Slovak-American organizations have more than 450,000 members; newspapers around 150,000 subscribers. This does not include various parish societies and clubs of all sects. There are over 400 Slovak parishes. All organized American-Slovaks with their families create at least 2,000,000 citizens who can be included to a greater or lesser extent as conscious Slovaks. There are about 70,000 Slovaks in Canada.32 Since practically all Slovak emigrees came to Canada after the first world war, we do not exaggerate when we emphasize that the Slovak spirit lives on not only in the first but also in the second and third generation of Canadian Slovaks. FOOTNOTES 1) Slovakia, Middletown, Pa.: Slovak League of America, XX, Ne. 43, pp. 105-121; XXI, No. 44, pp. 109-144. SLOVAKIA 79 2) Gilbert L. Oddo, Slovakia and Its People, New York: Robert Speller and Sons, 1960. 3) J. M. Kirschbaum, Slovakia: Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe, New York: Robert Speller and Sons, 1960. 4) Joseph A. Mikus, Slovakia-A Political History, Milwaukee, Wis. : Marquette University Press, 1964. The same work is in French: La Slovaquie dans le drame de L 'Europe, Paris: Les Iles d'or, 1955. 5) F. Vnuk, Slovakia's Six Eventful Months (October 1938-March 1939) . Rome: Slovak Institute, Cleveland-Rome, 1964. He devoted much attention to Communistic politics. The following work is very important: Historical Outline of the Communist Party of Slovakia, Middletown, Pa.: Slovak v Amerike, 1968. Another important work is that of F rantisek Vnuk, Neuveritel'ne sprisahanie: vojenske a politicke akcie proti Slovenskej republike v roku 1944 (English resume), Middletown, Pa.: Slovak v Amerike, 1964. 6) Slovak Studies, Rome, Italy: Slovak Institute, Cleveland-Rome, 19611967, VII Volumes. Slovakia, Middletown, Pa.: Slovak League of America, 1951-1971, XXI Volumes. Jednota Annual Furdek, Middletown, Pa.: First Catholic Slovak Union, 1962-1971, X Vol. 7) J. M. Kirschbaum, Slovaks in Canada, Toronto, Canada: Canadian Ethnic Press Association of Ontario, Toronto, Canada, 1967. 8) Jozef Pauco, Ph.D., 75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty, Cleveland, Ohio: First Catholic Slovak Union, 1965. 9) Joseph Pauco, Ph.D., (Ed.) 60 Years of the Slovak League of America, Middletown, Pa.: Slovak League of America, 1967. 10) Peter P. IDetko, M.D., The Slovaks and the Pittsburgh Pact, Slovakia, XVIII, No. 41, pp. 5-54. 11) Frantisek Hru~ovsky, Ph.D., Slovenske rehole v Amerike, Cleveland, Ohio: Slovak Institute at the abbey of St. Andrew-Svorad, 1955. 12) Mother M. Emerentia Petrasek, Brief History of the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Danville, Pa. , 1959. 13) Richard Portasik, O.F.M., Slovak Franciscans in America, History of the Most Holy Savior Commissariate, 1926-1966, Pittsburgh, Pa.: Franciscan Fathers, 1966. 14) Here are for instance: Jozef Pauco, Stefan Furdek a slovenske prist'ahovalectvo, Middletown, Pa., J ednota, 1955. Jozef Pauco, MatitS Jankola, knaz a narodovec, Danville, Pa., Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, 1959. A host of other contributions by the same author about the Slovak pioneers in America in the newspaper JEDNOTA, Middletown, Pa., The annual Furdek contributed English articles about the Slovak peoples in almost every edition. SLOVAKIA 80 15) The well known are: Sister M. Consuela Gregorovich, Contribution of Rev. Matthew Jankola to Slovak Education in the United States, 1944. Sister M. Delphine Opet, SS.C.M., Political Views of Dudovit Stur, Slovakia, XXI, No. 44, pp. 20-78. S. E. Bue, Slovak Nationalism, Middletown, Pa.: Slovak League of America, 1960. M. G. Woytko, Slovakia's Road to Statehood, Whiting, Indiana, Lach Publications, 1956. 16) Slovak Studies, Vol. III, Cyrilomethodiana, Rome, Italy, 1963. 17) M. Lacko, The Life of Saints Cyril and Methodius, Rome: Slovak Institute, Cleveland-Rome, 1963. Second Edition, 1970. Here is an additionally important work: Smrzik, The Glagolitic or Roman-Slavonic Liturgy, Cleveland, Ohio: Slovak Institute, 1959. 18) Sister Martina Tybor, Saints Cyril and Methodius, Milwaukee, Wis ., Bruce Publishing Co., Senior and Junior edition. 19) Theodoric J. Zubek, O.F.M., S.T.D., The Church of Silence in Slovakia, Whiting, Indiana, Lach Publications, 1956.: Slovak BishopsMartyrs of Christ, Toronto, Ontario, Canadian Slovak League, 1963.; Slovak Clergy in History and Culture, Middletown, Pa., First Catholic Slovak Union, 1970. 20) Sister Cecilia, The Deliverance of Sister Cecilia, New York, New York, Farrar, Straus and Young, First Printing, 1954. 21) For example: Jozef Pauco, Unconquerables, New York, Vantage Press, 1958.; Christian Slovakia under Communism, Valparaiso , Indiana, Slovak Catholic Federation of America, 1953. 22) More accurate facts in the Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, "Predstavitelia slovenskej kulturnej tvorby," 1967, pp. 113-252 and Slovak Studies, Vol. VII, Bibliography, Rome, Italy: Slovak Institute, Cleveland-Rome, 1967. 23) J.M. Kirschbaum, nudovit Stur and His Place in the Slav-tc World, Cleveland, Ohio.: Slovak Institute, 1953.: Pavel Jozef Safarik and His Contribution to Slavic Studies, Cleveland-Winnipeg, Slavistica No. 43, 1962. Literature of the Cyrilo-Methodian Period and Slova,. kia, Cleveland, Ohio.: Slovak Institute, 1964.; Anton Bernolak, the First Codifier of the Slovak Language, Winnipeg-Cleveland, Ohio: Slavistica No. 52, 1964. Jan Kollar-Slovak Poet of Panslavism, Winnipeg-Toronto: Slavistica No. LVI, 1966. J. Rekem, The Origin and Development of the Slovak Language, Middletown, Pa.: Jednota, 1962. Slovak Litcratiire and National Consciousness Before Anton Bernolak (1762-1813), Cleveland, Ohio, Slovak Institute, 1965. Frantisek Vnuk, Sedemnast' neurodnych rokov (excerpts from the history of Slovak literature, 1945-1962) , Middletown, Pa.; Slovak v Amerike, English resume, 1965. 24) Mother M. Emerentia, Steps in Elementary Slovak, Hazleton, Pa., Sisters of Saints Cyril and Methodius, I, II, III, 1959.; Rev. Bonaventure S. Bue, O.F.M., Ph.D., Slovak Language Laboratory Course, Cleveland, Ohio: The First Catholic Slovak Union, 1968.; Philip A. SLOVAKIA 81 Hrobak, Slovak Lessons, Middletown, Pa., 1949.; Let's Learn Slovak, Middletown, Pa., 1959.; Slovak for Beginners, Middletown, Pa., I, IT, III, 1963.; J. Konus, Practical Slovak Grammar, Pittsburgh, Pa., 1939. A good service was rendered in the work of Henrich Bartek, Slovensky pravopis s gramatickymi pouckami a slovnikom, Whiting, Ind., Rev. John Lach, 1956. A textbook in the Slovak language was prepared also by Sister M. Gabriel, SS.C.M. and Stefan Blasko. 25) Hrobak's English-Slovak Dictionary, Middletown, Pa., 1944. Second Printing, New York, N.Y.; Robert Speller and Sons, 1965. J. J.Konus, Slov ensko-anglicky slovnik, Slovak-English Dictionary, Federation of Slovak Catholics in America, 1930.; Slovak-English Dictionary, Passaic, N. J.: Slovak Catholic Sokol, 1970. 26) Jednota, Middletown, Pa., Official Organ of the First Catholic Slovak Union. Katolicky Sokol, Passaic, N. J., Official Organ of the Slovak Catholic Sokol. Narodne Noviny, Pittsburgh, Pa., Official Organ of the National Slovak Society. Zivena, Pittsburgh, Pa., Official Organ of the 2ivena Beneficial Society. Kanadsky Slovak, Toronto, Ont., Canada, Official Organ of the Canadian Slovak League. Most, Cleveland, Ohio. Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, Middletown, Pa. Slovak v Amerike, Middletown, Pa. Details of Slovak newspapers in America are presented by Konstantin Culen in:Slovenske casopisy v Amerike, Cleveland, Ohio: First Catholic Slovak Union, 1970. 27) The Slovak League of America worked with American Slovaks within 31 states regarding the bill S23 sponsored by U. S. Senator Richard S. Schweiker (R.-Pa.). 28) The author of this paper personally ascertained the number of books sold by various publishers. 29) The map was printed by the Slovak Institute, Cleveland. 30) Books, with the exception of dictionaries and textbooks, sent by the Communist regime in Slovakia are sold in very small numbers. However, the records made by the singing group SL'UK are in great demand. 31) J. M. Kirschbaum, The Assimilation Process of American Slovaks, Slovakia XII, No. 44, pp. 79-84. 32) J . M. Kirschbaum, Slovaks in Canada, p. 4. * * * THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA represents an overwhelming majority of organized Americans of Slovak descent; actively affiliated with it are the large5t Slova k traternals, religious organizations, Slovak Clubs and Slovak civic organizations in the United States .  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Cultural Revival of American and Canadian Slovaks Description An account of the resource Jozef Paučo, Ph.D. Slovakia, Vol. 23 (No. 46), 1973 pp. 72-81 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paučo, Jozef, 1914-1975 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1973 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/52ea442fca9b65f3b5732d6af78d86f3.pdf a63f14f90cdd0d3b8a28bbfb76fcbc53 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA Twenty Years of the Slovak Institute in CI eve land Joseph Pa u co, Ph.D. It was not by mere chance that on September 15, 1952, the Slovak Institute was founded at St. Andrew Svorad Abbey in Cleveland, Ohio. For years the Slovak Benedictine abbey had been a center for Slovak books, periodicals, publications and materials of historic value. But since lines of communication were practically terminated with Slovakia in the postwar era after World War II it was deemed necessary to establish an institution that would be, in some measure at last, a substitute, temporarily, for the Matica Slovenska and the Spolok sv. Vojtecha for the purpose of giving moral support to Slovak writers, artists and all cultural workers in the Slovak world in exile. Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B. called a special meeting to establish the Slovak Institute. The Charter members were: Abbot Kojis, who was elected president, Dr. Frantisek Hrusovsky, Ph.D. ,whom the president named immediately as director, and members Rev. Mikulas ~princ, Dr. Joseph Cincik, Ph.D., Dr. Karol Strmen, Ph.D. and Rev. Andrew Pir, O.S.B. A decade later a branch of the Institute was formed in Rome and approved by the executive council in Cleveland. Known far and wide as a prominent leader among American Slovaks and the builder of St. Andrew's Abbey, Abbot Kojis became vitally interested in promoting American Slovak culture. It was mainly through his initiative, vision and leadership that a grant of $50,000 was made by the Abbey chapter to build the Slovak SS. Cyril and Methodius center in Rome. This action inspired individuals and organizations among Slovaks through the free world to pour out approximately a million dollars for the new religious and cultural Slovak enterprise in the Eternal City. �SLOVAKIA 17 The Abbot, a lover and patron of good books, promoted the publication of a number of works that proved invaluable as solid historical sources of the true story of the Slovak nation's destiny in central Europe. These were distributed to various public and university libraries throughout the U.S. and Canada. Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B. represented the Slovak Institute publicly as its president and privately as a generous host to an ever-increasing stream of guests who discovered his ready willingness to promote Slovak cultural projects in the interest of the common Slovak cause. In the Church he was an authoritative spokesman for the Slovak people. Dr. Frantisek Hrusovsky, Ph.D., author of the first complete scholarly history of the Slovak nation, continued to draw upon his extensive knowledge of the historical background of the Slovaks by writing many articles for American Slovak newspapers and publications on a variety of themes relating to the glorious past of his native homeland of Slovakia. His Slovak history (Slovenske dejiny) in no small measure helped to intensify and enrich the national consciousness of the Slovak people during the eventful era of the Slovak Republic. As a matter of record, his historical work in several editions ( exceeding the publication of more than 100,000 volumes) was a complete sellout before World War II. In Cleveland, Ohio, in less than a decade of untiring work and relentless effort, Dr. Hrusovsky made a lasting impression on American Slovak life before his untimely death at the age of 53 on September 9, 1956. In addition to his many articles which appeared regularly in the Slovak press he was in constant demand as an eloquent speaker. Moreover, he succeeded in correcting many misconceptions about the Slovak people and their native country. The documented history of Slovak Religious Orders in America, published in 1955, was perhaps the crowning achievement of his monumental work in America. Konstantin Culen, a leading Slovak journalist and publicist, as well as a dynamic patriot, succeeded the eminent Dr. Hrusovsky as the second director of the Slovak Institute. Konsto Culen, author of a popular history of �18 SLOVAKIA the American Slovaks before World War II that won a national award in his native homeland of Slovakia, continued to collect, classify and publish a series of historical articles on the early beginnings of Slovak life in America. Far-reaching plans into the future by Culen were inaugurated by a Slovak Exhibition of books and art under the sponsorship in the Slovak Institute in the Benedictine High School auditorium in 1957. The Exhibit in which Dr. Cincik collaborated with the help of the Slovak Brothers at the Abbey was a pronounced success and a manifestation of culen's great love of Slovak culture, as well as his deep and unquestioned appreciation of the contributions of the American Slovaks to our common national heritage. His was unquestionably a true idealism, unbridled enthusiasm and genuine attachment to the cultural values of the Slovak nation. Unfortunately, tragedy marked the life of Konstantin Culen. What he planned he was unable to complete. He envisioned a grandiose program: a new, revised and detailed history of the American Slovaks and a series of biographies of leading Slovaks. He planned to accomplish all this under the aegis of the Slovak Institute with the help of an ever-increasing staff of research scholars and co-workers. But Culen vanished from sight like a meteor in the heavens. Nonetheless, neither Dr. Hrusovsky nor culen lived in vain. Their names are immortalized by their works and will live forever in the annals of Slovak history. Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B. placed the Slovak Institute into the hands of his religious colleague, Rev. Andrej Pir, O.S.B. in 1958. The third director of the Institute had much in common with his illustrious predecessors. He shared with them a common love for Slovak culture and, like both of them, he, too, was an indefatigable, energetic and enthusiastic worker. Today the Slovak Institute continues to enlarge its library and archives (over 10,000 items) which are in the process of being organized and systematically classified and cataloged each summer by a library staff under the �SLOVAKIA 19 direction of Sister Angelina Burak, SS.C.M. from Villa Sacred Heart, Danville, Pa. Originally the nucleus for the present creditable library of Slovak books at the Institute was provided by the Matica Slovenska and Spolok sv. Vojtecha delegations that came to America in 1935 and 1937 respectively. Each contributed several hundred volumes directly from Slovakia. Year by year individuals and organizations continue to send in books, periodicals and souvenirs (such as ceramics, pictures, photos, etc.) and these are added to the valuable collection at the Institute. As director of the Slovak Institute, Father Pir, O.S.B. has taken care of the library in the traditional spirit of the sons of St. Benedict who have always manifested special concern for books, manuscripts, etc. down through the centuries. A decade ago the Slovak Institute sponsored a Book Fair in the Benedictine High School auditorium, the first public ethnic display of books in the city of Cleveland. Father Pir is in touch with many cultural-minded persons and has the opportunity to meet students who do research in the Slovak fields of literature, art, history, science, politics, economics, industry, religion and education. He has been a steady contributor of articles to Slovak periodicals on assorted Slovak subjects for the past thirty years. In Cleveland he has been the director of a speaker's bureau for the Cleveland Slovak Cultural Radio Club (Station WERE) for more than a quarter of a century. Under his supervision approximately a hundred speakers have delivered more than a total of 1,250 speeches since 1947. He has been the editor of the Ave Maria religious magazine the past 15 years. His "Slovak News and Views" weekly column, which began in 1947 as a feature in the Katolicky Sokol weekly and was tranferred to the Jednota weekly newspaper in 1959, is a true reflection of Slovak contemporary life here and elsewhere. For many this column has been an inspiration for the study of their own background, particularly among Slovak youth. Although the Slovak Institute is primarly an American Slovak institution in Cleveland, it has a branch in Rome. �20 SLOVAKIA This gives it somewhat of an international flavor and offers scholars a wide field of research in problems that effect the destiny of the Slovak nation. Needless to add, this gives the Slovak Institute added prestige both here and abroad. Abbot Jerome Koval, O.S.B., who succeeded Abbot Kojis as president of the Slovak Institute, retained both Father Pir as director and Dr. Karol Strme:n, Ph.D. as secretary of the Institute. Both are closely associated as co-editors of the Ave Maria magazine published by St. Andrew's Abbey in Cleveland, Ohio. Dr. Karol Strmefl, Ph.D. rightfully enjoys a high place in Slovak culture. He is a talented poet and a versatile translator of the leading poets of the world. There is scarcely a poet of renown in the West or East with whose work he is not acquainted, and whose poems are not represented in Slovak literature through his translations. Both his original poems and those he has translated are veritable pearls in Slovak literature. There is no doubt that Dr. Strmen is the most qualified person for the office of secretary of the Slovak Institute. For years he has been associated with its director. For the most part of a decade (1949-1959) he was a member of the triumvirate (Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, Ph.D., Rev. Andrew Pir, O.S.B., Dr. Karol Strmefl, Ph.D.) that edited the Slovenske noviny-Slovak News weekly. Dr. Strmen is a multi-faceted personality whom it is difficult to classify or emulate. It is no exaggeration to claim that he is unique, and irreplaceable in Slovak literature. Father Mikulas sprinc, a life-long friend of Dr. Strmen, may be called his "literary twin." He, too, is one of the Charter members of the Slovak Institute and belongs in the brightest constellation of the Slovak literary world. Father sprinc's prolific works in poetry and prose surpass practically all of his contemporaries here, in his native Slovakia or abroad. Each year for the past quarter of a century he has published at least one book. Literary critics have given his works favorable reviews through the years. His productivity is surely impressive. �SLOVAKIA 21 Comparison of sprinc and Strmen as poets leaves us puzzled. Both have their admirers, and one would find it difficult to choose whose poetry excels. Their styles and subjects are quite different. Both, however, are truly poets. New laurels have been won by Father sprinc by the continuous editorship of the Most, a Slovak cultural quarterly, the past nineteen years. After a succession of several publishers, the Slovak Institute adopted it as an official publication during the past decade. Many of the best writings of Slovak authors and artists in exile have appeared in this excellent cultural periodical. Contemporaries, perhaps, are not aware of the difficulties that have to be overcome in editing a cultural publication of classical quality. Literary critics and keen observers of the Slovak emigrants' struggles in a strange world, however, appreciate the sacrifices of the editor and his staff, and contributors, who have produced a worthwhile work at a time when wars and revolutions raged and political disturbances everywhere buffeted us on every side and threatened to wrest the pens and palettes of Slovak writers and artists from our hands. Charismatic gifts of Father sprinc are quite manifest in his eloquent preaching of the Word of God, as well as in his public speeches. He has travelled throughout the United States and Canada, sowing the seed of truth everywhere and performing invaluable service to the Slovak cause in a twofold manner: a) By arousing, informing and inspiring his hearers and readers; b) By obtaining ideas for new works. He is a true analyst of the thoughts and feelings of the American Slovaks to whom he belongs heart and soul, both as a priest of God and as a literary genius. Dr. Jozef Cincik, Ph.D., a Charter member, too, has done yeoman work by his unique work in art in the common cause of Slovak advancement in cultural endeavor far from his native homeland. His work bears the indelible mark of a rich personality and is an integral part of our American Slovak heritage. A number of Slovak churches have the unmistakable 'Dr. Cincik' stamp of artistic design emanating from his deep knowledge of the history of Slovak art and the science of archeology. Through many of his discoveries in the latter field he has helped to place �2.2 SLOVAKIA Slovakia on the map as an important archeological center in the very heart of central Europe. In his native homeland of Slovakia where he was a prominent member of the Matica Slovenska and the Slovak University staff, Dr. Cincik's imprint of genius is evident in many church edifices, public buildings, and illustrations of books and engravings of the currency and banknotes of the Slovak Republic. If there is anything regrettable in the career of Dr. Cincik it is certainly the cruel fate that drove him into exile, thus depriving his country of his rich creative talents at a time when they are needed the most. No one can deny that Dr. Cincik is eminently capable of expressing his unusual artistic talents in works of arts and in his writings, but he excels, too, in his ability to turn on a veritable torrent of words in his native Slovak tongue. Moreover, he is a living Slovak encyclopedia. To catch every word requires at least a pair of wide-awake listeners. It will surely be a great loss not to register his informal lectures, which on occasion he gives spontaneously and with a brilliant display of imaginative and dramatic flourishes that add color to his profound, scholarly and extemporaneous talks in an intimate gathering of friends . So much for the historic background of the Slovak Institute's Charter members. In the past twenty years many outstanding personalities and authorities in various fields of science, literature, art, history, music, religion and public life have become intimately associated with the Institute. The list is long enough to merit a volume or two of memoirs. But that is not our mission. On the 20th anniversary of the Slovak Institute we cannot pass over reference to a vital role played by its branch in Rome where Reverend Michael Lacko, S. J., Ph.D., has done notable work in editing the Slovak Studies. It is a pioneer project and appears annually, mainly in the English language. A variety of important articles by authorities in various fields is proof of the merit of this timely issue. As a program for the future it would be quite worthwhile to extend its efforts by the publication of its contents in leading modern languages. This could, indeed, �SLOVAKIA 23 become the main purpose of the Roman branch of the Slovak Institute. As we pause on the occasion of its 20th anniversary to express our congratulations and gratitude to the Slovak Institute in Cleveland, Ohio, for its achievements in behalf of Slovak culture in the free world, we note with satisfaction that is has fulfilled its avowed purpose of existence as expressed precisely in the Constitution and by-laws: "The Slovak Institute at St. Andrew's Abbey wants to support Slovak cultural life by inviting all Slovak cultural workers living in the free world outside Slovakia to membership, and promises to aid them in every possible manner in their cultural, scientific, literary and artistic endeavors because the Slovak nation in itll historic homeland after World War II cannot freely rule its own destiny according to its own principles, spirit or ideals, and consequently cannot direct its own proper cultural development." No program of dynamic action in the next forseeable fifty or seventy years can excel the idealism incorporated in the original Constitution and by-laws of the Slovak Institute in Cleveland as adopted a score of years ago. • • • SLOVAK 'INSTANT John Mizerak, a retired factory worker who became an instant millionaire via MILLIONAIRE' DIES the New York state lottery last September, died February 5, 1973 in Little Falls (N.Y.) Hospital. He was 77. Mizerak, blinded by glaucoma for several years, had been hospitalized since January 10 with an undisclosed illness. Mizerak, his wife Anna and their only child, John W. "Rusty" Mizerak, a musician and former baseball player in the Cincinnati Reds organization, won $1 million in the 1972 "summer special" lottery after the number of their $3 ticket was drawn. � SLOVAKIA Twenty Years of the Slovak Institute in CI eve land Joseph Pa u co, Ph.D. It was not by mere chance that on September 15, 1952, the Slovak Institute was founded at St. Andrew Svorad Abbey in Cleveland, Ohio. For years the Slovak Benedictine abbey had been a center for Slovak books, periodicals, publications and materials of historic value. But since lines of communication were practically terminated with Slovakia in the postwar era after World War II it was deemed necessary to establish an institution that would be, in some measure at last, a substitute, temporarily, for the Matica Slovenska and the Spolok sv. Vojtecha for the purpose of giving moral support to Slovak writers, artists and all cultural workers in the Slovak world in exile. Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B. called a special meeting to establish the Slovak Institute. The Charter members were: Abbot Kojis, who was elected president, Dr. Frantisek Hrusovsky, Ph.D. ,whom the president named immediately as director, and members Rev. Mikulas ~princ, Dr. Joseph Cincik, Ph.D., Dr. Karol Strmen, Ph.D. and Rev. Andrew Pir, O.S.B. A decade later a branch of the Institute was formed in Rome and approved by the executive council in Cleveland. Known far and wide as a prominent leader among American Slovaks and the builder of St. Andrew's Abbey, Abbot Kojis became vitally interested in promoting American Slovak culture. It was mainly through his initiative, vision and leadership that a grant of $50,000 was made by the Abbey chapter to build the Slovak SS. Cyril and Methodius center in Rome. This action inspired individuals and organizations among Slovaks through the free world to pour out approximately a million dollars for the new religious and cultural Slovak enterprise in the Eternal City. �SLOVAKIA 17 The Abbot, a lover and patron of good books, promoted the publication of a number of works that proved invaluable as solid historical sources of the true story of the Slovak nation's destiny in central Europe. These were distributed to various public and university libraries throughout the U.S. and Canada. Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B. represented the Slovak Institute publicly as its president and privately as a generous host to an ever-increasing stream of guests who discovered his ready willingness to promote Slovak cultural projects in the interest of the common Slovak cause. In the Church he was an authoritative spokesman for the Slovak people. Dr. Frantisek Hrusovsky, Ph.D., author of the first complete scholarly history of the Slovak nation, continued to draw upon his extensive knowledge of the historical background of the Slovaks by writing many articles for American Slovak newspapers and publications on a variety of themes relating to the glorious past of his native homeland of Slovakia. His Slovak history (Slovenske dejiny) in no small measure helped to intensify and enrich the national consciousness of the Slovak people during the eventful era of the Slovak Republic. As a matter of record, his historical work in several editions ( exceeding the publication of more than 100,000 volumes) was a complete sellout before World War II. In Cleveland, Ohio, in less than a decade of untiring work and relentless effort, Dr. Hrusovsky made a lasting impression on American Slovak life before his untimely death at the age of 53 on September 9, 1956. In addition to his many articles which appeared regularly in the Slovak press he was in constant demand as an eloquent speaker. Moreover, he succeeded in correcting many misconceptions about the Slovak people and their native country. The documented history of Slovak Religious Orders in America, published in 1955, was perhaps the crowning achievement of his monumental work in America. Konstantin Culen, a leading Slovak journalist and publicist, as well as a dynamic patriot, succeeded the eminent Dr. Hrusovsky as the second director of the Slovak Institute. Konsto Culen, author of a popular history of �18 SLOVAKIA the American Slovaks before World War II that won a national award in his native homeland of Slovakia, continued to collect, classify and publish a series of historical articles on the early beginnings of Slovak life in America. Far-reaching plans into the future by Culen were inaugurated by a Slovak Exhibition of books and art under the sponsorship in the Slovak Institute in the Benedictine High School auditorium in 1957. The Exhibit in which Dr. Cincik collaborated with the help of the Slovak Brothers at the Abbey was a pronounced success and a manifestation of culen's great love of Slovak culture, as well as his deep and unquestioned appreciation of the contributions of the American Slovaks to our common national heritage. His was unquestionably a true idealism, unbridled enthusiasm and genuine attachment to the cultural values of the Slovak nation. Unfortunately, tragedy marked the life of Konstantin Culen. What he planned he was unable to complete. He envisioned a grandiose program: a new, revised and detailed history of the American Slovaks and a series of biographies of leading Slovaks. He planned to accomplish all this under the aegis of the Slovak Institute with the help of an ever-increasing staff of research scholars and co-workers. But Culen vanished from sight like a meteor in the heavens. Nonetheless, neither Dr. Hrusovsky nor culen lived in vain. Their names are immortalized by their works and will live forever in the annals of Slovak history. Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B. placed the Slovak Institute into the hands of his religious colleague, Rev. Andrej Pir, O.S.B. in 1958. The third director of the Institute had much in common with his illustrious predecessors. He shared with them a common love for Slovak culture and, like both of them, he, too, was an indefatigable, energetic and enthusiastic worker. Today the Slovak Institute continues to enlarge its library and archives (over 10,000 items) which are in the process of being organized and systematically classified and cataloged each summer by a library staff under the �SLOVAKIA 19 direction of Sister Angelina Burak, SS.C.M. from Villa Sacred Heart, Danville, Pa. Originally the nucleus for the present creditable library of Slovak books at the Institute was provided by the Matica Slovenska and Spolok sv. Vojtecha delegations that came to America in 1935 and 1937 respectively. Each contributed several hundred volumes directly from Slovakia. Year by year individuals and organizations continue to send in books, periodicals and souvenirs (such as ceramics, pictures, photos, etc.) and these are added to the valuable collection at the Institute. As director of the Slovak Institute, Father Pir, O.S.B. has taken care of the library in the traditional spirit of the sons of St. Benedict who have always manifested special concern for books, manuscripts, etc. down through the centuries. A decade ago the Slovak Institute sponsored a Book Fair in the Benedictine High School auditorium, the first public ethnic display of books in the city of Cleveland. Father Pir is in touch with many cultural-minded persons and has the opportunity to meet students who do research in the Slovak fields of literature, art, history, science, politics, economics, industry, religion and education. He has been a steady contributor of articles to Slovak periodicals on assorted Slovak subjects for the past thirty years. In Cleveland he has been the director of a speaker's bureau for the Cleveland Slovak Cultural Radio Club (Station WERE) for more than a quarter of a century. Under his supervision approximately a hundred speakers have delivered more than a total of 1,250 speeches since 1947. He has been the editor of the Ave Maria religious magazine the past 15 years. His "Slovak News and Views" weekly column, which began in 1947 as a feature in the Katolicky Sokol weekly and was tranferred to the Jednota weekly newspaper in 1959, is a true reflection of Slovak contemporary life here and elsewhere. For many this column has been an inspiration for the study of their own background, particularly among Slovak youth. Although the Slovak Institute is primarly an American Slovak institution in Cleveland, it has a branch in Rome. �20 SLOVAKIA This gives it somewhat of an international flavor and offers scholars a wide field of research in problems that effect the destiny of the Slovak nation. Needless to add, this gives the Slovak Institute added prestige both here and abroad. Abbot Jerome Koval, O.S.B., who succeeded Abbot Kojis as president of the Slovak Institute, retained both Father Pir as director and Dr. Karol Strme:n, Ph.D. as secretary of the Institute. Both are closely associated as co-editors of the Ave Maria magazine published by St. Andrew's Abbey in Cleveland, Ohio. Dr. Karol Strmefl, Ph.D. rightfully enjoys a high place in Slovak culture. He is a talented poet and a versatile translator of the leading poets of the world. There is scarcely a poet of renown in the West or East with whose work he is not acquainted, and whose poems are not represented in Slovak literature through his translations. Both his original poems and those he has translated are veritable pearls in Slovak literature. There is no doubt that Dr. Strmen is the most qualified person for the office of secretary of the Slovak Institute. For years he has been associated with its director. For the most part of a decade (1949-1959) he was a member of the triumvirate (Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, Ph.D., Rev. Andrew Pir, O.S.B., Dr. Karol Strmefl, Ph.D.) that edited the Slovenske noviny-Slovak News weekly. Dr. Strmen is a multi-faceted personality whom it is difficult to classify or emulate. It is no exaggeration to claim that he is unique, and irreplaceable in Slovak literature. Father Mikulas sprinc, a life-long friend of Dr. Strmen, may be called his "literary twin." He, too, is one of the Charter members of the Slovak Institute and belongs in the brightest constellation of the Slovak literary world. Father sprinc's prolific works in poetry and prose surpass practically all of his contemporaries here, in his native Slovakia or abroad. Each year for the past quarter of a century he has published at least one book. Literary critics have given his works favorable reviews through the years. His productivity is surely impressive. �SLOVAKIA 21 Comparison of sprinc and Strmen as poets leaves us puzzled. Both have their admirers, and one would find it difficult to choose whose poetry excels. Their styles and subjects are quite different. Both, however, are truly poets. New laurels have been won by Father sprinc by the continuous editorship of the Most, a Slovak cultural quarterly, the past nineteen years. After a succession of several publishers, the Slovak Institute adopted it as an official publication during the past decade. Many of the best writings of Slovak authors and artists in exile have appeared in this excellent cultural periodical. Contemporaries, perhaps, are not aware of the difficulties that have to be overcome in editing a cultural publication of classical quality. Literary critics and keen observers of the Slovak emigrants' struggles in a strange world, however, appreciate the sacrifices of the editor and his staff, and contributors, who have produced a worthwhile work at a time when wars and revolutions raged and political disturbances everywhere buffeted us on every side and threatened to wrest the pens and palettes of Slovak writers and artists from our hands. Charismatic gifts of Father sprinc are quite manifest in his eloquent preaching of the Word of God, as well as in his public speeches. He has travelled throughout the United States and Canada, sowing the seed of truth everywhere and performing invaluable service to the Slovak cause in a twofold manner: a) By arousing, informing and inspiring his hearers and readers; b) By obtaining ideas for new works. He is a true analyst of the thoughts and feelings of the American Slovaks to whom he belongs heart and soul, both as a priest of God and as a literary genius. Dr. Jozef Cincik, Ph.D., a Charter member, too, has done yeoman work by his unique work in art in the common cause of Slovak advancement in cultural endeavor far from his native homeland. His work bears the indelible mark of a rich personality and is an integral part of our American Slovak heritage. A number of Slovak churches have the unmistakable 'Dr. Cincik' stamp of artistic design emanating from his deep knowledge of the history of Slovak art and the science of archeology. Through many of his discoveries in the latter field he has helped to place �2.2 SLOVAKIA Slovakia on the map as an important archeological center in the very heart of central Europe. In his native homeland of Slovakia where he was a prominent member of the Matica Slovenska and the Slovak University staff, Dr. Cincik's imprint of genius is evident in many church edifices, public buildings, and illustrations of books and engravings of the currency and banknotes of the Slovak Republic. If there is anything regrettable in the career of Dr. Cincik it is certainly the cruel fate that drove him into exile, thus depriving his country of his rich creative talents at a time when they are needed the most. No one can deny that Dr. Cincik is eminently capable of expressing his unusual artistic talents in works of arts and in his writings, but he excels, too, in his ability to turn on a veritable torrent of words in his native Slovak tongue. Moreover, he is a living Slovak encyclopedia. To catch every word requires at least a pair of wide-awake listeners. It will surely be a great loss not to register his informal lectures, which on occasion he gives spontaneously and with a brilliant display of imaginative and dramatic flourishes that add color to his profound, scholarly and extemporaneous talks in an intimate gathering of friends . So much for the historic background of the Slovak Institute's Charter members. In the past twenty years many outstanding personalities and authorities in various fields of science, literature, art, history, music, religion and public life have become intimately associated with the Institute. The list is long enough to merit a volume or two of memoirs. But that is not our mission. On the 20th anniversary of the Slovak Institute we cannot pass over reference to a vital role played by its branch in Rome where Reverend Michael Lacko, S. J., Ph.D., has done notable work in editing the Slovak Studies. It is a pioneer project and appears annually, mainly in the English language. A variety of important articles by authorities in various fields is proof of the merit of this timely issue. As a program for the future it would be quite worthwhile to extend its efforts by the publication of its contents in leading modern languages. This could, indeed, �SLOVAKIA 23 become the main purpose of the Roman branch of the Slovak Institute. As we pause on the occasion of its 20th anniversary to express our congratulations and gratitude to the Slovak Institute in Cleveland, Ohio, for its achievements in behalf of Slovak culture in the free world, we note with satisfaction that is has fulfilled its avowed purpose of existence as expressed precisely in the Constitution and by-laws: "The Slovak Institute at St. Andrew's Abbey wants to support Slovak cultural life by inviting all Slovak cultural workers living in the free world outside Slovakia to membership, and promises to aid them in every possible manner in their cultural, scientific, literary and artistic endeavors because the Slovak nation in itll historic homeland after World War II cannot freely rule its own destiny according to its own principles, spirit or ideals, and consequently cannot direct its own proper cultural development." No program of dynamic action in the next forseeable fifty or seventy years can excel the idealism incorporated in the original Constitution and by-laws of the Slovak Institute in Cleveland as adopted a score of years ago. • • • SLOVAK 'INSTANT John Mizerak, a retired factory worker who became an instant millionaire via MILLIONAIRE' DIES the New York state lottery last September, died February 5, 1973 in Little Falls (N.Y.) Hospital. He was 77. Mizerak, blinded by glaucoma for several years, had been hospitalized since January 10 with an undisclosed illness. Mizerak, his wife Anna and their only child, John W. "Rusty" Mizerak, a musician and former baseball player in the Cincinnati Reds organization, won $1 million in the 1972 "summer special" lottery after the number of their $3 ticket was drawn. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1973, Vol. 23 Description An account of the resource Vol. 23 (No. 46), 1973. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1973 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA Twenty Years of the Slovak Institute in CI eve land Joseph Pa u co, Ph.D. It was not by mere chance that on September 15, 1952, the Slovak Institute was founded at St. Andrew Svorad Abbey in Cleveland, Ohio. For years the Slovak Benedictine abbey had been a center for Slovak books, periodicals, publications and materials of historic value. But since lines of communication were practically terminated with Slovakia in the postwar era after World War II it was deemed necessary to establish an institution that would be, in some measure at last, a substitute, temporarily, for the Matica Slovenska and the Spolok sv. Vojtecha for the purpose of giving moral support to Slovak writers, artists and all cultural workers in the Slovak world in exile. Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B. called a special meeting to establish the Slovak Institute. The Charter members were: Abbot Kojis, who was elected president, Dr. Frantisek Hrusovsky, Ph.D. ,whom the president named immediately as director, and members Rev. Mikulas ~princ, Dr. Joseph Cincik, Ph.D., Dr. Karol Strmen, Ph.D. and Rev. Andrew Pir, O.S.B. A decade later a branch of the Institute was formed in Rome and approved by the executive council in Cleveland. Known far and wide as a prominent leader among American Slovaks and the builder of St. Andrew's Abbey, Abbot Kojis became vitally interested in promoting American Slovak culture. It was mainly through his initiative, vision and leadership that a grant of $50,000 was made by the Abbey chapter to build the Slovak SS. Cyril and Methodius center in Rome. This action inspired individuals and organizations among Slovaks through the free world to pour out approximately a million dollars for the new religious and cultural Slovak enterprise in the Eternal City. SLOVAKIA 17 The Abbot, a lover and patron of good books, promoted the publication of a number of works that proved invaluable as solid historical sources of the true story of the Slovak nation's destiny in central Europe. These were distributed to various public and university libraries throughout the U.S. and Canada. Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B. represented the Slovak Institute publicly as its president and privately as a generous host to an ever-increasing stream of guests who discovered his ready willingness to promote Slovak cultural projects in the interest of the common Slovak cause. In the Church he was an authoritative spokesman for the Slovak people. Dr. Frantisek Hrusovsky, Ph.D., author of the first complete scholarly history of the Slovak nation, continued to draw upon his extensive knowledge of the historical background of the Slovaks by writing many articles for American Slovak newspapers and publications on a variety of themes relating to the glorious past of his native homeland of Slovakia. His Slovak history (Slovenske dejiny) in no small measure helped to intensify and enrich the national consciousness of the Slovak people during the eventful era of the Slovak Republic. As a matter of record, his historical work in several editions ( exceeding the publication of more than 100,000 volumes) was a complete sellout before World War II. In Cleveland, Ohio, in less than a decade of untiring work and relentless effort, Dr. Hrusovsky made a lasting impression on American Slovak life before his untimely death at the age of 53 on September 9, 1956. In addition to his many articles which appeared regularly in the Slovak press he was in constant demand as an eloquent speaker. Moreover, he succeeded in correcting many misconceptions about the Slovak people and their native country. The documented history of Slovak Religious Orders in America, published in 1955, was perhaps the crowning achievement of his monumental work in America. Konstantin Culen, a leading Slovak journalist and publicist, as well as a dynamic patriot, succeeded the eminent Dr. Hrusovsky as the second director of the Slovak Institute. Konsto Culen, author of a popular history of 18 SLOVAKIA the American Slovaks before World War II that won a national award in his native homeland of Slovakia, continued to collect, classify and publish a series of historical articles on the early beginnings of Slovak life in America. Far-reaching plans into the future by Culen were inaugurated by a Slovak Exhibition of books and art under the sponsorship in the Slovak Institute in the Benedictine High School auditorium in 1957. The Exhibit in which Dr. Cincik collaborated with the help of the Slovak Brothers at the Abbey was a pronounced success and a manifestation of culen's great love of Slovak culture, as well as his deep and unquestioned appreciation of the contributions of the American Slovaks to our common national heritage. His was unquestionably a true idealism, unbridled enthusiasm and genuine attachment to the cultural values of the Slovak nation. Unfortunately, tragedy marked the life of Konstantin Culen. What he planned he was unable to complete. He envisioned a grandiose program: a new, revised and detailed history of the American Slovaks and a series of biographies of leading Slovaks. He planned to accomplish all this under the aegis of the Slovak Institute with the help of an ever-increasing staff of research scholars and co-workers. But Culen vanished from sight like a meteor in the heavens. Nonetheless, neither Dr. Hrusovsky nor culen lived in vain. Their names are immortalized by their works and will live forever in the annals of Slovak history. Abbot Theodore Kojis, O.S.B. placed the Slovak Institute into the hands of his religious colleague, Rev. Andrej Pir, O.S.B. in 1958. The third director of the Institute had much in common with his illustrious predecessors. He shared with them a common love for Slovak culture and, like both of them, he, too, was an indefatigable, energetic and enthusiastic worker. Today the Slovak Institute continues to enlarge its library and archives (over 10,000 items) which are in the process of being organized and systematically classified and cataloged each summer by a library staff under the SLOVAKIA 19 direction of Sister Angelina Burak, SS.C.M. from Villa Sacred Heart, Danville, Pa. Originally the nucleus for the present creditable library of Slovak books at the Institute was provided by the Matica Slovenska and Spolok sv. Vojtecha delegations that came to America in 1935 and 1937 respectively. Each contributed several hundred volumes directly from Slovakia. Year by year individuals and organizations continue to send in books, periodicals and souvenirs (such as ceramics, pictures, photos, etc.) and these are added to the valuable collection at the Institute. As director of the Slovak Institute, Father Pir, O.S.B. has taken care of the library in the traditional spirit of the sons of St. Benedict who have always manifested special concern for books, manuscripts, etc. down through the centuries. A decade ago the Slovak Institute sponsored a Book Fair in the Benedictine High School auditorium, the first public ethnic display of books in the city of Cleveland. Father Pir is in touch with many cultural-minded persons and has the opportunity to meet students who do research in the Slovak fields of literature, art, history, science, politics, economics, industry, religion and education. He has been a steady contributor of articles to Slovak periodicals on assorted Slovak subjects for the past thirty years. In Cleveland he has been the director of a speaker's bureau for the Cleveland Slovak Cultural Radio Club (Station WERE) for more than a quarter of a century. Under his supervision approximately a hundred speakers have delivered more than a total of 1,250 speeches since 1947. He has been the editor of the Ave Maria religious magazine the past 15 years. His "Slovak News and Views" weekly column, which began in 1947 as a feature in the Katolicky Sokol weekly and was tranferred to the Jednota weekly newspaper in 1959, is a true reflection of Slovak contemporary life here and elsewhere. For many this column has been an inspiration for the study of their own background, particularly among Slovak youth. Although the Slovak Institute is primarly an American Slovak institution in Cleveland, it has a branch in Rome. 20 SLOVAKIA This gives it somewhat of an international flavor and offers scholars a wide field of research in problems that effect the destiny of the Slovak nation. Needless to add, this gives the Slovak Institute added prestige both here and abroad. Abbot Jerome Koval, O.S.B., who succeeded Abbot Kojis as president of the Slovak Institute, retained both Father Pir as director and Dr. Karol Strme:n, Ph.D. as secretary of the Institute. Both are closely associated as co-editors of the Ave Maria magazine published by St. Andrew's Abbey in Cleveland, Ohio. Dr. Karol Strmefl, Ph.D. rightfully enjoys a high place in Slovak culture. He is a talented poet and a versatile translator of the leading poets of the world. There is scarcely a poet of renown in the West or East with whose work he is not acquainted, and whose poems are not represented in Slovak literature through his translations. Both his original poems and those he has translated are veritable pearls in Slovak literature. There is no doubt that Dr. Strmen is the most qualified person for the office of secretary of the Slovak Institute. For years he has been associated with its director. For the most part of a decade (1949-1959) he was a member of the triumvirate (Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, Ph.D., Rev. Andrew Pir, O.S.B., Dr. Karol Strmefl, Ph.D.) that edited the Slovenske noviny-Slovak News weekly. Dr. Strmen is a multi-faceted personality whom it is difficult to classify or emulate. It is no exaggeration to claim that he is unique, and irreplaceable in Slovak literature. Father Mikulas sprinc, a life-long friend of Dr. Strmen, may be called his "literary twin." He, too, is one of the Charter members of the Slovak Institute and belongs in the brightest constellation of the Slovak literary world. Father sprinc's prolific works in poetry and prose surpass practically all of his contemporaries here, in his native Slovakia or abroad. Each year for the past quarter of a century he has published at least one book. Literary critics have given his works favorable reviews through the years. His productivity is surely impressive. SLOVAKIA 21 Comparison of sprinc and Strmen as poets leaves us puzzled. Both have their admirers, and one would find it difficult to choose whose poetry excels. Their styles and subjects are quite different. Both, however, are truly poets. New laurels have been won by Father sprinc by the continuous editorship of the Most, a Slovak cultural quarterly, the past nineteen years. After a succession of several publishers, the Slovak Institute adopted it as an official publication during the past decade. Many of the best writings of Slovak authors and artists in exile have appeared in this excellent cultural periodical. Contemporaries, perhaps, are not aware of the difficulties that have to be overcome in editing a cultural publication of classical quality. Literary critics and keen observers of the Slovak emigrants' struggles in a strange world, however, appreciate the sacrifices of the editor and his staff, and contributors, who have produced a worthwhile work at a time when wars and revolutions raged and political disturbances everywhere buffeted us on every side and threatened to wrest the pens and palettes of Slovak writers and artists from our hands. Charismatic gifts of Father sprinc are quite manifest in his eloquent preaching of the Word of God, as well as in his public speeches. He has travelled throughout the United States and Canada, sowing the seed of truth everywhere and performing invaluable service to the Slovak cause in a twofold manner: a) By arousing, informing and inspiring his hearers and readers; b) By obtaining ideas for new works. He is a true analyst of the thoughts and feelings of the American Slovaks to whom he belongs heart and soul, both as a priest of God and as a literary genius. Dr. Jozef Cincik, Ph.D., a Charter member, too, has done yeoman work by his unique work in art in the common cause of Slovak advancement in cultural endeavor far from his native homeland. His work bears the indelible mark of a rich personality and is an integral part of our American Slovak heritage. A number of Slovak churches have the unmistakable 'Dr. Cincik' stamp of artistic design emanating from his deep knowledge of the history of Slovak art and the science of archeology. Through many of his discoveries in the latter field he has helped to place 2.2 SLOVAKIA Slovakia on the map as an important archeological center in the very heart of central Europe. In his native homeland of Slovakia where he was a prominent member of the Matica Slovenska and the Slovak University staff, Dr. Cincik's imprint of genius is evident in many church edifices, public buildings, and illustrations of books and engravings of the currency and banknotes of the Slovak Republic. If there is anything regrettable in the career of Dr. Cincik it is certainly the cruel fate that drove him into exile, thus depriving his country of his rich creative talents at a time when they are needed the most. No one can deny that Dr. Cincik is eminently capable of expressing his unusual artistic talents in works of arts and in his writings, but he excels, too, in his ability to turn on a veritable torrent of words in his native Slovak tongue. Moreover, he is a living Slovak encyclopedia. To catch every word requires at least a pair of wide-awake listeners. It will surely be a great loss not to register his informal lectures, which on occasion he gives spontaneously and with a brilliant display of imaginative and dramatic flourishes that add color to his profound, scholarly and extemporaneous talks in an intimate gathering of friends . So much for the historic background of the Slovak Institute's Charter members. In the past twenty years many outstanding personalities and authorities in various fields of science, literature, art, history, music, religion and public life have become intimately associated with the Institute. The list is long enough to merit a volume or two of memoirs. But that is not our mission. On the 20th anniversary of the Slovak Institute we cannot pass over reference to a vital role played by its branch in Rome where Reverend Michael Lacko, S. J., Ph.D., has done notable work in editing the Slovak Studies. It is a pioneer project and appears annually, mainly in the English language. A variety of important articles by authorities in various fields is proof of the merit of this timely issue. As a program for the future it would be quite worthwhile to extend its efforts by the publication of its contents in leading modern languages. This could, indeed, SLOVAKIA 23 become the main purpose of the Roman branch of the Slovak Institute. As we pause on the occasion of its 20th anniversary to express our congratulations and gratitude to the Slovak Institute in Cleveland, Ohio, for its achievements in behalf of Slovak culture in the free world, we note with satisfaction that is has fulfilled its avowed purpose of existence as expressed precisely in the Constitution and by-laws: "The Slovak Institute at St. Andrew's Abbey wants to support Slovak cultural life by inviting all Slovak cultural workers living in the free world outside Slovakia to membership, and promises to aid them in every possible manner in their cultural, scientific, literary and artistic endeavors because the Slovak nation in itll historic homeland after World War II cannot freely rule its own destiny according to its own principles, spirit or ideals, and consequently cannot direct its own proper cultural development." No program of dynamic action in the next forseeable fifty or seventy years can excel the idealism incorporated in the original Constitution and by-laws of the Slovak Institute in Cleveland as adopted a score of years ago. • • • SLOVAK 'INSTANT John Mizerak, a retired factory worker who became an instant millionaire via MILLIONAIRE' DIES the New York state lottery last September, died February 5, 1973 in Little Falls (N.Y.) Hospital. He was 77. Mizerak, blinded by glaucoma for several years, had been hospitalized since January 10 with an undisclosed illness. Mizerak, his wife Anna and their only child, John W. "Rusty" Mizerak, a musician and former baseball player in the Cincinnati Reds organization, won $1 million in the 1972 "summer special" lottery after the number of their $3 ticket was drawn.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Twenty Years of the Slovak Institute in Cleveland Description An account of the resource Joseph Paučo, Ph.D. Slovakia, Vol. 23 (No. 46), 1973 pp. 16-23 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paučo, Jozef, 1914-1975 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1973 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/f94875fc8f747e7995fc4eecf1cdeba6.pdf 1b7642a3332fca6d163ffb00092d6b6d PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 67 Jozef Pa u co, Ph.D.: Slovak Pioneers Ln America REVEREND GREGORY VANISCAK, O.S.B. (JULY 24, 1884-JANUARY 15, 1938) Father Furdek's accomplishments in behalf of the Slovak people by organizing the two Jednotas and the Slovak League of America and Father Jankola's achievement of being the founder of the Religious Order of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Danville, Pa. were supplemented by Father Vaniscak's founding of the Slovak abbey of the Order of St. Benedict in Cleveland, Ohio. These three men constitute the most glorious trio of Slovak Catholic leaders in America. The future founder of the Slovak Benedictine Abbey of St. Andrew Svorad in Cleveland, Ohio, namely, Jan Vaniscak, came to the United States as a 16-year old youth from the village of Lemesany, saris district, Slovakia, to join his brother, Andrew, in the city of Johnstown, Pa. Three years later through the efforts of Rev. Jan Martvo:n, pastor of St. Stephen's Slovak parish there, and Father Matus Jankola, Jan Vaniscak was enrolled at St. Procopius Benedictine College in Lisle, Illinois. As a zealous student and a pious, warm-hearted youth he became a leader among the Slovak students at Lisle. Under his guidance and inspiration several of his colleagues became attracted to the Benedictine way of life and soon shared his vision of establishing a Slovak Benedictine monastery. Foremost among these were the following: Francis Gmuca, destined to become the first abbot of the future St. Andrew's Abbey, his name in the Benedictine Order was Stanislaus; Father George (Stephen) Luba, who became the first principal of the new Benedictine High School in 1927 at St. Andrew's Priory, East 51st Street and Superior Avenue; Father Celestine Drexler, who did pioneer pastoral work for the new community; Father Leo Rehak, pastor of St. Benedict's parish in Cleveland for many years; Father Ivan Kramoris, principal at Benedictine High School and editor of the zenska Jednota semi-monthly publication �68 SLOVAKIA for a number of years; Father Charles Florek, who succeeded Father Gregory as pastor of St. Michael's in Chicago. These were the charter members of the Abbey. Father Gregory (his name in the Religious Order of St. Benedict) Vaniscak was ordained on June 6, 1914, and offered up his first solemn Mass in St. Stephen's Church, Johnstown, Pa. on June 14, 1914. He was immediately appointed pastor of the large flourishing Slovak parish of St. Michael's in Chicago. During his pastorate of approximately 15 years Father Gregory built a new school, a convent for the school sisters and a parsonage. The parish soon became a leading Slovak religious, cultural and national center in the heart of South Chicago. While at St. Procopius College and Seminary Father Gregory established life-long friendship with the following future priests: Father Malinak, Msgr. Hrtanek, Msgr. Kocis, Father Krispinsky, Msgr. Begalla, Msgr. Hamrak, Father Barlok, Father Banik, Father Fecko, also with outstanding lay leaders, among them Adam Podkrivacky, Julius Badzik and Philip Hrobak. Father Gregory's dream of having a Slovak Benedictine monastery was realized when he was elected conventual prior of St. Andrew's Priory in Cleveland, Ohio in the fall of 1929. The ground had been laid for the new foundation in February of 1922 when a dependent priory was established at St. Andrew's parish, East 51st Street and Superior Avenue by Abbot Valentine Kohlbeck, 0. S. B. and the monastic Chapter at St. Procopius Abbey in Lisle, Illinois. Father Stanislaus Gmuca, O.S.B., assistant to Father Gregory at St. Michael's parish in Chicago, was appointed prior of the fledging community in Cleveland at St. Andrew's dependent priory. Moreover, in the fall of 1927 Father George Luba, the newly-appointed principal of the Benedictine High School, welcomed a Freshman class of 27 boys to the new school at the priory. Two years later both the priory and school were moved to the new site at 10510 Buckeye Road and East Boulevard. Rev. Paschal Kavulic, O.S.B. transferred to St. Andrew's Abbey from St. Vincent's Archabbey in the late 1920's. The new monastic nucleus added the following clerical candidates : Frs. Wendelin Kravec, Michael Jasko, Gilbert Stopko, Sylvester Prise and John Zeman, O.S.B. At this time, too, �SLOVAKIA 69 the monastic community was increased by Brothers Method Tokarcik, Nicholas Pekar, Martin Seckar, Florian Halcin and Victor Repon, as well as by clerics at the beginning of the 1930's: Fratres Theodore Kojis, Daniel Novak, Joseph Bue, Stephen Sramek, Andrew Pier, Anthony Bachleda, Benedict Dobrancin, Paul Taracko. This was only the beginning of the fulfillment of Father Gregory's life-long dream, for he envisioned a college, a seminary and eventually a university. Although this rather grandiose dream was not to become a reality, nevertheless, the priory was elevated to the status of an abbey by the Holy See in 1934 and the 13-member chapter of St. Andrew's Priory (now with abbatial rank) was entitled to vote for its first abbot. Accordingly, on August 8, 1934, Father Stanislaus Gmuca, O.S.B. was elected. The many activities of Father Gregory exacted their toll and, as an inevitable consequence, his health began to fail noticeably after the election of the first abbot. Nevertheless, he accepted the position of pastor at St. Andrew's parish where he continued to fulfill his pastoral duties faithfully until he succumbed to a fatal heart attack on January 15, 1938. Thus at the age of 53 the life of an inspiring Slovak Benedictine monk came to a sudden end. Father Gregory's writings remain as an immortal legacy of his cultural and religious endeavors, namely, the many articles in the Ave Maria magazine which he edited for several years, his translation of the Holy Rule of St. Benedict and a brief life history of the Patriarch of the West, his Holy Name Manuel, the Way of the Cross, a Catechism and his Slovak grammar, and many articles that appeared in Slovak periodicals throughout the country. During World War I Father Gregory was in the forefront of the struggle for the liberation of the Slovak nation from Magyar rule. When the Slovaks joined the Czechs in forming Czecho-Slovakia, he refused to accept a medal from the new state because the government in Prague failed to live up to the promise of self-government in Slovakia. Michael Bosak, Sr., a leading American Slovak banker and patriot and intimate friend of Father Gregory's, also refused the proffered honor for meritorious service in behalf of the liberation of the Slovaks from foreign rule. �70 SLOVAKIA Slovaks everywhere mourned the death of Father Gregory Vaniscak, a foremost Slovak Benedictine in America, the founder of St. Andrew Svorad Abbey in Cleveland, an indefatigable worker, a zealous priest, a great Slovak patriot and a faithful servant of the Lord in His wineyard who labored perseveringly until the end for God, our Country and the Slovak nation under God. SOURCES Slovenske relwle v Amerike (Slovak Religious Orders in America), Fr. Hrusovsky, Ph.D., Slovak Institute, Cleveland, Ohio, 1955. Dve sviite hodiny (Two Holy Hours ), Jednota, February 2, 1938 by Rev. Paschal Kavulic, O.S.B. Slovensky samostatny priorcit (The Slovak Independent Priory), Jednota kalendar, 1931, by Rev. Gregor K.Vaniscak, O.S.B. Rehor K. Vanisccik, O.S.B. (Tribute in the Jednota kalendar, 1931). Several eye-witnesses of the events recorded, also first-hand account of all Benedictine personalities mentioned from persons who knew them personally. FATHER JOSEPH J. DUL1K (SEPTEMBER 10, 1884-AUGUST 26, 1936) As I look over the list of accomplishments of our Slovak pioneer priests, I invariably say to myself: "All deserved to be honored highly for innumerable religious and cultural contributions. But not one of them received due recognition for a lifetime of devoted service and noble endeavor in behalf of our Slovak people." Father f>ulik was one of the most deserving leaders among our Slovak clergy. In a comparatively brief span of life, Father :t.>ulik as a priest accomplished extraordinary services for the Slovak immigrants. An ideal priest, he labored indefatigably with true apostolic zeal for the cause of Christ. He was a veritable lighthouse of faith. His widespread influence among Slovak Catholic organizations inspired them to foster the highest ideals of our national, religious and cultural traditions and yet he vanished from the scene of American Slovak life virtually unknown, except among his own compatriots. A SERVANT OF GOD Father Joseph :t.>ulik was born in Rovne, Trencin district, Slovakia, on September 10, 1884. His parents were Jan and Katarina f>ulik (nee Podkrivacky). After completing his �SLOVAKIA 71 college education in Bratislava, zilina and Nitra he emigrated to the United States in 1904. He was enrolled in the diocesan seminary in Brooklyn, N. Y. where he was ordained five years later, on May 9, 1909. The new priest's first appointment was in an Irish parish, but he was soon given the assignment of organizing the Slovak parish of the Holy Family. In a short while he built a church and a rectory. Here he remained until November 12, 1912, when he was called to St. Michael's parish in Jessup, Pa. Before being transferred on March 1, 1916, to the Holy Ghost Slovak parish in Olyphant, Pa. he built a new school. Father t.>ulik was destined to remain in Olyphant until his untimely death twenty years later. Father !:>ulik's pastorate in Olyphant was marked by the building of a new church, a rectory and a Slovak cultural center-the latter in the renovated old church edifice. The parish under his inspiring leadership became the focal point of Slovak national and cultural activity in the entire area. Olyphant's Slovak community had complete confidence in Father f>ulik who devoted himself wholeheartedly to the spiritual, social and cultural welfare of his people. But his influence soon extended far beyond the confines of his parish, for he became involved in an extensive Slovak Catholic program that affected the destiny of the Slovak nation in America and in its native homeland. Moreover, he promoted a healthy ecumenical spirit in his personal intimate relationship with the Slovaks of the Lutheran faith. 1 A PILLAR IN THE SLOVAK CATHOLIC FEDERATION OF AMERICA At a critical time when it was necessary to maintain a proper perspective of the situation, it was Father t.>ulik's prudent leadership, honest convictions and genuine love for his people that brought him into national focus as a truly great leader in American Slovak life. After the first World War it was his role to win the Slovak Catholics to a pro-Hlinka outlook. In order to mitivate them in this direction Father t.>ulik made a decisive break with a number of organizations that did not share his views. As president of the Slovak Catholic Federation �72 SLOVAKIA he wrote a distinct chapter in the history of the Slovak nation, particularly as it affected his co-religionists. Even before his election as president of the federation, Father t'.>ulik had made his mark in Slovak national life. Had it not been for his initiative and the cooperation of Father Jan Kubasek (Yonkers, N. Y.) in 1919 the American Slovaks might have become sorely disunited. Under the auspices of the Slovak Catholic Federation, Father Anton Gracik was sent to Slovakia to invite a delegation of the Slovak People's Party (led by Andrej Hlinka) for a visit to America. The need for an exchange of views and united action in behalf of Slovak autonomy was a vital necessity because at a decisive stage of the Slovak nation's struggle for freedom the Slovak League of America, for lack of proper leadership, had lost its course and the mass of the American Slovaks was in a quandary. Soon after the coming of the Slovak delegation from overseas the matter was cleared up and the American Slovaks were again marching in the right direction. Father Joseph Rudinsky, a delegate of the Slovak People's Party, convinced the officers of the Slovak Catholic Federation to call a meeting of Slovak clergy and officers of all the Slovak societies in Pittsburgh, Pa. on November 19 and 20, 1919. Father t'.>ulik presided at the priests' meeting on November 19 and it was unanimously decided to support the program for Slovakia's autonomy in the frame-work of the newly-established Republic of CzechoSlovakia.2 The Slovak press throughout America hailed the announcement that was approved the following day by representatives of the various Slovak societies. At the above conference a proposal by Father i'.>ulik that a demand for the immediate release of Father Andrej Hlinka from prison be addressed to President Masaryk and that autonomy be put into effect in Slovakia ( an official paragraph in the Paris Peace Treaty) was adopted unanimously. 3 These measures were adopted at the convention of the Sdruzenie Slovenskych Katolikov ( Slovak Catholic Federation) on December 18, 1919, in Scranton, Pa. and Father t'.>ulik was elected president.4 On January 14, 1920, Father i'.>ulik called an executive meeting of the federation which voted 100,000 crowns to Andrej Hlinka, decided to issue a commemorative stamp �SLOVAKIA 73 in his honor and added a sum of $5,000 for Catholic action in Slovakia. Father Joseph Rudinsky, and Joseph Kubala, the two delegates from Slovakia, were assured that the federation was completely in accord with the Hlinka movement for autonomy, and, as if to confirm this policy, they were named to the positions of organizer and assistant secretary of the Slovak Catholic Federation.5 Under Father !>ulik's leadership a nationwide newspaper campaign was inaugurated to demand the acceptance and ratification of the Pittsburgh Pact in Czecho-Slovakia. The Memorandum adopted by the central executive committee of the federation on April 7, 1920, was sent to the Slovak leaders in Slovakia. An outline of the reasons for insisting that the Pittsburgh Pact be adopted officially by the new government of Czecho-Slovakia was attached to the Memorandum that called attention to the fact that President Masaryk had personally signed the document guaranteeing Slovak autonomy. Moreover, a supplementary denial of any agreement with irridentist Magyar elements accompanied the Memorandum. Father !>ulik's signature to the document proved beyond a doubt that he was a dedicated patriot of the Slovak nation.6 Twenty thousand members in 189 assemblies throughout the United States were enrolled as members in less than a year before the Slovak Catholic Federation held its convention on October 13 and 14 in Chicago in 1920.7 Demands for Slovakia's autonomy were reiterated at t his convention in Chicago.8 Father f>ulik, spokesman for t he delegates representing the majority of the Slovaks in America, declared that failure to grant autonomy to the Slovak nation would make President Masaryk and his cohorts a laughing-stock before the whole world. 9 SUPREME CHAPLAIN OF THE FIRST CATHOLIC SLOVAK UNION (JEDNOTA) Outstanding personalities in the early pioneer days built First Catholic Slovak Union on strong foundations . Father !>ulik was one of the foremost leaders of the era, closely behind in influence to Fathers Furdek and Jankola. As the last of the remarkable trio in the first quarter of �74 SLOVAKIA the 20th century, his was a highly influential career in both our national and fraternal life as one of our greatest Jednota leaders who served the society and our common cause with distinction and honor until the end of his life. Jednota's 22nd national convention in Scranton, Pa. in 1926 saw the emergence of a new set of leaders, among them John Sabol who was destined to serve as supreme secretary for four decades. Andrej Hlinka was the guest of honor at this convention that elected him as Jednota's honorary supreme chaplain for life. It was a great moment for the Slovaks in America, and for Slovaks everywhere. The great champion of Slovak liberty was given a standing ovation after a special proclamation, expressing gratitude to him for his sacrifices in behalf of the Slovak nation, was read, and assurances were given that the Jednota stood behind him 100 % in the struggle to win Slovak national freedom and self-governing statehood according to the Pittsburgh Pact. At the same convention the Jednota delegates elected Father t:>ulik as the supreme chaplain, as if to place him alongside Hlinka upon whom they had conferred the honorary title of chaplain for life. 10 Recognized as a veritable golden link between the old and young, Father Dulik was re-elected at the New York convention in 1928 11 and again at the Detroit convention in 1931.12 Much more can be said of Father Dulik than merely to note that he had been elected and re-elected as supreme chaplain several times. His influence in both the Jednota and the Slovak Catholic Federation left an indelible mark on both organizations in which his official priestly office and dignity, moral power and love of the Slovak nation and American patriotism proved to be unmistakably great assets for unquestioned leadership in his time. At a critical stage in the history of the Slovaks in America whose influence was felt in their native homeland across the Atlantic, when it was somewhat popular to downgrade the Church and religion in general, the Jednota was the bulwark of the Faith of our Fathers. When Magyar chauvinists stopped at nothing to destroy the Slovak national spirit, it was the Jednota that provided the resources and the power to withstand the assaults of these foes of �SLOVAKIA 75 Slovak freedom, foes who unfortunately sometimes found recruits for their ranks among ambitious or naive Slovaks themselves! Jednota leaders were not content to merely maintam a defensive position. They launched an effective offensive to rout the enemy and establish the natural right of the Slovak nation to its own democratic self-government in line with the Wilsonian principle of 'self-determinatio n for all nations.' Historically, it must be registered that the Jednota, from the highest officer to the last member, met the challenge of both the ancient and modern foes of Slovak freedom and helped immeasurably to liberate the Slovaks from Magyar rule in Hungary.13 Moral values for Father nulik rated an A-1 priority. Thus, the Jednota for him was a vital factor in Catholic action, and, thank God, under the truly Christian-inspired leadership of such leaders as Father Dulik the Jednota can rightfully and proudly claim that its policies have been guided by spiritual motives rather than material interests that are too often motivated by mere expediency. "Unique is the proper world to describe the total achievements of the Jednota, for it is undoubtedly great to have an organization with many thousands of members, to have a rich treasury, to have order and discipline, all of which have to a greater or less extent, as a matter of fact, but it is a far greater asset to cherish and foster our ancient Christian faith and traditions and to excel in moral virtue that contributed far more to our society in America than mere material wealth. I re-affirm unequivocally that the millions we have given out in benefits and that we shall distribute in the future cannot equal in value the spiritual benefits that have accrued to our members, Slovak nation and America directly as fruits of Jednota leadership in the past decades." 14 Father Dulik was fully aware of the vita! role of the Jednota, but he realized, too, that its work ultimately depended upon human beings. He always gave his full support, therefore, to his colleagues. His friendship with Joseph Husek, a noted journalist, was particularly strong and effective among the American Slovaks. These two complemented each other in the struggle for unity among �76 SLOVAKIA American Slovaks. This was an important and decisive factor when a number of Slovak priests organized opposition to Rusek. Father Dulik did not hesitate to side with his friend against a number of clerical opponents who attacked Rusek on the question of Slovak national freedom. 15 Husek's talents as editor Father nulik rightfully assessed and appreciated. Moreover, he did not doubt his sincerity, for he regarded Rusek as a true successor of Stefan Furdek in whose footsteps he followed to work in the true interests of the Jednota and the Slovak people. 16 Father nulik, unfortunately, became a victim of circumstances that seem to have plagued all of our great Slovak figures of the time. He suddenly lost his popularity at the very height of his brilliant career. A background to this ironical development is found in the minutes of the First Catholic Slovak Union. There we find a long list of intrigues and prejudices levelled against his person, as he himself outlined before his resignation at the annual executive meeting in 1933.17 Suddenly and unexpectedly a forceful personality was removed from the ranks of the Jednota. Father nulik's vision and dynamic energy were lost with his departure from the office of supreme chaplain. IN RETROSPECT: THE 1928 CONVENTION One of Father Dulik's proposals at the executive meeting in 1928, namely, to have a junior membership convention was immediately endorsed and the first such meeting was held at the Jednota Home in Middletown, Pa. in the summer of that very same year. A total of 170 delegates and more than 2,000 guests convened for this general assembly of our junior membership. As might be expected, the Man of the Hour was Father nulik. In his keynote address he called upon the entire assembly to foster the Slovak language, to cherish the ideals of the Slovak nation and to preserve our ancient national heritage of faith and freedom under God. 18 Hailed throughout the country in Slovak circles and publicized by the Slovak press, Father nulik's program stimulated such interest that the supreme chaplain was invited to speak at a series of programs in various parts of the country. He travelled extensively and created interest �SLOVAKIA 77 everywhere in the common cause of our fraternal and national destiny as true sons of the land of our Slovak forefathers. 19 TREASURER OF THE SLOVAK CATHOLIC EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTE Slovak priests and laity, as a general rule, from the very beginning worked together in harmony in this country, and that included cooperation in cultural and national affairs. In the Slovak Catholic Educational Institute, for example, under the presidency of the genial Michael Bosak, Sr. the office of secretary was ably filled by the aggressive Joseph Husek, and the treasurer's post was entrusted to the highly respected Father i'.>ulik. This unusual trio did an excellent job of collecting a substantial sum of several hundred thousand dollars despite adverse economic conditions in the country. A nationwide appeal by Father f>ulik aroused the interest of his fellow Slovaks who contributed generously to the project of higher education. A number of American bishops not only endorsed the campaign in their dioceses but contributed financially, too.20 Michael Bosak's generosity and Father f>ulik's personality were a happy combination that won generous support among the clergy and laity. The Slovak press supported the campaign that enabled the Slovak Sisters of St. Cyril and Methodius to build a beautiful new Academy for girls in Danville, Pa. and the Slovak Benedictines to purchase a suitable site for their boys' Benedictine High School in Cleveland, Ohio. Father f>ulik in a brief span of time between two World Wars was a dynamic force in stimulating an active and vigorous interest in the preservation of the Slovak spirit and the enrichment of Slovak culture in America, as well as a tremendous growth of our Slovak fraternal organizations. A TRAGIC ENDING Father Joseph i'.>ulik's life came to a tragic end when he was drawned accidentally while on a routine fishing trip on the Delaware River on August 26, 1936. Although Father f>ulik's life was comparatively brief, �78 SLOVAKIA his highly concentrated energies were instrumental in successfully promoting the highest traditions of Slovak freedom, culture and faith that became intimately interwoven into a beautiful fabric of American Slovak life that bears the unique imprint of his indomitable character and skillful workmanship. Perhaps more than any single individual in the history of the Slovaks in America Father Dulik's influence brought out the primeval elements of our national Slovak Christian heritage, namely, an indestructible faith in God and His Church, an all consuming love of his Slovak brethren and a passionate aspiration for Slovak national freedom, as well as profound appreciation of the richness of our Slovak language, literature and culture. Translated by Andrew Pier, O.S.B. FOOTNOTES 1) "Rev. J. J. 1'.>ulik 20 rokov knazom" (Rev J . J. Dulik 20 years a priest). Slovak v Amerike, June 6, 1929, p. 2. 2) "Za krest'anske a autonomne Slovensko" (For a Christian and autonomous Slovakia). Jednota, November 26, 1919, p. 4. 3) "Uradna zprava schodze katolickych duchovnych a zastupcov kat. organizacil odbyvana dna 19. a 20. novembra 19-19 v Pittsburgh, Pa." ( Official report of the meeting of Catholic clergy and representatives of Catholic organizations on November 19 and 20, 1919 in Pittsburgh, Pa.), Jednota, December 3, 1919, p. 5. Signed by Father !>ullk and A. Pirhalla. 4) "Podrobnosti z konvencie Sdruzenia Slov. Katolikov" (From the report of the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation ), Jednota, November 24, 1919, p. 1. 5) "Vaznejsie uznesenia Sdruz. SI. Katolikov (More important proceedings of the Slovak Catholic Federation), Jednota, January 28, 1920, p. 1. 6) The complete text of the Memorandum in the Jednota of May 26, 1920, p. 5. Signatures of Fr. Jozef !>ulik, president, Fr. Stefan Kocis, secretary and Jozef Husek, member of the executive committee. 7) "Konvencia Sdruzenia Slovenskych Katolikov" (Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation), Jednota, October 20, 1920, p. 1. Reports from the convention confirmed Fr. !>ulik's principle expressed when he was elected president: "I am not a friend of programmed speeches, or articles. I prefer to do more than I promise." "Sdruzenie Katolikov," Jednota, January 7, 1920, p. 1. Father Klemo Hrtanek was elected president in Chicago. 8) Quote: "The Slovak Catholic Federation today is in favor of autonomous Slovakia and it will continue to support Slovak autonomy �SLOVAKIA 79 until the flag of Slovak autonomy waves above the Tatras in the framework of the Czecho-Slovak Republic." ... Rev. G. K. Vaniscak, O.S.B., "Po konvencii Sdruzenia Slovenskych Katolikov" (After the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation), Jednota, October 20, 1920, p. 4. 9) "Rev. Moysovi, " Jednota, March 13, 1920, p. 4. 10) Report of his election in the Minutes of the 22nd Convention of the Jednota (First Catholic Slovak Union), p. 254. Data in the minutes about the presence and election of Msgr. Andrej ffiinka. 11 ) Minutes from the 23rd Convention of the First Catholic Slovak Union, p. 288. 12) Minutes from the 24th Convention of the Jednota, p . 540. 13) "40 rokov" (40 Years) , Jednota, May 20, 1931, p. 1. 14) Minutes from the 24th Convention of the First Catholic Slovak Union, p. 17. 15) Matter pertaining to a pro-Magyar Slovak priest, Rev. Dr. Jehli~ka, and his comrades in America. See Minutes from the 24th Conv ention of the First Catholic Slovak Union, pp. 20-21. 16) "40 rokov" (40 Years), Jednota, May 20, 1931, p. 1. 17) Compare the Minutes from the annual meeting of the executive committee of the F.C.S.U. (Jednota), 1932, p. 3 pertaining to Fr. f>ulik's complaints with Husek's editorial "S Bohom . .. do videnia" (Goodbye, until we meet again) in the February 3, 1932, issue of the Jednota weekly. 18) Sermon on July 16, 1928, in St. Patrick's Cathedral, Harrisburg, Pa. Compare the report on the first convention of the young membership (Junior Branch) in the July 18, 1928, p. 1 issue of the Jednota. Details are given in this report. 19) "Rev. Joseph J . Dulik," Jednota issue of May 23, 1934. Contemporary critics agreed that Fr. f>ulik was a good preacher and an eloquent speaker. 20) Bishops Philip McDevitt of Harrisburg, Pa., Joseph Schrembs of Cleveland, Ohio, and T. C. O'Reilly of Scranton, Pa. endorsed the campaign of the Slovak Catholic Educational Institute for their Slovak priests. Bishop O'Reilly donated $1,000 and Bishop Thomas Walsh of Trenton gave $250 to the campaign. At a meeting of the Slovaks in T11enton Bishop Walsh recommended that the young Slovaks ought to learn the Slovak language, a language that has been spoken and written for hundreds of years. See Jednota issue of April 11, 1928, p. 4. Bishop Schrembs wrote an official letter in behalf of the Slovak Catholic Educational Institute. See the Jednota issue of April 24, 1929, p.1. SOURCES Minutes of the 22nd, 23rd and 24th Convention of the Jednota, and Minutes of the annual meeting of the executive committee of the First Catholic Slovak Union for the following years: 1928 through 1932. Kalendar Jednota, Middletown, Pa., 1937, p. 91. � SLOVAKIA 67 Jozef Pa u co, Ph.D.: Slovak Pioneers Ln America REVEREND GREGORY VANISCAK, O.S.B. (JULY 24, 1884-JANUARY 15, 1938) Father Furdek's accomplishments in behalf of the Slovak people by organizing the two Jednotas and the Slovak League of America and Father Jankola's achievement of being the founder of the Religious Order of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Danville, Pa. were supplemented by Father Vaniscak's founding of the Slovak abbey of the Order of St. Benedict in Cleveland, Ohio. These three men constitute the most glorious trio of Slovak Catholic leaders in America. The future founder of the Slovak Benedictine Abbey of St. Andrew Svorad in Cleveland, Ohio, namely, Jan Vaniscak, came to the United States as a 16-year old youth from the village of Lemesany, saris district, Slovakia, to join his brother, Andrew, in the city of Johnstown, Pa. Three years later through the efforts of Rev. Jan Martvo:n, pastor of St. Stephen's Slovak parish there, and Father Matus Jankola, Jan Vaniscak was enrolled at St. Procopius Benedictine College in Lisle, Illinois. As a zealous student and a pious, warm-hearted youth he became a leader among the Slovak students at Lisle. Under his guidance and inspiration several of his colleagues became attracted to the Benedictine way of life and soon shared his vision of establishing a Slovak Benedictine monastery. Foremost among these were the following: Francis Gmuca, destined to become the first abbot of the future St. Andrew's Abbey, his name in the Benedictine Order was Stanislaus; Father George (Stephen) Luba, who became the first principal of the new Benedictine High School in 1927 at St. Andrew's Priory, East 51st Street and Superior Avenue; Father Celestine Drexler, who did pioneer pastoral work for the new community; Father Leo Rehak, pastor of St. Benedict's parish in Cleveland for many years; Father Ivan Kramoris, principal at Benedictine High School and editor of the zenska Jednota semi-monthly publication �68 SLOVAKIA for a number of years; Father Charles Florek, who succeeded Father Gregory as pastor of St. Michael's in Chicago. These were the charter members of the Abbey. Father Gregory (his name in the Religious Order of St. Benedict) Vaniscak was ordained on June 6, 1914, and offered up his first solemn Mass in St. Stephen's Church, Johnstown, Pa. on June 14, 1914. He was immediately appointed pastor of the large flourishing Slovak parish of St. Michael's in Chicago. During his pastorate of approximately 15 years Father Gregory built a new school, a convent for the school sisters and a parsonage. The parish soon became a leading Slovak religious, cultural and national center in the heart of South Chicago. While at St. Procopius College and Seminary Father Gregory established life-long friendship with the following future priests: Father Malinak, Msgr. Hrtanek, Msgr. Kocis, Father Krispinsky, Msgr. Begalla, Msgr. Hamrak, Father Barlok, Father Banik, Father Fecko, also with outstanding lay leaders, among them Adam Podkrivacky, Julius Badzik and Philip Hrobak. Father Gregory's dream of having a Slovak Benedictine monastery was realized when he was elected conventual prior of St. Andrew's Priory in Cleveland, Ohio in the fall of 1929. The ground had been laid for the new foundation in February of 1922 when a dependent priory was established at St. Andrew's parish, East 51st Street and Superior Avenue by Abbot Valentine Kohlbeck, 0. S. B. and the monastic Chapter at St. Procopius Abbey in Lisle, Illinois. Father Stanislaus Gmuca, O.S.B., assistant to Father Gregory at St. Michael's parish in Chicago, was appointed prior of the fledging community in Cleveland at St. Andrew's dependent priory. Moreover, in the fall of 1927 Father George Luba, the newly-appointed principal of the Benedictine High School, welcomed a Freshman class of 27 boys to the new school at the priory. Two years later both the priory and school were moved to the new site at 10510 Buckeye Road and East Boulevard. Rev. Paschal Kavulic, O.S.B. transferred to St. Andrew's Abbey from St. Vincent's Archabbey in the late 1920's. The new monastic nucleus added the following clerical candidates : Frs. Wendelin Kravec, Michael Jasko, Gilbert Stopko, Sylvester Prise and John Zeman, O.S.B. At this time, too, �SLOVAKIA 69 the monastic community was increased by Brothers Method Tokarcik, Nicholas Pekar, Martin Seckar, Florian Halcin and Victor Repon, as well as by clerics at the beginning of the 1930's: Fratres Theodore Kojis, Daniel Novak, Joseph Bue, Stephen Sramek, Andrew Pier, Anthony Bachleda, Benedict Dobrancin, Paul Taracko. This was only the beginning of the fulfillment of Father Gregory's life-long dream, for he envisioned a college, a seminary and eventually a university. Although this rather grandiose dream was not to become a reality, nevertheless, the priory was elevated to the status of an abbey by the Holy See in 1934 and the 13-member chapter of St. Andrew's Priory (now with abbatial rank) was entitled to vote for its first abbot. Accordingly, on August 8, 1934, Father Stanislaus Gmuca, O.S.B. was elected. The many activities of Father Gregory exacted their toll and, as an inevitable consequence, his health began to fail noticeably after the election of the first abbot. Nevertheless, he accepted the position of pastor at St. Andrew's parish where he continued to fulfill his pastoral duties faithfully until he succumbed to a fatal heart attack on January 15, 1938. Thus at the age of 53 the life of an inspiring Slovak Benedictine monk came to a sudden end. Father Gregory's writings remain as an immortal legacy of his cultural and religious endeavors, namely, the many articles in the Ave Maria magazine which he edited for several years, his translation of the Holy Rule of St. Benedict and a brief life history of the Patriarch of the West, his Holy Name Manuel, the Way of the Cross, a Catechism and his Slovak grammar, and many articles that appeared in Slovak periodicals throughout the country. During World War I Father Gregory was in the forefront of the struggle for the liberation of the Slovak nation from Magyar rule. When the Slovaks joined the Czechs in forming Czecho-Slovakia, he refused to accept a medal from the new state because the government in Prague failed to live up to the promise of self-government in Slovakia. Michael Bosak, Sr., a leading American Slovak banker and patriot and intimate friend of Father Gregory's, also refused the proffered honor for meritorious service in behalf of the liberation of the Slovaks from foreign rule. �70 SLOVAKIA Slovaks everywhere mourned the death of Father Gregory Vaniscak, a foremost Slovak Benedictine in America, the founder of St. Andrew Svorad Abbey in Cleveland, an indefatigable worker, a zealous priest, a great Slovak patriot and a faithful servant of the Lord in His wineyard who labored perseveringly until the end for God, our Country and the Slovak nation under God. SOURCES Slovenske relwle v Amerike (Slovak Religious Orders in America), Fr. Hrusovsky, Ph.D., Slovak Institute, Cleveland, Ohio, 1955. Dve sviite hodiny (Two Holy Hours ), Jednota, February 2, 1938 by Rev. Paschal Kavulic, O.S.B. Slovensky samostatny priorcit (The Slovak Independent Priory), Jednota kalendar, 1931, by Rev. Gregor K.Vaniscak, O.S.B. Rehor K. Vanisccik, O.S.B. (Tribute in the Jednota kalendar, 1931). Several eye-witnesses of the events recorded, also first-hand account of all Benedictine personalities mentioned from persons who knew them personally. FATHER JOSEPH J. DUL1K (SEPTEMBER 10, 1884-AUGUST 26, 1936) As I look over the list of accomplishments of our Slovak pioneer priests, I invariably say to myself: "All deserved to be honored highly for innumerable religious and cultural contributions. But not one of them received due recognition for a lifetime of devoted service and noble endeavor in behalf of our Slovak people." Father f>ulik was one of the most deserving leaders among our Slovak clergy. In a comparatively brief span of life, Father :t.>ulik as a priest accomplished extraordinary services for the Slovak immigrants. An ideal priest, he labored indefatigably with true apostolic zeal for the cause of Christ. He was a veritable lighthouse of faith. His widespread influence among Slovak Catholic organizations inspired them to foster the highest ideals of our national, religious and cultural traditions and yet he vanished from the scene of American Slovak life virtually unknown, except among his own compatriots. A SERVANT OF GOD Father Joseph :t.>ulik was born in Rovne, Trencin district, Slovakia, on September 10, 1884. His parents were Jan and Katarina f>ulik (nee Podkrivacky). After completing his �SLOVAKIA 71 college education in Bratislava, zilina and Nitra he emigrated to the United States in 1904. He was enrolled in the diocesan seminary in Brooklyn, N. Y. where he was ordained five years later, on May 9, 1909. The new priest's first appointment was in an Irish parish, but he was soon given the assignment of organizing the Slovak parish of the Holy Family. In a short while he built a church and a rectory. Here he remained until November 12, 1912, when he was called to St. Michael's parish in Jessup, Pa. Before being transferred on March 1, 1916, to the Holy Ghost Slovak parish in Olyphant, Pa. he built a new school. Father t.>ulik was destined to remain in Olyphant until his untimely death twenty years later. Father !:>ulik's pastorate in Olyphant was marked by the building of a new church, a rectory and a Slovak cultural center-the latter in the renovated old church edifice. The parish under his inspiring leadership became the focal point of Slovak national and cultural activity in the entire area. Olyphant's Slovak community had complete confidence in Father f>ulik who devoted himself wholeheartedly to the spiritual, social and cultural welfare of his people. But his influence soon extended far beyond the confines of his parish, for he became involved in an extensive Slovak Catholic program that affected the destiny of the Slovak nation in America and in its native homeland. Moreover, he promoted a healthy ecumenical spirit in his personal intimate relationship with the Slovaks of the Lutheran faith. 1 A PILLAR IN THE SLOVAK CATHOLIC FEDERATION OF AMERICA At a critical time when it was necessary to maintain a proper perspective of the situation, it was Father t.>ulik's prudent leadership, honest convictions and genuine love for his people that brought him into national focus as a truly great leader in American Slovak life. After the first World War it was his role to win the Slovak Catholics to a pro-Hlinka outlook. In order to mitivate them in this direction Father t.>ulik made a decisive break with a number of organizations that did not share his views. As president of the Slovak Catholic Federation �72 SLOVAKIA he wrote a distinct chapter in the history of the Slovak nation, particularly as it affected his co-religionists. Even before his election as president of the federation, Father t'.>ulik had made his mark in Slovak national life. Had it not been for his initiative and the cooperation of Father Jan Kubasek (Yonkers, N. Y.) in 1919 the American Slovaks might have become sorely disunited. Under the auspices of the Slovak Catholic Federation, Father Anton Gracik was sent to Slovakia to invite a delegation of the Slovak People's Party (led by Andrej Hlinka) for a visit to America. The need for an exchange of views and united action in behalf of Slovak autonomy was a vital necessity because at a decisive stage of the Slovak nation's struggle for freedom the Slovak League of America, for lack of proper leadership, had lost its course and the mass of the American Slovaks was in a quandary. Soon after the coming of the Slovak delegation from overseas the matter was cleared up and the American Slovaks were again marching in the right direction. Father Joseph Rudinsky, a delegate of the Slovak People's Party, convinced the officers of the Slovak Catholic Federation to call a meeting of Slovak clergy and officers of all the Slovak societies in Pittsburgh, Pa. on November 19 and 20, 1919. Father t'.>ulik presided at the priests' meeting on November 19 and it was unanimously decided to support the program for Slovakia's autonomy in the frame-work of the newly-established Republic of CzechoSlovakia.2 The Slovak press throughout America hailed the announcement that was approved the following day by representatives of the various Slovak societies. At the above conference a proposal by Father i'.>ulik that a demand for the immediate release of Father Andrej Hlinka from prison be addressed to President Masaryk and that autonomy be put into effect in Slovakia ( an official paragraph in the Paris Peace Treaty) was adopted unanimously. 3 These measures were adopted at the convention of the Sdruzenie Slovenskych Katolikov ( Slovak Catholic Federation) on December 18, 1919, in Scranton, Pa. and Father t'.>ulik was elected president.4 On January 14, 1920, Father i'.>ulik called an executive meeting of the federation which voted 100,000 crowns to Andrej Hlinka, decided to issue a commemorative stamp �SLOVAKIA 73 in his honor and added a sum of $5,000 for Catholic action in Slovakia. Father Joseph Rudinsky, and Joseph Kubala, the two delegates from Slovakia, were assured that the federation was completely in accord with the Hlinka movement for autonomy, and, as if to confirm this policy, they were named to the positions of organizer and assistant secretary of the Slovak Catholic Federation.5 Under Father !>ulik's leadership a nationwide newspaper campaign was inaugurated to demand the acceptance and ratification of the Pittsburgh Pact in Czecho-Slovakia. The Memorandum adopted by the central executive committee of the federation on April 7, 1920, was sent to the Slovak leaders in Slovakia. An outline of the reasons for insisting that the Pittsburgh Pact be adopted officially by the new government of Czecho-Slovakia was attached to the Memorandum that called attention to the fact that President Masaryk had personally signed the document guaranteeing Slovak autonomy. Moreover, a supplementary denial of any agreement with irridentist Magyar elements accompanied the Memorandum. Father !>ulik's signature to the document proved beyond a doubt that he was a dedicated patriot of the Slovak nation.6 Twenty thousand members in 189 assemblies throughout the United States were enrolled as members in less than a year before the Slovak Catholic Federation held its convention on October 13 and 14 in Chicago in 1920.7 Demands for Slovakia's autonomy were reiterated at t his convention in Chicago.8 Father f>ulik, spokesman for t he delegates representing the majority of the Slovaks in America, declared that failure to grant autonomy to the Slovak nation would make President Masaryk and his cohorts a laughing-stock before the whole world. 9 SUPREME CHAPLAIN OF THE FIRST CATHOLIC SLOVAK UNION (JEDNOTA) Outstanding personalities in the early pioneer days built First Catholic Slovak Union on strong foundations . Father !>ulik was one of the foremost leaders of the era, closely behind in influence to Fathers Furdek and Jankola. As the last of the remarkable trio in the first quarter of �74 SLOVAKIA the 20th century, his was a highly influential career in both our national and fraternal life as one of our greatest Jednota leaders who served the society and our common cause with distinction and honor until the end of his life. Jednota's 22nd national convention in Scranton, Pa. in 1926 saw the emergence of a new set of leaders, among them John Sabol who was destined to serve as supreme secretary for four decades. Andrej Hlinka was the guest of honor at this convention that elected him as Jednota's honorary supreme chaplain for life. It was a great moment for the Slovaks in America, and for Slovaks everywhere. The great champion of Slovak liberty was given a standing ovation after a special proclamation, expressing gratitude to him for his sacrifices in behalf of the Slovak nation, was read, and assurances were given that the Jednota stood behind him 100 % in the struggle to win Slovak national freedom and self-governing statehood according to the Pittsburgh Pact. At the same convention the Jednota delegates elected Father t:>ulik as the supreme chaplain, as if to place him alongside Hlinka upon whom they had conferred the honorary title of chaplain for life. 10 Recognized as a veritable golden link between the old and young, Father Dulik was re-elected at the New York convention in 1928 11 and again at the Detroit convention in 1931.12 Much more can be said of Father Dulik than merely to note that he had been elected and re-elected as supreme chaplain several times. His influence in both the Jednota and the Slovak Catholic Federation left an indelible mark on both organizations in which his official priestly office and dignity, moral power and love of the Slovak nation and American patriotism proved to be unmistakably great assets for unquestioned leadership in his time. At a critical stage in the history of the Slovaks in America whose influence was felt in their native homeland across the Atlantic, when it was somewhat popular to downgrade the Church and religion in general, the Jednota was the bulwark of the Faith of our Fathers. When Magyar chauvinists stopped at nothing to destroy the Slovak national spirit, it was the Jednota that provided the resources and the power to withstand the assaults of these foes of �SLOVAKIA 75 Slovak freedom, foes who unfortunately sometimes found recruits for their ranks among ambitious or naive Slovaks themselves! Jednota leaders were not content to merely maintam a defensive position. They launched an effective offensive to rout the enemy and establish the natural right of the Slovak nation to its own democratic self-government in line with the Wilsonian principle of 'self-determinatio n for all nations.' Historically, it must be registered that the Jednota, from the highest officer to the last member, met the challenge of both the ancient and modern foes of Slovak freedom and helped immeasurably to liberate the Slovaks from Magyar rule in Hungary.13 Moral values for Father nulik rated an A-1 priority. Thus, the Jednota for him was a vital factor in Catholic action, and, thank God, under the truly Christian-inspired leadership of such leaders as Father Dulik the Jednota can rightfully and proudly claim that its policies have been guided by spiritual motives rather than material interests that are too often motivated by mere expediency. "Unique is the proper world to describe the total achievements of the Jednota, for it is undoubtedly great to have an organization with many thousands of members, to have a rich treasury, to have order and discipline, all of which have to a greater or less extent, as a matter of fact, but it is a far greater asset to cherish and foster our ancient Christian faith and traditions and to excel in moral virtue that contributed far more to our society in America than mere material wealth. I re-affirm unequivocally that the millions we have given out in benefits and that we shall distribute in the future cannot equal in value the spiritual benefits that have accrued to our members, Slovak nation and America directly as fruits of Jednota leadership in the past decades." 14 Father Dulik was fully aware of the vita! role of the Jednota, but he realized, too, that its work ultimately depended upon human beings. He always gave his full support, therefore, to his colleagues. His friendship with Joseph Husek, a noted journalist, was particularly strong and effective among the American Slovaks. These two complemented each other in the struggle for unity among �76 SLOVAKIA American Slovaks. This was an important and decisive factor when a number of Slovak priests organized opposition to Rusek. Father Dulik did not hesitate to side with his friend against a number of clerical opponents who attacked Rusek on the question of Slovak national freedom. 15 Husek's talents as editor Father nulik rightfully assessed and appreciated. Moreover, he did not doubt his sincerity, for he regarded Rusek as a true successor of Stefan Furdek in whose footsteps he followed to work in the true interests of the Jednota and the Slovak people. 16 Father nulik, unfortunately, became a victim of circumstances that seem to have plagued all of our great Slovak figures of the time. He suddenly lost his popularity at the very height of his brilliant career. A background to this ironical development is found in the minutes of the First Catholic Slovak Union. There we find a long list of intrigues and prejudices levelled against his person, as he himself outlined before his resignation at the annual executive meeting in 1933.17 Suddenly and unexpectedly a forceful personality was removed from the ranks of the Jednota. Father nulik's vision and dynamic energy were lost with his departure from the office of supreme chaplain. IN RETROSPECT: THE 1928 CONVENTION One of Father Dulik's proposals at the executive meeting in 1928, namely, to have a junior membership convention was immediately endorsed and the first such meeting was held at the Jednota Home in Middletown, Pa. in the summer of that very same year. A total of 170 delegates and more than 2,000 guests convened for this general assembly of our junior membership. As might be expected, the Man of the Hour was Father nulik. In his keynote address he called upon the entire assembly to foster the Slovak language, to cherish the ideals of the Slovak nation and to preserve our ancient national heritage of faith and freedom under God. 18 Hailed throughout the country in Slovak circles and publicized by the Slovak press, Father nulik's program stimulated such interest that the supreme chaplain was invited to speak at a series of programs in various parts of the country. He travelled extensively and created interest �SLOVAKIA 77 everywhere in the common cause of our fraternal and national destiny as true sons of the land of our Slovak forefathers. 19 TREASURER OF THE SLOVAK CATHOLIC EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTE Slovak priests and laity, as a general rule, from the very beginning worked together in harmony in this country, and that included cooperation in cultural and national affairs. In the Slovak Catholic Educational Institute, for example, under the presidency of the genial Michael Bosak, Sr. the office of secretary was ably filled by the aggressive Joseph Husek, and the treasurer's post was entrusted to the highly respected Father i'.>ulik. This unusual trio did an excellent job of collecting a substantial sum of several hundred thousand dollars despite adverse economic conditions in the country. A nationwide appeal by Father f>ulik aroused the interest of his fellow Slovaks who contributed generously to the project of higher education. A number of American bishops not only endorsed the campaign in their dioceses but contributed financially, too.20 Michael Bosak's generosity and Father f>ulik's personality were a happy combination that won generous support among the clergy and laity. The Slovak press supported the campaign that enabled the Slovak Sisters of St. Cyril and Methodius to build a beautiful new Academy for girls in Danville, Pa. and the Slovak Benedictines to purchase a suitable site for their boys' Benedictine High School in Cleveland, Ohio. Father f>ulik in a brief span of time between two World Wars was a dynamic force in stimulating an active and vigorous interest in the preservation of the Slovak spirit and the enrichment of Slovak culture in America, as well as a tremendous growth of our Slovak fraternal organizations. A TRAGIC ENDING Father Joseph i'.>ulik's life came to a tragic end when he was drawned accidentally while on a routine fishing trip on the Delaware River on August 26, 1936. Although Father f>ulik's life was comparatively brief, �78 SLOVAKIA his highly concentrated energies were instrumental in successfully promoting the highest traditions of Slovak freedom, culture and faith that became intimately interwoven into a beautiful fabric of American Slovak life that bears the unique imprint of his indomitable character and skillful workmanship. Perhaps more than any single individual in the history of the Slovaks in America Father Dulik's influence brought out the primeval elements of our national Slovak Christian heritage, namely, an indestructible faith in God and His Church, an all consuming love of his Slovak brethren and a passionate aspiration for Slovak national freedom, as well as profound appreciation of the richness of our Slovak language, literature and culture. Translated by Andrew Pier, O.S.B. FOOTNOTES 1) "Rev. J. J. 1'.>ulik 20 rokov knazom" (Rev J . J. Dulik 20 years a priest). Slovak v Amerike, June 6, 1929, p. 2. 2) "Za krest'anske a autonomne Slovensko" (For a Christian and autonomous Slovakia). Jednota, November 26, 1919, p. 4. 3) "Uradna zprava schodze katolickych duchovnych a zastupcov kat. organizacil odbyvana dna 19. a 20. novembra 19-19 v Pittsburgh, Pa." ( Official report of the meeting of Catholic clergy and representatives of Catholic organizations on November 19 and 20, 1919 in Pittsburgh, Pa.), Jednota, December 3, 1919, p. 5. Signed by Father !>ullk and A. Pirhalla. 4) "Podrobnosti z konvencie Sdruzenia Slov. Katolikov" (From the report of the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation ), Jednota, November 24, 1919, p. 1. 5) "Vaznejsie uznesenia Sdruz. SI. Katolikov (More important proceedings of the Slovak Catholic Federation), Jednota, January 28, 1920, p. 1. 6) The complete text of the Memorandum in the Jednota of May 26, 1920, p. 5. Signatures of Fr. Jozef !>ulik, president, Fr. Stefan Kocis, secretary and Jozef Husek, member of the executive committee. 7) "Konvencia Sdruzenia Slovenskych Katolikov" (Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation), Jednota, October 20, 1920, p. 1. Reports from the convention confirmed Fr. !>ulik's principle expressed when he was elected president: "I am not a friend of programmed speeches, or articles. I prefer to do more than I promise." "Sdruzenie Katolikov," Jednota, January 7, 1920, p. 1. Father Klemo Hrtanek was elected president in Chicago. 8) Quote: "The Slovak Catholic Federation today is in favor of autonomous Slovakia and it will continue to support Slovak autonomy �SLOVAKIA 79 until the flag of Slovak autonomy waves above the Tatras in the framework of the Czecho-Slovak Republic." ... Rev. G. K. Vaniscak, O.S.B., "Po konvencii Sdruzenia Slovenskych Katolikov" (After the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation), Jednota, October 20, 1920, p. 4. 9) "Rev. Moysovi, " Jednota, March 13, 1920, p. 4. 10) Report of his election in the Minutes of the 22nd Convention of the Jednota (First Catholic Slovak Union), p. 254. Data in the minutes about the presence and election of Msgr. Andrej ffiinka. 11 ) Minutes from the 23rd Convention of the First Catholic Slovak Union, p. 288. 12) Minutes from the 24th Convention of the Jednota, p . 540. 13) "40 rokov" (40 Years) , Jednota, May 20, 1931, p. 1. 14) Minutes from the 24th Convention of the First Catholic Slovak Union, p. 17. 15) Matter pertaining to a pro-Magyar Slovak priest, Rev. Dr. Jehli~ka, and his comrades in America. See Minutes from the 24th Conv ention of the First Catholic Slovak Union, pp. 20-21. 16) "40 rokov" (40 Years), Jednota, May 20, 1931, p. 1. 17) Compare the Minutes from the annual meeting of the executive committee of the F.C.S.U. (Jednota), 1932, p. 3 pertaining to Fr. f>ulik's complaints with Husek's editorial "S Bohom . .. do videnia" (Goodbye, until we meet again) in the February 3, 1932, issue of the Jednota weekly. 18) Sermon on July 16, 1928, in St. Patrick's Cathedral, Harrisburg, Pa. Compare the report on the first convention of the young membership (Junior Branch) in the July 18, 1928, p. 1 issue of the Jednota. Details are given in this report. 19) "Rev. Joseph J . Dulik," Jednota issue of May 23, 1934. Contemporary critics agreed that Fr. f>ulik was a good preacher and an eloquent speaker. 20) Bishops Philip McDevitt of Harrisburg, Pa., Joseph Schrembs of Cleveland, Ohio, and T. C. O'Reilly of Scranton, Pa. endorsed the campaign of the Slovak Catholic Educational Institute for their Slovak priests. Bishop O'Reilly donated $1,000 and Bishop Thomas Walsh of Trenton gave $250 to the campaign. At a meeting of the Slovaks in T11enton Bishop Walsh recommended that the young Slovaks ought to learn the Slovak language, a language that has been spoken and written for hundreds of years. See Jednota issue of April 11, 1928, p. 4. Bishop Schrembs wrote an official letter in behalf of the Slovak Catholic Educational Institute. See the Jednota issue of April 24, 1929, p.1. SOURCES Minutes of the 22nd, 23rd and 24th Convention of the Jednota, and Minutes of the annual meeting of the executive committee of the First Catholic Slovak Union for the following years: 1928 through 1932. Kalendar Jednota, Middletown, Pa., 1937, p. 91. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1974, Vol. 24 Description An account of the resource Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1974 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 67 Jozef Pa u co, Ph.D.: Slovak Pioneers Ln America REVEREND GREGORY VANISCAK, O.S.B. (JULY 24, 1884-JANUARY 15, 1938) Father Furdek's accomplishments in behalf of the Slovak people by organizing the two Jednotas and the Slovak League of America and Father Jankola's achievement of being the founder of the Religious Order of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Danville, Pa. were supplemented by Father Vaniscak's founding of the Slovak abbey of the Order of St. Benedict in Cleveland, Ohio. These three men constitute the most glorious trio of Slovak Catholic leaders in America. The future founder of the Slovak Benedictine Abbey of St. Andrew Svorad in Cleveland, Ohio, namely, Jan Vaniscak, came to the United States as a 16-year old youth from the village of Lemesany, saris district, Slovakia, to join his brother, Andrew, in the city of Johnstown, Pa. Three years later through the efforts of Rev. Jan Martvo:n, pastor of St. Stephen's Slovak parish there, and Father Matus Jankola, Jan Vaniscak was enrolled at St. Procopius Benedictine College in Lisle, Illinois. As a zealous student and a pious, warm-hearted youth he became a leader among the Slovak students at Lisle. Under his guidance and inspiration several of his colleagues became attracted to the Benedictine way of life and soon shared his vision of establishing a Slovak Benedictine monastery. Foremost among these were the following: Francis Gmuca, destined to become the first abbot of the future St. Andrew's Abbey, his name in the Benedictine Order was Stanislaus; Father George (Stephen) Luba, who became the first principal of the new Benedictine High School in 1927 at St. Andrew's Priory, East 51st Street and Superior Avenue; Father Celestine Drexler, who did pioneer pastoral work for the new community; Father Leo Rehak, pastor of St. Benedict's parish in Cleveland for many years; Father Ivan Kramoris, principal at Benedictine High School and editor of the zenska Jednota semi-monthly publication 68 SLOVAKIA for a number of years; Father Charles Florek, who succeeded Father Gregory as pastor of St. Michael's in Chicago. These were the charter members of the Abbey. Father Gregory (his name in the Religious Order of St. Benedict) Vaniscak was ordained on June 6, 1914, and offered up his first solemn Mass in St. Stephen's Church, Johnstown, Pa. on June 14, 1914. He was immediately appointed pastor of the large flourishing Slovak parish of St. Michael's in Chicago. During his pastorate of approximately 15 years Father Gregory built a new school, a convent for the school sisters and a parsonage. The parish soon became a leading Slovak religious, cultural and national center in the heart of South Chicago. While at St. Procopius College and Seminary Father Gregory established life-long friendship with the following future priests: Father Malinak, Msgr. Hrtanek, Msgr. Kocis, Father Krispinsky, Msgr. Begalla, Msgr. Hamrak, Father Barlok, Father Banik, Father Fecko, also with outstanding lay leaders, among them Adam Podkrivacky, Julius Badzik and Philip Hrobak. Father Gregory's dream of having a Slovak Benedictine monastery was realized when he was elected conventual prior of St. Andrew's Priory in Cleveland, Ohio in the fall of 1929. The ground had been laid for the new foundation in February of 1922 when a dependent priory was established at St. Andrew's parish, East 51st Street and Superior Avenue by Abbot Valentine Kohlbeck, 0. S. B. and the monastic Chapter at St. Procopius Abbey in Lisle, Illinois. Father Stanislaus Gmuca, O.S.B., assistant to Father Gregory at St. Michael's parish in Chicago, was appointed prior of the fledging community in Cleveland at St. Andrew's dependent priory. Moreover, in the fall of 1927 Father George Luba, the newly-appointed principal of the Benedictine High School, welcomed a Freshman class of 27 boys to the new school at the priory. Two years later both the priory and school were moved to the new site at 10510 Buckeye Road and East Boulevard. Rev. Paschal Kavulic, O.S.B. transferred to St. Andrew's Abbey from St. Vincent's Archabbey in the late 1920's. The new monastic nucleus added the following clerical candidates : Frs. Wendelin Kravec, Michael Jasko, Gilbert Stopko, Sylvester Prise and John Zeman, O.S.B. At this time, too, SLOVAKIA 69 the monastic community was increased by Brothers Method Tokarcik, Nicholas Pekar, Martin Seckar, Florian Halcin and Victor Repon, as well as by clerics at the beginning of the 1930's: Fratres Theodore Kojis, Daniel Novak, Joseph Bue, Stephen Sramek, Andrew Pier, Anthony Bachleda, Benedict Dobrancin, Paul Taracko. This was only the beginning of the fulfillment of Father Gregory's life-long dream, for he envisioned a college, a seminary and eventually a university. Although this rather grandiose dream was not to become a reality, nevertheless, the priory was elevated to the status of an abbey by the Holy See in 1934 and the 13-member chapter of St. Andrew's Priory (now with abbatial rank) was entitled to vote for its first abbot. Accordingly, on August 8, 1934, Father Stanislaus Gmuca, O.S.B. was elected. The many activities of Father Gregory exacted their toll and, as an inevitable consequence, his health began to fail noticeably after the election of the first abbot. Nevertheless, he accepted the position of pastor at St. Andrew's parish where he continued to fulfill his pastoral duties faithfully until he succumbed to a fatal heart attack on January 15, 1938. Thus at the age of 53 the life of an inspiring Slovak Benedictine monk came to a sudden end. Father Gregory's writings remain as an immortal legacy of his cultural and religious endeavors, namely, the many articles in the Ave Maria magazine which he edited for several years, his translation of the Holy Rule of St. Benedict and a brief life history of the Patriarch of the West, his Holy Name Manuel, the Way of the Cross, a Catechism and his Slovak grammar, and many articles that appeared in Slovak periodicals throughout the country. During World War I Father Gregory was in the forefront of the struggle for the liberation of the Slovak nation from Magyar rule. When the Slovaks joined the Czechs in forming Czecho-Slovakia, he refused to accept a medal from the new state because the government in Prague failed to live up to the promise of self-government in Slovakia. Michael Bosak, Sr., a leading American Slovak banker and patriot and intimate friend of Father Gregory's, also refused the proffered honor for meritorious service in behalf of the liberation of the Slovaks from foreign rule. 70 SLOVAKIA Slovaks everywhere mourned the death of Father Gregory Vaniscak, a foremost Slovak Benedictine in America, the founder of St. Andrew Svorad Abbey in Cleveland, an indefatigable worker, a zealous priest, a great Slovak patriot and a faithful servant of the Lord in His wineyard who labored perseveringly until the end for God, our Country and the Slovak nation under God. SOURCES Slovenske relwle v Amerike (Slovak Religious Orders in America), Fr. Hrusovsky, Ph.D., Slovak Institute, Cleveland, Ohio, 1955. Dve sviite hodiny (Two Holy Hours ), Jednota, February 2, 1938 by Rev. Paschal Kavulic, O.S.B. Slovensky samostatny priorcit (The Slovak Independent Priory), Jednota kalendar, 1931, by Rev. Gregor K.Vaniscak, O.S.B. Rehor K. Vanisccik, O.S.B. (Tribute in the Jednota kalendar, 1931). Several eye-witnesses of the events recorded, also first-hand account of all Benedictine personalities mentioned from persons who knew them personally. FATHER JOSEPH J. DUL1K (SEPTEMBER 10, 1884-AUGUST 26, 1936) As I look over the list of accomplishments of our Slovak pioneer priests, I invariably say to myself: "All deserved to be honored highly for innumerable religious and cultural contributions. But not one of them received due recognition for a lifetime of devoted service and noble endeavor in behalf of our Slovak people." Father f>ulik was one of the most deserving leaders among our Slovak clergy. In a comparatively brief span of life, Father :t.>ulik as a priest accomplished extraordinary services for the Slovak immigrants. An ideal priest, he labored indefatigably with true apostolic zeal for the cause of Christ. He was a veritable lighthouse of faith. His widespread influence among Slovak Catholic organizations inspired them to foster the highest ideals of our national, religious and cultural traditions and yet he vanished from the scene of American Slovak life virtually unknown, except among his own compatriots. A SERVANT OF GOD Father Joseph :t.>ulik was born in Rovne, Trencin district, Slovakia, on September 10, 1884. His parents were Jan and Katarina f>ulik (nee Podkrivacky). After completing his SLOVAKIA 71 college education in Bratislava, zilina and Nitra he emigrated to the United States in 1904. He was enrolled in the diocesan seminary in Brooklyn, N. Y. where he was ordained five years later, on May 9, 1909. The new priest's first appointment was in an Irish parish, but he was soon given the assignment of organizing the Slovak parish of the Holy Family. In a short while he built a church and a rectory. Here he remained until November 12, 1912, when he was called to St. Michael's parish in Jessup, Pa. Before being transferred on March 1, 1916, to the Holy Ghost Slovak parish in Olyphant, Pa. he built a new school. Father t.>ulik was destined to remain in Olyphant until his untimely death twenty years later. Father !:>ulik's pastorate in Olyphant was marked by the building of a new church, a rectory and a Slovak cultural center-the latter in the renovated old church edifice. The parish under his inspiring leadership became the focal point of Slovak national and cultural activity in the entire area. Olyphant's Slovak community had complete confidence in Father f>ulik who devoted himself wholeheartedly to the spiritual, social and cultural welfare of his people. But his influence soon extended far beyond the confines of his parish, for he became involved in an extensive Slovak Catholic program that affected the destiny of the Slovak nation in America and in its native homeland. Moreover, he promoted a healthy ecumenical spirit in his personal intimate relationship with the Slovaks of the Lutheran faith. 1 A PILLAR IN THE SLOVAK CATHOLIC FEDERATION OF AMERICA At a critical time when it was necessary to maintain a proper perspective of the situation, it was Father t.>ulik's prudent leadership, honest convictions and genuine love for his people that brought him into national focus as a truly great leader in American Slovak life. After the first World War it was his role to win the Slovak Catholics to a pro-Hlinka outlook. In order to mitivate them in this direction Father t.>ulik made a decisive break with a number of organizations that did not share his views. As president of the Slovak Catholic Federation 72 SLOVAKIA he wrote a distinct chapter in the history of the Slovak nation, particularly as it affected his co-religionists. Even before his election as president of the federation, Father t'.>ulik had made his mark in Slovak national life. Had it not been for his initiative and the cooperation of Father Jan Kubasek (Yonkers, N. Y.) in 1919 the American Slovaks might have become sorely disunited. Under the auspices of the Slovak Catholic Federation, Father Anton Gracik was sent to Slovakia to invite a delegation of the Slovak People's Party (led by Andrej Hlinka) for a visit to America. The need for an exchange of views and united action in behalf of Slovak autonomy was a vital necessity because at a decisive stage of the Slovak nation's struggle for freedom the Slovak League of America, for lack of proper leadership, had lost its course and the mass of the American Slovaks was in a quandary. Soon after the coming of the Slovak delegation from overseas the matter was cleared up and the American Slovaks were again marching in the right direction. Father Joseph Rudinsky, a delegate of the Slovak People's Party, convinced the officers of the Slovak Catholic Federation to call a meeting of Slovak clergy and officers of all the Slovak societies in Pittsburgh, Pa. on November 19 and 20, 1919. Father t'.>ulik presided at the priests' meeting on November 19 and it was unanimously decided to support the program for Slovakia's autonomy in the frame-work of the newly-established Republic of CzechoSlovakia.2 The Slovak press throughout America hailed the announcement that was approved the following day by representatives of the various Slovak societies. At the above conference a proposal by Father i'.>ulik that a demand for the immediate release of Father Andrej Hlinka from prison be addressed to President Masaryk and that autonomy be put into effect in Slovakia ( an official paragraph in the Paris Peace Treaty) was adopted unanimously. 3 These measures were adopted at the convention of the Sdruzenie Slovenskych Katolikov ( Slovak Catholic Federation) on December 18, 1919, in Scranton, Pa. and Father t'.>ulik was elected president.4 On January 14, 1920, Father i'.>ulik called an executive meeting of the federation which voted 100,000 crowns to Andrej Hlinka, decided to issue a commemorative stamp SLOVAKIA 73 in his honor and added a sum of $5,000 for Catholic action in Slovakia. Father Joseph Rudinsky, and Joseph Kubala, the two delegates from Slovakia, were assured that the federation was completely in accord with the Hlinka movement for autonomy, and, as if to confirm this policy, they were named to the positions of organizer and assistant secretary of the Slovak Catholic Federation.5 Under Father !>ulik's leadership a nationwide newspaper campaign was inaugurated to demand the acceptance and ratification of the Pittsburgh Pact in Czecho-Slovakia. The Memorandum adopted by the central executive committee of the federation on April 7, 1920, was sent to the Slovak leaders in Slovakia. An outline of the reasons for insisting that the Pittsburgh Pact be adopted officially by the new government of Czecho-Slovakia was attached to the Memorandum that called attention to the fact that President Masaryk had personally signed the document guaranteeing Slovak autonomy. Moreover, a supplementary denial of any agreement with irridentist Magyar elements accompanied the Memorandum. Father !>ulik's signature to the document proved beyond a doubt that he was a dedicated patriot of the Slovak nation.6 Twenty thousand members in 189 assemblies throughout the United States were enrolled as members in less than a year before the Slovak Catholic Federation held its convention on October 13 and 14 in Chicago in 1920.7 Demands for Slovakia's autonomy were reiterated at t his convention in Chicago.8 Father f>ulik, spokesman for t he delegates representing the majority of the Slovaks in America, declared that failure to grant autonomy to the Slovak nation would make President Masaryk and his cohorts a laughing-stock before the whole world. 9 SUPREME CHAPLAIN OF THE FIRST CATHOLIC SLOVAK UNION (JEDNOTA) Outstanding personalities in the early pioneer days built First Catholic Slovak Union on strong foundations . Father !>ulik was one of the foremost leaders of the era, closely behind in influence to Fathers Furdek and Jankola. As the last of the remarkable trio in the first quarter of 74 SLOVAKIA the 20th century, his was a highly influential career in both our national and fraternal life as one of our greatest Jednota leaders who served the society and our common cause with distinction and honor until the end of his life. Jednota's 22nd national convention in Scranton, Pa. in 1926 saw the emergence of a new set of leaders, among them John Sabol who was destined to serve as supreme secretary for four decades. Andrej Hlinka was the guest of honor at this convention that elected him as Jednota's honorary supreme chaplain for life. It was a great moment for the Slovaks in America, and for Slovaks everywhere. The great champion of Slovak liberty was given a standing ovation after a special proclamation, expressing gratitude to him for his sacrifices in behalf of the Slovak nation, was read, and assurances were given that the Jednota stood behind him 100 % in the struggle to win Slovak national freedom and self-governing statehood according to the Pittsburgh Pact. At the same convention the Jednota delegates elected Father t:>ulik as the supreme chaplain, as if to place him alongside Hlinka upon whom they had conferred the honorary title of chaplain for life. 10 Recognized as a veritable golden link between the old and young, Father Dulik was re-elected at the New York convention in 1928 11 and again at the Detroit convention in 1931.12 Much more can be said of Father Dulik than merely to note that he had been elected and re-elected as supreme chaplain several times. His influence in both the Jednota and the Slovak Catholic Federation left an indelible mark on both organizations in which his official priestly office and dignity, moral power and love of the Slovak nation and American patriotism proved to be unmistakably great assets for unquestioned leadership in his time. At a critical stage in the history of the Slovaks in America whose influence was felt in their native homeland across the Atlantic, when it was somewhat popular to downgrade the Church and religion in general, the Jednota was the bulwark of the Faith of our Fathers. When Magyar chauvinists stopped at nothing to destroy the Slovak national spirit, it was the Jednota that provided the resources and the power to withstand the assaults of these foes of SLOVAKIA 75 Slovak freedom, foes who unfortunately sometimes found recruits for their ranks among ambitious or naive Slovaks themselves! Jednota leaders were not content to merely maintam a defensive position. They launched an effective offensive to rout the enemy and establish the natural right of the Slovak nation to its own democratic self-government in line with the Wilsonian principle of 'self-determinatio n for all nations.' Historically, it must be registered that the Jednota, from the highest officer to the last member, met the challenge of both the ancient and modern foes of Slovak freedom and helped immeasurably to liberate the Slovaks from Magyar rule in Hungary.13 Moral values for Father nulik rated an A-1 priority. Thus, the Jednota for him was a vital factor in Catholic action, and, thank God, under the truly Christian-inspired leadership of such leaders as Father Dulik the Jednota can rightfully and proudly claim that its policies have been guided by spiritual motives rather than material interests that are too often motivated by mere expediency. "Unique is the proper world to describe the total achievements of the Jednota, for it is undoubtedly great to have an organization with many thousands of members, to have a rich treasury, to have order and discipline, all of which have to a greater or less extent, as a matter of fact, but it is a far greater asset to cherish and foster our ancient Christian faith and traditions and to excel in moral virtue that contributed far more to our society in America than mere material wealth. I re-affirm unequivocally that the millions we have given out in benefits and that we shall distribute in the future cannot equal in value the spiritual benefits that have accrued to our members, Slovak nation and America directly as fruits of Jednota leadership in the past decades." 14 Father Dulik was fully aware of the vita! role of the Jednota, but he realized, too, that its work ultimately depended upon human beings. He always gave his full support, therefore, to his colleagues. His friendship with Joseph Husek, a noted journalist, was particularly strong and effective among the American Slovaks. These two complemented each other in the struggle for unity among 76 SLOVAKIA American Slovaks. This was an important and decisive factor when a number of Slovak priests organized opposition to Rusek. Father Dulik did not hesitate to side with his friend against a number of clerical opponents who attacked Rusek on the question of Slovak national freedom. 15 Husek's talents as editor Father nulik rightfully assessed and appreciated. Moreover, he did not doubt his sincerity, for he regarded Rusek as a true successor of Stefan Furdek in whose footsteps he followed to work in the true interests of the Jednota and the Slovak people. 16 Father nulik, unfortunately, became a victim of circumstances that seem to have plagued all of our great Slovak figures of the time. He suddenly lost his popularity at the very height of his brilliant career. A background to this ironical development is found in the minutes of the First Catholic Slovak Union. There we find a long list of intrigues and prejudices levelled against his person, as he himself outlined before his resignation at the annual executive meeting in 1933.17 Suddenly and unexpectedly a forceful personality was removed from the ranks of the Jednota. Father nulik's vision and dynamic energy were lost with his departure from the office of supreme chaplain. IN RETROSPECT: THE 1928 CONVENTION One of Father Dulik's proposals at the executive meeting in 1928, namely, to have a junior membership convention was immediately endorsed and the first such meeting was held at the Jednota Home in Middletown, Pa. in the summer of that very same year. A total of 170 delegates and more than 2,000 guests convened for this general assembly of our junior membership. As might be expected, the Man of the Hour was Father nulik. In his keynote address he called upon the entire assembly to foster the Slovak language, to cherish the ideals of the Slovak nation and to preserve our ancient national heritage of faith and freedom under God. 18 Hailed throughout the country in Slovak circles and publicized by the Slovak press, Father nulik's program stimulated such interest that the supreme chaplain was invited to speak at a series of programs in various parts of the country. He travelled extensively and created interest SLOVAKIA 77 everywhere in the common cause of our fraternal and national destiny as true sons of the land of our Slovak forefathers. 19 TREASURER OF THE SLOVAK CATHOLIC EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTE Slovak priests and laity, as a general rule, from the very beginning worked together in harmony in this country, and that included cooperation in cultural and national affairs. In the Slovak Catholic Educational Institute, for example, under the presidency of the genial Michael Bosak, Sr. the office of secretary was ably filled by the aggressive Joseph Husek, and the treasurer's post was entrusted to the highly respected Father i'.>ulik. This unusual trio did an excellent job of collecting a substantial sum of several hundred thousand dollars despite adverse economic conditions in the country. A nationwide appeal by Father f>ulik aroused the interest of his fellow Slovaks who contributed generously to the project of higher education. A number of American bishops not only endorsed the campaign in their dioceses but contributed financially, too.20 Michael Bosak's generosity and Father f>ulik's personality were a happy combination that won generous support among the clergy and laity. The Slovak press supported the campaign that enabled the Slovak Sisters of St. Cyril and Methodius to build a beautiful new Academy for girls in Danville, Pa. and the Slovak Benedictines to purchase a suitable site for their boys' Benedictine High School in Cleveland, Ohio. Father f>ulik in a brief span of time between two World Wars was a dynamic force in stimulating an active and vigorous interest in the preservation of the Slovak spirit and the enrichment of Slovak culture in America, as well as a tremendous growth of our Slovak fraternal organizations. A TRAGIC ENDING Father Joseph i'.>ulik's life came to a tragic end when he was drawned accidentally while on a routine fishing trip on the Delaware River on August 26, 1936. Although Father f>ulik's life was comparatively brief, 78 SLOVAKIA his highly concentrated energies were instrumental in successfully promoting the highest traditions of Slovak freedom, culture and faith that became intimately interwoven into a beautiful fabric of American Slovak life that bears the unique imprint of his indomitable character and skillful workmanship. Perhaps more than any single individual in the history of the Slovaks in America Father Dulik's influence brought out the primeval elements of our national Slovak Christian heritage, namely, an indestructible faith in God and His Church, an all consuming love of his Slovak brethren and a passionate aspiration for Slovak national freedom, as well as profound appreciation of the richness of our Slovak language, literature and culture. Translated by Andrew Pier, O.S.B. FOOTNOTES 1) "Rev. J. J. 1'.>ulik 20 rokov knazom" (Rev J . J. Dulik 20 years a priest). Slovak v Amerike, June 6, 1929, p. 2. 2) "Za krest'anske a autonomne Slovensko" (For a Christian and autonomous Slovakia). Jednota, November 26, 1919, p. 4. 3) "Uradna zprava schodze katolickych duchovnych a zastupcov kat. organizacil odbyvana dna 19. a 20. novembra 19-19 v Pittsburgh, Pa." ( Official report of the meeting of Catholic clergy and representatives of Catholic organizations on November 19 and 20, 1919 in Pittsburgh, Pa.), Jednota, December 3, 1919, p. 5. Signed by Father !>ullk and A. Pirhalla. 4) "Podrobnosti z konvencie Sdruzenia Slov. Katolikov" (From the report of the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation ), Jednota, November 24, 1919, p. 1. 5) "Vaznejsie uznesenia Sdruz. SI. Katolikov (More important proceedings of the Slovak Catholic Federation), Jednota, January 28, 1920, p. 1. 6) The complete text of the Memorandum in the Jednota of May 26, 1920, p. 5. Signatures of Fr. Jozef !>ulik, president, Fr. Stefan Kocis, secretary and Jozef Husek, member of the executive committee. 7) "Konvencia Sdruzenia Slovenskych Katolikov" (Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation), Jednota, October 20, 1920, p. 1. Reports from the convention confirmed Fr. !>ulik's principle expressed when he was elected president: "I am not a friend of programmed speeches, or articles. I prefer to do more than I promise." "Sdruzenie Katolikov," Jednota, January 7, 1920, p. 1. Father Klemo Hrtanek was elected president in Chicago. 8) Quote: "The Slovak Catholic Federation today is in favor of autonomous Slovakia and it will continue to support Slovak autonomy SLOVAKIA 79 until the flag of Slovak autonomy waves above the Tatras in the framework of the Czecho-Slovak Republic." ... Rev. G. K. Vaniscak, O.S.B., "Po konvencii Sdruzenia Slovenskych Katolikov" (After the Convention of the Slovak Catholic Federation), Jednota, October 20, 1920, p. 4. 9) "Rev. Moysovi, " Jednota, March 13, 1920, p. 4. 10) Report of his election in the Minutes of the 22nd Convention of the Jednota (First Catholic Slovak Union), p. 254. Data in the minutes about the presence and election of Msgr. Andrej ffiinka. 11 ) Minutes from the 23rd Convention of the First Catholic Slovak Union, p. 288. 12) Minutes from the 24th Convention of the Jednota, p . 540. 13) "40 rokov" (40 Years) , Jednota, May 20, 1931, p. 1. 14) Minutes from the 24th Convention of the First Catholic Slovak Union, p. 17. 15) Matter pertaining to a pro-Magyar Slovak priest, Rev. Dr. Jehli~ka, and his comrades in America. See Minutes from the 24th Conv ention of the First Catholic Slovak Union, pp. 20-21. 16) "40 rokov" (40 Years), Jednota, May 20, 1931, p. 1. 17) Compare the Minutes from the annual meeting of the executive committee of the F.C.S.U. (Jednota), 1932, p. 3 pertaining to Fr. f>ulik's complaints with Husek's editorial "S Bohom . .. do videnia" (Goodbye, until we meet again) in the February 3, 1932, issue of the Jednota weekly. 18) Sermon on July 16, 1928, in St. Patrick's Cathedral, Harrisburg, Pa. Compare the report on the first convention of the young membership (Junior Branch) in the July 18, 1928, p. 1 issue of the Jednota. Details are given in this report. 19) "Rev. Joseph J . Dulik," Jednota issue of May 23, 1934. Contemporary critics agreed that Fr. f>ulik was a good preacher and an eloquent speaker. 20) Bishops Philip McDevitt of Harrisburg, Pa., Joseph Schrembs of Cleveland, Ohio, and T. C. O'Reilly of Scranton, Pa. endorsed the campaign of the Slovak Catholic Educational Institute for their Slovak priests. Bishop O'Reilly donated $1,000 and Bishop Thomas Walsh of Trenton gave $250 to the campaign. At a meeting of the Slovaks in T11enton Bishop Walsh recommended that the young Slovaks ought to learn the Slovak language, a language that has been spoken and written for hundreds of years. See Jednota issue of April 11, 1928, p. 4. Bishop Schrembs wrote an official letter in behalf of the Slovak Catholic Educational Institute. See the Jednota issue of April 24, 1929, p.1. SOURCES Minutes of the 22nd, 23rd and 24th Convention of the Jednota, and Minutes of the annual meeting of the executive committee of the First Catholic Slovak Union for the following years: 1928 through 1932. Kalendar Jednota, Middletown, Pa., 1937, p. 91.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak Pioneers in America: Reverend Gregory Vaniščák, O.S.B. Description An account of the resource Jozef Paučo, Ph.D. Slovakia, Vol. 24 (No. 47), 1974 pp. 67-79 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paučo, Jozef, 1914-1975 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1974 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/10a79fa5440b0a074f48c5bfe4dca5ce.pdf 1c0016b37d210ef68e238bf3a3d5796a PDF Text Text 28 SLOVAKIA 70th Anniversary of the Slovak People's Party By Joseph Pa u co, Ph.D. Ferko Skycak, a prominent and able Slovak political leader before World War I, announced that he was dropping out of the Magyar Popular Party on December 5, 1905, and simultaneously called upon his Slovak colleagues to organize a new Slovak political party to serve the best interests of the Slovak nation. Immediate response to Skycak's proposal came from Andrej Hlinka, Ferdis Juriga, Frantisek Jehlicka, Jozef Kubina, Milan Hodza, Martin Kollar, Pavol Blaho and others. All supported and approved his political program. In 1906 the newly-formed Slovak People's Party (Slovenska l'udova strana) entered the political arena in Hungary and, despite bitter official government opposition, the Slovaks elected seven representatives to the Hungarian diet in Budapest. The political platform of the Slovak People's Party of 1906 consisted of the following points: 1) Cc,ndemnation of Communism and Socialism 2) Support of the issue for equal rights and a secret ballot 3) Demand for free assembly and the right to organize societies 4) Reduction of taxes 5) Laws to prevent economic road-blocks to industry in Slovakia 6) An increased number of schools an d a guarantee of positions and equitable salaries for qualified Slovak teachers 7) Subsidy for special commercial, trade and agricultural schools 8) Assurance to workers against capitalistic exploitation 9) Reduction of working-hours and an increase of wages �SLOVAKIA 29 Although limited by circumstances of time and place, the new Slovak political party activated the program and continued its activities. Andrej Hlinka, the chairman of the party from 1913, reorganized it on December 19, 1918, and announced the publication of the Slovak as the official party newspaper. Chief opposition to the party came from the Socialists who attacked Hlinka and his followers by charges that they all belonged to the Magyar-Jesuit camp. They stopped at nothing to destroy the Slovak People's Party. They instigated plots and violently broke up meetings of the party. The government insidiously collaborated with them by censoring the publication of the Slovak daily, by stopping delivery to subscribers, by police raids and confiscation of material for publication, and by secret instigation of riots to break up meetings and rallies of the Slovak People's Party. Mobs received help from the police and constabulary in dispersing meetings of the party throughout the country. Two of Hlinka's adherents were killed in the Rumanova riot and many were wounded elsewhere in riots instigated by the enemies of Hlinka's Slovak People's Party through the 1920's and early 1930's. Hlinka was seized by the police on October, 1919, and imprisoned because he had dared to attend the Paris peace conference (without government approval). This obviously was a subterfuge to cover up the government's plan to destroy his party by removing its stalwart champion. Precisely 17 days before the first national elections in the country (1920) a Socialist mob invaded Hlinka's 'Lev' printery in Ruzomberok and damaged the plant. In spite of all these attempts to destroy the Slovak party of the people led by Hlinka, the Slovak People's Party received 12 mandates in the general elections. After the elections Hlinka declared that he would work day and night until Slovakia became white instead of red, until Slovakia would be Slovak and Christian. On the whole, the temporary Socialist victory was due not only to the terroristic tactics employed but also to the fact that approximately 200,000 Czech soldiers voted the Socialist ticket in Slovakia! Leaders of the Slovak People's Party readily perceived, therefore, the danger of an anti- �30 SLOVAKIA Slovak movement in the Socialist program. Therefore, the representatives of the Slovak People's Party denounced the results of the vote as undemocratic and in no way representative of the will of the Slovak nation and its electorate. Nonetheless, the Socialists, intoxicated by their questionable triumph for the moment, proceeded to take steps for the complete subjugation of Slovakia. But their greatest tactical error was their personal vendetta against Hlinka and his associates. Accordingly, on May 1, 1920, a Socialist mob attacked Hlinka in Ruzomberok. Forewarned, Hlinka was protected by a strong bodyguard that warded off the attack on his life. Other violent clashes followed this dastardly attempt on the life of the great Slovak leader. In August, 1920, a Slovak party member was killed in Pruske; Hlinka was stoned in sastin on September 26 that same year, and on October 10, two of Hlinka's followers were murdered in Namestovo. From 1920 on, as Karol Sidor noted, the radical leftists of the Socialist party and its allies vowed to kill Hlinka at the first opportunity. Bloody incidents occurred repeatedly through the early 1920's. On March 25, 1921, one more Hlinka follower in Trnava paid with his life for his convictions. In Krupina on June 12, 1921, shooting occured in Hlinka's presence. Fortunately, no one was seriously wounded. A riot in Trencianske Teplice on July 4, 1921, was followed by an outbreak in Malacky on September 4, 1921, and on May 25, 1922, a mob broke into the editorial offices of the Slovak daily and destroyed everything. Government censorship and pressure were so powerful that Hlinka was forced to suspend the publication of the Slovak temporarily in 1923. Anti-Slovak elements on August 28, 1923, in Presov, and in Kosice on September 22 of that year attacked a Hlinka rally. Czech officials displayed their opposition and enmity to Hlinka openly, and criminal characters were planted in the front ranks of mobs incited to destroy Hlinka's Slovak People's Party. Another Hlinka follower was killed in Kosice during a demonstration. Such terroristic methods of the leftists against Hlinka, however, served to wake up the Slovak people who rallied behind their dynamic leader and succeeded in electing half �SLOVAKIA 31 of the local officials who were members of the Slovak People's Party in the elections of September 30, 1923. Once again the Socialists rose up in fury against Hlinka, but this time the Slovak people were thoroughly aroused so that on September 6, 1924, on the eve of Hlinka's 60th birthday, his party had become powerful enough to win respect from its violent opponents. Dr. Vavro i:;robar, one of Hlinka's most outspoken opponents, was forced to admit on October 28, of that year, that "the Slovak People's Party was a national party in which the spirit of nationalism was a rejuvenated and vigorous force." A final tally of 489,027 votes was garnered by the Slovak People's Party in the parliamentary elections of 1925. This strong vote made the party the most dominant Slovak party among the total of 29 political parties in Slovakia and Bohemia. Beginning in 1927, the tactics of the Slovak People's Party were changed in the hope that a coalition inside the government would bring about better results. But by October, 1929, after a series of failures, it became apparent its hope for success in obtaining just rights for the Slovak nation rested solely upon its own individual action. The decision to proceed on its course without any ties with the government in Prague met with an increase in membership at home and a series of successes followed under the new policy. From 1925 on, the Slovak People's Party succeeded in gaining at least 50 % of the votes in the parliamentary campaigns in Slovakia. It is a well known fact that Hlinka's political strength lay in the vote of the farmers, but he had a strong '.following among the workers, too, and his influence among educated young Slovaks increased steadily. Turbulent, indeed, were the meetings and political rallies that attracted five to ten thousand members of the Slovak People's Party in the first years of the Czecho-Slovak Republic in the 1920's. As overflow crowd of Slovaks came to Nitra in 1933 for the 11th centennial Pribina celebration. There more than 100,000 demonstrated that the people's choice was unquestionably Hlinka, and not the official government representatives flanked by hundreds of police and soldiers. �32 SLOVAKIA Piest'any in 1936 was the host city to an outpouring of 30,000 members of the Slovak People's Party for a conference, and on June 4 and 5, 1938, on the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the Pittsburgh Pact, over a hundred thousand people came from all parts of Slovakia to Bratislava to welcome the American Slovak delegation that brought the original of the Pittsburgh Pact for the national celebration. The reading of the document was met with a resounding cheer of approval from the great crowd in the Slovak capital. Andrej Hlinka, on the basis of this historic document for the self-government or autonomy of Slovakia, expressed his unequivocal approval of the Pittsburgh Pact in the spirit of the American Slovaks who drew it up on the one side, and signed by Thomas G. Masaryk on the other, on May 30, 1918. There was no doubt that the absolute majority of American Slovaks were in favor of Hlinka's movement that was dedicated to win freedom for the Slovak nation, freedom in its self-government or autonomous state. At this time the first generation of Slovak immigrants controlled the Slovak organizations and periodicals in America. One can safely assume that the number of Hlinka's followers in America was at least 400,000. It was natural for the American Slovaks under the leadership of the Slovak League of America to work hand in hand with Hlinka. They were intensely proud of their creation of the Pittsburgh Pact which was the expression of their aspirations and the first step towards realizing the right of the Slovak nation to self-government. Slovak emigrants who returned to their native homeland from America were imbued with the American spirit of freedom and democracy. Not one of these opposed Hlinka. At least I never heard of such a person. On the contrary, they became his most ardent and loyal followers. Perhaps that is why even the internal structure of Hlinka's Slovak People's Party differed basically from all the other political parties inside Czecho-Slovakia. While the Czech political parties represented classes, various trades or occupations, etc., the Slovak People's Party and its associate, the Slovak National Party, success- �SLOVAKIA 33 fully recruited party members from all walks of life. Hence, is was truly representative of the entire Slovak nation. One of the blessings of the influence of the Slovak People's Party accrued to the Matica Slovenska ( Slovak Institute) in Turciansky Svaty Martin, which was able to get rid of all foreign elements in its administration. At the Slovak University in Bratislava, too, the growing power of the Slovak People's Party was felt as the positions of Czech professors became shaky. Slovak college and university students there became enthusiastic ( and sometimes radical J members of the Slovak People's Party in which they formed the nucleus of the most loyal followers of Hlinka and Razus. Hlinka's sincere attempt to cooperate with Czech Catholics ended in failure. He abandoned the idea and proceeded to concentrate on his own program that was vital to the interests of the Slovak nation. In the early 1930's the Slovak National Party under Razus joined Hlinka's Slovak People's Party. This was a solid bloc for Slovak autonomy established in agreement with the view of Dr. Tiso who declared that in Slovak politics a Slovak Lutheran was closer to a Slovak Catholic than a Czech Catholic. Autonomy was the primary and ultimate goal of Hlinka's Slovak People's Party. True, however, it was but another small step from there to statehood.'In March, 1939, it would have been a crime, and as an aftermath, national suicide, to have acted otherwise than did the Slovak leaders who declared national independence and set up an independent Slovak Republic. The alternative was to let the Slovak nation become a victim of several alien protectorates, reduced to complete slavery under the complete control of no less than three different states. As a direct consequence of the heroic decision ( and fateful personally to many who were courageous and bold enough to make it for the welfare of the Slovak nation) the Slovak People's Party gave the Slovak nation a long list of national martyrs, headed by President Tiso and Prime Minister Vojtech Tuka. But their brave action saved the Slovak nation from enslavement at the hands of several foreign powers. Before the end of the second World War the first to die because of their alliance with the heroic men who held �34 SLOVAKIA the Slovak rtation intact durin~ the entire worldwide conflict were two Slovak parliament members, namely, Frantisek Slamen and Fr. Anton salat. They died at the hahds of the apocalyptic forces of the East and their traitorous allies during the pro-Communist rebellion in the fall of 1944. Many more suffered and died for the self-same sacred cause of faith and freedom in the years that followed the so-called Soviet liberation of the country. Although the Slovak People's Party was completely liquidated after the second World War by the communist regime, the communists and their allies continued to blame all anti-state activities upon a party that no longer existed. Of course, the underlying reason was on both sides. What Karel Svetlik, a Czech commubist, declared Jn 1922 was applied in the postwar years because "We are a political party," Svetlik stated, "that is farthest removed from the people's party." Marly examples of Christian fortitude were g1ven in past decades atnong the ·ranks of the Slovak People's Party that 6ontributed much n'lbre than the mere Winning of votes or the victory of partisan politics. Hundreds suffered and died fdr their honest convictions at the hands of theit undemocratic foes. In the process of developing the Slovak nation to full maturity the final stages may be attributed largely to the efforts of the Slovak Peop!e's Party. As a matter of fact, the handful of communists would not have dared to ask for anything in the Kosice Agreement at the end of the second World War had not the Slovak People's Party in the Slovak Republic held the Slovak nation united during the war. To tell the truth, however, the agreement documented between the Slovak communists and the postwar government of Czecho-Slovakia was a long cry frotn the Pittsburgh Pact, but it at least basically recognized the existence or the Slovak nation! That essentially was the outcome of Hlinka's struggle and the result of the Slovak Republic, a final culmination of the internal conflicts between two World Wars. If in the free world today those who were on Iflinka's side as active participants, or merely sympathizers, discuss the Slovak problem as an international problem, they give voice to one of the first objectives of the reorganized Slovak �SLOVAKIA 35 People's Party in 1922. Its program opened with the following declaration: The Slovak problem c-zased being merely an internal problem of one state a long time ago. It has become actually a critical internati onal problem in our time. Whoever would defend his views with such a "reactionary" program could truly congratulate himself. It is time that we pay tribute to Andrej Hlinka for his vision and sacrifice in behalf of the Slovak nation and to Dr. Jozef Tiso who died for his resolute decision to bring the Slovak problem into the international sphere and before the world forum. The Slovak People's Party played an honorable role in the political life of the Slovak nation, and its place in history ranks high in the light of incontestable evidence that remains as a permanent record of achievement and an inspiration for all who seek great ideals and permanent values in Slovak politics of that era. SOURCES Jozef Pauco, Politicko-narodny program HS~S (The national political program of the Hlinka Slovak People's Party ), Brati,lava, 1944. Slovaci a komunizmus (Slovaks and Communism), Middletown, Pa., 1957. 75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty (75 Years of the First Catholic Slovak Union), Cleveland, Ohio, 1955. Andrej Hlinka v Amerike (Andrej Hlinka in America), Kalendar J ednota, Middletown, Pa ., 1927. Karol Sidor, Andrej Hlinka (Andre w Hlinka), Bratislava, 1934 . . I recently found myself again reading the No. 47 issue of your annual Slovakia in an effort to gain more informational material on Slovak life and culture. Slovakia is the only really authoritative source for information on this region. It is useful in research, studies, teachin ~ and documentary and lecture preparation. I am most pleased to be able to receive Slovakia. Finally, I have had occasion to use Slovakia in lecturing to student3 and other interested groups on Slovak life and culture, and also in research. Several associates havl! read Slovakia issues of the past and they tell me they have gained new and interesting insights and knowledge into Slovakia's history, political development, the Slovak people and their customs, culture, and life. Earl J. Bornschein, Fort Atkinson, Wisconsin � 28 SLOVAKIA 70th Anniversary of the Slovak People's Party By Joseph Pa u co, Ph.D. Ferko Skycak, a prominent and able Slovak political leader before World War I, announced that he was dropping out of the Magyar Popular Party on December 5, 1905, and simultaneously called upon his Slovak colleagues to organize a new Slovak political party to serve the best interests of the Slovak nation. Immediate response to Skycak's proposal came from Andrej Hlinka, Ferdis Juriga, Frantisek Jehlicka, Jozef Kubina, Milan Hodza, Martin Kollar, Pavol Blaho and others. All supported and approved his political program. In 1906 the newly-formed Slovak People's Party (Slovenska l'udova strana) entered the political arena in Hungary and, despite bitter official government opposition, the Slovaks elected seven representatives to the Hungarian diet in Budapest. The political platform of the Slovak People's Party of 1906 consisted of the following points: 1) Cc,ndemnation of Communism and Socialism 2) Support of the issue for equal rights and a secret ballot 3) Demand for free assembly and the right to organize societies 4) Reduction of taxes 5) Laws to prevent economic road-blocks to industry in Slovakia 6) An increased number of schools an d a guarantee of positions and equitable salaries for qualified Slovak teachers 7) Subsidy for special commercial, trade and agricultural schools 8) Assurance to workers against capitalistic exploitation 9) Reduction of working-hours and an increase of wages �SLOVAKIA 29 Although limited by circumstances of time and place, the new Slovak political party activated the program and continued its activities. Andrej Hlinka, the chairman of the party from 1913, reorganized it on December 19, 1918, and announced the publication of the Slovak as the official party newspaper. Chief opposition to the party came from the Socialists who attacked Hlinka and his followers by charges that they all belonged to the Magyar-Jesuit camp. They stopped at nothing to destroy the Slovak People's Party. They instigated plots and violently broke up meetings of the party. The government insidiously collaborated with them by censoring the publication of the Slovak daily, by stopping delivery to subscribers, by police raids and confiscation of material for publication, and by secret instigation of riots to break up meetings and rallies of the Slovak People's Party. Mobs received help from the police and constabulary in dispersing meetings of the party throughout the country. Two of Hlinka's adherents were killed in the Rumanova riot and many were wounded elsewhere in riots instigated by the enemies of Hlinka's Slovak People's Party through the 1920's and early 1930's. Hlinka was seized by the police on October, 1919, and imprisoned because he had dared to attend the Paris peace conference (without government approval). This obviously was a subterfuge to cover up the government's plan to destroy his party by removing its stalwart champion. Precisely 17 days before the first national elections in the country (1920) a Socialist mob invaded Hlinka's 'Lev' printery in Ruzomberok and damaged the plant. In spite of all these attempts to destroy the Slovak party of the people led by Hlinka, the Slovak People's Party received 12 mandates in the general elections. After the elections Hlinka declared that he would work day and night until Slovakia became white instead of red, until Slovakia would be Slovak and Christian. On the whole, the temporary Socialist victory was due not only to the terroristic tactics employed but also to the fact that approximately 200,000 Czech soldiers voted the Socialist ticket in Slovakia! Leaders of the Slovak People's Party readily perceived, therefore, the danger of an anti- �30 SLOVAKIA Slovak movement in the Socialist program. Therefore, the representatives of the Slovak People's Party denounced the results of the vote as undemocratic and in no way representative of the will of the Slovak nation and its electorate. Nonetheless, the Socialists, intoxicated by their questionable triumph for the moment, proceeded to take steps for the complete subjugation of Slovakia. But their greatest tactical error was their personal vendetta against Hlinka and his associates. Accordingly, on May 1, 1920, a Socialist mob attacked Hlinka in Ruzomberok. Forewarned, Hlinka was protected by a strong bodyguard that warded off the attack on his life. Other violent clashes followed this dastardly attempt on the life of the great Slovak leader. In August, 1920, a Slovak party member was killed in Pruske; Hlinka was stoned in sastin on September 26 that same year, and on October 10, two of Hlinka's followers were murdered in Namestovo. From 1920 on, as Karol Sidor noted, the radical leftists of the Socialist party and its allies vowed to kill Hlinka at the first opportunity. Bloody incidents occurred repeatedly through the early 1920's. On March 25, 1921, one more Hlinka follower in Trnava paid with his life for his convictions. In Krupina on June 12, 1921, shooting occured in Hlinka's presence. Fortunately, no one was seriously wounded. A riot in Trencianske Teplice on July 4, 1921, was followed by an outbreak in Malacky on September 4, 1921, and on May 25, 1922, a mob broke into the editorial offices of the Slovak daily and destroyed everything. Government censorship and pressure were so powerful that Hlinka was forced to suspend the publication of the Slovak temporarily in 1923. Anti-Slovak elements on August 28, 1923, in Presov, and in Kosice on September 22 of that year attacked a Hlinka rally. Czech officials displayed their opposition and enmity to Hlinka openly, and criminal characters were planted in the front ranks of mobs incited to destroy Hlinka's Slovak People's Party. Another Hlinka follower was killed in Kosice during a demonstration. Such terroristic methods of the leftists against Hlinka, however, served to wake up the Slovak people who rallied behind their dynamic leader and succeeded in electing half �SLOVAKIA 31 of the local officials who were members of the Slovak People's Party in the elections of September 30, 1923. Once again the Socialists rose up in fury against Hlinka, but this time the Slovak people were thoroughly aroused so that on September 6, 1924, on the eve of Hlinka's 60th birthday, his party had become powerful enough to win respect from its violent opponents. Dr. Vavro i:;robar, one of Hlinka's most outspoken opponents, was forced to admit on October 28, of that year, that "the Slovak People's Party was a national party in which the spirit of nationalism was a rejuvenated and vigorous force." A final tally of 489,027 votes was garnered by the Slovak People's Party in the parliamentary elections of 1925. This strong vote made the party the most dominant Slovak party among the total of 29 political parties in Slovakia and Bohemia. Beginning in 1927, the tactics of the Slovak People's Party were changed in the hope that a coalition inside the government would bring about better results. But by October, 1929, after a series of failures, it became apparent its hope for success in obtaining just rights for the Slovak nation rested solely upon its own individual action. The decision to proceed on its course without any ties with the government in Prague met with an increase in membership at home and a series of successes followed under the new policy. From 1925 on, the Slovak People's Party succeeded in gaining at least 50 % of the votes in the parliamentary campaigns in Slovakia. It is a well known fact that Hlinka's political strength lay in the vote of the farmers, but he had a strong '.following among the workers, too, and his influence among educated young Slovaks increased steadily. Turbulent, indeed, were the meetings and political rallies that attracted five to ten thousand members of the Slovak People's Party in the first years of the Czecho-Slovak Republic in the 1920's. As overflow crowd of Slovaks came to Nitra in 1933 for the 11th centennial Pribina celebration. There more than 100,000 demonstrated that the people's choice was unquestionably Hlinka, and not the official government representatives flanked by hundreds of police and soldiers. �32 SLOVAKIA Piest'any in 1936 was the host city to an outpouring of 30,000 members of the Slovak People's Party for a conference, and on June 4 and 5, 1938, on the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the Pittsburgh Pact, over a hundred thousand people came from all parts of Slovakia to Bratislava to welcome the American Slovak delegation that brought the original of the Pittsburgh Pact for the national celebration. The reading of the document was met with a resounding cheer of approval from the great crowd in the Slovak capital. Andrej Hlinka, on the basis of this historic document for the self-government or autonomy of Slovakia, expressed his unequivocal approval of the Pittsburgh Pact in the spirit of the American Slovaks who drew it up on the one side, and signed by Thomas G. Masaryk on the other, on May 30, 1918. There was no doubt that the absolute majority of American Slovaks were in favor of Hlinka's movement that was dedicated to win freedom for the Slovak nation, freedom in its self-government or autonomous state. At this time the first generation of Slovak immigrants controlled the Slovak organizations and periodicals in America. One can safely assume that the number of Hlinka's followers in America was at least 400,000. It was natural for the American Slovaks under the leadership of the Slovak League of America to work hand in hand with Hlinka. They were intensely proud of their creation of the Pittsburgh Pact which was the expression of their aspirations and the first step towards realizing the right of the Slovak nation to self-government. Slovak emigrants who returned to their native homeland from America were imbued with the American spirit of freedom and democracy. Not one of these opposed Hlinka. At least I never heard of such a person. On the contrary, they became his most ardent and loyal followers. Perhaps that is why even the internal structure of Hlinka's Slovak People's Party differed basically from all the other political parties inside Czecho-Slovakia. While the Czech political parties represented classes, various trades or occupations, etc., the Slovak People's Party and its associate, the Slovak National Party, success- �SLOVAKIA 33 fully recruited party members from all walks of life. Hence, is was truly representative of the entire Slovak nation. One of the blessings of the influence of the Slovak People's Party accrued to the Matica Slovenska ( Slovak Institute) in Turciansky Svaty Martin, which was able to get rid of all foreign elements in its administration. At the Slovak University in Bratislava, too, the growing power of the Slovak People's Party was felt as the positions of Czech professors became shaky. Slovak college and university students there became enthusiastic ( and sometimes radical J members of the Slovak People's Party in which they formed the nucleus of the most loyal followers of Hlinka and Razus. Hlinka's sincere attempt to cooperate with Czech Catholics ended in failure. He abandoned the idea and proceeded to concentrate on his own program that was vital to the interests of the Slovak nation. In the early 1930's the Slovak National Party under Razus joined Hlinka's Slovak People's Party. This was a solid bloc for Slovak autonomy established in agreement with the view of Dr. Tiso who declared that in Slovak politics a Slovak Lutheran was closer to a Slovak Catholic than a Czech Catholic. Autonomy was the primary and ultimate goal of Hlinka's Slovak People's Party. True, however, it was but another small step from there to statehood.'In March, 1939, it would have been a crime, and as an aftermath, national suicide, to have acted otherwise than did the Slovak leaders who declared national independence and set up an independent Slovak Republic. The alternative was to let the Slovak nation become a victim of several alien protectorates, reduced to complete slavery under the complete control of no less than three different states. As a direct consequence of the heroic decision ( and fateful personally to many who were courageous and bold enough to make it for the welfare of the Slovak nation) the Slovak People's Party gave the Slovak nation a long list of national martyrs, headed by President Tiso and Prime Minister Vojtech Tuka. But their brave action saved the Slovak nation from enslavement at the hands of several foreign powers. Before the end of the second World War the first to die because of their alliance with the heroic men who held �34 SLOVAKIA the Slovak rtation intact durin~ the entire worldwide conflict were two Slovak parliament members, namely, Frantisek Slamen and Fr. Anton salat. They died at the hahds of the apocalyptic forces of the East and their traitorous allies during the pro-Communist rebellion in the fall of 1944. Many more suffered and died for the self-same sacred cause of faith and freedom in the years that followed the so-called Soviet liberation of the country. Although the Slovak People's Party was completely liquidated after the second World War by the communist regime, the communists and their allies continued to blame all anti-state activities upon a party that no longer existed. Of course, the underlying reason was on both sides. What Karel Svetlik, a Czech commubist, declared Jn 1922 was applied in the postwar years because "We are a political party," Svetlik stated, "that is farthest removed from the people's party." Marly examples of Christian fortitude were g1ven in past decades atnong the ·ranks of the Slovak People's Party that 6ontributed much n'lbre than the mere Winning of votes or the victory of partisan politics. Hundreds suffered and died fdr their honest convictions at the hands of theit undemocratic foes. In the process of developing the Slovak nation to full maturity the final stages may be attributed largely to the efforts of the Slovak Peop!e's Party. As a matter of fact, the handful of communists would not have dared to ask for anything in the Kosice Agreement at the end of the second World War had not the Slovak People's Party in the Slovak Republic held the Slovak nation united during the war. To tell the truth, however, the agreement documented between the Slovak communists and the postwar government of Czecho-Slovakia was a long cry frotn the Pittsburgh Pact, but it at least basically recognized the existence or the Slovak nation! That essentially was the outcome of Hlinka's struggle and the result of the Slovak Republic, a final culmination of the internal conflicts between two World Wars. If in the free world today those who were on Iflinka's side as active participants, or merely sympathizers, discuss the Slovak problem as an international problem, they give voice to one of the first objectives of the reorganized Slovak �SLOVAKIA 35 People's Party in 1922. Its program opened with the following declaration: The Slovak problem c-zased being merely an internal problem of one state a long time ago. It has become actually a critical internati onal problem in our time. Whoever would defend his views with such a "reactionary" program could truly congratulate himself. It is time that we pay tribute to Andrej Hlinka for his vision and sacrifice in behalf of the Slovak nation and to Dr. Jozef Tiso who died for his resolute decision to bring the Slovak problem into the international sphere and before the world forum. The Slovak People's Party played an honorable role in the political life of the Slovak nation, and its place in history ranks high in the light of incontestable evidence that remains as a permanent record of achievement and an inspiration for all who seek great ideals and permanent values in Slovak politics of that era. SOURCES Jozef Pauco, Politicko-narodny program HS~S (The national political program of the Hlinka Slovak People's Party ), Brati,lava, 1944. Slovaci a komunizmus (Slovaks and Communism), Middletown, Pa., 1957. 75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty (75 Years of the First Catholic Slovak Union), Cleveland, Ohio, 1955. Andrej Hlinka v Amerike (Andrej Hlinka in America), Kalendar J ednota, Middletown, Pa ., 1927. Karol Sidor, Andrej Hlinka (Andre w Hlinka), Bratislava, 1934 . . I recently found myself again reading the No. 47 issue of your annual Slovakia in an effort to gain more informational material on Slovak life and culture. Slovakia is the only really authoritative source for information on this region. It is useful in research, studies, teachin ~ and documentary and lecture preparation. I am most pleased to be able to receive Slovakia. Finally, I have had occasion to use Slovakia in lecturing to student3 and other interested groups on Slovak life and culture, and also in research. Several associates havl! read Slovakia issues of the past and they tell me they have gained new and interesting insights and knowledge into Slovakia's history, political development, the Slovak people and their customs, culture, and life. Earl J. Bornschein, Fort Atkinson, Wisconsin � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1975, Vol. 25 Description An account of the resource Vol. 25 (No. 48), 1975. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1975 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 28 SLOVAKIA 70th Anniversary of the Slovak People's Party By Joseph Pa u co, Ph.D. Ferko Skycak, a prominent and able Slovak political leader before World War I, announced that he was dropping out of the Magyar Popular Party on December 5, 1905, and simultaneously called upon his Slovak colleagues to organize a new Slovak political party to serve the best interests of the Slovak nation. Immediate response to Skycak's proposal came from Andrej Hlinka, Ferdis Juriga, Frantisek Jehlicka, Jozef Kubina, Milan Hodza, Martin Kollar, Pavol Blaho and others. All supported and approved his political program. In 1906 the newly-formed Slovak People's Party (Slovenska l'udova strana) entered the political arena in Hungary and, despite bitter official government opposition, the Slovaks elected seven representatives to the Hungarian diet in Budapest. The political platform of the Slovak People's Party of 1906 consisted of the following points: 1) Cc,ndemnation of Communism and Socialism 2) Support of the issue for equal rights and a secret ballot 3) Demand for free assembly and the right to organize societies 4) Reduction of taxes 5) Laws to prevent economic road-blocks to industry in Slovakia 6) An increased number of schools an d a guarantee of positions and equitable salaries for qualified Slovak teachers 7) Subsidy for special commercial, trade and agricultural schools 8) Assurance to workers against capitalistic exploitation 9) Reduction of working-hours and an increase of wages SLOVAKIA 29 Although limited by circumstances of time and place, the new Slovak political party activated the program and continued its activities. Andrej Hlinka, the chairman of the party from 1913, reorganized it on December 19, 1918, and announced the publication of the Slovak as the official party newspaper. Chief opposition to the party came from the Socialists who attacked Hlinka and his followers by charges that they all belonged to the Magyar-Jesuit camp. They stopped at nothing to destroy the Slovak People's Party. They instigated plots and violently broke up meetings of the party. The government insidiously collaborated with them by censoring the publication of the Slovak daily, by stopping delivery to subscribers, by police raids and confiscation of material for publication, and by secret instigation of riots to break up meetings and rallies of the Slovak People's Party. Mobs received help from the police and constabulary in dispersing meetings of the party throughout the country. Two of Hlinka's adherents were killed in the Rumanova riot and many were wounded elsewhere in riots instigated by the enemies of Hlinka's Slovak People's Party through the 1920's and early 1930's. Hlinka was seized by the police on October, 1919, and imprisoned because he had dared to attend the Paris peace conference (without government approval). This obviously was a subterfuge to cover up the government's plan to destroy his party by removing its stalwart champion. Precisely 17 days before the first national elections in the country (1920) a Socialist mob invaded Hlinka's 'Lev' printery in Ruzomberok and damaged the plant. In spite of all these attempts to destroy the Slovak party of the people led by Hlinka, the Slovak People's Party received 12 mandates in the general elections. After the elections Hlinka declared that he would work day and night until Slovakia became white instead of red, until Slovakia would be Slovak and Christian. On the whole, the temporary Socialist victory was due not only to the terroristic tactics employed but also to the fact that approximately 200,000 Czech soldiers voted the Socialist ticket in Slovakia! Leaders of the Slovak People's Party readily perceived, therefore, the danger of an anti- 30 SLOVAKIA Slovak movement in the Socialist program. Therefore, the representatives of the Slovak People's Party denounced the results of the vote as undemocratic and in no way representative of the will of the Slovak nation and its electorate. Nonetheless, the Socialists, intoxicated by their questionable triumph for the moment, proceeded to take steps for the complete subjugation of Slovakia. But their greatest tactical error was their personal vendetta against Hlinka and his associates. Accordingly, on May 1, 1920, a Socialist mob attacked Hlinka in Ruzomberok. Forewarned, Hlinka was protected by a strong bodyguard that warded off the attack on his life. Other violent clashes followed this dastardly attempt on the life of the great Slovak leader. In August, 1920, a Slovak party member was killed in Pruske; Hlinka was stoned in sastin on September 26 that same year, and on October 10, two of Hlinka's followers were murdered in Namestovo. From 1920 on, as Karol Sidor noted, the radical leftists of the Socialist party and its allies vowed to kill Hlinka at the first opportunity. Bloody incidents occurred repeatedly through the early 1920's. On March 25, 1921, one more Hlinka follower in Trnava paid with his life for his convictions. In Krupina on June 12, 1921, shooting occured in Hlinka's presence. Fortunately, no one was seriously wounded. A riot in Trencianske Teplice on July 4, 1921, was followed by an outbreak in Malacky on September 4, 1921, and on May 25, 1922, a mob broke into the editorial offices of the Slovak daily and destroyed everything. Government censorship and pressure were so powerful that Hlinka was forced to suspend the publication of the Slovak temporarily in 1923. Anti-Slovak elements on August 28, 1923, in Presov, and in Kosice on September 22 of that year attacked a Hlinka rally. Czech officials displayed their opposition and enmity to Hlinka openly, and criminal characters were planted in the front ranks of mobs incited to destroy Hlinka's Slovak People's Party. Another Hlinka follower was killed in Kosice during a demonstration. Such terroristic methods of the leftists against Hlinka, however, served to wake up the Slovak people who rallied behind their dynamic leader and succeeded in electing half SLOVAKIA 31 of the local officials who were members of the Slovak People's Party in the elections of September 30, 1923. Once again the Socialists rose up in fury against Hlinka, but this time the Slovak people were thoroughly aroused so that on September 6, 1924, on the eve of Hlinka's 60th birthday, his party had become powerful enough to win respect from its violent opponents. Dr. Vavro i:;robar, one of Hlinka's most outspoken opponents, was forced to admit on October 28, of that year, that "the Slovak People's Party was a national party in which the spirit of nationalism was a rejuvenated and vigorous force." A final tally of 489,027 votes was garnered by the Slovak People's Party in the parliamentary elections of 1925. This strong vote made the party the most dominant Slovak party among the total of 29 political parties in Slovakia and Bohemia. Beginning in 1927, the tactics of the Slovak People's Party were changed in the hope that a coalition inside the government would bring about better results. But by October, 1929, after a series of failures, it became apparent its hope for success in obtaining just rights for the Slovak nation rested solely upon its own individual action. The decision to proceed on its course without any ties with the government in Prague met with an increase in membership at home and a series of successes followed under the new policy. From 1925 on, the Slovak People's Party succeeded in gaining at least 50 % of the votes in the parliamentary campaigns in Slovakia. It is a well known fact that Hlinka's political strength lay in the vote of the farmers, but he had a strong '.following among the workers, too, and his influence among educated young Slovaks increased steadily. Turbulent, indeed, were the meetings and political rallies that attracted five to ten thousand members of the Slovak People's Party in the first years of the Czecho-Slovak Republic in the 1920's. As overflow crowd of Slovaks came to Nitra in 1933 for the 11th centennial Pribina celebration. There more than 100,000 demonstrated that the people's choice was unquestionably Hlinka, and not the official government representatives flanked by hundreds of police and soldiers. 32 SLOVAKIA Piest'any in 1936 was the host city to an outpouring of 30,000 members of the Slovak People's Party for a conference, and on June 4 and 5, 1938, on the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the Pittsburgh Pact, over a hundred thousand people came from all parts of Slovakia to Bratislava to welcome the American Slovak delegation that brought the original of the Pittsburgh Pact for the national celebration. The reading of the document was met with a resounding cheer of approval from the great crowd in the Slovak capital. Andrej Hlinka, on the basis of this historic document for the self-government or autonomy of Slovakia, expressed his unequivocal approval of the Pittsburgh Pact in the spirit of the American Slovaks who drew it up on the one side, and signed by Thomas G. Masaryk on the other, on May 30, 1918. There was no doubt that the absolute majority of American Slovaks were in favor of Hlinka's movement that was dedicated to win freedom for the Slovak nation, freedom in its self-government or autonomous state. At this time the first generation of Slovak immigrants controlled the Slovak organizations and periodicals in America. One can safely assume that the number of Hlinka's followers in America was at least 400,000. It was natural for the American Slovaks under the leadership of the Slovak League of America to work hand in hand with Hlinka. They were intensely proud of their creation of the Pittsburgh Pact which was the expression of their aspirations and the first step towards realizing the right of the Slovak nation to self-government. Slovak emigrants who returned to their native homeland from America were imbued with the American spirit of freedom and democracy. Not one of these opposed Hlinka. At least I never heard of such a person. On the contrary, they became his most ardent and loyal followers. Perhaps that is why even the internal structure of Hlinka's Slovak People's Party differed basically from all the other political parties inside Czecho-Slovakia. While the Czech political parties represented classes, various trades or occupations, etc., the Slovak People's Party and its associate, the Slovak National Party, success- SLOVAKIA 33 fully recruited party members from all walks of life. Hence, is was truly representative of the entire Slovak nation. One of the blessings of the influence of the Slovak People's Party accrued to the Matica Slovenska ( Slovak Institute) in Turciansky Svaty Martin, which was able to get rid of all foreign elements in its administration. At the Slovak University in Bratislava, too, the growing power of the Slovak People's Party was felt as the positions of Czech professors became shaky. Slovak college and university students there became enthusiastic ( and sometimes radical J members of the Slovak People's Party in which they formed the nucleus of the most loyal followers of Hlinka and Razus. Hlinka's sincere attempt to cooperate with Czech Catholics ended in failure. He abandoned the idea and proceeded to concentrate on his own program that was vital to the interests of the Slovak nation. In the early 1930's the Slovak National Party under Razus joined Hlinka's Slovak People's Party. This was a solid bloc for Slovak autonomy established in agreement with the view of Dr. Tiso who declared that in Slovak politics a Slovak Lutheran was closer to a Slovak Catholic than a Czech Catholic. Autonomy was the primary and ultimate goal of Hlinka's Slovak People's Party. True, however, it was but another small step from there to statehood.'In March, 1939, it would have been a crime, and as an aftermath, national suicide, to have acted otherwise than did the Slovak leaders who declared national independence and set up an independent Slovak Republic. The alternative was to let the Slovak nation become a victim of several alien protectorates, reduced to complete slavery under the complete control of no less than three different states. As a direct consequence of the heroic decision ( and fateful personally to many who were courageous and bold enough to make it for the welfare of the Slovak nation) the Slovak People's Party gave the Slovak nation a long list of national martyrs, headed by President Tiso and Prime Minister Vojtech Tuka. But their brave action saved the Slovak nation from enslavement at the hands of several foreign powers. Before the end of the second World War the first to die because of their alliance with the heroic men who held 34 SLOVAKIA the Slovak rtation intact durin~ the entire worldwide conflict were two Slovak parliament members, namely, Frantisek Slamen and Fr. Anton salat. They died at the hahds of the apocalyptic forces of the East and their traitorous allies during the pro-Communist rebellion in the fall of 1944. Many more suffered and died for the self-same sacred cause of faith and freedom in the years that followed the so-called Soviet liberation of the country. Although the Slovak People's Party was completely liquidated after the second World War by the communist regime, the communists and their allies continued to blame all anti-state activities upon a party that no longer existed. Of course, the underlying reason was on both sides. What Karel Svetlik, a Czech commubist, declared Jn 1922 was applied in the postwar years because "We are a political party," Svetlik stated, "that is farthest removed from the people's party." Marly examples of Christian fortitude were g1ven in past decades atnong the ·ranks of the Slovak People's Party that 6ontributed much n'lbre than the mere Winning of votes or the victory of partisan politics. Hundreds suffered and died fdr their honest convictions at the hands of theit undemocratic foes. In the process of developing the Slovak nation to full maturity the final stages may be attributed largely to the efforts of the Slovak Peop!e's Party. As a matter of fact, the handful of communists would not have dared to ask for anything in the Kosice Agreement at the end of the second World War had not the Slovak People's Party in the Slovak Republic held the Slovak nation united during the war. To tell the truth, however, the agreement documented between the Slovak communists and the postwar government of Czecho-Slovakia was a long cry frotn the Pittsburgh Pact, but it at least basically recognized the existence or the Slovak nation! That essentially was the outcome of Hlinka's struggle and the result of the Slovak Republic, a final culmination of the internal conflicts between two World Wars. If in the free world today those who were on Iflinka's side as active participants, or merely sympathizers, discuss the Slovak problem as an international problem, they give voice to one of the first objectives of the reorganized Slovak SLOVAKIA 35 People's Party in 1922. Its program opened with the following declaration: The Slovak problem c-zased being merely an internal problem of one state a long time ago. It has become actually a critical internati onal problem in our time. Whoever would defend his views with such a "reactionary" program could truly congratulate himself. It is time that we pay tribute to Andrej Hlinka for his vision and sacrifice in behalf of the Slovak nation and to Dr. Jozef Tiso who died for his resolute decision to bring the Slovak problem into the international sphere and before the world forum. The Slovak People's Party played an honorable role in the political life of the Slovak nation, and its place in history ranks high in the light of incontestable evidence that remains as a permanent record of achievement and an inspiration for all who seek great ideals and permanent values in Slovak politics of that era. SOURCES Jozef Pauco, Politicko-narodny program HS~S (The national political program of the Hlinka Slovak People's Party ), Brati,lava, 1944. Slovaci a komunizmus (Slovaks and Communism), Middletown, Pa., 1957. 75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty (75 Years of the First Catholic Slovak Union), Cleveland, Ohio, 1955. Andrej Hlinka v Amerike (Andrej Hlinka in America), Kalendar J ednota, Middletown, Pa ., 1927. Karol Sidor, Andrej Hlinka (Andre w Hlinka), Bratislava, 1934 . . I recently found myself again reading the No. 47 issue of your annual Slovakia in an effort to gain more informational material on Slovak life and culture. Slovakia is the only really authoritative source for information on this region. It is useful in research, studies, teachin ~ and documentary and lecture preparation. I am most pleased to be able to receive Slovakia. Finally, I have had occasion to use Slovakia in lecturing to student3 and other interested groups on Slovak life and culture, and also in research. Several associates havl! read Slovakia issues of the past and they tell me they have gained new and interesting insights and knowledge into Slovakia's history, political development, the Slovak people and their customs, culture, and life. Earl J. Bornschein, Fort Atkinson, Wisconsin  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 70th Anniversary of the Slovak People's Party Description An account of the resource Joseph Paučo, Ph.D. Slovakia, Vol. 25 (No. 48), 1975 pp. 28-35 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paučo, Jozef, 1914-1975 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1975 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/ccf1873d68d6bbc109cf0e0c93827068.pdf fb3f1fdee228aec2f6105f14134c17ac PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 2019 55 IMAGINING A SEP ARA TE SLOVAK.IA: ANTICOMMUNIST SLOVAK EXILES' STRUGGLE FOR AN INDEPENDENT HOMELAND 1 Ellen L. Paul In January 1993, the principle of self-determination reigned supreme as the post-communist Czech and Slovak Federative Republic became Slovakia and the Czech Republic. In many ways, this peaceful separation was the logical outcome of decades of anti-communist Slovak emigre efforts. To be sure, Cold War exiles who left Czechoslovakia after 1945 and the February 1948 communist takeover had many disagreements amongst themselves, especially over leadership and direction of their numerous political organizations.2 Over time, however, many of the Slovak exile organizations arrived at some kind of consensus, and by the last two decades of the Cold War, the right of political self-determination provided Slovak emigres with a unifying theme. After all, in August 1968 when the Warsaw Pact armies quashed the Prague Spring, the Soviet Union brutally reminded the world of its firm control over Czechoslovakia. Yet, that event inspired two reasons for hope among Slovak exiles: l . the longpromised federalism of Czechoslovakia and 2. the creation in 1970 of a unifying new organization of Slovak exiles, the Slovak World Congress. As exiles in the free and democratic West, Cold War-era Slovak political exiles not only fought Soviet Communism and advocated for human rights in the homeland, they also defended the unique development of the Slovak nation in Central European history and informed the West about Slovakia, often refuting what many saw as misinformation spread by the Czechs. A recurring theme at the heart of the publications about Slovak history and culture was the dream of political independence for the Slovak nation. 1 A version of thi s paper was presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Historical Association, Polish American Historical Association panel on 7 January 2017 in Denver, Colorado. 2 Igor Lukes, "Czechoslovak Political Ex ile in the Cold War: the earl y years," Polish Review 47 , no. 3 (2002): 332-43. �56 SLOVAKIA 2019 From the early 20 th century, Slovaks in the West became convinced that democracy and the ethnic principle of self-determination went hand-in-hand with political independence. A small group of Slovak exiles favored political union with their Czech neighbors, but others insisted on autonomy and even independence based on the ethnic principle of self-determination. Throughout the Cold War, the groups favoring independence consistently fought for a separate Slovak identity and "equal rights with the other free and democratic nations of Europe and the world." 3 In 1993, the fruit of their struggles resulted in the peaceful split of the Czech and Slovak Federative Republic into Slovakia and the Czech Republic. Politically active Slovak exiles in Western Europe, the United States, and Canada can be roughly categorized into three basic groups. These categories are a helpful framework for understanding the issue of Slovak independence and especially the ways exiles aligned themselves in the early years of the Cold War. 1. Czechoslovakists: Slovaks who wanted a close union with the Czechs. 2. Federalists: moderate Slovak nationalists who pursued cooperation with the Czechs, but wanted recognition of a separate Slovak identity and political autonomy both for Slovakia and within the exile organizations. These included figures such as Stefan Osusky and Slovak Democratic Party members sent into exile after the communist coup in February 1948. 4 It is notable that the majority-but not all- of these first two groups came from Slovakia' s Lutheran minority. 3. Slovak autonomists : these Slovaks were decidedly nationalist and predominantly Catholic. They were also the most contentious. They supported Slovak independence, completely eschewing union with the Czechs-and rejecting the idea of a "Czechoslovak nation." They fled into exile right away in 1945, ahead of the Red Army and the returning Czechoslovak government. Among them were academics and journalists, such as historian Konstantin Culen, poet Mikulas Sprinc, and journalist Jozef 3 Joseph M. Kirschbaum, "Americki Slovaci a myslienka slovenskej samostatnosti," Kato/icky kalendar Jednota 87 (I 984), 177-84, 184. 4 The 1948 generation tended to be professionals or factory owners and, generally, among the most skilled and educated. In exile, many worked to resist Communism and return Czechoslovakia to democracy. �SLOVAKIA 2019 57 Pauco. In addition, the group featured several politicians and diplomats from the wartime Slovak state, such as Jozef Kirschbaum, Karol Sidor, and Ferdinand Durcansky. The majority of Slovak autonomists migrated to Canada, with some gaining entry into the United States. Although exact membership figures are unknown, there were far more Slovak autonomist and federalist exile groups in North America. This paper focuses almost exclusively on the autonomist and federalist Slovak exiles. Over time their differences faded, especially after the failed Prague Spring reform movement in 1968. Another reason for this shift was that as post-war emigres died, a younger generation of autonomists and federalists gradually united in their goals for self-determination and political independence for Slovakia. In 1958, linguist and Franciscan priest, Bonaventure S. Bue, categorized Slovak emigres into only two groups, lumping the federalists and autonomists into, simply, the autonomists . He explained the rift between the Czechoslovakists and the autonomists with a question: "Are we Czechs or are we Slovaks? To this question the Czechoslovak would answer: I am a Czech; the Autonomist: I am a Slovak." 5 Bue continued " ... the majority of Slovaks have always felt and professed to be an ethnographically, historically, and culturally distinct nation from the Czechs" and suggested that by the late 1950s the Czechoslovakist versus autonomist conflict was " losing its original raison d 'etre."6 In large part that was because even the Slovaks who wished to preserve the state of Czecho-Slovakia by then had "abandoned the highly disputed fiction of the 'Czechoslovak nation"' and agreed on the distinctness of the Slovaks. 7 The remaining issue was about the best alliance or political form for the nation's survival. Many historians trace the ethnogenesis of the Slovak nation back to the Great Moravian Empire of the ninth century, largely based on oral accounts and the Christianizing and linguistic legacy of Saints Cyril and Methodius. Solid documentary evidence of Slovak linguistic uniqueness harks back to the 1700s, when the Catholic intelli5 B. S. Bue, "Conflicts of Slovak Nationalism," Slovakia 8, no . 2 ( 1958), 1-1 7: 7 and 16. 6 Bue, 15. 7 Buc,16-17. �58 SLOVAK.IA 2019 gentsia in northern Hungary first suggested a separate identity for the Slovak language-as opposed to a Czech or Czechoslovak language. To them, it no longer made sense to use the more developed Czech language, and so Catholic clergy began writing in the Slovak vernacular even though the majority culture was distinctly Magyar. 8 In the 19 th century, language became "the center of the new national idea," but this was not enough to create a national identity for the Slovaks, who were under increasing pressure to assimi late to Magyar language and culture. In The Slovak National Awakening ( 1976), Peter Brock explains that as the intelligentsia began to promote the Slovak language and nation, and shift from using the Czech language, ideas about political unity with the Czechs also faded. 9 In 1848, I.',udovit Stur and other young Protestant intellectuals formed a short-lived Slavonic nation of their own, but thereafter the process of creating a Slovak political nation was interrupted by Magyarization, which meant the imposition of Magyar culture and language on young intellectuals in the Hungarian half of Austria-Hungary. The impetus to assert a separate Slovak identity with a language that was neither Czech nor Magyar had been well under way by the 1840s, involved both Catholics and Protestants, and was an important step toward declaring a distinct Slovak national identity. Toward that end, in the early 1860s the Matica slovenska (Slovak Cultural Institute) was founded to aid the continuing development of Slovak literature and culture. A political merger between Czechs and Slovaks came in 1918 following the breakup of Austria-Hungary and the calamity of the First World War, but that union was not predestined. Despite their linguistic similarities and geographical proximity, Czechs and Slovaks had very different histories and cultural influences. For hundreds of years, the Czech lands were part of the Holy Roman Empire, ruled by the House of Habsburg, and much influenced by German culture and the Reformation (and the Czech reformer Jan Hus). During that time, the Kingdom of Hungary ruled over the Slovak 8 Ismo Nurmi, Slovakia-a Playground for Nationalism and National Identity: Manifestations of National identity of the Slo vaks 191 8-1920, Biblioteca Historica 42 (Helsinki: Finnish Literature Society, 1999), 9-10, and Peter Brock, The Slovak National Awakening (Toronto and Buffalo: University of Toronto Press, 1976), 1837 and 53-4. 9 Brock, 7 & 20-37 . �SLOVAKIA 2019 59 lands, inside the boundaries of the Habsburg Monarchy. While both small nations struggled against strong neighbors, their nineteenth century trajectories to national awakening and political agency were distinctly different. Firstly, the Slovak lands remained largely agricultural while the Czech lands underwent industrialization. Secondly, the Czechs achieved some successes in gaining cultural and linguistic rights at home and a measure of political representation in Vienna. Whereas to the east, the Slovaks faced increasing Magyarization and the loss of their culture. Since the tenth century, the lands of Slovakia had been ruled by foreigners and what had kept the Slovaks from assimilating, disappearing, or dispersing were "language, geography, and tradition ." 10 Not surprisingly, these vastly divergent experiences dramatically shaped the outlook and soul of each nation. Although Slovak culture was repressed in the homeland, the impact of the efforts of the Matica slovenska, Catholic clergy, and Slovak intelligentsia to keep Slovak language and culture alive became apparent by the late 19 th century, when notable numbers of emigres began arriving in the United States and identified themselves as Slovak. By the early twentieth century, the U.S.A. was home to the most influential Slovak diaspora. 11 In 1890, they established two important early exile organizations: the National Slovak Society and the First Catholic Slovak Union. In 1907, the Slovak League of America formed and united all Slovak groups in America. While based "on a wide platform of love for [the] Slovak nation," the Slovak League of America's mission at the time was to cast off the Hungarian tyrant ruling over Slovaks in the homeland. 12 Unity among exiles, however, became much harder to achieve after the dissolution of AustriaHungary during the First World War and particularly after the declaration of the First Czechoslovak Republic in 1918. During World War I, politicians began deliberating the future of Central Europe. The most important negotiations regarding Czechoslovak statehood took place in North America among representatives of both the Czechs and Slovaks. The Czechs knew that Slovak par10 Stanislav J. Kirschbaum, A History of Slovakia: The Struggle for Survival (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1995), 37-8. 11 Jozef Pauco, " Slovaks Abroad and their Relationship with Slovakia," in Slovakia in th e 19th and 20th Centuries, 2 nd edition, ed. Jozef M. Kirschbaum (Toronto: Slovak World Congress, 1978), 415-24, 415. 12 Ibid., 417. �60 SLOVAK.IA 2019 ticipation was vital to their cause. With that knowledge, Slovaks were able to leverage some influence by demanding " recognition of an independent Slovak identity and Slovak political autonomy in exchange for their support." 13 Many Slovak exiles believed that "through their immigration to America ... they had helped preserve Slovak national identity" and that "American democracy provided them something they felt would prove beneficial" for Slovaks back home. 14 In the negotiations over Czechoslovakia and its constitution, the efforts of Slovak Stefan Osusky stand out. He worked closely with Tomas G. Masaryk for federalism and for Slovakia to be regarded "as an equal partner by the Czechs in the Czecho-Slovak state." 15 In 1918, the (First) Czechoslovak Republic was created with Masaryk as its president. Unfortunately, Masaryk- whose father was Slovak and mother was Moravian/Czech-did not believe the Slovaks to be a separate nation. In addition, "a fateful ambiguity crept into the very first political statement published by independent Slovak politicians, the Slovak National Council. .. " which although declaring Slovakia a "nation," also suggested Slovak as a "branch of the unified Czechoslovak nation ." 16 The confusion resulted in "misunderstandings, confused government policies, enmity, and even tragedy .. .. [And] politically, it led to all sorts of excesses, including Czech chauvinism and Slovak Czechophobia." 17 The final documents of the new combined state referred only to the "Czechoslovaks" and completely omitted any mention of autonomy for Slovakia. 13 Michael R. Cude, "The Imagined Exiles : Slovak-Ameri cans and the Slovak Question during the First Czechoslovak Republi c," in From Exsilium to Exile: Coercion in Migration, Studia Historica Gedanensia, vol. 5, ed . Anna Mazurkiewicz (Gdansk : University of Gdansk Historical Institute, 2014), 287-305 , 287. 14 Cude writes that Slovak exi les viewed "their experi ence in America" as proof "that the Slovaks could very much develop independently and did not need the strict oversight of the Czechs. As such , the Slovak-American activ ists gradually adopted a role as an 'ex iled' national voice aga inst Prague centra lism," 298 . 15 Joseph A. Mikus, "Comments," in Slovakia in th e l <J'h and 2dh Centuries, 97-100, 97 . 16 Peter Petro, A History of Slovak Literature, Montreal [Que.] : MQUP, 1995. Ebook Collection (EBSCO host), EBSCOhost (accessed 29 Nov. 2016), 13 1. 17 Petro, 131. �SLOVAKIA 2019 61 In dismissing the wishes of Slovak nationalists in America, and subsequently in Slovakia as well, Masaryk and his supporters were putting the new Republic into j eopardy. The various Czech-dominated governments that ruled the new Republic recruited Slovaks of the 'Czechoslovak ' persuasion (largely Lutherans) to join their ruling coalition. American Czechoslovaks approved of this arrangement. .. . Slovak nationalists, however, were left out in the cold. 18 The centralism 19 of the government in Prague during the First Czechoslovak Republic can be viewed as helping continue the defensive nature of the Slovak national movement, which had begun under the duress of Magyarization. 2° For example, Slovaks seldom felt like equal partners in the new state. Even though in 1918 "the very real existential problems caused by the attempted liquidation of Slovak culture through Magyarization [had] disappeared ... the positive aspect of this momentous change for liberated Slovak culture was somewhat tempered by a paternalistic attitude emanating from Prague." But it was not "always ill-meant and unjustified; from Prague also came tremendous support and help, particularly in the cultural and educational fields ." 21 The perception of inequality, however, became consequential in the late 1930s, when Czechoslovakia found itself under the heel of Nazi Germany. On 14 March 1939, several months after the Munich Pact gave Nazi Germany control over the Sudetenland (in a failed exchange for peace), Catholic Slovak leaders declared the Slovak Republic, albeit under Nazi influence. Six years later, the first Slovak state came to an end. The short-lived, authoritarian Slovak state caused much conflict among exiles in the early post-war years. Among the Catholic autonomists, the Slovak Republic inspired nostalgia and resolve to continue the fight for political independence. But the federalist and Czech18 M. Mark Stolarik, "The Role of Slovak Emigres in North America in the Emancipation of the Slovak Nation," Drustvena istrazivanja [Journal fo r General Social Issues ] 7, no. 1-2 (1998), 75-88, 78. 19 In Czechoslovakia, "centralism" refers to the concentration of political power in the capital, Prague. It often operated in opposition to regional desires for decentralization, self-administration, and autonomy. 20 Nurmi , 18 I. 21 Petro, 13 1. �62 SLOVAKIA 2019 oslovakist Slovak exiles generally condemned that group as, among other things, undemocratic.22 In turn, the Catholic autonomists condemned the federalists as having sold out the Slovaks to communist oppression after the war. The Catholic autonomists defended the wartime Slovak state as a rational decision done for national survival, as "the only way out under the given political circumstances" of Czechoslovakia having fallen under the rule of Nazi German~, and "as the logical conclusion of their former national endeavors." 3 Although controversial and brief, this experiment in political independence gave the Slovaks a new and lasting sense of worthiness among nations. While Masaryk had been a disappointment to many Slovaks, post-war Slovak emigres- autonomists and federalists alike-expressly despised the second Czechoslovak president and wartime leader of the Czechoslovak government-in-exi le in London, Edvard Benes (1935-38 & 1939-48). In a variety of publications during and after World War II, (federalist) politician Stefan Osusky blamed Benes for the breakup of Czecho-Slovakia in 1938 and for the postwar subjugation of Czecho-Slovakia by the Soviet Union. Former diplomat and historian Joseph A. Mikus (an autonomist) voiced similarly strong views of Benes, holding him responsible not only for the communist takeover in 1948 but also for the failure of the reform movement under Alexander Dubcek in 1968. 24 In general, the Slovak 22 Petro writes "The backlash that led to the super-nationalism of some writers during the existence of the Slovak Republic can be ascribed not to some inbred propensity for political extremism, but to a desperate desire for national self-assertion," 131 -32. 23 B.S. Bue, " Federative Tendencies of Slovak Nationalism," Slovakia 8, no. 3 ( 1958), 25-32, 30. "The short-lived existence of this independent state gave to Slovak nationalism what it had hitherto lacked, namely, a uniform will to live independently and a conviction that it will know how to stand its ground as an equally worthy member among the other nations." 24 Mikus, "Comments," in Slovakia in the 19th and 2dh Centuries, 400-405 . In response to a presentation by Kurt Glaser regarding the question of national states and federali sm in Central Europe, Mikus argued "The record of Czechoslovakia is particularly sad, since during World War II Benes had laid the comer-stone of his foreign policy out of collaboration with the Soviet Union, a non-Western and communist power. The guilt complex resulting from [Benes's] 1945 solution of the Sudeten German problem threw him into the arms of the Soviet Union . That embrace became so strong that [Alexander] Dubcek's effort to extricate Czecho- �SLOVAKIA 2019 63 exiles with close ties to the Catholic Slovak Republic felt particularly snubbed by Czechoslovakia's wartime representatives in London and Washington. Slovak politician, diplomat, and later prolific scholar Jozef M. Kirschbaum was unflinching both in his support for Slovak independence and in his criticism of the Czechs: "Unfortunately, Western diplomats displayed little understanding for the aspirations of the Slovak people and mostly adhered to the concept of the Czech exiled politicians" led by Benes. 25 In the late 1940s and early '50s, Slovak exile groups contacted a variety of governmental offices in the U.S. and Canada requesting freedom from Soviet domination and independence for Slovakia. 26 Bitterness and rivalries among the groups, however, limited their impact. 27 Ever since the declaration of Czechoslovakia in 1918, Slovak exiles had embraced the mission of speaking on behalf of the silenced Slovak people back home in Czechoslovakia. They resumed that role after World War II as Slovak exiles reacted to the "rigid centralism" imposed by the post-war Czechoslovak regime. In addition, Slovak exiles in the West were troubled by the ruthlessness of the Stalinist system, with its "political and religious persecution, economic discrimination, and prohibition of contacts with Western countries." 28 So, American and Canadian Slovaks responded to the new status quo by resuming their role as "interpreters of the aspirations of the Slovak people for freedom, democracy, and independence." 29 With a renewed sense of hope, a few dozen post-war exiles took up the challenge of informing the world about Slovakia and " .. .published hundreds of books and articles about the history of Slovakia and the Slovaks. [In the process, they] helped keep the 'Slovak cause ' in the public eye, as well as give it some credence in Slovakia from it was in vain. The occupation of Czecho-Slovakia has its roots in that fitiful pactomania of Benes with Moscow," 403. 5 J.M. Kirschbaum, " Diplomatic and Consular Relations of Slovakia with Neutral States," Slovakia 23 , 46 ( 1973), 111-22, 119. 26 Pauco, 423. 27 Stolarik, "The Role of Slovak Emigres in North America in the Emancipation of the Slovak Nation," 82 . 28 J.M. Kirschbaum, " Slovaks Abroad and their Role in Slovakia 's Struggle for Freedom," Slovakia 24, 47 (1974), 63-6, 63-4. 29 Ibid. 63-4. �64 SLOVAKIA 2019 the academic and intellectual circles in North America."30 One important publication with that goal was the academic journal, Slovakia, edited by Filip A. Hrobak and first published in 1951. The journal's purpose was twofold: to defend Slovak political rights and to publicize Slovak national and cultural activities.31 After 26 years as editor of the journal, the Slovak League of America lauded Hrobak as a defender of "the sacred cause of Slovak national freedom. " 32 Exiled Slovaks seldom agreed on what exactly comprised the Slovak cause but many believed that the West would be receptive to their homeland 's plight. The Slovak Question (i.e. rights to autonomy, self-determination, statehood, etc .) continually caused tension, especially among exile organizations consisting of both Czechs and Slovaks. One of the most influential of those, created one year after the communist coup of February 1948, was the Council of Free Czechoslovakia (CFC). The U.S. government relied on the Council for policy advice, but to the Slovaks' dismay Washington paid little attention to the Slovak Question. 33 The many feuds over Slovak autonomy led Slovaks such as Stefan Osusky to demand separate recognition in the Council of Free Czechoslovakia and parity in its leadership . However, achieving an equal voice in that organization 34 took over twenty years. In 1948 the Slovak National Council Abroad was founded by Karol Sidor, Jozef Kirschbaum, Peter Privdavok, and Konstantin Culen. The Slovak Leagues of America and Canada recognized the Slovak National Council as the representative body of Slovak politi30 M. Mark Stolarik, "Slovak Historians in Exile in North America, 1945- 1992," Human Affairs 6, no. I ( 1996), 34-44, 34. 31 Pauco, 422 32 Joseph C. Krajsa, ed., "First Catholic Slovak Union (Jednota) of the U.S. and Canada," in Slovaks in America: A Bicentennial Study (M iddletown, PA : Slovak League of America, 1978), IO 1-68, 128. 33 Michael R. Cude, Transatlantic Perspectives on th e Slo vak Question, /914-1948 (PhD Diss., Univers ity of Colorado-Boulder, 20 13) and Cude, "The Imagined Exiles." 34 The first reconciliation in 1952 attempted to address this issue by givi ng the Slovaks separate recognition with separate votes on programs within the CFC. In 1960, the moderate nationalists in the Council formed the Permanent Confe rence of Slovak Democratic Exiles and formally split from the CFC to join with other Czech dissenters to form the Committee of Free Czechoslovakia. The Czechoslovakists remained invo lved in the Counci l, and as part of its 1973 reorgani zation, the CFC established Czech-Slovak parity in its leadership. �SLOVAK.IA 2019 65 cal exiles. 35 Another exile group also promoted the nationalist cause. The Slovak Liberation Committee, led by Ferdinand Durcansly and others, defended "the right of self-determination for the Slovak nation." 36 Additionally, many smaller organizations and societies from Australia to Buenos Aires promoted the idea of political independence for Slovakia. 37 The inability of the various organizations to unite, however, hampered their overall impact on Western policy and understanding, especially in the first two and a half decades after the war . . The Prague Spring of 1968 was a turning point for many of the squabbling exiles. In the wake of the failed reform movement, thousands of the disappointed migrated out of Czechoslovakia. The newcomers were received with skepticism, and although there was little that unified Slovak emigres after 1968, Frantisek Braxator suggested that a common ideological platform might be that no compromise with Communism was possible, "human face" or otherwise. He reassuringly concluded that nobody wanted to resurrect the authoritarian wartime state. 38 In many ways, the diversity and energy of the new exiles added much to the cause of Slovak emigres in the West. Indeed, there is evidence that the last two decades of exile activity were more productive than the early decades of the Cold War. By then the political goals of Slovak-Americans and Slovak-Canadians were generally two-fold: continue heritage preservation and call attention in the West to the persecution of Slovaks under communist rule in Czechoslovakia. 39 After the Soviet invasion, the thousands of Prague Spring arrivals to North America and the earlier post-war political exiles from Slovakia, more than ever before, were able to find common purpose, even unity, in their identity as Slovaks. The unprecedented unity came in large part from a new umbrella organization, the Slovak World Congress (Svetovy kongres Slovakov), 35 Pauco, 423. Ibid. Some of the others included Stefan Polakovic, Alojz Macek, and Stanislav Meciar. 37 Ibid., 423-4. 38 Frantisek Braxator, " Slovaks Abroad and Their Relationship to Czechoslovakia," in Slovakia in th e 19th and 20'" Centuries, 425-33. He concluded that "there was "definitely no support for the idea that the majority of this emigration regards aid to Slovakia as taking the form of an effort to revive the Slovak Republic of 1939 to 1945 " 432 39 Kr;jsa, "First Catholic Slovak Union," in Slovaks in America, l O1-68, 126. 36 �66 SLOVAKIA 2019 founded in New York in June 1970. Between 1970 and 1989, the SWC brought together Slovak organizations from North and South America, Western Europe, and Oceania. It absorbed a wide variety of emigre Slovak organizations and individuals, from Catholics and Lutherans to a range of political figures , from the federalist-leaning Stefan Osusky to the ardent nationalist Ferdinand Durcansky. Leadership of the Slovak World Congress encompassed the diversity of Slovaks in exile as well. In addition to the old-guard leaders, 1968generation Slovak exiles such as the Lutheran pastor Dusan T6th and the Jewish ex-communist Eugen Lob! held high positions in the organization. The SWC aimed to resist Communism in the name of democracy, religious freedom , and the principle of self-determination, specifically meaning self-rule and political independence. In 1973, the Slovak World Congress published symposium proceedings to inform and update the West about Slovaks and their long history in Central Europe. Many contributors thought that too few histories of Europe had appreciated the Slovaks' ninth-century state organization. Furthermore, they had neglected to mention Slovak contributions to Slavic civi lizations, such as by Saints Cyril and Methodius. Slovak World Congress organizers were also concerned that when Slovak history was presented, it was "in a distorted light." 40 Founder and benefactor Stephen B. Roman noted the unith th queness of the symposium and resulting book on 19 and 20 century Slovak history: [A} fl the authors, including those of non-Slovak origin, subscribe to the thesis that the Slovaks developed through the centuries into a distin ct Central European nation, and that their language, literature and culture also developed independently of other Slavic nations. From this premise, the right to selfdetermination and equality of rights for the Slovak people be41 came a logical conclusion for all contributors. The Slovak World Congress' mission was to represent "the cultural, social, and political aspirations of the Slovak people in the Western hemisphere" and to "contribute to the search for historical 40 41 Stephen B. Roman, "Preface," Slovakia in th e 19th and 20th Centuries, 5. Roman, " Preface," 6. �SLOVAKIA 2019 67 truth about the Slovaks and thereby to help bring about better understanding and cooperation among the nations of Central Europe."42 Founder Roman declared that the SWC strongly believed "that peoples of that vital area" could "regain their political freedom and build their future through close cooperation and the recognition by each of the equal rights to independence of the others."43 Notably, the Slovak World Congress claimed to work toward freedom and independence not only for Slovakia but for other small European nations as well. In 1978 in the "Introduction to the Second Edition" of the Slovak World Congress proceedings, Slovakia in the 1911' and 20th Centuries, editor Joseph M. Kirschbaum further emphasized the balanced and informational nature of the volume: Until very recently Slovak history was presented to the West either by the adherents of the "Czechoslovak" school which denied the separate historical development of Slovakia, or by the historians of the Slovak nationalist school who insisted on the independent political and cultural development of Slovakia . ...By publishing this edition, the Slovak World Congress has no other aim but to help acquaint Western readers with Slovakia and [its} rise to nationhood, and to contribute to the search for freedom and cooperation among the nations of Central and Eastern Europe.44 Despite the Slovak World Congress' reputation as the leading late Cold War organization for Slovaks in the West, it was never completely successful in uniting the Slovak exiles. The Czechoslovakists and some of the moderate nationalists disavowed involvement because of the strong views of the Catholic autonomists, especially those with "unclean pasts.,,4s To accommodate the diversity of interests, the SWC comprised three factions regarding constitutional questions: federalization within Czechoslovakia, confederation, and independence. 46 On behalf of the Slovak diaspora, leader Roman had 42 Ibid. Ibid. 44 J.M . Kirschbaum, Slo vakia in the / 9th and 20th Centuries, 8. 45 Jozef Spetko, "Slovenska exilova a emigrantska politika v rokoch 1945-1989," Historicky casopis 39, no . 3 ( I99 I), 24 1-61: 256. 46 Ibid., 257-8. 43 �68 SLOVAK.IA 2019 wanted the organization to "speak as one voice and act according to a single plan" on behalf of the silenced Slovaks in the homeland. But achieving consensus among the exiles, especially about independence and resolution of the Slovak Question, was impossible from the very beginning of the SWC. 47 Nevertheless, the Slovak World Congress devised anti-communist propaganda campaigns, held scholarly conferences and cultural festivals , and even aided the protest movements in Slovakia in the 1980s.48 The organization collaborated with figures such as the Slovak-Canadian hockey player Marian St'astny and the Camogursky family-leading members of the organization-and even organized overseas protests to promote religious freedom in conjunction with the candlelight protests in Bratislava on March 25, 1988. In 1989, the Slovak World Congress officially supported the Velvet Revolution. However, "once the Communists surrendered power to Czech and Slovak dissidents ... the Slovak World Congress began to fracture ." 49 In the wake of the fall of the Czechoslovak communist regime, the SWC organized visits and programs in Slovakia. But relations between the SWC and the post-communist Czechoslovak government quickly became strained, mostly over the issue of Slovak autonomy, which most, but not all, members of the Slovak World Congress still very much supported. 50 Within weeks of the revolution, Secretary-General of the SWC Dusan T6th, who had fled Czechoslovakia after the Soviet invasion in 1968, visited his family in Slovakia and appeared at some political rallies in the capital, Bratislava. The " intoxicated crowds" welcomed him warmly and "listened intently as he told them about the [Slovak 47 Ibid. , 255. M. Mark Stolarik, Where is my Hom e? Slovak Immigration to North America (/870-20/0) (Bern: Peter Lang, 2012), 281-2. 49 Ibid., 287. The groups were the Civic Forum (Obcanske forum) and the Public Against Violence (Verejnost' proti nasiliu) in the Czech lands and Slovakia, respectively. 50 The Slovak World Congress began to decline after Roman's death in 1988, especially since he had bankrolled the organization. After the Velvet Divorce in I993, its functions declined even more, with its most notable achievement being to convince the U.S. and Slovak governments to allow dual citizenship. By 2000, the SWC was functionally gone. See Stolarik, Where ... , 279-95. 48 �SLOVAKIA 2019 69 World] Congress and its aspirations for freedom in Slovakia." 5 1 After all, the topic of political independence had been a taboo for forty years. For its part, the SWC tried to engage the Slovak government in talks about independence in early 1990, but Slovak politicians had more immediate concerns such as figuring out how to navigate the new political landscape. "Many were new politicians who faced the task of learning not only the art of political maneuvering, but above all that of public discourse in a democratic society. They were the ones who dealt with the issue of Czecho-Slovak relations which found resolution in the dissolution of Czechoslovakia. " 52 The first post-communist elections in Slovakia were for representatives to the Slovak National Council. Although results of the voting in early June 1990 demonstrated the predictable rejection of Communism, they also " indicated that ' the Slovak question' was still on the political agenda. " 53 The biggest surprise was the third place finish for the Slovak National Party (Slovenska narodna strana orSNS), the only party with independence in its platform. "It is quite likely that one particular event preceding the election contributed to the [SNS ' s] success" in the parliamentary elections.54 Trouble began in March 1990 in the Federal Assembly in Czechoslovakia. Vaclav Havel, who had recently become the new president, was a vocal proponent of federalism and continuing the Czech union with Slovakia. The dispute started when Slovak politicians wanted to return to the original ( 1918-1920) way of writing the country's name: Czecho-Slovakia. Tensions grew when the Czechs agreed that Slovakia could do so, but neither the Czechs nor the federal government of Czechoslovakia would hyphenate. The "hyphen war" showed "how very different were the Czech and Slovak conceptions of their common state and brought into the open the need to reexamine the state of Czech-Slovak relations." 55 For the next two years, the discourse around that reexamination exposed ever more disparities and decades-old animosities . 51 Anne C.R. Roman, "Slovak Expats Remember 1989, too," Slovak Spectator, 29 November 1999, https://spectator.sme.sk/c/20009411 /slovak-expats-remember1989-too.html. 52 S. Kirschbaum, A History of Slovakia, 251-2. 53 Ibid., 255. 54 Ibid. 55 Ibid . �70 SLOVAKIA 2019 Economic concerns took center stage, including the question of how quickly to move away from a socialist command economy to a capitalist market economy. While Slovaks feared a continuation of Prague centralism, including federal conduct and policies that favored Czech-and discounted Slovak- economic contributions, Czechs complained about subsidizing the Slovak economy. 56 The contrasting way the Slovaks and Czechs viewed this issue underscores some of the key reasons for their separation in 1993. One Czech-American historian argues that the peaceful separation of Czechs and Slovaks was a "necessity," based on their lack of "shared positive historical experience." 57 History and the "interplay of a series of factors" indeed influenced the breakup of Czechoslovakia. 58 Stanislav Kirschbaum suggests the root of the problem goes back to "the pursuit of [Slovak] national development in cooperation with the Czechs."59 From its inception in 1918 the "ultimate failure" of the Czechoslovak state was that it did not "provide an acceptable framework for Slovak national development," and despite all the benefits and progress, "the common state put Slovaks in a position of having to continue their struggle for survival." 60 In retrospect, the unraveling of Czechoslovakia in the early 1990s is not surprising; nor is the fact of its peaceful evolution. In the eyes of many Slovak exiles, the fall of Communism meant more than just getting rid of the Communists and returning to democracy. Indeed, " ... it was all of this plus home rule," commented M. Mark Stolarik, scholar and former president of the Canadian Slovak 56 S. Kirschbaum, 256-68. Igor Lukes, " Strangers in One House: Czechs and Slovaks, 1918-1992," Canadian Review of Studies in Nationalism/Revue Canadienne des Etudes sur le Nationalisme 27, 1-2 2000, 33-43 , 41 . 58 S. Kirschbaum, 270. The factors include the following: "The inability of the Czechoslovak state to solve certain social and constitutional problems since 1918; the legacy of the Communist regime; the adaptation crisis resulting from the passage of a single-party state to democratic pluralism ; the lack of experience of the leaders of the Velvet Revolution ; the absence of Czechoslovak parties in the postCommunist era; and the provision in the 1968 constitutional law that allowed Slovak deputies to block federal legislation that was not deemed to be in Slovakia's interest" so that the Slovaks could not be outvoted by the Czech majority." . 59 S. Kirschbaum, 270-71. 60 Ibid., 271. 57 �SLOVAK.IA 2019 71 League, on the tenth anniversary of the Velvet Revolution.6 1 In the United States and Canada, Slovak exiles' experiences of democracy and freedom guided them forward before and after the toppling of the hardline communist regime in Czechoslovakia. 62 Their influence on politics in the homeland has yet to be clearly documented, but it is quite possible that Slovak exiles and their endeavor to keep alive the drive for the self-determination and political independence of the Slovak nation provided not only legitimacy in the West, but also moral and political encouragement to their homeland as the nation moved toward independence in the early 1990s. 61 A. Roman, " Slovak Expats Remember 1989, too." Francis D. Raska, Long Road to Victory: A History or Czechoslovak Exile Organizations after I 968 (Boulder: East European Monographs, 20 12). Raska concludes that the influence of exile groups in the fa ll of Communism in Czechoslovakia "was unquestionabl y positive," 172. 62 � SLOVAKIA 2019 55 IMAGINING A SEP ARA TE SLOVAK.IA: ANTICOMMUNIST SLOVAK EXILES' STRUGGLE FOR AN INDEPENDENT HOMELAND 1 Ellen L. Paul In January 1993, the principle of self-determination reigned supreme as the post-communist Czech and Slovak Federative Republic became Slovakia and the Czech Republic. In many ways, this peaceful separation was the logical outcome of decades of anti-communist Slovak emigre efforts. To be sure, Cold War exiles who left Czechoslovakia after 1945 and the February 1948 communist takeover had many disagreements amongst themselves, especially over leadership and direction of their numerous political organizations.2 Over time, however, many of the Slovak exile organizations arrived at some kind of consensus, and by the last two decades of the Cold War, the right of political self-determination provided Slovak emigres with a unifying theme. After all, in August 1968 when the Warsaw Pact armies quashed the Prague Spring, the Soviet Union brutally reminded the world of its firm control over Czechoslovakia. Yet, that event inspired two reasons for hope among Slovak exiles: l . the longpromised federalism of Czechoslovakia and 2. the creation in 1970 of a unifying new organization of Slovak exiles, the Slovak World Congress. As exiles in the free and democratic West, Cold War-era Slovak political exiles not only fought Soviet Communism and advocated for human rights in the homeland, they also defended the unique development of the Slovak nation in Central European history and informed the West about Slovakia, often refuting what many saw as misinformation spread by the Czechs. A recurring theme at the heart of the publications about Slovak history and culture was the dream of political independence for the Slovak nation. 1 A version of thi s paper was presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Historical Association, Polish American Historical Association panel on 7 January 2017 in Denver, Colorado. 2 Igor Lukes, "Czechoslovak Political Ex ile in the Cold War: the earl y years," Polish Review 47 , no. 3 (2002): 332-43. �56 SLOVAKIA 2019 From the early 20 th century, Slovaks in the West became convinced that democracy and the ethnic principle of self-determination went hand-in-hand with political independence. A small group of Slovak exiles favored political union with their Czech neighbors, but others insisted on autonomy and even independence based on the ethnic principle of self-determination. Throughout the Cold War, the groups favoring independence consistently fought for a separate Slovak identity and "equal rights with the other free and democratic nations of Europe and the world." 3 In 1993, the fruit of their struggles resulted in the peaceful split of the Czech and Slovak Federative Republic into Slovakia and the Czech Republic. Politically active Slovak exiles in Western Europe, the United States, and Canada can be roughly categorized into three basic groups. These categories are a helpful framework for understanding the issue of Slovak independence and especially the ways exiles aligned themselves in the early years of the Cold War. 1. Czechoslovakists: Slovaks who wanted a close union with the Czechs. 2. Federalists: moderate Slovak nationalists who pursued cooperation with the Czechs, but wanted recognition of a separate Slovak identity and political autonomy both for Slovakia and within the exile organizations. These included figures such as Stefan Osusky and Slovak Democratic Party members sent into exile after the communist coup in February 1948. 4 It is notable that the majority-but not all- of these first two groups came from Slovakia' s Lutheran minority. 3. Slovak autonomists : these Slovaks were decidedly nationalist and predominantly Catholic. They were also the most contentious. They supported Slovak independence, completely eschewing union with the Czechs-and rejecting the idea of a "Czechoslovak nation." They fled into exile right away in 1945, ahead of the Red Army and the returning Czechoslovak government. Among them were academics and journalists, such as historian Konstantin Culen, poet Mikulas Sprinc, and journalist Jozef 3 Joseph M. Kirschbaum, "Americki Slovaci a myslienka slovenskej samostatnosti," Kato/icky kalendar Jednota 87 (I 984), 177-84, 184. 4 The 1948 generation tended to be professionals or factory owners and, generally, among the most skilled and educated. In exile, many worked to resist Communism and return Czechoslovakia to democracy. �SLOVAKIA 2019 57 Pauco. In addition, the group featured several politicians and diplomats from the wartime Slovak state, such as Jozef Kirschbaum, Karol Sidor, and Ferdinand Durcansky. The majority of Slovak autonomists migrated to Canada, with some gaining entry into the United States. Although exact membership figures are unknown, there were far more Slovak autonomist and federalist exile groups in North America. This paper focuses almost exclusively on the autonomist and federalist Slovak exiles. Over time their differences faded, especially after the failed Prague Spring reform movement in 1968. Another reason for this shift was that as post-war emigres died, a younger generation of autonomists and federalists gradually united in their goals for self-determination and political independence for Slovakia. In 1958, linguist and Franciscan priest, Bonaventure S. Bue, categorized Slovak emigres into only two groups, lumping the federalists and autonomists into, simply, the autonomists . He explained the rift between the Czechoslovakists and the autonomists with a question: "Are we Czechs or are we Slovaks? To this question the Czechoslovak would answer: I am a Czech; the Autonomist: I am a Slovak." 5 Bue continued " ... the majority of Slovaks have always felt and professed to be an ethnographically, historically, and culturally distinct nation from the Czechs" and suggested that by the late 1950s the Czechoslovakist versus autonomist conflict was " losing its original raison d 'etre."6 In large part that was because even the Slovaks who wished to preserve the state of Czecho-Slovakia by then had "abandoned the highly disputed fiction of the 'Czechoslovak nation"' and agreed on the distinctness of the Slovaks. 7 The remaining issue was about the best alliance or political form for the nation's survival. Many historians trace the ethnogenesis of the Slovak nation back to the Great Moravian Empire of the ninth century, largely based on oral accounts and the Christianizing and linguistic legacy of Saints Cyril and Methodius. Solid documentary evidence of Slovak linguistic uniqueness harks back to the 1700s, when the Catholic intelli5 B. S. Bue, "Conflicts of Slovak Nationalism," Slovakia 8, no . 2 ( 1958), 1-1 7: 7 and 16. 6 Bue, 15. 7 Buc,16-17. �58 SLOVAK.IA 2019 gentsia in northern Hungary first suggested a separate identity for the Slovak language-as opposed to a Czech or Czechoslovak language. To them, it no longer made sense to use the more developed Czech language, and so Catholic clergy began writing in the Slovak vernacular even though the majority culture was distinctly Magyar. 8 In the 19 th century, language became "the center of the new national idea," but this was not enough to create a national identity for the Slovaks, who were under increasing pressure to assimi late to Magyar language and culture. In The Slovak National Awakening ( 1976), Peter Brock explains that as the intelligentsia began to promote the Slovak language and nation, and shift from using the Czech language, ideas about political unity with the Czechs also faded. 9 In 1848, I.',udovit Stur and other young Protestant intellectuals formed a short-lived Slavonic nation of their own, but thereafter the process of creating a Slovak political nation was interrupted by Magyarization, which meant the imposition of Magyar culture and language on young intellectuals in the Hungarian half of Austria-Hungary. The impetus to assert a separate Slovak identity with a language that was neither Czech nor Magyar had been well under way by the 1840s, involved both Catholics and Protestants, and was an important step toward declaring a distinct Slovak national identity. Toward that end, in the early 1860s the Matica slovenska (Slovak Cultural Institute) was founded to aid the continuing development of Slovak literature and culture. A political merger between Czechs and Slovaks came in 1918 following the breakup of Austria-Hungary and the calamity of the First World War, but that union was not predestined. Despite their linguistic similarities and geographical proximity, Czechs and Slovaks had very different histories and cultural influences. For hundreds of years, the Czech lands were part of the Holy Roman Empire, ruled by the House of Habsburg, and much influenced by German culture and the Reformation (and the Czech reformer Jan Hus). During that time, the Kingdom of Hungary ruled over the Slovak 8 Ismo Nurmi, Slovakia-a Playground for Nationalism and National Identity: Manifestations of National identity of the Slo vaks 191 8-1920, Biblioteca Historica 42 (Helsinki: Finnish Literature Society, 1999), 9-10, and Peter Brock, The Slovak National Awakening (Toronto and Buffalo: University of Toronto Press, 1976), 1837 and 53-4. 9 Brock, 7 & 20-37 . �SLOVAKIA 2019 59 lands, inside the boundaries of the Habsburg Monarchy. While both small nations struggled against strong neighbors, their nineteenth century trajectories to national awakening and political agency were distinctly different. Firstly, the Slovak lands remained largely agricultural while the Czech lands underwent industrialization. Secondly, the Czechs achieved some successes in gaining cultural and linguistic rights at home and a measure of political representation in Vienna. Whereas to the east, the Slovaks faced increasing Magyarization and the loss of their culture. Since the tenth century, the lands of Slovakia had been ruled by foreigners and what had kept the Slovaks from assimilating, disappearing, or dispersing were "language, geography, and tradition ." 10 Not surprisingly, these vastly divergent experiences dramatically shaped the outlook and soul of each nation. Although Slovak culture was repressed in the homeland, the impact of the efforts of the Matica slovenska, Catholic clergy, and Slovak intelligentsia to keep Slovak language and culture alive became apparent by the late 19 th century, when notable numbers of emigres began arriving in the United States and identified themselves as Slovak. By the early twentieth century, the U.S.A. was home to the most influential Slovak diaspora. 11 In 1890, they established two important early exile organizations: the National Slovak Society and the First Catholic Slovak Union. In 1907, the Slovak League of America formed and united all Slovak groups in America. While based "on a wide platform of love for [the] Slovak nation," the Slovak League of America's mission at the time was to cast off the Hungarian tyrant ruling over Slovaks in the homeland. 12 Unity among exiles, however, became much harder to achieve after the dissolution of AustriaHungary during the First World War and particularly after the declaration of the First Czechoslovak Republic in 1918. During World War I, politicians began deliberating the future of Central Europe. The most important negotiations regarding Czechoslovak statehood took place in North America among representatives of both the Czechs and Slovaks. The Czechs knew that Slovak par10 Stanislav J. Kirschbaum, A History of Slovakia: The Struggle for Survival (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1995), 37-8. 11 Jozef Pauco, " Slovaks Abroad and their Relationship with Slovakia," in Slovakia in th e 19th and 20th Centuries, 2 nd edition, ed. Jozef M. Kirschbaum (Toronto: Slovak World Congress, 1978), 415-24, 415. 12 Ibid., 417. �60 SLOVAK.IA 2019 ticipation was vital to their cause. With that knowledge, Slovaks were able to leverage some influence by demanding " recognition of an independent Slovak identity and Slovak political autonomy in exchange for their support." 13 Many Slovak exiles believed that "through their immigration to America ... they had helped preserve Slovak national identity" and that "American democracy provided them something they felt would prove beneficial" for Slovaks back home. 14 In the negotiations over Czechoslovakia and its constitution, the efforts of Slovak Stefan Osusky stand out. He worked closely with Tomas G. Masaryk for federalism and for Slovakia to be regarded "as an equal partner by the Czechs in the Czecho-Slovak state." 15 In 1918, the (First) Czechoslovak Republic was created with Masaryk as its president. Unfortunately, Masaryk- whose father was Slovak and mother was Moravian/Czech-did not believe the Slovaks to be a separate nation. In addition, "a fateful ambiguity crept into the very first political statement published by independent Slovak politicians, the Slovak National Council. .. " which although declaring Slovakia a "nation," also suggested Slovak as a "branch of the unified Czechoslovak nation ." 16 The confusion resulted in "misunderstandings, confused government policies, enmity, and even tragedy .. .. [And] politically, it led to all sorts of excesses, including Czech chauvinism and Slovak Czechophobia." 17 The final documents of the new combined state referred only to the "Czechoslovaks" and completely omitted any mention of autonomy for Slovakia. 13 Michael R. Cude, "The Imagined Exiles : Slovak-Ameri cans and the Slovak Question during the First Czechoslovak Republi c," in From Exsilium to Exile: Coercion in Migration, Studia Historica Gedanensia, vol. 5, ed . Anna Mazurkiewicz (Gdansk : University of Gdansk Historical Institute, 2014), 287-305 , 287. 14 Cude writes that Slovak exi les viewed "their experi ence in America" as proof "that the Slovaks could very much develop independently and did not need the strict oversight of the Czechs. As such , the Slovak-American activ ists gradually adopted a role as an 'ex iled' national voice aga inst Prague centra lism," 298 . 15 Joseph A. Mikus, "Comments," in Slovakia in th e l <J'h and 2dh Centuries, 97-100, 97 . 16 Peter Petro, A History of Slovak Literature, Montreal [Que.] : MQUP, 1995. Ebook Collection (EBSCO host), EBSCOhost (accessed 29 Nov. 2016), 13 1. 17 Petro, 131. �SLOVAKIA 2019 61 In dismissing the wishes of Slovak nationalists in America, and subsequently in Slovakia as well, Masaryk and his supporters were putting the new Republic into j eopardy. The various Czech-dominated governments that ruled the new Republic recruited Slovaks of the 'Czechoslovak ' persuasion (largely Lutherans) to join their ruling coalition. American Czechoslovaks approved of this arrangement. .. . Slovak nationalists, however, were left out in the cold. 18 The centralism 19 of the government in Prague during the First Czechoslovak Republic can be viewed as helping continue the defensive nature of the Slovak national movement, which had begun under the duress of Magyarization. 2° For example, Slovaks seldom felt like equal partners in the new state. Even though in 1918 "the very real existential problems caused by the attempted liquidation of Slovak culture through Magyarization [had] disappeared ... the positive aspect of this momentous change for liberated Slovak culture was somewhat tempered by a paternalistic attitude emanating from Prague." But it was not "always ill-meant and unjustified; from Prague also came tremendous support and help, particularly in the cultural and educational fields ." 21 The perception of inequality, however, became consequential in the late 1930s, when Czechoslovakia found itself under the heel of Nazi Germany. On 14 March 1939, several months after the Munich Pact gave Nazi Germany control over the Sudetenland (in a failed exchange for peace), Catholic Slovak leaders declared the Slovak Republic, albeit under Nazi influence. Six years later, the first Slovak state came to an end. The short-lived, authoritarian Slovak state caused much conflict among exiles in the early post-war years. Among the Catholic autonomists, the Slovak Republic inspired nostalgia and resolve to continue the fight for political independence. But the federalist and Czech18 M. Mark Stolarik, "The Role of Slovak Emigres in North America in the Emancipation of the Slovak Nation," Drustvena istrazivanja [Journal fo r General Social Issues ] 7, no. 1-2 (1998), 75-88, 78. 19 In Czechoslovakia, "centralism" refers to the concentration of political power in the capital, Prague. It often operated in opposition to regional desires for decentralization, self-administration, and autonomy. 20 Nurmi , 18 I. 21 Petro, 13 1. �62 SLOVAKIA 2019 oslovakist Slovak exiles generally condemned that group as, among other things, undemocratic.22 In turn, the Catholic autonomists condemned the federalists as having sold out the Slovaks to communist oppression after the war. The Catholic autonomists defended the wartime Slovak state as a rational decision done for national survival, as "the only way out under the given political circumstances" of Czechoslovakia having fallen under the rule of Nazi German~, and "as the logical conclusion of their former national endeavors." 3 Although controversial and brief, this experiment in political independence gave the Slovaks a new and lasting sense of worthiness among nations. While Masaryk had been a disappointment to many Slovaks, post-war Slovak emigres- autonomists and federalists alike-expressly despised the second Czechoslovak president and wartime leader of the Czechoslovak government-in-exi le in London, Edvard Benes (1935-38 & 1939-48). In a variety of publications during and after World War II, (federalist) politician Stefan Osusky blamed Benes for the breakup of Czecho-Slovakia in 1938 and for the postwar subjugation of Czecho-Slovakia by the Soviet Union. Former diplomat and historian Joseph A. Mikus (an autonomist) voiced similarly strong views of Benes, holding him responsible not only for the communist takeover in 1948 but also for the failure of the reform movement under Alexander Dubcek in 1968. 24 In general, the Slovak 22 Petro writes "The backlash that led to the super-nationalism of some writers during the existence of the Slovak Republic can be ascribed not to some inbred propensity for political extremism, but to a desperate desire for national self-assertion," 131 -32. 23 B.S. Bue, " Federative Tendencies of Slovak Nationalism," Slovakia 8, no. 3 ( 1958), 25-32, 30. "The short-lived existence of this independent state gave to Slovak nationalism what it had hitherto lacked, namely, a uniform will to live independently and a conviction that it will know how to stand its ground as an equally worthy member among the other nations." 24 Mikus, "Comments," in Slovakia in the 19th and 2dh Centuries, 400-405 . In response to a presentation by Kurt Glaser regarding the question of national states and federali sm in Central Europe, Mikus argued "The record of Czechoslovakia is particularly sad, since during World War II Benes had laid the comer-stone of his foreign policy out of collaboration with the Soviet Union, a non-Western and communist power. The guilt complex resulting from [Benes's] 1945 solution of the Sudeten German problem threw him into the arms of the Soviet Union . That embrace became so strong that [Alexander] Dubcek's effort to extricate Czecho- �SLOVAKIA 2019 63 exiles with close ties to the Catholic Slovak Republic felt particularly snubbed by Czechoslovakia's wartime representatives in London and Washington. Slovak politician, diplomat, and later prolific scholar Jozef M. Kirschbaum was unflinching both in his support for Slovak independence and in his criticism of the Czechs: "Unfortunately, Western diplomats displayed little understanding for the aspirations of the Slovak people and mostly adhered to the concept of the Czech exiled politicians" led by Benes. 25 In the late 1940s and early '50s, Slovak exile groups contacted a variety of governmental offices in the U.S. and Canada requesting freedom from Soviet domination and independence for Slovakia. 26 Bitterness and rivalries among the groups, however, limited their impact. 27 Ever since the declaration of Czechoslovakia in 1918, Slovak exiles had embraced the mission of speaking on behalf of the silenced Slovak people back home in Czechoslovakia. They resumed that role after World War II as Slovak exiles reacted to the "rigid centralism" imposed by the post-war Czechoslovak regime. In addition, Slovak exiles in the West were troubled by the ruthlessness of the Stalinist system, with its "political and religious persecution, economic discrimination, and prohibition of contacts with Western countries." 28 So, American and Canadian Slovaks responded to the new status quo by resuming their role as "interpreters of the aspirations of the Slovak people for freedom, democracy, and independence." 29 With a renewed sense of hope, a few dozen post-war exiles took up the challenge of informing the world about Slovakia and " .. .published hundreds of books and articles about the history of Slovakia and the Slovaks. [In the process, they] helped keep the 'Slovak cause ' in the public eye, as well as give it some credence in Slovakia from it was in vain. The occupation of Czecho-Slovakia has its roots in that fitiful pactomania of Benes with Moscow," 403. 5 J.M. Kirschbaum, " Diplomatic and Consular Relations of Slovakia with Neutral States," Slovakia 23 , 46 ( 1973), 111-22, 119. 26 Pauco, 423. 27 Stolarik, "The Role of Slovak Emigres in North America in the Emancipation of the Slovak Nation," 82 . 28 J.M. Kirschbaum, " Slovaks Abroad and their Role in Slovakia 's Struggle for Freedom," Slovakia 24, 47 (1974), 63-6, 63-4. 29 Ibid. 63-4. �64 SLOVAKIA 2019 the academic and intellectual circles in North America."30 One important publication with that goal was the academic journal, Slovakia, edited by Filip A. Hrobak and first published in 1951. The journal's purpose was twofold: to defend Slovak political rights and to publicize Slovak national and cultural activities.31 After 26 years as editor of the journal, the Slovak League of America lauded Hrobak as a defender of "the sacred cause of Slovak national freedom. " 32 Exiled Slovaks seldom agreed on what exactly comprised the Slovak cause but many believed that the West would be receptive to their homeland 's plight. The Slovak Question (i.e. rights to autonomy, self-determination, statehood, etc .) continually caused tension, especially among exile organizations consisting of both Czechs and Slovaks. One of the most influential of those, created one year after the communist coup of February 1948, was the Council of Free Czechoslovakia (CFC). The U.S. government relied on the Council for policy advice, but to the Slovaks' dismay Washington paid little attention to the Slovak Question. 33 The many feuds over Slovak autonomy led Slovaks such as Stefan Osusky to demand separate recognition in the Council of Free Czechoslovakia and parity in its leadership . However, achieving an equal voice in that organization 34 took over twenty years. In 1948 the Slovak National Council Abroad was founded by Karol Sidor, Jozef Kirschbaum, Peter Privdavok, and Konstantin Culen. The Slovak Leagues of America and Canada recognized the Slovak National Council as the representative body of Slovak politi30 M. Mark Stolarik, "Slovak Historians in Exile in North America, 1945- 1992," Human Affairs 6, no. I ( 1996), 34-44, 34. 31 Pauco, 422 32 Joseph C. Krajsa, ed., "First Catholic Slovak Union (Jednota) of the U.S. and Canada," in Slovaks in America: A Bicentennial Study (M iddletown, PA : Slovak League of America, 1978), IO 1-68, 128. 33 Michael R. Cude, Transatlantic Perspectives on th e Slo vak Question, /914-1948 (PhD Diss., Univers ity of Colorado-Boulder, 20 13) and Cude, "The Imagined Exiles." 34 The first reconciliation in 1952 attempted to address this issue by givi ng the Slovaks separate recognition with separate votes on programs within the CFC. In 1960, the moderate nationalists in the Council formed the Permanent Confe rence of Slovak Democratic Exiles and formally split from the CFC to join with other Czech dissenters to form the Committee of Free Czechoslovakia. The Czechoslovakists remained invo lved in the Counci l, and as part of its 1973 reorgani zation, the CFC established Czech-Slovak parity in its leadership. �SLOVAK.IA 2019 65 cal exiles. 35 Another exile group also promoted the nationalist cause. The Slovak Liberation Committee, led by Ferdinand Durcansly and others, defended "the right of self-determination for the Slovak nation." 36 Additionally, many smaller organizations and societies from Australia to Buenos Aires promoted the idea of political independence for Slovakia. 37 The inability of the various organizations to unite, however, hampered their overall impact on Western policy and understanding, especially in the first two and a half decades after the war . . The Prague Spring of 1968 was a turning point for many of the squabbling exiles. In the wake of the failed reform movement, thousands of the disappointed migrated out of Czechoslovakia. The newcomers were received with skepticism, and although there was little that unified Slovak emigres after 1968, Frantisek Braxator suggested that a common ideological platform might be that no compromise with Communism was possible, "human face" or otherwise. He reassuringly concluded that nobody wanted to resurrect the authoritarian wartime state. 38 In many ways, the diversity and energy of the new exiles added much to the cause of Slovak emigres in the West. Indeed, there is evidence that the last two decades of exile activity were more productive than the early decades of the Cold War. By then the political goals of Slovak-Americans and Slovak-Canadians were generally two-fold: continue heritage preservation and call attention in the West to the persecution of Slovaks under communist rule in Czechoslovakia. 39 After the Soviet invasion, the thousands of Prague Spring arrivals to North America and the earlier post-war political exiles from Slovakia, more than ever before, were able to find common purpose, even unity, in their identity as Slovaks. The unprecedented unity came in large part from a new umbrella organization, the Slovak World Congress (Svetovy kongres Slovakov), 35 Pauco, 423. Ibid. Some of the others included Stefan Polakovic, Alojz Macek, and Stanislav Meciar. 37 Ibid., 423-4. 38 Frantisek Braxator, " Slovaks Abroad and Their Relationship to Czechoslovakia," in Slovakia in th e 19th and 20'" Centuries, 425-33. He concluded that "there was "definitely no support for the idea that the majority of this emigration regards aid to Slovakia as taking the form of an effort to revive the Slovak Republic of 1939 to 1945 " 432 39 Kr;jsa, "First Catholic Slovak Union," in Slovaks in America, l O1-68, 126. 36 �66 SLOVAKIA 2019 founded in New York in June 1970. Between 1970 and 1989, the SWC brought together Slovak organizations from North and South America, Western Europe, and Oceania. It absorbed a wide variety of emigre Slovak organizations and individuals, from Catholics and Lutherans to a range of political figures , from the federalist-leaning Stefan Osusky to the ardent nationalist Ferdinand Durcansky. Leadership of the Slovak World Congress encompassed the diversity of Slovaks in exile as well. In addition to the old-guard leaders, 1968generation Slovak exiles such as the Lutheran pastor Dusan T6th and the Jewish ex-communist Eugen Lob! held high positions in the organization. The SWC aimed to resist Communism in the name of democracy, religious freedom , and the principle of self-determination, specifically meaning self-rule and political independence. In 1973, the Slovak World Congress published symposium proceedings to inform and update the West about Slovaks and their long history in Central Europe. Many contributors thought that too few histories of Europe had appreciated the Slovaks' ninth-century state organization. Furthermore, they had neglected to mention Slovak contributions to Slavic civi lizations, such as by Saints Cyril and Methodius. Slovak World Congress organizers were also concerned that when Slovak history was presented, it was "in a distorted light." 40 Founder and benefactor Stephen B. Roman noted the unith th queness of the symposium and resulting book on 19 and 20 century Slovak history: [A} fl the authors, including those of non-Slovak origin, subscribe to the thesis that the Slovaks developed through the centuries into a distin ct Central European nation, and that their language, literature and culture also developed independently of other Slavic nations. From this premise, the right to selfdetermination and equality of rights for the Slovak people be41 came a logical conclusion for all contributors. The Slovak World Congress' mission was to represent "the cultural, social, and political aspirations of the Slovak people in the Western hemisphere" and to "contribute to the search for historical 40 41 Stephen B. Roman, "Preface," Slovakia in th e 19th and 20th Centuries, 5. Roman, " Preface," 6. �SLOVAKIA 2019 67 truth about the Slovaks and thereby to help bring about better understanding and cooperation among the nations of Central Europe."42 Founder Roman declared that the SWC strongly believed "that peoples of that vital area" could "regain their political freedom and build their future through close cooperation and the recognition by each of the equal rights to independence of the others."43 Notably, the Slovak World Congress claimed to work toward freedom and independence not only for Slovakia but for other small European nations as well. In 1978 in the "Introduction to the Second Edition" of the Slovak World Congress proceedings, Slovakia in the 1911' and 20th Centuries, editor Joseph M. Kirschbaum further emphasized the balanced and informational nature of the volume: Until very recently Slovak history was presented to the West either by the adherents of the "Czechoslovak" school which denied the separate historical development of Slovakia, or by the historians of the Slovak nationalist school who insisted on the independent political and cultural development of Slovakia . ...By publishing this edition, the Slovak World Congress has no other aim but to help acquaint Western readers with Slovakia and [its} rise to nationhood, and to contribute to the search for freedom and cooperation among the nations of Central and Eastern Europe.44 Despite the Slovak World Congress' reputation as the leading late Cold War organization for Slovaks in the West, it was never completely successful in uniting the Slovak exiles. The Czechoslovakists and some of the moderate nationalists disavowed involvement because of the strong views of the Catholic autonomists, especially those with "unclean pasts.,,4s To accommodate the diversity of interests, the SWC comprised three factions regarding constitutional questions: federalization within Czechoslovakia, confederation, and independence. 46 On behalf of the Slovak diaspora, leader Roman had 42 Ibid. Ibid. 44 J.M . Kirschbaum, Slo vakia in the / 9th and 20th Centuries, 8. 45 Jozef Spetko, "Slovenska exilova a emigrantska politika v rokoch 1945-1989," Historicky casopis 39, no . 3 ( I99 I), 24 1-61: 256. 46 Ibid., 257-8. 43 �68 SLOVAK.IA 2019 wanted the organization to "speak as one voice and act according to a single plan" on behalf of the silenced Slovaks in the homeland. But achieving consensus among the exiles, especially about independence and resolution of the Slovak Question, was impossible from the very beginning of the SWC. 47 Nevertheless, the Slovak World Congress devised anti-communist propaganda campaigns, held scholarly conferences and cultural festivals , and even aided the protest movements in Slovakia in the 1980s.48 The organization collaborated with figures such as the Slovak-Canadian hockey player Marian St'astny and the Camogursky family-leading members of the organization-and even organized overseas protests to promote religious freedom in conjunction with the candlelight protests in Bratislava on March 25, 1988. In 1989, the Slovak World Congress officially supported the Velvet Revolution. However, "once the Communists surrendered power to Czech and Slovak dissidents ... the Slovak World Congress began to fracture ." 49 In the wake of the fall of the Czechoslovak communist regime, the SWC organized visits and programs in Slovakia. But relations between the SWC and the post-communist Czechoslovak government quickly became strained, mostly over the issue of Slovak autonomy, which most, but not all, members of the Slovak World Congress still very much supported. 50 Within weeks of the revolution, Secretary-General of the SWC Dusan T6th, who had fled Czechoslovakia after the Soviet invasion in 1968, visited his family in Slovakia and appeared at some political rallies in the capital, Bratislava. The " intoxicated crowds" welcomed him warmly and "listened intently as he told them about the [Slovak 47 Ibid. , 255. M. Mark Stolarik, Where is my Hom e? Slovak Immigration to North America (/870-20/0) (Bern: Peter Lang, 2012), 281-2. 49 Ibid., 287. The groups were the Civic Forum (Obcanske forum) and the Public Against Violence (Verejnost' proti nasiliu) in the Czech lands and Slovakia, respectively. 50 The Slovak World Congress began to decline after Roman's death in 1988, especially since he had bankrolled the organization. After the Velvet Divorce in I993, its functions declined even more, with its most notable achievement being to convince the U.S. and Slovak governments to allow dual citizenship. By 2000, the SWC was functionally gone. See Stolarik, Where ... , 279-95. 48 �SLOVAKIA 2019 69 World] Congress and its aspirations for freedom in Slovakia." 5 1 After all, the topic of political independence had been a taboo for forty years. For its part, the SWC tried to engage the Slovak government in talks about independence in early 1990, but Slovak politicians had more immediate concerns such as figuring out how to navigate the new political landscape. "Many were new politicians who faced the task of learning not only the art of political maneuvering, but above all that of public discourse in a democratic society. They were the ones who dealt with the issue of Czecho-Slovak relations which found resolution in the dissolution of Czechoslovakia. " 52 The first post-communist elections in Slovakia were for representatives to the Slovak National Council. Although results of the voting in early June 1990 demonstrated the predictable rejection of Communism, they also " indicated that ' the Slovak question' was still on the political agenda. " 53 The biggest surprise was the third place finish for the Slovak National Party (Slovenska narodna strana orSNS), the only party with independence in its platform. "It is quite likely that one particular event preceding the election contributed to the [SNS ' s] success" in the parliamentary elections.54 Trouble began in March 1990 in the Federal Assembly in Czechoslovakia. Vaclav Havel, who had recently become the new president, was a vocal proponent of federalism and continuing the Czech union with Slovakia. The dispute started when Slovak politicians wanted to return to the original ( 1918-1920) way of writing the country's name: Czecho-Slovakia. Tensions grew when the Czechs agreed that Slovakia could do so, but neither the Czechs nor the federal government of Czechoslovakia would hyphenate. The "hyphen war" showed "how very different were the Czech and Slovak conceptions of their common state and brought into the open the need to reexamine the state of Czech-Slovak relations." 55 For the next two years, the discourse around that reexamination exposed ever more disparities and decades-old animosities . 51 Anne C.R. Roman, "Slovak Expats Remember 1989, too," Slovak Spectator, 29 November 1999, https://spectator.sme.sk/c/20009411 /slovak-expats-remember1989-too.html. 52 S. Kirschbaum, A History of Slovakia, 251-2. 53 Ibid., 255. 54 Ibid. 55 Ibid . �70 SLOVAKIA 2019 Economic concerns took center stage, including the question of how quickly to move away from a socialist command economy to a capitalist market economy. While Slovaks feared a continuation of Prague centralism, including federal conduct and policies that favored Czech-and discounted Slovak- economic contributions, Czechs complained about subsidizing the Slovak economy. 56 The contrasting way the Slovaks and Czechs viewed this issue underscores some of the key reasons for their separation in 1993. One Czech-American historian argues that the peaceful separation of Czechs and Slovaks was a "necessity," based on their lack of "shared positive historical experience." 57 History and the "interplay of a series of factors" indeed influenced the breakup of Czechoslovakia. 58 Stanislav Kirschbaum suggests the root of the problem goes back to "the pursuit of [Slovak] national development in cooperation with the Czechs."59 From its inception in 1918 the "ultimate failure" of the Czechoslovak state was that it did not "provide an acceptable framework for Slovak national development," and despite all the benefits and progress, "the common state put Slovaks in a position of having to continue their struggle for survival." 60 In retrospect, the unraveling of Czechoslovakia in the early 1990s is not surprising; nor is the fact of its peaceful evolution. In the eyes of many Slovak exiles, the fall of Communism meant more than just getting rid of the Communists and returning to democracy. Indeed, " ... it was all of this plus home rule," commented M. Mark Stolarik, scholar and former president of the Canadian Slovak 56 S. Kirschbaum, 256-68. Igor Lukes, " Strangers in One House: Czechs and Slovaks, 1918-1992," Canadian Review of Studies in Nationalism/Revue Canadienne des Etudes sur le Nationalisme 27, 1-2 2000, 33-43 , 41 . 58 S. Kirschbaum, 270. The factors include the following: "The inability of the Czechoslovak state to solve certain social and constitutional problems since 1918; the legacy of the Communist regime; the adaptation crisis resulting from the passage of a single-party state to democratic pluralism ; the lack of experience of the leaders of the Velvet Revolution ; the absence of Czechoslovak parties in the postCommunist era; and the provision in the 1968 constitutional law that allowed Slovak deputies to block federal legislation that was not deemed to be in Slovakia's interest" so that the Slovaks could not be outvoted by the Czech majority." . 59 S. Kirschbaum, 270-71. 60 Ibid., 271. 57 �SLOVAK.IA 2019 71 League, on the tenth anniversary of the Velvet Revolution.6 1 In the United States and Canada, Slovak exiles' experiences of democracy and freedom guided them forward before and after the toppling of the hardline communist regime in Czechoslovakia. 62 Their influence on politics in the homeland has yet to be clearly documented, but it is quite possible that Slovak exiles and their endeavor to keep alive the drive for the self-determination and political independence of the Slovak nation provided not only legitimacy in the West, but also moral and political encouragement to their homeland as the nation moved toward independence in the early 1990s. 61 A. Roman, " Slovak Expats Remember 1989, too." Francis D. Raska, Long Road to Victory: A History or Czechoslovak Exile Organizations after I 968 (Boulder: East European Monographs, 20 12). Raska concludes that the influence of exile groups in the fa ll of Communism in Czechoslovakia "was unquestionabl y positive," 172. 62 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2019, Vol. 44 Description An account of the resource Vol. 44 (No. 82-83), 2019. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2019 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 2019 55 IMAGINING A SEP ARA TE SLOVAK.IA: ANTICOMMUNIST SLOVAK EXILES' STRUGGLE FOR AN INDEPENDENT HOMELAND 1 Ellen L. Paul In January 1993, the principle of self-determination reigned supreme as the post-communist Czech and Slovak Federative Republic became Slovakia and the Czech Republic. In many ways, this peaceful separation was the logical outcome of decades of anti-communist Slovak emigre efforts. To be sure, Cold War exiles who left Czechoslovakia after 1945 and the February 1948 communist takeover had many disagreements amongst themselves, especially over leadership and direction of their numerous political organizations.2 Over time, however, many of the Slovak exile organizations arrived at some kind of consensus, and by the last two decades of the Cold War, the right of political self-determination provided Slovak emigres with a unifying theme. After all, in August 1968 when the Warsaw Pact armies quashed the Prague Spring, the Soviet Union brutally reminded the world of its firm control over Czechoslovakia. Yet, that event inspired two reasons for hope among Slovak exiles: l . the longpromised federalism of Czechoslovakia and 2. the creation in 1970 of a unifying new organization of Slovak exiles, the Slovak World Congress. As exiles in the free and democratic West, Cold War-era Slovak political exiles not only fought Soviet Communism and advocated for human rights in the homeland, they also defended the unique development of the Slovak nation in Central European history and informed the West about Slovakia, often refuting what many saw as misinformation spread by the Czechs. A recurring theme at the heart of the publications about Slovak history and culture was the dream of political independence for the Slovak nation. 1 A version of thi s paper was presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Historical Association, Polish American Historical Association panel on 7 January 2017 in Denver, Colorado. 2 Igor Lukes, "Czechoslovak Political Ex ile in the Cold War: the earl y years," Polish Review 47 , no. 3 (2002): 332-43. 56 SLOVAKIA 2019 From the early 20 th century, Slovaks in the West became convinced that democracy and the ethnic principle of self-determination went hand-in-hand with political independence. A small group of Slovak exiles favored political union with their Czech neighbors, but others insisted on autonomy and even independence based on the ethnic principle of self-determination. Throughout the Cold War, the groups favoring independence consistently fought for a separate Slovak identity and "equal rights with the other free and democratic nations of Europe and the world." 3 In 1993, the fruit of their struggles resulted in the peaceful split of the Czech and Slovak Federative Republic into Slovakia and the Czech Republic. Politically active Slovak exiles in Western Europe, the United States, and Canada can be roughly categorized into three basic groups. These categories are a helpful framework for understanding the issue of Slovak independence and especially the ways exiles aligned themselves in the early years of the Cold War. 1. Czechoslovakists: Slovaks who wanted a close union with the Czechs. 2. Federalists: moderate Slovak nationalists who pursued cooperation with the Czechs, but wanted recognition of a separate Slovak identity and political autonomy both for Slovakia and within the exile organizations. These included figures such as Stefan Osusky and Slovak Democratic Party members sent into exile after the communist coup in February 1948. 4 It is notable that the majority-but not all- of these first two groups came from Slovakia' s Lutheran minority. 3. Slovak autonomists : these Slovaks were decidedly nationalist and predominantly Catholic. They were also the most contentious. They supported Slovak independence, completely eschewing union with the Czechs-and rejecting the idea of a "Czechoslovak nation." They fled into exile right away in 1945, ahead of the Red Army and the returning Czechoslovak government. Among them were academics and journalists, such as historian Konstantin Culen, poet Mikulas Sprinc, and journalist Jozef 3 Joseph M. Kirschbaum, "Americki Slovaci a myslienka slovenskej samostatnosti," Kato/icky kalendar Jednota 87 (I 984), 177-84, 184. 4 The 1948 generation tended to be professionals or factory owners and, generally, among the most skilled and educated. In exile, many worked to resist Communism and return Czechoslovakia to democracy. SLOVAKIA 2019 57 Pauco. In addition, the group featured several politicians and diplomats from the wartime Slovak state, such as Jozef Kirschbaum, Karol Sidor, and Ferdinand Durcansky. The majority of Slovak autonomists migrated to Canada, with some gaining entry into the United States. Although exact membership figures are unknown, there were far more Slovak autonomist and federalist exile groups in North America. This paper focuses almost exclusively on the autonomist and federalist Slovak exiles. Over time their differences faded, especially after the failed Prague Spring reform movement in 1968. Another reason for this shift was that as post-war emigres died, a younger generation of autonomists and federalists gradually united in their goals for self-determination and political independence for Slovakia. In 1958, linguist and Franciscan priest, Bonaventure S. Bue, categorized Slovak emigres into only two groups, lumping the federalists and autonomists into, simply, the autonomists . He explained the rift between the Czechoslovakists and the autonomists with a question: "Are we Czechs or are we Slovaks? To this question the Czechoslovak would answer: I am a Czech; the Autonomist: I am a Slovak." 5 Bue continued " ... the majority of Slovaks have always felt and professed to be an ethnographically, historically, and culturally distinct nation from the Czechs" and suggested that by the late 1950s the Czechoslovakist versus autonomist conflict was " losing its original raison d 'etre."6 In large part that was because even the Slovaks who wished to preserve the state of Czecho-Slovakia by then had "abandoned the highly disputed fiction of the 'Czechoslovak nation"' and agreed on the distinctness of the Slovaks. 7 The remaining issue was about the best alliance or political form for the nation's survival. Many historians trace the ethnogenesis of the Slovak nation back to the Great Moravian Empire of the ninth century, largely based on oral accounts and the Christianizing and linguistic legacy of Saints Cyril and Methodius. Solid documentary evidence of Slovak linguistic uniqueness harks back to the 1700s, when the Catholic intelli5 B. S. Bue, "Conflicts of Slovak Nationalism," Slovakia 8, no . 2 ( 1958), 1-1 7: 7 and 16. 6 Bue, 15. 7 Buc,16-17. 58 SLOVAK.IA 2019 gentsia in northern Hungary first suggested a separate identity for the Slovak language-as opposed to a Czech or Czechoslovak language. To them, it no longer made sense to use the more developed Czech language, and so Catholic clergy began writing in the Slovak vernacular even though the majority culture was distinctly Magyar. 8 In the 19 th century, language became "the center of the new national idea," but this was not enough to create a national identity for the Slovaks, who were under increasing pressure to assimi late to Magyar language and culture. In The Slovak National Awakening ( 1976), Peter Brock explains that as the intelligentsia began to promote the Slovak language and nation, and shift from using the Czech language, ideas about political unity with the Czechs also faded. 9 In 1848, I.',udovit Stur and other young Protestant intellectuals formed a short-lived Slavonic nation of their own, but thereafter the process of creating a Slovak political nation was interrupted by Magyarization, which meant the imposition of Magyar culture and language on young intellectuals in the Hungarian half of Austria-Hungary. The impetus to assert a separate Slovak identity with a language that was neither Czech nor Magyar had been well under way by the 1840s, involved both Catholics and Protestants, and was an important step toward declaring a distinct Slovak national identity. Toward that end, in the early 1860s the Matica slovenska (Slovak Cultural Institute) was founded to aid the continuing development of Slovak literature and culture. A political merger between Czechs and Slovaks came in 1918 following the breakup of Austria-Hungary and the calamity of the First World War, but that union was not predestined. Despite their linguistic similarities and geographical proximity, Czechs and Slovaks had very different histories and cultural influences. For hundreds of years, the Czech lands were part of the Holy Roman Empire, ruled by the House of Habsburg, and much influenced by German culture and the Reformation (and the Czech reformer Jan Hus). During that time, the Kingdom of Hungary ruled over the Slovak 8 Ismo Nurmi, Slovakia-a Playground for Nationalism and National Identity: Manifestations of National identity of the Slo vaks 191 8-1920, Biblioteca Historica 42 (Helsinki: Finnish Literature Society, 1999), 9-10, and Peter Brock, The Slovak National Awakening (Toronto and Buffalo: University of Toronto Press, 1976), 1837 and 53-4. 9 Brock, 7 & 20-37 . SLOVAKIA 2019 59 lands, inside the boundaries of the Habsburg Monarchy. While both small nations struggled against strong neighbors, their nineteenth century trajectories to national awakening and political agency were distinctly different. Firstly, the Slovak lands remained largely agricultural while the Czech lands underwent industrialization. Secondly, the Czechs achieved some successes in gaining cultural and linguistic rights at home and a measure of political representation in Vienna. Whereas to the east, the Slovaks faced increasing Magyarization and the loss of their culture. Since the tenth century, the lands of Slovakia had been ruled by foreigners and what had kept the Slovaks from assimilating, disappearing, or dispersing were "language, geography, and tradition ." 10 Not surprisingly, these vastly divergent experiences dramatically shaped the outlook and soul of each nation. Although Slovak culture was repressed in the homeland, the impact of the efforts of the Matica slovenska, Catholic clergy, and Slovak intelligentsia to keep Slovak language and culture alive became apparent by the late 19 th century, when notable numbers of emigres began arriving in the United States and identified themselves as Slovak. By the early twentieth century, the U.S.A. was home to the most influential Slovak diaspora. 11 In 1890, they established two important early exile organizations: the National Slovak Society and the First Catholic Slovak Union. In 1907, the Slovak League of America formed and united all Slovak groups in America. While based "on a wide platform of love for [the] Slovak nation," the Slovak League of America's mission at the time was to cast off the Hungarian tyrant ruling over Slovaks in the homeland. 12 Unity among exiles, however, became much harder to achieve after the dissolution of AustriaHungary during the First World War and particularly after the declaration of the First Czechoslovak Republic in 1918. During World War I, politicians began deliberating the future of Central Europe. The most important negotiations regarding Czechoslovak statehood took place in North America among representatives of both the Czechs and Slovaks. The Czechs knew that Slovak par10 Stanislav J. Kirschbaum, A History of Slovakia: The Struggle for Survival (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1995), 37-8. 11 Jozef Pauco, " Slovaks Abroad and their Relationship with Slovakia," in Slovakia in th e 19th and 20th Centuries, 2 nd edition, ed. Jozef M. Kirschbaum (Toronto: Slovak World Congress, 1978), 415-24, 415. 12 Ibid., 417. 60 SLOVAK.IA 2019 ticipation was vital to their cause. With that knowledge, Slovaks were able to leverage some influence by demanding " recognition of an independent Slovak identity and Slovak political autonomy in exchange for their support." 13 Many Slovak exiles believed that "through their immigration to America ... they had helped preserve Slovak national identity" and that "American democracy provided them something they felt would prove beneficial" for Slovaks back home. 14 In the negotiations over Czechoslovakia and its constitution, the efforts of Slovak Stefan Osusky stand out. He worked closely with Tomas G. Masaryk for federalism and for Slovakia to be regarded "as an equal partner by the Czechs in the Czecho-Slovak state." 15 In 1918, the (First) Czechoslovak Republic was created with Masaryk as its president. Unfortunately, Masaryk- whose father was Slovak and mother was Moravian/Czech-did not believe the Slovaks to be a separate nation. In addition, "a fateful ambiguity crept into the very first political statement published by independent Slovak politicians, the Slovak National Council. .. " which although declaring Slovakia a "nation," also suggested Slovak as a "branch of the unified Czechoslovak nation ." 16 The confusion resulted in "misunderstandings, confused government policies, enmity, and even tragedy .. .. [And] politically, it led to all sorts of excesses, including Czech chauvinism and Slovak Czechophobia." 17 The final documents of the new combined state referred only to the "Czechoslovaks" and completely omitted any mention of autonomy for Slovakia. 13 Michael R. Cude, "The Imagined Exiles : Slovak-Ameri cans and the Slovak Question during the First Czechoslovak Republi c," in From Exsilium to Exile: Coercion in Migration, Studia Historica Gedanensia, vol. 5, ed . Anna Mazurkiewicz (Gdansk : University of Gdansk Historical Institute, 2014), 287-305 , 287. 14 Cude writes that Slovak exi les viewed "their experi ence in America" as proof "that the Slovaks could very much develop independently and did not need the strict oversight of the Czechs. As such , the Slovak-American activ ists gradually adopted a role as an 'ex iled' national voice aga inst Prague centra lism," 298 . 15 Joseph A. Mikus, "Comments," in Slovakia in th e l <J'h and 2dh Centuries, 97-100, 97 . 16 Peter Petro, A History of Slovak Literature, Montreal [Que.] : MQUP, 1995. Ebook Collection (EBSCO host), EBSCOhost (accessed 29 Nov. 2016), 13 1. 17 Petro, 131. SLOVAKIA 2019 61 In dismissing the wishes of Slovak nationalists in America, and subsequently in Slovakia as well, Masaryk and his supporters were putting the new Republic into j eopardy. The various Czech-dominated governments that ruled the new Republic recruited Slovaks of the 'Czechoslovak ' persuasion (largely Lutherans) to join their ruling coalition. American Czechoslovaks approved of this arrangement. .. . Slovak nationalists, however, were left out in the cold. 18 The centralism 19 of the government in Prague during the First Czechoslovak Republic can be viewed as helping continue the defensive nature of the Slovak national movement, which had begun under the duress of Magyarization. 2° For example, Slovaks seldom felt like equal partners in the new state. Even though in 1918 "the very real existential problems caused by the attempted liquidation of Slovak culture through Magyarization [had] disappeared ... the positive aspect of this momentous change for liberated Slovak culture was somewhat tempered by a paternalistic attitude emanating from Prague." But it was not "always ill-meant and unjustified; from Prague also came tremendous support and help, particularly in the cultural and educational fields ." 21 The perception of inequality, however, became consequential in the late 1930s, when Czechoslovakia found itself under the heel of Nazi Germany. On 14 March 1939, several months after the Munich Pact gave Nazi Germany control over the Sudetenland (in a failed exchange for peace), Catholic Slovak leaders declared the Slovak Republic, albeit under Nazi influence. Six years later, the first Slovak state came to an end. The short-lived, authoritarian Slovak state caused much conflict among exiles in the early post-war years. Among the Catholic autonomists, the Slovak Republic inspired nostalgia and resolve to continue the fight for political independence. But the federalist and Czech18 M. Mark Stolarik, "The Role of Slovak Emigres in North America in the Emancipation of the Slovak Nation," Drustvena istrazivanja [Journal fo r General Social Issues ] 7, no. 1-2 (1998), 75-88, 78. 19 In Czechoslovakia, "centralism" refers to the concentration of political power in the capital, Prague. It often operated in opposition to regional desires for decentralization, self-administration, and autonomy. 20 Nurmi , 18 I. 21 Petro, 13 1. 62 SLOVAKIA 2019 oslovakist Slovak exiles generally condemned that group as, among other things, undemocratic.22 In turn, the Catholic autonomists condemned the federalists as having sold out the Slovaks to communist oppression after the war. The Catholic autonomists defended the wartime Slovak state as a rational decision done for national survival, as "the only way out under the given political circumstances" of Czechoslovakia having fallen under the rule of Nazi German~, and "as the logical conclusion of their former national endeavors." 3 Although controversial and brief, this experiment in political independence gave the Slovaks a new and lasting sense of worthiness among nations. While Masaryk had been a disappointment to many Slovaks, post-war Slovak emigres- autonomists and federalists alike-expressly despised the second Czechoslovak president and wartime leader of the Czechoslovak government-in-exi le in London, Edvard Benes (1935-38 & 1939-48). In a variety of publications during and after World War II, (federalist) politician Stefan Osusky blamed Benes for the breakup of Czecho-Slovakia in 1938 and for the postwar subjugation of Czecho-Slovakia by the Soviet Union. Former diplomat and historian Joseph A. Mikus (an autonomist) voiced similarly strong views of Benes, holding him responsible not only for the communist takeover in 1948 but also for the failure of the reform movement under Alexander Dubcek in 1968. 24 In general, the Slovak 22 Petro writes "The backlash that led to the super-nationalism of some writers during the existence of the Slovak Republic can be ascribed not to some inbred propensity for political extremism, but to a desperate desire for national self-assertion," 131 -32. 23 B.S. Bue, " Federative Tendencies of Slovak Nationalism," Slovakia 8, no. 3 ( 1958), 25-32, 30. "The short-lived existence of this independent state gave to Slovak nationalism what it had hitherto lacked, namely, a uniform will to live independently and a conviction that it will know how to stand its ground as an equally worthy member among the other nations." 24 Mikus, "Comments," in Slovakia in the 19th and 2dh Centuries, 400-405 . In response to a presentation by Kurt Glaser regarding the question of national states and federali sm in Central Europe, Mikus argued "The record of Czechoslovakia is particularly sad, since during World War II Benes had laid the comer-stone of his foreign policy out of collaboration with the Soviet Union, a non-Western and communist power. The guilt complex resulting from [Benes's] 1945 solution of the Sudeten German problem threw him into the arms of the Soviet Union . That embrace became so strong that [Alexander] Dubcek's effort to extricate Czecho- SLOVAKIA 2019 63 exiles with close ties to the Catholic Slovak Republic felt particularly snubbed by Czechoslovakia's wartime representatives in London and Washington. Slovak politician, diplomat, and later prolific scholar Jozef M. Kirschbaum was unflinching both in his support for Slovak independence and in his criticism of the Czechs: "Unfortunately, Western diplomats displayed little understanding for the aspirations of the Slovak people and mostly adhered to the concept of the Czech exiled politicians" led by Benes. 25 In the late 1940s and early '50s, Slovak exile groups contacted a variety of governmental offices in the U.S. and Canada requesting freedom from Soviet domination and independence for Slovakia. 26 Bitterness and rivalries among the groups, however, limited their impact. 27 Ever since the declaration of Czechoslovakia in 1918, Slovak exiles had embraced the mission of speaking on behalf of the silenced Slovak people back home in Czechoslovakia. They resumed that role after World War II as Slovak exiles reacted to the "rigid centralism" imposed by the post-war Czechoslovak regime. In addition, Slovak exiles in the West were troubled by the ruthlessness of the Stalinist system, with its "political and religious persecution, economic discrimination, and prohibition of contacts with Western countries." 28 So, American and Canadian Slovaks responded to the new status quo by resuming their role as "interpreters of the aspirations of the Slovak people for freedom, democracy, and independence." 29 With a renewed sense of hope, a few dozen post-war exiles took up the challenge of informing the world about Slovakia and " .. .published hundreds of books and articles about the history of Slovakia and the Slovaks. [In the process, they] helped keep the 'Slovak cause ' in the public eye, as well as give it some credence in Slovakia from it was in vain. The occupation of Czecho-Slovakia has its roots in that fitiful pactomania of Benes with Moscow," 403. 5 J.M. Kirschbaum, " Diplomatic and Consular Relations of Slovakia with Neutral States," Slovakia 23 , 46 ( 1973), 111-22, 119. 26 Pauco, 423. 27 Stolarik, "The Role of Slovak Emigres in North America in the Emancipation of the Slovak Nation," 82 . 28 J.M. Kirschbaum, " Slovaks Abroad and their Role in Slovakia 's Struggle for Freedom," Slovakia 24, 47 (1974), 63-6, 63-4. 29 Ibid. 63-4. 64 SLOVAKIA 2019 the academic and intellectual circles in North America."30 One important publication with that goal was the academic journal, Slovakia, edited by Filip A. Hrobak and first published in 1951. The journal's purpose was twofold: to defend Slovak political rights and to publicize Slovak national and cultural activities.31 After 26 years as editor of the journal, the Slovak League of America lauded Hrobak as a defender of "the sacred cause of Slovak national freedom. " 32 Exiled Slovaks seldom agreed on what exactly comprised the Slovak cause but many believed that the West would be receptive to their homeland 's plight. The Slovak Question (i.e. rights to autonomy, self-determination, statehood, etc .) continually caused tension, especially among exile organizations consisting of both Czechs and Slovaks. One of the most influential of those, created one year after the communist coup of February 1948, was the Council of Free Czechoslovakia (CFC). The U.S. government relied on the Council for policy advice, but to the Slovaks' dismay Washington paid little attention to the Slovak Question. 33 The many feuds over Slovak autonomy led Slovaks such as Stefan Osusky to demand separate recognition in the Council of Free Czechoslovakia and parity in its leadership . However, achieving an equal voice in that organization 34 took over twenty years. In 1948 the Slovak National Council Abroad was founded by Karol Sidor, Jozef Kirschbaum, Peter Privdavok, and Konstantin Culen. The Slovak Leagues of America and Canada recognized the Slovak National Council as the representative body of Slovak politi30 M. Mark Stolarik, "Slovak Historians in Exile in North America, 1945- 1992," Human Affairs 6, no. I ( 1996), 34-44, 34. 31 Pauco, 422 32 Joseph C. Krajsa, ed., "First Catholic Slovak Union (Jednota) of the U.S. and Canada," in Slovaks in America: A Bicentennial Study (M iddletown, PA : Slovak League of America, 1978), IO 1-68, 128. 33 Michael R. Cude, Transatlantic Perspectives on th e Slo vak Question, /914-1948 (PhD Diss., Univers ity of Colorado-Boulder, 20 13) and Cude, "The Imagined Exiles." 34 The first reconciliation in 1952 attempted to address this issue by givi ng the Slovaks separate recognition with separate votes on programs within the CFC. In 1960, the moderate nationalists in the Council formed the Permanent Confe rence of Slovak Democratic Exiles and formally split from the CFC to join with other Czech dissenters to form the Committee of Free Czechoslovakia. The Czechoslovakists remained invo lved in the Counci l, and as part of its 1973 reorgani zation, the CFC established Czech-Slovak parity in its leadership. SLOVAK.IA 2019 65 cal exiles. 35 Another exile group also promoted the nationalist cause. The Slovak Liberation Committee, led by Ferdinand Durcansly and others, defended "the right of self-determination for the Slovak nation." 36 Additionally, many smaller organizations and societies from Australia to Buenos Aires promoted the idea of political independence for Slovakia. 37 The inability of the various organizations to unite, however, hampered their overall impact on Western policy and understanding, especially in the first two and a half decades after the war . . The Prague Spring of 1968 was a turning point for many of the squabbling exiles. In the wake of the failed reform movement, thousands of the disappointed migrated out of Czechoslovakia. The newcomers were received with skepticism, and although there was little that unified Slovak emigres after 1968, Frantisek Braxator suggested that a common ideological platform might be that no compromise with Communism was possible, "human face" or otherwise. He reassuringly concluded that nobody wanted to resurrect the authoritarian wartime state. 38 In many ways, the diversity and energy of the new exiles added much to the cause of Slovak emigres in the West. Indeed, there is evidence that the last two decades of exile activity were more productive than the early decades of the Cold War. By then the political goals of Slovak-Americans and Slovak-Canadians were generally two-fold: continue heritage preservation and call attention in the West to the persecution of Slovaks under communist rule in Czechoslovakia. 39 After the Soviet invasion, the thousands of Prague Spring arrivals to North America and the earlier post-war political exiles from Slovakia, more than ever before, were able to find common purpose, even unity, in their identity as Slovaks. The unprecedented unity came in large part from a new umbrella organization, the Slovak World Congress (Svetovy kongres Slovakov), 35 Pauco, 423. Ibid. Some of the others included Stefan Polakovic, Alojz Macek, and Stanislav Meciar. 37 Ibid., 423-4. 38 Frantisek Braxator, " Slovaks Abroad and Their Relationship to Czechoslovakia," in Slovakia in th e 19th and 20'" Centuries, 425-33. He concluded that "there was "definitely no support for the idea that the majority of this emigration regards aid to Slovakia as taking the form of an effort to revive the Slovak Republic of 1939 to 1945 " 432 39 Kr;jsa, "First Catholic Slovak Union," in Slovaks in America, l O1-68, 126. 36 66 SLOVAKIA 2019 founded in New York in June 1970. Between 1970 and 1989, the SWC brought together Slovak organizations from North and South America, Western Europe, and Oceania. It absorbed a wide variety of emigre Slovak organizations and individuals, from Catholics and Lutherans to a range of political figures , from the federalist-leaning Stefan Osusky to the ardent nationalist Ferdinand Durcansky. Leadership of the Slovak World Congress encompassed the diversity of Slovaks in exile as well. In addition to the old-guard leaders, 1968generation Slovak exiles such as the Lutheran pastor Dusan T6th and the Jewish ex-communist Eugen Lob! held high positions in the organization. The SWC aimed to resist Communism in the name of democracy, religious freedom , and the principle of self-determination, specifically meaning self-rule and political independence. In 1973, the Slovak World Congress published symposium proceedings to inform and update the West about Slovaks and their long history in Central Europe. Many contributors thought that too few histories of Europe had appreciated the Slovaks' ninth-century state organization. Furthermore, they had neglected to mention Slovak contributions to Slavic civi lizations, such as by Saints Cyril and Methodius. Slovak World Congress organizers were also concerned that when Slovak history was presented, it was "in a distorted light." 40 Founder and benefactor Stephen B. Roman noted the unith th queness of the symposium and resulting book on 19 and 20 century Slovak history: [A} fl the authors, including those of non-Slovak origin, subscribe to the thesis that the Slovaks developed through the centuries into a distin ct Central European nation, and that their language, literature and culture also developed independently of other Slavic nations. From this premise, the right to selfdetermination and equality of rights for the Slovak people be41 came a logical conclusion for all contributors. The Slovak World Congress' mission was to represent "the cultural, social, and political aspirations of the Slovak people in the Western hemisphere" and to "contribute to the search for historical 40 41 Stephen B. Roman, "Preface," Slovakia in th e 19th and 20th Centuries, 5. Roman, " Preface," 6. SLOVAKIA 2019 67 truth about the Slovaks and thereby to help bring about better understanding and cooperation among the nations of Central Europe."42 Founder Roman declared that the SWC strongly believed "that peoples of that vital area" could "regain their political freedom and build their future through close cooperation and the recognition by each of the equal rights to independence of the others."43 Notably, the Slovak World Congress claimed to work toward freedom and independence not only for Slovakia but for other small European nations as well. In 1978 in the "Introduction to the Second Edition" of the Slovak World Congress proceedings, Slovakia in the 1911' and 20th Centuries, editor Joseph M. Kirschbaum further emphasized the balanced and informational nature of the volume: Until very recently Slovak history was presented to the West either by the adherents of the "Czechoslovak" school which denied the separate historical development of Slovakia, or by the historians of the Slovak nationalist school who insisted on the independent political and cultural development of Slovakia . ...By publishing this edition, the Slovak World Congress has no other aim but to help acquaint Western readers with Slovakia and [its} rise to nationhood, and to contribute to the search for freedom and cooperation among the nations of Central and Eastern Europe.44 Despite the Slovak World Congress' reputation as the leading late Cold War organization for Slovaks in the West, it was never completely successful in uniting the Slovak exiles. The Czechoslovakists and some of the moderate nationalists disavowed involvement because of the strong views of the Catholic autonomists, especially those with "unclean pasts.,,4s To accommodate the diversity of interests, the SWC comprised three factions regarding constitutional questions: federalization within Czechoslovakia, confederation, and independence. 46 On behalf of the Slovak diaspora, leader Roman had 42 Ibid. Ibid. 44 J.M . Kirschbaum, Slo vakia in the / 9th and 20th Centuries, 8. 45 Jozef Spetko, "Slovenska exilova a emigrantska politika v rokoch 1945-1989," Historicky casopis 39, no . 3 ( I99 I), 24 1-61: 256. 46 Ibid., 257-8. 43 68 SLOVAK.IA 2019 wanted the organization to "speak as one voice and act according to a single plan" on behalf of the silenced Slovaks in the homeland. But achieving consensus among the exiles, especially about independence and resolution of the Slovak Question, was impossible from the very beginning of the SWC. 47 Nevertheless, the Slovak World Congress devised anti-communist propaganda campaigns, held scholarly conferences and cultural festivals , and even aided the protest movements in Slovakia in the 1980s.48 The organization collaborated with figures such as the Slovak-Canadian hockey player Marian St'astny and the Camogursky family-leading members of the organization-and even organized overseas protests to promote religious freedom in conjunction with the candlelight protests in Bratislava on March 25, 1988. In 1989, the Slovak World Congress officially supported the Velvet Revolution. However, "once the Communists surrendered power to Czech and Slovak dissidents ... the Slovak World Congress began to fracture ." 49 In the wake of the fall of the Czechoslovak communist regime, the SWC organized visits and programs in Slovakia. But relations between the SWC and the post-communist Czechoslovak government quickly became strained, mostly over the issue of Slovak autonomy, which most, but not all, members of the Slovak World Congress still very much supported. 50 Within weeks of the revolution, Secretary-General of the SWC Dusan T6th, who had fled Czechoslovakia after the Soviet invasion in 1968, visited his family in Slovakia and appeared at some political rallies in the capital, Bratislava. The " intoxicated crowds" welcomed him warmly and "listened intently as he told them about the [Slovak 47 Ibid. , 255. M. Mark Stolarik, Where is my Hom e? Slovak Immigration to North America (/870-20/0) (Bern: Peter Lang, 2012), 281-2. 49 Ibid., 287. The groups were the Civic Forum (Obcanske forum) and the Public Against Violence (Verejnost' proti nasiliu) in the Czech lands and Slovakia, respectively. 50 The Slovak World Congress began to decline after Roman's death in 1988, especially since he had bankrolled the organization. After the Velvet Divorce in I993, its functions declined even more, with its most notable achievement being to convince the U.S. and Slovak governments to allow dual citizenship. By 2000, the SWC was functionally gone. See Stolarik, Where ... , 279-95. 48 SLOVAKIA 2019 69 World] Congress and its aspirations for freedom in Slovakia." 5 1 After all, the topic of political independence had been a taboo for forty years. For its part, the SWC tried to engage the Slovak government in talks about independence in early 1990, but Slovak politicians had more immediate concerns such as figuring out how to navigate the new political landscape. "Many were new politicians who faced the task of learning not only the art of political maneuvering, but above all that of public discourse in a democratic society. They were the ones who dealt with the issue of Czecho-Slovak relations which found resolution in the dissolution of Czechoslovakia. " 52 The first post-communist elections in Slovakia were for representatives to the Slovak National Council. Although results of the voting in early June 1990 demonstrated the predictable rejection of Communism, they also " indicated that ' the Slovak question' was still on the political agenda. " 53 The biggest surprise was the third place finish for the Slovak National Party (Slovenska narodna strana orSNS), the only party with independence in its platform. "It is quite likely that one particular event preceding the election contributed to the [SNS ' s] success" in the parliamentary elections.54 Trouble began in March 1990 in the Federal Assembly in Czechoslovakia. Vaclav Havel, who had recently become the new president, was a vocal proponent of federalism and continuing the Czech union with Slovakia. The dispute started when Slovak politicians wanted to return to the original ( 1918-1920) way of writing the country's name: Czecho-Slovakia. Tensions grew when the Czechs agreed that Slovakia could do so, but neither the Czechs nor the federal government of Czechoslovakia would hyphenate. The "hyphen war" showed "how very different were the Czech and Slovak conceptions of their common state and brought into the open the need to reexamine the state of Czech-Slovak relations." 55 For the next two years, the discourse around that reexamination exposed ever more disparities and decades-old animosities . 51 Anne C.R. Roman, "Slovak Expats Remember 1989, too," Slovak Spectator, 29 November 1999, https://spectator.sme.sk/c/20009411 /slovak-expats-remember1989-too.html. 52 S. Kirschbaum, A History of Slovakia, 251-2. 53 Ibid., 255. 54 Ibid. 55 Ibid . 70 SLOVAKIA 2019 Economic concerns took center stage, including the question of how quickly to move away from a socialist command economy to a capitalist market economy. While Slovaks feared a continuation of Prague centralism, including federal conduct and policies that favored Czech-and discounted Slovak- economic contributions, Czechs complained about subsidizing the Slovak economy. 56 The contrasting way the Slovaks and Czechs viewed this issue underscores some of the key reasons for their separation in 1993. One Czech-American historian argues that the peaceful separation of Czechs and Slovaks was a "necessity," based on their lack of "shared positive historical experience." 57 History and the "interplay of a series of factors" indeed influenced the breakup of Czechoslovakia. 58 Stanislav Kirschbaum suggests the root of the problem goes back to "the pursuit of [Slovak] national development in cooperation with the Czechs."59 From its inception in 1918 the "ultimate failure" of the Czechoslovak state was that it did not "provide an acceptable framework for Slovak national development," and despite all the benefits and progress, "the common state put Slovaks in a position of having to continue their struggle for survival." 60 In retrospect, the unraveling of Czechoslovakia in the early 1990s is not surprising; nor is the fact of its peaceful evolution. In the eyes of many Slovak exiles, the fall of Communism meant more than just getting rid of the Communists and returning to democracy. Indeed, " ... it was all of this plus home rule," commented M. Mark Stolarik, scholar and former president of the Canadian Slovak 56 S. Kirschbaum, 256-68. Igor Lukes, " Strangers in One House: Czechs and Slovaks, 1918-1992," Canadian Review of Studies in Nationalism/Revue Canadienne des Etudes sur le Nationalisme 27, 1-2 2000, 33-43 , 41 . 58 S. Kirschbaum, 270. The factors include the following: "The inability of the Czechoslovak state to solve certain social and constitutional problems since 1918; the legacy of the Communist regime; the adaptation crisis resulting from the passage of a single-party state to democratic pluralism ; the lack of experience of the leaders of the Velvet Revolution ; the absence of Czechoslovak parties in the postCommunist era; and the provision in the 1968 constitutional law that allowed Slovak deputies to block federal legislation that was not deemed to be in Slovakia's interest" so that the Slovaks could not be outvoted by the Czech majority." . 59 S. Kirschbaum, 270-71. 60 Ibid., 271. 57 SLOVAK.IA 2019 71 League, on the tenth anniversary of the Velvet Revolution.6 1 In the United States and Canada, Slovak exiles' experiences of democracy and freedom guided them forward before and after the toppling of the hardline communist regime in Czechoslovakia. 62 Their influence on politics in the homeland has yet to be clearly documented, but it is quite possible that Slovak exiles and their endeavor to keep alive the drive for the self-determination and political independence of the Slovak nation provided not only legitimacy in the West, but also moral and political encouragement to their homeland as the nation moved toward independence in the early 1990s. 61 A. Roman, " Slovak Expats Remember 1989, too." Francis D. Raska, Long Road to Victory: A History or Czechoslovak Exile Organizations after I 968 (Boulder: East European Monographs, 20 12). Raska concludes that the influence of exile groups in the fa ll of Communism in Czechoslovakia "was unquestionabl y positive," 172. 62  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Imagining a Separate Slovakia: Anti-Communist Slovak Exiles' Struggle for an Independent Homeland Description An account of the resource Ellen L. Paul Slovakia, Vol. 44 (No. 82-83), 2019 pp. 55-71 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paul, Ellen L. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2019 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/e88f15a5a3124cc119704332de7e69a9.pdf 2324226e9d0c8548ddb018a3c20fad83 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 113 The Nationalist Movements of the Austrian Slavs in 1848: A Comparative Sociological Profile STANLEY Z. PECH The year 1848 was unlike any other in the long and arduous saga of the Austrian Slavs. It was a year when the Austrian Slavs, like the rest of Europe, passed through a major social and political upheaval. However, the year held for them a very special significance: in 1848 they first emerged as fledgling nations, from the backwater of Europe to stake out a claim for themselves as rightful members of the European family. As William H. Stiles, the United States charge d'affaires in Vienna at the time put it: " Previous to that period," the Austrian Slavs possessed "no proper individuality , their political nationality was unacknowledged, and for centuries, consequently, they exercised no influence in the political councils of Europe. The storms of 1848 and 1849 raised them to consideration, and even power. " (1) In recent years, Western historians have been diligent enough in providing the Western reader with the essential facts concerning the revolutions of 1848 in the Austrian Slavic realm. There is indeed ample material for a good copy: the fever of the March Days, the clashes and recriminations between Germans and Slavs, the Magyars and Slavs; the fervent preachments of the highpriests of the various Slavic nationalisms; the Slavic Congress in Prague flaring up into an uprising and aborted by the artillery of General Windischgratz. These are the high points of the revolutions essential to an understanding of the events of that year. However, this understanding now needs to be broadened and refined in the light of new techniques and methodologies developed in the West. There is need for a structural analysis of the Slavic nationalist movements of 1848. There is an added potential benefit to be derived from cross-national comparisons to which these movements lend themselves. The present account seeks to construct a social profile of the Slavic nationalist movements of 1848 and to analyze and compare their strength. I In the mid-nineteenth century, the Austrian Empire counted seven Slavic nationalities in its multi-ethnic structure: Czechs, Slovaks, Slovenes, Croats, Serbs, Poles, and Ukrainians. The last three will not Reprinted with permission from Histoire Sociale-Social History (Ottawa), Vol. 9, November 1976. �114 SLOVAKIA be treated here. For them the Austrian Empire was not the principal homeland: a majority of Ukrainians and Poles lived under Russia (a number of Poles also lived under Prussia), and a majority of Serbs under Turkey. This makes comparisons involving them problematical. Czechs , Slovaks , Slovenes , and Croats, on the other hand, were not so divided; they had no " home " other than the Austrian Empire. Their basic comparability derives from the following: 1) they experienced a revolution in 1848 ; 2) they lived under the same empire; 3) they were Slavic and shared the status of "subject" nationalities living under " alien " rule: the Czechs and the Slovenes under the Austro-Germans in the western half of the empire, and the Slovaks and the Croats under the Magyars in the eastern half of the empire; 4) they were passing through early stages of national awakening. The largest of the four national groups were the Czechs who numbered, in the middle of the nineteenth century, approximately 4 million. The number of Slovaks in the same period was 1. 7 million, that of the Croats 1.6 million, and that of the Slovenes a little over 1 million. (2) The total population of the Austrian Empire is estimated to have been 37 million ,(3) with the Austro-Germans the largest nationality (over 7 million) and the Magyars the second largest (4 .5 million) .(4) The revolutionary stresses that brought on the upheaval in 1848 had been accentuated by the demographic pressures of the halfcentury preceding the upheaval. Since the beginning of the nineteenth century , the population of the empire had been increasing steadily by 1850 the increase had amounted to one third as against the year 1800, a rate comparable to the other large states of Western Europe.(5) While it is difficult to separate the growth rates for the different peoples of the empire , this much can be hypothesized from the evidence: the rate of growth of the Slavs was greater than that of the non-Slavs.(6) In religious affiliation, Czechs , Slovenes, and Croats were at least 95 percent Roman Catholic. Roman Catholicism was also dominant among the Slovaks but there it was confronted with a numerically strong Protestant population (between 25 percent and 30 percent) . (7) The fact that the four nationalities being surveyed here had evolved through centuries as "subject" nationalities imparted to their social structures certain distinctive features - features that set them apart from W estem Europe and left a special mark on their development as modernizing societies. The West European model, with France and Germany as a typical example, exhibited a social structure that was unencumbered (small exceptions aside) by the complicating presence of a different nationality: peasants, nobles, workers, entrepreneurs, bureaucrats, priests, bishops, all spoke the same language and belonged to the same nationality. This comfortable ethnic homogeneity was lacking among most of the Austrian Slavs. To generalize: the four nationalities had an "incomplete" social structure; the lower portions �SLOVAKIA 115 of their social pyramid were Slavic while the upper portions were filled with members of the ruling nationality . How did the socio-ethnic edifice look in the specific cases? In the western half of the empire, the Czechs and the Slovenes each had their own peasantry, working class, artisanate, shopkeeper class, intelligentsia, lower clergy and lower bureaucracy. At the same time, their complementing higher classes, the nobility, the entrepreneurs and the higher bureaucracy, were German. The one point of difference between the Czechs and the Slovenes concerned the ecclesiastical hierarchy: in the Czech regions the hierarchy was entirely German whereas in the Slovene regions an influential segment of it was Slovene . This difference explains , in part, the divergent religious attitudes of the two peoples during the next century: the Czechs tended to embrace religious scepticism whereas the Slovenes evinced a vigorous religious spirit and lent strong support to movements of political Catholicism. In the eastern half of the empire, the structure was more complicated. The Slovaks occupied the lower portions of the social pyramid, but the upper portions included, besides the Germans , also the Magyars. The Croats, on the other hand , held a position significantly different from the other three national groups . Of the four nationalities , they alone retained, in part, their own governing class: a segment of the nobility, of higher clergy and of higher bureaucracy in Croatia belonged to the Croatian nationality; the remaining segment was Magyar (or Magyar-oriented Croat) or German. The fact that the Croats retained a substantial foothold in the governing class gave them an advantage not enjoyed by the other three national groups: in the pre-industrial age when the nobility alone counted as a political class , they had at all times a political voice . They had never been reduced to a mere '' nation of peasants.' ' In that sense, they were the only one of the four groups that approximated the West European model of social development. The Austrian Empire was not only a labyrinth of seemingly disarrayed social and ethnic parts. It also was a bewildering conglomerate of provinces and administrative divisions that disarrayed the ethnic parts still further. The existing administrative system had taken shape during the pre-nationalist age and bore no relationship to ethnic boundaries. As a result, not only did some nationality sometimes inhabit two or more provinces but if often shared each such province with a different nationality. Little useful purpose would be served by listing all the administrative divisions with their particular ethnic mosaics. Suffice it to say that for each nationality, one province usually stood out as a core of nationalist activism and attention will be focused on these. For the Czechs, this was the province of Bohemia which the Czechs shared with the Germans, the Czech-German ethnic ratio being 60 percent to 40 percent.(8) For the Slovenes, it was Carniola which was over 90 percent _S lovene, the Germans making up the balance.(9) For �116 SLOVAKIA the Croats, it was Croatia (full name "Croatia-Slavonia") in which the Slavs comprised over 95 percent of the population (two thirds of which were Croats and one third Serbs) while the ruling Magyars and Germans together did not exceed 2 percent; certain other small groups accounted for the remainder. (10) Croatia, it should be stressed, possessed a number of self-governing institutions in which the Croatian nobility, clergy and bureaucracy wielded considerable influence which helped cushion the German-Magyar rule. It even had an army which though subordinated directly to the emperor, was nevertheless an important symbol of Croatian national identity. In short, these social and institutional paraphernalia provided the Croats with defenses and opportunities not available to the other Slavs. This made it possible for them, in the course of 1848, to wrest political control entirely from the Magyars and Germans and erect what amounted to their own state with its own government that recognized only the authority of the emperor in Vienna. None of the other three nationalities came close to generating this type of institutional power. In this connection, it may be noted that the people who exercised the least power from the institutional point of view were the Slovaks. They had been totally submerged through centuries in the existing Hungarian system of counties and no part of the Slovak territory enjoyed the status of a province. The Slovak territory was reasonably compact in ethnic terms but had no institutional support to lend it distinctiveness and distinguish it from the other areas of Hungary. This made the Slovaks the most vulnerable and the least visible of the four peoples. After the Congress of Vienna, the Austrian Empire entered upon the first stages of industrialization . There were, however, marked regional disparities in the tempo with which industrialization proceeded , with the western half of the monarchy moving ahead more rapidly than the eastern half. Among the Slavic peoples, by the middle of the nineteenth century, only the Czechs had made significant advances along the road of modernization . By 1857 , the agrarian sector in Bohemia had been reduced to the point where only some 55 percent of the population derived their livelihood from agriculture .(11) The above figure applies to all of Bohemia (both to its Czech and Germanspeaking areas) ; and it is not possible to say exactly what it would be for the Czech inhabitants specifically. However, it is known that the German-speaking areas of Bohemia were by far the more industrialized( 12) and this would justify revising the figure, as applied to the Czechs, upward: 65 percent to 70 percent seems a more realistic estimate. At this same time, the agrarian sector in the three other Austro-Slavic regions continued to employ 90 percent or more of the economically active population.(13) The economic growth was reflected in the expansion of the urban population, with similar regional disparities prevailing in the degree or urbanization attained. In the middle of the nineteenth century, the proportion of the urban �SLOVAKIA 117 population in Bohemia was just under 20 percent;(14) for the Czechspeaking population of Bohemia this figure would have to be revised downward to some extent, perhaps to 15 percent. The Slovenes had at this time an urban population of 4 percent(15) while for the Slovaks and the Croats the figure was even less. (France had then an urban population of 26 percent and Germany 35 percent.)(16) ThE: major cities were few and not even their rapid expansion during the first half of the nineteenth century - some cities doubled in size during this period had produced many large urban centers by West European standards. The largest one was Prague, the most populous Czech city and the capital of Bohemia. With a population of 118,000 in the middle of the nineteenth century (77 ,000 in 1800), (17) it was the only city in the four ethnic regions to attain the 100,000 mark, an achievement placing it in a class with the major cities of Western Europe. The largest Croatian city was Zagreb, the capital of Croatia, with a population of 15,000(18) (8,000 at the beginning of the century)(19) and the largest Slovene city was Ljubljana (Laibach), the capital of Carniola, with a population of 17,000 (it was half this size in 1817). (20) The biggest city in what is today the Slovak region was Bratislava (Pressburg) which had a population, in 1848, of 40,000 (in 1805 it had been just under 22,000).(21) However, Bratislava was then not a Slovak city in any meaningful sense of the term; the majority of its inhabitants were German and it was not the scene of any mass Slovak nationalist activity in 1848.(22) The case of Bratislava was far from unique: many cities and towns throughout the Slavic regions of the Austrian Empire contained a large number of Germans, and sizeable German minorities were to be found in Prague. Ljubljana and Zagreb.(23) Economic power in the cities and indeed throughout the monarchy was largely in the hands of Germans and German Jews. Germans typically constituted the urban elite which controlled municipal administrations and in general exercised a decisive influence over the Slavic substratum. The demographic development of Prague, as the largest metropolis, deserves a special comment. Although the city grew more or less steadily after the year 1800, the really important demographic transformation was not the growth itself, but the increasing proportion of newcomers who moved into the city from the surrounding countryside. In the first two decades of the nineteenth century, the proportion of these newcomers remained relatively stable - hovering near 6 percent of the total population. A change set in during the 1820s: the proportion of newcomers began to increase markedly, from 6.3 percent in 1818, to 15 percent in 1826, to 36.3 percent in 1834, and finally to 48.9 percent in 1850.(24) This meant that by the middle of the century nearly one half of the Prague population consisted of people who had severed their previous roots and come to the city in search of a new life. The mass of newcomers was Czech. They found work in the new textile and machine industries founded during the 1830s and �118 SLOVAKIA 1840s, and in other forms of employment. Textile workers, about a thousand strong, became the largest distinctive group of the labor force in the capital city. Their rioting in 1844 announced the advent of an industrial age in Bohemia and attracted the attention of Europe, its effect reinforced by the rioting at almost the same time of Prague workers employed on the construction of a new railway.(25) One of the consequences of the influx of newcomers was to augment the Czechspeaking substratum in a city governed by the German elite. All this provided a setting calculated to raise the social and political fever of the capital city and goes far toward explaining the intensity of the upheaval that swept Prague during 1848. The other three cities mentioned above were drawn less precipitously into the vortex of social and economic change. Zagreb may serve as an example of a city standing at the opposite pole of the socio-economic spectrum from Prague. Although its size had almost doubled in the half-century before 1848, the city had not acquired an industrial face in the process. In 1808, nearly 40 percent of its population consisted of nobles and clergy (! ) and by 1848 these two groups, along with the intelligentsia, still accounted for one half of the total number of inhabitants.(26) City life in Zagreb, and in the eastern half of the empire as a whole, retained essentially a pre-industrial character as late as 1848. What passed for a town in the eastern half of the empire was different from what it was understood to be in the western half and in Western Europe. As one contemporary observer described the town scene in the eastern half of the empire just on the eve of 1848: not only the small towns but also the larger cities there '' consisted of nothing but settlements of ploughmen, vine growers, and shepherds in which respect they did not differ at all from the villages .'' (27) It is startling to realize that at the time of the outbreak of the 1848 revolution, Croatia - and also Slovakia - had not yet acquired a single mile of railroad. II How strong were the nationalist movements to which these structures gave rise and which broke into the open during the years 1848-1849, complete with leaders and programs? The nationalist movements of 1848 were the culminating point of the preceding halfcentury of "national awakening." This development had of course proceeded at a different pace in the case of the various peoples and by 1848 each movement ·had attained a different level of strength. How can this strength be measured? How did the movements compare in their ability to mobilize supporters? It is generally agreed that to be effective a movement requires '' some kind of organization that enables certain persons to act as authorized spokesmen and representatives. This can take the form of committees, clubs, labor unions, or political parties.'' (28) Such clubs consist of individuals with the highest degree �SLOVAKIA 119 of commitment to a movement's objectives. In our context, organizations with such a commitment were the pre-March patriotic societies that had come into being during the 1830s and 1840s. The Czechs, the Croats and the Slovaks each had one such society: they were, respectively, the Czech Foundation (Ceska Matice, founded in 1832), the Croatian Foundation (Matica Hrvatska, 1842) and the Slovak Tatrin (1844). These were nationalist societies comprising the highest echelon of nationalist elites. Although independent of each other, they had similar organizational structures and pursued identical objectives: to promote the native language and culture, and to foster the publication of books and newspapers in that language . With this comparability in mind, we can use the numerical strength of these societies as a comparative index of the strength with which the three nationalist movements entered upon the year 1848. On the eve of 1848, the Czech Foundation had a membership of 2329 (for the year 1847),(29) the Croatian Foundation 300(30) (for 1844, the last pre-1848 year available) and Tatrin 80 (1847).(31) Measured against the total population of each nationality as given earlier, this yields the ratio of 5.8 per 10,000 for the Czech national movement, 1.9 per 10,000 for the Croatian, and a low 0.5 per 10,000 for the Slovak. It may be added that the membership in all three societies was growing.(32) Evidently, the nationalist movements had acquired a momentum of their own, adding their weight to the forces that precipitated the collapse of absolutism in March 1848. The revolutions of 1848 may not have been inevitable but the forces that produced them had been unmistakably at work. The Slovenes lacked a patriotic society before 1848 and consequently we cannot measure the strength of the Slovene movement on a basis strictly comparable with the other three. It may be assumed, however, that the absence of a patriotic society is itself evidence of a sort: it suggests the existence of a less developed nationalist movement. Nevertheless, the Slovenes were not without visible manifestations of progress on the nationalist front. Their patriots established a foothold in the Agricultural Society of Camiola, an organization of long standing. This was not a Slovene patriotic society for it counted both Germans and Slovenes among its members and its avowed purpose was improvement of agriculture, not promotion of Slovene nationalism. However, in 1842 the society appointed a moderate, Dr. Janez Bleiweis, as its new secretary, and under him Slovene nationalist forces found elbow room within the society's framework. The success of the first modem Slovene newspaper, Novice, which Bleiweis launched in 1843 under the auspices of the society, afforded proof that Slovene nationalism was on the rise. (33) Still, the absence of a genuine patriotic society was a serious drawback; it meant that the Slovene elite entered upon the year 1848 with little organizational contact, strength and experience. In this it resembled the Slovak elite whose Tatrin offered too feeble a basis when the need �120 SLOVAKIA for action arose . The Slovene and the Slovak elites were the weaker members in the group, the Czech and the Croatian ones the stronger. This distribution of pre-1848 strength corresponds, in fact, very closely to the performance of these nationalist movements during the year 1848. What about the social hue of the elites? The membership rosters of the three patriotic societies contain occupational data that permit us to make cross-national comparisons. For the Slovenes, we must again resort to substitute material which furnishes a basis for an informed estimate. Surveying all four elites, one can perceive two social groups playing a dominant role: the intelligentsia and the lower clergy. The intelligentsia, as defined here, includes teachers, officials, writers, students, and professionals. The term clergy refers to both Roman Catholic and Protestant clergymen. The latter were numerically strong only in the Slovak elite. In the other three elites, the clergy was, with few exceptions, Roman Catholic. While it is true that the intelligentsia and the clergy were prominent in all four elites, their weight varied from case to case. From the material at our disposal it is evident that the intelligentsia had a larger share in the Czech and Croatian elites, while the clergy had a larger share in the Slovene and Slovak elites. The proportion of the intelligentsia and the clergy in the three patriotic societies was, respectively: 54 percent and 29 percent in the Czech.(34) 52 percent and 20 percent in the Croatian(35) and 30 percent and 59 percent in the Slovak society.(36) It is noteworthy that businessmen and other groups ranked after the intelligentsia and the clergy. The peasants as might be expected were hardly significant. The dominant role of the clergy in the Slovene elite can be gleaned from the list of subscribers to the abovementioned newspaper Novice. Although Novice was intended to be a peasant newspaper, the peasants constituted only a small minority of its subscribers; nearly half of the subscribers (in 1847) were nationalist clergymen!(37) The influence of the clergy was noted by a Slovene historian of the last century; in relating the origins of the nationalist movement he observed that ''The number of conscious (Slovene) patriots outside the ranks of the clergy was small.'' (38) The role of the nobility was important only in the Croatian elite . Its proportion in the Croatian Foundation was 7 percent, as compared with 1.5 percent in the Czech Foundation and zero in the Slovak Tatrin. (39) There were, to be sure, influential individual nobles active also in the Czech nationalist movement in its earliest stages. However, they were, as a rule , German-speaking "Bohemian patriots" who sympathized with the Czech movement without identifying themselves with the Czech nationalism. They were friendly outsiders "looking in" and withdrew from the movement in proportion as that movement acquired a clearly Czech nationalist stamp. The role of the nobility in the Croatian movement was completely different. Far from being outsiders �SLOVAKIA 121 looking in, they were anchored squarely in the very heart of the nationalist movement at all times, helping to give it shape and direction in a manner in which the Czech nobility never did. The Croatian elite , it should be pointed out, had an added feature all of its own; this consisted in a peculiar collaboration between the nobles and the intelligentsia. It was almost routine practice for the Croatian nobles who had the right to sit in pre-1848 county assemblies to allow themselves to be represented by members of the nationalist intelligentsia. (40) This gave the intelligentsia considerable influence over and above its numercial strength , but there was a reverse side to the coin: the intelligentsia fell into a state of dependence upon the nobles to some extent and acted as a conduit for noble influence. A particular reference should be made at this point to the Slovak elite and to the problem that bedeviled the relationship between its members: the religious problem. Perhaps half of the clergymen in the Slovak patriotic society were Protestant (Lutheran), the remainder were Roman Catholic.(41) Protestants, however, had acquired a commanding position during the years preceding 1848. Moreover, Protestants and Catholics were divided not only by religious convictions - which would have been serious enough to jeopardize the movement - but also by different attitudes regarding the conception of Slovak nationhood and literary language . The chasm separating the two religious groups proved difficult to bridge and Roman Catholics treated the Protestant initiatives with the greatest reserve. This was bound to have a damaging effect on Slovak efforts; how damaging, the events of 1848 were to bear out only too painfully. This added to the vulnerability of a nationalist movement that had already been rendered vulnerable on other counts. The Slovaks were the only one of the four nationalities that entered the year 1848 with a seriously disunited elite . The elites as organized in the patriotic societies comprised the most highly committed or mobilized members of the nationalist movements. How did the elites draw the broader strata of the populations into the movement? How did the wider process of social mobilization take place? It is now increasingly recognized that the development of nationalism is related to the role of communications. A group of sociological theories assigns communications a prime place in the process of national awakening. One communications model in fact considers ' 'the role of the intelligentsia ... to be a necessary condition of all nationalist movements, " (42) an observation which appears to receive support from the role the intelligentsia played in the four movements examined here. If one includes the clergy, as some historians do , in the concept of "intelligentsia" (" clerical intelligentsia'' ), then the importance of this social group in the genesis of Austro-Slavic nationalisms becomes overwhelming. In this context literacy was an essential factor contributing to the success of any mobilizing effort mounted by the elites. How did the four �122 SLOVAKIA nationalities rate on this count? Literacy statistics were not compiled in the Austrian Empire at the time we are discussing. In order to obtain a picture, we are obliged to rely on later census data that indicate the literacy of the generation that was born in the 1830s and was of school age in the 1840s. In this generation, the Czechs led the others . Their rate was 84. 75 percent which was nearly three times as much as that of the Slovaks (30.2 percent), the Slovenes (28.62 percent) and the Croats (26. 7 percent) . (43) It is necessary to add that the Slavic populations in general were at a disadvantage vis-a-vis the Austro-Germans when it came to the use of their languages as a medium of instruction in schools. Only in the lower schools was teaching conducted in the language appropriate to the ethnic region. The language of middle and higher schools was German in the western half of the empire and German, Latin or Magyar in the eastern half. In other words, attaining a higher level of education generally compelled the individual concerned to leave the cultural ambience of his native language . The results of this process were often bizarre. For example, the Czech Karel Havlicek and the Slovene Bleiwies, both leading nationalists, were, in the early stages of their nationalist activity, more fluent in German than in their own native language - a situation by no means untypical of Slavic national awakeners.(44) The elites were keenly aware of the efficacy of the printed word as a medium through which they could best transmit their ideas and mobilize the larger non-elite mass; hence the preoccupation of the patriotic societies with publishing. The printed word devised and disseminated nationalist symbols, awakened an interest in the past and created an awareness of shared leaders, thus ultimately engendering a sense of the community of language, culture and history. For maximum effectiveness, the printed word had to have periodicity and this pointed to the importance of the newspaper as a vehicle most suitable for communication. It was a portent of an approaching nationalist storm that the fifteen-year period preceding the revolutions of 1848 saw the foundation of the first modem national and nationalist newspapers in the case of all four nationalities . One such newspaper was founded in each case, under the auspices of or in association with, the patriotic societies.(45) Of the four, only one, the Slovak, remained stationary in circulation during the pre-March period(46) while the other three showed a circulation increase, with the Czech newspaper registering an increase that can only be described as extraordinary, from 200 in 1846 to 1,500 in 1848.(47) The editor of the Czech newspaper was Karel Havlicek , of the Croatian, Ljudevit Gaj, of the Slovak, I.:udovit Stur, and of the Slovene, Dr. Janez Bleiweis. It is interesting to note that the last three men were the principal nationalist leaders of their peoples at the time and are considered the ''fathers' ' of their particular nationalist movements. As for Havlicek, he shared this honor with the Czech historian Frantisek Palacky. Nothing illustrates more tellingly the �SLOVAKIA 123 importance of communications to nationalism than the fact that the nationalist editors were the leaders of their national groups. ill In March 1848 absolutism in the Austrian Empire collapsed and this ushered in the "revolutions of 1848," a period of constitutional government that lasted for over a year, until the emperor began to reimpose absolutism in the spring and summer of 1849. Among the most important constitutional innovations introduced by the liberal regime was the abolition of censorship in March 1848. This led to the foundation of new magazines and newspapers, making it possible for the Czech leaders to start a veritable avalanche of the printed word. On the eve of 1848 the Czechs had a total of 13 newspapers and periodicals; after March this number quadrupled, to 52.(48) Elsewhere, the expansion was more modest. In Croatia, the increase was from 5 in 184 7 to 8 in 1848(49) while the corresponding Slovak figures were 6 and 8.(50) The Slovenes, starting from a low base of 1 newspaper in 1847 brought the number up to 6 in 1848.(51) (After the return of the reaction in 1849 the number of newspapers began to drop again to pre1848 levels.) Calculated on a per capita basis, there was, in 1848, one newspaper or magazine for 77,000 Czechs, 167,000 Slovenes, 200,000 Croats and 213,000 Slovaks. Clearly, the Czech elite had at their disposal the most highly developed network of communications - an advantage heightened by the fact that some of their newspapers appeared daily (six times a week) whereas the frequency of the newspapers of the other nationalities was not more than three times a week. The strengths and the handicaps with which each Slavic group had entered upon the revolution became evident in the first days of freedom. The Czechs and the Croats promptly staged mass meetings , (in March in their capital cities) at which nationalist programs were adopted. (52) In the other two ethnic regions, the adoption of nationalist programs was accomplished with less mass support. The Slovenes formulated their nationalist programs in March without the benefit of a single mass meeting - the only Slav group to pass through the revolutionary year without mass demonstrations or rallies in support of nationalist objectives.(53) In Slovakia, the elite was slow in getting off the mark and encountered difficulties in mobilizing public opinion. A full-fledged nationalist program was not adopted until the beginning of May 1848 at a meeting in Liptovsky Svlity Mikulas, but the public presence at this meeting was modest and the program failed to acquire the legitimacy and force sufficient to compel the Magyar authorities to heed it.(54) The opening stages of the revolutionary period demonstrated the advantage of a people having a body of nationalists with organizational experience and mutual contact who would seize the initiatives, and �124 SLOVAKIA quickly and forcefully responded to the challenges of the moment. The pre-1848 patriotic societies consisted of such nationalists. However, accustomed as they had been to more genteel forms of struggle, these societies could not in themselves become the instruments of political activism at a time of revolutionary turbulence, and so new organizations were established to cope with new forms of struggle. The Czechs in Prague created in March a National Committee which served, until its dissolution after the June 1848 uprising in Prague, as a center of Czech nationalist activity throughout Bohemia. Many members of the Czech Foundation became active in the National Committee which counted over a hundred members. In the National Committee, the intelligentsia prevailed, as it had done in the Czech Foundation, with 44 percent of the members belonging to this stratum. However, the proportion of the clergy was drastically reduced in this elite group, to a mere 4 percent, as compared with 29 percent it had had in the Czech Foundation in the last year before the revolution. It appears that the revolution had pushed the clergy into the background. Its place was taken by the bourgeoisie (burghers, artisans, businessmen) whose share in the National Committee was 42 percent.(55) After June 1848 the vacuum created by the demise of the National Committee was filled by the newly founded Slavic Linden (Slovanska Lipa), a nationalist pressure group consciously seeking political change. The Slavic Linden was led by intellectuals and bourgeoisie, with some members of the National Committee passing into its ranks. (56) The clergy played no major role. Politically, the Slavic Linden was somewhat to the left of the National Committee and, unlike the latter, acquired some of the characteristics of a political party: it had its own newspaper, an elected executive, a headquarters (in Prague), and local branches. By the beginning of 1849 it counted 49 branches throughout Bohemia, forming a network reaching into all corners of the province, with a total estimated membership of 2,000.(57) Among rank and file members of the Slavic Linden were peasants and people of the humble stations in life. (58) The Slavic Linden was in fact the only non-elite stratum, showing a widening circle of nationalistically mobilized population. None of the other three nationalities could point to this level of national awakening, and none devised the kind of network through which the nationalists could communicate and operate in an organized fashion. The Croatian nationalist movement operated with instruments essentially different from those employed by the Czechs. The Croatian elite relied less on the spontaneous organs such as the Czech National Committee and more on Croatia's existing institutions of selfgovernment which it revived and re-shaped to suit the new post-March conditions. After March, the Croats acquired their provincial government, the Ban's Council, which managed the affairs of the country throughout 1848-1849. The Croats were the only Slavic group to �SLOVAKIA 125 become for the duration of the 1848-1849 revolutionary period , masters in their own house, recognizing the authority of none but the emperor. Their nobility continued to be active and influential in the existing arrangements. The only new non-governmental nationalist political or quasi-political organization to which the elite gave rise in the postMarch period was the Croatian version of the Slavic Linden. It was inspired by but independent of the Czech Slavic Linden. It was founded in Zagreb , was led by moderately left-oriented intellectuals, and acquired a newspaper of its own. However, it was never too active and never succeeded in building a network of branches throughout the Croatian regions. Only one major branch was set up outside of Zagreb.(59) The total membership of the two branches was no more than a few score and the organization never reached into the non-elite strata. (60) The effectiveness and power of the Croatian nationalist movement derived more from the existing institutional structure and the participation of the nobility than from the mobilization of the wider segments of the population. The Slovenes and the Slovaks could offer little to match the Czech and the Croatian examples. Among the Slovenes, the revolution gave rise to the Slovene Society of Ljubljana founded in April 1848 which became the largest and most influential body of Slovene patriots of the revolutionary period . Its slogan was "Everything for Religion, Emperor and Nationality" and doubtless expressed the influence of clergymen who, according to a police report, formed the largest social group within the 400-member society, with the intelligentsia accounting for the rest .(61) The slogan captures the spirit of the society sufficiently to contrast it with the Czech National Committee which was secular minded and in which the clergy had hardly any role to play. At the same time, it deserves to be noted that the thrust of the Society ' s efforts was cultural more than political. It did not become a center of political activity and did not regard itself as much more than a patriotic interest group. The position of the Slovaks was the least satisfactory. At no time after March 1848 did they form anything resembling the Czech National Committee or even the Slovene Society of Ljubljana. As a consequence, their movement was without an organized thrust and without a single direction. Only the political newspaper, the Slouenskje N<irodnjc Nouini continued to function as a voice of Slovak nationalism but it was compelled to suspend publication in June 1848 under Magyar pressure and with its passing, the last channel of communications through which the elite could address itself to the mass had been destroyed. The Slovak people were thus left without a political newspaper for the greater part of the revolutionary era - a handicap to which none of the other three nationalities was subjected. Furth ermore, in June 1848, Magyar authorities declared martial law over much of Slovak territory - charging the Slovak leaders with '' Pan- �126 SLOVAKIA Slavic" subversion and forcing many of them into exile - and this paralyzed the Slovak movement still further.(62) The clergy (Protestant) continued to dominate what was left of the life of the Slovak movement after June. (63 ) The organizational strength of the elites and the degree to which they were able to mobilize the wider segments of the populations were tested at the elections to the various representative assemblies that took place during 1848 - the first such modem elections to be held in the history of the Austrian Empire. Until 1848 , public life in the empire had borne a German or, in the eastern half, German-Magyar character and this was bound to favor German and Magyar candidates in the election contests even in the Slavic-speaking areas . Conversely, success at the polls of the Slavic candidates could be regarded as evidence of a relatively high degree of mobilization among the Slavic electorate. The right to vote was more liberal in the western than in the eastern half of the empire , and even in the former, segments of the lower social classes were excluded. Nevertheless , it must be acknowledged that everywhere a large number of " common" people enjoyed the right to vote and the election results can serve as a rough expression of popular sentiment vis-a-vis the nationalist movements . The elections yielded the following results. In Bohemia, they demonstrated a high degree of responsiveness of voters to the Czech nationalist movement. In the election of the Bohemian diet in J une 1848 the proportion of Czech deputies elected was just over 60 percent (the remainder were Germans) - a figure corresponding closely to the estimated proportion of the Czech population in the province. The election to the Imperial Parliament held in the same month brought similar results, with the Bohemian voters sending to Vienna 55 Czech as against 35 German deputies.(64) In Croatia, the elections to the diet (June 1848) were a clean sweep for the nationalist candidates. This was due , in part , to the militancy of the Croatian authorities who saw to it that only committed to the Croatian cause could stand as candidates. (65) Because of this, the election results are not very meaningful. In the Slovene regions, the electoral behavior of the voters was less affected by nationalist sentiment. The election of the diet of Carniola produced " numerous" Slovene deputies(66) but not nearly the decisive majority the size of the Slovene population of Camiola (90 percent) would warrant. Similarly, only about half of the deputies elected to the Imperial Parliament in ethnically Slovene territory were actually of Slovene orientation ; the other half were German or bilingual without specifically Slovene leanings.(67) Finally, the nationalists in the Slovak regions failed completely: the first modern Hungarian Parliament , elected in June 1848, did not have a single Slovak deputy. This was attributable, in part , to Magyar electoral pressures. But the principal reason was the underdeveloped nationalist sentiment of the Slovak mass . Slovak leaders were themselves not unaware of this and �SLOVAKIA 127 fielded only a few candidates . (68) The nationalist leaders realized that much of their effectiveness depended on the success with which they mobilized the support of the largest social group: the peasantry . To achieve this, they experimented with the publication of newspapers written and edited specifically for the peasantry. However, the results of this effort proved disappointing. The only peasant newspaper that proved successful was the Slovene Novice but even in this instance , no more than 15 percent of its subscribers belonged to the class for which it was primarily aimed.(69) Clearly, Novice could maintain itself only because of the support of non-peasant readers , particularly the clergy. Publication of peasant newspapers was tried also by Croatian (Summer 1848) and Czech (Spring 1849) leaders but both ventures failed for lack of reader support. (70) A more technically oriented newspaper was devised and launched for the Slovak peasants but it likewise proved short-lived (1848). (71) These failures have usually been attributed to a lack of national consciousness on the part of the peasantry, and doubtless there is more than a grain of truth in the observation. After all, the peasantry had only just emerged, in 1848, from the last vestiges of serfdom . A large number of peasants was still illiterate and could not be expected to display a degree of political and nationalist commitment of the kind evinced by the elites. Plainly, the peasant's most immediate and active concerns involved his own social problems rather than the problems of nationalism . At the same time, it should not be forgotten that the peasants were the authentic traditional bearers of the national cultures and folklore and it would be implausible to maintain that such traditions had failed to engender varying degrees of national consciousness or even of interest in the nationalist movement. There is, in fact , good evidence to show that although the peasants turned their back on peasant newspapers, many of them followed the great nationalist press, such as the Czech Narodni Noviny (successor, since April 1848 to Praiske Noviny) .(72) It is probable that such newspapers offered them a more direct opportunity of identifying with the nationalist leaders . The quality and intensity of the peasants' commitment to nationalism did not and could not equal that of the elites , but not a few of them were prepared to support the elites in the capacity of followers. However, this differed from one ethnic region to another. Peasant support for the nationalist elites was the most widespread in the Czech regions. The authorities in Bohemia were not oblivious to the support from the peasants the Czech leaders enjoyed; a confidential police report of May 1849 noted that Czech leaders could count on Czech peasants in resisting unpopular government measures.(73) In the other three ethnic regions, the peasantry seemed moblized to a lesser degree , the least , to judge from the election results, in Slovakia. The apathy of the Slovak peasant seemed more marked than that of his Czech, Slovene and Croatian counterparts. Indeed, the Slovak �128 SLOVAKIA movement as a whole was so weak that a brief digression concerning this weakness appears warranted. Certainly , a major weakening factor was religious discord. Although a majority of Slovaks were Roman Catholic, the Protestants occupied the highest rungs of power in the elite and were , for all practical purposes , the moving spirits of the revolution of 1848 in Slovakia - a situation calculated to displease the Roman Catholics. The great triad of the movement, tudovit Stur, M. M . Hodza and J.M. Hurban, were all Protestants , the latter two were practicing Lutheran clergymen. The group that adopted the nationalist program of May 1848 consisted almost entirely of Protestants.(74) At the grass roots, the climate was similar: the areas inhabited by Protestants manifested a more active nationalist sentiment during the revolution than those inhabited by Roman Catholics - hardly a favorable omen in a people that was in majority Roman Catholic. It is not surprising that some Roman Catholic Slovaks regarded the movement of 1848 as a Protestant plot.(75) Furthermore , the Slovaks lacked a major center of national culture and their geographic setting in general hindered rather than aided the growth of communications and the development of nationalism . The river valleys amid the high peaks of the Tatra Mountains had an isolating effect. " We are an unfortunate people," lamented one Slovak leader, ' ' in that we live only in our valleys - isolated from one another, ' ' and contrasted it with the advantage the Czechs possessed in having a centrally located city , Prague , which was " like the heart of the (Czech) body ." (76) The network of roads and postal services and transportation facilities was sparse, much sparser than, for instance , in the Czech regions. It took considerably less time to traverse a distance in Bohemia than it did to traverse the same distance in Slovakia. (77) Bratislava was in 1848 a predominantly German city, on the fringes of Slovak ethnic territory. Although Stur's Slovenske Narodnje No vini was published there, the city was far from dominant in Slovak national life . Of the 8 Slovak newspapers appearing in 1848, only 3 were published in Bratislava. (78) The cultural facilities of the Slovaks were dispersed, with no city standing above the others as undisputed national leader. When it came to a center of national culture, the other three peoples were in a better position. The Slovenes , it is true , faced a hostile geographic environment in their mountainous terrain, but had at least a reasonably active center in the city of Ljubljana, situated in the heart of the Slovene ethnic territory. Of the 6 Slovene newspapers appearing in 1848 , all but one originated in Ljubljana. (79) The position of the Croats and the Czechs was again superior to that of the Slovenes. The Croats had their undisputed capital and nationalist center in Zagreb, with 7 of the existing 8 Croatian newspapers published there , (80) and with all major cultural institutions located there. While the Czechs had the most vigorous national center of all, in Prague, to which not only the Czechs but also most other Austrian Slavs, looked �SLOVAKIA 129 for leadership . Of the 41 Czech newspapers published in Bohemia, 33 were appearing in Prague, and they were the ones with the nationwide circulation.(81) Prague was already then becoming the towering symbol of Czech nationalism. To sum up the strength of the Austrian Slavic nationalist movements: the Czechs and the Croats belonged in one category as the stronger pair, while the Slovenes and the Slovaks were the weaker. Within each pair, however, there were marked differences. The Czech movement derived its strength principally from a large popular base , created by more highly developed communications. The Croatian movement had a more restricted popular base but compensated for this by having at is disposal an administrative structure rooted in the traditions of self-government. This, combined with the foothold the movement had in the governing class, the nobility, gave it a readymade leverage of political influence which was denied to the other three nationalities. To formulate it in slightly different language: the strength of the Croatian movement was derived from the traditional social and political features; that of the Czech movement was more clearly associated with the features of modernization. The latter was born in a society that could be described as early industrial, the former in a society that was essentially pre-industrial. A few data will illustrate this. On the eve of 1848, Croatia was without a railroad and with only 4 steam engines operating on its territory.(82) Bohemia (with Moravia) had over 500 kilometers of railroads(83) and some 360 steam engines.(84) For the sake of comparison, it may be noted that at this same time Slovakia was, like Croatia, without a railroad and with only 3 steam engines(85) while Slovenia was more advanced, with 25 steam engines(86) and a stretch of railroad a little under 100 kilometers.(87) (The number of steam engines in Britain then was 30,000 and in France 5,000.(88) Britain had more than 4,000 kilometers of railroad.)(89) The Slovenes and the Slovaks were weaker on several counts . Their nationalist elites were less well organized. The Slovak elite was especially hampered by the Protestant-Catholic differences which constituted a unique element not present in the other three movements. Also, alone of the nationalities being surveyed here, the Slovaks had no institutional forms that would lend their ethnic territory a certain visibility and a possible leverage for political action; and, after June 1848, no political press. Furthermore, the Slovak mass appears to have been the least mobilized into the national movement: the Slovak elite had little impact on the rest of the population. In some of these respects, the Slovenes were in a better position than the Slovaks. They had at least the provincial institutions of Carniola which could be made to serve as an instrument with which to advance the nationalist cause. Their elite was not rent with religious discord. During the year 1848 it succeeded in producing at least a modicum of organizational life (Slovene Society of Ljubljana) and also a political or quasi-political �130 SLOVAKIA press that functioned throughout the 1848-1849 constitutional period. The circulation figures for the Slovene and Slovak newspapers offer unmistakable evidence that the Slovene nationalist movement was reaching a larger proportion of its constituency than the Slovak one.(90) The social and occupational groups that made up the preponderant strain in the nationalist elites were the intelligentsia and the clergy: the former was dominant in the Czech and the Croatian (here linked closely with the nobility) elites, the latter in the Slovene and the Slovak ones. The elites were the ideologues of the nationalist movements, disseminating their views chiefly through the press which they controlled. This suggests some possibilities for future research. It would be desirable to know in what ways the social structure of the elites was reflected in the political ideologies of the nationalist movements.(91) It would be also interesting to discover in what ways the elites helped shape the merging political cultures - the revolutions of 1848 constitute the beginning of modem political life among the peoples of the Austrian Empire - and to what extent this contributed to the enduring pattern of political culture as it crystallized in the coming generations. In our own century, down to the outbreak of World War II, the Czechs gained a reputation for supporting center and left-of-center political movements; the Croats displayed political vagaries but a certain centrist mixture of liberal and conservative seemed to hold the most sway: while among the Slovenes and the Slovaks militant right-wing clericalist movements proved the most dynamic. This pattern seems to mirror, to a considerable extent, the dominant social classes in the nationalist elites as they existed in the middle of the last century. With the present popularity of the study of political cultures, it should not be long before social scientists interested in the Austrian Slavs tum to the middle of the nineteenth century as the time ''when it all began.'' FOOTNOTES 1) W. H. STILLS, Austria in 1848-49 (New York: 1852), 388. ( 2) For the figures for Czechs, Slovaks and Slovenes, see the tables in Fran ZWITTER et al., Nacionalni problemi v Habsbudki Monarhiji (Ljubljana: 1962) , 212-219. For Croats, see the article "Hrvati" in EnciklopedijaJugoslavije. Vol. 4, p. 58. ( 3) Uebersichts-Tafeln zur Statistik der oesterreichisechen Monarchie (Special Reprint of Fascicle X and XI of Statistische Mittheilungen, Vienna: 1850), 1. ( 4) ZWITTER, op. cit., 216, 219. ( 5) George FASEL, Europe in Upheaval: The Revolutions of 1848 (Chicago: 1970), 4. ( 6) Johann SPRINGER, Statistik des oesterreichischen Kaiserstaates, Vol. 1 (Vienna: 1840), 98. ( 7) Slovenska jar: Slovenske povstanie 1848-49, ed. by Jan SLOBODA (Bratislava: 1971), 40 , estimates the Slovak Protestants at one third. ( 8) See the table in ZWITTER, op. cit., 215. �SLOVAKIA 131 ( 9) Bogo GRAFENAUER, Zgodovina slovenskega naroda, Vol. 5 (Ljubljana: 1962), 172. (10) I. KARAMAN, "Ekonomske prilike u vrijeme hrvatskog narodnog preporoda," Kolo, New Series, Vol. 4 (1966), Nos. 8-10, p. 181. (11) K. NOVOTNY and M. MYSKA, eds., Prvni kroky k vitezstvi (Prague: 1966), 10. (12) For the historical development of the ethnic regions of Bohemia, see the map in Ceskoslovenska vlastiveda, Part II, Dejiny, Vol. 2 (Prague: 1969), following p. 80. Compare with this the map depicting the industrial development of Bohemia before 1848, in Atlas ceskoslovenskych dejin (Prague: 1965), No. 17 a. (13) In Croatia as late as 1880 (the earliest year for which accurate statistics are available). 84.64 percent of the population derived their livelihood from agriculture; see Enciklopedija Jugoslavije, Vol. 4, article "Hrvatska," p. 196. For the Slovenes, the estimate for the middle of the nineteenth century is 89 percent; see article "Slovenija," EnciklopedijaJugoslavije, Vol. 7,353. Much the same picture emerges for the Slovaks, from Slovenskajar, op. cit. 34. (14) See GRAFENAUER, op. cit., 154. (15) Ibid. (16) J. GODECHOT, Les Revolutions de 1848 (Paris: 1971), 90. (17) L. KARNlKOVA, Vyvoj obyvatelstva v ceskych zemich 1754-1914 (Prague: 1965), 105. (18) Uebersichtstafeln zur Statistik, op. cit., 3. (19) F. SISlC, HrvatskaPovijest, Vol. 3 (Zagreb: 1913), 7. (20) Uebersichtstafeln zur Statistik, op. cit., 3. I. CHURKINA, "O nekotorykh osobennostiakh formirovaniia slovenskoi natsii, '' Sovetskoe slavianovedenie, No. 2, 1968, p . 16. (21) Uebersichtstafeln zur Statistik, op. cit., 3 Dejiny Slovenska, ed. by L. HOLOTIK, Vol. 1 (Bratislava: 1961), 435. - For the overall economic trends in Eastern Europe, see I. T. BEREND and G. RAN KI, Economic Development in East-Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries (translation from the Hungarian) (New York and London: 1974). (22) In 1850, the ethnic composition of the population of Bratislava was as follows: Germans 70.6 percent, Jews 12.9 percent, Slovaks 10.09 percent, Magyars 6.18 percent, others 0.23 percent. See I. HOUDEK, "Bratislava v revolucnych rokoch 1848-1849." Acta Musei Civitatis Bratislavensis: Bratislava, Vol. 5 (1969), 169. (23) No reliable ethnic statistics exist for these three cities for the middle of the nineteenth century and the available estimates differ so widely that it is unprofitable to reproduce them here. As a rule, German historians claim a larger share of German inhabitants for each city than do the Slavic historians. (24) KARNlKOVA, op. cit., 105. (25) J. JANACEK, ed., Dejiny Prahy (Prague: 1964), 432-433. (26) I. I. LESHCHILOVSKAIA, Illirizm (Moscow: 1968), 94. (27) Quoted in R. A. AVERBUKH, Revoliutsiia i natsionalno-osvoboditelnaia borba v Vengrii 1848-1849 (Moscow: 1965), 5. (28) "Social Movements," in International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 14, p. 441. (29) Prehled ceskoslovenskych dejin, Vol. 1 (Prague: 1958), 688. (30) J. RAVLIC, Matica Hrvatska 1842-1962 (Zagreb: 1963), 40. (31) D. RAP ANT, Tatrin (Martin, 1950), 11-12. For the patriotic societies of the various Slavic groups, see S. B. KIMBALL, The Austro-Slav Revival: A Study of Nineteenth- �132 SLOVAKIA Century Literary Foundations, in Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, New Series, LXIII, Part 4 (Philadelphia: 1973). (32) The number of members of the Czech Foundation grew from 35 in 1832 to over 500 in 1839, to 2329 in 1847; see Prehled teskoswvenskych dejin op. cit., 688. Tatrin expanded from 23 in 1844 to 80 in 1847; see RAPANT, op. cit., 12, who says that the membership lists were not always accurate. The Croatian Foundation expanded from 158 members in 1842 to 300 in 1844 (figures for the later pre-March years are not available): see RA VLlC, op. cit., 34, 40. (33) J. BLEIWEIS, Zgodovina C. K. krajnske kmetijske druibe (Ljubljana: 1855), 11. (34) M. HROCH, Die Vorkiimpfer der nationalen Bewegung bei den Kleinen Voelkem Europas (Prague: 1968), 44. The percentages refer to the situation as it was in 1847. (35) I have computed these percentages from a membership list containing occupational data, as reproduced in RA VLlC, op. cit., 260-263. The Croatian Foundation was a successor to the so-called Illyrian Reading Room and the above list gives the names of members, 217 in all, of that reading room, for the year 1838-1839. It is the only extant list that contains occupational data and can give us an indication of the social structure of the Croatian Foundation. (36) Computed from a list given in RAP ANT , op. cit., 12. (37) In 1847 the total number of subscribers was 1522 of whom 230 were peasants and 689 clergymen. See GRAFENAUER, op. cit., Vol. 5, 165. (38) J . APIH, "Die Slovenen und die Miirzbewegung von 1848," Oesterreichisches Jahrbuch , XIV (1890), 93. (39) See Notes 34, 35, 36. (40) On the role of the nobility in the Croatian nationalist movement, see LESHCHILOVSKAIA, op. cit., 72-75. (41) RAPANT, op. cit., 12. I have supplemented Rapant's data with those found M. SLAVIK, ed. , Swvenski narodovci do 30. okt6bra 1918 (Trencin: 1945), Ch. ill. For a basic monograph on the early stages of the Slovak nationalist movement, see J. BUTVIN, Slovenske narodno-zjednocovacie hnutie 1780-1848 (Bratislava, 1965). A new quantifying study of the Slovak pre-1848 patriotic intelligentsia is J. HUCKO Socialne sloienie a povod slovenskej obrodenskej inteligencie (Bratislava: 1974). This volume had not reached me at the time this study was completed. (42) A. D. SMITH, Theories of Nationalism (London: 1971), 87 . One of the most influential exponents of the communications theory of nationalism is K. W . DEUTSCH. Nationalism and Social Communication (second edition, Cambridge, Mass ., 1966) . Deutsch inspired the Czech historian HROCH whose work (Note 34) is an important study comparing the origin of certain West and East (including Czech and Slovak) European nationalist movements. (43) M. N. KUZMIN , Shkola i obrazovanie v Chekhoslovakii (Moscow: 1971), 89, 159. (44) One of the leading members of the Czech nationalist movement of the time says of Havlicek and several other Czech nationalists that they spoke Czech "extremely unclearly": quoted in E. BASS, Cteni o roce osmoctyricatem, Vol. 1 (Prague: 1940), 208. For a similar situation among the Slovenes , see F. GESTRIN and V. MELIK, Swvenska zgodovina od konca osemnajstego stoletja do 1918 (Ljubljana: 1968), 83, 88. (45) They were: the Czech Praiske Noviny which began to appear in 1825 but assumed a militant nationalist posture only under the editorship of Karel Havlicek who took it over in 1845-46; the Slovene Novice, founded in 1843; the Croatian Novine Hrvatske (1835); and the Slovak Slovenskje Narodnje Novini (1845). (46) The Slovak newspaper had a circulation of about 500 in the year in which it was launched: see Stur 's letter of September 6, 1845, as printed in Listy Eudovita Stura. Vol. II, ed. by J. AMBRUS (Bratislava: 1956), 94. Subsequent complaints by Stur �SLOVAKIA 133 about circulation indicate that it failed to grow; indeed, for a time at least, it appears to have slipped slightly; see Stur' s letter of August 3, 1846, in Listy, Vol. II, as cited, p. 143. (47) The circulation figures for the Czech newspaper are given by Havlicek in an article published by him on December 28, 1849, and reproduced in Z. V. TOBOLKA , ed. , Karel Havlitek Borovski; Politicke Spisy, Vol. II. Pt. 2 (Prague, 1902) , 875. For a recent article on Havlicek, see B. K. KIMMEL, "Karel Havlicek and the Czech Press before 1848," in P . BROCK and H . Gordon SKILIJNG, eds., The Czech Renascence of the Nineteenth Century (Toronto: 1970) . The Croatian newspaper was printed in 750 copies in the year of its first appearance (1835). This dipped to 400 in 1837 but then began to rise again steadily until the circulation reached 800 in 1848; see J. HORVAT, Povijest novinstva Hrvatske 17711939 (Zagreb : 1962), 123, 133 . The Slovene newspaper started with a run of 1,000 in 1843 and rose to 1,800 by 1848; see J . SLEBINGER, Slovenski tasniki i tasopisi: Bibliografski pregled od 1797-1936 (Ljubljana: 1937), 5. (48) M. LAISKE , Casopisectvi v Cechach 1650-1847 (Prague: 1959), 162, for the pre1848 figure . For the 1848 figure, see F. ROUBIK , Casopisectvo v Cechach v letech 1848-1862 (Prague, 1930). Appendix No . 9 (this for Bohemia) and M. WURMOVA, Soupis moravskych novin a tasopisu z let 1848-1918 (Brno: 1955), 4 (for Moravia) . (49) I. HERGESIC , Hrvatske novine i tasopisi do 1848 (Zagreb : 1936) , 102-103 . (50) M . POTEMRA , Bibliografia slovenskych novin a tasopisov do roku 1918 (Martin: 1958), 117. (51) SLEBINGER, op. cit., 5-7 . (52) For the meeting in Prague, see my Czech Revolution of 1848 (Chapel Hill: 1969), Chpt. 2. For the meeting in Zagreb, see R. HORVAT , Najnovije doba hrvatske povjesti (Zagreb : 1906), 112-113. (53) For the circumstances surrounding the formulation of the Slovene programs , see F. ZWITTER, "Slovenski politicni prerod XIX, stoletja v okviru evropske nacionalne problematike ," Zgodovinski Casopis, Vol. 18 (1964), 110-111. See also I. B. CHURKINA , " Politicheskaia programma Matii Maiara v 1848 godu," Sovetskoe Slavianovedenie 1969, No . 5. (54) J . BUTVIN and J . HA VRANEK, Dejiny Ceskoslovenska (Prague: 1968) , 220-221. (55) A list of members of the National Committee, with occupational data, is found Narodni Noviny, 14 April, 1848. The role of this committee is discussed in PECH, op. cit., 76-79, 115-121. (56) The Slavic Linden executive in Prague had 50 members. Their names, with incomplete occupational data, are printed in Noviny Lipy Slovanske , 11 April, 1849. I was able to identify the occupations of 42 of the members; of these 33 belonged to the inte lligentsia , 6 were merchants , 2 were liberal nobles, and one was a liberal Protestant clergyman . (57) See my "Czech Political Parties in 1848," Canadian Slavonic Papers-Revue canadiene des slavistes XV (1973) , 484-485 . For a map showing the geographic distribution of the branches, see Atlas teskoslovanskych dejin (Prague: 1965), No. 19j . (58) Thus , in one branch in a city , only one member out of 150 enjoyed the status of " burgher." In another, a majority were "poor artisans ," still another consisted largely of " cottagers and poor agricultural workers ." See Narodni Noviny 30 December , 1848 which contains an account of the congress of Slavic Linden branches held in Prague . This account offers some fragmentary data on the occupations of members of a few individual branches . (59) See " Slovenska Lipa ," Enciklopedija Jugoslavije, Vol. 7, 220-221. �134 SLOVAKIA (60) The Slavic Linden in Zagreb had 80-90 members : Noviny Lipy Slo vans ke, 20 January , 1849. The other major branch, Zadar, is said to have had 200 members ; see V. ZACEK , " Ceske a jihoslovanske Slovanske lipy v roce 1848, " Lite r<irni Archiv Vl (1971) , 227 . (61) J. MAL, " Ljubljana in leto 1848 ," Glasnik Muzejskega Dru~tva za Slovenijo XIV (1933) , 123. See also, J . APIH , Slovenci in 1848 le to (Ljubljana: 1888), 133 . (62) BUTVIN-HAVRANEK , op. cit., 221. (63) Of the four Slovak members who sat on a special 7-man council formed in the fall of 1848 to conduct resistance to Magyar authorities on Slovak territory, 3 were Protestant clergymen ; F . BOKES, " Slovenska narodna rada z rokov 1848-1849," Historicky Casopis xm (1965) , 214 . (64) PECH , Czech Revolution, 104, 167. (65) J . HORVAT, Politii!ka povijest Hrvatske (Zagreb : 1936) , 176. (66) J. APIH, " Die slovenische Bewegung im Fruhjahr und Vorsommer 1848," Oesterreichisches Jahrbuch, XVI (1892); 201. (67) ZWITTER , " Slovenski politicni . .. " 128. (68) D. RAPANT, Slovenske povstanie roku 1848-49, Vol. 1 Pt. 1 (Martin : 1937) , 212. (69) See Note 37 . (70) The Croatian one, entitled Prijatelj Puka, appeared in Zagreb as a weekly supplement of Slavenski Jug. from 9 August to 29 November, 1848 ; see ''Slavenski Jug,' ' Enciklopedija Jugoslavije, Vol. 7, p. 221. The Czech one was Sedlsk e Noviny, published in Prague between 1 April, 1849 and 30 June, 1849. It is now available in J.J. TYi, Spisy, XIV, ed . by F. STREJCEK and H . HRZALOVA (Prague : 1953). (71) " Noviny pre hospodarstvo , remeslo a domaci zivot ," published from 5 April, 1848 to 27 September, 1848 ; see F . RUTTKAY, Daniel G. Lichard a slovenske novin<irstvo jeho doby (Martin : 1961) , 81 ff . (72) The influence of Havlicek on the peasants was striking. He advised them how to vote and what type of deputies to choose and they followed his advice quite readily; see PECH, Czech R evolution, 105, 284. (73) Ibid. , 258 . (74) L. VON GOGOLAK , Beitriige zur Geschichte des slowakischen Volkes , Vol. 2: Die slowakische nationale Fragen der Reformepoche Ungarns 1790-1848 (Munich: 1969) , 263. (75) D. RAP ANT , Slovenske povstanie roku 1848-49, Vol. 11 Pt. 1 (Martin: 1950), 344 . According to Rapant, Slovak national consciousness was the most highly developed in the Turcian County; RAPANT , op. cit., Vol. ill, Pt. 1 (1956), 351. This was also a region in which the Protestants were especially strong. (76) N<irodni Noviny, 31 May, 1848, article by Hurban . (77) See the map in Atlas i!eskoslovenskych dejin (Prague : 1965), No. 19f; this is an ingenious map comparing the speed of travel in the Czech and Slovak regions in the year 1827. (78) POTEMRA , op. cit., 117. (79) SLEBINGER , op. cit., 5-7 . (80) HERGESIC, op. cit., 102-103. (81) ROUBlK , op. cit., Appendix 6 and 9. (82) R. BICANIC , Doba manufakture u Hrvatskoj i Slavoniji 1750-1860 (Zagreb, 1951), 344. �SLOVAKIA 135 (83) See the map in Skolni atlas t!eskoslovenskych dejin (Prague, 1959), No. 25. (84) Ceskoslovenska vlastiveda, Part II, Dejiny, Vol. 2 (Prague, 1969), 93. (85) Ibid., 104. The first railroad came to Slovakia in the latter part of 1848. (86) GESTRIN-MELIK, op. cit., 50. (87) R. PAVLOVCIC, Zgodovinski atlas Slovenije (Buenos Aires, 1960), No. 69. Also GESTRIN-MELIK , op. cit., 103. (88) GODECHOT . op. cit. , 103. (89) Ceskoslovenska vlastiveda, op. cit., 104. (90) The circulation of the Slovene Novice in 1848 was 1,800 copies which yields a ratio of one copy for 556 people . The circulation of the Slovak Slovenskje Narodnje Novini may be assumed to have been 500 copies in 1848 which yields a ratio of one copy for 3 ,400 people.For the circulation figures, see Notes 46 and 47. (91) I have attempted to compare the ideology of the press of the four nationalities in S. Z. PECH, " The Press of the Habsburg Slavs in 1848: Contribution to a Political Profile ," Canadian Journal of History-Anna/es canadiennes d'histoire, X (1975): 3549 . However, I did not attempt to relate the ideology to the social structure of the elites . � SLOVAKIA 113 The Nationalist Movements of the Austrian Slavs in 1848: A Comparative Sociological Profile STANLEY Z. PECH The year 1848 was unlike any other in the long and arduous saga of the Austrian Slavs. It was a year when the Austrian Slavs, like the rest of Europe, passed through a major social and political upheaval. However, the year held for them a very special significance: in 1848 they first emerged as fledgling nations, from the backwater of Europe to stake out a claim for themselves as rightful members of the European family. As William H. Stiles, the United States charge d'affaires in Vienna at the time put it: " Previous to that period," the Austrian Slavs possessed "no proper individuality , their political nationality was unacknowledged, and for centuries, consequently, they exercised no influence in the political councils of Europe. The storms of 1848 and 1849 raised them to consideration, and even power. " (1) In recent years, Western historians have been diligent enough in providing the Western reader with the essential facts concerning the revolutions of 1848 in the Austrian Slavic realm. There is indeed ample material for a good copy: the fever of the March Days, the clashes and recriminations between Germans and Slavs, the Magyars and Slavs; the fervent preachments of the highpriests of the various Slavic nationalisms; the Slavic Congress in Prague flaring up into an uprising and aborted by the artillery of General Windischgratz. These are the high points of the revolutions essential to an understanding of the events of that year. However, this understanding now needs to be broadened and refined in the light of new techniques and methodologies developed in the West. There is need for a structural analysis of the Slavic nationalist movements of 1848. There is an added potential benefit to be derived from cross-national comparisons to which these movements lend themselves. The present account seeks to construct a social profile of the Slavic nationalist movements of 1848 and to analyze and compare their strength. I In the mid-nineteenth century, the Austrian Empire counted seven Slavic nationalities in its multi-ethnic structure: Czechs, Slovaks, Slovenes, Croats, Serbs, Poles, and Ukrainians. The last three will not Reprinted with permission from Histoire Sociale-Social History (Ottawa), Vol. 9, November 1976. �114 SLOVAKIA be treated here. For them the Austrian Empire was not the principal homeland: a majority of Ukrainians and Poles lived under Russia (a number of Poles also lived under Prussia), and a majority of Serbs under Turkey. This makes comparisons involving them problematical. Czechs , Slovaks , Slovenes , and Croats, on the other hand, were not so divided; they had no " home " other than the Austrian Empire. Their basic comparability derives from the following: 1) they experienced a revolution in 1848 ; 2) they lived under the same empire; 3) they were Slavic and shared the status of "subject" nationalities living under " alien " rule: the Czechs and the Slovenes under the Austro-Germans in the western half of the empire, and the Slovaks and the Croats under the Magyars in the eastern half of the empire; 4) they were passing through early stages of national awakening. The largest of the four national groups were the Czechs who numbered, in the middle of the nineteenth century, approximately 4 million. The number of Slovaks in the same period was 1. 7 million, that of the Croats 1.6 million, and that of the Slovenes a little over 1 million. (2) The total population of the Austrian Empire is estimated to have been 37 million ,(3) with the Austro-Germans the largest nationality (over 7 million) and the Magyars the second largest (4 .5 million) .(4) The revolutionary stresses that brought on the upheaval in 1848 had been accentuated by the demographic pressures of the halfcentury preceding the upheaval. Since the beginning of the nineteenth century , the population of the empire had been increasing steadily by 1850 the increase had amounted to one third as against the year 1800, a rate comparable to the other large states of Western Europe.(5) While it is difficult to separate the growth rates for the different peoples of the empire , this much can be hypothesized from the evidence: the rate of growth of the Slavs was greater than that of the non-Slavs.(6) In religious affiliation, Czechs , Slovenes, and Croats were at least 95 percent Roman Catholic. Roman Catholicism was also dominant among the Slovaks but there it was confronted with a numerically strong Protestant population (between 25 percent and 30 percent) . (7) The fact that the four nationalities being surveyed here had evolved through centuries as "subject" nationalities imparted to their social structures certain distinctive features - features that set them apart from W estem Europe and left a special mark on their development as modernizing societies. The West European model, with France and Germany as a typical example, exhibited a social structure that was unencumbered (small exceptions aside) by the complicating presence of a different nationality: peasants, nobles, workers, entrepreneurs, bureaucrats, priests, bishops, all spoke the same language and belonged to the same nationality. This comfortable ethnic homogeneity was lacking among most of the Austrian Slavs. To generalize: the four nationalities had an "incomplete" social structure; the lower portions �SLOVAKIA 115 of their social pyramid were Slavic while the upper portions were filled with members of the ruling nationality . How did the socio-ethnic edifice look in the specific cases? In the western half of the empire, the Czechs and the Slovenes each had their own peasantry, working class, artisanate, shopkeeper class, intelligentsia, lower clergy and lower bureaucracy. At the same time, their complementing higher classes, the nobility, the entrepreneurs and the higher bureaucracy, were German. The one point of difference between the Czechs and the Slovenes concerned the ecclesiastical hierarchy: in the Czech regions the hierarchy was entirely German whereas in the Slovene regions an influential segment of it was Slovene . This difference explains , in part, the divergent religious attitudes of the two peoples during the next century: the Czechs tended to embrace religious scepticism whereas the Slovenes evinced a vigorous religious spirit and lent strong support to movements of political Catholicism. In the eastern half of the empire, the structure was more complicated. The Slovaks occupied the lower portions of the social pyramid, but the upper portions included, besides the Germans , also the Magyars. The Croats, on the other hand , held a position significantly different from the other three national groups . Of the four nationalities , they alone retained, in part, their own governing class: a segment of the nobility, of higher clergy and of higher bureaucracy in Croatia belonged to the Croatian nationality; the remaining segment was Magyar (or Magyar-oriented Croat) or German. The fact that the Croats retained a substantial foothold in the governing class gave them an advantage not enjoyed by the other three national groups: in the pre-industrial age when the nobility alone counted as a political class , they had at all times a political voice . They had never been reduced to a mere '' nation of peasants.' ' In that sense, they were the only one of the four groups that approximated the West European model of social development. The Austrian Empire was not only a labyrinth of seemingly disarrayed social and ethnic parts. It also was a bewildering conglomerate of provinces and administrative divisions that disarrayed the ethnic parts still further. The existing administrative system had taken shape during the pre-nationalist age and bore no relationship to ethnic boundaries. As a result, not only did some nationality sometimes inhabit two or more provinces but if often shared each such province with a different nationality. Little useful purpose would be served by listing all the administrative divisions with their particular ethnic mosaics. Suffice it to say that for each nationality, one province usually stood out as a core of nationalist activism and attention will be focused on these. For the Czechs, this was the province of Bohemia which the Czechs shared with the Germans, the Czech-German ethnic ratio being 60 percent to 40 percent.(8) For the Slovenes, it was Carniola which was over 90 percent _S lovene, the Germans making up the balance.(9) For �116 SLOVAKIA the Croats, it was Croatia (full name "Croatia-Slavonia") in which the Slavs comprised over 95 percent of the population (two thirds of which were Croats and one third Serbs) while the ruling Magyars and Germans together did not exceed 2 percent; certain other small groups accounted for the remainder. (10) Croatia, it should be stressed, possessed a number of self-governing institutions in which the Croatian nobility, clergy and bureaucracy wielded considerable influence which helped cushion the German-Magyar rule. It even had an army which though subordinated directly to the emperor, was nevertheless an important symbol of Croatian national identity. In short, these social and institutional paraphernalia provided the Croats with defenses and opportunities not available to the other Slavs. This made it possible for them, in the course of 1848, to wrest political control entirely from the Magyars and Germans and erect what amounted to their own state with its own government that recognized only the authority of the emperor in Vienna. None of the other three nationalities came close to generating this type of institutional power. In this connection, it may be noted that the people who exercised the least power from the institutional point of view were the Slovaks. They had been totally submerged through centuries in the existing Hungarian system of counties and no part of the Slovak territory enjoyed the status of a province. The Slovak territory was reasonably compact in ethnic terms but had no institutional support to lend it distinctiveness and distinguish it from the other areas of Hungary. This made the Slovaks the most vulnerable and the least visible of the four peoples. After the Congress of Vienna, the Austrian Empire entered upon the first stages of industrialization . There were, however, marked regional disparities in the tempo with which industrialization proceeded , with the western half of the monarchy moving ahead more rapidly than the eastern half. Among the Slavic peoples, by the middle of the nineteenth century, only the Czechs had made significant advances along the road of modernization . By 1857 , the agrarian sector in Bohemia had been reduced to the point where only some 55 percent of the population derived their livelihood from agriculture .(11) The above figure applies to all of Bohemia (both to its Czech and Germanspeaking areas) ; and it is not possible to say exactly what it would be for the Czech inhabitants specifically. However, it is known that the German-speaking areas of Bohemia were by far the more industrialized( 12) and this would justify revising the figure, as applied to the Czechs, upward: 65 percent to 70 percent seems a more realistic estimate. At this same time, the agrarian sector in the three other Austro-Slavic regions continued to employ 90 percent or more of the economically active population.(13) The economic growth was reflected in the expansion of the urban population, with similar regional disparities prevailing in the degree or urbanization attained. In the middle of the nineteenth century, the proportion of the urban �SLOVAKIA 117 population in Bohemia was just under 20 percent;(14) for the Czechspeaking population of Bohemia this figure would have to be revised downward to some extent, perhaps to 15 percent. The Slovenes had at this time an urban population of 4 percent(15) while for the Slovaks and the Croats the figure was even less. (France had then an urban population of 26 percent and Germany 35 percent.)(16) ThE: major cities were few and not even their rapid expansion during the first half of the nineteenth century - some cities doubled in size during this period had produced many large urban centers by West European standards. The largest one was Prague, the most populous Czech city and the capital of Bohemia. With a population of 118,000 in the middle of the nineteenth century (77 ,000 in 1800), (17) it was the only city in the four ethnic regions to attain the 100,000 mark, an achievement placing it in a class with the major cities of Western Europe. The largest Croatian city was Zagreb, the capital of Croatia, with a population of 15,000(18) (8,000 at the beginning of the century)(19) and the largest Slovene city was Ljubljana (Laibach), the capital of Carniola, with a population of 17,000 (it was half this size in 1817). (20) The biggest city in what is today the Slovak region was Bratislava (Pressburg) which had a population, in 1848, of 40,000 (in 1805 it had been just under 22,000).(21) However, Bratislava was then not a Slovak city in any meaningful sense of the term; the majority of its inhabitants were German and it was not the scene of any mass Slovak nationalist activity in 1848.(22) The case of Bratislava was far from unique: many cities and towns throughout the Slavic regions of the Austrian Empire contained a large number of Germans, and sizeable German minorities were to be found in Prague. Ljubljana and Zagreb.(23) Economic power in the cities and indeed throughout the monarchy was largely in the hands of Germans and German Jews. Germans typically constituted the urban elite which controlled municipal administrations and in general exercised a decisive influence over the Slavic substratum. The demographic development of Prague, as the largest metropolis, deserves a special comment. Although the city grew more or less steadily after the year 1800, the really important demographic transformation was not the growth itself, but the increasing proportion of newcomers who moved into the city from the surrounding countryside. In the first two decades of the nineteenth century, the proportion of these newcomers remained relatively stable - hovering near 6 percent of the total population. A change set in during the 1820s: the proportion of newcomers began to increase markedly, from 6.3 percent in 1818, to 15 percent in 1826, to 36.3 percent in 1834, and finally to 48.9 percent in 1850.(24) This meant that by the middle of the century nearly one half of the Prague population consisted of people who had severed their previous roots and come to the city in search of a new life. The mass of newcomers was Czech. They found work in the new textile and machine industries founded during the 1830s and �118 SLOVAKIA 1840s, and in other forms of employment. Textile workers, about a thousand strong, became the largest distinctive group of the labor force in the capital city. Their rioting in 1844 announced the advent of an industrial age in Bohemia and attracted the attention of Europe, its effect reinforced by the rioting at almost the same time of Prague workers employed on the construction of a new railway.(25) One of the consequences of the influx of newcomers was to augment the Czechspeaking substratum in a city governed by the German elite. All this provided a setting calculated to raise the social and political fever of the capital city and goes far toward explaining the intensity of the upheaval that swept Prague during 1848. The other three cities mentioned above were drawn less precipitously into the vortex of social and economic change. Zagreb may serve as an example of a city standing at the opposite pole of the socio-economic spectrum from Prague. Although its size had almost doubled in the half-century before 1848, the city had not acquired an industrial face in the process. In 1808, nearly 40 percent of its population consisted of nobles and clergy (! ) and by 1848 these two groups, along with the intelligentsia, still accounted for one half of the total number of inhabitants.(26) City life in Zagreb, and in the eastern half of the empire as a whole, retained essentially a pre-industrial character as late as 1848. What passed for a town in the eastern half of the empire was different from what it was understood to be in the western half and in Western Europe. As one contemporary observer described the town scene in the eastern half of the empire just on the eve of 1848: not only the small towns but also the larger cities there '' consisted of nothing but settlements of ploughmen, vine growers, and shepherds in which respect they did not differ at all from the villages .'' (27) It is startling to realize that at the time of the outbreak of the 1848 revolution, Croatia - and also Slovakia - had not yet acquired a single mile of railroad. II How strong were the nationalist movements to which these structures gave rise and which broke into the open during the years 1848-1849, complete with leaders and programs? The nationalist movements of 1848 were the culminating point of the preceding halfcentury of "national awakening." This development had of course proceeded at a different pace in the case of the various peoples and by 1848 each movement ·had attained a different level of strength. How can this strength be measured? How did the movements compare in their ability to mobilize supporters? It is generally agreed that to be effective a movement requires '' some kind of organization that enables certain persons to act as authorized spokesmen and representatives. This can take the form of committees, clubs, labor unions, or political parties.'' (28) Such clubs consist of individuals with the highest degree �SLOVAKIA 119 of commitment to a movement's objectives. In our context, organizations with such a commitment were the pre-March patriotic societies that had come into being during the 1830s and 1840s. The Czechs, the Croats and the Slovaks each had one such society: they were, respectively, the Czech Foundation (Ceska Matice, founded in 1832), the Croatian Foundation (Matica Hrvatska, 1842) and the Slovak Tatrin (1844). These were nationalist societies comprising the highest echelon of nationalist elites. Although independent of each other, they had similar organizational structures and pursued identical objectives: to promote the native language and culture, and to foster the publication of books and newspapers in that language . With this comparability in mind, we can use the numerical strength of these societies as a comparative index of the strength with which the three nationalist movements entered upon the year 1848. On the eve of 1848, the Czech Foundation had a membership of 2329 (for the year 1847),(29) the Croatian Foundation 300(30) (for 1844, the last pre-1848 year available) and Tatrin 80 (1847).(31) Measured against the total population of each nationality as given earlier, this yields the ratio of 5.8 per 10,000 for the Czech national movement, 1.9 per 10,000 for the Croatian, and a low 0.5 per 10,000 for the Slovak. It may be added that the membership in all three societies was growing.(32) Evidently, the nationalist movements had acquired a momentum of their own, adding their weight to the forces that precipitated the collapse of absolutism in March 1848. The revolutions of 1848 may not have been inevitable but the forces that produced them had been unmistakably at work. The Slovenes lacked a patriotic society before 1848 and consequently we cannot measure the strength of the Slovene movement on a basis strictly comparable with the other three. It may be assumed, however, that the absence of a patriotic society is itself evidence of a sort: it suggests the existence of a less developed nationalist movement. Nevertheless, the Slovenes were not without visible manifestations of progress on the nationalist front. Their patriots established a foothold in the Agricultural Society of Camiola, an organization of long standing. This was not a Slovene patriotic society for it counted both Germans and Slovenes among its members and its avowed purpose was improvement of agriculture, not promotion of Slovene nationalism. However, in 1842 the society appointed a moderate, Dr. Janez Bleiweis, as its new secretary, and under him Slovene nationalist forces found elbow room within the society's framework. The success of the first modem Slovene newspaper, Novice, which Bleiweis launched in 1843 under the auspices of the society, afforded proof that Slovene nationalism was on the rise. (33) Still, the absence of a genuine patriotic society was a serious drawback; it meant that the Slovene elite entered upon the year 1848 with little organizational contact, strength and experience. In this it resembled the Slovak elite whose Tatrin offered too feeble a basis when the need �120 SLOVAKIA for action arose . The Slovene and the Slovak elites were the weaker members in the group, the Czech and the Croatian ones the stronger. This distribution of pre-1848 strength corresponds, in fact, very closely to the performance of these nationalist movements during the year 1848. What about the social hue of the elites? The membership rosters of the three patriotic societies contain occupational data that permit us to make cross-national comparisons. For the Slovenes, we must again resort to substitute material which furnishes a basis for an informed estimate. Surveying all four elites, one can perceive two social groups playing a dominant role: the intelligentsia and the lower clergy. The intelligentsia, as defined here, includes teachers, officials, writers, students, and professionals. The term clergy refers to both Roman Catholic and Protestant clergymen. The latter were numerically strong only in the Slovak elite. In the other three elites, the clergy was, with few exceptions, Roman Catholic. While it is true that the intelligentsia and the clergy were prominent in all four elites, their weight varied from case to case. From the material at our disposal it is evident that the intelligentsia had a larger share in the Czech and Croatian elites, while the clergy had a larger share in the Slovene and Slovak elites. The proportion of the intelligentsia and the clergy in the three patriotic societies was, respectively: 54 percent and 29 percent in the Czech.(34) 52 percent and 20 percent in the Croatian(35) and 30 percent and 59 percent in the Slovak society.(36) It is noteworthy that businessmen and other groups ranked after the intelligentsia and the clergy. The peasants as might be expected were hardly significant. The dominant role of the clergy in the Slovene elite can be gleaned from the list of subscribers to the abovementioned newspaper Novice. Although Novice was intended to be a peasant newspaper, the peasants constituted only a small minority of its subscribers; nearly half of the subscribers (in 1847) were nationalist clergymen!(37) The influence of the clergy was noted by a Slovene historian of the last century; in relating the origins of the nationalist movement he observed that ''The number of conscious (Slovene) patriots outside the ranks of the clergy was small.'' (38) The role of the nobility was important only in the Croatian elite . Its proportion in the Croatian Foundation was 7 percent, as compared with 1.5 percent in the Czech Foundation and zero in the Slovak Tatrin. (39) There were, to be sure, influential individual nobles active also in the Czech nationalist movement in its earliest stages. However, they were, as a rule , German-speaking "Bohemian patriots" who sympathized with the Czech movement without identifying themselves with the Czech nationalism. They were friendly outsiders "looking in" and withdrew from the movement in proportion as that movement acquired a clearly Czech nationalist stamp. The role of the nobility in the Croatian movement was completely different. Far from being outsiders �SLOVAKIA 121 looking in, they were anchored squarely in the very heart of the nationalist movement at all times, helping to give it shape and direction in a manner in which the Czech nobility never did. The Croatian elite , it should be pointed out, had an added feature all of its own; this consisted in a peculiar collaboration between the nobles and the intelligentsia. It was almost routine practice for the Croatian nobles who had the right to sit in pre-1848 county assemblies to allow themselves to be represented by members of the nationalist intelligentsia. (40) This gave the intelligentsia considerable influence over and above its numercial strength , but there was a reverse side to the coin: the intelligentsia fell into a state of dependence upon the nobles to some extent and acted as a conduit for noble influence. A particular reference should be made at this point to the Slovak elite and to the problem that bedeviled the relationship between its members: the religious problem. Perhaps half of the clergymen in the Slovak patriotic society were Protestant (Lutheran), the remainder were Roman Catholic.(41) Protestants, however, had acquired a commanding position during the years preceding 1848. Moreover, Protestants and Catholics were divided not only by religious convictions - which would have been serious enough to jeopardize the movement - but also by different attitudes regarding the conception of Slovak nationhood and literary language . The chasm separating the two religious groups proved difficult to bridge and Roman Catholics treated the Protestant initiatives with the greatest reserve. This was bound to have a damaging effect on Slovak efforts; how damaging, the events of 1848 were to bear out only too painfully. This added to the vulnerability of a nationalist movement that had already been rendered vulnerable on other counts. The Slovaks were the only one of the four nationalities that entered the year 1848 with a seriously disunited elite . The elites as organized in the patriotic societies comprised the most highly committed or mobilized members of the nationalist movements. How did the elites draw the broader strata of the populations into the movement? How did the wider process of social mobilization take place? It is now increasingly recognized that the development of nationalism is related to the role of communications. A group of sociological theories assigns communications a prime place in the process of national awakening. One communications model in fact considers ' 'the role of the intelligentsia ... to be a necessary condition of all nationalist movements, " (42) an observation which appears to receive support from the role the intelligentsia played in the four movements examined here. If one includes the clergy, as some historians do , in the concept of "intelligentsia" (" clerical intelligentsia'' ), then the importance of this social group in the genesis of Austro-Slavic nationalisms becomes overwhelming. In this context literacy was an essential factor contributing to the success of any mobilizing effort mounted by the elites. How did the four �122 SLOVAKIA nationalities rate on this count? Literacy statistics were not compiled in the Austrian Empire at the time we are discussing. In order to obtain a picture, we are obliged to rely on later census data that indicate the literacy of the generation that was born in the 1830s and was of school age in the 1840s. In this generation, the Czechs led the others . Their rate was 84. 75 percent which was nearly three times as much as that of the Slovaks (30.2 percent), the Slovenes (28.62 percent) and the Croats (26. 7 percent) . (43) It is necessary to add that the Slavic populations in general were at a disadvantage vis-a-vis the Austro-Germans when it came to the use of their languages as a medium of instruction in schools. Only in the lower schools was teaching conducted in the language appropriate to the ethnic region. The language of middle and higher schools was German in the western half of the empire and German, Latin or Magyar in the eastern half. In other words, attaining a higher level of education generally compelled the individual concerned to leave the cultural ambience of his native language . The results of this process were often bizarre. For example, the Czech Karel Havlicek and the Slovene Bleiwies, both leading nationalists, were, in the early stages of their nationalist activity, more fluent in German than in their own native language - a situation by no means untypical of Slavic national awakeners.(44) The elites were keenly aware of the efficacy of the printed word as a medium through which they could best transmit their ideas and mobilize the larger non-elite mass; hence the preoccupation of the patriotic societies with publishing. The printed word devised and disseminated nationalist symbols, awakened an interest in the past and created an awareness of shared leaders, thus ultimately engendering a sense of the community of language, culture and history. For maximum effectiveness, the printed word had to have periodicity and this pointed to the importance of the newspaper as a vehicle most suitable for communication. It was a portent of an approaching nationalist storm that the fifteen-year period preceding the revolutions of 1848 saw the foundation of the first modem national and nationalist newspapers in the case of all four nationalities . One such newspaper was founded in each case, under the auspices of or in association with, the patriotic societies.(45) Of the four, only one, the Slovak, remained stationary in circulation during the pre-March period(46) while the other three showed a circulation increase, with the Czech newspaper registering an increase that can only be described as extraordinary, from 200 in 1846 to 1,500 in 1848.(47) The editor of the Czech newspaper was Karel Havlicek , of the Croatian, Ljudevit Gaj, of the Slovak, I.:udovit Stur, and of the Slovene, Dr. Janez Bleiweis. It is interesting to note that the last three men were the principal nationalist leaders of their peoples at the time and are considered the ''fathers' ' of their particular nationalist movements. As for Havlicek, he shared this honor with the Czech historian Frantisek Palacky. Nothing illustrates more tellingly the �SLOVAKIA 123 importance of communications to nationalism than the fact that the nationalist editors were the leaders of their national groups. ill In March 1848 absolutism in the Austrian Empire collapsed and this ushered in the "revolutions of 1848," a period of constitutional government that lasted for over a year, until the emperor began to reimpose absolutism in the spring and summer of 1849. Among the most important constitutional innovations introduced by the liberal regime was the abolition of censorship in March 1848. This led to the foundation of new magazines and newspapers, making it possible for the Czech leaders to start a veritable avalanche of the printed word. On the eve of 1848 the Czechs had a total of 13 newspapers and periodicals; after March this number quadrupled, to 52.(48) Elsewhere, the expansion was more modest. In Croatia, the increase was from 5 in 184 7 to 8 in 1848(49) while the corresponding Slovak figures were 6 and 8.(50) The Slovenes, starting from a low base of 1 newspaper in 1847 brought the number up to 6 in 1848.(51) (After the return of the reaction in 1849 the number of newspapers began to drop again to pre1848 levels.) Calculated on a per capita basis, there was, in 1848, one newspaper or magazine for 77,000 Czechs, 167,000 Slovenes, 200,000 Croats and 213,000 Slovaks. Clearly, the Czech elite had at their disposal the most highly developed network of communications - an advantage heightened by the fact that some of their newspapers appeared daily (six times a week) whereas the frequency of the newspapers of the other nationalities was not more than three times a week. The strengths and the handicaps with which each Slavic group had entered upon the revolution became evident in the first days of freedom. The Czechs and the Croats promptly staged mass meetings , (in March in their capital cities) at which nationalist programs were adopted. (52) In the other two ethnic regions, the adoption of nationalist programs was accomplished with less mass support. The Slovenes formulated their nationalist programs in March without the benefit of a single mass meeting - the only Slav group to pass through the revolutionary year without mass demonstrations or rallies in support of nationalist objectives.(53) In Slovakia, the elite was slow in getting off the mark and encountered difficulties in mobilizing public opinion. A full-fledged nationalist program was not adopted until the beginning of May 1848 at a meeting in Liptovsky Svlity Mikulas, but the public presence at this meeting was modest and the program failed to acquire the legitimacy and force sufficient to compel the Magyar authorities to heed it.(54) The opening stages of the revolutionary period demonstrated the advantage of a people having a body of nationalists with organizational experience and mutual contact who would seize the initiatives, and �124 SLOVAKIA quickly and forcefully responded to the challenges of the moment. The pre-1848 patriotic societies consisted of such nationalists. However, accustomed as they had been to more genteel forms of struggle, these societies could not in themselves become the instruments of political activism at a time of revolutionary turbulence, and so new organizations were established to cope with new forms of struggle. The Czechs in Prague created in March a National Committee which served, until its dissolution after the June 1848 uprising in Prague, as a center of Czech nationalist activity throughout Bohemia. Many members of the Czech Foundation became active in the National Committee which counted over a hundred members. In the National Committee, the intelligentsia prevailed, as it had done in the Czech Foundation, with 44 percent of the members belonging to this stratum. However, the proportion of the clergy was drastically reduced in this elite group, to a mere 4 percent, as compared with 29 percent it had had in the Czech Foundation in the last year before the revolution. It appears that the revolution had pushed the clergy into the background. Its place was taken by the bourgeoisie (burghers, artisans, businessmen) whose share in the National Committee was 42 percent.(55) After June 1848 the vacuum created by the demise of the National Committee was filled by the newly founded Slavic Linden (Slovanska Lipa), a nationalist pressure group consciously seeking political change. The Slavic Linden was led by intellectuals and bourgeoisie, with some members of the National Committee passing into its ranks. (56) The clergy played no major role. Politically, the Slavic Linden was somewhat to the left of the National Committee and, unlike the latter, acquired some of the characteristics of a political party: it had its own newspaper, an elected executive, a headquarters (in Prague), and local branches. By the beginning of 1849 it counted 49 branches throughout Bohemia, forming a network reaching into all corners of the province, with a total estimated membership of 2,000.(57) Among rank and file members of the Slavic Linden were peasants and people of the humble stations in life. (58) The Slavic Linden was in fact the only non-elite stratum, showing a widening circle of nationalistically mobilized population. None of the other three nationalities could point to this level of national awakening, and none devised the kind of network through which the nationalists could communicate and operate in an organized fashion. The Croatian nationalist movement operated with instruments essentially different from those employed by the Czechs. The Croatian elite relied less on the spontaneous organs such as the Czech National Committee and more on Croatia's existing institutions of selfgovernment which it revived and re-shaped to suit the new post-March conditions. After March, the Croats acquired their provincial government, the Ban's Council, which managed the affairs of the country throughout 1848-1849. The Croats were the only Slavic group to �SLOVAKIA 125 become for the duration of the 1848-1849 revolutionary period , masters in their own house, recognizing the authority of none but the emperor. Their nobility continued to be active and influential in the existing arrangements. The only new non-governmental nationalist political or quasi-political organization to which the elite gave rise in the postMarch period was the Croatian version of the Slavic Linden. It was inspired by but independent of the Czech Slavic Linden. It was founded in Zagreb , was led by moderately left-oriented intellectuals, and acquired a newspaper of its own. However, it was never too active and never succeeded in building a network of branches throughout the Croatian regions. Only one major branch was set up outside of Zagreb.(59) The total membership of the two branches was no more than a few score and the organization never reached into the non-elite strata. (60) The effectiveness and power of the Croatian nationalist movement derived more from the existing institutional structure and the participation of the nobility than from the mobilization of the wider segments of the population. The Slovenes and the Slovaks could offer little to match the Czech and the Croatian examples. Among the Slovenes, the revolution gave rise to the Slovene Society of Ljubljana founded in April 1848 which became the largest and most influential body of Slovene patriots of the revolutionary period . Its slogan was "Everything for Religion, Emperor and Nationality" and doubtless expressed the influence of clergymen who, according to a police report, formed the largest social group within the 400-member society, with the intelligentsia accounting for the rest .(61) The slogan captures the spirit of the society sufficiently to contrast it with the Czech National Committee which was secular minded and in which the clergy had hardly any role to play. At the same time, it deserves to be noted that the thrust of the Society ' s efforts was cultural more than political. It did not become a center of political activity and did not regard itself as much more than a patriotic interest group. The position of the Slovaks was the least satisfactory. At no time after March 1848 did they form anything resembling the Czech National Committee or even the Slovene Society of Ljubljana. As a consequence, their movement was without an organized thrust and without a single direction. Only the political newspaper, the Slouenskje N<irodnjc Nouini continued to function as a voice of Slovak nationalism but it was compelled to suspend publication in June 1848 under Magyar pressure and with its passing, the last channel of communications through which the elite could address itself to the mass had been destroyed. The Slovak people were thus left without a political newspaper for the greater part of the revolutionary era - a handicap to which none of the other three nationalities was subjected. Furth ermore, in June 1848, Magyar authorities declared martial law over much of Slovak territory - charging the Slovak leaders with '' Pan- �126 SLOVAKIA Slavic" subversion and forcing many of them into exile - and this paralyzed the Slovak movement still further.(62) The clergy (Protestant) continued to dominate what was left of the life of the Slovak movement after June. (63 ) The organizational strength of the elites and the degree to which they were able to mobilize the wider segments of the populations were tested at the elections to the various representative assemblies that took place during 1848 - the first such modem elections to be held in the history of the Austrian Empire. Until 1848 , public life in the empire had borne a German or, in the eastern half, German-Magyar character and this was bound to favor German and Magyar candidates in the election contests even in the Slavic-speaking areas . Conversely, success at the polls of the Slavic candidates could be regarded as evidence of a relatively high degree of mobilization among the Slavic electorate. The right to vote was more liberal in the western than in the eastern half of the empire , and even in the former, segments of the lower social classes were excluded. Nevertheless , it must be acknowledged that everywhere a large number of " common" people enjoyed the right to vote and the election results can serve as a rough expression of popular sentiment vis-a-vis the nationalist movements . The elections yielded the following results. In Bohemia, they demonstrated a high degree of responsiveness of voters to the Czech nationalist movement. In the election of the Bohemian diet in J une 1848 the proportion of Czech deputies elected was just over 60 percent (the remainder were Germans) - a figure corresponding closely to the estimated proportion of the Czech population in the province. The election to the Imperial Parliament held in the same month brought similar results, with the Bohemian voters sending to Vienna 55 Czech as against 35 German deputies.(64) In Croatia, the elections to the diet (June 1848) were a clean sweep for the nationalist candidates. This was due , in part , to the militancy of the Croatian authorities who saw to it that only committed to the Croatian cause could stand as candidates. (65) Because of this, the election results are not very meaningful. In the Slovene regions, the electoral behavior of the voters was less affected by nationalist sentiment. The election of the diet of Carniola produced " numerous" Slovene deputies(66) but not nearly the decisive majority the size of the Slovene population of Camiola (90 percent) would warrant. Similarly, only about half of the deputies elected to the Imperial Parliament in ethnically Slovene territory were actually of Slovene orientation ; the other half were German or bilingual without specifically Slovene leanings.(67) Finally, the nationalists in the Slovak regions failed completely: the first modern Hungarian Parliament , elected in June 1848, did not have a single Slovak deputy. This was attributable, in part , to Magyar electoral pressures. But the principal reason was the underdeveloped nationalist sentiment of the Slovak mass . Slovak leaders were themselves not unaware of this and �SLOVAKIA 127 fielded only a few candidates . (68) The nationalist leaders realized that much of their effectiveness depended on the success with which they mobilized the support of the largest social group: the peasantry . To achieve this, they experimented with the publication of newspapers written and edited specifically for the peasantry. However, the results of this effort proved disappointing. The only peasant newspaper that proved successful was the Slovene Novice but even in this instance , no more than 15 percent of its subscribers belonged to the class for which it was primarily aimed.(69) Clearly, Novice could maintain itself only because of the support of non-peasant readers , particularly the clergy. Publication of peasant newspapers was tried also by Croatian (Summer 1848) and Czech (Spring 1849) leaders but both ventures failed for lack of reader support. (70) A more technically oriented newspaper was devised and launched for the Slovak peasants but it likewise proved short-lived (1848). (71) These failures have usually been attributed to a lack of national consciousness on the part of the peasantry, and doubtless there is more than a grain of truth in the observation. After all, the peasantry had only just emerged, in 1848, from the last vestiges of serfdom . A large number of peasants was still illiterate and could not be expected to display a degree of political and nationalist commitment of the kind evinced by the elites. Plainly, the peasant's most immediate and active concerns involved his own social problems rather than the problems of nationalism . At the same time, it should not be forgotten that the peasants were the authentic traditional bearers of the national cultures and folklore and it would be implausible to maintain that such traditions had failed to engender varying degrees of national consciousness or even of interest in the nationalist movement. There is, in fact , good evidence to show that although the peasants turned their back on peasant newspapers, many of them followed the great nationalist press, such as the Czech Narodni Noviny (successor, since April 1848 to Praiske Noviny) .(72) It is probable that such newspapers offered them a more direct opportunity of identifying with the nationalist leaders . The quality and intensity of the peasants' commitment to nationalism did not and could not equal that of the elites , but not a few of them were prepared to support the elites in the capacity of followers. However, this differed from one ethnic region to another. Peasant support for the nationalist elites was the most widespread in the Czech regions. The authorities in Bohemia were not oblivious to the support from the peasants the Czech leaders enjoyed; a confidential police report of May 1849 noted that Czech leaders could count on Czech peasants in resisting unpopular government measures.(73) In the other three ethnic regions, the peasantry seemed moblized to a lesser degree , the least , to judge from the election results, in Slovakia. The apathy of the Slovak peasant seemed more marked than that of his Czech, Slovene and Croatian counterparts. Indeed, the Slovak �128 SLOVAKIA movement as a whole was so weak that a brief digression concerning this weakness appears warranted. Certainly , a major weakening factor was religious discord. Although a majority of Slovaks were Roman Catholic, the Protestants occupied the highest rungs of power in the elite and were , for all practical purposes , the moving spirits of the revolution of 1848 in Slovakia - a situation calculated to displease the Roman Catholics. The great triad of the movement, tudovit Stur, M. M . Hodza and J.M. Hurban, were all Protestants , the latter two were practicing Lutheran clergymen. The group that adopted the nationalist program of May 1848 consisted almost entirely of Protestants.(74) At the grass roots, the climate was similar: the areas inhabited by Protestants manifested a more active nationalist sentiment during the revolution than those inhabited by Roman Catholics - hardly a favorable omen in a people that was in majority Roman Catholic. It is not surprising that some Roman Catholic Slovaks regarded the movement of 1848 as a Protestant plot.(75) Furthermore , the Slovaks lacked a major center of national culture and their geographic setting in general hindered rather than aided the growth of communications and the development of nationalism . The river valleys amid the high peaks of the Tatra Mountains had an isolating effect. " We are an unfortunate people," lamented one Slovak leader, ' ' in that we live only in our valleys - isolated from one another, ' ' and contrasted it with the advantage the Czechs possessed in having a centrally located city , Prague , which was " like the heart of the (Czech) body ." (76) The network of roads and postal services and transportation facilities was sparse, much sparser than, for instance , in the Czech regions. It took considerably less time to traverse a distance in Bohemia than it did to traverse the same distance in Slovakia. (77) Bratislava was in 1848 a predominantly German city, on the fringes of Slovak ethnic territory. Although Stur's Slovenske Narodnje No vini was published there, the city was far from dominant in Slovak national life . Of the 8 Slovak newspapers appearing in 1848, only 3 were published in Bratislava. (78) The cultural facilities of the Slovaks were dispersed, with no city standing above the others as undisputed national leader. When it came to a center of national culture, the other three peoples were in a better position. The Slovenes , it is true , faced a hostile geographic environment in their mountainous terrain, but had at least a reasonably active center in the city of Ljubljana, situated in the heart of the Slovene ethnic territory. Of the 6 Slovene newspapers appearing in 1848 , all but one originated in Ljubljana. (79) The position of the Croats and the Czechs was again superior to that of the Slovenes. The Croats had their undisputed capital and nationalist center in Zagreb, with 7 of the existing 8 Croatian newspapers published there , (80) and with all major cultural institutions located there. While the Czechs had the most vigorous national center of all, in Prague, to which not only the Czechs but also most other Austrian Slavs, looked �SLOVAKIA 129 for leadership . Of the 41 Czech newspapers published in Bohemia, 33 were appearing in Prague, and they were the ones with the nationwide circulation.(81) Prague was already then becoming the towering symbol of Czech nationalism. To sum up the strength of the Austrian Slavic nationalist movements: the Czechs and the Croats belonged in one category as the stronger pair, while the Slovenes and the Slovaks were the weaker. Within each pair, however, there were marked differences. The Czech movement derived its strength principally from a large popular base , created by more highly developed communications. The Croatian movement had a more restricted popular base but compensated for this by having at is disposal an administrative structure rooted in the traditions of self-government. This, combined with the foothold the movement had in the governing class, the nobility, gave it a readymade leverage of political influence which was denied to the other three nationalities. To formulate it in slightly different language: the strength of the Croatian movement was derived from the traditional social and political features; that of the Czech movement was more clearly associated with the features of modernization. The latter was born in a society that could be described as early industrial, the former in a society that was essentially pre-industrial. A few data will illustrate this. On the eve of 1848, Croatia was without a railroad and with only 4 steam engines operating on its territory.(82) Bohemia (with Moravia) had over 500 kilometers of railroads(83) and some 360 steam engines.(84) For the sake of comparison, it may be noted that at this same time Slovakia was, like Croatia, without a railroad and with only 3 steam engines(85) while Slovenia was more advanced, with 25 steam engines(86) and a stretch of railroad a little under 100 kilometers.(87) (The number of steam engines in Britain then was 30,000 and in France 5,000.(88) Britain had more than 4,000 kilometers of railroad.)(89) The Slovenes and the Slovaks were weaker on several counts . Their nationalist elites were less well organized. The Slovak elite was especially hampered by the Protestant-Catholic differences which constituted a unique element not present in the other three movements. Also, alone of the nationalities being surveyed here, the Slovaks had no institutional forms that would lend their ethnic territory a certain visibility and a possible leverage for political action; and, after June 1848, no political press. Furthermore, the Slovak mass appears to have been the least mobilized into the national movement: the Slovak elite had little impact on the rest of the population. In some of these respects, the Slovenes were in a better position than the Slovaks. They had at least the provincial institutions of Carniola which could be made to serve as an instrument with which to advance the nationalist cause. Their elite was not rent with religious discord. During the year 1848 it succeeded in producing at least a modicum of organizational life (Slovene Society of Ljubljana) and also a political or quasi-political �130 SLOVAKIA press that functioned throughout the 1848-1849 constitutional period. The circulation figures for the Slovene and Slovak newspapers offer unmistakable evidence that the Slovene nationalist movement was reaching a larger proportion of its constituency than the Slovak one.(90) The social and occupational groups that made up the preponderant strain in the nationalist elites were the intelligentsia and the clergy: the former was dominant in the Czech and the Croatian (here linked closely with the nobility) elites, the latter in the Slovene and the Slovak ones. The elites were the ideologues of the nationalist movements, disseminating their views chiefly through the press which they controlled. This suggests some possibilities for future research. It would be desirable to know in what ways the social structure of the elites was reflected in the political ideologies of the nationalist movements.(91) It would be also interesting to discover in what ways the elites helped shape the merging political cultures - the revolutions of 1848 constitute the beginning of modem political life among the peoples of the Austrian Empire - and to what extent this contributed to the enduring pattern of political culture as it crystallized in the coming generations. In our own century, down to the outbreak of World War II, the Czechs gained a reputation for supporting center and left-of-center political movements; the Croats displayed political vagaries but a certain centrist mixture of liberal and conservative seemed to hold the most sway: while among the Slovenes and the Slovaks militant right-wing clericalist movements proved the most dynamic. This pattern seems to mirror, to a considerable extent, the dominant social classes in the nationalist elites as they existed in the middle of the last century. With the present popularity of the study of political cultures, it should not be long before social scientists interested in the Austrian Slavs tum to the middle of the nineteenth century as the time ''when it all began.'' FOOTNOTES 1) W. H. STILLS, Austria in 1848-49 (New York: 1852), 388. ( 2) For the figures for Czechs, Slovaks and Slovenes, see the tables in Fran ZWITTER et al., Nacionalni problemi v Habsbudki Monarhiji (Ljubljana: 1962) , 212-219. For Croats, see the article "Hrvati" in EnciklopedijaJugoslavije. Vol. 4, p. 58. ( 3) Uebersichts-Tafeln zur Statistik der oesterreichisechen Monarchie (Special Reprint of Fascicle X and XI of Statistische Mittheilungen, Vienna: 1850), 1. ( 4) ZWITTER, op. cit., 216, 219. ( 5) George FASEL, Europe in Upheaval: The Revolutions of 1848 (Chicago: 1970), 4. ( 6) Johann SPRINGER, Statistik des oesterreichischen Kaiserstaates, Vol. 1 (Vienna: 1840), 98. ( 7) Slovenska jar: Slovenske povstanie 1848-49, ed. by Jan SLOBODA (Bratislava: 1971), 40 , estimates the Slovak Protestants at one third. ( 8) See the table in ZWITTER, op. cit., 215. �SLOVAKIA 131 ( 9) Bogo GRAFENAUER, Zgodovina slovenskega naroda, Vol. 5 (Ljubljana: 1962), 172. (10) I. KARAMAN, "Ekonomske prilike u vrijeme hrvatskog narodnog preporoda," Kolo, New Series, Vol. 4 (1966), Nos. 8-10, p. 181. (11) K. NOVOTNY and M. MYSKA, eds., Prvni kroky k vitezstvi (Prague: 1966), 10. (12) For the historical development of the ethnic regions of Bohemia, see the map in Ceskoslovenska vlastiveda, Part II, Dejiny, Vol. 2 (Prague: 1969), following p. 80. Compare with this the map depicting the industrial development of Bohemia before 1848, in Atlas ceskoslovenskych dejin (Prague: 1965), No. 17 a. (13) In Croatia as late as 1880 (the earliest year for which accurate statistics are available). 84.64 percent of the population derived their livelihood from agriculture; see Enciklopedija Jugoslavije, Vol. 4, article "Hrvatska," p. 196. For the Slovenes, the estimate for the middle of the nineteenth century is 89 percent; see article "Slovenija," EnciklopedijaJugoslavije, Vol. 7,353. Much the same picture emerges for the Slovaks, from Slovenskajar, op. cit. 34. (14) See GRAFENAUER, op. cit., 154. (15) Ibid. (16) J. GODECHOT, Les Revolutions de 1848 (Paris: 1971), 90. (17) L. KARNlKOVA, Vyvoj obyvatelstva v ceskych zemich 1754-1914 (Prague: 1965), 105. (18) Uebersichtstafeln zur Statistik, op. cit., 3. (19) F. SISlC, HrvatskaPovijest, Vol. 3 (Zagreb: 1913), 7. (20) Uebersichtstafeln zur Statistik, op. cit., 3. I. CHURKINA, "O nekotorykh osobennostiakh formirovaniia slovenskoi natsii, '' Sovetskoe slavianovedenie, No. 2, 1968, p . 16. (21) Uebersichtstafeln zur Statistik, op. cit., 3 Dejiny Slovenska, ed. by L. HOLOTIK, Vol. 1 (Bratislava: 1961), 435. - For the overall economic trends in Eastern Europe, see I. T. BEREND and G. RAN KI, Economic Development in East-Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries (translation from the Hungarian) (New York and London: 1974). (22) In 1850, the ethnic composition of the population of Bratislava was as follows: Germans 70.6 percent, Jews 12.9 percent, Slovaks 10.09 percent, Magyars 6.18 percent, others 0.23 percent. See I. HOUDEK, "Bratislava v revolucnych rokoch 1848-1849." Acta Musei Civitatis Bratislavensis: Bratislava, Vol. 5 (1969), 169. (23) No reliable ethnic statistics exist for these three cities for the middle of the nineteenth century and the available estimates differ so widely that it is unprofitable to reproduce them here. As a rule, German historians claim a larger share of German inhabitants for each city than do the Slavic historians. (24) KARNlKOVA, op. cit., 105. (25) J. JANACEK, ed., Dejiny Prahy (Prague: 1964), 432-433. (26) I. I. LESHCHILOVSKAIA, Illirizm (Moscow: 1968), 94. (27) Quoted in R. A. AVERBUKH, Revoliutsiia i natsionalno-osvoboditelnaia borba v Vengrii 1848-1849 (Moscow: 1965), 5. (28) "Social Movements," in International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 14, p. 441. (29) Prehled ceskoslovenskych dejin, Vol. 1 (Prague: 1958), 688. (30) J. RAVLIC, Matica Hrvatska 1842-1962 (Zagreb: 1963), 40. (31) D. RAP ANT, Tatrin (Martin, 1950), 11-12. For the patriotic societies of the various Slavic groups, see S. B. KIMBALL, The Austro-Slav Revival: A Study of Nineteenth- �132 SLOVAKIA Century Literary Foundations, in Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, New Series, LXIII, Part 4 (Philadelphia: 1973). (32) The number of members of the Czech Foundation grew from 35 in 1832 to over 500 in 1839, to 2329 in 1847; see Prehled teskoswvenskych dejin op. cit., 688. Tatrin expanded from 23 in 1844 to 80 in 1847; see RAPANT, op. cit., 12, who says that the membership lists were not always accurate. The Croatian Foundation expanded from 158 members in 1842 to 300 in 1844 (figures for the later pre-March years are not available): see RA VLlC, op. cit., 34, 40. (33) J. BLEIWEIS, Zgodovina C. K. krajnske kmetijske druibe (Ljubljana: 1855), 11. (34) M. HROCH, Die Vorkiimpfer der nationalen Bewegung bei den Kleinen Voelkem Europas (Prague: 1968), 44. The percentages refer to the situation as it was in 1847. (35) I have computed these percentages from a membership list containing occupational data, as reproduced in RA VLlC, op. cit., 260-263. The Croatian Foundation was a successor to the so-called Illyrian Reading Room and the above list gives the names of members, 217 in all, of that reading room, for the year 1838-1839. It is the only extant list that contains occupational data and can give us an indication of the social structure of the Croatian Foundation. (36) Computed from a list given in RAP ANT , op. cit., 12. (37) In 1847 the total number of subscribers was 1522 of whom 230 were peasants and 689 clergymen. See GRAFENAUER, op. cit., Vol. 5, 165. (38) J . APIH, "Die Slovenen und die Miirzbewegung von 1848," Oesterreichisches Jahrbuch , XIV (1890), 93. (39) See Notes 34, 35, 36. (40) On the role of the nobility in the Croatian nationalist movement, see LESHCHILOVSKAIA, op. cit., 72-75. (41) RAPANT, op. cit., 12. I have supplemented Rapant's data with those found M. SLAVIK, ed. , Swvenski narodovci do 30. okt6bra 1918 (Trencin: 1945), Ch. ill. For a basic monograph on the early stages of the Slovak nationalist movement, see J. BUTVIN, Slovenske narodno-zjednocovacie hnutie 1780-1848 (Bratislava, 1965). A new quantifying study of the Slovak pre-1848 patriotic intelligentsia is J. HUCKO Socialne sloienie a povod slovenskej obrodenskej inteligencie (Bratislava: 1974). This volume had not reached me at the time this study was completed. (42) A. D. SMITH, Theories of Nationalism (London: 1971), 87 . One of the most influential exponents of the communications theory of nationalism is K. W . DEUTSCH. Nationalism and Social Communication (second edition, Cambridge, Mass ., 1966) . Deutsch inspired the Czech historian HROCH whose work (Note 34) is an important study comparing the origin of certain West and East (including Czech and Slovak) European nationalist movements. (43) M. N. KUZMIN , Shkola i obrazovanie v Chekhoslovakii (Moscow: 1971), 89, 159. (44) One of the leading members of the Czech nationalist movement of the time says of Havlicek and several other Czech nationalists that they spoke Czech "extremely unclearly": quoted in E. BASS, Cteni o roce osmoctyricatem, Vol. 1 (Prague: 1940), 208. For a similar situation among the Slovenes , see F. GESTRIN and V. MELIK, Swvenska zgodovina od konca osemnajstego stoletja do 1918 (Ljubljana: 1968), 83, 88. (45) They were: the Czech Praiske Noviny which began to appear in 1825 but assumed a militant nationalist posture only under the editorship of Karel Havlicek who took it over in 1845-46; the Slovene Novice, founded in 1843; the Croatian Novine Hrvatske (1835); and the Slovak Slovenskje Narodnje Novini (1845). (46) The Slovak newspaper had a circulation of about 500 in the year in which it was launched: see Stur 's letter of September 6, 1845, as printed in Listy Eudovita Stura. Vol. II, ed. by J. AMBRUS (Bratislava: 1956), 94. Subsequent complaints by Stur �SLOVAKIA 133 about circulation indicate that it failed to grow; indeed, for a time at least, it appears to have slipped slightly; see Stur' s letter of August 3, 1846, in Listy, Vol. II, as cited, p. 143. (47) The circulation figures for the Czech newspaper are given by Havlicek in an article published by him on December 28, 1849, and reproduced in Z. V. TOBOLKA , ed. , Karel Havlitek Borovski; Politicke Spisy, Vol. II. Pt. 2 (Prague, 1902) , 875. For a recent article on Havlicek, see B. K. KIMMEL, "Karel Havlicek and the Czech Press before 1848," in P . BROCK and H . Gordon SKILIJNG, eds., The Czech Renascence of the Nineteenth Century (Toronto: 1970) . The Croatian newspaper was printed in 750 copies in the year of its first appearance (1835). This dipped to 400 in 1837 but then began to rise again steadily until the circulation reached 800 in 1848; see J. HORVAT, Povijest novinstva Hrvatske 17711939 (Zagreb : 1962), 123, 133 . The Slovene newspaper started with a run of 1,000 in 1843 and rose to 1,800 by 1848; see J . SLEBINGER, Slovenski tasniki i tasopisi: Bibliografski pregled od 1797-1936 (Ljubljana: 1937), 5. (48) M. LAISKE , Casopisectvi v Cechach 1650-1847 (Prague: 1959), 162, for the pre1848 figure . For the 1848 figure, see F. ROUBIK , Casopisectvo v Cechach v letech 1848-1862 (Prague, 1930). Appendix No . 9 (this for Bohemia) and M. WURMOVA, Soupis moravskych novin a tasopisu z let 1848-1918 (Brno: 1955), 4 (for Moravia) . (49) I. HERGESIC , Hrvatske novine i tasopisi do 1848 (Zagreb : 1936) , 102-103 . (50) M . POTEMRA , Bibliografia slovenskych novin a tasopisov do roku 1918 (Martin: 1958), 117. (51) SLEBINGER, op. cit., 5-7 . (52) For the meeting in Prague, see my Czech Revolution of 1848 (Chapel Hill: 1969), Chpt. 2. For the meeting in Zagreb, see R. HORVAT , Najnovije doba hrvatske povjesti (Zagreb : 1906), 112-113. (53) For the circumstances surrounding the formulation of the Slovene programs , see F. ZWITTER, "Slovenski politicni prerod XIX, stoletja v okviru evropske nacionalne problematike ," Zgodovinski Casopis, Vol. 18 (1964), 110-111. See also I. B. CHURKINA , " Politicheskaia programma Matii Maiara v 1848 godu," Sovetskoe Slavianovedenie 1969, No . 5. (54) J . BUTVIN and J . HA VRANEK, Dejiny Ceskoslovenska (Prague: 1968) , 220-221. (55) A list of members of the National Committee, with occupational data, is found Narodni Noviny, 14 April, 1848. The role of this committee is discussed in PECH, op. cit., 76-79, 115-121. (56) The Slavic Linden executive in Prague had 50 members. Their names, with incomplete occupational data, are printed in Noviny Lipy Slovanske , 11 April, 1849. I was able to identify the occupations of 42 of the members; of these 33 belonged to the inte lligentsia , 6 were merchants , 2 were liberal nobles, and one was a liberal Protestant clergyman . (57) See my "Czech Political Parties in 1848," Canadian Slavonic Papers-Revue canadiene des slavistes XV (1973) , 484-485 . For a map showing the geographic distribution of the branches, see Atlas teskoslovanskych dejin (Prague: 1965), No. 19j . (58) Thus , in one branch in a city , only one member out of 150 enjoyed the status of " burgher." In another, a majority were "poor artisans ," still another consisted largely of " cottagers and poor agricultural workers ." See Narodni Noviny 30 December , 1848 which contains an account of the congress of Slavic Linden branches held in Prague . This account offers some fragmentary data on the occupations of members of a few individual branches . (59) See " Slovenska Lipa ," Enciklopedija Jugoslavije, Vol. 7, 220-221. �134 SLOVAKIA (60) The Slavic Linden in Zagreb had 80-90 members : Noviny Lipy Slo vans ke, 20 January , 1849. The other major branch, Zadar, is said to have had 200 members ; see V. ZACEK , " Ceske a jihoslovanske Slovanske lipy v roce 1848, " Lite r<irni Archiv Vl (1971) , 227 . (61) J. MAL, " Ljubljana in leto 1848 ," Glasnik Muzejskega Dru~tva za Slovenijo XIV (1933) , 123. See also, J . APIH , Slovenci in 1848 le to (Ljubljana: 1888), 133 . (62) BUTVIN-HAVRANEK , op. cit., 221. (63) Of the four Slovak members who sat on a special 7-man council formed in the fall of 1848 to conduct resistance to Magyar authorities on Slovak territory, 3 were Protestant clergymen ; F . BOKES, " Slovenska narodna rada z rokov 1848-1849," Historicky Casopis xm (1965) , 214 . (64) PECH , Czech Revolution, 104, 167. (65) J . HORVAT, Politii!ka povijest Hrvatske (Zagreb : 1936) , 176. (66) J. APIH, " Die slovenische Bewegung im Fruhjahr und Vorsommer 1848," Oesterreichisches Jahrbuch, XVI (1892); 201. (67) ZWITTER , " Slovenski politicni . .. " 128. (68) D. RAPANT, Slovenske povstanie roku 1848-49, Vol. 1 Pt. 1 (Martin : 1937) , 212. (69) See Note 37 . (70) The Croatian one, entitled Prijatelj Puka, appeared in Zagreb as a weekly supplement of Slavenski Jug. from 9 August to 29 November, 1848 ; see ''Slavenski Jug,' ' Enciklopedija Jugoslavije, Vol. 7, p. 221. The Czech one was Sedlsk e Noviny, published in Prague between 1 April, 1849 and 30 June, 1849. It is now available in J.J. TYi, Spisy, XIV, ed . by F. STREJCEK and H . HRZALOVA (Prague : 1953). (71) " Noviny pre hospodarstvo , remeslo a domaci zivot ," published from 5 April, 1848 to 27 September, 1848 ; see F . RUTTKAY, Daniel G. Lichard a slovenske novin<irstvo jeho doby (Martin : 1961) , 81 ff . (72) The influence of Havlicek on the peasants was striking. He advised them how to vote and what type of deputies to choose and they followed his advice quite readily; see PECH, Czech R evolution, 105, 284. (73) Ibid. , 258 . (74) L. VON GOGOLAK , Beitriige zur Geschichte des slowakischen Volkes , Vol. 2: Die slowakische nationale Fragen der Reformepoche Ungarns 1790-1848 (Munich: 1969) , 263. (75) D. RAP ANT , Slovenske povstanie roku 1848-49, Vol. 11 Pt. 1 (Martin: 1950), 344 . According to Rapant, Slovak national consciousness was the most highly developed in the Turcian County; RAPANT , op. cit., Vol. ill, Pt. 1 (1956), 351. This was also a region in which the Protestants were especially strong. (76) N<irodni Noviny, 31 May, 1848, article by Hurban . (77) See the map in Atlas i!eskoslovenskych dejin (Prague : 1965), No. 19f; this is an ingenious map comparing the speed of travel in the Czech and Slovak regions in the year 1827. (78) POTEMRA , op. cit., 117. (79) SLEBINGER , op. cit., 5-7 . (80) HERGESIC, op. cit., 102-103. (81) ROUBlK , op. cit., Appendix 6 and 9. (82) R. BICANIC , Doba manufakture u Hrvatskoj i Slavoniji 1750-1860 (Zagreb, 1951), 344. �SLOVAKIA 135 (83) See the map in Skolni atlas t!eskoslovenskych dejin (Prague, 1959), No. 25. (84) Ceskoslovenska vlastiveda, Part II, Dejiny, Vol. 2 (Prague, 1969), 93. (85) Ibid., 104. The first railroad came to Slovakia in the latter part of 1848. (86) GESTRIN-MELIK, op. cit., 50. (87) R. PAVLOVCIC, Zgodovinski atlas Slovenije (Buenos Aires, 1960), No. 69. Also GESTRIN-MELIK , op. cit., 103. (88) GODECHOT . op. cit. , 103. (89) Ceskoslovenska vlastiveda, op. cit., 104. (90) The circulation of the Slovene Novice in 1848 was 1,800 copies which yields a ratio of one copy for 556 people . The circulation of the Slovak Slovenskje Narodnje Novini may be assumed to have been 500 copies in 1848 which yields a ratio of one copy for 3 ,400 people.For the circulation figures, see Notes 46 and 47. (91) I have attempted to compare the ideology of the press of the four nationalities in S. Z. PECH, " The Press of the Habsburg Slavs in 1848: Contribution to a Political Profile ," Canadian Journal of History-Anna/es canadiennes d'histoire, X (1975): 3549 . However, I did not attempt to relate the ideology to the social structure of the elites . � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1977, Vol. 27 Description An account of the resource Vol. 27 (No. 50), 1977. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1977 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 113 The Nationalist Movements of the Austrian Slavs in 1848: A Comparative Sociological Profile STANLEY Z. PECH The year 1848 was unlike any other in the long and arduous saga of the Austrian Slavs. It was a year when the Austrian Slavs, like the rest of Europe, passed through a major social and political upheaval. However, the year held for them a very special significance: in 1848 they first emerged as fledgling nations, from the backwater of Europe to stake out a claim for themselves as rightful members of the European family. As William H. Stiles, the United States charge d'affaires in Vienna at the time put it: " Previous to that period," the Austrian Slavs possessed "no proper individuality , their political nationality was unacknowledged, and for centuries, consequently, they exercised no influence in the political councils of Europe. The storms of 1848 and 1849 raised them to consideration, and even power. " (1) In recent years, Western historians have been diligent enough in providing the Western reader with the essential facts concerning the revolutions of 1848 in the Austrian Slavic realm. There is indeed ample material for a good copy: the fever of the March Days, the clashes and recriminations between Germans and Slavs, the Magyars and Slavs; the fervent preachments of the highpriests of the various Slavic nationalisms; the Slavic Congress in Prague flaring up into an uprising and aborted by the artillery of General Windischgratz. These are the high points of the revolutions essential to an understanding of the events of that year. However, this understanding now needs to be broadened and refined in the light of new techniques and methodologies developed in the West. There is need for a structural analysis of the Slavic nationalist movements of 1848. There is an added potential benefit to be derived from cross-national comparisons to which these movements lend themselves. The present account seeks to construct a social profile of the Slavic nationalist movements of 1848 and to analyze and compare their strength. I In the mid-nineteenth century, the Austrian Empire counted seven Slavic nationalities in its multi-ethnic structure: Czechs, Slovaks, Slovenes, Croats, Serbs, Poles, and Ukrainians. The last three will not Reprinted with permission from Histoire Sociale-Social History (Ottawa), Vol. 9, November 1976. 114 SLOVAKIA be treated here. For them the Austrian Empire was not the principal homeland: a majority of Ukrainians and Poles lived under Russia (a number of Poles also lived under Prussia), and a majority of Serbs under Turkey. This makes comparisons involving them problematical. Czechs , Slovaks , Slovenes , and Croats, on the other hand, were not so divided; they had no " home " other than the Austrian Empire. Their basic comparability derives from the following: 1) they experienced a revolution in 1848 ; 2) they lived under the same empire; 3) they were Slavic and shared the status of "subject" nationalities living under " alien " rule: the Czechs and the Slovenes under the Austro-Germans in the western half of the empire, and the Slovaks and the Croats under the Magyars in the eastern half of the empire; 4) they were passing through early stages of national awakening. The largest of the four national groups were the Czechs who numbered, in the middle of the nineteenth century, approximately 4 million. The number of Slovaks in the same period was 1. 7 million, that of the Croats 1.6 million, and that of the Slovenes a little over 1 million. (2) The total population of the Austrian Empire is estimated to have been 37 million ,(3) with the Austro-Germans the largest nationality (over 7 million) and the Magyars the second largest (4 .5 million) .(4) The revolutionary stresses that brought on the upheaval in 1848 had been accentuated by the demographic pressures of the halfcentury preceding the upheaval. Since the beginning of the nineteenth century , the population of the empire had been increasing steadily by 1850 the increase had amounted to one third as against the year 1800, a rate comparable to the other large states of Western Europe.(5) While it is difficult to separate the growth rates for the different peoples of the empire , this much can be hypothesized from the evidence: the rate of growth of the Slavs was greater than that of the non-Slavs.(6) In religious affiliation, Czechs , Slovenes, and Croats were at least 95 percent Roman Catholic. Roman Catholicism was also dominant among the Slovaks but there it was confronted with a numerically strong Protestant population (between 25 percent and 30 percent) . (7) The fact that the four nationalities being surveyed here had evolved through centuries as "subject" nationalities imparted to their social structures certain distinctive features - features that set them apart from W estem Europe and left a special mark on their development as modernizing societies. The West European model, with France and Germany as a typical example, exhibited a social structure that was unencumbered (small exceptions aside) by the complicating presence of a different nationality: peasants, nobles, workers, entrepreneurs, bureaucrats, priests, bishops, all spoke the same language and belonged to the same nationality. This comfortable ethnic homogeneity was lacking among most of the Austrian Slavs. To generalize: the four nationalities had an "incomplete" social structure; the lower portions SLOVAKIA 115 of their social pyramid were Slavic while the upper portions were filled with members of the ruling nationality . How did the socio-ethnic edifice look in the specific cases? In the western half of the empire, the Czechs and the Slovenes each had their own peasantry, working class, artisanate, shopkeeper class, intelligentsia, lower clergy and lower bureaucracy. At the same time, their complementing higher classes, the nobility, the entrepreneurs and the higher bureaucracy, were German. The one point of difference between the Czechs and the Slovenes concerned the ecclesiastical hierarchy: in the Czech regions the hierarchy was entirely German whereas in the Slovene regions an influential segment of it was Slovene . This difference explains , in part, the divergent religious attitudes of the two peoples during the next century: the Czechs tended to embrace religious scepticism whereas the Slovenes evinced a vigorous religious spirit and lent strong support to movements of political Catholicism. In the eastern half of the empire, the structure was more complicated. The Slovaks occupied the lower portions of the social pyramid, but the upper portions included, besides the Germans , also the Magyars. The Croats, on the other hand , held a position significantly different from the other three national groups . Of the four nationalities , they alone retained, in part, their own governing class: a segment of the nobility, of higher clergy and of higher bureaucracy in Croatia belonged to the Croatian nationality; the remaining segment was Magyar (or Magyar-oriented Croat) or German. The fact that the Croats retained a substantial foothold in the governing class gave them an advantage not enjoyed by the other three national groups: in the pre-industrial age when the nobility alone counted as a political class , they had at all times a political voice . They had never been reduced to a mere '' nation of peasants.' ' In that sense, they were the only one of the four groups that approximated the West European model of social development. The Austrian Empire was not only a labyrinth of seemingly disarrayed social and ethnic parts. It also was a bewildering conglomerate of provinces and administrative divisions that disarrayed the ethnic parts still further. The existing administrative system had taken shape during the pre-nationalist age and bore no relationship to ethnic boundaries. As a result, not only did some nationality sometimes inhabit two or more provinces but if often shared each such province with a different nationality. Little useful purpose would be served by listing all the administrative divisions with their particular ethnic mosaics. Suffice it to say that for each nationality, one province usually stood out as a core of nationalist activism and attention will be focused on these. For the Czechs, this was the province of Bohemia which the Czechs shared with the Germans, the Czech-German ethnic ratio being 60 percent to 40 percent.(8) For the Slovenes, it was Carniola which was over 90 percent _S lovene, the Germans making up the balance.(9) For 116 SLOVAKIA the Croats, it was Croatia (full name "Croatia-Slavonia") in which the Slavs comprised over 95 percent of the population (two thirds of which were Croats and one third Serbs) while the ruling Magyars and Germans together did not exceed 2 percent; certain other small groups accounted for the remainder. (10) Croatia, it should be stressed, possessed a number of self-governing institutions in which the Croatian nobility, clergy and bureaucracy wielded considerable influence which helped cushion the German-Magyar rule. It even had an army which though subordinated directly to the emperor, was nevertheless an important symbol of Croatian national identity. In short, these social and institutional paraphernalia provided the Croats with defenses and opportunities not available to the other Slavs. This made it possible for them, in the course of 1848, to wrest political control entirely from the Magyars and Germans and erect what amounted to their own state with its own government that recognized only the authority of the emperor in Vienna. None of the other three nationalities came close to generating this type of institutional power. In this connection, it may be noted that the people who exercised the least power from the institutional point of view were the Slovaks. They had been totally submerged through centuries in the existing Hungarian system of counties and no part of the Slovak territory enjoyed the status of a province. The Slovak territory was reasonably compact in ethnic terms but had no institutional support to lend it distinctiveness and distinguish it from the other areas of Hungary. This made the Slovaks the most vulnerable and the least visible of the four peoples. After the Congress of Vienna, the Austrian Empire entered upon the first stages of industrialization . There were, however, marked regional disparities in the tempo with which industrialization proceeded , with the western half of the monarchy moving ahead more rapidly than the eastern half. Among the Slavic peoples, by the middle of the nineteenth century, only the Czechs had made significant advances along the road of modernization . By 1857 , the agrarian sector in Bohemia had been reduced to the point where only some 55 percent of the population derived their livelihood from agriculture .(11) The above figure applies to all of Bohemia (both to its Czech and Germanspeaking areas) ; and it is not possible to say exactly what it would be for the Czech inhabitants specifically. However, it is known that the German-speaking areas of Bohemia were by far the more industrialized( 12) and this would justify revising the figure, as applied to the Czechs, upward: 65 percent to 70 percent seems a more realistic estimate. At this same time, the agrarian sector in the three other Austro-Slavic regions continued to employ 90 percent or more of the economically active population.(13) The economic growth was reflected in the expansion of the urban population, with similar regional disparities prevailing in the degree or urbanization attained. In the middle of the nineteenth century, the proportion of the urban SLOVAKIA 117 population in Bohemia was just under 20 percent;(14) for the Czechspeaking population of Bohemia this figure would have to be revised downward to some extent, perhaps to 15 percent. The Slovenes had at this time an urban population of 4 percent(15) while for the Slovaks and the Croats the figure was even less. (France had then an urban population of 26 percent and Germany 35 percent.)(16) ThE: major cities were few and not even their rapid expansion during the first half of the nineteenth century - some cities doubled in size during this period had produced many large urban centers by West European standards. The largest one was Prague, the most populous Czech city and the capital of Bohemia. With a population of 118,000 in the middle of the nineteenth century (77 ,000 in 1800), (17) it was the only city in the four ethnic regions to attain the 100,000 mark, an achievement placing it in a class with the major cities of Western Europe. The largest Croatian city was Zagreb, the capital of Croatia, with a population of 15,000(18) (8,000 at the beginning of the century)(19) and the largest Slovene city was Ljubljana (Laibach), the capital of Carniola, with a population of 17,000 (it was half this size in 1817). (20) The biggest city in what is today the Slovak region was Bratislava (Pressburg) which had a population, in 1848, of 40,000 (in 1805 it had been just under 22,000).(21) However, Bratislava was then not a Slovak city in any meaningful sense of the term; the majority of its inhabitants were German and it was not the scene of any mass Slovak nationalist activity in 1848.(22) The case of Bratislava was far from unique: many cities and towns throughout the Slavic regions of the Austrian Empire contained a large number of Germans, and sizeable German minorities were to be found in Prague. Ljubljana and Zagreb.(23) Economic power in the cities and indeed throughout the monarchy was largely in the hands of Germans and German Jews. Germans typically constituted the urban elite which controlled municipal administrations and in general exercised a decisive influence over the Slavic substratum. The demographic development of Prague, as the largest metropolis, deserves a special comment. Although the city grew more or less steadily after the year 1800, the really important demographic transformation was not the growth itself, but the increasing proportion of newcomers who moved into the city from the surrounding countryside. In the first two decades of the nineteenth century, the proportion of these newcomers remained relatively stable - hovering near 6 percent of the total population. A change set in during the 1820s: the proportion of newcomers began to increase markedly, from 6.3 percent in 1818, to 15 percent in 1826, to 36.3 percent in 1834, and finally to 48.9 percent in 1850.(24) This meant that by the middle of the century nearly one half of the Prague population consisted of people who had severed their previous roots and come to the city in search of a new life. The mass of newcomers was Czech. They found work in the new textile and machine industries founded during the 1830s and 118 SLOVAKIA 1840s, and in other forms of employment. Textile workers, about a thousand strong, became the largest distinctive group of the labor force in the capital city. Their rioting in 1844 announced the advent of an industrial age in Bohemia and attracted the attention of Europe, its effect reinforced by the rioting at almost the same time of Prague workers employed on the construction of a new railway.(25) One of the consequences of the influx of newcomers was to augment the Czechspeaking substratum in a city governed by the German elite. All this provided a setting calculated to raise the social and political fever of the capital city and goes far toward explaining the intensity of the upheaval that swept Prague during 1848. The other three cities mentioned above were drawn less precipitously into the vortex of social and economic change. Zagreb may serve as an example of a city standing at the opposite pole of the socio-economic spectrum from Prague. Although its size had almost doubled in the half-century before 1848, the city had not acquired an industrial face in the process. In 1808, nearly 40 percent of its population consisted of nobles and clergy (! ) and by 1848 these two groups, along with the intelligentsia, still accounted for one half of the total number of inhabitants.(26) City life in Zagreb, and in the eastern half of the empire as a whole, retained essentially a pre-industrial character as late as 1848. What passed for a town in the eastern half of the empire was different from what it was understood to be in the western half and in Western Europe. As one contemporary observer described the town scene in the eastern half of the empire just on the eve of 1848: not only the small towns but also the larger cities there '' consisted of nothing but settlements of ploughmen, vine growers, and shepherds in which respect they did not differ at all from the villages .'' (27) It is startling to realize that at the time of the outbreak of the 1848 revolution, Croatia - and also Slovakia - had not yet acquired a single mile of railroad. II How strong were the nationalist movements to which these structures gave rise and which broke into the open during the years 1848-1849, complete with leaders and programs? The nationalist movements of 1848 were the culminating point of the preceding halfcentury of "national awakening." This development had of course proceeded at a different pace in the case of the various peoples and by 1848 each movement ·had attained a different level of strength. How can this strength be measured? How did the movements compare in their ability to mobilize supporters? It is generally agreed that to be effective a movement requires '' some kind of organization that enables certain persons to act as authorized spokesmen and representatives. This can take the form of committees, clubs, labor unions, or political parties.'' (28) Such clubs consist of individuals with the highest degree SLOVAKIA 119 of commitment to a movement's objectives. In our context, organizations with such a commitment were the pre-March patriotic societies that had come into being during the 1830s and 1840s. The Czechs, the Croats and the Slovaks each had one such society: they were, respectively, the Czech Foundation (Ceska Matice, founded in 1832), the Croatian Foundation (Matica Hrvatska, 1842) and the Slovak Tatrin (1844). These were nationalist societies comprising the highest echelon of nationalist elites. Although independent of each other, they had similar organizational structures and pursued identical objectives: to promote the native language and culture, and to foster the publication of books and newspapers in that language . With this comparability in mind, we can use the numerical strength of these societies as a comparative index of the strength with which the three nationalist movements entered upon the year 1848. On the eve of 1848, the Czech Foundation had a membership of 2329 (for the year 1847),(29) the Croatian Foundation 300(30) (for 1844, the last pre-1848 year available) and Tatrin 80 (1847).(31) Measured against the total population of each nationality as given earlier, this yields the ratio of 5.8 per 10,000 for the Czech national movement, 1.9 per 10,000 for the Croatian, and a low 0.5 per 10,000 for the Slovak. It may be added that the membership in all three societies was growing.(32) Evidently, the nationalist movements had acquired a momentum of their own, adding their weight to the forces that precipitated the collapse of absolutism in March 1848. The revolutions of 1848 may not have been inevitable but the forces that produced them had been unmistakably at work. The Slovenes lacked a patriotic society before 1848 and consequently we cannot measure the strength of the Slovene movement on a basis strictly comparable with the other three. It may be assumed, however, that the absence of a patriotic society is itself evidence of a sort: it suggests the existence of a less developed nationalist movement. Nevertheless, the Slovenes were not without visible manifestations of progress on the nationalist front. Their patriots established a foothold in the Agricultural Society of Camiola, an organization of long standing. This was not a Slovene patriotic society for it counted both Germans and Slovenes among its members and its avowed purpose was improvement of agriculture, not promotion of Slovene nationalism. However, in 1842 the society appointed a moderate, Dr. Janez Bleiweis, as its new secretary, and under him Slovene nationalist forces found elbow room within the society's framework. The success of the first modem Slovene newspaper, Novice, which Bleiweis launched in 1843 under the auspices of the society, afforded proof that Slovene nationalism was on the rise. (33) Still, the absence of a genuine patriotic society was a serious drawback; it meant that the Slovene elite entered upon the year 1848 with little organizational contact, strength and experience. In this it resembled the Slovak elite whose Tatrin offered too feeble a basis when the need 120 SLOVAKIA for action arose . The Slovene and the Slovak elites were the weaker members in the group, the Czech and the Croatian ones the stronger. This distribution of pre-1848 strength corresponds, in fact, very closely to the performance of these nationalist movements during the year 1848. What about the social hue of the elites? The membership rosters of the three patriotic societies contain occupational data that permit us to make cross-national comparisons. For the Slovenes, we must again resort to substitute material which furnishes a basis for an informed estimate. Surveying all four elites, one can perceive two social groups playing a dominant role: the intelligentsia and the lower clergy. The intelligentsia, as defined here, includes teachers, officials, writers, students, and professionals. The term clergy refers to both Roman Catholic and Protestant clergymen. The latter were numerically strong only in the Slovak elite. In the other three elites, the clergy was, with few exceptions, Roman Catholic. While it is true that the intelligentsia and the clergy were prominent in all four elites, their weight varied from case to case. From the material at our disposal it is evident that the intelligentsia had a larger share in the Czech and Croatian elites, while the clergy had a larger share in the Slovene and Slovak elites. The proportion of the intelligentsia and the clergy in the three patriotic societies was, respectively: 54 percent and 29 percent in the Czech.(34) 52 percent and 20 percent in the Croatian(35) and 30 percent and 59 percent in the Slovak society.(36) It is noteworthy that businessmen and other groups ranked after the intelligentsia and the clergy. The peasants as might be expected were hardly significant. The dominant role of the clergy in the Slovene elite can be gleaned from the list of subscribers to the abovementioned newspaper Novice. Although Novice was intended to be a peasant newspaper, the peasants constituted only a small minority of its subscribers; nearly half of the subscribers (in 1847) were nationalist clergymen!(37) The influence of the clergy was noted by a Slovene historian of the last century; in relating the origins of the nationalist movement he observed that ''The number of conscious (Slovene) patriots outside the ranks of the clergy was small.'' (38) The role of the nobility was important only in the Croatian elite . Its proportion in the Croatian Foundation was 7 percent, as compared with 1.5 percent in the Czech Foundation and zero in the Slovak Tatrin. (39) There were, to be sure, influential individual nobles active also in the Czech nationalist movement in its earliest stages. However, they were, as a rule , German-speaking "Bohemian patriots" who sympathized with the Czech movement without identifying themselves with the Czech nationalism. They were friendly outsiders "looking in" and withdrew from the movement in proportion as that movement acquired a clearly Czech nationalist stamp. The role of the nobility in the Croatian movement was completely different. Far from being outsiders SLOVAKIA 121 looking in, they were anchored squarely in the very heart of the nationalist movement at all times, helping to give it shape and direction in a manner in which the Czech nobility never did. The Croatian elite , it should be pointed out, had an added feature all of its own; this consisted in a peculiar collaboration between the nobles and the intelligentsia. It was almost routine practice for the Croatian nobles who had the right to sit in pre-1848 county assemblies to allow themselves to be represented by members of the nationalist intelligentsia. (40) This gave the intelligentsia considerable influence over and above its numercial strength , but there was a reverse side to the coin: the intelligentsia fell into a state of dependence upon the nobles to some extent and acted as a conduit for noble influence. A particular reference should be made at this point to the Slovak elite and to the problem that bedeviled the relationship between its members: the religious problem. Perhaps half of the clergymen in the Slovak patriotic society were Protestant (Lutheran), the remainder were Roman Catholic.(41) Protestants, however, had acquired a commanding position during the years preceding 1848. Moreover, Protestants and Catholics were divided not only by religious convictions - which would have been serious enough to jeopardize the movement - but also by different attitudes regarding the conception of Slovak nationhood and literary language . The chasm separating the two religious groups proved difficult to bridge and Roman Catholics treated the Protestant initiatives with the greatest reserve. This was bound to have a damaging effect on Slovak efforts; how damaging, the events of 1848 were to bear out only too painfully. This added to the vulnerability of a nationalist movement that had already been rendered vulnerable on other counts. The Slovaks were the only one of the four nationalities that entered the year 1848 with a seriously disunited elite . The elites as organized in the patriotic societies comprised the most highly committed or mobilized members of the nationalist movements. How did the elites draw the broader strata of the populations into the movement? How did the wider process of social mobilization take place? It is now increasingly recognized that the development of nationalism is related to the role of communications. A group of sociological theories assigns communications a prime place in the process of national awakening. One communications model in fact considers ' 'the role of the intelligentsia ... to be a necessary condition of all nationalist movements, " (42) an observation which appears to receive support from the role the intelligentsia played in the four movements examined here. If one includes the clergy, as some historians do , in the concept of "intelligentsia" (" clerical intelligentsia'' ), then the importance of this social group in the genesis of Austro-Slavic nationalisms becomes overwhelming. In this context literacy was an essential factor contributing to the success of any mobilizing effort mounted by the elites. How did the four 122 SLOVAKIA nationalities rate on this count? Literacy statistics were not compiled in the Austrian Empire at the time we are discussing. In order to obtain a picture, we are obliged to rely on later census data that indicate the literacy of the generation that was born in the 1830s and was of school age in the 1840s. In this generation, the Czechs led the others . Their rate was 84. 75 percent which was nearly three times as much as that of the Slovaks (30.2 percent), the Slovenes (28.62 percent) and the Croats (26. 7 percent) . (43) It is necessary to add that the Slavic populations in general were at a disadvantage vis-a-vis the Austro-Germans when it came to the use of their languages as a medium of instruction in schools. Only in the lower schools was teaching conducted in the language appropriate to the ethnic region. The language of middle and higher schools was German in the western half of the empire and German, Latin or Magyar in the eastern half. In other words, attaining a higher level of education generally compelled the individual concerned to leave the cultural ambience of his native language . The results of this process were often bizarre. For example, the Czech Karel Havlicek and the Slovene Bleiwies, both leading nationalists, were, in the early stages of their nationalist activity, more fluent in German than in their own native language - a situation by no means untypical of Slavic national awakeners.(44) The elites were keenly aware of the efficacy of the printed word as a medium through which they could best transmit their ideas and mobilize the larger non-elite mass; hence the preoccupation of the patriotic societies with publishing. The printed word devised and disseminated nationalist symbols, awakened an interest in the past and created an awareness of shared leaders, thus ultimately engendering a sense of the community of language, culture and history. For maximum effectiveness, the printed word had to have periodicity and this pointed to the importance of the newspaper as a vehicle most suitable for communication. It was a portent of an approaching nationalist storm that the fifteen-year period preceding the revolutions of 1848 saw the foundation of the first modem national and nationalist newspapers in the case of all four nationalities . One such newspaper was founded in each case, under the auspices of or in association with, the patriotic societies.(45) Of the four, only one, the Slovak, remained stationary in circulation during the pre-March period(46) while the other three showed a circulation increase, with the Czech newspaper registering an increase that can only be described as extraordinary, from 200 in 1846 to 1,500 in 1848.(47) The editor of the Czech newspaper was Karel Havlicek , of the Croatian, Ljudevit Gaj, of the Slovak, I.:udovit Stur, and of the Slovene, Dr. Janez Bleiweis. It is interesting to note that the last three men were the principal nationalist leaders of their peoples at the time and are considered the ''fathers' ' of their particular nationalist movements. As for Havlicek, he shared this honor with the Czech historian Frantisek Palacky. Nothing illustrates more tellingly the SLOVAKIA 123 importance of communications to nationalism than the fact that the nationalist editors were the leaders of their national groups. ill In March 1848 absolutism in the Austrian Empire collapsed and this ushered in the "revolutions of 1848," a period of constitutional government that lasted for over a year, until the emperor began to reimpose absolutism in the spring and summer of 1849. Among the most important constitutional innovations introduced by the liberal regime was the abolition of censorship in March 1848. This led to the foundation of new magazines and newspapers, making it possible for the Czech leaders to start a veritable avalanche of the printed word. On the eve of 1848 the Czechs had a total of 13 newspapers and periodicals; after March this number quadrupled, to 52.(48) Elsewhere, the expansion was more modest. In Croatia, the increase was from 5 in 184 7 to 8 in 1848(49) while the corresponding Slovak figures were 6 and 8.(50) The Slovenes, starting from a low base of 1 newspaper in 1847 brought the number up to 6 in 1848.(51) (After the return of the reaction in 1849 the number of newspapers began to drop again to pre1848 levels.) Calculated on a per capita basis, there was, in 1848, one newspaper or magazine for 77,000 Czechs, 167,000 Slovenes, 200,000 Croats and 213,000 Slovaks. Clearly, the Czech elite had at their disposal the most highly developed network of communications - an advantage heightened by the fact that some of their newspapers appeared daily (six times a week) whereas the frequency of the newspapers of the other nationalities was not more than three times a week. The strengths and the handicaps with which each Slavic group had entered upon the revolution became evident in the first days of freedom. The Czechs and the Croats promptly staged mass meetings , (in March in their capital cities) at which nationalist programs were adopted. (52) In the other two ethnic regions, the adoption of nationalist programs was accomplished with less mass support. The Slovenes formulated their nationalist programs in March without the benefit of a single mass meeting - the only Slav group to pass through the revolutionary year without mass demonstrations or rallies in support of nationalist objectives.(53) In Slovakia, the elite was slow in getting off the mark and encountered difficulties in mobilizing public opinion. A full-fledged nationalist program was not adopted until the beginning of May 1848 at a meeting in Liptovsky Svlity Mikulas, but the public presence at this meeting was modest and the program failed to acquire the legitimacy and force sufficient to compel the Magyar authorities to heed it.(54) The opening stages of the revolutionary period demonstrated the advantage of a people having a body of nationalists with organizational experience and mutual contact who would seize the initiatives, and 124 SLOVAKIA quickly and forcefully responded to the challenges of the moment. The pre-1848 patriotic societies consisted of such nationalists. However, accustomed as they had been to more genteel forms of struggle, these societies could not in themselves become the instruments of political activism at a time of revolutionary turbulence, and so new organizations were established to cope with new forms of struggle. The Czechs in Prague created in March a National Committee which served, until its dissolution after the June 1848 uprising in Prague, as a center of Czech nationalist activity throughout Bohemia. Many members of the Czech Foundation became active in the National Committee which counted over a hundred members. In the National Committee, the intelligentsia prevailed, as it had done in the Czech Foundation, with 44 percent of the members belonging to this stratum. However, the proportion of the clergy was drastically reduced in this elite group, to a mere 4 percent, as compared with 29 percent it had had in the Czech Foundation in the last year before the revolution. It appears that the revolution had pushed the clergy into the background. Its place was taken by the bourgeoisie (burghers, artisans, businessmen) whose share in the National Committee was 42 percent.(55) After June 1848 the vacuum created by the demise of the National Committee was filled by the newly founded Slavic Linden (Slovanska Lipa), a nationalist pressure group consciously seeking political change. The Slavic Linden was led by intellectuals and bourgeoisie, with some members of the National Committee passing into its ranks. (56) The clergy played no major role. Politically, the Slavic Linden was somewhat to the left of the National Committee and, unlike the latter, acquired some of the characteristics of a political party: it had its own newspaper, an elected executive, a headquarters (in Prague), and local branches. By the beginning of 1849 it counted 49 branches throughout Bohemia, forming a network reaching into all corners of the province, with a total estimated membership of 2,000.(57) Among rank and file members of the Slavic Linden were peasants and people of the humble stations in life. (58) The Slavic Linden was in fact the only non-elite stratum, showing a widening circle of nationalistically mobilized population. None of the other three nationalities could point to this level of national awakening, and none devised the kind of network through which the nationalists could communicate and operate in an organized fashion. The Croatian nationalist movement operated with instruments essentially different from those employed by the Czechs. The Croatian elite relied less on the spontaneous organs such as the Czech National Committee and more on Croatia's existing institutions of selfgovernment which it revived and re-shaped to suit the new post-March conditions. After March, the Croats acquired their provincial government, the Ban's Council, which managed the affairs of the country throughout 1848-1849. The Croats were the only Slavic group to SLOVAKIA 125 become for the duration of the 1848-1849 revolutionary period , masters in their own house, recognizing the authority of none but the emperor. Their nobility continued to be active and influential in the existing arrangements. The only new non-governmental nationalist political or quasi-political organization to which the elite gave rise in the postMarch period was the Croatian version of the Slavic Linden. It was inspired by but independent of the Czech Slavic Linden. It was founded in Zagreb , was led by moderately left-oriented intellectuals, and acquired a newspaper of its own. However, it was never too active and never succeeded in building a network of branches throughout the Croatian regions. Only one major branch was set up outside of Zagreb.(59) The total membership of the two branches was no more than a few score and the organization never reached into the non-elite strata. (60) The effectiveness and power of the Croatian nationalist movement derived more from the existing institutional structure and the participation of the nobility than from the mobilization of the wider segments of the population. The Slovenes and the Slovaks could offer little to match the Czech and the Croatian examples. Among the Slovenes, the revolution gave rise to the Slovene Society of Ljubljana founded in April 1848 which became the largest and most influential body of Slovene patriots of the revolutionary period . Its slogan was "Everything for Religion, Emperor and Nationality" and doubtless expressed the influence of clergymen who, according to a police report, formed the largest social group within the 400-member society, with the intelligentsia accounting for the rest .(61) The slogan captures the spirit of the society sufficiently to contrast it with the Czech National Committee which was secular minded and in which the clergy had hardly any role to play. At the same time, it deserves to be noted that the thrust of the Society ' s efforts was cultural more than political. It did not become a center of political activity and did not regard itself as much more than a patriotic interest group. The position of the Slovaks was the least satisfactory. At no time after March 1848 did they form anything resembling the Czech National Committee or even the Slovene Society of Ljubljana. As a consequence, their movement was without an organized thrust and without a single direction. Only the political newspaper, the Slouenskje N<irodnjc Nouini continued to function as a voice of Slovak nationalism but it was compelled to suspend publication in June 1848 under Magyar pressure and with its passing, the last channel of communications through which the elite could address itself to the mass had been destroyed. The Slovak people were thus left without a political newspaper for the greater part of the revolutionary era - a handicap to which none of the other three nationalities was subjected. Furth ermore, in June 1848, Magyar authorities declared martial law over much of Slovak territory - charging the Slovak leaders with '' Pan- 126 SLOVAKIA Slavic" subversion and forcing many of them into exile - and this paralyzed the Slovak movement still further.(62) The clergy (Protestant) continued to dominate what was left of the life of the Slovak movement after June. (63 ) The organizational strength of the elites and the degree to which they were able to mobilize the wider segments of the populations were tested at the elections to the various representative assemblies that took place during 1848 - the first such modem elections to be held in the history of the Austrian Empire. Until 1848 , public life in the empire had borne a German or, in the eastern half, German-Magyar character and this was bound to favor German and Magyar candidates in the election contests even in the Slavic-speaking areas . Conversely, success at the polls of the Slavic candidates could be regarded as evidence of a relatively high degree of mobilization among the Slavic electorate. The right to vote was more liberal in the western than in the eastern half of the empire , and even in the former, segments of the lower social classes were excluded. Nevertheless , it must be acknowledged that everywhere a large number of " common" people enjoyed the right to vote and the election results can serve as a rough expression of popular sentiment vis-a-vis the nationalist movements . The elections yielded the following results. In Bohemia, they demonstrated a high degree of responsiveness of voters to the Czech nationalist movement. In the election of the Bohemian diet in J une 1848 the proportion of Czech deputies elected was just over 60 percent (the remainder were Germans) - a figure corresponding closely to the estimated proportion of the Czech population in the province. The election to the Imperial Parliament held in the same month brought similar results, with the Bohemian voters sending to Vienna 55 Czech as against 35 German deputies.(64) In Croatia, the elections to the diet (June 1848) were a clean sweep for the nationalist candidates. This was due , in part , to the militancy of the Croatian authorities who saw to it that only committed to the Croatian cause could stand as candidates. (65) Because of this, the election results are not very meaningful. In the Slovene regions, the electoral behavior of the voters was less affected by nationalist sentiment. The election of the diet of Carniola produced " numerous" Slovene deputies(66) but not nearly the decisive majority the size of the Slovene population of Camiola (90 percent) would warrant. Similarly, only about half of the deputies elected to the Imperial Parliament in ethnically Slovene territory were actually of Slovene orientation ; the other half were German or bilingual without specifically Slovene leanings.(67) Finally, the nationalists in the Slovak regions failed completely: the first modern Hungarian Parliament , elected in June 1848, did not have a single Slovak deputy. This was attributable, in part , to Magyar electoral pressures. But the principal reason was the underdeveloped nationalist sentiment of the Slovak mass . Slovak leaders were themselves not unaware of this and SLOVAKIA 127 fielded only a few candidates . (68) The nationalist leaders realized that much of their effectiveness depended on the success with which they mobilized the support of the largest social group: the peasantry . To achieve this, they experimented with the publication of newspapers written and edited specifically for the peasantry. However, the results of this effort proved disappointing. The only peasant newspaper that proved successful was the Slovene Novice but even in this instance , no more than 15 percent of its subscribers belonged to the class for which it was primarily aimed.(69) Clearly, Novice could maintain itself only because of the support of non-peasant readers , particularly the clergy. Publication of peasant newspapers was tried also by Croatian (Summer 1848) and Czech (Spring 1849) leaders but both ventures failed for lack of reader support. (70) A more technically oriented newspaper was devised and launched for the Slovak peasants but it likewise proved short-lived (1848). (71) These failures have usually been attributed to a lack of national consciousness on the part of the peasantry, and doubtless there is more than a grain of truth in the observation. After all, the peasantry had only just emerged, in 1848, from the last vestiges of serfdom . A large number of peasants was still illiterate and could not be expected to display a degree of political and nationalist commitment of the kind evinced by the elites. Plainly, the peasant's most immediate and active concerns involved his own social problems rather than the problems of nationalism . At the same time, it should not be forgotten that the peasants were the authentic traditional bearers of the national cultures and folklore and it would be implausible to maintain that such traditions had failed to engender varying degrees of national consciousness or even of interest in the nationalist movement. There is, in fact , good evidence to show that although the peasants turned their back on peasant newspapers, many of them followed the great nationalist press, such as the Czech Narodni Noviny (successor, since April 1848 to Praiske Noviny) .(72) It is probable that such newspapers offered them a more direct opportunity of identifying with the nationalist leaders . The quality and intensity of the peasants' commitment to nationalism did not and could not equal that of the elites , but not a few of them were prepared to support the elites in the capacity of followers. However, this differed from one ethnic region to another. Peasant support for the nationalist elites was the most widespread in the Czech regions. The authorities in Bohemia were not oblivious to the support from the peasants the Czech leaders enjoyed; a confidential police report of May 1849 noted that Czech leaders could count on Czech peasants in resisting unpopular government measures.(73) In the other three ethnic regions, the peasantry seemed moblized to a lesser degree , the least , to judge from the election results, in Slovakia. The apathy of the Slovak peasant seemed more marked than that of his Czech, Slovene and Croatian counterparts. Indeed, the Slovak 128 SLOVAKIA movement as a whole was so weak that a brief digression concerning this weakness appears warranted. Certainly , a major weakening factor was religious discord. Although a majority of Slovaks were Roman Catholic, the Protestants occupied the highest rungs of power in the elite and were , for all practical purposes , the moving spirits of the revolution of 1848 in Slovakia - a situation calculated to displease the Roman Catholics. The great triad of the movement, tudovit Stur, M. M . Hodza and J.M. Hurban, were all Protestants , the latter two were practicing Lutheran clergymen. The group that adopted the nationalist program of May 1848 consisted almost entirely of Protestants.(74) At the grass roots, the climate was similar: the areas inhabited by Protestants manifested a more active nationalist sentiment during the revolution than those inhabited by Roman Catholics - hardly a favorable omen in a people that was in majority Roman Catholic. It is not surprising that some Roman Catholic Slovaks regarded the movement of 1848 as a Protestant plot.(75) Furthermore , the Slovaks lacked a major center of national culture and their geographic setting in general hindered rather than aided the growth of communications and the development of nationalism . The river valleys amid the high peaks of the Tatra Mountains had an isolating effect. " We are an unfortunate people," lamented one Slovak leader, ' ' in that we live only in our valleys - isolated from one another, ' ' and contrasted it with the advantage the Czechs possessed in having a centrally located city , Prague , which was " like the heart of the (Czech) body ." (76) The network of roads and postal services and transportation facilities was sparse, much sparser than, for instance , in the Czech regions. It took considerably less time to traverse a distance in Bohemia than it did to traverse the same distance in Slovakia. (77) Bratislava was in 1848 a predominantly German city, on the fringes of Slovak ethnic territory. Although Stur's Slovenske Narodnje No vini was published there, the city was far from dominant in Slovak national life . Of the 8 Slovak newspapers appearing in 1848, only 3 were published in Bratislava. (78) The cultural facilities of the Slovaks were dispersed, with no city standing above the others as undisputed national leader. When it came to a center of national culture, the other three peoples were in a better position. The Slovenes , it is true , faced a hostile geographic environment in their mountainous terrain, but had at least a reasonably active center in the city of Ljubljana, situated in the heart of the Slovene ethnic territory. Of the 6 Slovene newspapers appearing in 1848 , all but one originated in Ljubljana. (79) The position of the Croats and the Czechs was again superior to that of the Slovenes. The Croats had their undisputed capital and nationalist center in Zagreb, with 7 of the existing 8 Croatian newspapers published there , (80) and with all major cultural institutions located there. While the Czechs had the most vigorous national center of all, in Prague, to which not only the Czechs but also most other Austrian Slavs, looked SLOVAKIA 129 for leadership . Of the 41 Czech newspapers published in Bohemia, 33 were appearing in Prague, and they were the ones with the nationwide circulation.(81) Prague was already then becoming the towering symbol of Czech nationalism. To sum up the strength of the Austrian Slavic nationalist movements: the Czechs and the Croats belonged in one category as the stronger pair, while the Slovenes and the Slovaks were the weaker. Within each pair, however, there were marked differences. The Czech movement derived its strength principally from a large popular base , created by more highly developed communications. The Croatian movement had a more restricted popular base but compensated for this by having at is disposal an administrative structure rooted in the traditions of self-government. This, combined with the foothold the movement had in the governing class, the nobility, gave it a readymade leverage of political influence which was denied to the other three nationalities. To formulate it in slightly different language: the strength of the Croatian movement was derived from the traditional social and political features; that of the Czech movement was more clearly associated with the features of modernization. The latter was born in a society that could be described as early industrial, the former in a society that was essentially pre-industrial. A few data will illustrate this. On the eve of 1848, Croatia was without a railroad and with only 4 steam engines operating on its territory.(82) Bohemia (with Moravia) had over 500 kilometers of railroads(83) and some 360 steam engines.(84) For the sake of comparison, it may be noted that at this same time Slovakia was, like Croatia, without a railroad and with only 3 steam engines(85) while Slovenia was more advanced, with 25 steam engines(86) and a stretch of railroad a little under 100 kilometers.(87) (The number of steam engines in Britain then was 30,000 and in France 5,000.(88) Britain had more than 4,000 kilometers of railroad.)(89) The Slovenes and the Slovaks were weaker on several counts . Their nationalist elites were less well organized. The Slovak elite was especially hampered by the Protestant-Catholic differences which constituted a unique element not present in the other three movements. Also, alone of the nationalities being surveyed here, the Slovaks had no institutional forms that would lend their ethnic territory a certain visibility and a possible leverage for political action; and, after June 1848, no political press. Furthermore, the Slovak mass appears to have been the least mobilized into the national movement: the Slovak elite had little impact on the rest of the population. In some of these respects, the Slovenes were in a better position than the Slovaks. They had at least the provincial institutions of Carniola which could be made to serve as an instrument with which to advance the nationalist cause. Their elite was not rent with religious discord. During the year 1848 it succeeded in producing at least a modicum of organizational life (Slovene Society of Ljubljana) and also a political or quasi-political 130 SLOVAKIA press that functioned throughout the 1848-1849 constitutional period. The circulation figures for the Slovene and Slovak newspapers offer unmistakable evidence that the Slovene nationalist movement was reaching a larger proportion of its constituency than the Slovak one.(90) The social and occupational groups that made up the preponderant strain in the nationalist elites were the intelligentsia and the clergy: the former was dominant in the Czech and the Croatian (here linked closely with the nobility) elites, the latter in the Slovene and the Slovak ones. The elites were the ideologues of the nationalist movements, disseminating their views chiefly through the press which they controlled. This suggests some possibilities for future research. It would be desirable to know in what ways the social structure of the elites was reflected in the political ideologies of the nationalist movements.(91) It would be also interesting to discover in what ways the elites helped shape the merging political cultures - the revolutions of 1848 constitute the beginning of modem political life among the peoples of the Austrian Empire - and to what extent this contributed to the enduring pattern of political culture as it crystallized in the coming generations. In our own century, down to the outbreak of World War II, the Czechs gained a reputation for supporting center and left-of-center political movements; the Croats displayed political vagaries but a certain centrist mixture of liberal and conservative seemed to hold the most sway: while among the Slovenes and the Slovaks militant right-wing clericalist movements proved the most dynamic. This pattern seems to mirror, to a considerable extent, the dominant social classes in the nationalist elites as they existed in the middle of the last century. With the present popularity of the study of political cultures, it should not be long before social scientists interested in the Austrian Slavs tum to the middle of the nineteenth century as the time ''when it all began.'' FOOTNOTES 1) W. H. STILLS, Austria in 1848-49 (New York: 1852), 388. ( 2) For the figures for Czechs, Slovaks and Slovenes, see the tables in Fran ZWITTER et al., Nacionalni problemi v Habsbudki Monarhiji (Ljubljana: 1962) , 212-219. For Croats, see the article "Hrvati" in EnciklopedijaJugoslavije. Vol. 4, p. 58. ( 3) Uebersichts-Tafeln zur Statistik der oesterreichisechen Monarchie (Special Reprint of Fascicle X and XI of Statistische Mittheilungen, Vienna: 1850), 1. ( 4) ZWITTER, op. cit., 216, 219. ( 5) George FASEL, Europe in Upheaval: The Revolutions of 1848 (Chicago: 1970), 4. ( 6) Johann SPRINGER, Statistik des oesterreichischen Kaiserstaates, Vol. 1 (Vienna: 1840), 98. ( 7) Slovenska jar: Slovenske povstanie 1848-49, ed. by Jan SLOBODA (Bratislava: 1971), 40 , estimates the Slovak Protestants at one third. ( 8) See the table in ZWITTER, op. cit., 215. SLOVAKIA 131 ( 9) Bogo GRAFENAUER, Zgodovina slovenskega naroda, Vol. 5 (Ljubljana: 1962), 172. (10) I. KARAMAN, "Ekonomske prilike u vrijeme hrvatskog narodnog preporoda," Kolo, New Series, Vol. 4 (1966), Nos. 8-10, p. 181. (11) K. NOVOTNY and M. MYSKA, eds., Prvni kroky k vitezstvi (Prague: 1966), 10. (12) For the historical development of the ethnic regions of Bohemia, see the map in Ceskoslovenska vlastiveda, Part II, Dejiny, Vol. 2 (Prague: 1969), following p. 80. Compare with this the map depicting the industrial development of Bohemia before 1848, in Atlas ceskoslovenskych dejin (Prague: 1965), No. 17 a. (13) In Croatia as late as 1880 (the earliest year for which accurate statistics are available). 84.64 percent of the population derived their livelihood from agriculture; see Enciklopedija Jugoslavije, Vol. 4, article "Hrvatska," p. 196. For the Slovenes, the estimate for the middle of the nineteenth century is 89 percent; see article "Slovenija," EnciklopedijaJugoslavije, Vol. 7,353. Much the same picture emerges for the Slovaks, from Slovenskajar, op. cit. 34. (14) See GRAFENAUER, op. cit., 154. (15) Ibid. (16) J. GODECHOT, Les Revolutions de 1848 (Paris: 1971), 90. (17) L. KARNlKOVA, Vyvoj obyvatelstva v ceskych zemich 1754-1914 (Prague: 1965), 105. (18) Uebersichtstafeln zur Statistik, op. cit., 3. (19) F. SISlC, HrvatskaPovijest, Vol. 3 (Zagreb: 1913), 7. (20) Uebersichtstafeln zur Statistik, op. cit., 3. I. CHURKINA, "O nekotorykh osobennostiakh formirovaniia slovenskoi natsii, '' Sovetskoe slavianovedenie, No. 2, 1968, p . 16. (21) Uebersichtstafeln zur Statistik, op. cit., 3 Dejiny Slovenska, ed. by L. HOLOTIK, Vol. 1 (Bratislava: 1961), 435. - For the overall economic trends in Eastern Europe, see I. T. BEREND and G. RAN KI, Economic Development in East-Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries (translation from the Hungarian) (New York and London: 1974). (22) In 1850, the ethnic composition of the population of Bratislava was as follows: Germans 70.6 percent, Jews 12.9 percent, Slovaks 10.09 percent, Magyars 6.18 percent, others 0.23 percent. See I. HOUDEK, "Bratislava v revolucnych rokoch 1848-1849." Acta Musei Civitatis Bratislavensis: Bratislava, Vol. 5 (1969), 169. (23) No reliable ethnic statistics exist for these three cities for the middle of the nineteenth century and the available estimates differ so widely that it is unprofitable to reproduce them here. As a rule, German historians claim a larger share of German inhabitants for each city than do the Slavic historians. (24) KARNlKOVA, op. cit., 105. (25) J. JANACEK, ed., Dejiny Prahy (Prague: 1964), 432-433. (26) I. I. LESHCHILOVSKAIA, Illirizm (Moscow: 1968), 94. (27) Quoted in R. A. AVERBUKH, Revoliutsiia i natsionalno-osvoboditelnaia borba v Vengrii 1848-1849 (Moscow: 1965), 5. (28) "Social Movements," in International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 14, p. 441. (29) Prehled ceskoslovenskych dejin, Vol. 1 (Prague: 1958), 688. (30) J. RAVLIC, Matica Hrvatska 1842-1962 (Zagreb: 1963), 40. (31) D. RAP ANT, Tatrin (Martin, 1950), 11-12. For the patriotic societies of the various Slavic groups, see S. B. KIMBALL, The Austro-Slav Revival: A Study of Nineteenth- 132 SLOVAKIA Century Literary Foundations, in Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, New Series, LXIII, Part 4 (Philadelphia: 1973). (32) The number of members of the Czech Foundation grew from 35 in 1832 to over 500 in 1839, to 2329 in 1847; see Prehled teskoswvenskych dejin op. cit., 688. Tatrin expanded from 23 in 1844 to 80 in 1847; see RAPANT, op. cit., 12, who says that the membership lists were not always accurate. The Croatian Foundation expanded from 158 members in 1842 to 300 in 1844 (figures for the later pre-March years are not available): see RA VLlC, op. cit., 34, 40. (33) J. BLEIWEIS, Zgodovina C. K. krajnske kmetijske druibe (Ljubljana: 1855), 11. (34) M. HROCH, Die Vorkiimpfer der nationalen Bewegung bei den Kleinen Voelkem Europas (Prague: 1968), 44. The percentages refer to the situation as it was in 1847. (35) I have computed these percentages from a membership list containing occupational data, as reproduced in RA VLlC, op. cit., 260-263. The Croatian Foundation was a successor to the so-called Illyrian Reading Room and the above list gives the names of members, 217 in all, of that reading room, for the year 1838-1839. It is the only extant list that contains occupational data and can give us an indication of the social structure of the Croatian Foundation. (36) Computed from a list given in RAP ANT , op. cit., 12. (37) In 1847 the total number of subscribers was 1522 of whom 230 were peasants and 689 clergymen. See GRAFENAUER, op. cit., Vol. 5, 165. (38) J . APIH, "Die Slovenen und die Miirzbewegung von 1848," Oesterreichisches Jahrbuch , XIV (1890), 93. (39) See Notes 34, 35, 36. (40) On the role of the nobility in the Croatian nationalist movement, see LESHCHILOVSKAIA, op. cit., 72-75. (41) RAPANT, op. cit., 12. I have supplemented Rapant's data with those found M. SLAVIK, ed. , Swvenski narodovci do 30. okt6bra 1918 (Trencin: 1945), Ch. ill. For a basic monograph on the early stages of the Slovak nationalist movement, see J. BUTVIN, Slovenske narodno-zjednocovacie hnutie 1780-1848 (Bratislava, 1965). A new quantifying study of the Slovak pre-1848 patriotic intelligentsia is J. HUCKO Socialne sloienie a povod slovenskej obrodenskej inteligencie (Bratislava: 1974). This volume had not reached me at the time this study was completed. (42) A. D. SMITH, Theories of Nationalism (London: 1971), 87 . One of the most influential exponents of the communications theory of nationalism is K. W . DEUTSCH. Nationalism and Social Communication (second edition, Cambridge, Mass ., 1966) . Deutsch inspired the Czech historian HROCH whose work (Note 34) is an important study comparing the origin of certain West and East (including Czech and Slovak) European nationalist movements. (43) M. N. KUZMIN , Shkola i obrazovanie v Chekhoslovakii (Moscow: 1971), 89, 159. (44) One of the leading members of the Czech nationalist movement of the time says of Havlicek and several other Czech nationalists that they spoke Czech "extremely unclearly": quoted in E. BASS, Cteni o roce osmoctyricatem, Vol. 1 (Prague: 1940), 208. For a similar situation among the Slovenes , see F. GESTRIN and V. MELIK, Swvenska zgodovina od konca osemnajstego stoletja do 1918 (Ljubljana: 1968), 83, 88. (45) They were: the Czech Praiske Noviny which began to appear in 1825 but assumed a militant nationalist posture only under the editorship of Karel Havlicek who took it over in 1845-46; the Slovene Novice, founded in 1843; the Croatian Novine Hrvatske (1835); and the Slovak Slovenskje Narodnje Novini (1845). (46) The Slovak newspaper had a circulation of about 500 in the year in which it was launched: see Stur 's letter of September 6, 1845, as printed in Listy Eudovita Stura. Vol. II, ed. by J. AMBRUS (Bratislava: 1956), 94. Subsequent complaints by Stur SLOVAKIA 133 about circulation indicate that it failed to grow; indeed, for a time at least, it appears to have slipped slightly; see Stur' s letter of August 3, 1846, in Listy, Vol. II, as cited, p. 143. (47) The circulation figures for the Czech newspaper are given by Havlicek in an article published by him on December 28, 1849, and reproduced in Z. V. TOBOLKA , ed. , Karel Havlitek Borovski; Politicke Spisy, Vol. II. Pt. 2 (Prague, 1902) , 875. For a recent article on Havlicek, see B. K. KIMMEL, "Karel Havlicek and the Czech Press before 1848," in P . BROCK and H . Gordon SKILIJNG, eds., The Czech Renascence of the Nineteenth Century (Toronto: 1970) . The Croatian newspaper was printed in 750 copies in the year of its first appearance (1835). This dipped to 400 in 1837 but then began to rise again steadily until the circulation reached 800 in 1848; see J. HORVAT, Povijest novinstva Hrvatske 17711939 (Zagreb : 1962), 123, 133 . The Slovene newspaper started with a run of 1,000 in 1843 and rose to 1,800 by 1848; see J . SLEBINGER, Slovenski tasniki i tasopisi: Bibliografski pregled od 1797-1936 (Ljubljana: 1937), 5. (48) M. LAISKE , Casopisectvi v Cechach 1650-1847 (Prague: 1959), 162, for the pre1848 figure . For the 1848 figure, see F. ROUBIK , Casopisectvo v Cechach v letech 1848-1862 (Prague, 1930). Appendix No . 9 (this for Bohemia) and M. WURMOVA, Soupis moravskych novin a tasopisu z let 1848-1918 (Brno: 1955), 4 (for Moravia) . (49) I. HERGESIC , Hrvatske novine i tasopisi do 1848 (Zagreb : 1936) , 102-103 . (50) M . POTEMRA , Bibliografia slovenskych novin a tasopisov do roku 1918 (Martin: 1958), 117. (51) SLEBINGER, op. cit., 5-7 . (52) For the meeting in Prague, see my Czech Revolution of 1848 (Chapel Hill: 1969), Chpt. 2. For the meeting in Zagreb, see R. HORVAT , Najnovije doba hrvatske povjesti (Zagreb : 1906), 112-113. (53) For the circumstances surrounding the formulation of the Slovene programs , see F. ZWITTER, "Slovenski politicni prerod XIX, stoletja v okviru evropske nacionalne problematike ," Zgodovinski Casopis, Vol. 18 (1964), 110-111. See also I. B. CHURKINA , " Politicheskaia programma Matii Maiara v 1848 godu," Sovetskoe Slavianovedenie 1969, No . 5. (54) J . BUTVIN and J . HA VRANEK, Dejiny Ceskoslovenska (Prague: 1968) , 220-221. (55) A list of members of the National Committee, with occupational data, is found Narodni Noviny, 14 April, 1848. The role of this committee is discussed in PECH, op. cit., 76-79, 115-121. (56) The Slavic Linden executive in Prague had 50 members. Their names, with incomplete occupational data, are printed in Noviny Lipy Slovanske , 11 April, 1849. I was able to identify the occupations of 42 of the members; of these 33 belonged to the inte lligentsia , 6 were merchants , 2 were liberal nobles, and one was a liberal Protestant clergyman . (57) See my "Czech Political Parties in 1848," Canadian Slavonic Papers-Revue canadiene des slavistes XV (1973) , 484-485 . For a map showing the geographic distribution of the branches, see Atlas teskoslovanskych dejin (Prague: 1965), No. 19j . (58) Thus , in one branch in a city , only one member out of 150 enjoyed the status of " burgher." In another, a majority were "poor artisans ," still another consisted largely of " cottagers and poor agricultural workers ." See Narodni Noviny 30 December , 1848 which contains an account of the congress of Slavic Linden branches held in Prague . This account offers some fragmentary data on the occupations of members of a few individual branches . (59) See " Slovenska Lipa ," Enciklopedija Jugoslavije, Vol. 7, 220-221. 134 SLOVAKIA (60) The Slavic Linden in Zagreb had 80-90 members : Noviny Lipy Slo vans ke, 20 January , 1849. The other major branch, Zadar, is said to have had 200 members ; see V. ZACEK , " Ceske a jihoslovanske Slovanske lipy v roce 1848, " Lite r<irni Archiv Vl (1971) , 227 . (61) J. MAL, " Ljubljana in leto 1848 ," Glasnik Muzejskega Dru~tva za Slovenijo XIV (1933) , 123. See also, J . APIH , Slovenci in 1848 le to (Ljubljana: 1888), 133 . (62) BUTVIN-HAVRANEK , op. cit., 221. (63) Of the four Slovak members who sat on a special 7-man council formed in the fall of 1848 to conduct resistance to Magyar authorities on Slovak territory, 3 were Protestant clergymen ; F . BOKES, " Slovenska narodna rada z rokov 1848-1849," Historicky Casopis xm (1965) , 214 . (64) PECH , Czech Revolution, 104, 167. (65) J . HORVAT, Politii!ka povijest Hrvatske (Zagreb : 1936) , 176. (66) J. APIH, " Die slovenische Bewegung im Fruhjahr und Vorsommer 1848," Oesterreichisches Jahrbuch, XVI (1892); 201. (67) ZWITTER , " Slovenski politicni . .. " 128. (68) D. RAPANT, Slovenske povstanie roku 1848-49, Vol. 1 Pt. 1 (Martin : 1937) , 212. (69) See Note 37 . (70) The Croatian one, entitled Prijatelj Puka, appeared in Zagreb as a weekly supplement of Slavenski Jug. from 9 August to 29 November, 1848 ; see ''Slavenski Jug,' ' Enciklopedija Jugoslavije, Vol. 7, p. 221. The Czech one was Sedlsk e Noviny, published in Prague between 1 April, 1849 and 30 June, 1849. It is now available in J.J. TYi, Spisy, XIV, ed . by F. STREJCEK and H . HRZALOVA (Prague : 1953). (71) " Noviny pre hospodarstvo , remeslo a domaci zivot ," published from 5 April, 1848 to 27 September, 1848 ; see F . RUTTKAY, Daniel G. Lichard a slovenske novin<irstvo jeho doby (Martin : 1961) , 81 ff . (72) The influence of Havlicek on the peasants was striking. He advised them how to vote and what type of deputies to choose and they followed his advice quite readily; see PECH, Czech R evolution, 105, 284. (73) Ibid. , 258 . (74) L. VON GOGOLAK , Beitriige zur Geschichte des slowakischen Volkes , Vol. 2: Die slowakische nationale Fragen der Reformepoche Ungarns 1790-1848 (Munich: 1969) , 263. (75) D. RAP ANT , Slovenske povstanie roku 1848-49, Vol. 11 Pt. 1 (Martin: 1950), 344 . According to Rapant, Slovak national consciousness was the most highly developed in the Turcian County; RAPANT , op. cit., Vol. ill, Pt. 1 (1956), 351. This was also a region in which the Protestants were especially strong. (76) N<irodni Noviny, 31 May, 1848, article by Hurban . (77) See the map in Atlas i!eskoslovenskych dejin (Prague : 1965), No. 19f; this is an ingenious map comparing the speed of travel in the Czech and Slovak regions in the year 1827. (78) POTEMRA , op. cit., 117. (79) SLEBINGER , op. cit., 5-7 . (80) HERGESIC, op. cit., 102-103. (81) ROUBlK , op. cit., Appendix 6 and 9. (82) R. BICANIC , Doba manufakture u Hrvatskoj i Slavoniji 1750-1860 (Zagreb, 1951), 344. SLOVAKIA 135 (83) See the map in Skolni atlas t!eskoslovenskych dejin (Prague, 1959), No. 25. (84) Ceskoslovenska vlastiveda, Part II, Dejiny, Vol. 2 (Prague, 1969), 93. (85) Ibid., 104. The first railroad came to Slovakia in the latter part of 1848. (86) GESTRIN-MELIK, op. cit., 50. (87) R. PAVLOVCIC, Zgodovinski atlas Slovenije (Buenos Aires, 1960), No. 69. Also GESTRIN-MELIK , op. cit., 103. (88) GODECHOT . op. cit. , 103. (89) Ceskoslovenska vlastiveda, op. cit., 104. (90) The circulation of the Slovene Novice in 1848 was 1,800 copies which yields a ratio of one copy for 556 people . The circulation of the Slovak Slovenskje Narodnje Novini may be assumed to have been 500 copies in 1848 which yields a ratio of one copy for 3 ,400 people.For the circulation figures, see Notes 46 and 47. (91) I have attempted to compare the ideology of the press of the four nationalities in S. Z. PECH, " The Press of the Habsburg Slavs in 1848: Contribution to a Political Profile ," Canadian Journal of History-Anna/es canadiennes d'histoire, X (1975): 3549 . However, I did not attempt to relate the ideology to the social structure of the elites .  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Nationalist Movements of the Austrian Slavs in 1848: A Comparative Sociological Profile Description An account of the resource Stanley Z. Pech Slovakia, Vol. 27 (No. 50), 1977 pp. 113-135 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Pech, Stanley Z., 1924-1985 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1977 LCNAF+dates https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/8320014a1e675180cb66a4d5cd12571a.pdf 0492c598abeb6d567b20343bd0edda41 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 27 CZECHO-SWVAKIA YESTERDAY AND TODAY BY VLADIMiR PEKEILSKY In the past several years some writers of our Czech exile have attempted to diagnose the tragedy of us all at home and in foreign lands. But they have had little success with it. J. M. Kolar, for example, is today already forgotten and the more actual Dr. Radimsky has been elevated particularly by publishers and the Czech National Socialists. Both authors came out with much that was true, but they either did not want to or did not know how to express the whole truth. Perhaps they feared the consequences. And fear has big eyes. Nevertheless, many times it is not only fear, but opportunism and various other interests which prevent authors from writing about matters that might interest readers the most. It was just this that inspired me to touch upon problems which still are strictly taboo in most Czech exile publications. Czecho-Slovakia 1918-1938 Today very few of our people want to recall the whole truth about the first Czecho-Slovak Republic. Without regard to nationality and political affiliation, that is. The younger generation, born after 1925, did not know the first Repu blic and, therefore, cannot make any judgments of it from personal experiences. For us oldsters it meant much, though only 20 years in the thousand-year history of our Czech nation, and the judgment of history may arouse only criticism, because with the establishment of Czecho-Slovakia the road for modern dictatorships into Central Europe was facilitated. In exile we have become accustomed to read - from articles of former collaborators of Dr. Edward Benes - nothing but praise about the first republic. The writers deliberately fail to see the state bankruptcies of 1938-1939 and 1945-1948, the internal causes thereof. They blame everything on outside intervention. The first Republic was presented to the world as a model of democracy, freedom, state order and welfare, and, were it not - according to them - for the bad Germans 1 �28 SLOVAKIA and Russians, it still could have been the "perfection" it was. Not a word is said a'bout the patronage of France. Thus they continue to falsify the facts, just as they did during the time of Masaryk and Benes w'hen huge sums were paid out to foreign journals and journalists to sing nothing but praises aibout the first Republic. Of course, we can and we should recall the many good things about the first Czecho-Slovak Republic. Yet it would be irresponsible of us if we did not look into the causes of the bankruptcy and collapse of democratic Czecho-Slovakia within ourselves and in internal circumstances. Dr. Vaclav Boucek, principal defender of Masaryk and Benes, did not flatter the state system of Czecho-Slovakia when he described it as a "quasi-democracy with a quasiparliamentary system." A multitude of good people, financially well-founded groups, investors, state officers, but also political barterers were satisfied with the then Prague ·r egime. The propertyless groups of inhabitants, the indebted peasants and home owners, the unemployed and the adherents of nonCzech nationalities (e.g., the greater unemployment in the German sectors and the vain attempts of the new Slovak intelligentsia to fill positions in the public life of Slovakia) looked upon the state system with more or less criticism. And today very few of our people want to admit that comIJ11mism had a significant voice in our political life from the very first years of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. But the fact is that it did. The following statistics show the results of three elections, the mandates won by the respective parties: Politica•l Party cs Social Demo.c ratic (1) cs People's Party (2) c.s A1grarian ORepulblioam,) (3) C"'5 Na:ti,o nal Socialist (4) C-S Niattiona,l Democratic (5) C,S Tradesmen's C-S Progressive Socialist Slovak Na-tionail (6) (Hlinka's) Slovak People's (7) Czech Na,tcional Fascist 'Mand-at-es won by tihe Parties 1920 1925 1-935 33 29 3'1 28 415 24 28 113' 13 74 1,9 6 3 1~ 23 38 22 45 28 17 l:'7 22 6 �29 SLOVAKIA German Sociialist Democratic German Community German Nationalist German Nat'io.n1al So,ci,a iist German Agrariain German Christian Socialists German Democraili:c Sudeten Germ-run, Magyar Agrarian Miaigyar-Germain Soc. Dem. Magy,a r Christian Socia,Jist Ma,gyair Bloc GS Communist (8) Others Tota,] Number of Mandates 17 111 1-0 7 1,1 24 10 5 1,3 5 6 44 1 4 5 4 9 30 285 300 300 (1) The main worker's Gsocialist) party founded in 11878. (2) Hliruka's Slovak People's Party voted with this party in the 19!20 elec1Jiions and was allowed 12 manda:tes, 1while the resp. Czeoho,Slovak P,e ople's Pa,r ty (Sra1mek's) got 21. The largest Slovak politi'c al p,arty in Slovakia. (3) Founded by Amltonin Svehla in 1899. (4) Founded by Czeclh soci-a.Jists in 1896. Dr. Edward Benes later lbecame its leader. (5) Fiounded tby Dr. Kramar in 19118 ; comlbi·n ed witlh the Dle'c.h Nation/al Union Party (Strilbrny's) be!fo,r e the 19315 elections. (6) Founded be'fore fhe 1872 elections. In 19315 it voted wiith Hlinka's party as the Autonomist BJ.oc. (7) The Slovatk People's (Populist) :Party was founded by !Father Andrew Hlinika, Dec. 5, 1905. (8) The Czecho-'SJ,o,v ak (iread "Cm;)OH") Communist Party was fuunijed Nov. 2, 1920, after .brea~ing with the So'Ci-a•l Democrats; the deputies joining it: 23 Czeeho..Slovak S1oci1al Democraits, 3 German Social Democrats, aind 1· Ma,g;yar Soci,al Democrat. (The parties qualified as "Czecho-Slovak" were in fact Czech-dominated parties · with affiliates in Slovakia. There were only two genuine SLOVAK political parties: the IDinka Slovak People's Party and the Slovak National Party; both supported autonomy for Slovakia, the Pittsburgh Pact of May 30, 1918. - Ed. note). The municipal election in Prague, May 29, 1938, showed the following five parties. with the largest vote: Cze<:h National Socialists - 151,600; Communists - 99,900; Social Democrats - 75,809; National Unity - 68,007; Czech Populist - 37,749. In the 1925 parliamentary elections the Communist �30 SLOVAKIA Party received 933,711 votes; ten years later (1935) it got 849,0000 votes. Do the above statistics warrant the frequently used phrase "Masaryk's or Benes's Republic" and calling the citizens of Czecho-Slovakia "the children of Masaryk"? Would any Czech want to say that the communists, Henleinists, Magyars, Poles, and Slovaks considered themselves "children of Masaryk"? It is a fact that even the Czech rightists criticized or repudiated Masaryk in a large measure. Not only the extreme groups but even a large part of the Czech National Democrats, Agrarians, and adherents of the Czech People's Party in Moravia. We know that during the rule of Masaryk and Benes many things were done which were not honorable. For example, already in 1924 freedom of the press was limited by Law No. 124, and the freedom of the press in the "democratic Czecho-:Slovak Republic," so highly praised by Radio Free Europe even today, in reality looked much less free than in France, the United States and England. Various publications, not only those of the opposition, were frequently confiscated and censored and were issued with "white windows" or as "corrected" issues after censorship. At that time it was said that the journalists were thereby trained "to worship at the willows." ,' Corruption was extensive, but no law could be promulgated to wipe it out because political parties and many government people were against passing such a law. Hundreds of millions of crowns thus disappeared in bottomless pockets. We still remember the alcohol case, the gasoline affair, the corruption in the sugar business, in the construction of the electrical plant in Ervenice and the Fenix Insurance affair, and the corruption connected with the land reform, the parceling out of surplus estates. In tlhe first Republic even the elections cannot be called- truly democratic. The broad masses of the people were not satisfied with the electoral system, because: they were not allowed to choose candidates. The law, however, ordered all citizens .to take part in the elections and to vote for the political parties and their selected candidates. Ob- �SLOVAKIA 31 viously many incapable people thus became members of the parliament, interested not in the welfare of the people and the country, but in the first place in the welfare and power of their respective parties. Corruption flourished. Only the political key was used in forming a government and qualifications for a ministerial position meant practically nothing. The parties controlled all public service jobs in the State on the national and local levels. Since one had a large selection of political parties, quite a few citizens carried memib ership cards of several political parties. Thus was the first Czecho-Slovak Republic undermined, as well as confidence in the State and the democratic system which hypocritically bore the slogan "Truth prevails" on its escutcheon - which even the present communist regime has allowed to remain on the State insignia. The enthusiasm with which the Slovaks and Czechs welcomed the establishment of the Czecho-Slovak Republic in 1918 soon cooled and forced many hot heads into opposition. The am1bitious Dr. Benes, however, knew how to deal with the opposition: he liquidated it ruthlessly. To this end he used his secret archive which he had made up for opportune moments, even doctors' opinions, as in the case of Stnbrny. Democracy became limited during the lifetime of T. G. Masaryk, and more so during the presidency of Dr. Benes. Masaryk did not seek the support of political parties; he was above all parties. Benes, on the other hand, depended on the support of t!he National Socialists, who, in 1935 tried, though unsuccessfully, to promulgate a law to dissolve all political parties and to establish a new uniform State party with himself at its head. The National Socialists must be regard~d as the grave-diggers of CzechoSlovakia and democracy; their active collaboration with the communists during the war and after is still fresh in our memories. The parasites of Benes's political clique refuse to admit their guilt in the catastrophe. They still sing praises to Bene~ with the help of whose name they hope to find favor with Czech settlers in Canada and the United States. �32 SLOVAKIA Ruthenia illustrate s Benes's political character quite clearly. During a visit to that country in May, 1934, when he was still Foreign Minister, Benes said: "Czecho-S lovakia, having become the holder (trustee) of Sub-Carp athian Russia by the decision of the Peace Conferenc e, will never give up this land, it will never allow any revisionism in this question and shall defend this land with you to its last drop of blood" (Narodna Politika: May 6, 1924) . We know just how Benes defended Ruthenia : he negotiated with Soviet Ambassa dor Majsky in London, in 1941, to sell out that hapless country. On July 4, 1938, Dr. Benes prophesie d to a deputatio n of Sokols: "Nothing will happen tha,t might harm our State, our Republic and our democrat ic regime; in this jubilee year of our Republic, with our sincere effort for just colla:boratio n with all citizens of all nationalit ies, we shall demonstrat e anew to the world that our State is just, solid, ready to resist aggressio n, mature and peace-lov ing." The result: Munich! To complem ent the shameles s character of Benes in his statemen t, published in the "Wiedom osci polskie" (June 15, 1941): "And when a man thinks of it, we Czechs nevertheless did foresee actually everythin g!" When a Polish journalis t asked him whether he really meant everythin g, Benes replied: "Yes, I mean everythin g!" The Munich catastrop he, the capitulati on and flight of Dr. Benes into foreign lands did away for the time being with any remnants of sympafili y the Czech nation had for Benes (the Slovaks and others had none for him). In 1945, the Czech nation welcomed his return, but the enthusiasm displayed was not for him but rather an expressio n of joy that the war and Nazi occupatio n had ended. The Second Republic Post-Mun ich Czecho-S lovakia, the second Republic, was of short duration. It was still free, but betrayed by all its foreign friends; it was smaller in area and without great !hopes of preservat ion. It was also without Benes, who had voluntari ly resigned from the presidenc y and, after his �SLOVAKIA 33 flight from Czecho-Slovakia, had even wished much success to the new, constitutionally elected, President, Dr. Emil Ha.cha. With the voluntary joining of the parties of the right in the Party of National Unity and the parties of the left in the Labor Party, an effort was expressed to simplify and cure the ills of political life. The relations of the first Republic, particularly the person and environment of Dr. Benes, were the target of wide criticism, especially from the Party of National Unity which, surprisingly enough, even the National Socialists joined. The party renounced Benes and favored the right. Its chairman, J. V. Klofac, identifying Czech National Socialism with Hitler's National Socialism, said: "We must not only catch up with Germany and its National Socialism, but surpass it .... In Central Europe we must give a model example of coexistence of the Slovanic peoples and Germans, which is all the easier for us, since we are also connected by blood. My Father's mother was a full-blooded German." And referring to Benes quite obviously, Klofac proclaimed: "We must repudiate everyone who prattles like a child about the approaching moment that shall return to us everything we lost in October - and which is definitely lost." No Czech political party so completely reversed itself up to that time. The conflict with the Slovaks and Hitler's intervention liquidated the second Republic; the Czech lands became the "Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia." The Protectorat.e of Bohemia and Moravia The burden of the German occupation was felt not only in public life, but also by every society and family. German pressure was terrific; aJbout 300,000 Czechs proclaimed themselves Germans. Children were taught German and sang German songs. The attempt to unite the parties and groups of the right, which after March 15, 1939, formed the so-called "National Committee," failed and the party of the so-called "National Alliance" was formed. Various rightist and fascist groups existed too, illegally but tolerated, which had little or practically no influence with the Germans. Opportunistic servants and functionaries of �34 SLOVAKIA former political parties better served the purposes of the Germans than the nationalistic groups. Even though no one wants to admit it, the fact is that, after the arrival of the German Army in Pilsen, among the first to be arrested and liquidated, along with the students, on November 17, 1939, were also fascists and Vlajkists. Collaboration with the Germans was ratlher common; it was rather a question of the personal character of individuals without regard to political belief. Opportunism played a significant role until the defeat of the Germans at Stalingrad. Czech resistance against nazism grew with the approaching end of the war. One of the most notorious collaborators was Emanuel Moravec, Minister of Enlightenment, former co-worker of Stransky's "Lidove Noviny" and Benes's Military propagandist (alias Stanislav Yester). We remember, too, Arno Baise, former communist, who held the leading position in the trade organization NO-OZ; and Emanuel Slechta, designated in the Records of the London Department of the Interior as a collaborator, who nevertheless was given a place in the presidium of the Czech National Socialists and, in 1948, became the chairman of the communized Czech socialists. Benes's decrees, prepared by Dr. Jaroslav Stransky in London, often punishing with the tendency of personal vengeance (recall the cases of Stribrny, R. Beran, and others), created the possibility of settling personal accounts and were more or less a weapon for political blackmail. Benes often assured the world that the Constitution of 1920 was still valid during the war and after 1945, bu't he ruled by decrees, flaunting ther~by the highest law of the land, which he had sworn to uphold. The Foreign Activity of Dr. Benes . As an exile in London, Benes proclaimed himself president of Czecho-Slovakia, organized a government, proclaimed war against Hitler and all his allies, borrowed from Britain for his. activity over fifty million pounds Sterling, and covered with a veil of secrecy the fate of the gold treasure that was in foreign lands. Benes welcomed the defeat of France, wlhich showed him no sympathy, organized �SLOVAKIA 35 a foreign army of a!bout 4,000 men in England, and every year prophesied the aproaching end of Hitler. Churchill was criticized openly even during the war, but anyone who attempted to criticize Benes was ruthlessly denounced and liquidated. Benes's vanity and ambition knew no bounds; critics and opponents were arrested or politically isolated (Gen. Lev Prchala, Deputy Fr. Schwarz, Ambassador Osusky, former Prime Minister M. Hod.fa, Rudolph Be~hyne, leader of the Czech Social Democrats, Malim, president of the State Bank,and others). Benes had quite a bit of opposition not only among the exiles, but even among the old settlers in the United States and Canada. In 1940, Czech Catholics still backed Dr. Emil Ha.cha, the duly elected president of Czecho-Slovakia; Slovak emigration was for the most part for the Slovak State. While the freethinkers and socialists supported Benes at the outset, the Communists adopted a wait-and-see attitude. In the United States, the most outspoken against Benes was the Czech Monsignor F. Mikolasek, whose scorching articles appeared in the St. Louis "Hlas," and the "Katolicky Delnik." Many of us expected Dr. Charles Pergler to openly stand against Benes, since he was evicted from Czecho-Slovakia by Masaryk and Benes despite his many merits for the Czecho-Slovak Republic and his deputorial mandate. But he remained silent like so many others. In the London exile, Dr. Benes committed further treason against the principles of freedom and democracy: he prepared the liquidation of civic parties that were always strongly opposed to him. The National Socialists he had in the palm of his hand; to the Social Democrats and the Populists he sent his agents (B. Lausman, V. Majer, P. Tigrid, I. Duch.a.eek, and others). The only problem that Benes had, as far as the presidency of Czecho-Slovakia was concerned, were the communists toward whom, however, he had had no internal opposition. In 1939, Benes wrote in his "Democracy Today and Tomorrow": . "On the other hand, Communism in its philosophy and morality has a certain similarity with democracy. It also stands for equality ,of all peoples and nations. It is also humanitarian, : un.ivel"Salistiic, intellectu-alistic and rationalistic. It is also pacifist, intemationalistic �36 SLOVAKIA and stands for a policy of United Nations. From this standpoint its moral and phil050phical basis is the same as that of democracy." The main supposition of Benes's agreement with the Reds was the assurance that with their support he would again become President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic and be able to rule dictatorially by means of "revolutionary" decrees. He turned his back cooly on the anti-communist Polish exiles with whom, when he needed them to gain the support of the English, Benes concluded pacts of friendship and close political and economical cooperation in the future. The People's Democracy 1945-1948 The events of 1945-1948 are well known to us. Benes's decrees contributed to the socialization of Czecho-Slovakia, tJhe expulsion of the Sudeten Germans caused an economical vacuum for many years, and retributional decrees helped to liquidate the anti-communist opposition. The height of the immorality of Benes's regime was the issuance of his decree of October 27, 1945, which amnestied all crimes against humanity during the "punishment of Germans and collaborators" after May 5, 1945. In the history of justice this amnesty represents a singular document wher~by a government sanctioned murder, violence, and thievery - something that no dictatorship, not even the Nazi type, allowed itself up to that time. Benes, his government, and the non-communist parties indisputably helped to bolshevize Czecho~Slovakia. They tried to suripass the Reds in cruelty during the expulsion of Germans and Magyars and they out-trumped them in chauvinism. On June 25, 1945, the National Socialists formed the so-called socialistic bloc with the Social Democrats and Communists and then tried to create a common socialistic party - similar to the SED in East Germany - which, however, the Communists would not buy. In 1945 there was no freedom of the press, the government controlling everything. There were a few exceptional journalists who, from time to time, tried to criticize some of the existing conditions, but to no avail. The Kosice Program, approved by all the political parties permitted to ex- �SLOVAKIA 37 ist by Prague and united in the so-called National Front, clearly stated the limits of post-war freedom for everyone and was the program for the progressive bolshevization of Czecho-Slovakia. The first postwar elections, in May, 1946, brought victory for the Communists who received 38.1 per cent (in Slovakia only 30.4 per cent) of the votes cast. During the election campaign the solidarity of the National Front was not violated in the new government of Klement Gottwald. All political leaders vowed to remain loyal to the Soviet Union and unanimously approved the two-year economic plan which was on the order of the Soviet five-year..plan. Dr. Hubert Ripka, the National Socialist Minister, zealously propagated the Czecho-Slovak-Soviet Treaty of colla1boration (Dec. 13, 1943) and tied the economy of the country to that of the Soviet Union. When Stalin forced Prague not to participate in the Marshall Plan, in 1947, the non-Communist Ministers had more cause to resign then than they had in February 1948. At that time, however, the Ministers still speculated that they would be able to continue to share power with the Reds. They were not concerned about the principle of freedom, democracy, or western orientation; they simply wanted to remain in power. The resignation of twelve non-communist Ministers (out of a total of 26), headed by Dr. Peter Zenkl, on February 20, 1948, helped only the Communists to gain all positions which tJhey did not occupy up to that time. The Reds were completely prepared for t 1he events of February 1948, whereas the non-communist parties were not. In fact they played into the hands of the Reds. In the fall of 1947, several anti-Communist deputies had been liquidated by the National Front coalition of Benes-Gottwald. The Reds had no trouble in finding quislings and informers to oust the resigned ministers and their adherents from the parties and replacing them with "reliaible" people. Dr. Zenkl and company - after President Benes did what Gottwald asked him to do - then realized that they were through governing. Some were arrested but many of them departed to the West, the Reds doing practically nothing �38 SLOVAKIA to stop them. The blackguards had done their work, they were free to go. The Present Communist Czecho-Slovakia After February, 1948, political persecution had free reign, the decisions of the People's Courts from the years 1945-1948 were revised and new processes initiated. Tens of thousands citizens left the Republic. The Communist Party took over all positions; the Social Democrats united with the Communists on June 27, 1948; the National Socialists, changing their name to "Czech Socialists," recognized the leading role of the Communists and today are criticizing themselves for their "bourgeois past"; Sramek's Populists became the party of Catholic Socialism with the task of completing the collectivization of agriculture. 'Dhe Communist Party and its secret police ruthlessly liquidated all non-communist influence and practically all possibility of resistance, including that of the ecclesiastical hierachy, which could perhaps hinder their progress toward socialism and communism. Small industrial enterprises, up to 1948 not affected by Benes's decrees, were nationalized, as were gradually even the smaller businesses and trades. At the same time the industrialization of the Czech lands and Slovakia was increased, costing billions of crowns which lowered the living standard of the inhabitants to a minimum. The Communist party purged itself of "undesirable" elements, deviationists and nationalists, thus ridding itself of pre-war malcontents. In the end Rudolph Slansky, Secretary-General of the Czecho-Slovak Communist Party, and ten other leading Reds were executed November 27, 1952. They were charged with "anti-State activities, espionage, Zionism, and economic sa!botage." Gottwald's group within the party was victorious over the Slansky faction, •b ut Gottwald did not enjoy his victory very long. He died nine days after Stalin in 1953 (March 14). After a t!hree year purge the situation within the Communist Party became sta!bilized in 1953. The money reform of June 1, 1953, with which some dissatisfaction was displayed in various places, was sup- �SLOVAKIA 39 posed to raise the living standard of the people and improve the economical situation. The buying power of the Czecho-Slovak crown was restored and the quality of products became better. Prices of commodities and wages of workers were adjusted, swelling the ranks of the people who had little. From 1956 the Red regime has been using more refined methods of psychological persuasion with the peasants, so that by October 1, 1959, only 19 per cent of the land remained in private hands. All sectors of political and economical life have been patterned after the Soviet model. Industrial production, according to official statistics, was four times higher in 1959 than in 1938, and by 1965 it is supposed to be sixteen times higher. In Slovakia, industrial production increased seven times over that in 1937. The standard of living, however, has not been keeping up with increased production. Prices on many necessities are still rather higih. A large majority of the population is not communist, nor is it happy with the communist regime. Annually, however, people who knew better times are dying; their places are being taken over by the younger generation which knows little else than "people's democracy." The successes of the Red regimes with sputniks and luniks has influenced the thinking of many; as has also the policy of appeasement and containment of the West. Active resistance against the Reds is practically nil. To hold onto what people have and perhaps for more material advantage, many people are cooperating with the Reds. In 1960 we saw new changes and reorganization. Some 200,000 employees in the administration of the State were made available for industry and agriculture with the dissolution of the provincial system which was replaced by ten larger economic regions. Great changes took place also in the organization of work; gradually two shifts are being instituted in all the larger enterprises. A new Constitution has been adopted to replace the Constitution of 1920. If we criticize the "golden times" of the First Republic and do not mention the many positive deeds of that period, it is because the First Republic did not fulfill the promises of the Castle propaganda. Worse, however, is �40 SLOVAKIA the fact that the representative s of the First Republic could not strengthen the morale of the people which was shaken by the long hegemony of the Habsburgs, and Benes' s capitulation broke many a backbone. Neither was morale helped by the Protectorate; and it attained a new low after 1945 when the very people who were expected to possess so much morality willingly collaborated with the enemies of all morality. The Czech nation will live even after communism. Its tragedy was caused in 1918 by politicians who cared not about national interests, a better future , solidarity and moral strength, but in the first place sought to satisfy their own ambitions (Benes) and their own glorification (Masaryk), etc. Of course, indirectly our entire nation is responsible for the development that took place from 1918 to 1948. It allowed itself to be deceived by false slogans, legends, hypocritical propaganda, and failed to heed the warnings of really devoted politicians (Kramar, Dyk, Machar, etc.). Masaryk's slogan "evolution is going to the left" and Benes's collaboration with the Reds greatly facilitated the government of the Communists. Some of those responsi1ble for our national tragedy are still among us in exile; they have the brazen impertinence to organize circles of Czech interests (The Council of Free Czecho-Slovakia, the Czech National Socialist Party in exile, etc.) with feelers in American societies for exiles, such as Radio Free Europe (RFE), Assembly of Captive European Nations (ACEN), and American Czech societies. To the wide masses of our countrymen in exile they cannot serve as an exemplary model, and, therefore, we notice in our exile increasing influences of materialism, national callousness, egocentrism, chicanery and intrigue, hypocrisy and fraud. Of course, not in our entire exile, but in a good part of it. And it is the question of our morality that will decide whether our exile will be a,ble to live through the next several years which will be according to all indications, very tough and ruthless years. (Vladimir Pekelsky, a Crech in exile, is the editor ,an/cl pu/bli,s her o'f the CzOC'h peniodidal "Sbornik Bohemia" which is pulblislh~d in Koln,Ehrenfold, W. Germany.) � SLOVAKIA 27 CZECHO-SWVAKIA YESTERDAY AND TODAY BY VLADIMiR PEKEILSKY In the past several years some writers of our Czech exile have attempted to diagnose the tragedy of us all at home and in foreign lands. But they have had little success with it. J. M. Kolar, for example, is today already forgotten and the more actual Dr. Radimsky has been elevated particularly by publishers and the Czech National Socialists. Both authors came out with much that was true, but they either did not want to or did not know how to express the whole truth. Perhaps they feared the consequences. And fear has big eyes. Nevertheless, many times it is not only fear, but opportunism and various other interests which prevent authors from writing about matters that might interest readers the most. It was just this that inspired me to touch upon problems which still are strictly taboo in most Czech exile publications. Czecho-Slovakia 1918-1938 Today very few of our people want to recall the whole truth about the first Czecho-Slovak Republic. Without regard to nationality and political affiliation, that is. The younger generation, born after 1925, did not know the first Repu blic and, therefore, cannot make any judgments of it from personal experiences. For us oldsters it meant much, though only 20 years in the thousand-year history of our Czech nation, and the judgment of history may arouse only criticism, because with the establishment of Czecho-Slovakia the road for modern dictatorships into Central Europe was facilitated. In exile we have become accustomed to read - from articles of former collaborators of Dr. Edward Benes - nothing but praise about the first republic. The writers deliberately fail to see the state bankruptcies of 1938-1939 and 1945-1948, the internal causes thereof. They blame everything on outside intervention. The first Republic was presented to the world as a model of democracy, freedom, state order and welfare, and, were it not - according to them - for the bad Germans 1 �28 SLOVAKIA and Russians, it still could have been the "perfection" it was. Not a word is said a'bout the patronage of France. Thus they continue to falsify the facts, just as they did during the time of Masaryk and Benes w'hen huge sums were paid out to foreign journals and journalists to sing nothing but praises aibout the first Republic. Of course, we can and we should recall the many good things about the first Czecho-Slovak Republic. Yet it would be irresponsible of us if we did not look into the causes of the bankruptcy and collapse of democratic Czecho-Slovakia within ourselves and in internal circumstances. Dr. Vaclav Boucek, principal defender of Masaryk and Benes, did not flatter the state system of Czecho-Slovakia when he described it as a "quasi-democracy with a quasiparliamentary system." A multitude of good people, financially well-founded groups, investors, state officers, but also political barterers were satisfied with the then Prague ·r egime. The propertyless groups of inhabitants, the indebted peasants and home owners, the unemployed and the adherents of nonCzech nationalities (e.g., the greater unemployment in the German sectors and the vain attempts of the new Slovak intelligentsia to fill positions in the public life of Slovakia) looked upon the state system with more or less criticism. And today very few of our people want to admit that comIJ11mism had a significant voice in our political life from the very first years of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. But the fact is that it did. The following statistics show the results of three elections, the mandates won by the respective parties: Politica•l Party cs Social Demo.c ratic (1) cs People's Party (2) c.s A1grarian ORepulblioam,) (3) C"'5 Na:ti,o nal Socialist (4) C-S Niattiona,l Democratic (5) C,S Tradesmen's C-S Progressive Socialist Slovak Na-tionail (6) (Hlinka's) Slovak People's (7) Czech Na,tcional Fascist 'Mand-at-es won by tihe Parties 1920 1925 1-935 33 29 3'1 28 415 24 28 113' 13 74 1,9 6 3 1~ 23 38 22 45 28 17 l:'7 22 6 �29 SLOVAKIA German Sociialist Democratic German Community German Nationalist German Nat'io.n1al So,ci,a iist German Agrariain German Christian Socialists German Democraili:c Sudeten Germ-run, Magyar Agrarian Miaigyar-Germain Soc. Dem. Magy,a r Christian Socia,Jist Ma,gyair Bloc GS Communist (8) Others Tota,] Number of Mandates 17 111 1-0 7 1,1 24 10 5 1,3 5 6 44 1 4 5 4 9 30 285 300 300 (1) The main worker's Gsocialist) party founded in 11878. (2) Hliruka's Slovak People's Party voted with this party in the 19!20 elec1Jiions and was allowed 12 manda:tes, 1while the resp. Czeoho,Slovak P,e ople's Pa,r ty (Sra1mek's) got 21. The largest Slovak politi'c al p,arty in Slovakia. (3) Founded by Amltonin Svehla in 1899. (4) Founded by Czeclh soci-a.Jists in 1896. Dr. Edward Benes later lbecame its leader. (5) Fiounded tby Dr. Kramar in 19118 ; comlbi·n ed witlh the Dle'c.h Nation/al Union Party (Strilbrny's) be!fo,r e the 19315 elections. (6) Founded be'fore fhe 1872 elections. In 19315 it voted wiith Hlinka's party as the Autonomist BJ.oc. (7) The Slovatk People's (Populist) :Party was founded by !Father Andrew Hlinika, Dec. 5, 1905. (8) The Czecho-'SJ,o,v ak (iread "Cm;)OH") Communist Party was fuunijed Nov. 2, 1920, after .brea~ing with the So'Ci-a•l Democrats; the deputies joining it: 23 Czeeho..Slovak S1oci1al Democraits, 3 German Social Democrats, aind 1· Ma,g;yar Soci,al Democrat. (The parties qualified as "Czecho-Slovak" were in fact Czech-dominated parties · with affiliates in Slovakia. There were only two genuine SLOVAK political parties: the IDinka Slovak People's Party and the Slovak National Party; both supported autonomy for Slovakia, the Pittsburgh Pact of May 30, 1918. - Ed. note). The municipal election in Prague, May 29, 1938, showed the following five parties. with the largest vote: Cze<:h National Socialists - 151,600; Communists - 99,900; Social Democrats - 75,809; National Unity - 68,007; Czech Populist - 37,749. In the 1925 parliamentary elections the Communist �30 SLOVAKIA Party received 933,711 votes; ten years later (1935) it got 849,0000 votes. Do the above statistics warrant the frequently used phrase "Masaryk's or Benes's Republic" and calling the citizens of Czecho-Slovakia "the children of Masaryk"? Would any Czech want to say that the communists, Henleinists, Magyars, Poles, and Slovaks considered themselves "children of Masaryk"? It is a fact that even the Czech rightists criticized or repudiated Masaryk in a large measure. Not only the extreme groups but even a large part of the Czech National Democrats, Agrarians, and adherents of the Czech People's Party in Moravia. We know that during the rule of Masaryk and Benes many things were done which were not honorable. For example, already in 1924 freedom of the press was limited by Law No. 124, and the freedom of the press in the "democratic Czecho-:Slovak Republic," so highly praised by Radio Free Europe even today, in reality looked much less free than in France, the United States and England. Various publications, not only those of the opposition, were frequently confiscated and censored and were issued with "white windows" or as "corrected" issues after censorship. At that time it was said that the journalists were thereby trained "to worship at the willows." ,' Corruption was extensive, but no law could be promulgated to wipe it out because political parties and many government people were against passing such a law. Hundreds of millions of crowns thus disappeared in bottomless pockets. We still remember the alcohol case, the gasoline affair, the corruption in the sugar business, in the construction of the electrical plant in Ervenice and the Fenix Insurance affair, and the corruption connected with the land reform, the parceling out of surplus estates. In tlhe first Republic even the elections cannot be called- truly democratic. The broad masses of the people were not satisfied with the electoral system, because: they were not allowed to choose candidates. The law, however, ordered all citizens .to take part in the elections and to vote for the political parties and their selected candidates. Ob- �SLOVAKIA 31 viously many incapable people thus became members of the parliament, interested not in the welfare of the people and the country, but in the first place in the welfare and power of their respective parties. Corruption flourished. Only the political key was used in forming a government and qualifications for a ministerial position meant practically nothing. The parties controlled all public service jobs in the State on the national and local levels. Since one had a large selection of political parties, quite a few citizens carried memib ership cards of several political parties. Thus was the first Czecho-Slovak Republic undermined, as well as confidence in the State and the democratic system which hypocritically bore the slogan "Truth prevails" on its escutcheon - which even the present communist regime has allowed to remain on the State insignia. The enthusiasm with which the Slovaks and Czechs welcomed the establishment of the Czecho-Slovak Republic in 1918 soon cooled and forced many hot heads into opposition. The am1bitious Dr. Benes, however, knew how to deal with the opposition: he liquidated it ruthlessly. To this end he used his secret archive which he had made up for opportune moments, even doctors' opinions, as in the case of Stnbrny. Democracy became limited during the lifetime of T. G. Masaryk, and more so during the presidency of Dr. Benes. Masaryk did not seek the support of political parties; he was above all parties. Benes, on the other hand, depended on the support of t!he National Socialists, who, in 1935 tried, though unsuccessfully, to promulgate a law to dissolve all political parties and to establish a new uniform State party with himself at its head. The National Socialists must be regard~d as the grave-diggers of CzechoSlovakia and democracy; their active collaboration with the communists during the war and after is still fresh in our memories. The parasites of Benes's political clique refuse to admit their guilt in the catastrophe. They still sing praises to Bene~ with the help of whose name they hope to find favor with Czech settlers in Canada and the United States. �32 SLOVAKIA Ruthenia illustrate s Benes's political character quite clearly. During a visit to that country in May, 1934, when he was still Foreign Minister, Benes said: "Czecho-S lovakia, having become the holder (trustee) of Sub-Carp athian Russia by the decision of the Peace Conferenc e, will never give up this land, it will never allow any revisionism in this question and shall defend this land with you to its last drop of blood" (Narodna Politika: May 6, 1924) . We know just how Benes defended Ruthenia : he negotiated with Soviet Ambassa dor Majsky in London, in 1941, to sell out that hapless country. On July 4, 1938, Dr. Benes prophesie d to a deputatio n of Sokols: "Nothing will happen tha,t might harm our State, our Republic and our democrat ic regime; in this jubilee year of our Republic, with our sincere effort for just colla:boratio n with all citizens of all nationalit ies, we shall demonstrat e anew to the world that our State is just, solid, ready to resist aggressio n, mature and peace-lov ing." The result: Munich! To complem ent the shameles s character of Benes in his statemen t, published in the "Wiedom osci polskie" (June 15, 1941): "And when a man thinks of it, we Czechs nevertheless did foresee actually everythin g!" When a Polish journalis t asked him whether he really meant everythin g, Benes replied: "Yes, I mean everythin g!" The Munich catastrop he, the capitulati on and flight of Dr. Benes into foreign lands did away for the time being with any remnants of sympafili y the Czech nation had for Benes (the Slovaks and others had none for him). In 1945, the Czech nation welcomed his return, but the enthusiasm displayed was not for him but rather an expressio n of joy that the war and Nazi occupatio n had ended. The Second Republic Post-Mun ich Czecho-S lovakia, the second Republic, was of short duration. It was still free, but betrayed by all its foreign friends; it was smaller in area and without great !hopes of preservat ion. It was also without Benes, who had voluntari ly resigned from the presidenc y and, after his �SLOVAKIA 33 flight from Czecho-Slovakia, had even wished much success to the new, constitutionally elected, President, Dr. Emil Ha.cha. With the voluntary joining of the parties of the right in the Party of National Unity and the parties of the left in the Labor Party, an effort was expressed to simplify and cure the ills of political life. The relations of the first Republic, particularly the person and environment of Dr. Benes, were the target of wide criticism, especially from the Party of National Unity which, surprisingly enough, even the National Socialists joined. The party renounced Benes and favored the right. Its chairman, J. V. Klofac, identifying Czech National Socialism with Hitler's National Socialism, said: "We must not only catch up with Germany and its National Socialism, but surpass it .... In Central Europe we must give a model example of coexistence of the Slovanic peoples and Germans, which is all the easier for us, since we are also connected by blood. My Father's mother was a full-blooded German." And referring to Benes quite obviously, Klofac proclaimed: "We must repudiate everyone who prattles like a child about the approaching moment that shall return to us everything we lost in October - and which is definitely lost." No Czech political party so completely reversed itself up to that time. The conflict with the Slovaks and Hitler's intervention liquidated the second Republic; the Czech lands became the "Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia." The Protectorat.e of Bohemia and Moravia The burden of the German occupation was felt not only in public life, but also by every society and family. German pressure was terrific; aJbout 300,000 Czechs proclaimed themselves Germans. Children were taught German and sang German songs. The attempt to unite the parties and groups of the right, which after March 15, 1939, formed the so-called "National Committee," failed and the party of the so-called "National Alliance" was formed. Various rightist and fascist groups existed too, illegally but tolerated, which had little or practically no influence with the Germans. Opportunistic servants and functionaries of �34 SLOVAKIA former political parties better served the purposes of the Germans than the nationalistic groups. Even though no one wants to admit it, the fact is that, after the arrival of the German Army in Pilsen, among the first to be arrested and liquidated, along with the students, on November 17, 1939, were also fascists and Vlajkists. Collaboration with the Germans was ratlher common; it was rather a question of the personal character of individuals without regard to political belief. Opportunism played a significant role until the defeat of the Germans at Stalingrad. Czech resistance against nazism grew with the approaching end of the war. One of the most notorious collaborators was Emanuel Moravec, Minister of Enlightenment, former co-worker of Stransky's "Lidove Noviny" and Benes's Military propagandist (alias Stanislav Yester). We remember, too, Arno Baise, former communist, who held the leading position in the trade organization NO-OZ; and Emanuel Slechta, designated in the Records of the London Department of the Interior as a collaborator, who nevertheless was given a place in the presidium of the Czech National Socialists and, in 1948, became the chairman of the communized Czech socialists. Benes's decrees, prepared by Dr. Jaroslav Stransky in London, often punishing with the tendency of personal vengeance (recall the cases of Stribrny, R. Beran, and others), created the possibility of settling personal accounts and were more or less a weapon for political blackmail. Benes often assured the world that the Constitution of 1920 was still valid during the war and after 1945, bu't he ruled by decrees, flaunting ther~by the highest law of the land, which he had sworn to uphold. The Foreign Activity of Dr. Benes . As an exile in London, Benes proclaimed himself president of Czecho-Slovakia, organized a government, proclaimed war against Hitler and all his allies, borrowed from Britain for his. activity over fifty million pounds Sterling, and covered with a veil of secrecy the fate of the gold treasure that was in foreign lands. Benes welcomed the defeat of France, wlhich showed him no sympathy, organized �SLOVAKIA 35 a foreign army of a!bout 4,000 men in England, and every year prophesied the aproaching end of Hitler. Churchill was criticized openly even during the war, but anyone who attempted to criticize Benes was ruthlessly denounced and liquidated. Benes's vanity and ambition knew no bounds; critics and opponents were arrested or politically isolated (Gen. Lev Prchala, Deputy Fr. Schwarz, Ambassador Osusky, former Prime Minister M. Hod.fa, Rudolph Be~hyne, leader of the Czech Social Democrats, Malim, president of the State Bank,and others). Benes had quite a bit of opposition not only among the exiles, but even among the old settlers in the United States and Canada. In 1940, Czech Catholics still backed Dr. Emil Ha.cha, the duly elected president of Czecho-Slovakia; Slovak emigration was for the most part for the Slovak State. While the freethinkers and socialists supported Benes at the outset, the Communists adopted a wait-and-see attitude. In the United States, the most outspoken against Benes was the Czech Monsignor F. Mikolasek, whose scorching articles appeared in the St. Louis "Hlas," and the "Katolicky Delnik." Many of us expected Dr. Charles Pergler to openly stand against Benes, since he was evicted from Czecho-Slovakia by Masaryk and Benes despite his many merits for the Czecho-Slovak Republic and his deputorial mandate. But he remained silent like so many others. In the London exile, Dr. Benes committed further treason against the principles of freedom and democracy: he prepared the liquidation of civic parties that were always strongly opposed to him. The National Socialists he had in the palm of his hand; to the Social Democrats and the Populists he sent his agents (B. Lausman, V. Majer, P. Tigrid, I. Duch.a.eek, and others). The only problem that Benes had, as far as the presidency of Czecho-Slovakia was concerned, were the communists toward whom, however, he had had no internal opposition. In 1939, Benes wrote in his "Democracy Today and Tomorrow": . "On the other hand, Communism in its philosophy and morality has a certain similarity with democracy. It also stands for equality ,of all peoples and nations. It is also humanitarian, : un.ivel"Salistiic, intellectu-alistic and rationalistic. It is also pacifist, intemationalistic �36 SLOVAKIA and stands for a policy of United Nations. From this standpoint its moral and phil050phical basis is the same as that of democracy." The main supposition of Benes's agreement with the Reds was the assurance that with their support he would again become President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic and be able to rule dictatorially by means of "revolutionary" decrees. He turned his back cooly on the anti-communist Polish exiles with whom, when he needed them to gain the support of the English, Benes concluded pacts of friendship and close political and economical cooperation in the future. The People's Democracy 1945-1948 The events of 1945-1948 are well known to us. Benes's decrees contributed to the socialization of Czecho-Slovakia, tJhe expulsion of the Sudeten Germans caused an economical vacuum for many years, and retributional decrees helped to liquidate the anti-communist opposition. The height of the immorality of Benes's regime was the issuance of his decree of October 27, 1945, which amnestied all crimes against humanity during the "punishment of Germans and collaborators" after May 5, 1945. In the history of justice this amnesty represents a singular document wher~by a government sanctioned murder, violence, and thievery - something that no dictatorship, not even the Nazi type, allowed itself up to that time. Benes, his government, and the non-communist parties indisputably helped to bolshevize Czecho~Slovakia. They tried to suripass the Reds in cruelty during the expulsion of Germans and Magyars and they out-trumped them in chauvinism. On June 25, 1945, the National Socialists formed the so-called socialistic bloc with the Social Democrats and Communists and then tried to create a common socialistic party - similar to the SED in East Germany - which, however, the Communists would not buy. In 1945 there was no freedom of the press, the government controlling everything. There were a few exceptional journalists who, from time to time, tried to criticize some of the existing conditions, but to no avail. The Kosice Program, approved by all the political parties permitted to ex- �SLOVAKIA 37 ist by Prague and united in the so-called National Front, clearly stated the limits of post-war freedom for everyone and was the program for the progressive bolshevization of Czecho-Slovakia. The first postwar elections, in May, 1946, brought victory for the Communists who received 38.1 per cent (in Slovakia only 30.4 per cent) of the votes cast. During the election campaign the solidarity of the National Front was not violated in the new government of Klement Gottwald. All political leaders vowed to remain loyal to the Soviet Union and unanimously approved the two-year economic plan which was on the order of the Soviet five-year..plan. Dr. Hubert Ripka, the National Socialist Minister, zealously propagated the Czecho-Slovak-Soviet Treaty of colla1boration (Dec. 13, 1943) and tied the economy of the country to that of the Soviet Union. When Stalin forced Prague not to participate in the Marshall Plan, in 1947, the non-Communist Ministers had more cause to resign then than they had in February 1948. At that time, however, the Ministers still speculated that they would be able to continue to share power with the Reds. They were not concerned about the principle of freedom, democracy, or western orientation; they simply wanted to remain in power. The resignation of twelve non-communist Ministers (out of a total of 26), headed by Dr. Peter Zenkl, on February 20, 1948, helped only the Communists to gain all positions which tJhey did not occupy up to that time. The Reds were completely prepared for t 1he events of February 1948, whereas the non-communist parties were not. In fact they played into the hands of the Reds. In the fall of 1947, several anti-Communist deputies had been liquidated by the National Front coalition of Benes-Gottwald. The Reds had no trouble in finding quislings and informers to oust the resigned ministers and their adherents from the parties and replacing them with "reliaible" people. Dr. Zenkl and company - after President Benes did what Gottwald asked him to do - then realized that they were through governing. Some were arrested but many of them departed to the West, the Reds doing practically nothing �38 SLOVAKIA to stop them. The blackguards had done their work, they were free to go. The Present Communist Czecho-Slovakia After February, 1948, political persecution had free reign, the decisions of the People's Courts from the years 1945-1948 were revised and new processes initiated. Tens of thousands citizens left the Republic. The Communist Party took over all positions; the Social Democrats united with the Communists on June 27, 1948; the National Socialists, changing their name to "Czech Socialists," recognized the leading role of the Communists and today are criticizing themselves for their "bourgeois past"; Sramek's Populists became the party of Catholic Socialism with the task of completing the collectivization of agriculture. 'Dhe Communist Party and its secret police ruthlessly liquidated all non-communist influence and practically all possibility of resistance, including that of the ecclesiastical hierachy, which could perhaps hinder their progress toward socialism and communism. Small industrial enterprises, up to 1948 not affected by Benes's decrees, were nationalized, as were gradually even the smaller businesses and trades. At the same time the industrialization of the Czech lands and Slovakia was increased, costing billions of crowns which lowered the living standard of the inhabitants to a minimum. The Communist party purged itself of "undesirable" elements, deviationists and nationalists, thus ridding itself of pre-war malcontents. In the end Rudolph Slansky, Secretary-General of the Czecho-Slovak Communist Party, and ten other leading Reds were executed November 27, 1952. They were charged with "anti-State activities, espionage, Zionism, and economic sa!botage." Gottwald's group within the party was victorious over the Slansky faction, •b ut Gottwald did not enjoy his victory very long. He died nine days after Stalin in 1953 (March 14). After a t!hree year purge the situation within the Communist Party became sta!bilized in 1953. The money reform of June 1, 1953, with which some dissatisfaction was displayed in various places, was sup- �SLOVAKIA 39 posed to raise the living standard of the people and improve the economical situation. The buying power of the Czecho-Slovak crown was restored and the quality of products became better. Prices of commodities and wages of workers were adjusted, swelling the ranks of the people who had little. From 1956 the Red regime has been using more refined methods of psychological persuasion with the peasants, so that by October 1, 1959, only 19 per cent of the land remained in private hands. All sectors of political and economical life have been patterned after the Soviet model. Industrial production, according to official statistics, was four times higher in 1959 than in 1938, and by 1965 it is supposed to be sixteen times higher. In Slovakia, industrial production increased seven times over that in 1937. The standard of living, however, has not been keeping up with increased production. Prices on many necessities are still rather higih. A large majority of the population is not communist, nor is it happy with the communist regime. Annually, however, people who knew better times are dying; their places are being taken over by the younger generation which knows little else than "people's democracy." The successes of the Red regimes with sputniks and luniks has influenced the thinking of many; as has also the policy of appeasement and containment of the West. Active resistance against the Reds is practically nil. To hold onto what people have and perhaps for more material advantage, many people are cooperating with the Reds. In 1960 we saw new changes and reorganization. Some 200,000 employees in the administration of the State were made available for industry and agriculture with the dissolution of the provincial system which was replaced by ten larger economic regions. Great changes took place also in the organization of work; gradually two shifts are being instituted in all the larger enterprises. A new Constitution has been adopted to replace the Constitution of 1920. If we criticize the "golden times" of the First Republic and do not mention the many positive deeds of that period, it is because the First Republic did not fulfill the promises of the Castle propaganda. Worse, however, is �40 SLOVAKIA the fact that the representative s of the First Republic could not strengthen the morale of the people which was shaken by the long hegemony of the Habsburgs, and Benes' s capitulation broke many a backbone. Neither was morale helped by the Protectorate; and it attained a new low after 1945 when the very people who were expected to possess so much morality willingly collaborated with the enemies of all morality. The Czech nation will live even after communism. Its tragedy was caused in 1918 by politicians who cared not about national interests, a better future , solidarity and moral strength, but in the first place sought to satisfy their own ambitions (Benes) and their own glorification (Masaryk), etc. Of course, indirectly our entire nation is responsible for the development that took place from 1918 to 1948. It allowed itself to be deceived by false slogans, legends, hypocritical propaganda, and failed to heed the warnings of really devoted politicians (Kramar, Dyk, Machar, etc.). Masaryk's slogan "evolution is going to the left" and Benes's collaboration with the Reds greatly facilitated the government of the Communists. Some of those responsi1ble for our national tragedy are still among us in exile; they have the brazen impertinence to organize circles of Czech interests (The Council of Free Czecho-Slovakia, the Czech National Socialist Party in exile, etc.) with feelers in American societies for exiles, such as Radio Free Europe (RFE), Assembly of Captive European Nations (ACEN), and American Czech societies. To the wide masses of our countrymen in exile they cannot serve as an exemplary model, and, therefore, we notice in our exile increasing influences of materialism, national callousness, egocentrism, chicanery and intrigue, hypocrisy and fraud. Of course, not in our entire exile, but in a good part of it. And it is the question of our morality that will decide whether our exile will be a,ble to live through the next several years which will be according to all indications, very tough and ruthless years. (Vladimir Pekelsky, a Crech in exile, is the editor ,an/cl pu/bli,s her o'f the CzOC'h peniodidal "Sbornik Bohemia" which is pulblislh~d in Koln,Ehrenfold, W. Germany.) � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1961, Vol. 11 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 33), March-June 1961.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 34), September-December June 1961.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1961 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 27 CZECHO-SWVAKIA YESTERDAY AND TODAY BY VLADIMiR PEKEILSKY In the past several years some writers of our Czech exile have attempted to diagnose the tragedy of us all at home and in foreign lands. But they have had little success with it. J. M. Kolar, for example, is today already forgotten and the more actual Dr. Radimsky has been elevated particularly by publishers and the Czech National Socialists. Both authors came out with much that was true, but they either did not want to or did not know how to express the whole truth. Perhaps they feared the consequences. And fear has big eyes. Nevertheless, many times it is not only fear, but opportunism and various other interests which prevent authors from writing about matters that might interest readers the most. It was just this that inspired me to touch upon problems which still are strictly taboo in most Czech exile publications. Czecho-Slovakia 1918-1938 Today very few of our people want to recall the whole truth about the first Czecho-Slovak Republic. Without regard to nationality and political affiliation, that is. The younger generation, born after 1925, did not know the first Repu blic and, therefore, cannot make any judgments of it from personal experiences. For us oldsters it meant much, though only 20 years in the thousand-year history of our Czech nation, and the judgment of history may arouse only criticism, because with the establishment of Czecho-Slovakia the road for modern dictatorships into Central Europe was facilitated. In exile we have become accustomed to read - from articles of former collaborators of Dr. Edward Benes - nothing but praise about the first republic. The writers deliberately fail to see the state bankruptcies of 1938-1939 and 1945-1948, the internal causes thereof. They blame everything on outside intervention. The first Republic was presented to the world as a model of democracy, freedom, state order and welfare, and, were it not - according to them - for the bad Germans 1 28 SLOVAKIA and Russians, it still could have been the "perfection" it was. Not a word is said a'bout the patronage of France. Thus they continue to falsify the facts, just as they did during the time of Masaryk and Benes w'hen huge sums were paid out to foreign journals and journalists to sing nothing but praises aibout the first Republic. Of course, we can and we should recall the many good things about the first Czecho-Slovak Republic. Yet it would be irresponsible of us if we did not look into the causes of the bankruptcy and collapse of democratic Czecho-Slovakia within ourselves and in internal circumstances. Dr. Vaclav Boucek, principal defender of Masaryk and Benes, did not flatter the state system of Czecho-Slovakia when he described it as a "quasi-democracy with a quasiparliamentary system." A multitude of good people, financially well-founded groups, investors, state officers, but also political barterers were satisfied with the then Prague ·r egime. The propertyless groups of inhabitants, the indebted peasants and home owners, the unemployed and the adherents of nonCzech nationalities (e.g., the greater unemployment in the German sectors and the vain attempts of the new Slovak intelligentsia to fill positions in the public life of Slovakia) looked upon the state system with more or less criticism. And today very few of our people want to admit that comIJ11mism had a significant voice in our political life from the very first years of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. But the fact is that it did. The following statistics show the results of three elections, the mandates won by the respective parties: Politica•l Party cs Social Demo.c ratic (1) cs People's Party (2) c.s A1grarian ORepulblioam,) (3) C"'5 Na:ti,o nal Socialist (4) C-S Niattiona,l Democratic (5) C,S Tradesmen's C-S Progressive Socialist Slovak Na-tionail (6) (Hlinka's) Slovak People's (7) Czech Na,tcional Fascist 'Mand-at-es won by tihe Parties 1920 1925 1-935 33 29 3'1 28 415 24 28 113' 13 74 1,9 6 3 1~ 23 38 22 45 28 17 l:'7 22 6 29 SLOVAKIA German Sociialist Democratic German Community German Nationalist German Nat'io.n1al So,ci,a iist German Agrariain German Christian Socialists German Democraili:c Sudeten Germ-run, Magyar Agrarian Miaigyar-Germain Soc. Dem. Magy,a r Christian Socia,Jist Ma,gyair Bloc GS Communist (8) Others Tota,] Number of Mandates 17 111 1-0 7 1,1 24 10 5 1,3 5 6 44 1 4 5 4 9 30 285 300 300 (1) The main worker's Gsocialist) party founded in 11878. (2) Hliruka's Slovak People's Party voted with this party in the 19!20 elec1Jiions and was allowed 12 manda:tes, 1while the resp. Czeoho,Slovak P,e ople's Pa,r ty (Sra1mek's) got 21. The largest Slovak politi'c al p,arty in Slovakia. (3) Founded by Amltonin Svehla in 1899. (4) Founded by Czeclh soci-a.Jists in 1896. Dr. Edward Benes later lbecame its leader. (5) Fiounded tby Dr. Kramar in 19118 ; comlbi·n ed witlh the Dle'c.h Nation/al Union Party (Strilbrny's) be!fo,r e the 19315 elections. (6) Founded be'fore fhe 1872 elections. In 19315 it voted wiith Hlinka's party as the Autonomist BJ.oc. (7) The Slovatk People's (Populist) :Party was founded by !Father Andrew Hlinika, Dec. 5, 1905. (8) The Czecho-'SJ,o,v ak (iread "Cm;)OH") Communist Party was fuunijed Nov. 2, 1920, after .brea~ing with the So'Ci-a•l Democrats; the deputies joining it: 23 Czeeho..Slovak S1oci1al Democraits, 3 German Social Democrats, aind 1· Ma,g;yar Soci,al Democrat. (The parties qualified as "Czecho-Slovak" were in fact Czech-dominated parties · with affiliates in Slovakia. There were only two genuine SLOVAK political parties: the IDinka Slovak People's Party and the Slovak National Party; both supported autonomy for Slovakia, the Pittsburgh Pact of May 30, 1918. - Ed. note). The municipal election in Prague, May 29, 1938, showed the following five parties. with the largest vote: Cze<:h National Socialists - 151,600; Communists - 99,900; Social Democrats - 75,809; National Unity - 68,007; Czech Populist - 37,749. In the 1925 parliamentary elections the Communist 30 SLOVAKIA Party received 933,711 votes; ten years later (1935) it got 849,0000 votes. Do the above statistics warrant the frequently used phrase "Masaryk's or Benes's Republic" and calling the citizens of Czecho-Slovakia "the children of Masaryk"? Would any Czech want to say that the communists, Henleinists, Magyars, Poles, and Slovaks considered themselves "children of Masaryk"? It is a fact that even the Czech rightists criticized or repudiated Masaryk in a large measure. Not only the extreme groups but even a large part of the Czech National Democrats, Agrarians, and adherents of the Czech People's Party in Moravia. We know that during the rule of Masaryk and Benes many things were done which were not honorable. For example, already in 1924 freedom of the press was limited by Law No. 124, and the freedom of the press in the "democratic Czecho-:Slovak Republic," so highly praised by Radio Free Europe even today, in reality looked much less free than in France, the United States and England. Various publications, not only those of the opposition, were frequently confiscated and censored and were issued with "white windows" or as "corrected" issues after censorship. At that time it was said that the journalists were thereby trained "to worship at the willows." ,' Corruption was extensive, but no law could be promulgated to wipe it out because political parties and many government people were against passing such a law. Hundreds of millions of crowns thus disappeared in bottomless pockets. We still remember the alcohol case, the gasoline affair, the corruption in the sugar business, in the construction of the electrical plant in Ervenice and the Fenix Insurance affair, and the corruption connected with the land reform, the parceling out of surplus estates. In tlhe first Republic even the elections cannot be called- truly democratic. The broad masses of the people were not satisfied with the electoral system, because: they were not allowed to choose candidates. The law, however, ordered all citizens .to take part in the elections and to vote for the political parties and their selected candidates. Ob- SLOVAKIA 31 viously many incapable people thus became members of the parliament, interested not in the welfare of the people and the country, but in the first place in the welfare and power of their respective parties. Corruption flourished. Only the political key was used in forming a government and qualifications for a ministerial position meant practically nothing. The parties controlled all public service jobs in the State on the national and local levels. Since one had a large selection of political parties, quite a few citizens carried memib ership cards of several political parties. Thus was the first Czecho-Slovak Republic undermined, as well as confidence in the State and the democratic system which hypocritically bore the slogan "Truth prevails" on its escutcheon - which even the present communist regime has allowed to remain on the State insignia. The enthusiasm with which the Slovaks and Czechs welcomed the establishment of the Czecho-Slovak Republic in 1918 soon cooled and forced many hot heads into opposition. The am1bitious Dr. Benes, however, knew how to deal with the opposition: he liquidated it ruthlessly. To this end he used his secret archive which he had made up for opportune moments, even doctors' opinions, as in the case of Stnbrny. Democracy became limited during the lifetime of T. G. Masaryk, and more so during the presidency of Dr. Benes. Masaryk did not seek the support of political parties; he was above all parties. Benes, on the other hand, depended on the support of t!he National Socialists, who, in 1935 tried, though unsuccessfully, to promulgate a law to dissolve all political parties and to establish a new uniform State party with himself at its head. The National Socialists must be regard~d as the grave-diggers of CzechoSlovakia and democracy; their active collaboration with the communists during the war and after is still fresh in our memories. The parasites of Benes's political clique refuse to admit their guilt in the catastrophe. They still sing praises to Bene~ with the help of whose name they hope to find favor with Czech settlers in Canada and the United States. 32 SLOVAKIA Ruthenia illustrate s Benes's political character quite clearly. During a visit to that country in May, 1934, when he was still Foreign Minister, Benes said: "Czecho-S lovakia, having become the holder (trustee) of Sub-Carp athian Russia by the decision of the Peace Conferenc e, will never give up this land, it will never allow any revisionism in this question and shall defend this land with you to its last drop of blood" (Narodna Politika: May 6, 1924) . We know just how Benes defended Ruthenia : he negotiated with Soviet Ambassa dor Majsky in London, in 1941, to sell out that hapless country. On July 4, 1938, Dr. Benes prophesie d to a deputatio n of Sokols: "Nothing will happen tha,t might harm our State, our Republic and our democrat ic regime; in this jubilee year of our Republic, with our sincere effort for just colla:boratio n with all citizens of all nationalit ies, we shall demonstrat e anew to the world that our State is just, solid, ready to resist aggressio n, mature and peace-lov ing." The result: Munich! To complem ent the shameles s character of Benes in his statemen t, published in the "Wiedom osci polskie" (June 15, 1941): "And when a man thinks of it, we Czechs nevertheless did foresee actually everythin g!" When a Polish journalis t asked him whether he really meant everythin g, Benes replied: "Yes, I mean everythin g!" The Munich catastrop he, the capitulati on and flight of Dr. Benes into foreign lands did away for the time being with any remnants of sympafili y the Czech nation had for Benes (the Slovaks and others had none for him). In 1945, the Czech nation welcomed his return, but the enthusiasm displayed was not for him but rather an expressio n of joy that the war and Nazi occupatio n had ended. The Second Republic Post-Mun ich Czecho-S lovakia, the second Republic, was of short duration. It was still free, but betrayed by all its foreign friends; it was smaller in area and without great !hopes of preservat ion. It was also without Benes, who had voluntari ly resigned from the presidenc y and, after his SLOVAKIA 33 flight from Czecho-Slovakia, had even wished much success to the new, constitutionally elected, President, Dr. Emil Ha.cha. With the voluntary joining of the parties of the right in the Party of National Unity and the parties of the left in the Labor Party, an effort was expressed to simplify and cure the ills of political life. The relations of the first Republic, particularly the person and environment of Dr. Benes, were the target of wide criticism, especially from the Party of National Unity which, surprisingly enough, even the National Socialists joined. The party renounced Benes and favored the right. Its chairman, J. V. Klofac, identifying Czech National Socialism with Hitler's National Socialism, said: "We must not only catch up with Germany and its National Socialism, but surpass it .... In Central Europe we must give a model example of coexistence of the Slovanic peoples and Germans, which is all the easier for us, since we are also connected by blood. My Father's mother was a full-blooded German." And referring to Benes quite obviously, Klofac proclaimed: "We must repudiate everyone who prattles like a child about the approaching moment that shall return to us everything we lost in October - and which is definitely lost." No Czech political party so completely reversed itself up to that time. The conflict with the Slovaks and Hitler's intervention liquidated the second Republic; the Czech lands became the "Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia." The Protectorat.e of Bohemia and Moravia The burden of the German occupation was felt not only in public life, but also by every society and family. German pressure was terrific; aJbout 300,000 Czechs proclaimed themselves Germans. Children were taught German and sang German songs. The attempt to unite the parties and groups of the right, which after March 15, 1939, formed the so-called "National Committee," failed and the party of the so-called "National Alliance" was formed. Various rightist and fascist groups existed too, illegally but tolerated, which had little or practically no influence with the Germans. Opportunistic servants and functionaries of 34 SLOVAKIA former political parties better served the purposes of the Germans than the nationalistic groups. Even though no one wants to admit it, the fact is that, after the arrival of the German Army in Pilsen, among the first to be arrested and liquidated, along with the students, on November 17, 1939, were also fascists and Vlajkists. Collaboration with the Germans was ratlher common; it was rather a question of the personal character of individuals without regard to political belief. Opportunism played a significant role until the defeat of the Germans at Stalingrad. Czech resistance against nazism grew with the approaching end of the war. One of the most notorious collaborators was Emanuel Moravec, Minister of Enlightenment, former co-worker of Stransky's "Lidove Noviny" and Benes's Military propagandist (alias Stanislav Yester). We remember, too, Arno Baise, former communist, who held the leading position in the trade organization NO-OZ; and Emanuel Slechta, designated in the Records of the London Department of the Interior as a collaborator, who nevertheless was given a place in the presidium of the Czech National Socialists and, in 1948, became the chairman of the communized Czech socialists. Benes's decrees, prepared by Dr. Jaroslav Stransky in London, often punishing with the tendency of personal vengeance (recall the cases of Stribrny, R. Beran, and others), created the possibility of settling personal accounts and were more or less a weapon for political blackmail. Benes often assured the world that the Constitution of 1920 was still valid during the war and after 1945, bu't he ruled by decrees, flaunting ther~by the highest law of the land, which he had sworn to uphold. The Foreign Activity of Dr. Benes . As an exile in London, Benes proclaimed himself president of Czecho-Slovakia, organized a government, proclaimed war against Hitler and all his allies, borrowed from Britain for his. activity over fifty million pounds Sterling, and covered with a veil of secrecy the fate of the gold treasure that was in foreign lands. Benes welcomed the defeat of France, wlhich showed him no sympathy, organized SLOVAKIA 35 a foreign army of a!bout 4,000 men in England, and every year prophesied the aproaching end of Hitler. Churchill was criticized openly even during the war, but anyone who attempted to criticize Benes was ruthlessly denounced and liquidated. Benes's vanity and ambition knew no bounds; critics and opponents were arrested or politically isolated (Gen. Lev Prchala, Deputy Fr. Schwarz, Ambassador Osusky, former Prime Minister M. Hod.fa, Rudolph Be~hyne, leader of the Czech Social Democrats, Malim, president of the State Bank,and others). Benes had quite a bit of opposition not only among the exiles, but even among the old settlers in the United States and Canada. In 1940, Czech Catholics still backed Dr. Emil Ha.cha, the duly elected president of Czecho-Slovakia; Slovak emigration was for the most part for the Slovak State. While the freethinkers and socialists supported Benes at the outset, the Communists adopted a wait-and-see attitude. In the United States, the most outspoken against Benes was the Czech Monsignor F. Mikolasek, whose scorching articles appeared in the St. Louis "Hlas," and the "Katolicky Delnik." Many of us expected Dr. Charles Pergler to openly stand against Benes, since he was evicted from Czecho-Slovakia by Masaryk and Benes despite his many merits for the Czecho-Slovak Republic and his deputorial mandate. But he remained silent like so many others. In the London exile, Dr. Benes committed further treason against the principles of freedom and democracy: he prepared the liquidation of civic parties that were always strongly opposed to him. The National Socialists he had in the palm of his hand; to the Social Democrats and the Populists he sent his agents (B. Lausman, V. Majer, P. Tigrid, I. Duch.a.eek, and others). The only problem that Benes had, as far as the presidency of Czecho-Slovakia was concerned, were the communists toward whom, however, he had had no internal opposition. In 1939, Benes wrote in his "Democracy Today and Tomorrow": . "On the other hand, Communism in its philosophy and morality has a certain similarity with democracy. It also stands for equality ,of all peoples and nations. It is also humanitarian, : un.ivel"Salistiic, intellectu-alistic and rationalistic. It is also pacifist, intemationalistic 36 SLOVAKIA and stands for a policy of United Nations. From this standpoint its moral and phil050phical basis is the same as that of democracy." The main supposition of Benes's agreement with the Reds was the assurance that with their support he would again become President of the Czecho-Slovak Republic and be able to rule dictatorially by means of "revolutionary" decrees. He turned his back cooly on the anti-communist Polish exiles with whom, when he needed them to gain the support of the English, Benes concluded pacts of friendship and close political and economical cooperation in the future. The People's Democracy 1945-1948 The events of 1945-1948 are well known to us. Benes's decrees contributed to the socialization of Czecho-Slovakia, tJhe expulsion of the Sudeten Germans caused an economical vacuum for many years, and retributional decrees helped to liquidate the anti-communist opposition. The height of the immorality of Benes's regime was the issuance of his decree of October 27, 1945, which amnestied all crimes against humanity during the "punishment of Germans and collaborators" after May 5, 1945. In the history of justice this amnesty represents a singular document wher~by a government sanctioned murder, violence, and thievery - something that no dictatorship, not even the Nazi type, allowed itself up to that time. Benes, his government, and the non-communist parties indisputably helped to bolshevize Czecho~Slovakia. They tried to suripass the Reds in cruelty during the expulsion of Germans and Magyars and they out-trumped them in chauvinism. On June 25, 1945, the National Socialists formed the so-called socialistic bloc with the Social Democrats and Communists and then tried to create a common socialistic party - similar to the SED in East Germany - which, however, the Communists would not buy. In 1945 there was no freedom of the press, the government controlling everything. There were a few exceptional journalists who, from time to time, tried to criticize some of the existing conditions, but to no avail. The Kosice Program, approved by all the political parties permitted to ex- SLOVAKIA 37 ist by Prague and united in the so-called National Front, clearly stated the limits of post-war freedom for everyone and was the program for the progressive bolshevization of Czecho-Slovakia. The first postwar elections, in May, 1946, brought victory for the Communists who received 38.1 per cent (in Slovakia only 30.4 per cent) of the votes cast. During the election campaign the solidarity of the National Front was not violated in the new government of Klement Gottwald. All political leaders vowed to remain loyal to the Soviet Union and unanimously approved the two-year economic plan which was on the order of the Soviet five-year..plan. Dr. Hubert Ripka, the National Socialist Minister, zealously propagated the Czecho-Slovak-Soviet Treaty of colla1boration (Dec. 13, 1943) and tied the economy of the country to that of the Soviet Union. When Stalin forced Prague not to participate in the Marshall Plan, in 1947, the non-Communist Ministers had more cause to resign then than they had in February 1948. At that time, however, the Ministers still speculated that they would be able to continue to share power with the Reds. They were not concerned about the principle of freedom, democracy, or western orientation; they simply wanted to remain in power. The resignation of twelve non-communist Ministers (out of a total of 26), headed by Dr. Peter Zenkl, on February 20, 1948, helped only the Communists to gain all positions which tJhey did not occupy up to that time. The Reds were completely prepared for t 1he events of February 1948, whereas the non-communist parties were not. In fact they played into the hands of the Reds. In the fall of 1947, several anti-Communist deputies had been liquidated by the National Front coalition of Benes-Gottwald. The Reds had no trouble in finding quislings and informers to oust the resigned ministers and their adherents from the parties and replacing them with "reliaible" people. Dr. Zenkl and company - after President Benes did what Gottwald asked him to do - then realized that they were through governing. Some were arrested but many of them departed to the West, the Reds doing practically nothing 38 SLOVAKIA to stop them. The blackguards had done their work, they were free to go. The Present Communist Czecho-Slovakia After February, 1948, political persecution had free reign, the decisions of the People's Courts from the years 1945-1948 were revised and new processes initiated. Tens of thousands citizens left the Republic. The Communist Party took over all positions; the Social Democrats united with the Communists on June 27, 1948; the National Socialists, changing their name to "Czech Socialists," recognized the leading role of the Communists and today are criticizing themselves for their "bourgeois past"; Sramek's Populists became the party of Catholic Socialism with the task of completing the collectivization of agriculture. 'Dhe Communist Party and its secret police ruthlessly liquidated all non-communist influence and practically all possibility of resistance, including that of the ecclesiastical hierachy, which could perhaps hinder their progress toward socialism and communism. Small industrial enterprises, up to 1948 not affected by Benes's decrees, were nationalized, as were gradually even the smaller businesses and trades. At the same time the industrialization of the Czech lands and Slovakia was increased, costing billions of crowns which lowered the living standard of the inhabitants to a minimum. The Communist party purged itself of "undesirable" elements, deviationists and nationalists, thus ridding itself of pre-war malcontents. In the end Rudolph Slansky, Secretary-General of the Czecho-Slovak Communist Party, and ten other leading Reds were executed November 27, 1952. They were charged with "anti-State activities, espionage, Zionism, and economic sa!botage." Gottwald's group within the party was victorious over the Slansky faction, •b ut Gottwald did not enjoy his victory very long. He died nine days after Stalin in 1953 (March 14). After a t!hree year purge the situation within the Communist Party became sta!bilized in 1953. The money reform of June 1, 1953, with which some dissatisfaction was displayed in various places, was sup- SLOVAKIA 39 posed to raise the living standard of the people and improve the economical situation. The buying power of the Czecho-Slovak crown was restored and the quality of products became better. Prices of commodities and wages of workers were adjusted, swelling the ranks of the people who had little. From 1956 the Red regime has been using more refined methods of psychological persuasion with the peasants, so that by October 1, 1959, only 19 per cent of the land remained in private hands. All sectors of political and economical life have been patterned after the Soviet model. Industrial production, according to official statistics, was four times higher in 1959 than in 1938, and by 1965 it is supposed to be sixteen times higher. In Slovakia, industrial production increased seven times over that in 1937. The standard of living, however, has not been keeping up with increased production. Prices on many necessities are still rather higih. A large majority of the population is not communist, nor is it happy with the communist regime. Annually, however, people who knew better times are dying; their places are being taken over by the younger generation which knows little else than "people's democracy." The successes of the Red regimes with sputniks and luniks has influenced the thinking of many; as has also the policy of appeasement and containment of the West. Active resistance against the Reds is practically nil. To hold onto what people have and perhaps for more material advantage, many people are cooperating with the Reds. In 1960 we saw new changes and reorganization. Some 200,000 employees in the administration of the State were made available for industry and agriculture with the dissolution of the provincial system which was replaced by ten larger economic regions. Great changes took place also in the organization of work; gradually two shifts are being instituted in all the larger enterprises. A new Constitution has been adopted to replace the Constitution of 1920. If we criticize the "golden times" of the First Republic and do not mention the many positive deeds of that period, it is because the First Republic did not fulfill the promises of the Castle propaganda. Worse, however, is 40 SLOVAKIA the fact that the representative s of the First Republic could not strengthen the morale of the people which was shaken by the long hegemony of the Habsburgs, and Benes' s capitulation broke many a backbone. Neither was morale helped by the Protectorate; and it attained a new low after 1945 when the very people who were expected to possess so much morality willingly collaborated with the enemies of all morality. The Czech nation will live even after communism. Its tragedy was caused in 1918 by politicians who cared not about national interests, a better future , solidarity and moral strength, but in the first place sought to satisfy their own ambitions (Benes) and their own glorification (Masaryk), etc. Of course, indirectly our entire nation is responsible for the development that took place from 1918 to 1948. It allowed itself to be deceived by false slogans, legends, hypocritical propaganda, and failed to heed the warnings of really devoted politicians (Kramar, Dyk, Machar, etc.). Masaryk's slogan "evolution is going to the left" and Benes's collaboration with the Reds greatly facilitated the government of the Communists. Some of those responsi1ble for our national tragedy are still among us in exile; they have the brazen impertinence to organize circles of Czech interests (The Council of Free Czecho-Slovakia, the Czech National Socialist Party in exile, etc.) with feelers in American societies for exiles, such as Radio Free Europe (RFE), Assembly of Captive European Nations (ACEN), and American Czech societies. To the wide masses of our countrymen in exile they cannot serve as an exemplary model, and, therefore, we notice in our exile increasing influences of materialism, national callousness, egocentrism, chicanery and intrigue, hypocrisy and fraud. Of course, not in our entire exile, but in a good part of it. And it is the question of our morality that will decide whether our exile will be a,ble to live through the next several years which will be according to all indications, very tough and ruthless years. (Vladimir Pekelsky, a Crech in exile, is the editor ,an/cl pu/bli,s her o'f the CzOC'h peniodidal "Sbornik Bohemia" which is pulblislh~d in Koln,Ehrenfold, W. Germany.)  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Czecho-Slovakia Yesterday and Today Description An account of the resource Vladimír Pekelský Slovakia, Vol. 11, No. 2 (34), September-December 1961 pp. 27-40 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Pekelský, Vladimír Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource September-December 1961 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/4420b4453e192d09d2d212a901402912.pdf afcd80dcea279c3e678c67cd55f6063e PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 121 Separate Paths: Czech and Slovak Foreign Policies Since 1993 James W. Peterson Introduction Foll owing the 1993 break-up of Czechos lovaki a into the Czech Re public and Slovak ia, the two states needed to attend to chall enging fo re ign po li cy iss ues. Wh ile there were important d iffe rences in the situations of the two states, the broad chall enges th at awaited them were s imil ar. In ge nera l, th eir res ponses to those chall enges put the two co untri es on se parate path s th roug ho ut much of the 1990s. It may be th at the iss ues th at led to the brea k-up o f C zechos lo vakia proved too much to overco me in the earl y years after the split. However, by th e earl y twenty-fi rst ce ntury, the ir separate path s moved closer together and stra ightened out in such a way th at they become parallel. The initi al di ffe rences in the new geopo litica l positi ons of the two states were pro nounced. Whil e th e o ld Czechos lovak state had often served as a long, bridge- like link betwee n East and West, the two new co untri es leaned in di ffe rent direction s. Slovak leaders initi all y and instincti ve ly thought about ties to eastern countri es, as well as to th e Yisegrad organizati o n, in whi ch its future pros pec ts were linked to those o f the Czec h Re public, Po land, and Hun gary. By contra st, the Czec h Re public leadership looked westward s to th e o utstretched, embrac ing arms of we ll -es tabli shed European stru ctures . Th e S lova k path was more uncertain and waverin g th an was th e Czech, for Co ld War organi zati onal structures in the east had broken down. �122 SLOVAKIA In light of their contrasting geopolitical orientations, the two states responded differently to common challenges. First, they confronted common political challenges in different ways. While many of these political pressures were primarily domestic , they all had an impact on future foreign policy choices and potentialities. For examp le, both states sought to establish functioning political party systems that would be capab le of proposing consistent foreign policies. Both were under scrutiny from the outside wor ld on the issue of treatment of important minority groups within the country. Further, in each country cultivation of non-governmental organizations that cou ld extend the roots of foreign policy debates further into the civil society was an important goa l. Different strategies on democratization led the two nations on different political paths regarding foreign policy questions. A second common challenge for the Czechs and Slovaks emerged from the economic sector. Newly elected leaders immediately wrestled with the que stion of converting centrally-planned economies into the principles of the free market. Again , this issue was not exclusively domestic . Success in competing for outside loans was contingent on progress made in privatization of enterprises, in release from fixed price controls, and in the estab li shment of principles of competitiveness . By the middl e of the 1990s, prospects for admission to the European Union (EU) were good. Leadership in the Czech Republic initially put a higher priority both on rapid conversion to capita li sm and on links to the EU than did the Slovaks. Thirdly, location of a dependable national security structure was a common problem in the two nations. The Warsaw Pact, a structure that had ostensibly ass ured the protection of the Czechoslovak state did not long survive the end of the Cold War. Give n Slovakia 's more eastern location , there was a long debate on the question of whe ther it was more desirabl e to preserve what was left of ties to its eastern neighbors or to res pond to overtures from the West. For the Czech Republic it was more obvious that participation in western institution s would be th e next step. The West European Union (WEU), �SLOVAKIA 123 North Atl anti c Treaty Orga ni zati on (NATO), and the EU's Common Fo re ig n a nd Sec urit y Po li cy (C FSP) we re co nte nd e rs fo r th a t linkage. It sho uld be no surpri se that the fo re ig n po li c ies of S lovaki a and the Czec h Re publi c di verged in the earl y years afte r separation but the n reco nnec ted. The ir commo n ex peri e nce in the Czec hos lovak state th ro ug h e ig ht decades bo re th e sa me contras tin g fea tures. C ultural simil ariti es drew the m together, but at times bitter po litica l and eco no mi c ex pe ri e nces pu shed the m apart. Once freed fro m the larger state. th ey made quite di ffe re nt cho ices fo r a number of years. However, reg io na l and s itu a ti o na l fo rces eventu a ll y pu shed th e ir path s in the world together aga in . Political Factors and Foreign Policy of the Two Nation-States The Czech Republic C reati o n of an effec ti ve, po li cy-ori e nted po litica l syste m was a chall enge in the earl y 1990 s. In the C zec h Republic there was initi a lly considera bl e co ntinuity in po liti ca l leadership afte r Janu ary 1993 . Vac lav Have l re ma in ed as Pres id e nt of the small e r state, whil e Vac lav Kl a us co ntinu ed o n as Prim e Mini ster. The do min ant po litica l party of Kl aus was still the C ivic Democratic Party (ODS), an organi zati o n th at had bee n bo rn o ut of the C ivic Forum so ac ti ve durin g the eve nts of 1989. In genera l, the Kl aus governm ent ( 1993-97 ) e nd o rsed a ll the steps co nn ec ted w ith th e re turn to E uro pe. Th e brea k-up of th e Czechos lovak state put th e Ukra ine and Ru ss ia furthe r away geographi ca ll y fro m the C zec h Republic . Thu s, the Czechs as earl y as 1994 jo ined the Partn ership fo r Peace (P4 P) and stressed c loser link s to Po land . 105 A n a na lys is of po liti ca l party pos iti o ns durin g e lec ti o ns in the 1990 s is very revea lin g in te rm s o f the iss ues and de bates that 0 ' ' See Thomas S. Szayna. ··The Czech Republic: A Small Contributor or a ' Free Rider·'l_-· in Andrew A . M ichta. ed .. A merica·s New A llies: Poland. Hungary. and the Czech Republic in NA TO (Sea tt le: Un i versity of Washingto n Press. 1999). pp. 11 2- 148 . �124 SLOVAKIA circulated throughout the Czech Republic. Political party leaders debated the merits of the move to the West but finally endorsed it. The 1998 elections are a useful example . The Czech Social Democratic Party (CSSD) ended up technically in power, with Milos Zeman as Prime Minister, but the party needed to establish a "Gentlemen ' s Agreement" with the ODS in order to function as a government. For the CSSD there was less emphasis in the e lection campaign on hardheaded defen se of national interests and more of a focus on livin g standards and the rights of citizens within the country . This priority on domestic issues led the CSSD to endorse the idea of a referendum prior to entry into either the EU or NATO. There a lso was a humanitarian component to its view of Czech relations with the outside world. Such a focus led the CSSD to upgrade the importance of North-South relations and the related role of the UN. It concluded that Czechs should have a say whenever human ri ghts were jeopardized in any part of the world . While it endorsed EU membership, it thought of it in terms of stimulating the Czech economy. While it favored NATO entry , it expressed grave concerns about the future location of nuclear weapon s on Czech territory. During the I 998 election the ODS continued to give a " realpolitik" cast to its statements on foreign policy. National interests rather than humanitarian concerns were its top priority. NATO membership cou ld bring increased security for the nation as well as trade and technological benefits. The latter would promote development of the free market, a priority for Klaus since the early 1990s. National economic interests were of paramount importance, whi le crusades connected with globalization and human rights were to be carefu ll y examined. Increased Czech exports through membership in international organizations were the desired outcome. Thus, the party said less than did the CSSD about broader, western-based international organizations that could pull the Czech nation beyond the orbit of its national interests. 106 106 See Jakub Durr, Vo/by '98 (Brno: Pavel Saradin , 2000), pp. 84-97. �SLOVAKIA 125 Attention to th e views of the main political parties enriches understa ndin gs of the Czech point of view on the major foreign and security policy question s of the day. Czech voters in the 2002 elections confirmed the steady march toward s inclu sion in western institution s. Rejection of the ODS was based in part on the negative reaction to the "euroskeptic" views of Klau s on the matter of integration into the EU . Public support for EU membership was confirmed in the results of the June 2003 Referendum. EU support for Czech membership had been offered at the end of 2002. One of the continuing political challenges for the Czech Republic during the 1990s was the iss ue of minority rights, a matter that affected the country's relation ship with the outside world. The criteria for entering both NATO and the EU required a record of fairness toward key groups within the population . One major conflict was the relationship between Czechs and the Roma. A number of well-publicized incidents have raised questions about Czech attitudes and policies. For example, the erection of a wall by Czechs in Ustf nad Labem in 1999 became a foreign policy incident as well as a temporary setback to pursuit of EU membership. It was clear that the wall was intended to prevent Czechs from having to view the Rom a population as well as their Iife-sty le. Attention to such iss ues was necessary in li ght of integration into western institutions. Development of a robust political culture on foreign policy questions remained another challenge to the new state. One s ignificant new factor was the emerge nce of a visible public opinion on foreign policy questions. In genera l, the public was supportive of the new linkages with western institutions. However, there were some differences that were sign ifi ca nt. Public opinion polls over time demonstrated a stabl e level of support for EU entry . However, before 1999 support for entry into NATO was less impressive. 107 Events of 1999 made some difference. In that year the Czech Republic actually en- ' 07 See Caro l Skalnik Leff, The Czech and Slovak Republics: Nation Versus State (Bou lder. Colorado: Westview Press, 1997), p 263. �SLOVAKIA 126 te red NATO , a nd th e Kosovo bo mbin g ca mpa ig n imm edi a te ly occurred . Suc h proximity to th e wars in the Ba lkan s made Czec hs somewhat more like ly to think pos iti ve ly abo ut NATO entry. Th ere were a lso uniqu e e ffo rts to build suppo rt within the po litical culture for certain fore ig n poli cy instituti o ns. One abiding problem was the negative set of Czec h attitudes abo ut the ro le of the military. C zec h resentme nt of the military is unde rstand abl e in li g ht o f the long years of the Sov ie t military prese nce afte r 1968 . Al so , after 1989 th e So vie t military left a catastro phe in many Czec h co mmu niti es. The barracks a nd o the r fac iliti es were in te rribl e co nditi o n, and individu a l Sovi et units had ta ke n anythin g of va lue fro m those locati o ns. One effort to build mo re pos iti ve Czec h attitudes abo ut the military too k pl ace in So uth Bo he mi a. A c iti ze n group ca ll ed S AS was fo rmed in 1997. The a im of the group was to de mon strate th at the Czec h military was a contributin g in strume nt in a de mocra ti c state rather than mere ly an in strume nt o f power. The SAS established link s to sc hoo ls and uni versities with the obj ec tive of c ultiv atin g a mo re pos iti ve attitude abo ut the C zech military. It set up co nfere nces and a lso co nsulted spec ia li sts from o the r nati o ns. In fac t, o ne res ult o f thi s acti vity was the creation of spec ial ti es betwee n the c ity o f Ces ky Kruml o v in the Czec h Republi c and Mi a mi Beac h in the State of Fl o rida, USA . A public e xcha nge of ideas abo ut the rol e of th e military could gene rate more in fo rmed C zech perspec ti ves about the va lue of a strong defense capability to cope w ith new threats. 108 Mo re positive attitudes about th e military wo uld fac ilitate integ rati o n into western o rgani zati o ns such as NATO. Slovakia The creati o n of po liti ca l stability was a greater c ha lle nge for Sl ovaki a than it was fo r the Czec h Republi c . In the C zec h case continuity of leadership from the 1989-93 period to th e post-1989 pe riod ' 08 J. Yondro us. .. Regionaln f dimenze ceskeho atl anti smu.'· M inisterst vo zahranicnfch vecf(2002). h ttp: //wwW .lllZ V.C/. March 2002 . �SLOVAKIA 127 contributed to stability. In the Slovak case continuity of leadership undermined rather than supported stability. Vladimfr Meciar had been the chosen Slovak leader in the two years immediately after the 1989 revolution. His new party, Movement for a Democratic Slovakia (HZDS), did very well in the 1992 elections, and this enabled him again to become Prime Minister once Slovakia became an independent state in 1993 . He was reluctant to reform in any comprehensive way the centrally planned economy, and thus privatization was very slow. In addition, his government included " many of the old regime ' s cadres, resources, and xenophobic ideologies intact. " 109 Meciar fell from power in the spring of 1994, and a caretaker government under Jozef Moravcfk managed public affairs until the fall elections. Again, the voters returned a coalition government headed by Meciar and the HZDS to power, and this government lasted through the next elections in 1998. In this period Meciar basically put the brakes both on democratization and on the movement of the economic system towards free market principles. The political experiences of the first half decade of independence had major consequences for foreign policy, as Slovakia made very slow progress on the criteria that both NATO and the EU presented to it. During the I 998-2002 period , a coalition led by the Social Democratic and Christian Union (SDKU) took the leading role in government, after the public rebuffed Meciar for a third time. Mikulas Dzurinda as Prime Minister gradually moved Slovakia back onto the path towards western institutions. He emerged again as Prime Minister after the fall 2002 elections , and so the steady movement toward NATO and the EU remained unchanged. Meciar and the HZDS were still prominent and in fact received in 2002 both the largest share of the popular vote ( 19.5 %) and the highest number of seats in the I 50 seat legislature (36). His rhetoric on foreign policy was more muted in this campaign , but numerous warnings emanated from NATO and ,m Rudolf L. Tokes. " From Visegrad to Krakow: Cooperation, Competition , and Coexi stence in Central Europe," Problems of Communism 40( 1991 ), pp. 100-114. �SLOVAKIA 128 the EU leade rship a bo ut the imp licati o ns of a new governme nt in whic h the HZ DS pl ayed a ny rol e at a ll. In late Septe mber work began o n a coa liti o n th at would in c lude Dzu rinda's S DK U, the C hristi a n De mocrati c Uni o n (KDH), A lli a nce fo r ew C itize ns (A 0), and the Hungari an Coa liti o n (SMK). In earl y October thi s fo ur-party coa litio n fo rged an ag reeme nt abo ut executi ve pos iti o ns, and the new governme nt was in pl ace. A ll of these arra nge me nts were a imed to keep Sl ova ki a o n a stead y trac k in es tabli shin g its new, wes te rn o rgani zatio na l connectio ns in fore ig n poli cy. 11 0 Whil e the Czechs had been press ured by the o utside world o n the matte r of the Ro ma, Slovaks were c riti c ized fo r the ir treatment of the Hun garian mi no rity. Aga in , the Mec iar periods were suspec t in th is regard . Otto Ulc1 11 ex pl a in s thi s situ ati o n by notin g th at afte r 1968 Slova ks were not pro min e nt in the di ss ide nt moveme nt th at e mphasized hum a n ri ghts. Part of the pro bl e m was a lso the lack of ex perie nce of S lova ks in the Czechoslovak dipl o mati c corps. The leaders may have not understood full y the way in whi ch Slova ki a's domesti c record o n mino rity re lati o ns, the e nviro nme nt , a nd autho ritari ani sm in ge ne ra l influe nced fo re ign percepti o ns as we ll as fo re ig n po li cy objecti ve . 11 2 In another respect, the Slovak governme nt d urin g th at peri od was quite ce ntra li st o n the matter o f th e ri g hts of reg io ns within the country. The re is so me iro ny in thi s, fo r th e HZDS had been very ant i-federa li st (a nti -ce ntra list) after its e merge nce in April 199 1. 11 3 In that ea rli er time, the ta rget had bee n the a ll eged centrali st reg ime in Prag ue, s ince the Czec hos lovak state was still intact. Ev ide nce of Mec iar 's centra li st po li c ies li es primaril y in hi s po licy towards the 110 RFE/RL ewsline. Part II. September 24. 2002; October 8, 2002. Archived at http://\\\\w.11°erl.org September. October. 2002. 111 Otto Ulc. " The Bumpy Road ofCzechoslovaki a·s Velvet Revolution ," Problems of Communism 41 ( 1992). pp. 19-3 3 111 See Adrian Hyde Price. The International Politics of East Central Europe (New York: M anchester Uni versity Press, 1996), p. 28. 11 3 Ulc,"The Bumpy Road of Czechoslovakia ' s Ve l vet Revoluti on ." p. 29. �SLOVAKIA 129 eastern part of Slovakia. In the mid- I 990s that region became interested in participating in a large Carpathian Euroregion. Other players in the Euroregion wo uld include Romania , Hungary , Poland , and Ukraine. However, the Slovak Ministry of the Interior was quite critical of that orientation. In 1995 that Ministry abo li shed the Slovak Carpathian Regional Association that had co nsisted of a number of regional and local governments in eastern Slovakia. As a result, in 1996 the Slovak representatives in the Euroregion resigned and Slovakia cancel led its participation. Meciar took these actions because of a double suspicion. First, he was suspic ious that the eastern Slovak metropolis of Kosice would lead eastern Slovakia to develop its own independent foreign policy . Second, he feared that Hungary would use the Euroregion to exp loit the anger of the Slovak Hungarian minority . 114 Such att itudes and policies of the top leadership would not mesh well with the EU and its priority on the rights of regions within countries. However, after the 1998 elections the Slovak leadership reflected more sensitivity toward the political culture. For exam ple, Slovaks were aware after 1998 of the need to incorporate domestic non-governmenta l gro ups (NGO 's) into the increasingly public discussion of foreign policy . Thi s was particularly the case in the efforts to ga in admiss ion to NATO. Younger persons were a special target of efforts at political soc ialization . Teachers in middle schools organized essay contests about the sig nific ance of NATO . Organized debates about NATO themes took pl ace in both middle and upper schools. Further, the government set up twe lve information centers that were aimed at youn ger persons. According to one observer, regional projects abo ut NATO by 2002 had reached 120,000 students. Similar discuss ions were aimed at women's groups . For example, profess ional women in Bratislava as we ll as the Union of Women of S lovakia engaged in discussions on the mea nin g and significance of NATO . The mass "" See A lexander Duleba, 'The Slovak-Ukraini an-Russian Security Tri angle." in M argarita M. Balmaceda, ed ., On the Edge: Ukrainian-Central European-Russian Security Triangle (Budapest: Central European Univers ity, 2000), pp. I 06- I 09. �SLOVAKIA 130 medi a also pl ayed a ro le in thi s process. T wo major national telev ision projects were aimed at promoting di sc uss ion of NATO the mes. Furthe r, additi o na l in fo rm ati on proj ec ts we re bea med at the populati on through thi rty loca l te lev ision stati ons. The re was even an effort to pull ex pe rts and speciali sts into the di scuss ion. 115 The hope was th at these gro up s wo uld communicate pos iti ve attitudes abo ut NATO to the ir peers a nd e ve n in the ir publicat ions. S imil arl y, after the Nice EU Summit at the e nd of 2000 , Slo vaki a establi shed the Nation al Conve nti on. Its mi ssion e ntail ed stimul ati on of a nati o nal di scuss ion on the E U and Slovak nati o nal inte rests. The di scuss ion was to be in c lu s ive in which po liti ca l party me mbe rs, acade mi cs, c hurc hes , interest gro ups, non- governme nta l orga ni zati o ns, trade union s, muni cipalities, and reg ions all pl ayed a ro le. 11 6 Comparison Both co untries confronted major po litica l chall e nges th at affected fore ign po licy prospects. In both cases there was outside scrutin y and suspi c io n througho ut the first decade abo ut the way in whi c h their governme nts treated key minority gro ups. C riteri a fo r admi ssion to wes te rn orga ni zati ons required prog ress in thi s area. Both countri es a lso ex pe ri e nced maj or c ha nges in governme nt. In the Czech case such cha nges d id not affect very much the steady process of integration w ith the West. Slovak governme ntal changes had more of an impact. In addition , the continuin g presence of Vl adimfr Meciar and the HZDS had the net effect of postponin g Slovaki a's integrati on with western institution s until the late 1990s. Finally , cultivation of positive attitudes within the po liti ca l c ulture became a priority once the leadership made the dec ision to look in a westward direction . In th e Czec h case thi s spotli ght on po liti ca l culture was a 115 • Organ izacie a instituc ie, ktorym bola udelena Strieborn a plaketa M inisterstva zahranicnych vecf Slovenskej republ iky di\a 20. juna 2002," M inisterst vo zah ranicnych vecf(2002). http://www.mzv .sk Oc tober 2002. 116 " Narodny ko nvent o Evropskej buducnosti Slovenska," Ministerst vo zahranicnych vecf (2002). http://www.mzv.sk October 2002. �SLOVAKIA 131 constant theme throughout the decade, but in the Slovak case it was only characteristic of the second half of the decade. Economic Factors and Foreign Policy of the Two Nation-States The Czech Republic In the years following th e 1989 revo lution , the Klau s government made eco nomi c restructurin g in Czechoslovakia a major priority. Privati zation and the use of vouchers placed formerly state-controlled industries in private hand s. Job sec urity yie lded to the greater uncertainty connected with the free market. It became more like ly that industries would ri se and fa ll on the ir own merits, while artifi cial control of prices was no longer the norm. 11 7 Thus, major economic changes had deve loped their own momentum at the time the Czechs separated from Slovakia, and they bore the potenti al to have a major impact on foreign policy. For exampl e, ga inin g admission to the EU became a top priority as a result of the new geographic and eco nomi c developments. Very soon Brusse ls presented to the eastern countries its Iist of thirty-one chapters in the "acqui s communautaire" process. Czech leaders began to meet regularl y with EU bureaucrats in order to demonstrate progress toward s meeting the criteria of eac h of the chapters. Usually twice a year the EU represe ntatives came to the Czech Republic to inspect progress made and to iss ue judgments about the relative rank of the nation on the li st of EU prospects from that region. By the end of the 1990s, the Czech Republic ranked near the top of the prospec ti ve li st of new members, and membership appeared like ly by 2004. In fac t, in October of 2002 the EU Commission announced that the Czech Republic would be one of the ten nation s admitted in 2004. 11 8 Czech involvement in the EU 's PHARE and ERBD investment projects was of particular significance. Invo lve ment in the wider EU market would 117 See Bernard Wheaton and Zdenek Ka van , The Velvet Revolution: Czechoslo- vakia 1988- /99 1 (Boulder. Colorado: Westvi ew Press, 1992) , pp. 139-143. 118 Sueddeutsche Zeitung, October 9, 2002. Arch i ved at: http://sueddeutsche .de October 2002. �132 SLOVAKIA multipl y the steps taken by the Czech governme nt in co nvers ion to capitali sm and th ereby open up additional new in vestment opportunities in othe r nations. At the same time , eve ntua l EU membership woul d lead to add ition al western investments, and important ones had come about already in the 1990s. For example , in 1994 th e German automobil e company Volkswagen bought majo rity co ntrol of the o ld Czech mega-compan y Skoda . Whil e the agree ment did guarantee the Germans majority control , it also provided the Czechs with a veto over future policy dec ision s. 11 9 Similarly, Air France took over the Prague Airport Ruzyne and made it into a modern facility. Early in the twenty-first century the A merica n company Motorola began construction of a fac tory in Moravia in the area of the Beskydy Mountains. Much news accompanied the buy -out of severa l well known breweries, including Pil sner Urque ll , by South Africa n enterprises. Certainly , one by- product of this western indu stri a l and financial in vo lvement would be the rapid infusion of western tec hniques and know-how in manag ing an economy on capitali st princi pl es. A ll of thi s would acce lerate the type of domestic economic restructuring that would more qui ck ly meet EU criteria. The outreach of the changing Czech economy was not confined exclusively to its European nei ghborhood. For instance, in the mid l 990s the Czech Re publi c became a member of UNESCO. In th at capac ity it took a particular interest in the plight of the ravaged nations that had e merged from the old Yugoslavia. This ac ti vity led to membership as well in the Organi zat ion for Economic Cooperati on and Developme nt (OECD ). In fact , the Czechs were the first from the Central E uropean region to ga in membership in th at organi zation. Linkages between the Czech Republic and the Internati onal Monetary Fund (IMF) e nh anced their reputation for reliabi lity. In A ugus t 1994, the natio n was the first post-communist state to pay off its 11 9 Leff. The Czech and Slo vak Republics: Nation Vers us State. p. 263. �SLOVAKIA 133 initial IMF loan . 120 Again, involvement with the larger universe of western capitalist economies outside the immediate geographic region paid dividends in terms of domestic economic change. In sum, the revolution of 1989, combined with the loss of Slovakia in 1993, generated a rapid rate of economic change in the Czech Republic. Conversion to capitalist economic principles was inevitable after the 1989 events, but the process received a number of important stimuli. Interest in joining NATO and the drive for EU membership mandated that the nation meet specific criteria in terms of capitalist development. Investments by western firms outside the nation led to collaborative efforts in which Czech managers could more fully see the capitalist system in action. Involvement in the economic projects of a number of global organizations, primarily located in the West, expanded Czech horizon s in a positive way. All of thi s offered a powerful economic antidote to the much more restricted COMECON framework that was characteristic of the Cold War. Slovakia For a number of reasons , Slovakia looked east for economic links rather than west after the 1993 split. This had also been true after the 1989 revolution. Slovak leaders noted that their country was the only Yisegrad member that bordered all of the other three. Such a perception encouraged them to think about a potential Slovak role as the ideal country to be a bridge between East and West. The collapse of COMECON led the Slovaks to hope for a replacement in the form of special ties with Russia and Ukraine. The look eastward made Slovakia "more sensitive to developments in the CIS." 12 1 At the same time, EU import quotas were having a negative impact on certain Slovak industries such as a steel mill in Kosice, and that created some suspicion about the West. 122 120 Leff, The Czech and Slovak Republics: Nation Versus State, p. 258. 12 1 Price, The International Politics of East Central Europe, p. 170. 122 Leff, The Czech and Slovak Republics: Nation Versus State, p. 261. �134 SLOVAKIA One concrete manifestation of thi s economic orie ntatio n to the East was cultivation of a spec ial link to Ru ss ia. A key motive for this outreach was the pli g ht of the Slovak arms industry . At the time of the 1989 revolution , o ne hundred e leven of Czec hoslo va ki a ' s weapon s manufacturing pl a nts were in the Slovak region . As early as 1990, weapo ns sa les from those pl ants had declined from 1988 leve ls from eight billio n dollars to one billion . This situ ation prompted Meciar to trave l to Moscow in 1991 in order to get defe nse co ntracts to make up some of thi s loss. 123 In fact , the sub sequent recess io n became part of the reason that Slovak leaders sought separation from the Czechs. Further, the Slovak military hoped that Ru ss ia might give Slovakia li ce nses to se ll military ha rdw are to third world countries. 12~ Eventu a ll y, Pres ident Bo ri s Yeltsin of Ru ss ia visited Slovaki a in Aug ust 1993, and one res ult was the sig nin g of a bilatera l state treaty. In add iti o n, the two states s ig ned a fi ve-yea r military cooperation agree me nt. The latter would po te nti a ll y assist Slovakia economically, for it would he lp rev ive its arm s industry . One fea ture of the agree me nt was the provis io n that Ru ss ia would suppl y spare parts for th e Slovak milita ry. 125 Other Slovak goa ls in c lud ed development of a Slovak role in tran sporting Ru ss ian natural gas to Western Europe. In part, Mec iar hoped that the flirtation with Ru ss ia mi g ht increase Slovakia ' s econo mi c importance to th e West a nd attract in vestme nts from that direction as well. 126 Cultivation of ties to Ukrai ne a lso became part of thi s new economi c strategy. Early afte r th e revolution Meciar soug ht to build a new railway from Brati slava to Ukraine by utili zing the for mer Soviet ra il network. 127 By the middl e 1990s Slovak leaders began to think in broader terms. Perh aps Ukra ine could act as well as the gate- 12 .1 See Andrew A. Michta. East Central Europe after the Warsaw Pact: Security Dilemmas in the 1990s (New York: Greenwood Press. 1992 ). p. 107. 12 "' Duleba, ·'The Slovak-Ukrainian-Ru ssian Security Tri angle: · p. 20. 125 Price, The International Politics o f East Central Europe. p. 170. 126 Duleba, ''The Slovak-Ukrainian-Ru ssian Security Triangle." pp. 85-8 6. 127 Price. The International Politics of East Central Europe. p. 170. �SLOVAKIA 135 way to the Ru ss ian market. 128 For many Slovaks, Ukraine was in a sense still Ru ss ia, and thu s economic policies toward s the two we re intertw ined. In spite of the eastward look in economic policy, western organi zation s were not totall y ignored. For example, in June 1993 Sl ovaki a was accepted into the Council of Europe. Then in June 1995 , th e M ec iar government submitted a membership appli cati on to the EU . Reliance on in ves tments from western countries rein forced thi s economic policy dimension. K ey economic in vestors in the 1990s included, in rank order , Germ any, A ustri a, and th e Czech Repu bli c. 129 Despite Slovaki a's approach to the East, the W est was in many ways more helpful. Seri ous di sc uss ions w ith the EU rea ll y began in 1997 w ith th e Lu xembourg Summit. A t th at meeting the EU placed Slovaki a in a second ti er of si x nati ons, and so it looked as if Sl ovaki a wo uld have to wa it longer then its Czech co unterpart, w ho ended up in the first ti er of si x. Contacts w ith the EU acce lerated after the defea t of the M ec iar government in 1998. A multilateral screening process by the EU took pl ace between April 1998 and February 1999, and thi s gave way to more signifi ca nt bil ateral screenin g procedu res between M arch of 1999 and Febru ary of 2000. 130 In the 2000-2002 period Slovaki a worked its way th rough most of the thirty-one chapters of th e EU 's aqui s co mmunautaire. For exa mpl e, di sc uss ions about Chapter Four ce ntered on future poss ibilities that fore igners could control Sl ovak land and corresponding poss ibilities fo r Slovak s to purchase land w ithin th e EU. Fo ll ow in g the 1998 elec ti ons th e chances of mee tin g the goa ls of Ch apter Si x we re enhanced, as Slovaki a moved more firml y in the direc ti on of erec tin g a market economy. Chapter Seven on agri cultu re was a criti ca l one for Slovak ia as it was for most of the other nati ons in the region. Sl ovak s 12 " 129 1.'<, Du leba. ··The Slovak-Ukrainian-Russian Security Triangle." p. 97 . Leff. The Czech and Slovak Republics: Nation Versus State. p. 262. '·Fazy proces u rozs irova ni a EU ," M inisterstvo za hra11ic11yc h vecf (2002) . hllp ://www. 1111. v.,k Oc tober 2002. �SLOVAKIA 136 soug ht promises of an ad mini stra ti ve structure that wou ld e nsure protect ion of the ir agric ultural sys tem . The politica l tran s iti on from the Mec iar governm e nt to th at of Dzurinda made sa ti sfac tion of Chapte r Thirteen more poss ibl e. Th at c hapter in vo lved worker 's ri g hts, ge nde r equ a lity, racia l justi ce, a nd other vita l categori es. Sl ovak ia rece ived spec ia l in stru c tion s within th e framework of Chapter Fifteen. Th e EU requ es ted th a t Slo va ki a acce lera te pri vati za ti o n of ba nk s as we ll as na tural reso urce mo nopoli es. Further, it was ex pected th at Slovakia wo uld build up small and medium s ized firm s w hil e e nco urag in g add iti o na l fo re ig n in vestme nt. 13 1 Comparison The Czec h Republic and Slo vaki a did move on separate paths in terms of the economi c dime nsion of fo re ign policy for a large part of the first decade after separation . In fac t, so me of their sharpe r differences e merged in the fo ur years after the 1989 revo luti on prior to the 1993 breakup. In the post- 1993 atmosphere the Czechs quickl y latched on to western organi zati ons in order to map out their future. S lovaki a, with its differe nt geographi c position and greater nostalgia for the lost economic links to the form er Soviet Union , c ultivated the Ukra ine and Russ ia as part of a ge nera l orientation to the east. Both di sappointme nt with the East and th e ex pe rien ce of th e 1998 elections brought the Slovak path much c loser to that of the Czechs . One sy mbo l of thi s shift was the progress made by both states in th e 1998-2002 pe riod towa rd me mbership in the EU . By September of 2002 the Czech Re public had c losed twe nty-fi ve of the thirty most s ignifi cant c hapters th at led to EU me mbership. Surprising ly, Slovaki a had closed twe nty-seven. Slo vakia 's progress had bee n very rapid, for the Czechs had ac tu all y closed eightee n of the chapters before Slovakia had . An important resu lt was th at Sl ova kia moved 131 " Ka ndid atske krajiny a ic h ak tu alny stav negoc iac if," Ministe,:~tvo w hranicnj ch vecf (2002). http ://www.111zv.~k Jul y 30. 2002. �SLOVAKIA 137 from the second ti er of six pote nti al EU members to the first ti er of ten between 1997 and the autumn of 2002. T he re port of the EU Commiss ion on October 9, 2002, bas ica ll y treated both countri es as if they were at simil ar leve ls of pre paredness for EU entry in earl y 2004. 132 Both co untries ge nera ll y rece ived pos iti ve reports and were firml y in the group o f ten nati ons to be admitted at the sa me time in 2004. National Security Factors and the Foreign Policy of the Two States The Czech Republic Separati on fro m S lovak ia led to an immed iate series of ste ps aimed at underpinnin g the natio nal sec urity of the new, smaller Czech state. T hroughout th e first decade after the separati on, the sec urity spotli ght shi fted from an emph as is on the Wes tern European Unio n (W EU), to the ca mpaign fo r NATO me mbership , and later to cons iderat ion of th e ro le of th e Co mmon Fore ign and Sec urity Po li cy (CFS P) of th e EU. 133 ln additi o n, Czec hs bega n to in vo lve themse lves more full y in international organi zati ons such as the UN, OSCE , and Y isegrad . T hu s th e nati o na l sec urity age nd a was crowded. Czech disc uss ions abo ut defense po licy in the earl y 1990s centered in part on the W EU , an organi zati on that had e merged in 1948 with the Brusse ls Treaty. On the o ne hand , EU pl anners at the begi nning of the 1990s envisioned the WEU in a ce ntra l ro le in ass istin g Europe to take responsibility fo r its ow n sec urity. On the other hand , others hoped that the WEU could he lp create mo re conse nsus with NATO as well as support for NATO mi ss ions. 134 rn RFE/RL News line. Part II. October 10. 2002. Archived at: h1tp ://www.rferl.org October 2002. rn See Dav id S. Mason , Revolution and Transition in East Central Europe. Second Edi tion (Bou lder, Colorado : Westview Press, 1996), pp. 95-98. " 4 K arel Pezl, " Ceska repub li ka a zapadoevropske unie: bezpecnostnf aspek ty, " Mezinarodnf Politika 18( 1994). pp. 25-26. �138 SLOVAKIA By the late 1990s discu ss ions within the Czech Re public about admission to NATO overshadowed conversations about the fading WEU. Admission to NATO in 1999 brought with it a whole set of new obligations. There was a need to prepare defense legislation that would move the Czech defense structure toward the level of NATO standard s. New military pe rso nnel requirements mandated that the Czech defense sector prepare courses for a ll ranks about the changing role of the military. Training in the use of radar was also upgraded. Further, the Czech Republic would need to build a crisis command center that would facilitate the rapid sharing of information between NATO and the Czech Republic. It would also be necessary for the Czechs to build a sys tem of command and control that paralleled the organizations in other NATO countries. 135 Immediately after expansion to include three new members in 1999, NATO had an opportunity to utilize these new national resources during the Kosovo bombing campaign . One lesson of that campaign was increased awareness of th e asymmetry of capabilities within the alliance. 136 America provided eighty per cent of the bombs dropped on Kosovo in the spring of 1999 as well as ninety per cent of the weapons. U. S. airplanes were the only ones that could operate in all weather. Lowered European defen se budgets in the 1990s resulted in a situation in which all European NATO members contributed only two-thirds of the fundin g that the United States did to defen se. The Czech Republic responded to this imbalance by developing a blueprint for change in 2001. That plan called for a rapid upgrade in mane uverability of units, logistical strength, placement of weaponry and pe rsonnel , ability to resist over a lon g period, and information command and control. Further, the Ministry of Defense drew up a li st of four principles that would guide Czech participation rn Antonin Sverak . ··vnej sf a vnitfnf aspekty zac lenovanf resortu obrany CR do NATO," Mezimfrodnf Vztahy 2( 1999). pp. 13-3 1. 136 See Otto Pick, ·· NATO, evropska obrana a poucenf K osova." CR po vstupu do NATO. Uvahy a problemy (Praha: Ceska Atlanticka Komise UMY. 2000), pp. 2532. �SLOVAKIA In 139 NATO. Th ey inc luded co ntinu ed in vo lvement of the two North American powers in the defe nse of Europe, reliance on NATO as the main guarantor of European security , subordination of the CFSP of the EU within the framework of NATO , a nd guara nteed access to NATO capabi lities for all EU defense and sec urity mi ss ion s. 137 Recog nition of the important Czech role in NATO was evident in the dec ision to hold the conference of Nove mber 2002 in Prague. At that meeting seve n additional nati ons joined the military alliance. Finally, durin g th e war in Iraq in 2003, th e Czechs sent an anti-biolog ical , chemical , and nuclear weapon s unit as well as a fi eld hospital. By the early 1990s, the EU began to outline plans for its own defe nse structure, one that would be independent of the North Atlantic nation s th at had for so lon g domin ated NATO. These plans centered on the creation in 1990 of th e Common Forei gn and Security (CFS P) of the EU . In 1993 the Treaty of Europe called for the addition to the CFSP of pe rm ane nt officials from the EU Council Secretariat as well as of fiftee n diplomats from each Fore ign Ministry. 138 In early 2001 the Czech Foreign Mini ster made a persuasive case for the natural harmony between the broad-rang ing objectives of the CFSP and the specific, national inte rests of the Czec h Republic. 139 For him the current spirit of cooperation in Europe was a needed antidote to the suffer in g of the Czechoslovak people during the twe nti e th century. Throu gh the CFSP, the Czech Re public would ga in both assistance in its multi-pronged process of development and also the opportunity to co ntribute to regional probl e m so lvin g. He did not e nvision participation in European and Atlantic structures as a threat to Czech national inte rests. In particul ar, the Dece mber 2000 Nic e Summit ge nerated orga ni zati o na l c han ges in EU institution s 117 Jaromfr Novotny, "' DCI (Defense Capabiliti es Initiative) a Cesk,\ Republika." Mini sterstvo zahranicnfch vecf (2002). http://www.1111v.u March 2002 . 1" See Charlotte Bretherton and John Vogler. The European Un ion as a Global Actor (L ondon: Routledge. 1999). pp. 169- 196. iw -''Jan K avan. ·'Ceska zahrani cnf politika na prahu 2 1. stoletf."' Mez inarodnf Politikil 25(200 I ). pp. 4-5. �140 SLOVAKIA that would continue to break down the artificial barriers that divided Europe during the Cold War. Growin g European military stren gth would s imultaneou sly contribute to an increase in Czech capabi lities. 140 Slovakia In spite of the fact that so much of the defense industry had been located in the Slovak areas during the Co ld War and into the immediate post-1989 revolution period, the leadership ex peri ence of Slovaks on defen se matters had been re lative ly slim . For instance, in I 99 1 Slovak so ldiers constituted 34.7 % of the federa l Czechoslovak army. However, the representation of Slovak manage rs within the Ministry of Defense over several years ranged from on ly 5 to 23 %. 141 In the early years after separation , Slovaks were primarily focused on reestabli shing or maintaining ties with the East. Previously mentioned political ties to Ru ss ia, Ukraine, and Yi segrad see med to offer them a non-western prescription for protecting national sec urity. The Slovaks rea ll y only went through the motion s of taking part in so me western sec urity structures. For example, like th e Czech Republic , Slovakia became an Assoc iate Partner in the WEU and reg ul arl y attended its meetings. Although Associate Members he ld no voting power within the organization , they did have the ri ght to plan and execute military operations. 142 Contac ts between Slovakia and NATO were minimal and bas ically centered on only a few reciprocal visits by key personnel during the three years before Meciar fel l from grace. The most impor- 140 Pavel Teli cka, " Aktualni stav jednani o pristoupeni CR k EU ," M ezimirodnf Politika 25(200 I ). 14 1 Michta, East Central Europe after the Warsaw Pact: Security Dilemmas in the 1990s, p. I 10. 142 See Philip H. Gordon, ·The Western European Union and NATO 's ' Europeanisation ," in Philip H. Gordon, ed., NATO 's Transformation : The Changing Shape of the Atlantic Alliance (L ondon : Row man & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. , I 997), p. 26 1. �SLOVAKIA 141 tant visit by a top NATO figure to Slovakia was the 1996 trip of Secretary-General Javier Solana . The most important Slovak trip was that by President Kovac to Brussels in 1996 to meet with top NATO personnel. After the 1998 elections and the establishment of a new government under Mikulas Dzurinda, the pace of contacts picked up. In early 2002, Slovakia hosted visits by the unified NATO European commander General Dieter Stockman ; by General Joseph Ralston, the commander of NATO forces in Europe; and by Deputy NATO Minister Nicholas Burns. In turn, Slovak leaders who made their way to NATO Headquarters included incoming Prime Minister Dzurinda in 1998 and President Schuster in 1999 and again in 2002. 143 Another key component of the post- I 998 , systematic Slovak move toward s NATO involved the Membership Action Plan (MAP) Process. In early 1999 Slovakia presented a five-point plan that included a strategy for political/economic issues, defense/military question s, resources/capabilities, security challenges, and legal matters. In April of 1999, NATO accepted that MAP and the Slovak government followed suit in June of the same year. The National Program for the process of NATO entry was finalized in April of 2000. 144 Finalization of the MAP process led to many meetings over the next few years. Additional activity after 1998 centered on galvanizing public support for entry into the military alliance. Slovakia held a grants competition to enable NGO' s to raise public awareness of the significance of NATO entry. Support for entry came officially from a total of seventy-five Roma organizations. One result of all thi s activity was a rel atively high level of public support for joining the organization . Between the fall of 200 I and the spring of 2002 , support reflected in public opinion poll s rose from 52.2 % to 60.7 %, although it 143 " M edznfky spoluprace SR a NATO," Ministerstvo zahranicnych vec f (2002). http ://www.rnzv.sk October 2002. 144 " Chrono logicky prehl'ad PREN AME," Ministerstvo zahranicnych vecf(2002). http ://www.mzv.,k October 2002. �142 SLOVAKIA declined a bit a few month s later. 145 All of this attention to visits, organizational matters, and public opinion enabled Slovakia to make up for its lack of attention an d interest in NATO during the midI 990s. In addition , during the latter part of the 1990s, Slovakia took part in severa l important peacekeeping missions under NATO leadership. This involvement demonstrated that the nation would possess the level of commitment required of new NATO members. After completion of the Dayton Accord on Bosnia in 1995, Slovakia se nt some military personnel and equipment as part of SFOR to the area of operations. At the end of 1997, it sent three Army engineers and five army specialists in the field of civil-military cooperation. In the fall of 2002 Slovakia made its first Air Force contribution to a NATO mis sion. The capabilities it sent included a helicopte r unit with two helicopte rs and twenty-one assoc iated personnel. Slovakia promised to keep that contingent in Bosnia for the next six months. Involveme nt in KFOR after the Kosovo bombin g campaign in late 1999 was even more extensive. The initial commitment included forty Army engineers , a nd di spatch of an additional four persons at the command level one year later. A major upgrade occurred in early 2002 with the creation of a five hundred person Czech-Slovak rapid reaction battalion . The Slovak role in that force included twenty per cent of the overall membership, and the vast majority of those were doctors, conductors, mechanics, and logi stics specialists. The vital mi ss ions of that battalion centered on sec uring the Serb-Kosovo border, monitoring a range of activities, assuring stable conditions for the return of refugees, policing the civil serv ice, and protecting the Serb minority. 146 Thi s particular operation would provide man y lessons that would assist Slovakia in making important contributions as a full NATO member. Finally , in the sprin g of 2003 , Slovakia dispat145 " Chronologicky prehl'ad PREN AME," Ministerstvo zahranicnych veer (2002). http ://www.mzY.sk October 2002 . 146 " Ucast' SR v operaciach na podporu mieru pod vedenfm NATO," Ministerstvo zahranicnych vecf(2002). h11p ://www.111zv.sk October 2002. �SLOVAKIA 143 ched military personnel to the Pers ian Gulf durin g the co ntro versial war in Iraq. Comparisons Czech pursuit of national sec urity followed a unidirect io nal path during the first decade a fte r se parati o n from Slovakia. Its leade rs thou ght proacti ve ly in eac h part of the decade about a co ntributin g role in the maj or defe nse opti ons ava il ab le at the time. This mea nt that much of the di sc uss ion foc used on activity within the framework of W EU in the first years after the breakup . Once NATO ad mi ss ion became a real possibility , the Czec hs set the ir eyes on th at orga ni zation . F in all y, as EU membership approac hed early in the new century, more of th e di sc uss ion centered o n the CFSP, a progra m that offered a European sec urity cho ice th at was inde pe nde nt of Ameri can leade rship. In the Slovak case the emp hasis on re-stoking ti es with Ukraine and Ru ss ia at first prec luded seri ous discussion about western sec urity o rga ni zati o nal structures . Once the 1998 e lect ions offered the chance for a new policy, Slovak ia ' s outreach to the West in the defe nse area mainl y took the for m of a se ri ous effort to jo in NA TO. Achi eve me nt of that goa l at the e nd of 2002 e nab led Slovakia to adopt the multi -pron ged , western-oriented strategy utili zed by the Czechs fo r an e ntire decade. Conclusion The re is remark ab le cons iste ncy across the ra nge of va ri abl es that, for a time , divided the two nations. Those vari ables inc lude politi cs, economi cs, and nati o nal sec urity. It is clear th at the political va ri abl es were the driving force be hind the othe r two. Elec ti o n outcomes in the Czech Re public a nd Slovakia were quite different between 1992 and 1998. Those results acco unt primaril y for the very diffe rent foreign polic y path s a lon g which the two sets of fore ign policy elites traveled prior to 1998. Throu ghout the e ntire decade Czech po liti ca l leaders looked to the West fo r th eir future organi zati onal home. Politica l parti es debated the pace and nature of the march to the West but not its in ev i- �SLOVAKIA 144 tability. As a result Czech economic connections with the West were forged throughout the entire period , and the Czec hs ke pt their sights set on EU membership consistently after 1993. The des ire to enter western sec urity structures entailed consideration of the WEU at first, then anticipation as well as achievement of NATO membership, and finall y thorough attention to the CFSP of the EU. S lovak leaders were at first ambiva lent and at times negati ve about connections to the West. In the 1992-98 period they attempted to resusc itate the old eco nomic ties with Ukraine and Ru ss ia. At the same time , they maintained a di stance from the states that were pursuing NATO membership at the earliest poss ible moment. Early hopes that the Visegrad alliance cou ld provide a measure of security for Slovakia di sappeared in 1999 when the other three members of that alli ance joined NATO. The election of 1998 changed Slovakia's forei gn policy path in very defi nite ways. It engaged in much more serious di sc ussions with the EU about progress on the thirty-one chapters of the acquis communautaire. A MAP leadin g to NA TO membership was approved by both that organization and the Slovak government. Although the Slovaks wou ld end up joining NATO three and one half years after the Czechs, both nation s would likely enter the EU at the same time. By the fall of 2002, both countries were not walking exactly on the sa me path , but the ir paths were c learly in view of one another. In conclusion, it is important, while acknowledg in g these differences prior to I 998, not to overstate them. For example, Timothy Frye 147 examined political polarization within all of the post-communi st co untri es. Hi s stud y covered the 1989-98 period , and thu s it included the time frame in which these two countries were moving in differe nt direction s. The political polari zation rating for the Czech Republic was 4.4, and for Slovakia it was 4 .9. Despite the sli ghtly higher rate for Slovaki a, he c lassified both countries as non-pol ari - 14 7 Timothy Frye, " The Price of Polarizati on: Economic Performance in the Post- Communist World," World Politics 54(2002). pp. 308-337 . �SLOVAKIA 145 zed. The po lari zed co untri es inc luded Albania, Be laru s, Bul gari a, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Romani a, Ru ss ia, and Ukraine. Thi s is a signifi cant conclusion, for it he lps ex pl ain how two nati ons that seemed to be mov ing in such di ffe rent directi o ns after 1993 were able to adopt parall el paths by the end of the century. Perh aps the findin gs also revea l the wi sdom of those observers who chose to characteri ze the di vorce in 1993 as a "velvet" one. �� SLOVAKIA 121 Separate Paths: Czech and Slovak Foreign Policies Since 1993 James W. Peterson Introduction Foll owing the 1993 break-up of Czechos lovaki a into the Czech Re public and Slovak ia, the two states needed to attend to chall enging fo re ign po li cy iss ues. Wh ile there were important d iffe rences in the situations of the two states, the broad chall enges th at awaited them were s imil ar. In ge nera l, th eir res ponses to those chall enges put the two co untri es on se parate path s th roug ho ut much of the 1990s. It may be th at the iss ues th at led to the brea k-up o f C zechos lo vakia proved too much to overco me in the earl y years after the split. However, by th e earl y twenty-fi rst ce ntury, the ir separate path s moved closer together and stra ightened out in such a way th at they become parallel. The initi al di ffe rences in the new geopo litica l positi ons of the two states were pro nounced. Whil e th e o ld Czechos lovak state had often served as a long, bridge- like link betwee n East and West, the two new co untri es leaned in di ffe rent direction s. Slovak leaders initi all y and instincti ve ly thought about ties to eastern countri es, as well as to th e Yisegrad organizati o n, in whi ch its future pros pec ts were linked to those o f the Czec h Re public, Po land, and Hun gary. By contra st, the Czec h Re public leadership looked westward s to th e o utstretched, embrac ing arms of we ll -es tabli shed European stru ctures . Th e S lova k path was more uncertain and waverin g th an was th e Czech, for Co ld War organi zati onal structures in the east had broken down. �122 SLOVAKIA In light of their contrasting geopolitical orientations, the two states responded differently to common challenges. First, they confronted common political challenges in different ways. While many of these political pressures were primarily domestic , they all had an impact on future foreign policy choices and potentialities. For examp le, both states sought to establish functioning political party systems that would be capab le of proposing consistent foreign policies. Both were under scrutiny from the outside wor ld on the issue of treatment of important minority groups within the country. Further, in each country cultivation of non-governmental organizations that cou ld extend the roots of foreign policy debates further into the civil society was an important goa l. Different strategies on democratization led the two nations on different political paths regarding foreign policy questions. A second common challenge for the Czechs and Slovaks emerged from the economic sector. Newly elected leaders immediately wrestled with the que stion of converting centrally-planned economies into the principles of the free market. Again , this issue was not exclusively domestic . Success in competing for outside loans was contingent on progress made in privatization of enterprises, in release from fixed price controls, and in the estab li shment of principles of competitiveness . By the middl e of the 1990s, prospects for admission to the European Union (EU) were good. Leadership in the Czech Republic initially put a higher priority both on rapid conversion to capita li sm and on links to the EU than did the Slovaks. Thirdly, location of a dependable national security structure was a common problem in the two nations. The Warsaw Pact, a structure that had ostensibly ass ured the protection of the Czechoslovak state did not long survive the end of the Cold War. Give n Slovakia 's more eastern location , there was a long debate on the question of whe ther it was more desirabl e to preserve what was left of ties to its eastern neighbors or to res pond to overtures from the West. For the Czech Republic it was more obvious that participation in western institution s would be th e next step. The West European Union (WEU), �SLOVAKIA 123 North Atl anti c Treaty Orga ni zati on (NATO), and the EU's Common Fo re ig n a nd Sec urit y Po li cy (C FSP) we re co nte nd e rs fo r th a t linkage. It sho uld be no surpri se that the fo re ig n po li c ies of S lovaki a and the Czec h Re publi c di verged in the earl y years afte r separation but the n reco nnec ted. The ir commo n ex peri e nce in the Czec hos lovak state th ro ug h e ig ht decades bo re th e sa me contras tin g fea tures. C ultural simil ariti es drew the m together, but at times bitter po litica l and eco no mi c ex pe ri e nces pu shed the m apart. Once freed fro m the larger state. th ey made quite di ffe re nt cho ices fo r a number of years. However, reg io na l and s itu a ti o na l fo rces eventu a ll y pu shed th e ir path s in the world together aga in . Political Factors and Foreign Policy of the Two Nation-States The Czech Republic C reati o n of an effec ti ve, po li cy-ori e nted po litica l syste m was a chall enge in the earl y 1990 s. In the C zec h Republic there was initi a lly considera bl e co ntinuity in po liti ca l leadership afte r Janu ary 1993 . Vac lav Have l re ma in ed as Pres id e nt of the small e r state, whil e Vac lav Kl a us co ntinu ed o n as Prim e Mini ster. The do min ant po litica l party of Kl aus was still the C ivic Democratic Party (ODS), an organi zati o n th at had bee n bo rn o ut of the C ivic Forum so ac ti ve durin g the eve nts of 1989. In genera l, the Kl aus governm ent ( 1993-97 ) e nd o rsed a ll the steps co nn ec ted w ith th e re turn to E uro pe. Th e brea k-up of th e Czechos lovak state put th e Ukra ine and Ru ss ia furthe r away geographi ca ll y fro m the C zec h Republic . Thu s, the Czechs as earl y as 1994 jo ined the Partn ership fo r Peace (P4 P) and stressed c loser link s to Po land . 105 A n a na lys is of po liti ca l party pos iti o ns durin g e lec ti o ns in the 1990 s is very revea lin g in te rm s o f the iss ues and de bates that 0 ' ' See Thomas S. Szayna. ··The Czech Republic: A Small Contributor or a ' Free Rider·'l_-· in Andrew A . M ichta. ed .. A merica·s New A llies: Poland. Hungary. and the Czech Republic in NA TO (Sea tt le: Un i versity of Washingto n Press. 1999). pp. 11 2- 148 . �124 SLOVAKIA circulated throughout the Czech Republic. Political party leaders debated the merits of the move to the West but finally endorsed it. The 1998 elections are a useful example . The Czech Social Democratic Party (CSSD) ended up technically in power, with Milos Zeman as Prime Minister, but the party needed to establish a "Gentlemen ' s Agreement" with the ODS in order to function as a government. For the CSSD there was less emphasis in the e lection campaign on hardheaded defen se of national interests and more of a focus on livin g standards and the rights of citizens within the country . This priority on domestic issues led the CSSD to endorse the idea of a referendum prior to entry into either the EU or NATO. There a lso was a humanitarian component to its view of Czech relations with the outside world. Such a focus led the CSSD to upgrade the importance of North-South relations and the related role of the UN. It concluded that Czechs should have a say whenever human ri ghts were jeopardized in any part of the world . While it endorsed EU membership, it thought of it in terms of stimulating the Czech economy. While it favored NATO entry , it expressed grave concerns about the future location of nuclear weapon s on Czech territory. During the I 998 election the ODS continued to give a " realpolitik" cast to its statements on foreign policy. National interests rather than humanitarian concerns were its top priority. NATO membership cou ld bring increased security for the nation as well as trade and technological benefits. The latter would promote development of the free market, a priority for Klaus since the early 1990s. National economic interests were of paramount importance, whi le crusades connected with globalization and human rights were to be carefu ll y examined. Increased Czech exports through membership in international organizations were the desired outcome. Thus, the party said less than did the CSSD about broader, western-based international organizations that could pull the Czech nation beyond the orbit of its national interests. 106 106 See Jakub Durr, Vo/by '98 (Brno: Pavel Saradin , 2000), pp. 84-97. �SLOVAKIA 125 Attention to th e views of the main political parties enriches understa ndin gs of the Czech point of view on the major foreign and security policy question s of the day. Czech voters in the 2002 elections confirmed the steady march toward s inclu sion in western institution s. Rejection of the ODS was based in part on the negative reaction to the "euroskeptic" views of Klau s on the matter of integration into the EU . Public support for EU membership was confirmed in the results of the June 2003 Referendum. EU support for Czech membership had been offered at the end of 2002. One of the continuing political challenges for the Czech Republic during the 1990s was the iss ue of minority rights, a matter that affected the country's relation ship with the outside world. The criteria for entering both NATO and the EU required a record of fairness toward key groups within the population . One major conflict was the relationship between Czechs and the Roma. A number of well-publicized incidents have raised questions about Czech attitudes and policies. For example, the erection of a wall by Czechs in Ustf nad Labem in 1999 became a foreign policy incident as well as a temporary setback to pursuit of EU membership. It was clear that the wall was intended to prevent Czechs from having to view the Rom a population as well as their Iife-sty le. Attention to such iss ues was necessary in li ght of integration into western institutions. Development of a robust political culture on foreign policy questions remained another challenge to the new state. One s ignificant new factor was the emerge nce of a visible public opinion on foreign policy questions. In genera l, the public was supportive of the new linkages with western institutions. However, there were some differences that were sign ifi ca nt. Public opinion polls over time demonstrated a stabl e level of support for EU entry . However, before 1999 support for entry into NATO was less impressive. 107 Events of 1999 made some difference. In that year the Czech Republic actually en- ' 07 See Caro l Skalnik Leff, The Czech and Slovak Republics: Nation Versus State (Bou lder. Colorado: Westview Press, 1997), p 263. �SLOVAKIA 126 te red NATO , a nd th e Kosovo bo mbin g ca mpa ig n imm edi a te ly occurred . Suc h proximity to th e wars in the Ba lkan s made Czec hs somewhat more like ly to think pos iti ve ly abo ut NATO entry. Th ere were a lso uniqu e e ffo rts to build suppo rt within the po litical culture for certain fore ig n poli cy instituti o ns. One abiding problem was the negative set of Czec h attitudes abo ut the ro le of the military. C zec h resentme nt of the military is unde rstand abl e in li g ht o f the long years of the Sov ie t military prese nce afte r 1968 . Al so , after 1989 th e So vie t military left a catastro phe in many Czec h co mmu niti es. The barracks a nd o the r fac iliti es were in te rribl e co nditi o n, and individu a l Sovi et units had ta ke n anythin g of va lue fro m those locati o ns. One effort to build mo re pos iti ve Czec h attitudes abo ut the military too k pl ace in So uth Bo he mi a. A c iti ze n group ca ll ed S AS was fo rmed in 1997. The a im of the group was to de mon strate th at the Czec h military was a contributin g in strume nt in a de mocra ti c state rather than mere ly an in strume nt o f power. The SAS established link s to sc hoo ls and uni versities with the obj ec tive of c ultiv atin g a mo re pos iti ve attitude abo ut the C zech military. It set up co nfere nces and a lso co nsulted spec ia li sts from o the r nati o ns. In fac t, o ne res ult o f thi s acti vity was the creation of spec ial ti es betwee n the c ity o f Ces ky Kruml o v in the Czec h Republi c and Mi a mi Beac h in the State of Fl o rida, USA . A public e xcha nge of ideas abo ut the rol e of th e military could gene rate more in fo rmed C zech perspec ti ves about the va lue of a strong defense capability to cope w ith new threats. 108 Mo re positive attitudes about th e military wo uld fac ilitate integ rati o n into western o rgani zati o ns such as NATO. Slovakia The creati o n of po liti ca l stability was a greater c ha lle nge for Sl ovaki a than it was fo r the Czec h Republi c . In the C zec h case continuity of leadership from the 1989-93 period to th e post-1989 pe riod ' 08 J. Yondro us. .. Regionaln f dimenze ceskeho atl anti smu.'· M inisterst vo zahranicnfch vecf(2002). h ttp: //wwW .lllZ V.C/. March 2002 . �SLOVAKIA 127 contributed to stability. In the Slovak case continuity of leadership undermined rather than supported stability. Vladimfr Meciar had been the chosen Slovak leader in the two years immediately after the 1989 revolution. His new party, Movement for a Democratic Slovakia (HZDS), did very well in the 1992 elections, and this enabled him again to become Prime Minister once Slovakia became an independent state in 1993 . He was reluctant to reform in any comprehensive way the centrally planned economy, and thus privatization was very slow. In addition, his government included " many of the old regime ' s cadres, resources, and xenophobic ideologies intact. " 109 Meciar fell from power in the spring of 1994, and a caretaker government under Jozef Moravcfk managed public affairs until the fall elections. Again, the voters returned a coalition government headed by Meciar and the HZDS to power, and this government lasted through the next elections in 1998. In this period Meciar basically put the brakes both on democratization and on the movement of the economic system towards free market principles. The political experiences of the first half decade of independence had major consequences for foreign policy, as Slovakia made very slow progress on the criteria that both NATO and the EU presented to it. During the I 998-2002 period , a coalition led by the Social Democratic and Christian Union (SDKU) took the leading role in government, after the public rebuffed Meciar for a third time. Mikulas Dzurinda as Prime Minister gradually moved Slovakia back onto the path towards western institutions. He emerged again as Prime Minister after the fall 2002 elections , and so the steady movement toward NATO and the EU remained unchanged. Meciar and the HZDS were still prominent and in fact received in 2002 both the largest share of the popular vote ( 19.5 %) and the highest number of seats in the I 50 seat legislature (36). His rhetoric on foreign policy was more muted in this campaign , but numerous warnings emanated from NATO and ,m Rudolf L. Tokes. " From Visegrad to Krakow: Cooperation, Competition , and Coexi stence in Central Europe," Problems of Communism 40( 1991 ), pp. 100-114. �SLOVAKIA 128 the EU leade rship a bo ut the imp licati o ns of a new governme nt in whic h the HZ DS pl ayed a ny rol e at a ll. In late Septe mber work began o n a coa liti o n th at would in c lude Dzu rinda's S DK U, the C hristi a n De mocrati c Uni o n (KDH), A lli a nce fo r ew C itize ns (A 0), and the Hungari an Coa liti o n (SMK). In earl y October thi s fo ur-party coa litio n fo rged an ag reeme nt abo ut executi ve pos iti o ns, and the new governme nt was in pl ace. A ll of these arra nge me nts were a imed to keep Sl ova ki a o n a stead y trac k in es tabli shin g its new, wes te rn o rgani zatio na l connectio ns in fore ig n poli cy. 11 0 Whil e the Czechs had been press ured by the o utside world o n the matte r of the Ro ma, Slovaks were c riti c ized fo r the ir treatment of the Hun garian mi no rity. Aga in , the Mec iar periods were suspec t in th is regard . Otto Ulc1 11 ex pl a in s thi s situ ati o n by notin g th at afte r 1968 Slova ks were not pro min e nt in the di ss ide nt moveme nt th at e mphasized hum a n ri ghts. Part of the pro bl e m was a lso the lack of ex perie nce of S lova ks in the Czechoslovak dipl o mati c corps. The leaders may have not understood full y the way in whi ch Slova ki a's domesti c record o n mino rity re lati o ns, the e nviro nme nt , a nd autho ritari ani sm in ge ne ra l influe nced fo re ign percepti o ns as we ll as fo re ig n po li cy objecti ve . 11 2 In another respect, the Slovak governme nt d urin g th at peri od was quite ce ntra li st o n the matter o f th e ri g hts of reg io ns within the country. The re is so me iro ny in thi s, fo r th e HZDS had been very ant i-federa li st (a nti -ce ntra list) after its e merge nce in April 199 1. 11 3 In that ea rli er time, the ta rget had bee n the a ll eged centrali st reg ime in Prag ue, s ince the Czec hos lovak state was still intact. Ev ide nce of Mec iar 's centra li st po li c ies li es primaril y in hi s po licy towards the 110 RFE/RL ewsline. Part II. September 24. 2002; October 8, 2002. Archived at http://\\\\w.11°erl.org September. October. 2002. 111 Otto Ulc. " The Bumpy Road ofCzechoslovaki a·s Velvet Revolution ," Problems of Communism 41 ( 1992). pp. 19-3 3 111 See Adrian Hyde Price. The International Politics of East Central Europe (New York: M anchester Uni versity Press, 1996), p. 28. 11 3 Ulc,"The Bumpy Road of Czechoslovakia ' s Ve l vet Revoluti on ." p. 29. �SLOVAKIA 129 eastern part of Slovakia. In the mid- I 990s that region became interested in participating in a large Carpathian Euroregion. Other players in the Euroregion wo uld include Romania , Hungary , Poland , and Ukraine. However, the Slovak Ministry of the Interior was quite critical of that orientation. In 1995 that Ministry abo li shed the Slovak Carpathian Regional Association that had co nsisted of a number of regional and local governments in eastern Slovakia. As a result, in 1996 the Slovak representatives in the Euroregion resigned and Slovakia cancel led its participation. Meciar took these actions because of a double suspicion. First, he was suspic ious that the eastern Slovak metropolis of Kosice would lead eastern Slovakia to develop its own independent foreign policy . Second, he feared that Hungary would use the Euroregion to exp loit the anger of the Slovak Hungarian minority . 114 Such att itudes and policies of the top leadership would not mesh well with the EU and its priority on the rights of regions within countries. However, after the 1998 elections the Slovak leadership reflected more sensitivity toward the political culture. For exam ple, Slovaks were aware after 1998 of the need to incorporate domestic non-governmenta l gro ups (NGO 's) into the increasingly public discussion of foreign policy . Thi s was particularly the case in the efforts to ga in admiss ion to NATO. Younger persons were a special target of efforts at political soc ialization . Teachers in middle schools organized essay contests about the sig nific ance of NATO . Organized debates about NATO themes took pl ace in both middle and upper schools. Further, the government set up twe lve information centers that were aimed at youn ger persons. According to one observer, regional projects abo ut NATO by 2002 had reached 120,000 students. Similar discuss ions were aimed at women's groups . For example, profess ional women in Bratislava as we ll as the Union of Women of S lovakia engaged in discussions on the mea nin g and significance of NATO . The mass "" See A lexander Duleba, 'The Slovak-Ukraini an-Russian Security Tri angle." in M argarita M. Balmaceda, ed ., On the Edge: Ukrainian-Central European-Russian Security Triangle (Budapest: Central European Univers ity, 2000), pp. I 06- I 09. �SLOVAKIA 130 medi a also pl ayed a ro le in thi s process. T wo major national telev ision projects were aimed at promoting di sc uss ion of NATO the mes. Furthe r, additi o na l in fo rm ati on proj ec ts we re bea med at the populati on through thi rty loca l te lev ision stati ons. The re was even an effort to pull ex pe rts and speciali sts into the di scuss ion. 115 The hope was th at these gro up s wo uld communicate pos iti ve attitudes abo ut NATO to the ir peers a nd e ve n in the ir publicat ions. S imil arl y, after the Nice EU Summit at the e nd of 2000 , Slo vaki a establi shed the Nation al Conve nti on. Its mi ssion e ntail ed stimul ati on of a nati o nal di scuss ion on the E U and Slovak nati o nal inte rests. The di scuss ion was to be in c lu s ive in which po liti ca l party me mbe rs, acade mi cs, c hurc hes , interest gro ups, non- governme nta l orga ni zati o ns, trade union s, muni cipalities, and reg ions all pl ayed a ro le. 11 6 Comparison Both co untries confronted major po litica l chall e nges th at affected fore ign po licy prospects. In both cases there was outside scrutin y and suspi c io n througho ut the first decade abo ut the way in whi c h their governme nts treated key minority gro ups. C riteri a fo r admi ssion to wes te rn orga ni zati ons required prog ress in thi s area. Both countri es a lso ex pe ri e nced maj or c ha nges in governme nt. In the Czech case such cha nges d id not affect very much the steady process of integration w ith the West. Slovak governme ntal changes had more of an impact. In addition , the continuin g presence of Vl adimfr Meciar and the HZDS had the net effect of postponin g Slovaki a's integrati on with western institution s until the late 1990s. Finally , cultivation of positive attitudes within the po liti ca l c ulture became a priority once the leadership made the dec ision to look in a westward direction . In th e Czec h case thi s spotli ght on po liti ca l culture was a 115 • Organ izacie a instituc ie, ktorym bola udelena Strieborn a plaketa M inisterstva zahranicnych vecf Slovenskej republ iky di\a 20. juna 2002," M inisterst vo zah ranicnych vecf(2002). http://www.mzv .sk Oc tober 2002. 116 " Narodny ko nvent o Evropskej buducnosti Slovenska," Ministerst vo zahranicnych vecf (2002). http://www.mzv.sk October 2002. �SLOVAKIA 131 constant theme throughout the decade, but in the Slovak case it was only characteristic of the second half of the decade. Economic Factors and Foreign Policy of the Two Nation-States The Czech Republic In the years following th e 1989 revo lution , the Klau s government made eco nomi c restructurin g in Czechoslovakia a major priority. Privati zation and the use of vouchers placed formerly state-controlled industries in private hand s. Job sec urity yie lded to the greater uncertainty connected with the free market. It became more like ly that industries would ri se and fa ll on the ir own merits, while artifi cial control of prices was no longer the norm. 11 7 Thus, major economic changes had deve loped their own momentum at the time the Czechs separated from Slovakia, and they bore the potenti al to have a major impact on foreign policy. For exampl e, ga inin g admission to the EU became a top priority as a result of the new geographic and eco nomi c developments. Very soon Brusse ls presented to the eastern countries its Iist of thirty-one chapters in the "acqui s communautaire" process. Czech leaders began to meet regularl y with EU bureaucrats in order to demonstrate progress toward s meeting the criteria of eac h of the chapters. Usually twice a year the EU represe ntatives came to the Czech Republic to inspect progress made and to iss ue judgments about the relative rank of the nation on the li st of EU prospects from that region. By the end of the 1990s, the Czech Republic ranked near the top of the prospec ti ve li st of new members, and membership appeared like ly by 2004. In fac t, in October of 2002 the EU Commission announced that the Czech Republic would be one of the ten nation s admitted in 2004. 11 8 Czech involvement in the EU 's PHARE and ERBD investment projects was of particular significance. Invo lve ment in the wider EU market would 117 See Bernard Wheaton and Zdenek Ka van , The Velvet Revolution: Czechoslo- vakia 1988- /99 1 (Boulder. Colorado: Westvi ew Press, 1992) , pp. 139-143. 118 Sueddeutsche Zeitung, October 9, 2002. Arch i ved at: http://sueddeutsche .de October 2002. �132 SLOVAKIA multipl y the steps taken by the Czech governme nt in co nvers ion to capitali sm and th ereby open up additional new in vestment opportunities in othe r nations. At the same time , eve ntua l EU membership woul d lead to add ition al western investments, and important ones had come about already in the 1990s. For example , in 1994 th e German automobil e company Volkswagen bought majo rity co ntrol of the o ld Czech mega-compan y Skoda . Whil e the agree ment did guarantee the Germans majority control , it also provided the Czechs with a veto over future policy dec ision s. 11 9 Similarly, Air France took over the Prague Airport Ruzyne and made it into a modern facility. Early in the twenty-first century the A merica n company Motorola began construction of a fac tory in Moravia in the area of the Beskydy Mountains. Much news accompanied the buy -out of severa l well known breweries, including Pil sner Urque ll , by South Africa n enterprises. Certainly , one by- product of this western indu stri a l and financial in vo lvement would be the rapid infusion of western tec hniques and know-how in manag ing an economy on capitali st princi pl es. A ll of thi s would acce lerate the type of domestic economic restructuring that would more qui ck ly meet EU criteria. The outreach of the changing Czech economy was not confined exclusively to its European nei ghborhood. For instance, in the mid l 990s the Czech Re publi c became a member of UNESCO. In th at capac ity it took a particular interest in the plight of the ravaged nations that had e merged from the old Yugoslavia. This ac ti vity led to membership as well in the Organi zat ion for Economic Cooperati on and Developme nt (OECD ). In fact , the Czechs were the first from the Central E uropean region to ga in membership in th at organi zation. Linkages between the Czech Republic and the Internati onal Monetary Fund (IMF) e nh anced their reputation for reliabi lity. In A ugus t 1994, the natio n was the first post-communist state to pay off its 11 9 Leff. The Czech and Slo vak Republics: Nation Vers us State. p. 263. �SLOVAKIA 133 initial IMF loan . 120 Again, involvement with the larger universe of western capitalist economies outside the immediate geographic region paid dividends in terms of domestic economic change. In sum, the revolution of 1989, combined with the loss of Slovakia in 1993, generated a rapid rate of economic change in the Czech Republic. Conversion to capitalist economic principles was inevitable after the 1989 events, but the process received a number of important stimuli. Interest in joining NATO and the drive for EU membership mandated that the nation meet specific criteria in terms of capitalist development. Investments by western firms outside the nation led to collaborative efforts in which Czech managers could more fully see the capitalist system in action. Involvement in the economic projects of a number of global organizations, primarily located in the West, expanded Czech horizon s in a positive way. All of thi s offered a powerful economic antidote to the much more restricted COMECON framework that was characteristic of the Cold War. Slovakia For a number of reasons , Slovakia looked east for economic links rather than west after the 1993 split. This had also been true after the 1989 revolution. Slovak leaders noted that their country was the only Yisegrad member that bordered all of the other three. Such a perception encouraged them to think about a potential Slovak role as the ideal country to be a bridge between East and West. The collapse of COMECON led the Slovaks to hope for a replacement in the form of special ties with Russia and Ukraine. The look eastward made Slovakia "more sensitive to developments in the CIS." 12 1 At the same time, EU import quotas were having a negative impact on certain Slovak industries such as a steel mill in Kosice, and that created some suspicion about the West. 122 120 Leff, The Czech and Slovak Republics: Nation Versus State, p. 258. 12 1 Price, The International Politics of East Central Europe, p. 170. 122 Leff, The Czech and Slovak Republics: Nation Versus State, p. 261. �134 SLOVAKIA One concrete manifestation of thi s economic orie ntatio n to the East was cultivation of a spec ial link to Ru ss ia. A key motive for this outreach was the pli g ht of the Slovak arms industry . At the time of the 1989 revolution , o ne hundred e leven of Czec hoslo va ki a ' s weapon s manufacturing pl a nts were in the Slovak region . As early as 1990, weapo ns sa les from those pl ants had declined from 1988 leve ls from eight billio n dollars to one billion . This situ ation prompted Meciar to trave l to Moscow in 1991 in order to get defe nse co ntracts to make up some of thi s loss. 123 In fact , the sub sequent recess io n became part of the reason that Slovak leaders sought separation from the Czechs. Further, the Slovak military hoped that Ru ss ia might give Slovakia li ce nses to se ll military ha rdw are to third world countries. 12~ Eventu a ll y, Pres ident Bo ri s Yeltsin of Ru ss ia visited Slovaki a in Aug ust 1993, and one res ult was the sig nin g of a bilatera l state treaty. In add iti o n, the two states s ig ned a fi ve-yea r military cooperation agree me nt. The latter would po te nti a ll y assist Slovakia economically, for it would he lp rev ive its arm s industry . One fea ture of the agree me nt was the provis io n that Ru ss ia would suppl y spare parts for th e Slovak milita ry. 125 Other Slovak goa ls in c lud ed development of a Slovak role in tran sporting Ru ss ian natural gas to Western Europe. In part, Mec iar hoped that the flirtation with Ru ss ia mi g ht increase Slovakia ' s econo mi c importance to th e West a nd attract in vestme nts from that direction as well. 126 Cultivation of ties to Ukrai ne a lso became part of thi s new economi c strategy. Early afte r th e revolution Meciar soug ht to build a new railway from Brati slava to Ukraine by utili zing the for mer Soviet ra il network. 127 By the middl e 1990s Slovak leaders began to think in broader terms. Perh aps Ukra ine could act as well as the gate- 12 .1 See Andrew A. Michta. East Central Europe after the Warsaw Pact: Security Dilemmas in the 1990s (New York: Greenwood Press. 1992 ). p. 107. 12 "' Duleba, ·'The Slovak-Ukrainian-Ru ssian Security Tri angle: · p. 20. 125 Price, The International Politics o f East Central Europe. p. 170. 126 Duleba, ''The Slovak-Ukrainian-Ru ssian Security Triangle." pp. 85-8 6. 127 Price. The International Politics of East Central Europe. p. 170. �SLOVAKIA 135 way to the Ru ss ian market. 128 For many Slovaks, Ukraine was in a sense still Ru ss ia, and thu s economic policies toward s the two we re intertw ined. In spite of the eastward look in economic policy, western organi zation s were not totall y ignored. For example, in June 1993 Sl ovaki a was accepted into the Council of Europe. Then in June 1995 , th e M ec iar government submitted a membership appli cati on to the EU . Reliance on in ves tments from western countries rein forced thi s economic policy dimension. K ey economic in vestors in the 1990s included, in rank order , Germ any, A ustri a, and th e Czech Repu bli c. 129 Despite Slovaki a's approach to the East, the W est was in many ways more helpful. Seri ous di sc uss ions w ith the EU rea ll y began in 1997 w ith th e Lu xembourg Summit. A t th at meeting the EU placed Slovaki a in a second ti er of si x nati ons, and so it looked as if Sl ovaki a wo uld have to wa it longer then its Czech co unterpart, w ho ended up in the first ti er of si x. Contacts w ith the EU acce lerated after the defea t of the M ec iar government in 1998. A multilateral screening process by the EU took pl ace between April 1998 and February 1999, and thi s gave way to more signifi ca nt bil ateral screenin g procedu res between M arch of 1999 and Febru ary of 2000. 130 In the 2000-2002 period Slovaki a worked its way th rough most of the thirty-one chapters of th e EU 's aqui s co mmunautaire. For exa mpl e, di sc uss ions about Chapter Four ce ntered on future poss ibilities that fore igners could control Sl ovak land and corresponding poss ibilities fo r Slovak s to purchase land w ithin th e EU. Fo ll ow in g the 1998 elec ti ons th e chances of mee tin g the goa ls of Ch apter Si x we re enhanced, as Slovaki a moved more firml y in the direc ti on of erec tin g a market economy. Chapter Seven on agri cultu re was a criti ca l one for Slovak ia as it was for most of the other nati ons in the region. Sl ovak s 12 " 129 1.'<, Du leba. ··The Slovak-Ukrainian-Russian Security Triangle." p. 97 . Leff. The Czech and Slovak Republics: Nation Versus State. p. 262. '·Fazy proces u rozs irova ni a EU ," M inisterstvo za hra11ic11yc h vecf (2002) . hllp ://www. 1111. v.,k Oc tober 2002. �SLOVAKIA 136 soug ht promises of an ad mini stra ti ve structure that wou ld e nsure protect ion of the ir agric ultural sys tem . The politica l tran s iti on from the Mec iar governm e nt to th at of Dzurinda made sa ti sfac tion of Chapte r Thirteen more poss ibl e. Th at c hapter in vo lved worker 's ri g hts, ge nde r equ a lity, racia l justi ce, a nd other vita l categori es. Sl ovak ia rece ived spec ia l in stru c tion s within th e framework of Chapter Fifteen. Th e EU requ es ted th a t Slo va ki a acce lera te pri vati za ti o n of ba nk s as we ll as na tural reso urce mo nopoli es. Further, it was ex pected th at Slovakia wo uld build up small and medium s ized firm s w hil e e nco urag in g add iti o na l fo re ig n in vestme nt. 13 1 Comparison The Czec h Republic and Slo vaki a did move on separate paths in terms of the economi c dime nsion of fo re ign policy for a large part of the first decade after separation . In fac t, so me of their sharpe r differences e merged in the fo ur years after the 1989 revo luti on prior to the 1993 breakup. In the post- 1993 atmosphere the Czechs quickl y latched on to western organi zati ons in order to map out their future. S lovaki a, with its differe nt geographi c position and greater nostalgia for the lost economic links to the form er Soviet Union , c ultivated the Ukra ine and Russ ia as part of a ge nera l orientation to the east. Both di sappointme nt with the East and th e ex pe rien ce of th e 1998 elections brought the Slovak path much c loser to that of the Czechs . One sy mbo l of thi s shift was the progress made by both states in th e 1998-2002 pe riod towa rd me mbership in the EU . By September of 2002 the Czech Re public had c losed twe nty-fi ve of the thirty most s ignifi cant c hapters th at led to EU me mbership. Surprising ly, Slovaki a had closed twe nty-seven. Slo vakia 's progress had bee n very rapid, for the Czechs had ac tu all y closed eightee n of the chapters before Slovakia had . An important resu lt was th at Sl ova kia moved 131 " Ka ndid atske krajiny a ic h ak tu alny stav negoc iac if," Ministe,:~tvo w hranicnj ch vecf (2002). http ://www.111zv.~k Jul y 30. 2002. �SLOVAKIA 137 from the second ti er of six pote nti al EU members to the first ti er of ten between 1997 and the autumn of 2002. T he re port of the EU Commiss ion on October 9, 2002, bas ica ll y treated both countri es as if they were at simil ar leve ls of pre paredness for EU entry in earl y 2004. 132 Both co untries ge nera ll y rece ived pos iti ve reports and were firml y in the group o f ten nati ons to be admitted at the sa me time in 2004. National Security Factors and the Foreign Policy of the Two States The Czech Republic Separati on fro m S lovak ia led to an immed iate series of ste ps aimed at underpinnin g the natio nal sec urity of the new, smaller Czech state. T hroughout th e first decade after the separati on, the sec urity spotli ght shi fted from an emph as is on the Wes tern European Unio n (W EU), to the ca mpaign fo r NATO me mbership , and later to cons iderat ion of th e ro le of th e Co mmon Fore ign and Sec urity Po li cy (CFS P) of th e EU. 133 ln additi o n, Czec hs bega n to in vo lve themse lves more full y in international organi zati ons such as the UN, OSCE , and Y isegrad . T hu s th e nati o na l sec urity age nd a was crowded. Czech disc uss ions abo ut defense po licy in the earl y 1990s centered in part on the W EU , an organi zati on that had e merged in 1948 with the Brusse ls Treaty. On the o ne hand , EU pl anners at the begi nning of the 1990s envisioned the WEU in a ce ntra l ro le in ass istin g Europe to take responsibility fo r its ow n sec urity. On the other hand , others hoped that the WEU could he lp create mo re conse nsus with NATO as well as support for NATO mi ss ions. 134 rn RFE/RL News line. Part II. October 10. 2002. Archived at: h1tp ://www.rferl.org October 2002. rn See Dav id S. Mason , Revolution and Transition in East Central Europe. Second Edi tion (Bou lder, Colorado : Westview Press, 1996), pp. 95-98. " 4 K arel Pezl, " Ceska repub li ka a zapadoevropske unie: bezpecnostnf aspek ty, " Mezinarodnf Politika 18( 1994). pp. 25-26. �138 SLOVAKIA By the late 1990s discu ss ions within the Czech Re public about admission to NATO overshadowed conversations about the fading WEU. Admission to NATO in 1999 brought with it a whole set of new obligations. There was a need to prepare defense legislation that would move the Czech defense structure toward the level of NATO standard s. New military pe rso nnel requirements mandated that the Czech defense sector prepare courses for a ll ranks about the changing role of the military. Training in the use of radar was also upgraded. Further, the Czech Republic would need to build a crisis command center that would facilitate the rapid sharing of information between NATO and the Czech Republic. It would also be necessary for the Czechs to build a sys tem of command and control that paralleled the organizations in other NATO countries. 135 Immediately after expansion to include three new members in 1999, NATO had an opportunity to utilize these new national resources during the Kosovo bombing campaign . One lesson of that campaign was increased awareness of th e asymmetry of capabilities within the alliance. 136 America provided eighty per cent of the bombs dropped on Kosovo in the spring of 1999 as well as ninety per cent of the weapons. U. S. airplanes were the only ones that could operate in all weather. Lowered European defen se budgets in the 1990s resulted in a situation in which all European NATO members contributed only two-thirds of the fundin g that the United States did to defen se. The Czech Republic responded to this imbalance by developing a blueprint for change in 2001. That plan called for a rapid upgrade in mane uverability of units, logistical strength, placement of weaponry and pe rsonnel , ability to resist over a lon g period, and information command and control. Further, the Ministry of Defense drew up a li st of four principles that would guide Czech participation rn Antonin Sverak . ··vnej sf a vnitfnf aspekty zac lenovanf resortu obrany CR do NATO," Mezimfrodnf Vztahy 2( 1999). pp. 13-3 1. 136 See Otto Pick, ·· NATO, evropska obrana a poucenf K osova." CR po vstupu do NATO. Uvahy a problemy (Praha: Ceska Atlanticka Komise UMY. 2000), pp. 2532. �SLOVAKIA In 139 NATO. Th ey inc luded co ntinu ed in vo lvement of the two North American powers in the defe nse of Europe, reliance on NATO as the main guarantor of European security , subordination of the CFSP of the EU within the framework of NATO , a nd guara nteed access to NATO capabi lities for all EU defense and sec urity mi ss ion s. 137 Recog nition of the important Czech role in NATO was evident in the dec ision to hold the conference of Nove mber 2002 in Prague. At that meeting seve n additional nati ons joined the military alliance. Finally, durin g th e war in Iraq in 2003, th e Czechs sent an anti-biolog ical , chemical , and nuclear weapon s unit as well as a fi eld hospital. By the early 1990s, the EU began to outline plans for its own defe nse structure, one that would be independent of the North Atlantic nation s th at had for so lon g domin ated NATO. These plans centered on the creation in 1990 of th e Common Forei gn and Security (CFS P) of the EU . In 1993 the Treaty of Europe called for the addition to the CFSP of pe rm ane nt officials from the EU Council Secretariat as well as of fiftee n diplomats from each Fore ign Ministry. 138 In early 2001 the Czech Foreign Mini ster made a persuasive case for the natural harmony between the broad-rang ing objectives of the CFSP and the specific, national inte rests of the Czec h Republic. 139 For him the current spirit of cooperation in Europe was a needed antidote to the suffer in g of the Czechoslovak people during the twe nti e th century. Throu gh the CFSP, the Czech Re public would ga in both assistance in its multi-pronged process of development and also the opportunity to co ntribute to regional probl e m so lvin g. He did not e nvision participation in European and Atlantic structures as a threat to Czech national inte rests. In particul ar, the Dece mber 2000 Nic e Summit ge nerated orga ni zati o na l c han ges in EU institution s 117 Jaromfr Novotny, "' DCI (Defense Capabiliti es Initiative) a Cesk,\ Republika." Mini sterstvo zahranicnfch vecf (2002). http://www.1111v.u March 2002 . 1" See Charlotte Bretherton and John Vogler. The European Un ion as a Global Actor (L ondon: Routledge. 1999). pp. 169- 196. iw -''Jan K avan. ·'Ceska zahrani cnf politika na prahu 2 1. stoletf."' Mez inarodnf Politikil 25(200 I ). pp. 4-5. �140 SLOVAKIA that would continue to break down the artificial barriers that divided Europe during the Cold War. Growin g European military stren gth would s imultaneou sly contribute to an increase in Czech capabi lities. 140 Slovakia In spite of the fact that so much of the defense industry had been located in the Slovak areas during the Co ld War and into the immediate post-1989 revolution period, the leadership ex peri ence of Slovaks on defen se matters had been re lative ly slim . For instance, in I 99 1 Slovak so ldiers constituted 34.7 % of the federa l Czechoslovak army. However, the representation of Slovak manage rs within the Ministry of Defense over several years ranged from on ly 5 to 23 %. 141 In the early years after separation , Slovaks were primarily focused on reestabli shing or maintaining ties with the East. Previously mentioned political ties to Ru ss ia, Ukraine, and Yi segrad see med to offer them a non-western prescription for protecting national sec urity. The Slovaks rea ll y only went through the motion s of taking part in so me western sec urity structures. For example, like th e Czech Republic , Slovakia became an Assoc iate Partner in the WEU and reg ul arl y attended its meetings. Although Associate Members he ld no voting power within the organization , they did have the ri ght to plan and execute military operations. 142 Contac ts between Slovakia and NATO were minimal and bas ically centered on only a few reciprocal visits by key personnel during the three years before Meciar fel l from grace. The most impor- 140 Pavel Teli cka, " Aktualni stav jednani o pristoupeni CR k EU ," M ezimirodnf Politika 25(200 I ). 14 1 Michta, East Central Europe after the Warsaw Pact: Security Dilemmas in the 1990s, p. I 10. 142 See Philip H. Gordon, ·The Western European Union and NATO 's ' Europeanisation ," in Philip H. Gordon, ed., NATO 's Transformation : The Changing Shape of the Atlantic Alliance (L ondon : Row man & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. , I 997), p. 26 1. �SLOVAKIA 141 tant visit by a top NATO figure to Slovakia was the 1996 trip of Secretary-General Javier Solana . The most important Slovak trip was that by President Kovac to Brussels in 1996 to meet with top NATO personnel. After the 1998 elections and the establishment of a new government under Mikulas Dzurinda, the pace of contacts picked up. In early 2002, Slovakia hosted visits by the unified NATO European commander General Dieter Stockman ; by General Joseph Ralston, the commander of NATO forces in Europe; and by Deputy NATO Minister Nicholas Burns. In turn, Slovak leaders who made their way to NATO Headquarters included incoming Prime Minister Dzurinda in 1998 and President Schuster in 1999 and again in 2002. 143 Another key component of the post- I 998 , systematic Slovak move toward s NATO involved the Membership Action Plan (MAP) Process. In early 1999 Slovakia presented a five-point plan that included a strategy for political/economic issues, defense/military question s, resources/capabilities, security challenges, and legal matters. In April of 1999, NATO accepted that MAP and the Slovak government followed suit in June of the same year. The National Program for the process of NATO entry was finalized in April of 2000. 144 Finalization of the MAP process led to many meetings over the next few years. Additional activity after 1998 centered on galvanizing public support for entry into the military alliance. Slovakia held a grants competition to enable NGO' s to raise public awareness of the significance of NATO entry. Support for entry came officially from a total of seventy-five Roma organizations. One result of all thi s activity was a rel atively high level of public support for joining the organization . Between the fall of 200 I and the spring of 2002 , support reflected in public opinion poll s rose from 52.2 % to 60.7 %, although it 143 " M edznfky spoluprace SR a NATO," Ministerstvo zahranicnych vec f (2002). http ://www.rnzv.sk October 2002. 144 " Chrono logicky prehl'ad PREN AME," Ministerstvo zahranicnych vecf(2002). http ://www.mzv.,k October 2002. �142 SLOVAKIA declined a bit a few month s later. 145 All of this attention to visits, organizational matters, and public opinion enabled Slovakia to make up for its lack of attention an d interest in NATO during the midI 990s. In addition , during the latter part of the 1990s, Slovakia took part in severa l important peacekeeping missions under NATO leadership. This involvement demonstrated that the nation would possess the level of commitment required of new NATO members. After completion of the Dayton Accord on Bosnia in 1995, Slovakia se nt some military personnel and equipment as part of SFOR to the area of operations. At the end of 1997, it sent three Army engineers and five army specialists in the field of civil-military cooperation. In the fall of 2002 Slovakia made its first Air Force contribution to a NATO mis sion. The capabilities it sent included a helicopte r unit with two helicopte rs and twenty-one assoc iated personnel. Slovakia promised to keep that contingent in Bosnia for the next six months. Involveme nt in KFOR after the Kosovo bombin g campaign in late 1999 was even more extensive. The initial commitment included forty Army engineers , a nd di spatch of an additional four persons at the command level one year later. A major upgrade occurred in early 2002 with the creation of a five hundred person Czech-Slovak rapid reaction battalion . The Slovak role in that force included twenty per cent of the overall membership, and the vast majority of those were doctors, conductors, mechanics, and logi stics specialists. The vital mi ss ions of that battalion centered on sec uring the Serb-Kosovo border, monitoring a range of activities, assuring stable conditions for the return of refugees, policing the civil serv ice, and protecting the Serb minority. 146 Thi s particular operation would provide man y lessons that would assist Slovakia in making important contributions as a full NATO member. Finally , in the sprin g of 2003 , Slovakia dispat145 " Chronologicky prehl'ad PREN AME," Ministerstvo zahranicnych veer (2002). http ://www.mzY.sk October 2002 . 146 " Ucast' SR v operaciach na podporu mieru pod vedenfm NATO," Ministerstvo zahranicnych vecf(2002). h11p ://www.111zv.sk October 2002. �SLOVAKIA 143 ched military personnel to the Pers ian Gulf durin g the co ntro versial war in Iraq. Comparisons Czech pursuit of national sec urity followed a unidirect io nal path during the first decade a fte r se parati o n from Slovakia. Its leade rs thou ght proacti ve ly in eac h part of the decade about a co ntributin g role in the maj or defe nse opti ons ava il ab le at the time. This mea nt that much of the di sc uss ion foc used on activity within the framework of W EU in the first years after the breakup . Once NATO ad mi ss ion became a real possibility , the Czec hs set the ir eyes on th at orga ni zation . F in all y, as EU membership approac hed early in the new century, more of th e di sc uss ion centered o n the CFSP, a progra m that offered a European sec urity cho ice th at was inde pe nde nt of Ameri can leade rship. In the Slovak case the emp hasis on re-stoking ti es with Ukraine and Ru ss ia at first prec luded seri ous discussion about western sec urity o rga ni zati o nal structures . Once the 1998 e lect ions offered the chance for a new policy, Slovak ia ' s outreach to the West in the defe nse area mainl y took the for m of a se ri ous effort to jo in NA TO. Achi eve me nt of that goa l at the e nd of 2002 e nab led Slovakia to adopt the multi -pron ged , western-oriented strategy utili zed by the Czechs fo r an e ntire decade. Conclusion The re is remark ab le cons iste ncy across the ra nge of va ri abl es that, for a time , divided the two nations. Those vari ables inc lude politi cs, economi cs, and nati o nal sec urity. It is clear th at the political va ri abl es were the driving force be hind the othe r two. Elec ti o n outcomes in the Czech Re public a nd Slovakia were quite different between 1992 and 1998. Those results acco unt primaril y for the very diffe rent foreign polic y path s a lon g which the two sets of fore ign policy elites traveled prior to 1998. Throu ghout the e ntire decade Czech po liti ca l leaders looked to the West fo r th eir future organi zati onal home. Politica l parti es debated the pace and nature of the march to the West but not its in ev i- �SLOVAKIA 144 tability. As a result Czech economic connections with the West were forged throughout the entire period , and the Czec hs ke pt their sights set on EU membership consistently after 1993. The des ire to enter western sec urity structures entailed consideration of the WEU at first, then anticipation as well as achievement of NATO membership, and finall y thorough attention to the CFSP of the EU. S lovak leaders were at first ambiva lent and at times negati ve about connections to the West. In the 1992-98 period they attempted to resusc itate the old eco nomic ties with Ukraine and Ru ss ia. At the same time , they maintained a di stance from the states that were pursuing NATO membership at the earliest poss ible moment. Early hopes that the Visegrad alliance cou ld provide a measure of security for Slovakia di sappeared in 1999 when the other three members of that alli ance joined NATO. The election of 1998 changed Slovakia's forei gn policy path in very defi nite ways. It engaged in much more serious di sc ussions with the EU about progress on the thirty-one chapters of the acquis communautaire. A MAP leadin g to NA TO membership was approved by both that organization and the Slovak government. Although the Slovaks wou ld end up joining NATO three and one half years after the Czechs, both nation s would likely enter the EU at the same time. By the fall of 2002, both countries were not walking exactly on the sa me path , but the ir paths were c learly in view of one another. In conclusion, it is important, while acknowledg in g these differences prior to I 998, not to overstate them. For example, Timothy Frye 147 examined political polarization within all of the post-communi st co untri es. Hi s stud y covered the 1989-98 period , and thu s it included the time frame in which these two countries were moving in differe nt direction s. The political polari zation rating for the Czech Republic was 4.4, and for Slovakia it was 4 .9. Despite the sli ghtly higher rate for Slovaki a, he c lassified both countries as non-pol ari - 14 7 Timothy Frye, " The Price of Polarizati on: Economic Performance in the Post- Communist World," World Politics 54(2002). pp. 308-337 . �SLOVAKIA 145 zed. The po lari zed co untri es inc luded Albania, Be laru s, Bul gari a, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Romani a, Ru ss ia, and Ukraine. Thi s is a signifi cant conclusion, for it he lps ex pl ain how two nati ons that seemed to be mov ing in such di ffe rent directi o ns after 1993 were able to adopt parall el paths by the end of the century. Perh aps the findin gs also revea l the wi sdom of those observers who chose to characteri ze the di vorce in 1993 as a "velvet" one. �� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2005, Vol. 38 Description An account of the resource Vol. 38 (No. 70-71), 2005. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2005 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 121 Separate Paths: Czech and Slovak Foreign Policies Since 1993 James W. Peterson Introduction Foll owing the 1993 break-up of Czechos lovaki a into the Czech Re public and Slovak ia, the two states needed to attend to chall enging fo re ign po li cy iss ues. Wh ile there were important d iffe rences in the situations of the two states, the broad chall enges th at awaited them were s imil ar. In ge nera l, th eir res ponses to those chall enges put the two co untri es on se parate path s th roug ho ut much of the 1990s. It may be th at the iss ues th at led to the brea k-up o f C zechos lo vakia proved too much to overco me in the earl y years after the split. However, by th e earl y twenty-fi rst ce ntury, the ir separate path s moved closer together and stra ightened out in such a way th at they become parallel. The initi al di ffe rences in the new geopo litica l positi ons of the two states were pro nounced. Whil e th e o ld Czechos lovak state had often served as a long, bridge- like link betwee n East and West, the two new co untri es leaned in di ffe rent direction s. Slovak leaders initi all y and instincti ve ly thought about ties to eastern countri es, as well as to th e Yisegrad organizati o n, in whi ch its future pros pec ts were linked to those o f the Czec h Re public, Po land, and Hun gary. By contra st, the Czec h Re public leadership looked westward s to th e o utstretched, embrac ing arms of we ll -es tabli shed European stru ctures . Th e S lova k path was more uncertain and waverin g th an was th e Czech, for Co ld War organi zati onal structures in the east had broken down. 122 SLOVAKIA In light of their contrasting geopolitical orientations, the two states responded differently to common challenges. First, they confronted common political challenges in different ways. While many of these political pressures were primarily domestic , they all had an impact on future foreign policy choices and potentialities. For examp le, both states sought to establish functioning political party systems that would be capab le of proposing consistent foreign policies. Both were under scrutiny from the outside wor ld on the issue of treatment of important minority groups within the country. Further, in each country cultivation of non-governmental organizations that cou ld extend the roots of foreign policy debates further into the civil society was an important goa l. Different strategies on democratization led the two nations on different political paths regarding foreign policy questions. A second common challenge for the Czechs and Slovaks emerged from the economic sector. Newly elected leaders immediately wrestled with the que stion of converting centrally-planned economies into the principles of the free market. Again , this issue was not exclusively domestic . Success in competing for outside loans was contingent on progress made in privatization of enterprises, in release from fixed price controls, and in the estab li shment of principles of competitiveness . By the middl e of the 1990s, prospects for admission to the European Union (EU) were good. Leadership in the Czech Republic initially put a higher priority both on rapid conversion to capita li sm and on links to the EU than did the Slovaks. Thirdly, location of a dependable national security structure was a common problem in the two nations. The Warsaw Pact, a structure that had ostensibly ass ured the protection of the Czechoslovak state did not long survive the end of the Cold War. Give n Slovakia 's more eastern location , there was a long debate on the question of whe ther it was more desirabl e to preserve what was left of ties to its eastern neighbors or to res pond to overtures from the West. For the Czech Republic it was more obvious that participation in western institution s would be th e next step. The West European Union (WEU), SLOVAKIA 123 North Atl anti c Treaty Orga ni zati on (NATO), and the EU's Common Fo re ig n a nd Sec urit y Po li cy (C FSP) we re co nte nd e rs fo r th a t linkage. It sho uld be no surpri se that the fo re ig n po li c ies of S lovaki a and the Czec h Re publi c di verged in the earl y years afte r separation but the n reco nnec ted. The ir commo n ex peri e nce in the Czec hos lovak state th ro ug h e ig ht decades bo re th e sa me contras tin g fea tures. C ultural simil ariti es drew the m together, but at times bitter po litica l and eco no mi c ex pe ri e nces pu shed the m apart. Once freed fro m the larger state. th ey made quite di ffe re nt cho ices fo r a number of years. However, reg io na l and s itu a ti o na l fo rces eventu a ll y pu shed th e ir path s in the world together aga in . Political Factors and Foreign Policy of the Two Nation-States The Czech Republic C reati o n of an effec ti ve, po li cy-ori e nted po litica l syste m was a chall enge in the earl y 1990 s. In the C zec h Republic there was initi a lly considera bl e co ntinuity in po liti ca l leadership afte r Janu ary 1993 . Vac lav Have l re ma in ed as Pres id e nt of the small e r state, whil e Vac lav Kl a us co ntinu ed o n as Prim e Mini ster. The do min ant po litica l party of Kl aus was still the C ivic Democratic Party (ODS), an organi zati o n th at had bee n bo rn o ut of the C ivic Forum so ac ti ve durin g the eve nts of 1989. In genera l, the Kl aus governm ent ( 1993-97 ) e nd o rsed a ll the steps co nn ec ted w ith th e re turn to E uro pe. Th e brea k-up of th e Czechos lovak state put th e Ukra ine and Ru ss ia furthe r away geographi ca ll y fro m the C zec h Republic . Thu s, the Czechs as earl y as 1994 jo ined the Partn ership fo r Peace (P4 P) and stressed c loser link s to Po land . 105 A n a na lys is of po liti ca l party pos iti o ns durin g e lec ti o ns in the 1990 s is very revea lin g in te rm s o f the iss ues and de bates that 0 ' ' See Thomas S. Szayna. ··The Czech Republic: A Small Contributor or a ' Free Rider·'l_-· in Andrew A . M ichta. ed .. A merica·s New A llies: Poland. Hungary. and the Czech Republic in NA TO (Sea tt le: Un i versity of Washingto n Press. 1999). pp. 11 2- 148 . 124 SLOVAKIA circulated throughout the Czech Republic. Political party leaders debated the merits of the move to the West but finally endorsed it. The 1998 elections are a useful example . The Czech Social Democratic Party (CSSD) ended up technically in power, with Milos Zeman as Prime Minister, but the party needed to establish a "Gentlemen ' s Agreement" with the ODS in order to function as a government. For the CSSD there was less emphasis in the e lection campaign on hardheaded defen se of national interests and more of a focus on livin g standards and the rights of citizens within the country . This priority on domestic issues led the CSSD to endorse the idea of a referendum prior to entry into either the EU or NATO. There a lso was a humanitarian component to its view of Czech relations with the outside world. Such a focus led the CSSD to upgrade the importance of North-South relations and the related role of the UN. It concluded that Czechs should have a say whenever human ri ghts were jeopardized in any part of the world . While it endorsed EU membership, it thought of it in terms of stimulating the Czech economy. While it favored NATO entry , it expressed grave concerns about the future location of nuclear weapon s on Czech territory. During the I 998 election the ODS continued to give a " realpolitik" cast to its statements on foreign policy. National interests rather than humanitarian concerns were its top priority. NATO membership cou ld bring increased security for the nation as well as trade and technological benefits. The latter would promote development of the free market, a priority for Klaus since the early 1990s. National economic interests were of paramount importance, whi le crusades connected with globalization and human rights were to be carefu ll y examined. Increased Czech exports through membership in international organizations were the desired outcome. Thus, the party said less than did the CSSD about broader, western-based international organizations that could pull the Czech nation beyond the orbit of its national interests. 106 106 See Jakub Durr, Vo/by '98 (Brno: Pavel Saradin , 2000), pp. 84-97. SLOVAKIA 125 Attention to th e views of the main political parties enriches understa ndin gs of the Czech point of view on the major foreign and security policy question s of the day. Czech voters in the 2002 elections confirmed the steady march toward s inclu sion in western institution s. Rejection of the ODS was based in part on the negative reaction to the "euroskeptic" views of Klau s on the matter of integration into the EU . Public support for EU membership was confirmed in the results of the June 2003 Referendum. EU support for Czech membership had been offered at the end of 2002. One of the continuing political challenges for the Czech Republic during the 1990s was the iss ue of minority rights, a matter that affected the country's relation ship with the outside world. The criteria for entering both NATO and the EU required a record of fairness toward key groups within the population . One major conflict was the relationship between Czechs and the Roma. A number of well-publicized incidents have raised questions about Czech attitudes and policies. For example, the erection of a wall by Czechs in Ustf nad Labem in 1999 became a foreign policy incident as well as a temporary setback to pursuit of EU membership. It was clear that the wall was intended to prevent Czechs from having to view the Rom a population as well as their Iife-sty le. Attention to such iss ues was necessary in li ght of integration into western institutions. Development of a robust political culture on foreign policy questions remained another challenge to the new state. One s ignificant new factor was the emerge nce of a visible public opinion on foreign policy questions. In genera l, the public was supportive of the new linkages with western institutions. However, there were some differences that were sign ifi ca nt. Public opinion polls over time demonstrated a stabl e level of support for EU entry . However, before 1999 support for entry into NATO was less impressive. 107 Events of 1999 made some difference. In that year the Czech Republic actually en- ' 07 See Caro l Skalnik Leff, The Czech and Slovak Republics: Nation Versus State (Bou lder. Colorado: Westview Press, 1997), p 263. SLOVAKIA 126 te red NATO , a nd th e Kosovo bo mbin g ca mpa ig n imm edi a te ly occurred . Suc h proximity to th e wars in the Ba lkan s made Czec hs somewhat more like ly to think pos iti ve ly abo ut NATO entry. Th ere were a lso uniqu e e ffo rts to build suppo rt within the po litical culture for certain fore ig n poli cy instituti o ns. One abiding problem was the negative set of Czec h attitudes abo ut the ro le of the military. C zec h resentme nt of the military is unde rstand abl e in li g ht o f the long years of the Sov ie t military prese nce afte r 1968 . Al so , after 1989 th e So vie t military left a catastro phe in many Czec h co mmu niti es. The barracks a nd o the r fac iliti es were in te rribl e co nditi o n, and individu a l Sovi et units had ta ke n anythin g of va lue fro m those locati o ns. One effort to build mo re pos iti ve Czec h attitudes abo ut the military too k pl ace in So uth Bo he mi a. A c iti ze n group ca ll ed S AS was fo rmed in 1997. The a im of the group was to de mon strate th at the Czec h military was a contributin g in strume nt in a de mocra ti c state rather than mere ly an in strume nt o f power. The SAS established link s to sc hoo ls and uni versities with the obj ec tive of c ultiv atin g a mo re pos iti ve attitude abo ut the C zech military. It set up co nfere nces and a lso co nsulted spec ia li sts from o the r nati o ns. In fac t, o ne res ult o f thi s acti vity was the creation of spec ial ti es betwee n the c ity o f Ces ky Kruml o v in the Czec h Republi c and Mi a mi Beac h in the State of Fl o rida, USA . A public e xcha nge of ideas abo ut the rol e of th e military could gene rate more in fo rmed C zech perspec ti ves about the va lue of a strong defense capability to cope w ith new threats. 108 Mo re positive attitudes about th e military wo uld fac ilitate integ rati o n into western o rgani zati o ns such as NATO. Slovakia The creati o n of po liti ca l stability was a greater c ha lle nge for Sl ovaki a than it was fo r the Czec h Republi c . In the C zec h case continuity of leadership from the 1989-93 period to th e post-1989 pe riod ' 08 J. Yondro us. .. Regionaln f dimenze ceskeho atl anti smu.'· M inisterst vo zahranicnfch vecf(2002). h ttp: //wwW .lllZ V.C/. March 2002 . SLOVAKIA 127 contributed to stability. In the Slovak case continuity of leadership undermined rather than supported stability. Vladimfr Meciar had been the chosen Slovak leader in the two years immediately after the 1989 revolution. His new party, Movement for a Democratic Slovakia (HZDS), did very well in the 1992 elections, and this enabled him again to become Prime Minister once Slovakia became an independent state in 1993 . He was reluctant to reform in any comprehensive way the centrally planned economy, and thus privatization was very slow. In addition, his government included " many of the old regime ' s cadres, resources, and xenophobic ideologies intact. " 109 Meciar fell from power in the spring of 1994, and a caretaker government under Jozef Moravcfk managed public affairs until the fall elections. Again, the voters returned a coalition government headed by Meciar and the HZDS to power, and this government lasted through the next elections in 1998. In this period Meciar basically put the brakes both on democratization and on the movement of the economic system towards free market principles. The political experiences of the first half decade of independence had major consequences for foreign policy, as Slovakia made very slow progress on the criteria that both NATO and the EU presented to it. During the I 998-2002 period , a coalition led by the Social Democratic and Christian Union (SDKU) took the leading role in government, after the public rebuffed Meciar for a third time. Mikulas Dzurinda as Prime Minister gradually moved Slovakia back onto the path towards western institutions. He emerged again as Prime Minister after the fall 2002 elections , and so the steady movement toward NATO and the EU remained unchanged. Meciar and the HZDS were still prominent and in fact received in 2002 both the largest share of the popular vote ( 19.5 %) and the highest number of seats in the I 50 seat legislature (36). His rhetoric on foreign policy was more muted in this campaign , but numerous warnings emanated from NATO and ,m Rudolf L. Tokes. " From Visegrad to Krakow: Cooperation, Competition , and Coexi stence in Central Europe," Problems of Communism 40( 1991 ), pp. 100-114. SLOVAKIA 128 the EU leade rship a bo ut the imp licati o ns of a new governme nt in whic h the HZ DS pl ayed a ny rol e at a ll. In late Septe mber work began o n a coa liti o n th at would in c lude Dzu rinda's S DK U, the C hristi a n De mocrati c Uni o n (KDH), A lli a nce fo r ew C itize ns (A 0), and the Hungari an Coa liti o n (SMK). In earl y October thi s fo ur-party coa litio n fo rged an ag reeme nt abo ut executi ve pos iti o ns, and the new governme nt was in pl ace. A ll of these arra nge me nts were a imed to keep Sl ova ki a o n a stead y trac k in es tabli shin g its new, wes te rn o rgani zatio na l connectio ns in fore ig n poli cy. 11 0 Whil e the Czechs had been press ured by the o utside world o n the matte r of the Ro ma, Slovaks were c riti c ized fo r the ir treatment of the Hun garian mi no rity. Aga in , the Mec iar periods were suspec t in th is regard . Otto Ulc1 11 ex pl a in s thi s situ ati o n by notin g th at afte r 1968 Slova ks were not pro min e nt in the di ss ide nt moveme nt th at e mphasized hum a n ri ghts. Part of the pro bl e m was a lso the lack of ex perie nce of S lova ks in the Czechoslovak dipl o mati c corps. The leaders may have not understood full y the way in whi ch Slova ki a's domesti c record o n mino rity re lati o ns, the e nviro nme nt , a nd autho ritari ani sm in ge ne ra l influe nced fo re ign percepti o ns as we ll as fo re ig n po li cy objecti ve . 11 2 In another respect, the Slovak governme nt d urin g th at peri od was quite ce ntra li st o n the matter o f th e ri g hts of reg io ns within the country. The re is so me iro ny in thi s, fo r th e HZDS had been very ant i-federa li st (a nti -ce ntra list) after its e merge nce in April 199 1. 11 3 In that ea rli er time, the ta rget had bee n the a ll eged centrali st reg ime in Prag ue, s ince the Czec hos lovak state was still intact. Ev ide nce of Mec iar 's centra li st po li c ies li es primaril y in hi s po licy towards the 110 RFE/RL ewsline. Part II. September 24. 2002; October 8, 2002. Archived at http://\\\\w.11°erl.org September. October. 2002. 111 Otto Ulc. " The Bumpy Road ofCzechoslovaki a·s Velvet Revolution ," Problems of Communism 41 ( 1992). pp. 19-3 3 111 See Adrian Hyde Price. The International Politics of East Central Europe (New York: M anchester Uni versity Press, 1996), p. 28. 11 3 Ulc,"The Bumpy Road of Czechoslovakia ' s Ve l vet Revoluti on ." p. 29. SLOVAKIA 129 eastern part of Slovakia. In the mid- I 990s that region became interested in participating in a large Carpathian Euroregion. Other players in the Euroregion wo uld include Romania , Hungary , Poland , and Ukraine. However, the Slovak Ministry of the Interior was quite critical of that orientation. In 1995 that Ministry abo li shed the Slovak Carpathian Regional Association that had co nsisted of a number of regional and local governments in eastern Slovakia. As a result, in 1996 the Slovak representatives in the Euroregion resigned and Slovakia cancel led its participation. Meciar took these actions because of a double suspicion. First, he was suspic ious that the eastern Slovak metropolis of Kosice would lead eastern Slovakia to develop its own independent foreign policy . Second, he feared that Hungary would use the Euroregion to exp loit the anger of the Slovak Hungarian minority . 114 Such att itudes and policies of the top leadership would not mesh well with the EU and its priority on the rights of regions within countries. However, after the 1998 elections the Slovak leadership reflected more sensitivity toward the political culture. For exam ple, Slovaks were aware after 1998 of the need to incorporate domestic non-governmenta l gro ups (NGO 's) into the increasingly public discussion of foreign policy . Thi s was particularly the case in the efforts to ga in admiss ion to NATO. Younger persons were a special target of efforts at political soc ialization . Teachers in middle schools organized essay contests about the sig nific ance of NATO . Organized debates about NATO themes took pl ace in both middle and upper schools. Further, the government set up twe lve information centers that were aimed at youn ger persons. According to one observer, regional projects abo ut NATO by 2002 had reached 120,000 students. Similar discuss ions were aimed at women's groups . For example, profess ional women in Bratislava as we ll as the Union of Women of S lovakia engaged in discussions on the mea nin g and significance of NATO . The mass "" See A lexander Duleba, 'The Slovak-Ukraini an-Russian Security Tri angle." in M argarita M. Balmaceda, ed ., On the Edge: Ukrainian-Central European-Russian Security Triangle (Budapest: Central European Univers ity, 2000), pp. I 06- I 09. SLOVAKIA 130 medi a also pl ayed a ro le in thi s process. T wo major national telev ision projects were aimed at promoting di sc uss ion of NATO the mes. Furthe r, additi o na l in fo rm ati on proj ec ts we re bea med at the populati on through thi rty loca l te lev ision stati ons. The re was even an effort to pull ex pe rts and speciali sts into the di scuss ion. 115 The hope was th at these gro up s wo uld communicate pos iti ve attitudes abo ut NATO to the ir peers a nd e ve n in the ir publicat ions. S imil arl y, after the Nice EU Summit at the e nd of 2000 , Slo vaki a establi shed the Nation al Conve nti on. Its mi ssion e ntail ed stimul ati on of a nati o nal di scuss ion on the E U and Slovak nati o nal inte rests. The di scuss ion was to be in c lu s ive in which po liti ca l party me mbe rs, acade mi cs, c hurc hes , interest gro ups, non- governme nta l orga ni zati o ns, trade union s, muni cipalities, and reg ions all pl ayed a ro le. 11 6 Comparison Both co untries confronted major po litica l chall e nges th at affected fore ign po licy prospects. In both cases there was outside scrutin y and suspi c io n througho ut the first decade abo ut the way in whi c h their governme nts treated key minority gro ups. C riteri a fo r admi ssion to wes te rn orga ni zati ons required prog ress in thi s area. Both countri es a lso ex pe ri e nced maj or c ha nges in governme nt. In the Czech case such cha nges d id not affect very much the steady process of integration w ith the West. Slovak governme ntal changes had more of an impact. In addition , the continuin g presence of Vl adimfr Meciar and the HZDS had the net effect of postponin g Slovaki a's integrati on with western institution s until the late 1990s. Finally , cultivation of positive attitudes within the po liti ca l c ulture became a priority once the leadership made the dec ision to look in a westward direction . In th e Czec h case thi s spotli ght on po liti ca l culture was a 115 • Organ izacie a instituc ie, ktorym bola udelena Strieborn a plaketa M inisterstva zahranicnych vecf Slovenskej republ iky di\a 20. juna 2002," M inisterst vo zah ranicnych vecf(2002). http://www.mzv .sk Oc tober 2002. 116 " Narodny ko nvent o Evropskej buducnosti Slovenska," Ministerst vo zahranicnych vecf (2002). http://www.mzv.sk October 2002. SLOVAKIA 131 constant theme throughout the decade, but in the Slovak case it was only characteristic of the second half of the decade. Economic Factors and Foreign Policy of the Two Nation-States The Czech Republic In the years following th e 1989 revo lution , the Klau s government made eco nomi c restructurin g in Czechoslovakia a major priority. Privati zation and the use of vouchers placed formerly state-controlled industries in private hand s. Job sec urity yie lded to the greater uncertainty connected with the free market. It became more like ly that industries would ri se and fa ll on the ir own merits, while artifi cial control of prices was no longer the norm. 11 7 Thus, major economic changes had deve loped their own momentum at the time the Czechs separated from Slovakia, and they bore the potenti al to have a major impact on foreign policy. For exampl e, ga inin g admission to the EU became a top priority as a result of the new geographic and eco nomi c developments. Very soon Brusse ls presented to the eastern countries its Iist of thirty-one chapters in the "acqui s communautaire" process. Czech leaders began to meet regularl y with EU bureaucrats in order to demonstrate progress toward s meeting the criteria of eac h of the chapters. Usually twice a year the EU represe ntatives came to the Czech Republic to inspect progress made and to iss ue judgments about the relative rank of the nation on the li st of EU prospects from that region. By the end of the 1990s, the Czech Republic ranked near the top of the prospec ti ve li st of new members, and membership appeared like ly by 2004. In fac t, in October of 2002 the EU Commission announced that the Czech Republic would be one of the ten nation s admitted in 2004. 11 8 Czech involvement in the EU 's PHARE and ERBD investment projects was of particular significance. Invo lve ment in the wider EU market would 117 See Bernard Wheaton and Zdenek Ka van , The Velvet Revolution: Czechoslo- vakia 1988- /99 1 (Boulder. Colorado: Westvi ew Press, 1992) , pp. 139-143. 118 Sueddeutsche Zeitung, October 9, 2002. Arch i ved at: http://sueddeutsche .de October 2002. 132 SLOVAKIA multipl y the steps taken by the Czech governme nt in co nvers ion to capitali sm and th ereby open up additional new in vestment opportunities in othe r nations. At the same time , eve ntua l EU membership woul d lead to add ition al western investments, and important ones had come about already in the 1990s. For example , in 1994 th e German automobil e company Volkswagen bought majo rity co ntrol of the o ld Czech mega-compan y Skoda . Whil e the agree ment did guarantee the Germans majority control , it also provided the Czechs with a veto over future policy dec ision s. 11 9 Similarly, Air France took over the Prague Airport Ruzyne and made it into a modern facility. Early in the twenty-first century the A merica n company Motorola began construction of a fac tory in Moravia in the area of the Beskydy Mountains. Much news accompanied the buy -out of severa l well known breweries, including Pil sner Urque ll , by South Africa n enterprises. Certainly , one by- product of this western indu stri a l and financial in vo lvement would be the rapid infusion of western tec hniques and know-how in manag ing an economy on capitali st princi pl es. A ll of thi s would acce lerate the type of domestic economic restructuring that would more qui ck ly meet EU criteria. The outreach of the changing Czech economy was not confined exclusively to its European nei ghborhood. For instance, in the mid l 990s the Czech Re publi c became a member of UNESCO. In th at capac ity it took a particular interest in the plight of the ravaged nations that had e merged from the old Yugoslavia. This ac ti vity led to membership as well in the Organi zat ion for Economic Cooperati on and Developme nt (OECD ). In fact , the Czechs were the first from the Central E uropean region to ga in membership in th at organi zation. Linkages between the Czech Republic and the Internati onal Monetary Fund (IMF) e nh anced their reputation for reliabi lity. In A ugus t 1994, the natio n was the first post-communist state to pay off its 11 9 Leff. The Czech and Slo vak Republics: Nation Vers us State. p. 263. SLOVAKIA 133 initial IMF loan . 120 Again, involvement with the larger universe of western capitalist economies outside the immediate geographic region paid dividends in terms of domestic economic change. In sum, the revolution of 1989, combined with the loss of Slovakia in 1993, generated a rapid rate of economic change in the Czech Republic. Conversion to capitalist economic principles was inevitable after the 1989 events, but the process received a number of important stimuli. Interest in joining NATO and the drive for EU membership mandated that the nation meet specific criteria in terms of capitalist development. Investments by western firms outside the nation led to collaborative efforts in which Czech managers could more fully see the capitalist system in action. Involvement in the economic projects of a number of global organizations, primarily located in the West, expanded Czech horizon s in a positive way. All of thi s offered a powerful economic antidote to the much more restricted COMECON framework that was characteristic of the Cold War. Slovakia For a number of reasons , Slovakia looked east for economic links rather than west after the 1993 split. This had also been true after the 1989 revolution. Slovak leaders noted that their country was the only Yisegrad member that bordered all of the other three. Such a perception encouraged them to think about a potential Slovak role as the ideal country to be a bridge between East and West. The collapse of COMECON led the Slovaks to hope for a replacement in the form of special ties with Russia and Ukraine. The look eastward made Slovakia "more sensitive to developments in the CIS." 12 1 At the same time, EU import quotas were having a negative impact on certain Slovak industries such as a steel mill in Kosice, and that created some suspicion about the West. 122 120 Leff, The Czech and Slovak Republics: Nation Versus State, p. 258. 12 1 Price, The International Politics of East Central Europe, p. 170. 122 Leff, The Czech and Slovak Republics: Nation Versus State, p. 261. 134 SLOVAKIA One concrete manifestation of thi s economic orie ntatio n to the East was cultivation of a spec ial link to Ru ss ia. A key motive for this outreach was the pli g ht of the Slovak arms industry . At the time of the 1989 revolution , o ne hundred e leven of Czec hoslo va ki a ' s weapon s manufacturing pl a nts were in the Slovak region . As early as 1990, weapo ns sa les from those pl ants had declined from 1988 leve ls from eight billio n dollars to one billion . This situ ation prompted Meciar to trave l to Moscow in 1991 in order to get defe nse co ntracts to make up some of thi s loss. 123 In fact , the sub sequent recess io n became part of the reason that Slovak leaders sought separation from the Czechs. Further, the Slovak military hoped that Ru ss ia might give Slovakia li ce nses to se ll military ha rdw are to third world countries. 12~ Eventu a ll y, Pres ident Bo ri s Yeltsin of Ru ss ia visited Slovaki a in Aug ust 1993, and one res ult was the sig nin g of a bilatera l state treaty. In add iti o n, the two states s ig ned a fi ve-yea r military cooperation agree me nt. The latter would po te nti a ll y assist Slovakia economically, for it would he lp rev ive its arm s industry . One fea ture of the agree me nt was the provis io n that Ru ss ia would suppl y spare parts for th e Slovak milita ry. 125 Other Slovak goa ls in c lud ed development of a Slovak role in tran sporting Ru ss ian natural gas to Western Europe. In part, Mec iar hoped that the flirtation with Ru ss ia mi g ht increase Slovakia ' s econo mi c importance to th e West a nd attract in vestme nts from that direction as well. 126 Cultivation of ties to Ukrai ne a lso became part of thi s new economi c strategy. Early afte r th e revolution Meciar soug ht to build a new railway from Brati slava to Ukraine by utili zing the for mer Soviet ra il network. 127 By the middl e 1990s Slovak leaders began to think in broader terms. Perh aps Ukra ine could act as well as the gate- 12 .1 See Andrew A. Michta. East Central Europe after the Warsaw Pact: Security Dilemmas in the 1990s (New York: Greenwood Press. 1992 ). p. 107. 12 "' Duleba, ·'The Slovak-Ukrainian-Ru ssian Security Tri angle: · p. 20. 125 Price, The International Politics o f East Central Europe. p. 170. 126 Duleba, ''The Slovak-Ukrainian-Ru ssian Security Triangle." pp. 85-8 6. 127 Price. The International Politics of East Central Europe. p. 170. SLOVAKIA 135 way to the Ru ss ian market. 128 For many Slovaks, Ukraine was in a sense still Ru ss ia, and thu s economic policies toward s the two we re intertw ined. In spite of the eastward look in economic policy, western organi zation s were not totall y ignored. For example, in June 1993 Sl ovaki a was accepted into the Council of Europe. Then in June 1995 , th e M ec iar government submitted a membership appli cati on to the EU . Reliance on in ves tments from western countries rein forced thi s economic policy dimension. K ey economic in vestors in the 1990s included, in rank order , Germ any, A ustri a, and th e Czech Repu bli c. 129 Despite Slovaki a's approach to the East, the W est was in many ways more helpful. Seri ous di sc uss ions w ith the EU rea ll y began in 1997 w ith th e Lu xembourg Summit. A t th at meeting the EU placed Slovaki a in a second ti er of si x nati ons, and so it looked as if Sl ovaki a wo uld have to wa it longer then its Czech co unterpart, w ho ended up in the first ti er of si x. Contacts w ith the EU acce lerated after the defea t of the M ec iar government in 1998. A multilateral screening process by the EU took pl ace between April 1998 and February 1999, and thi s gave way to more signifi ca nt bil ateral screenin g procedu res between M arch of 1999 and Febru ary of 2000. 130 In the 2000-2002 period Slovaki a worked its way th rough most of the thirty-one chapters of th e EU 's aqui s co mmunautaire. For exa mpl e, di sc uss ions about Chapter Four ce ntered on future poss ibilities that fore igners could control Sl ovak land and corresponding poss ibilities fo r Slovak s to purchase land w ithin th e EU. Fo ll ow in g the 1998 elec ti ons th e chances of mee tin g the goa ls of Ch apter Si x we re enhanced, as Slovaki a moved more firml y in the direc ti on of erec tin g a market economy. Chapter Seven on agri cultu re was a criti ca l one for Slovak ia as it was for most of the other nati ons in the region. Sl ovak s 12 " 129 1.'<, Du leba. ··The Slovak-Ukrainian-Russian Security Triangle." p. 97 . Leff. The Czech and Slovak Republics: Nation Versus State. p. 262. '·Fazy proces u rozs irova ni a EU ," M inisterstvo za hra11ic11yc h vecf (2002) . hllp ://www. 1111. v.,k Oc tober 2002. SLOVAKIA 136 soug ht promises of an ad mini stra ti ve structure that wou ld e nsure protect ion of the ir agric ultural sys tem . The politica l tran s iti on from the Mec iar governm e nt to th at of Dzurinda made sa ti sfac tion of Chapte r Thirteen more poss ibl e. Th at c hapter in vo lved worker 's ri g hts, ge nde r equ a lity, racia l justi ce, a nd other vita l categori es. Sl ovak ia rece ived spec ia l in stru c tion s within th e framework of Chapter Fifteen. Th e EU requ es ted th a t Slo va ki a acce lera te pri vati za ti o n of ba nk s as we ll as na tural reso urce mo nopoli es. Further, it was ex pected th at Slovakia wo uld build up small and medium s ized firm s w hil e e nco urag in g add iti o na l fo re ig n in vestme nt. 13 1 Comparison The Czec h Republic and Slo vaki a did move on separate paths in terms of the economi c dime nsion of fo re ign policy for a large part of the first decade after separation . In fac t, so me of their sharpe r differences e merged in the fo ur years after the 1989 revo luti on prior to the 1993 breakup. In the post- 1993 atmosphere the Czechs quickl y latched on to western organi zati ons in order to map out their future. S lovaki a, with its differe nt geographi c position and greater nostalgia for the lost economic links to the form er Soviet Union , c ultivated the Ukra ine and Russ ia as part of a ge nera l orientation to the east. Both di sappointme nt with the East and th e ex pe rien ce of th e 1998 elections brought the Slovak path much c loser to that of the Czechs . One sy mbo l of thi s shift was the progress made by both states in th e 1998-2002 pe riod towa rd me mbership in the EU . By September of 2002 the Czech Re public had c losed twe nty-fi ve of the thirty most s ignifi cant c hapters th at led to EU me mbership. Surprising ly, Slovaki a had closed twe nty-seven. Slo vakia 's progress had bee n very rapid, for the Czechs had ac tu all y closed eightee n of the chapters before Slovakia had . An important resu lt was th at Sl ova kia moved 131 " Ka ndid atske krajiny a ic h ak tu alny stav negoc iac if," Ministe,:~tvo w hranicnj ch vecf (2002). http ://www.111zv.~k Jul y 30. 2002. SLOVAKIA 137 from the second ti er of six pote nti al EU members to the first ti er of ten between 1997 and the autumn of 2002. T he re port of the EU Commiss ion on October 9, 2002, bas ica ll y treated both countri es as if they were at simil ar leve ls of pre paredness for EU entry in earl y 2004. 132 Both co untries ge nera ll y rece ived pos iti ve reports and were firml y in the group o f ten nati ons to be admitted at the sa me time in 2004. National Security Factors and the Foreign Policy of the Two States The Czech Republic Separati on fro m S lovak ia led to an immed iate series of ste ps aimed at underpinnin g the natio nal sec urity of the new, smaller Czech state. T hroughout th e first decade after the separati on, the sec urity spotli ght shi fted from an emph as is on the Wes tern European Unio n (W EU), to the ca mpaign fo r NATO me mbership , and later to cons iderat ion of th e ro le of th e Co mmon Fore ign and Sec urity Po li cy (CFS P) of th e EU. 133 ln additi o n, Czec hs bega n to in vo lve themse lves more full y in international organi zati ons such as the UN, OSCE , and Y isegrad . T hu s th e nati o na l sec urity age nd a was crowded. Czech disc uss ions abo ut defense po licy in the earl y 1990s centered in part on the W EU , an organi zati on that had e merged in 1948 with the Brusse ls Treaty. On the o ne hand , EU pl anners at the begi nning of the 1990s envisioned the WEU in a ce ntra l ro le in ass istin g Europe to take responsibility fo r its ow n sec urity. On the other hand , others hoped that the WEU could he lp create mo re conse nsus with NATO as well as support for NATO mi ss ions. 134 rn RFE/RL News line. Part II. October 10. 2002. Archived at: h1tp ://www.rferl.org October 2002. rn See Dav id S. Mason , Revolution and Transition in East Central Europe. Second Edi tion (Bou lder, Colorado : Westview Press, 1996), pp. 95-98. " 4 K arel Pezl, " Ceska repub li ka a zapadoevropske unie: bezpecnostnf aspek ty, " Mezinarodnf Politika 18( 1994). pp. 25-26. 138 SLOVAKIA By the late 1990s discu ss ions within the Czech Re public about admission to NATO overshadowed conversations about the fading WEU. Admission to NATO in 1999 brought with it a whole set of new obligations. There was a need to prepare defense legislation that would move the Czech defense structure toward the level of NATO standard s. New military pe rso nnel requirements mandated that the Czech defense sector prepare courses for a ll ranks about the changing role of the military. Training in the use of radar was also upgraded. Further, the Czech Republic would need to build a crisis command center that would facilitate the rapid sharing of information between NATO and the Czech Republic. It would also be necessary for the Czechs to build a sys tem of command and control that paralleled the organizations in other NATO countries. 135 Immediately after expansion to include three new members in 1999, NATO had an opportunity to utilize these new national resources during the Kosovo bombing campaign . One lesson of that campaign was increased awareness of th e asymmetry of capabilities within the alliance. 136 America provided eighty per cent of the bombs dropped on Kosovo in the spring of 1999 as well as ninety per cent of the weapons. U. S. airplanes were the only ones that could operate in all weather. Lowered European defen se budgets in the 1990s resulted in a situation in which all European NATO members contributed only two-thirds of the fundin g that the United States did to defen se. The Czech Republic responded to this imbalance by developing a blueprint for change in 2001. That plan called for a rapid upgrade in mane uverability of units, logistical strength, placement of weaponry and pe rsonnel , ability to resist over a lon g period, and information command and control. Further, the Ministry of Defense drew up a li st of four principles that would guide Czech participation rn Antonin Sverak . ··vnej sf a vnitfnf aspekty zac lenovanf resortu obrany CR do NATO," Mezimfrodnf Vztahy 2( 1999). pp. 13-3 1. 136 See Otto Pick, ·· NATO, evropska obrana a poucenf K osova." CR po vstupu do NATO. Uvahy a problemy (Praha: Ceska Atlanticka Komise UMY. 2000), pp. 2532. SLOVAKIA In 139 NATO. Th ey inc luded co ntinu ed in vo lvement of the two North American powers in the defe nse of Europe, reliance on NATO as the main guarantor of European security , subordination of the CFSP of the EU within the framework of NATO , a nd guara nteed access to NATO capabi lities for all EU defense and sec urity mi ss ion s. 137 Recog nition of the important Czech role in NATO was evident in the dec ision to hold the conference of Nove mber 2002 in Prague. At that meeting seve n additional nati ons joined the military alliance. Finally, durin g th e war in Iraq in 2003, th e Czechs sent an anti-biolog ical , chemical , and nuclear weapon s unit as well as a fi eld hospital. By the early 1990s, the EU began to outline plans for its own defe nse structure, one that would be independent of the North Atlantic nation s th at had for so lon g domin ated NATO. These plans centered on the creation in 1990 of th e Common Forei gn and Security (CFS P) of the EU . In 1993 the Treaty of Europe called for the addition to the CFSP of pe rm ane nt officials from the EU Council Secretariat as well as of fiftee n diplomats from each Fore ign Ministry. 138 In early 2001 the Czech Foreign Mini ster made a persuasive case for the natural harmony between the broad-rang ing objectives of the CFSP and the specific, national inte rests of the Czec h Republic. 139 For him the current spirit of cooperation in Europe was a needed antidote to the suffer in g of the Czechoslovak people during the twe nti e th century. Throu gh the CFSP, the Czech Re public would ga in both assistance in its multi-pronged process of development and also the opportunity to co ntribute to regional probl e m so lvin g. He did not e nvision participation in European and Atlantic structures as a threat to Czech national inte rests. In particul ar, the Dece mber 2000 Nic e Summit ge nerated orga ni zati o na l c han ges in EU institution s 117 Jaromfr Novotny, "' DCI (Defense Capabiliti es Initiative) a Cesk,\ Republika." Mini sterstvo zahranicnfch vecf (2002). http://www.1111v.u March 2002 . 1" See Charlotte Bretherton and John Vogler. The European Un ion as a Global Actor (L ondon: Routledge. 1999). pp. 169- 196. iw -''Jan K avan. ·'Ceska zahrani cnf politika na prahu 2 1. stoletf."' Mez inarodnf Politikil 25(200 I ). pp. 4-5. 140 SLOVAKIA that would continue to break down the artificial barriers that divided Europe during the Cold War. Growin g European military stren gth would s imultaneou sly contribute to an increase in Czech capabi lities. 140 Slovakia In spite of the fact that so much of the defense industry had been located in the Slovak areas during the Co ld War and into the immediate post-1989 revolution period, the leadership ex peri ence of Slovaks on defen se matters had been re lative ly slim . For instance, in I 99 1 Slovak so ldiers constituted 34.7 % of the federa l Czechoslovak army. However, the representation of Slovak manage rs within the Ministry of Defense over several years ranged from on ly 5 to 23 %. 141 In the early years after separation , Slovaks were primarily focused on reestabli shing or maintaining ties with the East. Previously mentioned political ties to Ru ss ia, Ukraine, and Yi segrad see med to offer them a non-western prescription for protecting national sec urity. The Slovaks rea ll y only went through the motion s of taking part in so me western sec urity structures. For example, like th e Czech Republic , Slovakia became an Assoc iate Partner in the WEU and reg ul arl y attended its meetings. Although Associate Members he ld no voting power within the organization , they did have the ri ght to plan and execute military operations. 142 Contac ts between Slovakia and NATO were minimal and bas ically centered on only a few reciprocal visits by key personnel during the three years before Meciar fel l from grace. The most impor- 140 Pavel Teli cka, " Aktualni stav jednani o pristoupeni CR k EU ," M ezimirodnf Politika 25(200 I ). 14 1 Michta, East Central Europe after the Warsaw Pact: Security Dilemmas in the 1990s, p. I 10. 142 See Philip H. Gordon, ·The Western European Union and NATO 's ' Europeanisation ," in Philip H. Gordon, ed., NATO 's Transformation : The Changing Shape of the Atlantic Alliance (L ondon : Row man & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. , I 997), p. 26 1. SLOVAKIA 141 tant visit by a top NATO figure to Slovakia was the 1996 trip of Secretary-General Javier Solana . The most important Slovak trip was that by President Kovac to Brussels in 1996 to meet with top NATO personnel. After the 1998 elections and the establishment of a new government under Mikulas Dzurinda, the pace of contacts picked up. In early 2002, Slovakia hosted visits by the unified NATO European commander General Dieter Stockman ; by General Joseph Ralston, the commander of NATO forces in Europe; and by Deputy NATO Minister Nicholas Burns. In turn, Slovak leaders who made their way to NATO Headquarters included incoming Prime Minister Dzurinda in 1998 and President Schuster in 1999 and again in 2002. 143 Another key component of the post- I 998 , systematic Slovak move toward s NATO involved the Membership Action Plan (MAP) Process. In early 1999 Slovakia presented a five-point plan that included a strategy for political/economic issues, defense/military question s, resources/capabilities, security challenges, and legal matters. In April of 1999, NATO accepted that MAP and the Slovak government followed suit in June of the same year. The National Program for the process of NATO entry was finalized in April of 2000. 144 Finalization of the MAP process led to many meetings over the next few years. Additional activity after 1998 centered on galvanizing public support for entry into the military alliance. Slovakia held a grants competition to enable NGO' s to raise public awareness of the significance of NATO entry. Support for entry came officially from a total of seventy-five Roma organizations. One result of all thi s activity was a rel atively high level of public support for joining the organization . Between the fall of 200 I and the spring of 2002 , support reflected in public opinion poll s rose from 52.2 % to 60.7 %, although it 143 " M edznfky spoluprace SR a NATO," Ministerstvo zahranicnych vec f (2002). http ://www.rnzv.sk October 2002. 144 " Chrono logicky prehl'ad PREN AME," Ministerstvo zahranicnych vecf(2002). http ://www.mzv.,k October 2002. 142 SLOVAKIA declined a bit a few month s later. 145 All of this attention to visits, organizational matters, and public opinion enabled Slovakia to make up for its lack of attention an d interest in NATO during the midI 990s. In addition , during the latter part of the 1990s, Slovakia took part in severa l important peacekeeping missions under NATO leadership. This involvement demonstrated that the nation would possess the level of commitment required of new NATO members. After completion of the Dayton Accord on Bosnia in 1995, Slovakia se nt some military personnel and equipment as part of SFOR to the area of operations. At the end of 1997, it sent three Army engineers and five army specialists in the field of civil-military cooperation. In the fall of 2002 Slovakia made its first Air Force contribution to a NATO mis sion. The capabilities it sent included a helicopte r unit with two helicopte rs and twenty-one assoc iated personnel. Slovakia promised to keep that contingent in Bosnia for the next six months. Involveme nt in KFOR after the Kosovo bombin g campaign in late 1999 was even more extensive. The initial commitment included forty Army engineers , a nd di spatch of an additional four persons at the command level one year later. A major upgrade occurred in early 2002 with the creation of a five hundred person Czech-Slovak rapid reaction battalion . The Slovak role in that force included twenty per cent of the overall membership, and the vast majority of those were doctors, conductors, mechanics, and logi stics specialists. The vital mi ss ions of that battalion centered on sec uring the Serb-Kosovo border, monitoring a range of activities, assuring stable conditions for the return of refugees, policing the civil serv ice, and protecting the Serb minority. 146 Thi s particular operation would provide man y lessons that would assist Slovakia in making important contributions as a full NATO member. Finally , in the sprin g of 2003 , Slovakia dispat145 " Chronologicky prehl'ad PREN AME," Ministerstvo zahranicnych veer (2002). http ://www.mzY.sk October 2002 . 146 " Ucast' SR v operaciach na podporu mieru pod vedenfm NATO," Ministerstvo zahranicnych vecf(2002). h11p ://www.111zv.sk October 2002. SLOVAKIA 143 ched military personnel to the Pers ian Gulf durin g the co ntro versial war in Iraq. Comparisons Czech pursuit of national sec urity followed a unidirect io nal path during the first decade a fte r se parati o n from Slovakia. Its leade rs thou ght proacti ve ly in eac h part of the decade about a co ntributin g role in the maj or defe nse opti ons ava il ab le at the time. This mea nt that much of the di sc uss ion foc used on activity within the framework of W EU in the first years after the breakup . Once NATO ad mi ss ion became a real possibility , the Czec hs set the ir eyes on th at orga ni zation . F in all y, as EU membership approac hed early in the new century, more of th e di sc uss ion centered o n the CFSP, a progra m that offered a European sec urity cho ice th at was inde pe nde nt of Ameri can leade rship. In the Slovak case the emp hasis on re-stoking ti es with Ukraine and Ru ss ia at first prec luded seri ous discussion about western sec urity o rga ni zati o nal structures . Once the 1998 e lect ions offered the chance for a new policy, Slovak ia ' s outreach to the West in the defe nse area mainl y took the for m of a se ri ous effort to jo in NA TO. Achi eve me nt of that goa l at the e nd of 2002 e nab led Slovakia to adopt the multi -pron ged , western-oriented strategy utili zed by the Czechs fo r an e ntire decade. Conclusion The re is remark ab le cons iste ncy across the ra nge of va ri abl es that, for a time , divided the two nations. Those vari ables inc lude politi cs, economi cs, and nati o nal sec urity. It is clear th at the political va ri abl es were the driving force be hind the othe r two. Elec ti o n outcomes in the Czech Re public a nd Slovakia were quite different between 1992 and 1998. Those results acco unt primaril y for the very diffe rent foreign polic y path s a lon g which the two sets of fore ign policy elites traveled prior to 1998. Throu ghout the e ntire decade Czech po liti ca l leaders looked to the West fo r th eir future organi zati onal home. Politica l parti es debated the pace and nature of the march to the West but not its in ev i- SLOVAKIA 144 tability. As a result Czech economic connections with the West were forged throughout the entire period , and the Czec hs ke pt their sights set on EU membership consistently after 1993. The des ire to enter western sec urity structures entailed consideration of the WEU at first, then anticipation as well as achievement of NATO membership, and finall y thorough attention to the CFSP of the EU. S lovak leaders were at first ambiva lent and at times negati ve about connections to the West. In the 1992-98 period they attempted to resusc itate the old eco nomic ties with Ukraine and Ru ss ia. At the same time , they maintained a di stance from the states that were pursuing NATO membership at the earliest poss ible moment. Early hopes that the Visegrad alliance cou ld provide a measure of security for Slovakia di sappeared in 1999 when the other three members of that alli ance joined NATO. The election of 1998 changed Slovakia's forei gn policy path in very defi nite ways. It engaged in much more serious di sc ussions with the EU about progress on the thirty-one chapters of the acquis communautaire. A MAP leadin g to NA TO membership was approved by both that organization and the Slovak government. Although the Slovaks wou ld end up joining NATO three and one half years after the Czechs, both nation s would likely enter the EU at the same time. By the fall of 2002, both countries were not walking exactly on the sa me path , but the ir paths were c learly in view of one another. In conclusion, it is important, while acknowledg in g these differences prior to I 998, not to overstate them. For example, Timothy Frye 147 examined political polarization within all of the post-communi st co untri es. Hi s stud y covered the 1989-98 period , and thu s it included the time frame in which these two countries were moving in differe nt direction s. The political polari zation rating for the Czech Republic was 4.4, and for Slovakia it was 4 .9. Despite the sli ghtly higher rate for Slovaki a, he c lassified both countries as non-pol ari - 14 7 Timothy Frye, " The Price of Polarizati on: Economic Performance in the Post- Communist World," World Politics 54(2002). pp. 308-337 . SLOVAKIA 145 zed. The po lari zed co untri es inc luded Albania, Be laru s, Bul gari a, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Romani a, Ru ss ia, and Ukraine. Thi s is a signifi cant conclusion, for it he lps ex pl ain how two nati ons that seemed to be mov ing in such di ffe rent directi o ns after 1993 were able to adopt parall el paths by the end of the century. Perh aps the findin gs also revea l the wi sdom of those observers who chose to characteri ze the di vorce in 1993 as a "velvet" one.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Separate Paths: Czech and Slovak Foreign Policies Since 1993 Description An account of the resource James W. Peterson Slovakia, Vol. 38 (No. 70-71), 2005 pp. 121-145 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Peterson, James W. (James Walter), 1945- Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2005 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/7b4cd390e774c25d5f3e3206149fdccc.pdf 4fb0dff7c24238b0e3038d9ced117dd3 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 55 JEDNOTA AND THE SISTERS OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS Mother M. Emerentia Petrdsek, SS. C.M. "How is it that you, Slovak Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, have your headquarters located in the diocese of Harrisburg, a diocese with so few Slovaks-with only three comparatively small Slovak parishes? And in Danville, of all places, where hardly a single Slovak family can be found? " This question, variously worded, has often been put to one or another of our Sisters. And since the diocese of Harrisburg is observing its 100th anniversary in this year of 1968, it seems fitting to consider this query. The explanation is quite interesting, but it cannot be given in just a paragraph or two. Drawing upon the history of the congregation will serve best. The Slovak Immigrant At the dawn of the present century a young Slovak priest, busily engaged in parochial work, nevertheless found time to study and observe the needs of his countrymen in widely scattered areas of their adopted land where they were rapidly making permanent homes. His observation and earnest study led him more and more to the conviction that one of the most urgent needs of his people was the education of their children. "We have a serious problem," he writes, "the problem of educating our children according to American methods and for American citizenship, without, however, destroying their national character and their cultural traditions." 1 In his day such sentiments were accepted as a matter of course; it was a later generation that introduced the questionable drive for rapid Americanization with its "melting pot" slogans. Now, after sixty years, those words of Father Jankola find the following endorsement in a modern textbook on American citizenship: "How foolish America would be . .. to destroy the wealth of culture brought to her by her immigrants. But America does not destroy! She is not a 'melting pot', boiling �56 SLOVAKIA down and absorbing immigrant cultures so that the finished product is a uniform nationality or culture. Rather, America builds! She takes the best in each culture brought to her shores and fits its color and design into a beautiful unity. The people of her farms, villages, towns and cities, with their many different cultures, nationalities, customs, and religious beliefs, make America a beautiful mosaic of many colored and differently shaped stones, all precious in themselves . Separated from one another, the effect of their beauty and luster is limited. Fitted together, they present something unique in the art of social living-a thing of beauty, a creation surpassing description." 2 Father Jankola, with unusual foresight, envisioned his people's contribution to America's mosaic as a distinct stone preserving all the color and luster of its old world heritage. Hence he writes in the 1900 issue of KALENDAR JEDNOTA: "Within 15 or 20 years in this new country and despite numerous handicaps, the Slovak immigrants have to their credit 40 churches of the Roman Catholic Rite and almost as many of the Eastern Rite. A not inconsiderable achievement! "But to insure progress in our churches and in our religious life, and to protect ourselves and our posterity against the rapidly growing dangers that threaten our faith and our mother tongue, we must have our own parish schools." Father Jankola proceeds to give a survey of the Slovak parish schools of the period, listing by name four in Pennsylvania, two in Illinois and one in New York. In most cases, he tells us, the school is conducted in European fashion by the parish organist. Only three of them are staffed by Sisters and of these only one can be considered a fully equipped "first class" school, which, he states, has four Sisters. "All in all," he concludes, "not a very bright picture. We must have schools, but they must be established and conducted according to American methods. If we intend to live in America, we must learn to live in the American way. And to insure this way of living, without detriment to our religious and national heritage, we must have our own schools, staffed by qualified teachers of our own."3 �SLOVAKIA 57 Father Jankola's Efforts to Procure Sisters At First Father Jankola applied for Sisters to established American Communities. "I tried many plans and methods," he wrote, in recalling his early efforts. "I ap· preached several Communities of Sisters in the hope that they might have Slovak or even Czech members to spare for our Slovak schools. After four Communities met my request with the regretful reply that they had far from sufficient Sisters for their own schools, I turned to Europe, appealing to the Sisters of the Holy Cross to send us three or four Sisters to settle here and train our Slovak young girls for the religious life. After a lengthy correspondence I met with the same disappointment. "Again I directed my attention to America. Armed now with a more definite plan, I decided to recruit candidates, who might one day form a separate Slovak branch of the Community which consents to train them." 4 To carry out his plan more effectively Father Jankola sought the cooperation of other Slovak priests, even beyond the Scranton diocese. Early in 1903 he held the first in a series of meetings with them, which resulted in the formation of a priests' society known as the St. Anthony's Treasury . The priests pledged themselves 1) Through parish sermons and articles in the Slovak press to inform the Slovak public of the project and win its support. 2) To contribute regularly with their parishioners to the St. Anthony Treasury's fund for the education and training of future Sisters and priests. 3) To watch for signs of a vocation in capable, intelligent girls and to encourage them to embrace the religious life.5 The Treasury flourished and faithfully fulfilled the aims proposed by Father Jankola. In May 1905 it was incorporated under the title of "Priests' Society of St. Anthony's Treasury," and the Charter, issued May 8, 1905, bears the following signatures: Fathers Joseph Murgas, Andrew Pavco, Alexander Dianiska, Matthew Jankola, John E. Stas, and Joseph Martincek.6 The response to the appeal of St. Anthony's Treasury was prompt and gratifying. Applicants presented themselves almost immediately. All were very young, but Father �58 SLOVAKIA Jank.ala considered this rather an advantage than a detriment, for, he remarked, it is best to begin from the foundation. His future Sisters must be educated from the rudiments up, and their education was paid for from St. Anthony's Treasury. The First Applicants Accepted at M arywood Placing the student-applicants for training was met with renewed regretful refusals from the religious communities to which Father Jankola had applied. Finally, Father Andrew Pavco, pastor of St. John Baptist Church, Pittston, suggested that Father Jankola call on the Reverend Mother General of the Sisters, Servants of the Immaculate Heart of Mary, Scranton. "I understand her name is Mother Mary Cyril," he observed; "our common patron will surely favor us. Let us give it a trial in the name of God." 7 After a memorable visit with the founder in November 1903, Mother M. Cyril I.H.M. consented to receive and train the first three and an ever increasing number of candidates, who would in the providence of God form the nucleus of the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. At first the young candidates, as aspirants, studied in the boarding academy with the regular students at Mount St. Mary's. As they advanced in their classes, they were admitted to the postulate and then to the reception of the habit, especially designed for them by the Sisters of the Immaculate Heart. Meanwhile, much thought was given to the status which the new Sisters would have. Would they be a part of the congregation of the Sisters of the Immaculate Heart? Would they join some other Community as a separate group? Or would they form an entirely new congregation? As these deliberations continued beyond the usual two years of novitiate and pastors of several Slovak parishes were growing impatient, Mother M. Cyril decided to have the three senior novices begin their teaching apostolate. With Father Joseph Murgas of Sacred Heart Church in Wilkes-Barre she arranged to place his school in their charge, under the guidance of an experienced Sister of the Immaculate Heart as superior. Opened on September 8, 1908 with 309 pupils, it was the first school staffed by the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius.8 �SLOVAKIA 59 In 1909 a petition to the Holy See was drawn up by Father Jankola and the three priests most closely associated with him, namely, Fathers Andrew Pavco, Alexander Dianiska, and Joseph Murgas, and submitted to Bishop Michael J. Hoban, who obtained canonical approval for the new congregation from Pope St. Pius X .9 On September 11, 1909 the first three members-Sister Mary Mihalik, Sister M. Joseph Bartek and Sister M. Emmanuel Pauly-made their profession in the chapel of Mt. St. Mary's. The membership grew rapidly and within a few years additional schools were opened in the diocese of Scranton. It was generally taken for granted that the new congregation would establish its motherhouse in the Scranton diocese, but God's providence directed otherwise. Jednota Prepares the Way At this point it might be well to show how the Jednota was instrumental in the hands of Providence in shaping the destiny of the Community. In an article written by Mr. A. V. Kozak, an outstanding Slovak Catholic layman, the following facts are recorded: In 1906 the 12th biennial convention of the First Catholic Slovak Union, held in McKeesport, Pa. proposed to buy 1and for the erection of buildings for its own use and for a motherhouse for the Slovak Sisters. A committee was appointed to select a suitable site, but since it did not succeed, the matter was deferred to the next, the 13th convention held in Youngstown, Ohio, in 1908, during which Mr. Kozak was elected Supreme president of the First Catholic Slovak Union. Under his direction the project was resumed. Counties in the vicinity of Harrisburg were visited and finally a suitable site was found in Dauphin County, near Middletown. In Mr. Kozak's own words: "The tract of land is a farm of 300 acres, the soil rich and fertile, the location beautiful and convenient of ac,. cess . . . The city of Harrisburg can be reached in 30 minutes and Middletown in less than five . The buildings on the grounds have telephone connections, gas and electric light, and very good drinking water. The section is historically known as Camp Meade from the time of the Spanish Amer- �60 SLOVAKIA ican War in 1898, when it was occupied by American soldiers. On the premises there are still three large artesian wells which the soldiers had used. Withouth doubt, it is an ideal spot." The purchase was transacted in the week of July 1, 1909, just before the feast of SS. Cyril and Methodius, and the cause was placed under the care of these two holy patrons. Mr. Kozak concludes: "Here will be located the institute of the First Catholic Slovak Union-a refuge for the orphans and a resting place for our aged. This institute will be under the care of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, and here will be their center, their motherhouse. "It is our duty as well as to our interest to support this Slovak community of religious women, both materially and morally, in order that it may be firmly established as soon as possible, that it may wax strong, able to perform its mission efficiently. "This community is the spiritual concern not only of a few individuals, not only of the priests responsible for its foundation, but it is the spiritual possession of the entire Slovak nation." 10 Such were the words and sentiments of Mr. A. V. Kozak at a time when the young Slovak community was but three years old, numbering only 18 professed Sisters! He was a lifelong friend of the Slovak Sisters who looked upon their early days with the care and solicitude of a father, and who was ever ready to stand by with counsel and loyal support. And the Jednota and the Slovak people at large shared these sentiments. Bishop J. W . Shanahan Keenly Interested "Man proposes and God disposes" is a favorable proverb of the Slovaks. Many were the times when this was applicable in the history of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, and that especially in the development of the plans regarding Middletown. The building of the orphanage was nearing completion and all attention was centered thereon. Yet, although it was generally understood among the Slovak people that the Sisters would take possession of the building, there was no specific assurance even about the first movement in that direction. �SLOVAKIA 61 The Most Reverend J. W. Shanahan, then bishop of Harrisburg, manifested a fatherly solicitude toward the young community from its very inception. He knew Mother Cyril well, having sought her aid some years previously in the foundation of another young community-the Lithuanian Sisters of St. Casimir. The fact that the Slovak Sisters had just taken charge of two new schools in his diocese (Mt. Carmel and Shamokin) intensified his interest. Many instances of his fatherly concern are recorded in the annals of the congregation. "I am anxious about Middletown," wrote the bishop in a letter to Mother Cyril, dated July 31, 1913, "not knowing how far the Slovak Jednota and the Slovak people will assist the new work. But my principal concern is about the religious side of the foundation. If that begins wrong it is utterly done for." 11 Mother Cyril reassured the bishop in a letter dated August 4, 1913, in which she gives him much of the information he was anxious to have: "We went to Middletown for the purpose of meeting the committee in charge of furnishing the new motherhouse. Plans were made for the accommodation of about seventy-five Sisters. We were careful to preserve economy and simplicity and found that necessary furnishing could be had at a cost of about $3600. The committee believed that a greater amount should be expended, but we adhered to the exclusion of superfluities. "With regard to your anxiety about the little community, I believe that there is no reason to fear . I think that the Jednota and the Slovak people will continue to be generous with the Sisters. There is one thing, however, that I should like the Sisters to accomplish, and that is, the acquiring of a portion of the Middletown property, so that in time to come the Sisters can have something of their own. As the years go on, they will feel the need of independence, to a degree at least, and now is the time to plan for the future. "So far as the religious side of the work is concerned, I feel confident all will be well. Ever since these children have been with us, they have conducted themeselves in such manner as to win the esteem and admiration of our community. I am voicing the opinion of all when I say that �62 SLOVAKIA they have never given us any trouble. The only thing I fear is their youth, but I hope that lack of years will be supplied by the grace that will attend their strict observance of their Holy Rule. The Rule has been carefully prepared for them, and is founded, as far as possible on Canon Law. It is somewhat different from ours, because we know from experience that some points should be made stronger for young religious who are beginning their career in this age. It is my earnest desire that the Young community will show their appreciation by strictly observing every point. If I may take the liberty, I wish to ask you kindly to guard this precious interest so that it will not be tampered with or changed in any way. It has been my experience that if one point of Rule is broken, it weakens the others: If these young Sisters keep their Rule strictly, their rule will so keep them that they will be a source of consolation to you rather than a cause of anxiety. " 12 But when the bishop wrote again he was still anxious about Middletown; he would like more certainty. It was this attitude of his that put a check on all the preparations in the temporary novitiate in Plymouth for the transfer to Middletown and later had a very significant bearing on the entire course of events. In a letter dated August 17, 1913, the bishop wrote: "A few weeks ago I called to inspect the Slovak operation at Middletown. I found that a good, strong building is going up. The contractor was getting ready to begin the plastering. I could get no information other than this at the new building or at the printery ... "My concern is not so much about the financial as the religious side of the enterprise; though the financial outlook is very misty indeed. Nobody seems to know anything of the future ." About the Holy Rule he added: "You need not fear that I will sharpen my axe for the Slovak Holy Rule. I have examined many Holy Rules, and I see many things to be reformed. But he would be rash indeed who would undertake the task of reformation. The proof of the pudding is in the eating; and if the religious orders of women in the United States have accomplished such wonderful things for Holy Church by reason of their strict adherence to the Holy Rule, it would be better for outsiders not to tamper with Holy Rules."13 �SLOVAKIA 63 The cause of this uncertainty about the future lay in the fact that the organization itself was not definitely sure about the main issue. The Jednota officers meant well. Mr. Kozak especially was sincerely devoted to the project. But there were the 50,000 members to consider. The plans, as adopted at the previous convention, provided for the building of an orphanage which the organization would sponsor and maintain. But to have a few Sisters at the orphanage to care for the orphans, and to have the entire community settled there were not the same thing. The officers were unwilling to decide this matter without the sanction of the members. That meant waiting for the next convention. When Bishop Shanahan discerned this hesitency, his course was decided. He would not allow the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius to occupy the building as their motherhouse. He gladly received the Sisters into the diocese to take charge of the orphanage, but as to making their community headquarters there, he set the condition that they must either acquire property of their own, or have part of the Jednota property deeded to them in their name. THE JEDNOTA HOME The orphanage was completed and furnished by the spring of 1914, ready for the arrival of the Sisters who were to take charge. On May 9, 1914, the first two orphans arrived. They were Philip and Mary Hrobak, brother and sister, from Cleveland, Ohio. Others followed them through the vacation months and by September, there were some thirty to begin the school term. The Home was very fortunate in its first inmates. They were unusually good, well-behaved children, giving evidence of careful and God-fearing home training. The Slovak people as a whole regarded them and the Sisters with affectionate interest, for the whole institution was to them the fulfillment of a long-cherished hope. In September of that year the First Catholic Slovak Union was to hold its 16th biennial convention in the city of Harrisburg. Bishop Shanahan's stand concerning the transfer of the community to Middletown had been received by the officers of the Jednota with full understanding. They lost no time in making arrangements to meet the conditions of the bishop. Plans and motions were pre- �64 SLOVAKIA pared, which, when placed before the delegates were unanimously adopted. The crowning feature of this convention was the dedication of the orphanage, whose full title is "Immaculate Conception Jednota Home." In the KALENDAR JEDNOTA of 1915 there is a record of this celebration from the pen of Mr. Andrew V. Kozak. A translation follows: Our Home at J ednota "The convention of the Slovak Catholic Union took place in Harrisburg in September, 1914. Much good was effected by this convention for our organization and for its members. The closing day, September 19, was marked by a significant celebration-the dedication of the Institution of the First Catholic Slovak Union. "It was truly a glorious day, enhanced by oeautiful weather. Early in the morning, the golden rays of the sun glowing from a blue, cloudless sky, warmed the earth. "As the delegates assembled in the convention hall this lovely morning, though weary from their week's hard work, there was joyful contentment on every countenance. The customary Christian greeting, 'Praised be Jesus Christ' was heard everywhere, followed by glad compliments on the beautiful weather. At eight o'clock the Supreme Officers and the delegates boarded the special train which conveyed them to our farm. In friendly conversation the time passed quickly and the cars stopped before the Jednota printery. The delegates marched up the lane to the Home which stands on a picturesque knoll several hundred yards from the printery. "On the neat lawn in front of the Home a large group of guests had already gathered. They were members of the local branches of the F.C.S.U. from nearby towns, and other individuals who had journeyed here to witness the most significant Slovak celebration in America. "The delegates filed into the chapel of the Home. The spiritual advisor of the F.C.S.U., the Rev. Stephen Furdek, celebrated the first Holy Mass in the chapel. After Mass, the delegates marched to the altar rail where each left an offering for the orphans. They then went out and took their places among the crowds of pilgrims in front of the building. In the meantime, the Most Reverend J. W. Shanahan, Bishop of Harrisburg, placed a large crucifix in the main �SLOVAKIA 65 loggia, and then, attended by the clergy, he went through the entire building, blessing it. "The Most Reverend Bishop then celebrated a pontifical High Mass in the open air at a temporary altar erected at the main entrance. The entire facade of the building was decorated with the American, Slovak and Papal colors. "On one side of the spacious veranda near the altar knelt our orphans and their devoted guardians, the revered Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. During the entire service these orphans knelt with their eyes fixed upon the altar. With childlike innocence and humility they prayed for their deceased parents and sent fervent thanks to the throne of the Most High for their benefactors, the members of the Catholic Jednota, who were providing them with this protecting roof and securing for them the services of the kindly Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. "It was truly a touching as well as inspiring picture which the kneeling orphans and their kind protectors present.ed as they prayed there so fervently. Many a spectator was moved to tears. "After the pontifical Mass, the Most Reverend Bishop read the cablegram from His Holiness, Pope Benedict XV, imparting the apostolic blessing upon all the members of the Catholic Jednota. "The Slovak sermon was delivered by the 'father of the Jednota,' the Rev. Stephen Furdek. He told how, in the early years when there were no Slovak Catholic churches in America, our first immigrants sought the churches of other nationalities where they could fall on their knees to worship God and thank Him for His blessings. Such was their faith and their devotion that American Catholics looked on with admiration. He pointed out that our people are generous and give willingly of their means for any worthy cause. A proof of this is the Institute just dedicated, which was built by the generosity of the good members of the Catholic Jednota that it might serve as a shelter for poor orphans, deprived of father and mother. He called attention to the noble mission of the devout Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, who have consecrated their virginity and their entire lives to Jesus Christ, their Spouse, who have become tender mothers without knowing motherhood, �66 SLOVAKIA and thus have become the greatest benefactors of poor Slo· vak orphans. "Every word of the venerable speaker reached deep into the hearts of the listeners, so that there was not one tearless eye. Father Furdek spoke with a heart overflowing with joy upon the realization of his long cherished desire. "The English address was given by the Most Reverend Bishop Shanahan. The Bishop extolled the good qualities of our Slovak people, declaring that the Slovaks are loyal, God-fearing and exemplary Catholics. He praised the generosity of the members of the Catholic Jednota, who, without murmuring, gave the funds which had made possible this fine building. "At the conclusion of his address, the Most Reverend Bishop called upon the Supreme President of the Jednota, the writer of these lines, to speak. Among other things, I said: 'It is now five years and three months since I first visited the vicinity of Harrisburg for the purpose of finding a suitable location for our Institution. I had then chosen this estate, where today stands our own building, the institute of the Catholic Jednota. During my term of office it was my fervent ambition to erect and furnish this institute, this school and orphanage. This desire, after long and strenuous work, has been fulfilled. This moment is the happiest of my life; the work is now accomplished. But the Jednota will not fold its hands. It will continue the noble work begun here for the good of our Slovak Catholic people of America. Confident of the united good will of all, I look forward to the time when we shall build here a Slovak high school, a college, an industrial school and perhaps even a Slovak seminary. I thank all the members whose generous contributions have made it possible for us to build this beautiful monument of Slovak piety and charity. I ask the members to continue their loyal cooperation with their supreme officers, for it is only with unity and mutual assistance that we can hope for success in our undertakings.' "Thus came to an end a celebration which brought great credit to the Slovaks and which will live long in the memories of those who participated in it." 14 At the time of this event the home was already in the care of the Sisters. They had taken it over, not as a mother- �SLOVAKIA 67 house, but simply as a local mission. A Sister of the Immaculate Heart of Mary from Marywood was the superior for that first year to guide the young Sisters in the task of organizing their duties in this new and responsible undertaking. The Community at Jednota Bishop Shanahan's stand concerning the transfer of the community to Middletown had been received by the Jednota officials with sympathetic understanding. They lost no time in making arrangements to meet the conditions set by the bishop. At a special session of the 16th Convention in 1914, a resolution was passed "to set aside and convey, by good and proper deed 10 acres of land . . . to the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius and to build thereon a motherhouse." 15 The motherhouse was completed in 1915-a strong brick building, unpretentious, but adequately equipped for all the immediate necessities of a small community. Since it was assumed that part of the spacious orphanage would be used by "the Sisters, this "motherhouse" was a comparatively small dwelling, which of itself could not serve the growing community very long. But it proved to be a great blessing to the community at a time of its most urgent need, as will be seen later in this narrative. By the summer of 1915 the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius numbered 63 members-45 professed Sisters and 18 novices. Both the Sisters themselves and the congregation that had directed them so far felt that the time was ripe for the young community to elect its own Superior and governing Council, even though none of the members had as yet reached the age prescribed by the Constitutions for these offices. There were others also desirous of seeing the community under its own government, particularly the Jednota officers, who could not very well execute the provisions of the contract drawn up at the recent convention until the administration of the community was made definite. For this reason also Mr. Kozak had previously taken the precaution of legally incorporating the community. The articles of incorporation were filed in the Court of Dauphin County January, 1915 and the Charter was issued on Feb· ruary 8, 1915. In the summer of 1915 the congregation convoked its �68 SLOVAKIA first General Chapter during which Mother Mary Mihalik was elected Superior General. Her first care was to arrange for the Sisters' summer activities. She made an application to the Jednota officials to have the professed Sisters spend a few weeks at Middletown and to make their annual retreat there. Her request was graciously granted and every help was extended to make the Sisters' summer pleasant and profitable. Without delay the Sisters entered upon the course of studies which Mother Mary had arranged for them. Apart from their studies they helped in caring for the orphans, supervising their play, their meals, and other activities. Since it was vacation time they enjoyed extra hours in the open air amid beautiful surroundings. The change afforded the Sisters by this stay in Middletown, with its sensible arrangement of work and relaxation, was most beneficial. The care of the orphans added to their experience. The retreat, which was set for the week of August 22, was the first one to be arranged for and held independently by the little community. Mr. Kozak and his fellow officers were most helpful in planning for this event. They suggested that the Most Reverend Joseph M. Koudelka, Bishop of Superior, Wisconsin, be engaged - as retreat master. Bishop Koudelka, a Czech, spoke Slovak and English well and had been active in conducting missions in Slovak parishes. The supreme officers of the Jednota assisted not only with the arrangements to receive so distinguished a retreat master, but they also took care of all the expenses, including the retreat master's honorarium. Nowadays, when annual retreats are taken for granted, it is not easy to grasp what this first retreat "on their own'' meant to the Sisters. To be together under one roof, among their own, with their own Mother General, with a promising, even if as yet somewhat uncertain future ahead of them-all this filled those young hearts with ardent zeal, generous courage, and deep gratitude. It was with glad enthusiasm that they received their appointments for the year, the first to be issued by Mother Mary. And so the new Congregation of Slovak Sisters opened its first school year on its own resources, under its own local superiors and school principals, and governed by its own Superior General. There were 45 professed Sisters to �SLOVAKIA 69 staff twelve schools besides the special charge of Jednota Home. A heavy burden, indeed, for such young and undeveloped strength. The gallant little bands, departing from the Jednota Home for their assigned missions, little dreamed what losses the Community would suffer before the close of that school year of 1915-1916. Interesting though it would be for the reader to follow the details of these crises and how they influenced the course of the community, space does not permit their inclusion here. Suffice it to say that in the spring of 1916, within 3 months death took three of the persons most closely connected with the community's establishment. Bishop Shanahan died on February 19, Mother Mary on April 30, and Father Jankola on May 5. Transfer to Harrisburg Diocese Following the Constitutions, the Vicaress, Mother M. Emmanuel immediately assumed the duties of Superior General. She set about at once to make preparations for the extraordinary General Chapter to elect a new Superior General. This second election, like its predecessor, was held at Marywood, Scranton, on August 1, 1916, and Mother M. Emmanuel was elected Superior General. Because of the illness and untimely death of Mother Mary, plans for occupying the motherhouse on the Jednota premises had to be suspended. It must be remembered, too, that World War I was raging in Europe, and although our country was not yet involved, its effects were already being felt. Meanwhile the number of postulants was increasing. The need for Sisters was urgent and these applicants were most welcome. The convent at Plymouth had been passably roomy for part of the novitiate and only moderately crowded when the two divisions were united, but now it was actually overcrowded. The policy of "always finding room for one more" could not be followed indefinitely. Mother Emmanuel was now determined to secure a permanent motherhouse at any cost for it was pressingly urgent to find more suitable living quarters chiefly for the growing novitiate. Quite naturally, her thoughts turned to the house in Middletown. The building, however small and inadequate for a motherhouse, would serve very well for �70 SLOVAKIA the novitiate, at least for a year or two; and during this interval there would be time to plan for a permanent home. As this house with its ten acres of land on the Jednota property had been legally deeded to the community, there was only one more circumstance to delay immediate occupation, namely, permission for a transfer of the novitiate to another diocese. The Community needed not only the approbation of the Bishop of Scranton to leave the diocese, but also the agreement of the Bishop of Harrisburg to receive it; and the latter, just recently installed, was not yet acquainted with Mother Emmanuel and her community. The transfer was effected and the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius was officially established in the diocese of Harrisburg August 4, 1917. This change was beneficial in many ways. The house in Middletown, besides being larger than the Plymouth convent, was more suitably constructed and equipped with more conveniences. It was located away from the noise and distractions of town life and it admirably provided the quiet and seclusion so necessary for novices. Over and above these very desirable advantages was the providential circumstance that brought the community under the jurisdiction of Bishop Phillip R. McDevitt, a scholar and educator of national fame. From his first meeting with the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius Bishop McDevitt took a deep, fatherly interest in their welfare and was ever ready to guide and counsel, to instrnct and encourage, to protect and safeguard. This enduring interest brought to the community untold blessings. The novices entered at once upon the regular order of the novitiate, happy and gratefully appreciative of their new home. Furnishing the chapel had been the first care of the superiors. Here the novices performed the prescribed religious exercises. For daily Mass and for the other liturgical services they went to the orphanage chapel. Once a week the chaplain of the Home celebrated Mass in the little novitiate chapel. Mother Emmanuel was noted for her thrift and her interest in agriculture. The ten acres of land were soon put under cultivation as a truck farm and vegetable garden. The Jednota farmhands were always available to do the plowing and heavier labor, but the novices themselves did �SLOVAKIA 71 all the other work. Milk was supplied from the Jednota dairy at a nominal cost. Two of the senior novices were able to perform regular duties in the orphanage in place of professed Sisters and their salaries added to the meagre revenues of the little religious household. In this way the young pioneers progressed-praying, working, learning, and saving every penny that could be spared "for the new motherhouse." But the hardships and privations endured were often severe. The regular requirements of the novitiate provide discipline enough. In addition there was the hard manual labor to be done-weeding and hoeing under the hot sun, caring for poultry, helping in the orphanage laundry, and all the chores incidental to the upkeep of the house and the grounds. Withal they subsisted on the simplest fare . Their generosity and spirit of sacrifice were edifying. When one considers their youth-most postulants of those days entered at the age of 15-and their inexperience at the unaccustomed manual work they willingly undertook, when one beheld their courage and perseverance, and above all the joyous gaiety which was ever present among them, one could not help admiring the mysterious power of God's grace. In the summer of 1918 Mother Emmanuel decided to hold both the retreat and the ceremony of religious profession at Middletown. Nine postulants received the habit and nine novices pronounced their first vows. The Most Reverend Bishop McDevitt himself presided at the ceremonies. On the same day a class of 48 orphans received the sacrament of Confirmation. The day was truly a happy and festive one for the Sisters and for their many friends and benefactors. Especially welcome among these were two Sisters of the Immaculate Heart of Mary, who came all the way from Scranton to share the joy of the little community on this occasion of its first religious ceremony away from Marywood, its first home. The Flu Epidemic These happy events brought considerable relief from the anxieties under which the community had been struggling since its departure from Scranton in 1913. But the next year of 1918-1919 held some very dark hours indeed. �72 SLOVAKIA It was the last year of World War I, when the country was longing and praying for peace. Just then the alarming symptoms of influenza appeared, the epidemic which was to work such devastation before it could be brought under control. On October 5 the Health Department of Pennsylvania issued an order closing all churches and schools, all places of amusement and assembly. The bishops of the country called upon religious communities in their dioceses for volunteers to nurse the stricken people. The Sisters of all communities generously offered their services as volunteer nurses, and the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius from all their local convents joined in the work of mercy. The Sisters served everywhere on day and night duty, in emergency hospitals and in the homes of stricken families. Their services were many and varied. They nursed the patients, cleaned the sickrooms, washed and dressed the children and prepared meals. They assisted the dying and kept vigil with them through the long hours of the night. At first the Sisters went in twos to minister to the patients, but soon the demands increased so much that they were obliged to go singly, without a companion. Many a family was found with all its members lying helpless, left for days without care, as there was much fear of contagion. The appearance of the Sisters and their courage in caring for the patients acted like magic. Soon neighbors came to relieve the Sisters, inviting them to their homes for meals and a little rest. They considered it a great honor to have a Sister enter their house. All this called for much courage and self sacrifice. The Sisters were very young, without any experience in professional nursing. But God took wonderful care of them and blessed their humble efforts. A Sister was called to a home where the patient was the father of the family, a strong man of powerful frame. He was delirious and at times difficult to manage, defying those who tried to help him and refusing to stay in bed. When the Sister came, however, he obeyed like a child, repeating over and over again, "I'll do it for you, Sister." This was the usual experience; the patients had complete confidence in the Sisters. Mother Emmanuel spent many an anxious hour during those strenuous weeks. She feared for her community whose members were so limited, so youthful, and so frail, and �SLOVAKIA 73 whose services were so sorely needed for the work in their apostolate. Fervent were the prayers offered for the safety of the little religious family. And God heard those prayers. While many of the Sisters contracted the disease, there were no deaths. All recovered. Another blessing for which the Sisters were deeply grateful to God was the preservation of both the novitiate and the Home from the epidemic. There was not one case in either house. Amid all these anxieties however, there was the comforting assurance about the novitiate. It was no longer divided in temporary shelters, but assembled under one roof and flourishing under favorable conditions. Mother Emmanuel was now able to give her undivided attention to the pressing problem of procuring a permanent motherhouse. How she succeeded in acquiring the beautiful estate in Danville, then known as Castle Grove, makes an unusually interesting chapter in the annals of the Congregation. In the summer of 1919 the novitiate was transferred to Danville and the motherhouse was permanently established. The Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius took formal possession on the feast of Corpus Christi, June 19, 1919 and renamed their new home Sacred Heart Villa. So it was through the Providence of God and through devious ways that the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius established their headquarters in the diocese of Harrisburg at Danville, Pennsylvania. In this establishment a significant role was played by the Jednota, which gave shelter at one point to a homeless community and ever thereafter has evinced toward it a genuinely Christian and friendly cordiality. The two have much in common, on the religious as well as the educational, on the national as well as the cultural level of goals and achievement. I dare say the one influences the other, inspires, complements, supports the other in mutual aspirations. Jednota's services to the Community through the years are recorded in detail in the annals of the Congregation. They will ever be cherished in the grateful prayers of the Sisters. God's Hand Visible in Community's History Such were the beginnings of the Congregation of the Slovak Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The histories of �74 SLOVAKIA most religious congregations of Sisters record that their foundresses were mature women, often wealthy widows, experienced in dealing with people and affairs. The first members of this Slovak Community were girls in their teens, fresh from homes where they had been sheltered according to typical old world standards. One can but marvel that in hardly a dozen years after having been placed in the care of Mother Cyril and her community, they deve· loped into an independent congregation, having its own Superior General, its own motherhouse, conducting several parish schools and an orphanage. With God's blessing and under the guidance of Bishop Michael J. Hoban of Scranton, and Harrisburg's bishops John W. Shanahan and Philip R. McDevitt, and for 32 years under the devoted care of the present Bishop of Harrisburg, His Excellency The Most Reverend George L. Leech, the congregation has prospered both spiritually and materially. At present the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius number 420 professed Sisters, 21 novices, and 6 postulants. They labor in the archdioceses of Chicago, Hartford, New York, and Philadelphia, and in the dioceses of Bridgeport, Charleston, Gary, Greensburg, Harrisburg, Scranton, Steubenville, Syracuse, and Trenton. They teach in 32 parish schools and 8 high schools, including a boarding academy for girls. They conduct catechetical classes in 40 parishes and operate two homes for the aged, an orphanage, a summer camp, a psycho-educational clinic and a house of studies. Two Sisters serve on the faculty of Marywood College, Scranton, and one is engaged on the faculty of a speech clinic in Philadelphia. Through the years the Sisters have adopted various forms of adjustment to modern life. They are educating their young members along the lines of the Sister Formation program, helping them first of all to drink deep of the spirit of Christ and thus to present Christ the Way, Christ the Truth, and Christ the Life to those whom they serve. The program calls for the total development of the Sister in all the spheres of her Christian, intellectual and community life. She pores over books in a full college program and opens her mind to the message of truth; she �SLOVAKIA 75 pursues goodness in her association with God and her companions; she keeps her goals and aspirations high and seeks to steep herself in beauty in order to convey "a fulfilled life" to others. The window opened by Pope John XXIII exposes her to view and brings to her life the newest in matters biblical, liturgical, psychological, catechetical, and religious. By the time she has taken her vows of poverty, chastity and obedience, she has become a light set on a mountain, a witness to Christ, an apostle sent, a servant of the servants to God. Postulants and novices pursue college courses, but weekends they give instructions in Christian doctrine to public school children and they visit and work with people in homes for the aged. While continuing their college education, the Sisters in the Juniorate have been tutoring retarded children on weekends. Similar work is done in many parishes during the summer months and after school hours. The Sisters participate professionally in diocesan, parish and civic activities in their respective communities. They attend conferences and workshops, serve on committees and give lectures at assemblies and institutes. Among the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius there is a readiness to "think along" with the Church, to follow its directives, to spread the good news of the Gospel, and to bring every soul to a knowledge and love of Christ, the Savior of mankind. They have been FREED for this mission by their vows. A specific trust left to the Community by its Founder is the preservation of our Slovak heritage. With the change of times, concessions and adaptations had to be devised, especially in the formal teaching of Slovak in the elementary schools. But the underlying loyalty to the Community's origin is ever alive. A separate chapter could well be devoted to all that is being accomplished by the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius in the field of Slovak. At present two cherished projects are underway: the organization and development of the Jankola Library, a sizable branch of the main academy library; and active co-operation with the �76 SLOVAKIA apostolate of the Slovak Institute of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Rome. Historically, the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius can be traced back sixty years to a priest of zeal, foresight, and determination, to an Immaculate Heart Sister of prudence and charity, and to a bevy of eagerly generous teen-age girls. The guidance of wise and Christ-like bishops, of devoted Slovak pastors, and the cooperation of generous Slovak people stood by to insure its progress. And the Slovak organizations, both religious and fraternal, with Jednota well in the lead, lent constant moral and material support. Inevitably, however, the spirit of the Sisters, as of their venerated founder and of all those who contributed to their welfare, has its wellspring in the courage and perseverance, the faith and love of two brotherapostles, SS. Cyril and Methodius, who sacrificed wealth and position to bring the faith to the Slovak Nation eleven hundred years ago. Danville, Pennsylvania FOOTNOTES 1. Cf. Kalendar J ednota. 1900. p. 136. 2. Quigley. The Christian Citizen. Chicago, Mentzer, 1953. p. 101. 3. Kalendcir J ednota. 1900. p . 135-136. 4. Kalendcir Jednota. 1911. p . 97 5. Ibid. p. 98. 6. Original Charter with Articles of Incorporation (1905) in Community Archives, Motherhouse of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Danville, Pa. Cf. Kalendar Jednota. 1908. p. 177-178. 7. Rev. Andrew Pavco. Personal interview. 1933. 8. Letter of Mother M. Cyril to Father Matthew Jankola. Community Archives. 9. Copy of Petition and Decree of Approval from Chancery, Diocese of Scranton, in Community Archives. 10. Kalendar Jednota. 1912. p. 19-24. �SLOVAKIA 77 11. Letter of Bishop J. W. Shanahan to Mother M. Cyril. Community Archives. 12. Letter of Mother M. Cyril to Bishop J . W . Shanahan. Community Archives. 13. Letter of Bishop J. W. Shanahan to Mother M. Cyril. Community Archives. 14. Kalendar Jednota. 1915. p. 161-165. 15. Ibid. p . 164. BIBLIOGRAPHY Consuela Gregorovich, Sister M., SS.C.M. Contribu ti ons of Reverend Matthew Jankola to Slovak Catholic Education in the United States. Washington, D.C. , The Catholic University of America, 1944. Emerentia Petrasek, Mother M., SS.C.M. History of the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. Danville. Unpublished. Hrusovsky, Frantisek. Slovenske rehole v Amerike (Slovak religi ous communities in America). Cleveland, Slovak Institute, 1955. p. 164-232. Immaculata Gillespie, Sister M., C.I.M. Th e Sister s of the Immaculate Heart of Mary. 1921. p. 357-364. Pauco, Jozef. Matus Jankola, knaz a narodovec. (Matthew Jankola, Priest and Patriot). Middletown, Jednota, 1959. Pauco, Jozef. Slovenska rehol' a sestier sv . Cyrila a Metoda. Middletown, Jednota, 1957. Pauco, Jozef. 75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty (75 years of the First Catholic Slovak Union.) Middletown, Jednota, 1965. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to works of charity, materially and morally aids Slovaks, here and abroad, who may be in need of such aid; it supports the American Red Cross, United Fund Campaigns and other American charitable projects. � SLOVAKIA 55 JEDNOTA AND THE SISTERS OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS Mother M. Emerentia Petrdsek, SS. C.M. "How is it that you, Slovak Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, have your headquarters located in the diocese of Harrisburg, a diocese with so few Slovaks-with only three comparatively small Slovak parishes? And in Danville, of all places, where hardly a single Slovak family can be found? " This question, variously worded, has often been put to one or another of our Sisters. And since the diocese of Harrisburg is observing its 100th anniversary in this year of 1968, it seems fitting to consider this query. The explanation is quite interesting, but it cannot be given in just a paragraph or two. Drawing upon the history of the congregation will serve best. The Slovak Immigrant At the dawn of the present century a young Slovak priest, busily engaged in parochial work, nevertheless found time to study and observe the needs of his countrymen in widely scattered areas of their adopted land where they were rapidly making permanent homes. His observation and earnest study led him more and more to the conviction that one of the most urgent needs of his people was the education of their children. "We have a serious problem," he writes, "the problem of educating our children according to American methods and for American citizenship, without, however, destroying their national character and their cultural traditions." 1 In his day such sentiments were accepted as a matter of course; it was a later generation that introduced the questionable drive for rapid Americanization with its "melting pot" slogans. Now, after sixty years, those words of Father Jankola find the following endorsement in a modern textbook on American citizenship: "How foolish America would be . .. to destroy the wealth of culture brought to her by her immigrants. But America does not destroy! She is not a 'melting pot', boiling �56 SLOVAKIA down and absorbing immigrant cultures so that the finished product is a uniform nationality or culture. Rather, America builds! She takes the best in each culture brought to her shores and fits its color and design into a beautiful unity. The people of her farms, villages, towns and cities, with their many different cultures, nationalities, customs, and religious beliefs, make America a beautiful mosaic of many colored and differently shaped stones, all precious in themselves . Separated from one another, the effect of their beauty and luster is limited. Fitted together, they present something unique in the art of social living-a thing of beauty, a creation surpassing description." 2 Father Jankola, with unusual foresight, envisioned his people's contribution to America's mosaic as a distinct stone preserving all the color and luster of its old world heritage. Hence he writes in the 1900 issue of KALENDAR JEDNOTA: "Within 15 or 20 years in this new country and despite numerous handicaps, the Slovak immigrants have to their credit 40 churches of the Roman Catholic Rite and almost as many of the Eastern Rite. A not inconsiderable achievement! "But to insure progress in our churches and in our religious life, and to protect ourselves and our posterity against the rapidly growing dangers that threaten our faith and our mother tongue, we must have our own parish schools." Father Jankola proceeds to give a survey of the Slovak parish schools of the period, listing by name four in Pennsylvania, two in Illinois and one in New York. In most cases, he tells us, the school is conducted in European fashion by the parish organist. Only three of them are staffed by Sisters and of these only one can be considered a fully equipped "first class" school, which, he states, has four Sisters. "All in all," he concludes, "not a very bright picture. We must have schools, but they must be established and conducted according to American methods. If we intend to live in America, we must learn to live in the American way. And to insure this way of living, without detriment to our religious and national heritage, we must have our own schools, staffed by qualified teachers of our own."3 �SLOVAKIA 57 Father Jankola's Efforts to Procure Sisters At First Father Jankola applied for Sisters to established American Communities. "I tried many plans and methods," he wrote, in recalling his early efforts. "I ap· preached several Communities of Sisters in the hope that they might have Slovak or even Czech members to spare for our Slovak schools. After four Communities met my request with the regretful reply that they had far from sufficient Sisters for their own schools, I turned to Europe, appealing to the Sisters of the Holy Cross to send us three or four Sisters to settle here and train our Slovak young girls for the religious life. After a lengthy correspondence I met with the same disappointment. "Again I directed my attention to America. Armed now with a more definite plan, I decided to recruit candidates, who might one day form a separate Slovak branch of the Community which consents to train them." 4 To carry out his plan more effectively Father Jankola sought the cooperation of other Slovak priests, even beyond the Scranton diocese. Early in 1903 he held the first in a series of meetings with them, which resulted in the formation of a priests' society known as the St. Anthony's Treasury . The priests pledged themselves 1) Through parish sermons and articles in the Slovak press to inform the Slovak public of the project and win its support. 2) To contribute regularly with their parishioners to the St. Anthony Treasury's fund for the education and training of future Sisters and priests. 3) To watch for signs of a vocation in capable, intelligent girls and to encourage them to embrace the religious life.5 The Treasury flourished and faithfully fulfilled the aims proposed by Father Jankola. In May 1905 it was incorporated under the title of "Priests' Society of St. Anthony's Treasury," and the Charter, issued May 8, 1905, bears the following signatures: Fathers Joseph Murgas, Andrew Pavco, Alexander Dianiska, Matthew Jankola, John E. Stas, and Joseph Martincek.6 The response to the appeal of St. Anthony's Treasury was prompt and gratifying. Applicants presented themselves almost immediately. All were very young, but Father �58 SLOVAKIA Jank.ala considered this rather an advantage than a detriment, for, he remarked, it is best to begin from the foundation. His future Sisters must be educated from the rudiments up, and their education was paid for from St. Anthony's Treasury. The First Applicants Accepted at M arywood Placing the student-applicants for training was met with renewed regretful refusals from the religious communities to which Father Jankola had applied. Finally, Father Andrew Pavco, pastor of St. John Baptist Church, Pittston, suggested that Father Jankola call on the Reverend Mother General of the Sisters, Servants of the Immaculate Heart of Mary, Scranton. "I understand her name is Mother Mary Cyril," he observed; "our common patron will surely favor us. Let us give it a trial in the name of God." 7 After a memorable visit with the founder in November 1903, Mother M. Cyril I.H.M. consented to receive and train the first three and an ever increasing number of candidates, who would in the providence of God form the nucleus of the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. At first the young candidates, as aspirants, studied in the boarding academy with the regular students at Mount St. Mary's. As they advanced in their classes, they were admitted to the postulate and then to the reception of the habit, especially designed for them by the Sisters of the Immaculate Heart. Meanwhile, much thought was given to the status which the new Sisters would have. Would they be a part of the congregation of the Sisters of the Immaculate Heart? Would they join some other Community as a separate group? Or would they form an entirely new congregation? As these deliberations continued beyond the usual two years of novitiate and pastors of several Slovak parishes were growing impatient, Mother M. Cyril decided to have the three senior novices begin their teaching apostolate. With Father Joseph Murgas of Sacred Heart Church in Wilkes-Barre she arranged to place his school in their charge, under the guidance of an experienced Sister of the Immaculate Heart as superior. Opened on September 8, 1908 with 309 pupils, it was the first school staffed by the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius.8 �SLOVAKIA 59 In 1909 a petition to the Holy See was drawn up by Father Jankola and the three priests most closely associated with him, namely, Fathers Andrew Pavco, Alexander Dianiska, and Joseph Murgas, and submitted to Bishop Michael J. Hoban, who obtained canonical approval for the new congregation from Pope St. Pius X .9 On September 11, 1909 the first three members-Sister Mary Mihalik, Sister M. Joseph Bartek and Sister M. Emmanuel Pauly-made their profession in the chapel of Mt. St. Mary's. The membership grew rapidly and within a few years additional schools were opened in the diocese of Scranton. It was generally taken for granted that the new congregation would establish its motherhouse in the Scranton diocese, but God's providence directed otherwise. Jednota Prepares the Way At this point it might be well to show how the Jednota was instrumental in the hands of Providence in shaping the destiny of the Community. In an article written by Mr. A. V. Kozak, an outstanding Slovak Catholic layman, the following facts are recorded: In 1906 the 12th biennial convention of the First Catholic Slovak Union, held in McKeesport, Pa. proposed to buy 1and for the erection of buildings for its own use and for a motherhouse for the Slovak Sisters. A committee was appointed to select a suitable site, but since it did not succeed, the matter was deferred to the next, the 13th convention held in Youngstown, Ohio, in 1908, during which Mr. Kozak was elected Supreme president of the First Catholic Slovak Union. Under his direction the project was resumed. Counties in the vicinity of Harrisburg were visited and finally a suitable site was found in Dauphin County, near Middletown. In Mr. Kozak's own words: "The tract of land is a farm of 300 acres, the soil rich and fertile, the location beautiful and convenient of ac,. cess . . . The city of Harrisburg can be reached in 30 minutes and Middletown in less than five . The buildings on the grounds have telephone connections, gas and electric light, and very good drinking water. The section is historically known as Camp Meade from the time of the Spanish Amer- �60 SLOVAKIA ican War in 1898, when it was occupied by American soldiers. On the premises there are still three large artesian wells which the soldiers had used. Withouth doubt, it is an ideal spot." The purchase was transacted in the week of July 1, 1909, just before the feast of SS. Cyril and Methodius, and the cause was placed under the care of these two holy patrons. Mr. Kozak concludes: "Here will be located the institute of the First Catholic Slovak Union-a refuge for the orphans and a resting place for our aged. This institute will be under the care of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, and here will be their center, their motherhouse. "It is our duty as well as to our interest to support this Slovak community of religious women, both materially and morally, in order that it may be firmly established as soon as possible, that it may wax strong, able to perform its mission efficiently. "This community is the spiritual concern not only of a few individuals, not only of the priests responsible for its foundation, but it is the spiritual possession of the entire Slovak nation." 10 Such were the words and sentiments of Mr. A. V. Kozak at a time when the young Slovak community was but three years old, numbering only 18 professed Sisters! He was a lifelong friend of the Slovak Sisters who looked upon their early days with the care and solicitude of a father, and who was ever ready to stand by with counsel and loyal support. And the Jednota and the Slovak people at large shared these sentiments. Bishop J. W . Shanahan Keenly Interested "Man proposes and God disposes" is a favorable proverb of the Slovaks. Many were the times when this was applicable in the history of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, and that especially in the development of the plans regarding Middletown. The building of the orphanage was nearing completion and all attention was centered thereon. Yet, although it was generally understood among the Slovak people that the Sisters would take possession of the building, there was no specific assurance even about the first movement in that direction. �SLOVAKIA 61 The Most Reverend J. W. Shanahan, then bishop of Harrisburg, manifested a fatherly solicitude toward the young community from its very inception. He knew Mother Cyril well, having sought her aid some years previously in the foundation of another young community-the Lithuanian Sisters of St. Casimir. The fact that the Slovak Sisters had just taken charge of two new schools in his diocese (Mt. Carmel and Shamokin) intensified his interest. Many instances of his fatherly concern are recorded in the annals of the congregation. "I am anxious about Middletown," wrote the bishop in a letter to Mother Cyril, dated July 31, 1913, "not knowing how far the Slovak Jednota and the Slovak people will assist the new work. But my principal concern is about the religious side of the foundation. If that begins wrong it is utterly done for." 11 Mother Cyril reassured the bishop in a letter dated August 4, 1913, in which she gives him much of the information he was anxious to have: "We went to Middletown for the purpose of meeting the committee in charge of furnishing the new motherhouse. Plans were made for the accommodation of about seventy-five Sisters. We were careful to preserve economy and simplicity and found that necessary furnishing could be had at a cost of about $3600. The committee believed that a greater amount should be expended, but we adhered to the exclusion of superfluities. "With regard to your anxiety about the little community, I believe that there is no reason to fear . I think that the Jednota and the Slovak people will continue to be generous with the Sisters. There is one thing, however, that I should like the Sisters to accomplish, and that is, the acquiring of a portion of the Middletown property, so that in time to come the Sisters can have something of their own. As the years go on, they will feel the need of independence, to a degree at least, and now is the time to plan for the future. "So far as the religious side of the work is concerned, I feel confident all will be well. Ever since these children have been with us, they have conducted themeselves in such manner as to win the esteem and admiration of our community. I am voicing the opinion of all when I say that �62 SLOVAKIA they have never given us any trouble. The only thing I fear is their youth, but I hope that lack of years will be supplied by the grace that will attend their strict observance of their Holy Rule. The Rule has been carefully prepared for them, and is founded, as far as possible on Canon Law. It is somewhat different from ours, because we know from experience that some points should be made stronger for young religious who are beginning their career in this age. It is my earnest desire that the Young community will show their appreciation by strictly observing every point. If I may take the liberty, I wish to ask you kindly to guard this precious interest so that it will not be tampered with or changed in any way. It has been my experience that if one point of Rule is broken, it weakens the others: If these young Sisters keep their Rule strictly, their rule will so keep them that they will be a source of consolation to you rather than a cause of anxiety. " 12 But when the bishop wrote again he was still anxious about Middletown; he would like more certainty. It was this attitude of his that put a check on all the preparations in the temporary novitiate in Plymouth for the transfer to Middletown and later had a very significant bearing on the entire course of events. In a letter dated August 17, 1913, the bishop wrote: "A few weeks ago I called to inspect the Slovak operation at Middletown. I found that a good, strong building is going up. The contractor was getting ready to begin the plastering. I could get no information other than this at the new building or at the printery ... "My concern is not so much about the financial as the religious side of the enterprise; though the financial outlook is very misty indeed. Nobody seems to know anything of the future ." About the Holy Rule he added: "You need not fear that I will sharpen my axe for the Slovak Holy Rule. I have examined many Holy Rules, and I see many things to be reformed. But he would be rash indeed who would undertake the task of reformation. The proof of the pudding is in the eating; and if the religious orders of women in the United States have accomplished such wonderful things for Holy Church by reason of their strict adherence to the Holy Rule, it would be better for outsiders not to tamper with Holy Rules."13 �SLOVAKIA 63 The cause of this uncertainty about the future lay in the fact that the organization itself was not definitely sure about the main issue. The Jednota officers meant well. Mr. Kozak especially was sincerely devoted to the project. But there were the 50,000 members to consider. The plans, as adopted at the previous convention, provided for the building of an orphanage which the organization would sponsor and maintain. But to have a few Sisters at the orphanage to care for the orphans, and to have the entire community settled there were not the same thing. The officers were unwilling to decide this matter without the sanction of the members. That meant waiting for the next convention. When Bishop Shanahan discerned this hesitency, his course was decided. He would not allow the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius to occupy the building as their motherhouse. He gladly received the Sisters into the diocese to take charge of the orphanage, but as to making their community headquarters there, he set the condition that they must either acquire property of their own, or have part of the Jednota property deeded to them in their name. THE JEDNOTA HOME The orphanage was completed and furnished by the spring of 1914, ready for the arrival of the Sisters who were to take charge. On May 9, 1914, the first two orphans arrived. They were Philip and Mary Hrobak, brother and sister, from Cleveland, Ohio. Others followed them through the vacation months and by September, there were some thirty to begin the school term. The Home was very fortunate in its first inmates. They were unusually good, well-behaved children, giving evidence of careful and God-fearing home training. The Slovak people as a whole regarded them and the Sisters with affectionate interest, for the whole institution was to them the fulfillment of a long-cherished hope. In September of that year the First Catholic Slovak Union was to hold its 16th biennial convention in the city of Harrisburg. Bishop Shanahan's stand concerning the transfer of the community to Middletown had been received by the officers of the Jednota with full understanding. They lost no time in making arrangements to meet the conditions of the bishop. Plans and motions were pre- �64 SLOVAKIA pared, which, when placed before the delegates were unanimously adopted. The crowning feature of this convention was the dedication of the orphanage, whose full title is "Immaculate Conception Jednota Home." In the KALENDAR JEDNOTA of 1915 there is a record of this celebration from the pen of Mr. Andrew V. Kozak. A translation follows: Our Home at J ednota "The convention of the Slovak Catholic Union took place in Harrisburg in September, 1914. Much good was effected by this convention for our organization and for its members. The closing day, September 19, was marked by a significant celebration-the dedication of the Institution of the First Catholic Slovak Union. "It was truly a glorious day, enhanced by oeautiful weather. Early in the morning, the golden rays of the sun glowing from a blue, cloudless sky, warmed the earth. "As the delegates assembled in the convention hall this lovely morning, though weary from their week's hard work, there was joyful contentment on every countenance. The customary Christian greeting, 'Praised be Jesus Christ' was heard everywhere, followed by glad compliments on the beautiful weather. At eight o'clock the Supreme Officers and the delegates boarded the special train which conveyed them to our farm. In friendly conversation the time passed quickly and the cars stopped before the Jednota printery. The delegates marched up the lane to the Home which stands on a picturesque knoll several hundred yards from the printery. "On the neat lawn in front of the Home a large group of guests had already gathered. They were members of the local branches of the F.C.S.U. from nearby towns, and other individuals who had journeyed here to witness the most significant Slovak celebration in America. "The delegates filed into the chapel of the Home. The spiritual advisor of the F.C.S.U., the Rev. Stephen Furdek, celebrated the first Holy Mass in the chapel. After Mass, the delegates marched to the altar rail where each left an offering for the orphans. They then went out and took their places among the crowds of pilgrims in front of the building. In the meantime, the Most Reverend J. W. Shanahan, Bishop of Harrisburg, placed a large crucifix in the main �SLOVAKIA 65 loggia, and then, attended by the clergy, he went through the entire building, blessing it. "The Most Reverend Bishop then celebrated a pontifical High Mass in the open air at a temporary altar erected at the main entrance. The entire facade of the building was decorated with the American, Slovak and Papal colors. "On one side of the spacious veranda near the altar knelt our orphans and their devoted guardians, the revered Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. During the entire service these orphans knelt with their eyes fixed upon the altar. With childlike innocence and humility they prayed for their deceased parents and sent fervent thanks to the throne of the Most High for their benefactors, the members of the Catholic Jednota, who were providing them with this protecting roof and securing for them the services of the kindly Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. "It was truly a touching as well as inspiring picture which the kneeling orphans and their kind protectors present.ed as they prayed there so fervently. Many a spectator was moved to tears. "After the pontifical Mass, the Most Reverend Bishop read the cablegram from His Holiness, Pope Benedict XV, imparting the apostolic blessing upon all the members of the Catholic Jednota. "The Slovak sermon was delivered by the 'father of the Jednota,' the Rev. Stephen Furdek. He told how, in the early years when there were no Slovak Catholic churches in America, our first immigrants sought the churches of other nationalities where they could fall on their knees to worship God and thank Him for His blessings. Such was their faith and their devotion that American Catholics looked on with admiration. He pointed out that our people are generous and give willingly of their means for any worthy cause. A proof of this is the Institute just dedicated, which was built by the generosity of the good members of the Catholic Jednota that it might serve as a shelter for poor orphans, deprived of father and mother. He called attention to the noble mission of the devout Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, who have consecrated their virginity and their entire lives to Jesus Christ, their Spouse, who have become tender mothers without knowing motherhood, �66 SLOVAKIA and thus have become the greatest benefactors of poor Slo· vak orphans. "Every word of the venerable speaker reached deep into the hearts of the listeners, so that there was not one tearless eye. Father Furdek spoke with a heart overflowing with joy upon the realization of his long cherished desire. "The English address was given by the Most Reverend Bishop Shanahan. The Bishop extolled the good qualities of our Slovak people, declaring that the Slovaks are loyal, God-fearing and exemplary Catholics. He praised the generosity of the members of the Catholic Jednota, who, without murmuring, gave the funds which had made possible this fine building. "At the conclusion of his address, the Most Reverend Bishop called upon the Supreme President of the Jednota, the writer of these lines, to speak. Among other things, I said: 'It is now five years and three months since I first visited the vicinity of Harrisburg for the purpose of finding a suitable location for our Institution. I had then chosen this estate, where today stands our own building, the institute of the Catholic Jednota. During my term of office it was my fervent ambition to erect and furnish this institute, this school and orphanage. This desire, after long and strenuous work, has been fulfilled. This moment is the happiest of my life; the work is now accomplished. But the Jednota will not fold its hands. It will continue the noble work begun here for the good of our Slovak Catholic people of America. Confident of the united good will of all, I look forward to the time when we shall build here a Slovak high school, a college, an industrial school and perhaps even a Slovak seminary. I thank all the members whose generous contributions have made it possible for us to build this beautiful monument of Slovak piety and charity. I ask the members to continue their loyal cooperation with their supreme officers, for it is only with unity and mutual assistance that we can hope for success in our undertakings.' "Thus came to an end a celebration which brought great credit to the Slovaks and which will live long in the memories of those who participated in it." 14 At the time of this event the home was already in the care of the Sisters. They had taken it over, not as a mother- �SLOVAKIA 67 house, but simply as a local mission. A Sister of the Immaculate Heart of Mary from Marywood was the superior for that first year to guide the young Sisters in the task of organizing their duties in this new and responsible undertaking. The Community at Jednota Bishop Shanahan's stand concerning the transfer of the community to Middletown had been received by the Jednota officials with sympathetic understanding. They lost no time in making arrangements to meet the conditions set by the bishop. At a special session of the 16th Convention in 1914, a resolution was passed "to set aside and convey, by good and proper deed 10 acres of land . . . to the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius and to build thereon a motherhouse." 15 The motherhouse was completed in 1915-a strong brick building, unpretentious, but adequately equipped for all the immediate necessities of a small community. Since it was assumed that part of the spacious orphanage would be used by "the Sisters, this "motherhouse" was a comparatively small dwelling, which of itself could not serve the growing community very long. But it proved to be a great blessing to the community at a time of its most urgent need, as will be seen later in this narrative. By the summer of 1915 the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius numbered 63 members-45 professed Sisters and 18 novices. Both the Sisters themselves and the congregation that had directed them so far felt that the time was ripe for the young community to elect its own Superior and governing Council, even though none of the members had as yet reached the age prescribed by the Constitutions for these offices. There were others also desirous of seeing the community under its own government, particularly the Jednota officers, who could not very well execute the provisions of the contract drawn up at the recent convention until the administration of the community was made definite. For this reason also Mr. Kozak had previously taken the precaution of legally incorporating the community. The articles of incorporation were filed in the Court of Dauphin County January, 1915 and the Charter was issued on Feb· ruary 8, 1915. In the summer of 1915 the congregation convoked its �68 SLOVAKIA first General Chapter during which Mother Mary Mihalik was elected Superior General. Her first care was to arrange for the Sisters' summer activities. She made an application to the Jednota officials to have the professed Sisters spend a few weeks at Middletown and to make their annual retreat there. Her request was graciously granted and every help was extended to make the Sisters' summer pleasant and profitable. Without delay the Sisters entered upon the course of studies which Mother Mary had arranged for them. Apart from their studies they helped in caring for the orphans, supervising their play, their meals, and other activities. Since it was vacation time they enjoyed extra hours in the open air amid beautiful surroundings. The change afforded the Sisters by this stay in Middletown, with its sensible arrangement of work and relaxation, was most beneficial. The care of the orphans added to their experience. The retreat, which was set for the week of August 22, was the first one to be arranged for and held independently by the little community. Mr. Kozak and his fellow officers were most helpful in planning for this event. They suggested that the Most Reverend Joseph M. Koudelka, Bishop of Superior, Wisconsin, be engaged - as retreat master. Bishop Koudelka, a Czech, spoke Slovak and English well and had been active in conducting missions in Slovak parishes. The supreme officers of the Jednota assisted not only with the arrangements to receive so distinguished a retreat master, but they also took care of all the expenses, including the retreat master's honorarium. Nowadays, when annual retreats are taken for granted, it is not easy to grasp what this first retreat "on their own'' meant to the Sisters. To be together under one roof, among their own, with their own Mother General, with a promising, even if as yet somewhat uncertain future ahead of them-all this filled those young hearts with ardent zeal, generous courage, and deep gratitude. It was with glad enthusiasm that they received their appointments for the year, the first to be issued by Mother Mary. And so the new Congregation of Slovak Sisters opened its first school year on its own resources, under its own local superiors and school principals, and governed by its own Superior General. There were 45 professed Sisters to �SLOVAKIA 69 staff twelve schools besides the special charge of Jednota Home. A heavy burden, indeed, for such young and undeveloped strength. The gallant little bands, departing from the Jednota Home for their assigned missions, little dreamed what losses the Community would suffer before the close of that school year of 1915-1916. Interesting though it would be for the reader to follow the details of these crises and how they influenced the course of the community, space does not permit their inclusion here. Suffice it to say that in the spring of 1916, within 3 months death took three of the persons most closely connected with the community's establishment. Bishop Shanahan died on February 19, Mother Mary on April 30, and Father Jankola on May 5. Transfer to Harrisburg Diocese Following the Constitutions, the Vicaress, Mother M. Emmanuel immediately assumed the duties of Superior General. She set about at once to make preparations for the extraordinary General Chapter to elect a new Superior General. This second election, like its predecessor, was held at Marywood, Scranton, on August 1, 1916, and Mother M. Emmanuel was elected Superior General. Because of the illness and untimely death of Mother Mary, plans for occupying the motherhouse on the Jednota premises had to be suspended. It must be remembered, too, that World War I was raging in Europe, and although our country was not yet involved, its effects were already being felt. Meanwhile the number of postulants was increasing. The need for Sisters was urgent and these applicants were most welcome. The convent at Plymouth had been passably roomy for part of the novitiate and only moderately crowded when the two divisions were united, but now it was actually overcrowded. The policy of "always finding room for one more" could not be followed indefinitely. Mother Emmanuel was now determined to secure a permanent motherhouse at any cost for it was pressingly urgent to find more suitable living quarters chiefly for the growing novitiate. Quite naturally, her thoughts turned to the house in Middletown. The building, however small and inadequate for a motherhouse, would serve very well for �70 SLOVAKIA the novitiate, at least for a year or two; and during this interval there would be time to plan for a permanent home. As this house with its ten acres of land on the Jednota property had been legally deeded to the community, there was only one more circumstance to delay immediate occupation, namely, permission for a transfer of the novitiate to another diocese. The Community needed not only the approbation of the Bishop of Scranton to leave the diocese, but also the agreement of the Bishop of Harrisburg to receive it; and the latter, just recently installed, was not yet acquainted with Mother Emmanuel and her community. The transfer was effected and the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius was officially established in the diocese of Harrisburg August 4, 1917. This change was beneficial in many ways. The house in Middletown, besides being larger than the Plymouth convent, was more suitably constructed and equipped with more conveniences. It was located away from the noise and distractions of town life and it admirably provided the quiet and seclusion so necessary for novices. Over and above these very desirable advantages was the providential circumstance that brought the community under the jurisdiction of Bishop Phillip R. McDevitt, a scholar and educator of national fame. From his first meeting with the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius Bishop McDevitt took a deep, fatherly interest in their welfare and was ever ready to guide and counsel, to instrnct and encourage, to protect and safeguard. This enduring interest brought to the community untold blessings. The novices entered at once upon the regular order of the novitiate, happy and gratefully appreciative of their new home. Furnishing the chapel had been the first care of the superiors. Here the novices performed the prescribed religious exercises. For daily Mass and for the other liturgical services they went to the orphanage chapel. Once a week the chaplain of the Home celebrated Mass in the little novitiate chapel. Mother Emmanuel was noted for her thrift and her interest in agriculture. The ten acres of land were soon put under cultivation as a truck farm and vegetable garden. The Jednota farmhands were always available to do the plowing and heavier labor, but the novices themselves did �SLOVAKIA 71 all the other work. Milk was supplied from the Jednota dairy at a nominal cost. Two of the senior novices were able to perform regular duties in the orphanage in place of professed Sisters and their salaries added to the meagre revenues of the little religious household. In this way the young pioneers progressed-praying, working, learning, and saving every penny that could be spared "for the new motherhouse." But the hardships and privations endured were often severe. The regular requirements of the novitiate provide discipline enough. In addition there was the hard manual labor to be done-weeding and hoeing under the hot sun, caring for poultry, helping in the orphanage laundry, and all the chores incidental to the upkeep of the house and the grounds. Withal they subsisted on the simplest fare . Their generosity and spirit of sacrifice were edifying. When one considers their youth-most postulants of those days entered at the age of 15-and their inexperience at the unaccustomed manual work they willingly undertook, when one beheld their courage and perseverance, and above all the joyous gaiety which was ever present among them, one could not help admiring the mysterious power of God's grace. In the summer of 1918 Mother Emmanuel decided to hold both the retreat and the ceremony of religious profession at Middletown. Nine postulants received the habit and nine novices pronounced their first vows. The Most Reverend Bishop McDevitt himself presided at the ceremonies. On the same day a class of 48 orphans received the sacrament of Confirmation. The day was truly a happy and festive one for the Sisters and for their many friends and benefactors. Especially welcome among these were two Sisters of the Immaculate Heart of Mary, who came all the way from Scranton to share the joy of the little community on this occasion of its first religious ceremony away from Marywood, its first home. The Flu Epidemic These happy events brought considerable relief from the anxieties under which the community had been struggling since its departure from Scranton in 1913. But the next year of 1918-1919 held some very dark hours indeed. �72 SLOVAKIA It was the last year of World War I, when the country was longing and praying for peace. Just then the alarming symptoms of influenza appeared, the epidemic which was to work such devastation before it could be brought under control. On October 5 the Health Department of Pennsylvania issued an order closing all churches and schools, all places of amusement and assembly. The bishops of the country called upon religious communities in their dioceses for volunteers to nurse the stricken people. The Sisters of all communities generously offered their services as volunteer nurses, and the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius from all their local convents joined in the work of mercy. The Sisters served everywhere on day and night duty, in emergency hospitals and in the homes of stricken families. Their services were many and varied. They nursed the patients, cleaned the sickrooms, washed and dressed the children and prepared meals. They assisted the dying and kept vigil with them through the long hours of the night. At first the Sisters went in twos to minister to the patients, but soon the demands increased so much that they were obliged to go singly, without a companion. Many a family was found with all its members lying helpless, left for days without care, as there was much fear of contagion. The appearance of the Sisters and their courage in caring for the patients acted like magic. Soon neighbors came to relieve the Sisters, inviting them to their homes for meals and a little rest. They considered it a great honor to have a Sister enter their house. All this called for much courage and self sacrifice. The Sisters were very young, without any experience in professional nursing. But God took wonderful care of them and blessed their humble efforts. A Sister was called to a home where the patient was the father of the family, a strong man of powerful frame. He was delirious and at times difficult to manage, defying those who tried to help him and refusing to stay in bed. When the Sister came, however, he obeyed like a child, repeating over and over again, "I'll do it for you, Sister." This was the usual experience; the patients had complete confidence in the Sisters. Mother Emmanuel spent many an anxious hour during those strenuous weeks. She feared for her community whose members were so limited, so youthful, and so frail, and �SLOVAKIA 73 whose services were so sorely needed for the work in their apostolate. Fervent were the prayers offered for the safety of the little religious family. And God heard those prayers. While many of the Sisters contracted the disease, there were no deaths. All recovered. Another blessing for which the Sisters were deeply grateful to God was the preservation of both the novitiate and the Home from the epidemic. There was not one case in either house. Amid all these anxieties however, there was the comforting assurance about the novitiate. It was no longer divided in temporary shelters, but assembled under one roof and flourishing under favorable conditions. Mother Emmanuel was now able to give her undivided attention to the pressing problem of procuring a permanent motherhouse. How she succeeded in acquiring the beautiful estate in Danville, then known as Castle Grove, makes an unusually interesting chapter in the annals of the Congregation. In the summer of 1919 the novitiate was transferred to Danville and the motherhouse was permanently established. The Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius took formal possession on the feast of Corpus Christi, June 19, 1919 and renamed their new home Sacred Heart Villa. So it was through the Providence of God and through devious ways that the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius established their headquarters in the diocese of Harrisburg at Danville, Pennsylvania. In this establishment a significant role was played by the Jednota, which gave shelter at one point to a homeless community and ever thereafter has evinced toward it a genuinely Christian and friendly cordiality. The two have much in common, on the religious as well as the educational, on the national as well as the cultural level of goals and achievement. I dare say the one influences the other, inspires, complements, supports the other in mutual aspirations. Jednota's services to the Community through the years are recorded in detail in the annals of the Congregation. They will ever be cherished in the grateful prayers of the Sisters. God's Hand Visible in Community's History Such were the beginnings of the Congregation of the Slovak Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The histories of �74 SLOVAKIA most religious congregations of Sisters record that their foundresses were mature women, often wealthy widows, experienced in dealing with people and affairs. The first members of this Slovak Community were girls in their teens, fresh from homes where they had been sheltered according to typical old world standards. One can but marvel that in hardly a dozen years after having been placed in the care of Mother Cyril and her community, they deve· loped into an independent congregation, having its own Superior General, its own motherhouse, conducting several parish schools and an orphanage. With God's blessing and under the guidance of Bishop Michael J. Hoban of Scranton, and Harrisburg's bishops John W. Shanahan and Philip R. McDevitt, and for 32 years under the devoted care of the present Bishop of Harrisburg, His Excellency The Most Reverend George L. Leech, the congregation has prospered both spiritually and materially. At present the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius number 420 professed Sisters, 21 novices, and 6 postulants. They labor in the archdioceses of Chicago, Hartford, New York, and Philadelphia, and in the dioceses of Bridgeport, Charleston, Gary, Greensburg, Harrisburg, Scranton, Steubenville, Syracuse, and Trenton. They teach in 32 parish schools and 8 high schools, including a boarding academy for girls. They conduct catechetical classes in 40 parishes and operate two homes for the aged, an orphanage, a summer camp, a psycho-educational clinic and a house of studies. Two Sisters serve on the faculty of Marywood College, Scranton, and one is engaged on the faculty of a speech clinic in Philadelphia. Through the years the Sisters have adopted various forms of adjustment to modern life. They are educating their young members along the lines of the Sister Formation program, helping them first of all to drink deep of the spirit of Christ and thus to present Christ the Way, Christ the Truth, and Christ the Life to those whom they serve. The program calls for the total development of the Sister in all the spheres of her Christian, intellectual and community life. She pores over books in a full college program and opens her mind to the message of truth; she �SLOVAKIA 75 pursues goodness in her association with God and her companions; she keeps her goals and aspirations high and seeks to steep herself in beauty in order to convey "a fulfilled life" to others. The window opened by Pope John XXIII exposes her to view and brings to her life the newest in matters biblical, liturgical, psychological, catechetical, and religious. By the time she has taken her vows of poverty, chastity and obedience, she has become a light set on a mountain, a witness to Christ, an apostle sent, a servant of the servants to God. Postulants and novices pursue college courses, but weekends they give instructions in Christian doctrine to public school children and they visit and work with people in homes for the aged. While continuing their college education, the Sisters in the Juniorate have been tutoring retarded children on weekends. Similar work is done in many parishes during the summer months and after school hours. The Sisters participate professionally in diocesan, parish and civic activities in their respective communities. They attend conferences and workshops, serve on committees and give lectures at assemblies and institutes. Among the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius there is a readiness to "think along" with the Church, to follow its directives, to spread the good news of the Gospel, and to bring every soul to a knowledge and love of Christ, the Savior of mankind. They have been FREED for this mission by their vows. A specific trust left to the Community by its Founder is the preservation of our Slovak heritage. With the change of times, concessions and adaptations had to be devised, especially in the formal teaching of Slovak in the elementary schools. But the underlying loyalty to the Community's origin is ever alive. A separate chapter could well be devoted to all that is being accomplished by the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius in the field of Slovak. At present two cherished projects are underway: the organization and development of the Jankola Library, a sizable branch of the main academy library; and active co-operation with the �76 SLOVAKIA apostolate of the Slovak Institute of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Rome. Historically, the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius can be traced back sixty years to a priest of zeal, foresight, and determination, to an Immaculate Heart Sister of prudence and charity, and to a bevy of eagerly generous teen-age girls. The guidance of wise and Christ-like bishops, of devoted Slovak pastors, and the cooperation of generous Slovak people stood by to insure its progress. And the Slovak organizations, both religious and fraternal, with Jednota well in the lead, lent constant moral and material support. Inevitably, however, the spirit of the Sisters, as of their venerated founder and of all those who contributed to their welfare, has its wellspring in the courage and perseverance, the faith and love of two brotherapostles, SS. Cyril and Methodius, who sacrificed wealth and position to bring the faith to the Slovak Nation eleven hundred years ago. Danville, Pennsylvania FOOTNOTES 1. Cf. Kalendar J ednota. 1900. p. 136. 2. Quigley. The Christian Citizen. Chicago, Mentzer, 1953. p. 101. 3. Kalendcir J ednota. 1900. p . 135-136. 4. Kalendcir Jednota. 1911. p . 97 5. Ibid. p. 98. 6. Original Charter with Articles of Incorporation (1905) in Community Archives, Motherhouse of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Danville, Pa. Cf. Kalendar Jednota. 1908. p. 177-178. 7. Rev. Andrew Pavco. Personal interview. 1933. 8. Letter of Mother M. Cyril to Father Matthew Jankola. Community Archives. 9. Copy of Petition and Decree of Approval from Chancery, Diocese of Scranton, in Community Archives. 10. Kalendar Jednota. 1912. p. 19-24. �SLOVAKIA 77 11. Letter of Bishop J. W. Shanahan to Mother M. Cyril. Community Archives. 12. Letter of Mother M. Cyril to Bishop J . W . Shanahan. Community Archives. 13. Letter of Bishop J. W. Shanahan to Mother M. Cyril. Community Archives. 14. Kalendar Jednota. 1915. p. 161-165. 15. Ibid. p . 164. BIBLIOGRAPHY Consuela Gregorovich, Sister M., SS.C.M. Contribu ti ons of Reverend Matthew Jankola to Slovak Catholic Education in the United States. Washington, D.C. , The Catholic University of America, 1944. Emerentia Petrasek, Mother M., SS.C.M. History of the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. Danville. Unpublished. Hrusovsky, Frantisek. Slovenske rehole v Amerike (Slovak religi ous communities in America). Cleveland, Slovak Institute, 1955. p. 164-232. Immaculata Gillespie, Sister M., C.I.M. Th e Sister s of the Immaculate Heart of Mary. 1921. p. 357-364. Pauco, Jozef. Matus Jankola, knaz a narodovec. (Matthew Jankola, Priest and Patriot). Middletown, Jednota, 1959. Pauco, Jozef. Slovenska rehol' a sestier sv . Cyrila a Metoda. Middletown, Jednota, 1957. Pauco, Jozef. 75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty (75 years of the First Catholic Slovak Union.) Middletown, Jednota, 1965. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to works of charity, materially and morally aids Slovaks, here and abroad, who may be in need of such aid; it supports the American Red Cross, United Fund Campaigns and other American charitable projects. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1968, Vol. 18 Description An account of the resource Vol. 18 (No. 41), 1968. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 55 JEDNOTA AND THE SISTERS OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS Mother M. Emerentia Petrdsek, SS. C.M. "How is it that you, Slovak Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, have your headquarters located in the diocese of Harrisburg, a diocese with so few Slovaks-with only three comparatively small Slovak parishes? And in Danville, of all places, where hardly a single Slovak family can be found? " This question, variously worded, has often been put to one or another of our Sisters. And since the diocese of Harrisburg is observing its 100th anniversary in this year of 1968, it seems fitting to consider this query. The explanation is quite interesting, but it cannot be given in just a paragraph or two. Drawing upon the history of the congregation will serve best. The Slovak Immigrant At the dawn of the present century a young Slovak priest, busily engaged in parochial work, nevertheless found time to study and observe the needs of his countrymen in widely scattered areas of their adopted land where they were rapidly making permanent homes. His observation and earnest study led him more and more to the conviction that one of the most urgent needs of his people was the education of their children. "We have a serious problem," he writes, "the problem of educating our children according to American methods and for American citizenship, without, however, destroying their national character and their cultural traditions." 1 In his day such sentiments were accepted as a matter of course; it was a later generation that introduced the questionable drive for rapid Americanization with its "melting pot" slogans. Now, after sixty years, those words of Father Jankola find the following endorsement in a modern textbook on American citizenship: "How foolish America would be . .. to destroy the wealth of culture brought to her by her immigrants. But America does not destroy! She is not a 'melting pot', boiling 56 SLOVAKIA down and absorbing immigrant cultures so that the finished product is a uniform nationality or culture. Rather, America builds! She takes the best in each culture brought to her shores and fits its color and design into a beautiful unity. The people of her farms, villages, towns and cities, with their many different cultures, nationalities, customs, and religious beliefs, make America a beautiful mosaic of many colored and differently shaped stones, all precious in themselves . Separated from one another, the effect of their beauty and luster is limited. Fitted together, they present something unique in the art of social living-a thing of beauty, a creation surpassing description." 2 Father Jankola, with unusual foresight, envisioned his people's contribution to America's mosaic as a distinct stone preserving all the color and luster of its old world heritage. Hence he writes in the 1900 issue of KALENDAR JEDNOTA: "Within 15 or 20 years in this new country and despite numerous handicaps, the Slovak immigrants have to their credit 40 churches of the Roman Catholic Rite and almost as many of the Eastern Rite. A not inconsiderable achievement! "But to insure progress in our churches and in our religious life, and to protect ourselves and our posterity against the rapidly growing dangers that threaten our faith and our mother tongue, we must have our own parish schools." Father Jankola proceeds to give a survey of the Slovak parish schools of the period, listing by name four in Pennsylvania, two in Illinois and one in New York. In most cases, he tells us, the school is conducted in European fashion by the parish organist. Only three of them are staffed by Sisters and of these only one can be considered a fully equipped "first class" school, which, he states, has four Sisters. "All in all," he concludes, "not a very bright picture. We must have schools, but they must be established and conducted according to American methods. If we intend to live in America, we must learn to live in the American way. And to insure this way of living, without detriment to our religious and national heritage, we must have our own schools, staffed by qualified teachers of our own."3 SLOVAKIA 57 Father Jankola's Efforts to Procure Sisters At First Father Jankola applied for Sisters to established American Communities. "I tried many plans and methods," he wrote, in recalling his early efforts. "I ap· preached several Communities of Sisters in the hope that they might have Slovak or even Czech members to spare for our Slovak schools. After four Communities met my request with the regretful reply that they had far from sufficient Sisters for their own schools, I turned to Europe, appealing to the Sisters of the Holy Cross to send us three or four Sisters to settle here and train our Slovak young girls for the religious life. After a lengthy correspondence I met with the same disappointment. "Again I directed my attention to America. Armed now with a more definite plan, I decided to recruit candidates, who might one day form a separate Slovak branch of the Community which consents to train them." 4 To carry out his plan more effectively Father Jankola sought the cooperation of other Slovak priests, even beyond the Scranton diocese. Early in 1903 he held the first in a series of meetings with them, which resulted in the formation of a priests' society known as the St. Anthony's Treasury . The priests pledged themselves 1) Through parish sermons and articles in the Slovak press to inform the Slovak public of the project and win its support. 2) To contribute regularly with their parishioners to the St. Anthony Treasury's fund for the education and training of future Sisters and priests. 3) To watch for signs of a vocation in capable, intelligent girls and to encourage them to embrace the religious life.5 The Treasury flourished and faithfully fulfilled the aims proposed by Father Jankola. In May 1905 it was incorporated under the title of "Priests' Society of St. Anthony's Treasury," and the Charter, issued May 8, 1905, bears the following signatures: Fathers Joseph Murgas, Andrew Pavco, Alexander Dianiska, Matthew Jankola, John E. Stas, and Joseph Martincek.6 The response to the appeal of St. Anthony's Treasury was prompt and gratifying. Applicants presented themselves almost immediately. All were very young, but Father 58 SLOVAKIA Jank.ala considered this rather an advantage than a detriment, for, he remarked, it is best to begin from the foundation. His future Sisters must be educated from the rudiments up, and their education was paid for from St. Anthony's Treasury. The First Applicants Accepted at M arywood Placing the student-applicants for training was met with renewed regretful refusals from the religious communities to which Father Jankola had applied. Finally, Father Andrew Pavco, pastor of St. John Baptist Church, Pittston, suggested that Father Jankola call on the Reverend Mother General of the Sisters, Servants of the Immaculate Heart of Mary, Scranton. "I understand her name is Mother Mary Cyril," he observed; "our common patron will surely favor us. Let us give it a trial in the name of God." 7 After a memorable visit with the founder in November 1903, Mother M. Cyril I.H.M. consented to receive and train the first three and an ever increasing number of candidates, who would in the providence of God form the nucleus of the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. At first the young candidates, as aspirants, studied in the boarding academy with the regular students at Mount St. Mary's. As they advanced in their classes, they were admitted to the postulate and then to the reception of the habit, especially designed for them by the Sisters of the Immaculate Heart. Meanwhile, much thought was given to the status which the new Sisters would have. Would they be a part of the congregation of the Sisters of the Immaculate Heart? Would they join some other Community as a separate group? Or would they form an entirely new congregation? As these deliberations continued beyond the usual two years of novitiate and pastors of several Slovak parishes were growing impatient, Mother M. Cyril decided to have the three senior novices begin their teaching apostolate. With Father Joseph Murgas of Sacred Heart Church in Wilkes-Barre she arranged to place his school in their charge, under the guidance of an experienced Sister of the Immaculate Heart as superior. Opened on September 8, 1908 with 309 pupils, it was the first school staffed by the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius.8 SLOVAKIA 59 In 1909 a petition to the Holy See was drawn up by Father Jankola and the three priests most closely associated with him, namely, Fathers Andrew Pavco, Alexander Dianiska, and Joseph Murgas, and submitted to Bishop Michael J. Hoban, who obtained canonical approval for the new congregation from Pope St. Pius X .9 On September 11, 1909 the first three members-Sister Mary Mihalik, Sister M. Joseph Bartek and Sister M. Emmanuel Pauly-made their profession in the chapel of Mt. St. Mary's. The membership grew rapidly and within a few years additional schools were opened in the diocese of Scranton. It was generally taken for granted that the new congregation would establish its motherhouse in the Scranton diocese, but God's providence directed otherwise. Jednota Prepares the Way At this point it might be well to show how the Jednota was instrumental in the hands of Providence in shaping the destiny of the Community. In an article written by Mr. A. V. Kozak, an outstanding Slovak Catholic layman, the following facts are recorded: In 1906 the 12th biennial convention of the First Catholic Slovak Union, held in McKeesport, Pa. proposed to buy 1and for the erection of buildings for its own use and for a motherhouse for the Slovak Sisters. A committee was appointed to select a suitable site, but since it did not succeed, the matter was deferred to the next, the 13th convention held in Youngstown, Ohio, in 1908, during which Mr. Kozak was elected Supreme president of the First Catholic Slovak Union. Under his direction the project was resumed. Counties in the vicinity of Harrisburg were visited and finally a suitable site was found in Dauphin County, near Middletown. In Mr. Kozak's own words: "The tract of land is a farm of 300 acres, the soil rich and fertile, the location beautiful and convenient of ac,. cess . . . The city of Harrisburg can be reached in 30 minutes and Middletown in less than five . The buildings on the grounds have telephone connections, gas and electric light, and very good drinking water. The section is historically known as Camp Meade from the time of the Spanish Amer- 60 SLOVAKIA ican War in 1898, when it was occupied by American soldiers. On the premises there are still three large artesian wells which the soldiers had used. Withouth doubt, it is an ideal spot." The purchase was transacted in the week of July 1, 1909, just before the feast of SS. Cyril and Methodius, and the cause was placed under the care of these two holy patrons. Mr. Kozak concludes: "Here will be located the institute of the First Catholic Slovak Union-a refuge for the orphans and a resting place for our aged. This institute will be under the care of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, and here will be their center, their motherhouse. "It is our duty as well as to our interest to support this Slovak community of religious women, both materially and morally, in order that it may be firmly established as soon as possible, that it may wax strong, able to perform its mission efficiently. "This community is the spiritual concern not only of a few individuals, not only of the priests responsible for its foundation, but it is the spiritual possession of the entire Slovak nation." 10 Such were the words and sentiments of Mr. A. V. Kozak at a time when the young Slovak community was but three years old, numbering only 18 professed Sisters! He was a lifelong friend of the Slovak Sisters who looked upon their early days with the care and solicitude of a father, and who was ever ready to stand by with counsel and loyal support. And the Jednota and the Slovak people at large shared these sentiments. Bishop J. W . Shanahan Keenly Interested "Man proposes and God disposes" is a favorable proverb of the Slovaks. Many were the times when this was applicable in the history of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, and that especially in the development of the plans regarding Middletown. The building of the orphanage was nearing completion and all attention was centered thereon. Yet, although it was generally understood among the Slovak people that the Sisters would take possession of the building, there was no specific assurance even about the first movement in that direction. SLOVAKIA 61 The Most Reverend J. W. Shanahan, then bishop of Harrisburg, manifested a fatherly solicitude toward the young community from its very inception. He knew Mother Cyril well, having sought her aid some years previously in the foundation of another young community-the Lithuanian Sisters of St. Casimir. The fact that the Slovak Sisters had just taken charge of two new schools in his diocese (Mt. Carmel and Shamokin) intensified his interest. Many instances of his fatherly concern are recorded in the annals of the congregation. "I am anxious about Middletown," wrote the bishop in a letter to Mother Cyril, dated July 31, 1913, "not knowing how far the Slovak Jednota and the Slovak people will assist the new work. But my principal concern is about the religious side of the foundation. If that begins wrong it is utterly done for." 11 Mother Cyril reassured the bishop in a letter dated August 4, 1913, in which she gives him much of the information he was anxious to have: "We went to Middletown for the purpose of meeting the committee in charge of furnishing the new motherhouse. Plans were made for the accommodation of about seventy-five Sisters. We were careful to preserve economy and simplicity and found that necessary furnishing could be had at a cost of about $3600. The committee believed that a greater amount should be expended, but we adhered to the exclusion of superfluities. "With regard to your anxiety about the little community, I believe that there is no reason to fear . I think that the Jednota and the Slovak people will continue to be generous with the Sisters. There is one thing, however, that I should like the Sisters to accomplish, and that is, the acquiring of a portion of the Middletown property, so that in time to come the Sisters can have something of their own. As the years go on, they will feel the need of independence, to a degree at least, and now is the time to plan for the future. "So far as the religious side of the work is concerned, I feel confident all will be well. Ever since these children have been with us, they have conducted themeselves in such manner as to win the esteem and admiration of our community. I am voicing the opinion of all when I say that 62 SLOVAKIA they have never given us any trouble. The only thing I fear is their youth, but I hope that lack of years will be supplied by the grace that will attend their strict observance of their Holy Rule. The Rule has been carefully prepared for them, and is founded, as far as possible on Canon Law. It is somewhat different from ours, because we know from experience that some points should be made stronger for young religious who are beginning their career in this age. It is my earnest desire that the Young community will show their appreciation by strictly observing every point. If I may take the liberty, I wish to ask you kindly to guard this precious interest so that it will not be tampered with or changed in any way. It has been my experience that if one point of Rule is broken, it weakens the others: If these young Sisters keep their Rule strictly, their rule will so keep them that they will be a source of consolation to you rather than a cause of anxiety. " 12 But when the bishop wrote again he was still anxious about Middletown; he would like more certainty. It was this attitude of his that put a check on all the preparations in the temporary novitiate in Plymouth for the transfer to Middletown and later had a very significant bearing on the entire course of events. In a letter dated August 17, 1913, the bishop wrote: "A few weeks ago I called to inspect the Slovak operation at Middletown. I found that a good, strong building is going up. The contractor was getting ready to begin the plastering. I could get no information other than this at the new building or at the printery ... "My concern is not so much about the financial as the religious side of the enterprise; though the financial outlook is very misty indeed. Nobody seems to know anything of the future ." About the Holy Rule he added: "You need not fear that I will sharpen my axe for the Slovak Holy Rule. I have examined many Holy Rules, and I see many things to be reformed. But he would be rash indeed who would undertake the task of reformation. The proof of the pudding is in the eating; and if the religious orders of women in the United States have accomplished such wonderful things for Holy Church by reason of their strict adherence to the Holy Rule, it would be better for outsiders not to tamper with Holy Rules."13 SLOVAKIA 63 The cause of this uncertainty about the future lay in the fact that the organization itself was not definitely sure about the main issue. The Jednota officers meant well. Mr. Kozak especially was sincerely devoted to the project. But there were the 50,000 members to consider. The plans, as adopted at the previous convention, provided for the building of an orphanage which the organization would sponsor and maintain. But to have a few Sisters at the orphanage to care for the orphans, and to have the entire community settled there were not the same thing. The officers were unwilling to decide this matter without the sanction of the members. That meant waiting for the next convention. When Bishop Shanahan discerned this hesitency, his course was decided. He would not allow the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius to occupy the building as their motherhouse. He gladly received the Sisters into the diocese to take charge of the orphanage, but as to making their community headquarters there, he set the condition that they must either acquire property of their own, or have part of the Jednota property deeded to them in their name. THE JEDNOTA HOME The orphanage was completed and furnished by the spring of 1914, ready for the arrival of the Sisters who were to take charge. On May 9, 1914, the first two orphans arrived. They were Philip and Mary Hrobak, brother and sister, from Cleveland, Ohio. Others followed them through the vacation months and by September, there were some thirty to begin the school term. The Home was very fortunate in its first inmates. They were unusually good, well-behaved children, giving evidence of careful and God-fearing home training. The Slovak people as a whole regarded them and the Sisters with affectionate interest, for the whole institution was to them the fulfillment of a long-cherished hope. In September of that year the First Catholic Slovak Union was to hold its 16th biennial convention in the city of Harrisburg. Bishop Shanahan's stand concerning the transfer of the community to Middletown had been received by the officers of the Jednota with full understanding. They lost no time in making arrangements to meet the conditions of the bishop. Plans and motions were pre- 64 SLOVAKIA pared, which, when placed before the delegates were unanimously adopted. The crowning feature of this convention was the dedication of the orphanage, whose full title is "Immaculate Conception Jednota Home." In the KALENDAR JEDNOTA of 1915 there is a record of this celebration from the pen of Mr. Andrew V. Kozak. A translation follows: Our Home at J ednota "The convention of the Slovak Catholic Union took place in Harrisburg in September, 1914. Much good was effected by this convention for our organization and for its members. The closing day, September 19, was marked by a significant celebration-the dedication of the Institution of the First Catholic Slovak Union. "It was truly a glorious day, enhanced by oeautiful weather. Early in the morning, the golden rays of the sun glowing from a blue, cloudless sky, warmed the earth. "As the delegates assembled in the convention hall this lovely morning, though weary from their week's hard work, there was joyful contentment on every countenance. The customary Christian greeting, 'Praised be Jesus Christ' was heard everywhere, followed by glad compliments on the beautiful weather. At eight o'clock the Supreme Officers and the delegates boarded the special train which conveyed them to our farm. In friendly conversation the time passed quickly and the cars stopped before the Jednota printery. The delegates marched up the lane to the Home which stands on a picturesque knoll several hundred yards from the printery. "On the neat lawn in front of the Home a large group of guests had already gathered. They were members of the local branches of the F.C.S.U. from nearby towns, and other individuals who had journeyed here to witness the most significant Slovak celebration in America. "The delegates filed into the chapel of the Home. The spiritual advisor of the F.C.S.U., the Rev. Stephen Furdek, celebrated the first Holy Mass in the chapel. After Mass, the delegates marched to the altar rail where each left an offering for the orphans. They then went out and took their places among the crowds of pilgrims in front of the building. In the meantime, the Most Reverend J. W. Shanahan, Bishop of Harrisburg, placed a large crucifix in the main SLOVAKIA 65 loggia, and then, attended by the clergy, he went through the entire building, blessing it. "The Most Reverend Bishop then celebrated a pontifical High Mass in the open air at a temporary altar erected at the main entrance. The entire facade of the building was decorated with the American, Slovak and Papal colors. "On one side of the spacious veranda near the altar knelt our orphans and their devoted guardians, the revered Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. During the entire service these orphans knelt with their eyes fixed upon the altar. With childlike innocence and humility they prayed for their deceased parents and sent fervent thanks to the throne of the Most High for their benefactors, the members of the Catholic Jednota, who were providing them with this protecting roof and securing for them the services of the kindly Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. "It was truly a touching as well as inspiring picture which the kneeling orphans and their kind protectors present.ed as they prayed there so fervently. Many a spectator was moved to tears. "After the pontifical Mass, the Most Reverend Bishop read the cablegram from His Holiness, Pope Benedict XV, imparting the apostolic blessing upon all the members of the Catholic Jednota. "The Slovak sermon was delivered by the 'father of the Jednota,' the Rev. Stephen Furdek. He told how, in the early years when there were no Slovak Catholic churches in America, our first immigrants sought the churches of other nationalities where they could fall on their knees to worship God and thank Him for His blessings. Such was their faith and their devotion that American Catholics looked on with admiration. He pointed out that our people are generous and give willingly of their means for any worthy cause. A proof of this is the Institute just dedicated, which was built by the generosity of the good members of the Catholic Jednota that it might serve as a shelter for poor orphans, deprived of father and mother. He called attention to the noble mission of the devout Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, who have consecrated their virginity and their entire lives to Jesus Christ, their Spouse, who have become tender mothers without knowing motherhood, 66 SLOVAKIA and thus have become the greatest benefactors of poor Slo· vak orphans. "Every word of the venerable speaker reached deep into the hearts of the listeners, so that there was not one tearless eye. Father Furdek spoke with a heart overflowing with joy upon the realization of his long cherished desire. "The English address was given by the Most Reverend Bishop Shanahan. The Bishop extolled the good qualities of our Slovak people, declaring that the Slovaks are loyal, God-fearing and exemplary Catholics. He praised the generosity of the members of the Catholic Jednota, who, without murmuring, gave the funds which had made possible this fine building. "At the conclusion of his address, the Most Reverend Bishop called upon the Supreme President of the Jednota, the writer of these lines, to speak. Among other things, I said: 'It is now five years and three months since I first visited the vicinity of Harrisburg for the purpose of finding a suitable location for our Institution. I had then chosen this estate, where today stands our own building, the institute of the Catholic Jednota. During my term of office it was my fervent ambition to erect and furnish this institute, this school and orphanage. This desire, after long and strenuous work, has been fulfilled. This moment is the happiest of my life; the work is now accomplished. But the Jednota will not fold its hands. It will continue the noble work begun here for the good of our Slovak Catholic people of America. Confident of the united good will of all, I look forward to the time when we shall build here a Slovak high school, a college, an industrial school and perhaps even a Slovak seminary. I thank all the members whose generous contributions have made it possible for us to build this beautiful monument of Slovak piety and charity. I ask the members to continue their loyal cooperation with their supreme officers, for it is only with unity and mutual assistance that we can hope for success in our undertakings.' "Thus came to an end a celebration which brought great credit to the Slovaks and which will live long in the memories of those who participated in it." 14 At the time of this event the home was already in the care of the Sisters. They had taken it over, not as a mother- SLOVAKIA 67 house, but simply as a local mission. A Sister of the Immaculate Heart of Mary from Marywood was the superior for that first year to guide the young Sisters in the task of organizing their duties in this new and responsible undertaking. The Community at Jednota Bishop Shanahan's stand concerning the transfer of the community to Middletown had been received by the Jednota officials with sympathetic understanding. They lost no time in making arrangements to meet the conditions set by the bishop. At a special session of the 16th Convention in 1914, a resolution was passed "to set aside and convey, by good and proper deed 10 acres of land . . . to the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius and to build thereon a motherhouse." 15 The motherhouse was completed in 1915-a strong brick building, unpretentious, but adequately equipped for all the immediate necessities of a small community. Since it was assumed that part of the spacious orphanage would be used by "the Sisters, this "motherhouse" was a comparatively small dwelling, which of itself could not serve the growing community very long. But it proved to be a great blessing to the community at a time of its most urgent need, as will be seen later in this narrative. By the summer of 1915 the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius numbered 63 members-45 professed Sisters and 18 novices. Both the Sisters themselves and the congregation that had directed them so far felt that the time was ripe for the young community to elect its own Superior and governing Council, even though none of the members had as yet reached the age prescribed by the Constitutions for these offices. There were others also desirous of seeing the community under its own government, particularly the Jednota officers, who could not very well execute the provisions of the contract drawn up at the recent convention until the administration of the community was made definite. For this reason also Mr. Kozak had previously taken the precaution of legally incorporating the community. The articles of incorporation were filed in the Court of Dauphin County January, 1915 and the Charter was issued on Feb· ruary 8, 1915. In the summer of 1915 the congregation convoked its 68 SLOVAKIA first General Chapter during which Mother Mary Mihalik was elected Superior General. Her first care was to arrange for the Sisters' summer activities. She made an application to the Jednota officials to have the professed Sisters spend a few weeks at Middletown and to make their annual retreat there. Her request was graciously granted and every help was extended to make the Sisters' summer pleasant and profitable. Without delay the Sisters entered upon the course of studies which Mother Mary had arranged for them. Apart from their studies they helped in caring for the orphans, supervising their play, their meals, and other activities. Since it was vacation time they enjoyed extra hours in the open air amid beautiful surroundings. The change afforded the Sisters by this stay in Middletown, with its sensible arrangement of work and relaxation, was most beneficial. The care of the orphans added to their experience. The retreat, which was set for the week of August 22, was the first one to be arranged for and held independently by the little community. Mr. Kozak and his fellow officers were most helpful in planning for this event. They suggested that the Most Reverend Joseph M. Koudelka, Bishop of Superior, Wisconsin, be engaged - as retreat master. Bishop Koudelka, a Czech, spoke Slovak and English well and had been active in conducting missions in Slovak parishes. The supreme officers of the Jednota assisted not only with the arrangements to receive so distinguished a retreat master, but they also took care of all the expenses, including the retreat master's honorarium. Nowadays, when annual retreats are taken for granted, it is not easy to grasp what this first retreat "on their own'' meant to the Sisters. To be together under one roof, among their own, with their own Mother General, with a promising, even if as yet somewhat uncertain future ahead of them-all this filled those young hearts with ardent zeal, generous courage, and deep gratitude. It was with glad enthusiasm that they received their appointments for the year, the first to be issued by Mother Mary. And so the new Congregation of Slovak Sisters opened its first school year on its own resources, under its own local superiors and school principals, and governed by its own Superior General. There were 45 professed Sisters to SLOVAKIA 69 staff twelve schools besides the special charge of Jednota Home. A heavy burden, indeed, for such young and undeveloped strength. The gallant little bands, departing from the Jednota Home for their assigned missions, little dreamed what losses the Community would suffer before the close of that school year of 1915-1916. Interesting though it would be for the reader to follow the details of these crises and how they influenced the course of the community, space does not permit their inclusion here. Suffice it to say that in the spring of 1916, within 3 months death took three of the persons most closely connected with the community's establishment. Bishop Shanahan died on February 19, Mother Mary on April 30, and Father Jankola on May 5. Transfer to Harrisburg Diocese Following the Constitutions, the Vicaress, Mother M. Emmanuel immediately assumed the duties of Superior General. She set about at once to make preparations for the extraordinary General Chapter to elect a new Superior General. This second election, like its predecessor, was held at Marywood, Scranton, on August 1, 1916, and Mother M. Emmanuel was elected Superior General. Because of the illness and untimely death of Mother Mary, plans for occupying the motherhouse on the Jednota premises had to be suspended. It must be remembered, too, that World War I was raging in Europe, and although our country was not yet involved, its effects were already being felt. Meanwhile the number of postulants was increasing. The need for Sisters was urgent and these applicants were most welcome. The convent at Plymouth had been passably roomy for part of the novitiate and only moderately crowded when the two divisions were united, but now it was actually overcrowded. The policy of "always finding room for one more" could not be followed indefinitely. Mother Emmanuel was now determined to secure a permanent motherhouse at any cost for it was pressingly urgent to find more suitable living quarters chiefly for the growing novitiate. Quite naturally, her thoughts turned to the house in Middletown. The building, however small and inadequate for a motherhouse, would serve very well for 70 SLOVAKIA the novitiate, at least for a year or two; and during this interval there would be time to plan for a permanent home. As this house with its ten acres of land on the Jednota property had been legally deeded to the community, there was only one more circumstance to delay immediate occupation, namely, permission for a transfer of the novitiate to another diocese. The Community needed not only the approbation of the Bishop of Scranton to leave the diocese, but also the agreement of the Bishop of Harrisburg to receive it; and the latter, just recently installed, was not yet acquainted with Mother Emmanuel and her community. The transfer was effected and the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius was officially established in the diocese of Harrisburg August 4, 1917. This change was beneficial in many ways. The house in Middletown, besides being larger than the Plymouth convent, was more suitably constructed and equipped with more conveniences. It was located away from the noise and distractions of town life and it admirably provided the quiet and seclusion so necessary for novices. Over and above these very desirable advantages was the providential circumstance that brought the community under the jurisdiction of Bishop Phillip R. McDevitt, a scholar and educator of national fame. From his first meeting with the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius Bishop McDevitt took a deep, fatherly interest in their welfare and was ever ready to guide and counsel, to instrnct and encourage, to protect and safeguard. This enduring interest brought to the community untold blessings. The novices entered at once upon the regular order of the novitiate, happy and gratefully appreciative of their new home. Furnishing the chapel had been the first care of the superiors. Here the novices performed the prescribed religious exercises. For daily Mass and for the other liturgical services they went to the orphanage chapel. Once a week the chaplain of the Home celebrated Mass in the little novitiate chapel. Mother Emmanuel was noted for her thrift and her interest in agriculture. The ten acres of land were soon put under cultivation as a truck farm and vegetable garden. The Jednota farmhands were always available to do the plowing and heavier labor, but the novices themselves did SLOVAKIA 71 all the other work. Milk was supplied from the Jednota dairy at a nominal cost. Two of the senior novices were able to perform regular duties in the orphanage in place of professed Sisters and their salaries added to the meagre revenues of the little religious household. In this way the young pioneers progressed-praying, working, learning, and saving every penny that could be spared "for the new motherhouse." But the hardships and privations endured were often severe. The regular requirements of the novitiate provide discipline enough. In addition there was the hard manual labor to be done-weeding and hoeing under the hot sun, caring for poultry, helping in the orphanage laundry, and all the chores incidental to the upkeep of the house and the grounds. Withal they subsisted on the simplest fare . Their generosity and spirit of sacrifice were edifying. When one considers their youth-most postulants of those days entered at the age of 15-and their inexperience at the unaccustomed manual work they willingly undertook, when one beheld their courage and perseverance, and above all the joyous gaiety which was ever present among them, one could not help admiring the mysterious power of God's grace. In the summer of 1918 Mother Emmanuel decided to hold both the retreat and the ceremony of religious profession at Middletown. Nine postulants received the habit and nine novices pronounced their first vows. The Most Reverend Bishop McDevitt himself presided at the ceremonies. On the same day a class of 48 orphans received the sacrament of Confirmation. The day was truly a happy and festive one for the Sisters and for their many friends and benefactors. Especially welcome among these were two Sisters of the Immaculate Heart of Mary, who came all the way from Scranton to share the joy of the little community on this occasion of its first religious ceremony away from Marywood, its first home. The Flu Epidemic These happy events brought considerable relief from the anxieties under which the community had been struggling since its departure from Scranton in 1913. But the next year of 1918-1919 held some very dark hours indeed. 72 SLOVAKIA It was the last year of World War I, when the country was longing and praying for peace. Just then the alarming symptoms of influenza appeared, the epidemic which was to work such devastation before it could be brought under control. On October 5 the Health Department of Pennsylvania issued an order closing all churches and schools, all places of amusement and assembly. The bishops of the country called upon religious communities in their dioceses for volunteers to nurse the stricken people. The Sisters of all communities generously offered their services as volunteer nurses, and the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius from all their local convents joined in the work of mercy. The Sisters served everywhere on day and night duty, in emergency hospitals and in the homes of stricken families. Their services were many and varied. They nursed the patients, cleaned the sickrooms, washed and dressed the children and prepared meals. They assisted the dying and kept vigil with them through the long hours of the night. At first the Sisters went in twos to minister to the patients, but soon the demands increased so much that they were obliged to go singly, without a companion. Many a family was found with all its members lying helpless, left for days without care, as there was much fear of contagion. The appearance of the Sisters and their courage in caring for the patients acted like magic. Soon neighbors came to relieve the Sisters, inviting them to their homes for meals and a little rest. They considered it a great honor to have a Sister enter their house. All this called for much courage and self sacrifice. The Sisters were very young, without any experience in professional nursing. But God took wonderful care of them and blessed their humble efforts. A Sister was called to a home where the patient was the father of the family, a strong man of powerful frame. He was delirious and at times difficult to manage, defying those who tried to help him and refusing to stay in bed. When the Sister came, however, he obeyed like a child, repeating over and over again, "I'll do it for you, Sister." This was the usual experience; the patients had complete confidence in the Sisters. Mother Emmanuel spent many an anxious hour during those strenuous weeks. She feared for her community whose members were so limited, so youthful, and so frail, and SLOVAKIA 73 whose services were so sorely needed for the work in their apostolate. Fervent were the prayers offered for the safety of the little religious family. And God heard those prayers. While many of the Sisters contracted the disease, there were no deaths. All recovered. Another blessing for which the Sisters were deeply grateful to God was the preservation of both the novitiate and the Home from the epidemic. There was not one case in either house. Amid all these anxieties however, there was the comforting assurance about the novitiate. It was no longer divided in temporary shelters, but assembled under one roof and flourishing under favorable conditions. Mother Emmanuel was now able to give her undivided attention to the pressing problem of procuring a permanent motherhouse. How she succeeded in acquiring the beautiful estate in Danville, then known as Castle Grove, makes an unusually interesting chapter in the annals of the Congregation. In the summer of 1919 the novitiate was transferred to Danville and the motherhouse was permanently established. The Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius took formal possession on the feast of Corpus Christi, June 19, 1919 and renamed their new home Sacred Heart Villa. So it was through the Providence of God and through devious ways that the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius established their headquarters in the diocese of Harrisburg at Danville, Pennsylvania. In this establishment a significant role was played by the Jednota, which gave shelter at one point to a homeless community and ever thereafter has evinced toward it a genuinely Christian and friendly cordiality. The two have much in common, on the religious as well as the educational, on the national as well as the cultural level of goals and achievement. I dare say the one influences the other, inspires, complements, supports the other in mutual aspirations. Jednota's services to the Community through the years are recorded in detail in the annals of the Congregation. They will ever be cherished in the grateful prayers of the Sisters. God's Hand Visible in Community's History Such were the beginnings of the Congregation of the Slovak Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. The histories of 74 SLOVAKIA most religious congregations of Sisters record that their foundresses were mature women, often wealthy widows, experienced in dealing with people and affairs. The first members of this Slovak Community were girls in their teens, fresh from homes where they had been sheltered according to typical old world standards. One can but marvel that in hardly a dozen years after having been placed in the care of Mother Cyril and her community, they deve· loped into an independent congregation, having its own Superior General, its own motherhouse, conducting several parish schools and an orphanage. With God's blessing and under the guidance of Bishop Michael J. Hoban of Scranton, and Harrisburg's bishops John W. Shanahan and Philip R. McDevitt, and for 32 years under the devoted care of the present Bishop of Harrisburg, His Excellency The Most Reverend George L. Leech, the congregation has prospered both spiritually and materially. At present the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius number 420 professed Sisters, 21 novices, and 6 postulants. They labor in the archdioceses of Chicago, Hartford, New York, and Philadelphia, and in the dioceses of Bridgeport, Charleston, Gary, Greensburg, Harrisburg, Scranton, Steubenville, Syracuse, and Trenton. They teach in 32 parish schools and 8 high schools, including a boarding academy for girls. They conduct catechetical classes in 40 parishes and operate two homes for the aged, an orphanage, a summer camp, a psycho-educational clinic and a house of studies. Two Sisters serve on the faculty of Marywood College, Scranton, and one is engaged on the faculty of a speech clinic in Philadelphia. Through the years the Sisters have adopted various forms of adjustment to modern life. They are educating their young members along the lines of the Sister Formation program, helping them first of all to drink deep of the spirit of Christ and thus to present Christ the Way, Christ the Truth, and Christ the Life to those whom they serve. The program calls for the total development of the Sister in all the spheres of her Christian, intellectual and community life. She pores over books in a full college program and opens her mind to the message of truth; she SLOVAKIA 75 pursues goodness in her association with God and her companions; she keeps her goals and aspirations high and seeks to steep herself in beauty in order to convey "a fulfilled life" to others. The window opened by Pope John XXIII exposes her to view and brings to her life the newest in matters biblical, liturgical, psychological, catechetical, and religious. By the time she has taken her vows of poverty, chastity and obedience, she has become a light set on a mountain, a witness to Christ, an apostle sent, a servant of the servants to God. Postulants and novices pursue college courses, but weekends they give instructions in Christian doctrine to public school children and they visit and work with people in homes for the aged. While continuing their college education, the Sisters in the Juniorate have been tutoring retarded children on weekends. Similar work is done in many parishes during the summer months and after school hours. The Sisters participate professionally in diocesan, parish and civic activities in their respective communities. They attend conferences and workshops, serve on committees and give lectures at assemblies and institutes. Among the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius there is a readiness to "think along" with the Church, to follow its directives, to spread the good news of the Gospel, and to bring every soul to a knowledge and love of Christ, the Savior of mankind. They have been FREED for this mission by their vows. A specific trust left to the Community by its Founder is the preservation of our Slovak heritage. With the change of times, concessions and adaptations had to be devised, especially in the formal teaching of Slovak in the elementary schools. But the underlying loyalty to the Community's origin is ever alive. A separate chapter could well be devoted to all that is being accomplished by the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius in the field of Slovak. At present two cherished projects are underway: the organization and development of the Jankola Library, a sizable branch of the main academy library; and active co-operation with the 76 SLOVAKIA apostolate of the Slovak Institute of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Rome. Historically, the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius can be traced back sixty years to a priest of zeal, foresight, and determination, to an Immaculate Heart Sister of prudence and charity, and to a bevy of eagerly generous teen-age girls. The guidance of wise and Christ-like bishops, of devoted Slovak pastors, and the cooperation of generous Slovak people stood by to insure its progress. And the Slovak organizations, both religious and fraternal, with Jednota well in the lead, lent constant moral and material support. Inevitably, however, the spirit of the Sisters, as of their venerated founder and of all those who contributed to their welfare, has its wellspring in the courage and perseverance, the faith and love of two brotherapostles, SS. Cyril and Methodius, who sacrificed wealth and position to bring the faith to the Slovak Nation eleven hundred years ago. Danville, Pennsylvania FOOTNOTES 1. Cf. Kalendar J ednota. 1900. p. 136. 2. Quigley. The Christian Citizen. Chicago, Mentzer, 1953. p. 101. 3. Kalendcir J ednota. 1900. p . 135-136. 4. Kalendcir Jednota. 1911. p . 97 5. Ibid. p. 98. 6. Original Charter with Articles of Incorporation (1905) in Community Archives, Motherhouse of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Danville, Pa. Cf. Kalendar Jednota. 1908. p. 177-178. 7. Rev. Andrew Pavco. Personal interview. 1933. 8. Letter of Mother M. Cyril to Father Matthew Jankola. Community Archives. 9. Copy of Petition and Decree of Approval from Chancery, Diocese of Scranton, in Community Archives. 10. Kalendar Jednota. 1912. p. 19-24. SLOVAKIA 77 11. Letter of Bishop J. W. Shanahan to Mother M. Cyril. Community Archives. 12. Letter of Mother M. Cyril to Bishop J . W . Shanahan. Community Archives. 13. Letter of Bishop J. W. Shanahan to Mother M. Cyril. Community Archives. 14. Kalendar Jednota. 1915. p. 161-165. 15. Ibid. p . 164. BIBLIOGRAPHY Consuela Gregorovich, Sister M., SS.C.M. Contribu ti ons of Reverend Matthew Jankola to Slovak Catholic Education in the United States. Washington, D.C. , The Catholic University of America, 1944. Emerentia Petrasek, Mother M., SS.C.M. History of the Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius. Danville. Unpublished. Hrusovsky, Frantisek. Slovenske rehole v Amerike (Slovak religi ous communities in America). Cleveland, Slovak Institute, 1955. p. 164-232. Immaculata Gillespie, Sister M., C.I.M. Th e Sister s of the Immaculate Heart of Mary. 1921. p. 357-364. Pauco, Jozef. Matus Jankola, knaz a narodovec. (Matthew Jankola, Priest and Patriot). Middletown, Jednota, 1959. Pauco, Jozef. Slovenska rehol' a sestier sv . Cyrila a Metoda. Middletown, Jednota, 1957. Pauco, Jozef. 75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty (75 years of the First Catholic Slovak Union.) Middletown, Jednota, 1965. THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to works of charity, materially and morally aids Slovaks, here and abroad, who may be in need of such aid; it supports the American Red Cross, United Fund Campaigns and other American charitable projects.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Jednota and the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius Description An account of the resource Mother M. Emerentia Petrášek, SS.C.M. Slovakia, Vol. 18 (No. 41), 1968 pp. 55-77 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Petrášek, Mother M. Emerentia, SS.C.M. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968 name