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92
SLOVAKIA
Select Bibliography
of Foreign Language Writings
by Prof. J. M. Kirschbaum
Convinced that the main role of Slovak intellectuals
abroad is to acquaint the West with Slovak history, culture
and literature, and to defend Slovakia's right to freedom
and independence, Dr. J.M. Kirschbaum used for the past
20 years his talent and knowledge of several languages
for that purpose more than any other Slovak in the free
world. He published the first reference book on Slovakia
in English, the first complete history of Slovaks in Canada,
and was the only Slovak scholar abroad who in numerous
papers and essays put Slovak cultural and political history
into proper perspective at meetings of Canadian and American Slavists and in Canadian, American and European academic periodicals and encyclopedias. His comments on and
critical reviews of hundreds of books in foreign languages
or in Slovak which he published in academic periodicals
of which he was member of the editorial board (Etudes
slaves et est-europeennes, Canadian Slavonic Papers, Slavs
in Canada, Slavica Canadiana), or in the quarterlies Slovakia, Slowakei and Most also served the same aim: to
present Slovakia and Slovak cultural life to the West in
a proper light, and to correct the misconceptions which
prevailed among American Slavists and historians of Ea:st
Central Europe on Slovakia's past and present.
As President of the Canadian Ethnic Press Federation
and its branch in Ontario, Dr. Kirschbaum also deserves
credit for many favorable articles on Slovak matters
published in some 20 languages by the Canadian Ethnic
Press. Articles published in newspapers are not, however,
listed even though many of them were scholarly essays
rather than newspaper articles. Altogether Dr. Kirschbaum
published about 2000 articles and essays in Slovak news-
�SLOVAKIA
93
papers and periodicals in the United States, Canada, Europe
and Australia.
As a result, the select bibliography listed below is far
from being complete. On the occasion of the 60th birthday
of Dr. Kirschbaum, we want to record at least his most
important writings in foreign languages, assuming that
scholars and students of Slovak political history and
cultural matters would find them useful for their studies
and research.
- The Editor BOOKS AND PUBLICATIONS
Slovakia-Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe, Speller & Sons
Pub., New York, 1960, XIX and 371 p., ill., bib!.
Slovaks in Canada, Canadian Ethnic Press Association, Toronto, 1967,
XIX and 468 p., ill., bib!.
Nas boj o samostatnost' Slovens/ca, (The Struggle for Slovakia's In-
dependence), Cleveland, Slovak Institute, 1958, 343 p.
:Cudovit Stur and his Place in the Slavic World, Slavistica No. 32, Slovak
Institute, (Winnipeg-Cleveland), 1956.
Contemporary Tendencies in Slovak Philology, An offprint from Slavic
and East European Studies, Vol. IV, No. 3-4, 1960.
Hacia una nueva democracia para la Europa central, An offprint from
Revista de Estudios Politicos, Vol. 125, Madrid, 1962.
An Outline of Slovakia's Struggle for Independence, Toronto, Canadian
Slovak League, 1964, 40 p.
Slovakia in the de-Stalinization and Federalization Process of CzechoSlovakia, An offprint from Canadian Slavonic Papers ·(X, 4, 1968).
Pavol Jozef Safarik and his Contribution to Slavic Studies, Slavistica
No. 43, (Cleveland-Winnipeg), 1962.
Anton Bernolak-The First Codifier of the Slovak Language, Slavistica
No. 52, (Winnipeg-Cleveland), 1964.
Pan-Slavism in Slovak Literature: Jan Kollar-Slovak Poet of PanSlavism, Slavistica No. 56, (Cleveland-Winnipeg), 1966.
The Role of the Cyrillo-Methodian Tradition in Slovak National and
Political Life. An offprint from Slovak Studies III, (Rome), 1963.
Conceptions politi ques et philosophiques de £. Stur dans son oeiivre:
Das Slawenthum und die Welt der Zukunft, An offprint from
Etudes Slaves et Est- europeennes, Montreal, 1968.
Slovakia, Historical and Cultural Backgrounds, Slovak World Congress,
Toronto, 1971, 60 p. Editor and main contributor.
Twenty Years of The Ethnic Press Association of Ontario, The Ethnic
Press Association of Ontario, (Toronto, Ontario, 1971), p. 220.
Editor and main contributor.
Slovak Literary History in Marxist and Western Interpretation, An
offprint from Canadian Slavonic Papers, Vol. VI, (University of
Toronto Press), 1964.
�94
SLOVAKIA
ARTICLES ON HISTORY AND POLITICAL SCIENCE
IN ENGLISH
"International Recognition of the Slovak Republic", Slovakia, Vol. I,
1951, pp. 23-31.
"Slovakia and Central European Federation Plans", Slovakia, Vol m,
No. 1, 1953, pp. 1-21.
"Diplomatic Documents on Slovakia's Declaration of Independence".
Slovakia, Vol. IV, No. 1, 1954, pp. 3-12.
"The Constitution of the Slovak Republic", Slovakia, Vol IX, 1959,
pp. 47-68.
"Facts and Events Behind the Scenes of Slovakia's Declaration of
Independence", Slovakia, Vol. IX, No. 4, 1959, pp. 1-23.
"Slovakia and the Plans for Integration of Central Europe", Studies
for a new Central Europe, Vol. I, 1964, pp. 22-7.
"Twenty Years of the Czech and Communist Rule in Slovakia", Slovakia,
xv (1965), pp. 78-92.
"Slovakia in the de-Stalinization and Federalization Process of CzechoSlovakia", Canadian Slavonic Papers, X, 4, 1968.
"The Role of the Cyrillo-Methodian Tradition in Slovak National Life",
Slovak Studies, Vol. m, 1963.
"The Slovak Press in Canada", Slovakia, Vol. XVIII, No. 41, 1968, pp.
79-106.
"Slovakia in the Struggle for Liberalization and Federalization of
Czecho-Slovakia", Slovakia, Vol. XIX, No. 42, 1969, pp. 3-31.
"Slovaks and the Upheavals of Czecho-Slovakia", Jednota Annual
Furdek, Vol. IX, January 1970, pp. 82-86.
"The Assimilation Process of American Slovaks", Slovakia, Vol XXI,
No. 44, 1971, pp. 79-84.
"Slovaks in Canada", Slavs in Canada, Vol. I, Inter-University Committee
on Canadian Slavs, University of Alberta, 1966.
"The Ideological Orientation of the Canadian Slavic Press", Slavs in
Canada, Vol III, University of Ottawa, 1969.
"Slovakia and the Integration Plans of Central Europe", Symposium
Toward a New Central Europe, Ed. Francis S. Wagner, Danubian
Press, Inc. (Astor Park, Florida), 1970, pp. 259-265.
"Prof. F. f>urcansky-Politician, Scholar and Fighter for Slovakia's
Independence", Slovakia, Vol. XVII, No. 40, 1967, pp. 153-160.
"The 15th Anniversary of the Untimely Death of Prof. Francis Hrusovsky, Ph.D.", Slovakia, Vol. XXI, No. 44, 1971, pp. 175-179.
"Stephen B. Roman--Slovak Tycoon", Slovakia, Vol. XXI, No. 44, 1971,
pp. 7-19.
"Dr. Joseph Tiso-The Prelate Politician Who Died on the Gallows for
His People", Slovakia, Vol. XXII, No. 45, 1972, pp. 5-20.
"My Last Diplomatic Report to the President of Slovakia", Furdek,
Vol. XI, 1972, pp. 81-87.
"Prospects of Slovakia Under Husak's Leadership", Almanac, National
Slovak Society, Pittsburgh, Pa. 1971, pp. 124-129.
"Pittsburgh Pact and its Significance in Slovak Politics", Almanac,
National Slovak Society, Pittsburgh, Pa. 1971, pp. 132-137.
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95
"The Truth and Legends About the Origin of the Slovak Republic",
Furdek, (Middletown, Pa. 1973).
IN FRENCH
"La voie de la Slovaquie", La Correspondance slovaque, Bern, Switzerland, August 15, 1943.
"La Slovaquie et son droit a !'independence", La Correspondance
slovaque, November 15, 1943.
"L'orientation politique de !'emigration slovaque", La Correspondance
slovaque, February, 1944.
"La tradition universitaire en Slovaquie", La Correspondance slovaque,
March, 1944.
"La Slovaquie dans la tourbillon des evenements", La Correspondance
slovaque, October, 1944.
"Les bases de collaboration et de paix en Europe centrale", La Correspondance slovaque, November, 1944.
"La Slovaquie dans la lutte pour son avenir", La Correspondance slovaque, January, 1945.
"L'apport des slovaques a !'organization culturelle et politique de
L'Europe centrale", La Correspondance slovaque, November, 1944.
"Les slovaques et les promesses des politiciens Tcheques", La Correspondance slovaque, January, 1945.
"La Slovaquie apres cinq ans d'independance", Revue de droit internationale, de sciences diplomatiques et politiques, Geneve, 1944,
XXII, No. 2, pp. 121-142.
"La Tcheco-Slovaquie correspond-elle aux aspirations de ses habitants",
Slovensky narod - La nation slovaque, Paris, 1949-1950.
"Pour une nouvelle organization de L'Europe Centrale", Slovensky
narod - La nation slovaque, Paris, February, 1949.
"La declaration de l'independance slovaque en mars 1939", Slovensky
ncirod - La nation slovaque, Paris, March 15, 1949.
IN GERMAN
"Der Kampf fiir eine freie Slowakei", Slowakische Korrespondenz,
Munich, Germany, September, 1953, I, 9.
"Wesen und Ursachen des Gegensatzes zwischen Tschechen und Slowaken", Slowakische Korrespondenz, Munich, 1953, I, 5.
"Wir und Tschechen", Slowakische Korrespondenz, Munich, 1953, I, 3.
"Die Slowakei und ihr Verhiiltnis zu den Nachbarn", Slowakische
Korrespondenz, Munich, 1958, VI, 12.
"Die internationale Anerkennung der Slowakischen Republik", Slowakei,
Vol. II, No. 2, 1964.
"Die Haltung Grossbritanniens zur Slowakei", Slowakei, Vol. III, No. 1,
1965, pp. 11-29.
"Das Pittsburger Abkommen und seine Bedeutung in der slowakischen
Politik", Slowakei, Vol. VI, No. 1-2, Munich, 1968, pp. 58-66.
"Schicksal der slowakischen Gesandschaft in Bern", Slowakei, Vol. VII,
No. 1-2, 1969, pp. 87-100.
�96
SLOVAKIA
"Die Rolle der Slowakei in der Nachkriegsentwicklung der TschechoSlowakei", Slowakei, Vol. VIII, No. 11, 1970.
"Aussenpolitische Vorstellungen im slowakischen Exil", Wissenschaµ.
licher Dienst fur Ostmitteleuropa, February, 1972.
IN SPANISH
"Hacia una nueva democracia para la Europa central", Rivista de
Estudios Politicos", Vol. 125, Madrid, 1962.
ARTICLES ON CULTURAL AND LITERARY MATTERS
IN ENGLISH
"The Slovaks and Slavonic Civilization", Quarterly Slovakia, Vol. V,
No. 4, 1955, pp. 39-49.
"A Note on Two Modern Slovak Translators of Mickiewicz" in W.
Lednicki, Adam Mickiewicz in World Literature, University of
California Press, (Berkley, 1956).
"Louis Stu.r's Centennial", Slovakia, Vol. VI, No. 1, 1956, pp. 3-16.
"Mickiewicz in Slovak Poetry and Translations", Slovakia, Vol. VII,
No. 1, 1957, pp. 32-41.
"University Traditions in Slovalda", Slovakia, Vol. VIII, No. 2, 1958,
pp. 18-29.
"Canadian Translator of Slovak Poetry-Prof. W. Kirkconnell", Slovakia, Vol. XIV, 1964, No. 1, pp. 9-18.
"Notes on Slovak Culture, Literature and Language", Quarterly Most,
Vol. VII, No. 1, 1960, pp. 1-14.
"Misconceptions of American Slavists About Slovak Literature", Slovakia, Vol. XI, No. 1, 1961, pp. 22-42.
"Mis~onceptions of American Slavists About Slovak Literature", Slovakia, Vol. XII, No. 1, 1962, pp. 25-49.
"Bicentennial of Anton Bernolak", Annual Furdek, Vol. II, Cleveland,
Ohio, 1963), pp. 18-27.
"Love for Songs and Folklore Among Slovaks", Annual Furdek, Vol.
II, (Cleveland-Ohio, 1963), pp. 83-88:
"The Slovak Language and its Place Among the Slavic Languages",
Annual Slovakia, Vol. XV, 1966, pp. 1-24.
"Slovak Literature", The New Catholic Encyclopedia, The Catholic
University of America, Washington, D. C., 1967, Vol. XIII, pp.
280, 292-295, 748, also in Vol. XIV and other volumes on Jan
Holly, Jan Kollar, Cudovit Stur, P. 0. Hviezdoslav, M. Kukucil:1,
S. H. Vajansky, Andrej Sladkovic, J. C. Hronsky.
"Prof. D. Cyzevsky-Ukrainian Expert in Slovak Literature", Quarterly
Most, Vol. VIII, No. 3-4, 1961, pp. 17-36.
"A Note on the Theory on the Origin of the Name Slav", Slavic and
East European Studies, Vol. III, No. 2, 1958, pp. 47-56.
"Contemporary Tendencies in Slovak Philology", Slavic and East
European Studies, Vol. IV, No. 3-4, 1960.
�SLOVAKIA
97
"Slovak Literary History in Marxist and Western Interpretation", A
reprint from Canadian Slavonic Papers, Vol. VI, (University of
Toronto Press), 1964.
"Slavica Slovaca", Review article, Canadian Slavonic Papers, Vol. XIII,
4, 1971.
"J. C. Hronsky--Slovak Novelist and Writer", Annual Furdek, Vol. X,
(Cleveland, Ohio, 1971), pp. 23-29.
"The Slovaks and Slavonic Civilization", Furdek, Vol. X, (Cleveland,
Ohio, 1971), pp. 69-79.
"Old Cnlture and University Traditions in Slovakia", Furdek, Vol. XI,
(Cleveland, Ohio, 1972), pp. 167-185.
"Bilingualism in Slovak Literature", Almanac, National Slovak Society,
Pittsburgh, Pa. 1972, pp. 144-147.
" American and Canadian Translators of Slovak Poetry", Furdek, (Cleveland, Ohio, 1973).
"Janko Kral', Slovak Poet, Honored by UNESCO", Furdek, (Cleveland,
Ohio, 1973).
"Andrej 2arnov - Poet of Slovak Patriotism", Festschrift Pozdrav
Andrejovi Zarnovovi, Spolok slovenskych spisovatel'ov a umelcov,
Cleveland, Ohio, 1963.
IN FRENCH
"La Grande-Moravie et son heritage cultural", Etudes slaves et esteuropeennes, Universite de Montreal, Vol. II, 1957, pp. 189-199.
"Le centenaire d'un grand slaviste: Safarik", Etudes slaves et esteuropeennes, Montreal, 1960, Vol. V, pp. 69-80.
"La litterature de la periode cyrillo-methodienne et la Slovaque", Slovak
Studies III, (Rome), 1963.
"La place du slovaque parmi les langues slaves", Etudes slaves et esteuropeennes, Vol. VIII, Fasc. 3-4, Universite de Montreal, 1963.
"Conceptions politiques et philosophiques de I!. Stlir tirees de son
oeuvre: Das Slawentum und die Welt der Zukunft", Etudes slaves
et est-europeennes, Vol. XIII, 1969, pp. 32-45.
IN GERMAN
"Profil und Werk L'udovft Sturs", Slowakei, Vol III, No. 2, 1965.
"Literarisch-kulturelles Schaffen des slowakischen Exils", Slowakei,
Vol. IV, No. 1, 1966.
BOOK REVIEWS
BOOKS IN FRENCH, ENGLISH, GERMAN AND ITALIAN
Joseph A. Miku§, La Slovaquie dans le Drame de l'Europe (Histoires
politique de 1918 a 1950), Paris, Les Isles d'Or, 1955, 478 pp.
Reviewed in Etudes slaves et est-europeennes, Vol. I, part 2,
pp. 121-4.
�98
SLOVAKIA
Francis R. Preveden, A History of the Croatian People, New York,
Philosophical Library, 1955, XVI, 134 p. Reviewed in The Slavic
and East European Journal, Vol. XIV, 3, 1956.
Milovan Djilas, The New Class, an analysis of the Communist system,
Praeger, N. Y. 1957, 214 pp. Reviewed in Slavic and East European Studies, Vol. III, part 1, 60-1 p.
Joseph G. Cincik, Ph.D., Ancient Slovak Fibulas and Pseudo-Fibulas,
Whiting, Indiana, published by Rev. John J. Lach, 1957, 105 pp.
Reviewed in Slavic and East European Studies, Vol. II, part 4,
250-1 pp.
Joseph G. Cincik, Anglo-Saxon and Slovak-Avar Patterns of Cuthbert's
Gospel, Cleveland, Ohio, Slovak Institute, 1958, 124 p. Reviewed
in Slavic and East European Studies, Vol. III, part 4, Winter
1958-1959, 240-243 pp.
Stephen Smrzik, S. J., The Glagolitic or Romano-Slavonic Liturgy, Rome,
Slovak Institute, 1959, 120 p. Reviewed. in Slavic and East
European Studies, Vol. V, part 1-2, 118-119 pp.
Bonaventure, B. Bue, Slovak Nationalism, (Middletown, Pa., Slovak
League of America, 1960), 67 pp. Reviewed in Slavic and East
European Studies, Vol. VI, parts 1-2, 111-112 pp.
Gilbert L. Oddo, Slovakia and its People, New York, Speller & Sons Inc:,
1960, XI, 361 pp. Reviewed in Slavic and East European Studies,
Vol. VI, parts 1-2, 112-114 pp.
Ludwig v. Gogolak, Beitriige zur Geschichte des slowakischen Volke! I,
(Contributions to the History of the Slovak People), Verlag R.
Oldenburg, Miinchen, 1963, p. 265. Reviewed in Slovakia.
Ludwig v. Gogolak, T. G. Masaryks slowakische und ungarlandische
Politik (Masaryk's Slovak and Hungarian Policy), Munich, 1963,
Vol. IV, pp. 174-227. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XVIII, 1968,
No. 41.
David L. Hoggan, Der erzwungene Krieg, die Ursachen und Urheber
des z. Weltkrieus, Verlag der Deutschen Hochschullehrer-Zeitung,
Tiibingen, 1963, bibliography, maps, photographs, pages 898. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XXI, No. 44, 1971, p. 210.
J . A. Mikus, Slovakia-A Political History 1918-1950, Milwaukee, Wis.,
Marquette University Press, 1964, XXXIII, 392 pp. Reviewed in
Slavic and East European Studies, Vol. X, parts 1-2, p. 68.
Milan St. :!'.>urica, La Slovacchia e le sue relazioni politiche con la
Germania, (1938-1945), Padova, Marsilio Editori, 1964, 274 pp.
Reviewed in Slavic and East European Studies, Vol. X, parts 1-2,
p. 68.
Arved Grebert, Die Slowaken und das Grossmiihrisches Reich, (The
Slovaks and the Great Moravian Empire), M. Cernak's Institute,
Munich, 19615.
Jorg K. Hoensch, Die Slowakei und Hitler's Ostpolitik (Hlinka's Slowakische Volkspartei zwischen Autonomie und Separation 19381939), Bohlau Verlag, Koln-Graz, 1965, p. 390. Reviewed in
Slovakia, Vol. XVIII, 1968, No. 41, and in Slavic and East
European Studies, Vol. XII, part 1, p. 61-3.
Die Slowakei als mitteleuropiiisches Problem in Geschichte und Gege'ltwart, (Slavakia's Central European Problem in the Past arui
�SLOVAKIA
99
Present), Lectures at Collegium Carolinum, Verlag Robert Lerche, Mtinchen, 1965, p. 240. Reviewed in Slavic and Ecut European Studies, Vol. XII, part 1, p. 61-3.
Jorg K. Hoensch, Die GrundZagen des Programms der Slovakischen
Volkspartei vor 1938 (The Basis of the Programme of the Slovak
Populist Party Before 1938), Munich, 1966, Vol. VII, p. 320-356.
Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XVIII, 1968, No. 41.
Heinrich Kuhn, Handbuch der Tschechoslowakei, (Verlag Robert Lerche, Milnchen), 1966, pp. 1,024. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XX,
1970, No. 43.
Frantisek Vnuk, Dr. Jozef Tiso-President of the Slovak Republic, The
Association of Australia Slovaks, Sydney, 1967, p. 50, ill. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XVII, 1968, No. 41.
Milan S. f>urica, D'ie slowakische Politik 1938-1939 im Lichte der Staatslehre Tisos (Slovak Policy 1938-1939 in the Light of Tiso's Political Thought), Emil Semmel Verlag, Bonn, 1967, 49 p. Reviewed
in Slovakia, Vol. XVIII, 1968, No. 41.
Rudolf Sturm, CzechoslovakieJ,-A Bibliographie Guide, Library of the
Congress, Washington, 1967, 157 p. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol
XX, 1970, No. 43.
Beitrage zum Deutsch-Tschechischen Verhaltnis im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert (Veroffentlichungen des Collegium Carolinum), Verlag
Robert Lerche, (Milnchen, 1967), pp. 178. Reviewed in Slovakia,
Vol. XXI, No. 44, 1971, p. 213.
Slovak Studies V: Historica 3, Cleveland-Rome, Slovak Institute, 1967,
p. 268. Reviewed in Canadian Slavonic Papers, XI, 1, 1969.
Stefan Glejdura, Los Grandes Problemas del Este Europeo, Separata
de la Revista de Politica International, Madrid, 1968-1969, Washington University. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XX, 1970, No. 43.
Gorazd Zvonicky, Soltanto Rovine - Italian translation by Milan S.
f>urica and Ernesto Simonetto. Published by Associazione di
culturia ceca e slovaca "Arturo Cronia", Padua, 1968. Reviewed
in Slovakia, Vol. XXI, No. 44, 1971, p. 204.
George F. Kennan, From Prague After Munich, Diplomatic Papers 19381940. Princeton University Press, 1968, 226 pages. Slavica Canadiana, No. 69, 1970.
Lunghi and Ello, Dubcek' s Blue Print for Freedom (Kimber, London),
1968. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XXI, No. 44, 1971, pp. 205-208.
Ladislav Mnacko, Die siebente Nacht, (Vienna, 1968). Reviewed in
Slovakia, Vol. XXI, No. 44, 1971, pp. 205-208.
Podolak Jan (Ed.), Ethnologia SZavica I, Universitas Comoniana, Facultas Philosophica, Bratislava, 1970, Most, Vol. 19, 1-2, 1972.
Reitzner, Almar, Dubce k (Milnchen), 1970. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol.
XXI, No. 44, 1971, pp. 205-208.
Gromada, Thaddeus V., Pilsudski and the Slovak Autonomists, An off.
print from Slavic Review, September, 1969, pp. 445-462, Washington University. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XX, No. 43, 1970,
p. 167.
Tigrid, Pavel, La chute irresisti ble d'Alexander Dubce k, (Calmann-Levy,
Paris, 1969). Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XXI, No. 44, 1971, pp.
205-208.
�SLOVAKIA
100
Fetjo, Frani;ois, Histoire des democracies populaires apres Stali-ne,
(Editions du Seuil, Paris), 1969. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XXI,
No. 44, 1971, pp. 205-208.
Lob!, Eugen, und Grunwald, Leopold, Die intellektuelle Revolution,
Hintergrilnde und Auswirkungen des "Prager Frilhlings'', (Dilsseldorf, Econ, 1969). Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XXI, No. 44, 1971,
pp. 205-208.
Wagner, Francis S., (Ed.), Toward a New Central Europe: A Symposium
on the Problems of the Danubian Nations, Danubian Press, Inc.,
Astor Park, Florida, 1970. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XXI, No.
44, 1971, p. 211.
Sprinc, Mikula§, Driftwood. Poems translated from the Slovak by the
author Larz Pearson and Jaroslav Vajda. Published by the Slovak
Institute in Cleveland, Ohio, 1969. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol.
XXI, No. 44, 1971, p. 203.
Noge Julius, An Outline of Slovakian Literature, (The Tatrapress
Agency, Bratislava), 1968. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XXII, No.
45, 1972, p. 208.
BOOKS IN SLOVAK
J. Mi~ianik, J. Minarik, M. Michalcova, A. Melichar~k, Dejint1 starsej
slovenskej literatury (A History of the Older Slovak Literature),
Bratislava, published by Slovenska akademia vied (Slovak Academy of Sciences), 1955, p. 230, ill. Reviewed In Slavic and East
European Studies, Vol. V, parts 3-4, 243-4 pp.
Franmek Vnuk, Sedemnast' neurodnych roko11 - Ndcrt de;tn slovenskej
literatury v rokoch 1945-62 (Seventeen Barren Years - A Survey
of Slovak Literature 1945-62), Middletown, Pa., Slovak v Amerike,
1965, p. 304, English Summary, Reviewed in Slavic and East
European Studies, Vol. XII, parts 2-3, 133-4 pp.
Studia Historica Slovaca IV. Bratislava: Vydavatel'stvo Slovenskej akademie vied, 1966, p. 290. Reviewed in Canadian Slavonic Papers,
Vol. XI, 1, 1969.
M. Lacko (ed.), Slovens/ca bibliografia v zahranici 1945-1965, Slovak
Studies VII. The Slovak Institute (Cleveland-Rome), 1987, Slovakia, Vol. XXII, No. 45, 1972, p. 207, and Canadian Slavoni<:
Papers, Vol. Xlli, 4, 1971.
Ladislav Dvonc, Bibliografia slovenskej jazykovedy 1961-1965, Matica
slovenska, (Martin, 1970), pages 804, Slovakia, Vol. XXII. No. ~ .
1972, p. 205.
Ethnologia Slavica I, Universitas Comenian-a Bratislavensis, Facultas
Philosophica, Bratislava, 1970, p. 226, Slovakia, Vol. XXII, No.
45, 1972, p. 214.
Juraj Chovan, Letopis pama.tnika slovenskej literatury lf)70, (Matica
slovenska, Martin, 1970), Slovakia, Vol. XXII, No. 45, 1972 p. 210.
~ubomir Liptak, Slovensko v 20. storoci (Slovakia in the Twentieth
Century), (Bratislava, 19&8), 366 p. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol.
XIX, No. 42, 1969, p. 198.
�SLOVAKIA
101
Samo Falt'an, Slovenska otazka v teskoslovensku (The Slovak Question
in Czechoslovakia), (Bratislava, 1968), 352 p. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XIX, No. 42, 1969, p. 200.
Emilia Duchajova, Slovenskci slavistika 1968, Matica slovenska, Martin,
1970, p. 336. Reviewed in Canadian Slavonic Papers, Vol. Xlll,
4, 197.
Stefan Moyses 1869-1969, Edicia Literarneho archlvu, zviizok 7. Zbornik
z vedeckej konferencie MS, Martin, 1971, stran 174, litogr. Reviewed in Most, Vol. 19, 1-2, 1972.
Jan Chovan, Letopis pamatnika slovenskej literatury 1970, MS, Martin,
1970, p. 94. Reviewed in Most, Vol. 19, 1-2, 1972.
Jan Okal', Voda a vino (Water and Wine, United States, 1970), p. 70.
Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XX, 1970 No. 43.
Eugen Vesnin, Aj v etrurskych zahradach (Also in the Gardens of
Etruria), Buenos Aires, 1970. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XX,
1970, No. 43.
Evaluation of Dr. Kirschbaum's
Writings by Critics
Dr. Kirschbaum's writings were bound to provoke favorable as
well as unfavorable reaction. All his books and publications challenged
numerous erroneous views on Slovakia's history and culture accepted
in the West by scholars and political writers alike. Dr. Kirschbaum
challenged these views by works with serious academic background and
solid knowledge of matters discussed. In such a situation it was only
natural that the reaction was on one hand favorable and on the other
hand the author was unscrupulously attacked_. by adversaries of
Slovakia's struggle for independence.
*) After the publication of the book Slovakia--Nation at the Crossroads
of Central Europe, to which the Hon. Alvin M. Bentley, member of
the Committee of Foreign Affaires of tae U. S. Congress, wrote an
approving preface, Prague Government supplied some Czech and
Communist newspapers in Canada and the U.S.A. with falsified
documents destined to prevent Dr. Kirschbaum from teaching at
universities or taking part in public life. A smear campaign on
a large scale was organized against him especially in the Canadian
press, and made news on radio and television. At the same time,
pressure was excercised on the university authorities and academic
associations. Even though it was clear that the campaign was
politically motivated by the Prague Communist regime and had all
the characteristics of "character assassination," Dr. Kirschbaum had
to take legal action to clear his name.
�
92
SLOVAKIA
Select Bibliography
of Foreign Language Writings
by Prof. J. M. Kirschbaum
Convinced that the main role of Slovak intellectuals
abroad is to acquaint the West with Slovak history, culture
and literature, and to defend Slovakia's right to freedom
and independence, Dr. J.M. Kirschbaum used for the past
20 years his talent and knowledge of several languages
for that purpose more than any other Slovak in the free
world. He published the first reference book on Slovakia
in English, the first complete history of Slovaks in Canada,
and was the only Slovak scholar abroad who in numerous
papers and essays put Slovak cultural and political history
into proper perspective at meetings of Canadian and American Slavists and in Canadian, American and European academic periodicals and encyclopedias. His comments on and
critical reviews of hundreds of books in foreign languages
or in Slovak which he published in academic periodicals
of which he was member of the editorial board (Etudes
slaves et est-europeennes, Canadian Slavonic Papers, Slavs
in Canada, Slavica Canadiana), or in the quarterlies Slovakia, Slowakei and Most also served the same aim: to
present Slovakia and Slovak cultural life to the West in
a proper light, and to correct the misconceptions which
prevailed among American Slavists and historians of Ea:st
Central Europe on Slovakia's past and present.
As President of the Canadian Ethnic Press Federation
and its branch in Ontario, Dr. Kirschbaum also deserves
credit for many favorable articles on Slovak matters
published in some 20 languages by the Canadian Ethnic
Press. Articles published in newspapers are not, however,
listed even though many of them were scholarly essays
rather than newspaper articles. Altogether Dr. Kirschbaum
published about 2000 articles and essays in Slovak news-
�SLOVAKIA
93
papers and periodicals in the United States, Canada, Europe
and Australia.
As a result, the select bibliography listed below is far
from being complete. On the occasion of the 60th birthday
of Dr. Kirschbaum, we want to record at least his most
important writings in foreign languages, assuming that
scholars and students of Slovak political history and
cultural matters would find them useful for their studies
and research.
- The Editor BOOKS AND PUBLICATIONS
Slovakia-Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe, Speller & Sons
Pub., New York, 1960, XIX and 371 p., ill., bib!.
Slovaks in Canada, Canadian Ethnic Press Association, Toronto, 1967,
XIX and 468 p., ill., bib!.
Nas boj o samostatnost' Slovens/ca, (The Struggle for Slovakia's In-
dependence), Cleveland, Slovak Institute, 1958, 343 p.
:Cudovit Stur and his Place in the Slavic World, Slavistica No. 32, Slovak
Institute, (Winnipeg-Cleveland), 1956.
Contemporary Tendencies in Slovak Philology, An offprint from Slavic
and East European Studies, Vol. IV, No. 3-4, 1960.
Hacia una nueva democracia para la Europa central, An offprint from
Revista de Estudios Politicos, Vol. 125, Madrid, 1962.
An Outline of Slovakia's Struggle for Independence, Toronto, Canadian
Slovak League, 1964, 40 p.
Slovakia in the de-Stalinization and Federalization Process of CzechoSlovakia, An offprint from Canadian Slavonic Papers ·(X, 4, 1968).
Pavol Jozef Safarik and his Contribution to Slavic Studies, Slavistica
No. 43, (Cleveland-Winnipeg), 1962.
Anton Bernolak-The First Codifier of the Slovak Language, Slavistica
No. 52, (Winnipeg-Cleveland), 1964.
Pan-Slavism in Slovak Literature: Jan Kollar-Slovak Poet of PanSlavism, Slavistica No. 56, (Cleveland-Winnipeg), 1966.
The Role of the Cyrillo-Methodian Tradition in Slovak National and
Political Life. An offprint from Slovak Studies III, (Rome), 1963.
Conceptions politi ques et philosophiques de £. Stur dans son oeiivre:
Das Slawenthum und die Welt der Zukunft, An offprint from
Etudes Slaves et Est- europeennes, Montreal, 1968.
Slovakia, Historical and Cultural Backgrounds, Slovak World Congress,
Toronto, 1971, 60 p. Editor and main contributor.
Twenty Years of The Ethnic Press Association of Ontario, The Ethnic
Press Association of Ontario, (Toronto, Ontario, 1971), p. 220.
Editor and main contributor.
Slovak Literary History in Marxist and Western Interpretation, An
offprint from Canadian Slavonic Papers, Vol. VI, (University of
Toronto Press), 1964.
�94
SLOVAKIA
ARTICLES ON HISTORY AND POLITICAL SCIENCE
IN ENGLISH
"International Recognition of the Slovak Republic", Slovakia, Vol. I,
1951, pp. 23-31.
"Slovakia and Central European Federation Plans", Slovakia, Vol m,
No. 1, 1953, pp. 1-21.
"Diplomatic Documents on Slovakia's Declaration of Independence".
Slovakia, Vol. IV, No. 1, 1954, pp. 3-12.
"The Constitution of the Slovak Republic", Slovakia, Vol IX, 1959,
pp. 47-68.
"Facts and Events Behind the Scenes of Slovakia's Declaration of
Independence", Slovakia, Vol. IX, No. 4, 1959, pp. 1-23.
"Slovakia and the Plans for Integration of Central Europe", Studies
for a new Central Europe, Vol. I, 1964, pp. 22-7.
"Twenty Years of the Czech and Communist Rule in Slovakia", Slovakia,
xv (1965), pp. 78-92.
"Slovakia in the de-Stalinization and Federalization Process of CzechoSlovakia", Canadian Slavonic Papers, X, 4, 1968.
"The Role of the Cyrillo-Methodian Tradition in Slovak National Life",
Slovak Studies, Vol. m, 1963.
"The Slovak Press in Canada", Slovakia, Vol. XVIII, No. 41, 1968, pp.
79-106.
"Slovakia in the Struggle for Liberalization and Federalization of
Czecho-Slovakia", Slovakia, Vol. XIX, No. 42, 1969, pp. 3-31.
"Slovaks and the Upheavals of Czecho-Slovakia", Jednota Annual
Furdek, Vol. IX, January 1970, pp. 82-86.
"The Assimilation Process of American Slovaks", Slovakia, Vol XXI,
No. 44, 1971, pp. 79-84.
"Slovaks in Canada", Slavs in Canada, Vol. I, Inter-University Committee
on Canadian Slavs, University of Alberta, 1966.
"The Ideological Orientation of the Canadian Slavic Press", Slavs in
Canada, Vol III, University of Ottawa, 1969.
"Slovakia and the Integration Plans of Central Europe", Symposium
Toward a New Central Europe, Ed. Francis S. Wagner, Danubian
Press, Inc. (Astor Park, Florida), 1970, pp. 259-265.
"Prof. F. f>urcansky-Politician, Scholar and Fighter for Slovakia's
Independence", Slovakia, Vol. XVII, No. 40, 1967, pp. 153-160.
"The 15th Anniversary of the Untimely Death of Prof. Francis Hrusovsky, Ph.D.", Slovakia, Vol. XXI, No. 44, 1971, pp. 175-179.
"Stephen B. Roman--Slovak Tycoon", Slovakia, Vol. XXI, No. 44, 1971,
pp. 7-19.
"Dr. Joseph Tiso-The Prelate Politician Who Died on the Gallows for
His People", Slovakia, Vol. XXII, No. 45, 1972, pp. 5-20.
"My Last Diplomatic Report to the President of Slovakia", Furdek,
Vol. XI, 1972, pp. 81-87.
"Prospects of Slovakia Under Husak's Leadership", Almanac, National
Slovak Society, Pittsburgh, Pa. 1971, pp. 124-129.
"Pittsburgh Pact and its Significance in Slovak Politics", Almanac,
National Slovak Society, Pittsburgh, Pa. 1971, pp. 132-137.
�SLOVAKIA
95
"The Truth and Legends About the Origin of the Slovak Republic",
Furdek, (Middletown, Pa. 1973).
IN FRENCH
"La voie de la Slovaquie", La Correspondance slovaque, Bern, Switzerland, August 15, 1943.
"La Slovaquie et son droit a !'independence", La Correspondance
slovaque, November 15, 1943.
"L'orientation politique de !'emigration slovaque", La Correspondance
slovaque, February, 1944.
"La tradition universitaire en Slovaquie", La Correspondance slovaque,
March, 1944.
"La Slovaquie dans la tourbillon des evenements", La Correspondance
slovaque, October, 1944.
"Les bases de collaboration et de paix en Europe centrale", La Correspondance slovaque, November, 1944.
"La Slovaquie dans la lutte pour son avenir", La Correspondance slovaque, January, 1945.
"L'apport des slovaques a !'organization culturelle et politique de
L'Europe centrale", La Correspondance slovaque, November, 1944.
"Les slovaques et les promesses des politiciens Tcheques", La Correspondance slovaque, January, 1945.
"La Slovaquie apres cinq ans d'independance", Revue de droit internationale, de sciences diplomatiques et politiques, Geneve, 1944,
XXII, No. 2, pp. 121-142.
"La Tcheco-Slovaquie correspond-elle aux aspirations de ses habitants",
Slovensky narod - La nation slovaque, Paris, 1949-1950.
"Pour une nouvelle organization de L'Europe Centrale", Slovensky
narod - La nation slovaque, Paris, February, 1949.
"La declaration de l'independance slovaque en mars 1939", Slovensky
ncirod - La nation slovaque, Paris, March 15, 1949.
IN GERMAN
"Der Kampf fiir eine freie Slowakei", Slowakische Korrespondenz,
Munich, Germany, September, 1953, I, 9.
"Wesen und Ursachen des Gegensatzes zwischen Tschechen und Slowaken", Slowakische Korrespondenz, Munich, 1953, I, 5.
"Wir und Tschechen", Slowakische Korrespondenz, Munich, 1953, I, 3.
"Die Slowakei und ihr Verhiiltnis zu den Nachbarn", Slowakische
Korrespondenz, Munich, 1958, VI, 12.
"Die internationale Anerkennung der Slowakischen Republik", Slowakei,
Vol. II, No. 2, 1964.
"Die Haltung Grossbritanniens zur Slowakei", Slowakei, Vol. III, No. 1,
1965, pp. 11-29.
"Das Pittsburger Abkommen und seine Bedeutung in der slowakischen
Politik", Slowakei, Vol. VI, No. 1-2, Munich, 1968, pp. 58-66.
"Schicksal der slowakischen Gesandschaft in Bern", Slowakei, Vol. VII,
No. 1-2, 1969, pp. 87-100.
�96
SLOVAKIA
"Die Rolle der Slowakei in der Nachkriegsentwicklung der TschechoSlowakei", Slowakei, Vol. VIII, No. 11, 1970.
"Aussenpolitische Vorstellungen im slowakischen Exil", Wissenschaµ.
licher Dienst fur Ostmitteleuropa, February, 1972.
IN SPANISH
"Hacia una nueva democracia para la Europa central", Rivista de
Estudios Politicos", Vol. 125, Madrid, 1962.
ARTICLES ON CULTURAL AND LITERARY MATTERS
IN ENGLISH
"The Slovaks and Slavonic Civilization", Quarterly Slovakia, Vol. V,
No. 4, 1955, pp. 39-49.
"A Note on Two Modern Slovak Translators of Mickiewicz" in W.
Lednicki, Adam Mickiewicz in World Literature, University of
California Press, (Berkley, 1956).
"Louis Stu.r's Centennial", Slovakia, Vol. VI, No. 1, 1956, pp. 3-16.
"Mickiewicz in Slovak Poetry and Translations", Slovakia, Vol. VII,
No. 1, 1957, pp. 32-41.
"University Traditions in Slovalda", Slovakia, Vol. VIII, No. 2, 1958,
pp. 18-29.
"Canadian Translator of Slovak Poetry-Prof. W. Kirkconnell", Slovakia, Vol. XIV, 1964, No. 1, pp. 9-18.
"Notes on Slovak Culture, Literature and Language", Quarterly Most,
Vol. VII, No. 1, 1960, pp. 1-14.
"Misconceptions of American Slavists About Slovak Literature", Slovakia, Vol. XI, No. 1, 1961, pp. 22-42.
"Mis~onceptions of American Slavists About Slovak Literature", Slovakia, Vol. XII, No. 1, 1962, pp. 25-49.
"Bicentennial of Anton Bernolak", Annual Furdek, Vol. II, Cleveland,
Ohio, 1963), pp. 18-27.
"Love for Songs and Folklore Among Slovaks", Annual Furdek, Vol.
II, (Cleveland-Ohio, 1963), pp. 83-88:
"The Slovak Language and its Place Among the Slavic Languages",
Annual Slovakia, Vol. XV, 1966, pp. 1-24.
"Slovak Literature", The New Catholic Encyclopedia, The Catholic
University of America, Washington, D. C., 1967, Vol. XIII, pp.
280, 292-295, 748, also in Vol. XIV and other volumes on Jan
Holly, Jan Kollar, Cudovit Stur, P. 0. Hviezdoslav, M. Kukucil:1,
S. H. Vajansky, Andrej Sladkovic, J. C. Hronsky.
"Prof. D. Cyzevsky-Ukrainian Expert in Slovak Literature", Quarterly
Most, Vol. VIII, No. 3-4, 1961, pp. 17-36.
"A Note on the Theory on the Origin of the Name Slav", Slavic and
East European Studies, Vol. III, No. 2, 1958, pp. 47-56.
"Contemporary Tendencies in Slovak Philology", Slavic and East
European Studies, Vol. IV, No. 3-4, 1960.
�SLOVAKIA
97
"Slovak Literary History in Marxist and Western Interpretation", A
reprint from Canadian Slavonic Papers, Vol. VI, (University of
Toronto Press), 1964.
"Slavica Slovaca", Review article, Canadian Slavonic Papers, Vol. XIII,
4, 1971.
"J. C. Hronsky--Slovak Novelist and Writer", Annual Furdek, Vol. X,
(Cleveland, Ohio, 1971), pp. 23-29.
"The Slovaks and Slavonic Civilization", Furdek, Vol. X, (Cleveland,
Ohio, 1971), pp. 69-79.
"Old Cnlture and University Traditions in Slovakia", Furdek, Vol. XI,
(Cleveland, Ohio, 1972), pp. 167-185.
"Bilingualism in Slovak Literature", Almanac, National Slovak Society,
Pittsburgh, Pa. 1972, pp. 144-147.
" American and Canadian Translators of Slovak Poetry", Furdek, (Cleveland, Ohio, 1973).
"Janko Kral', Slovak Poet, Honored by UNESCO", Furdek, (Cleveland,
Ohio, 1973).
"Andrej 2arnov - Poet of Slovak Patriotism", Festschrift Pozdrav
Andrejovi Zarnovovi, Spolok slovenskych spisovatel'ov a umelcov,
Cleveland, Ohio, 1963.
IN FRENCH
"La Grande-Moravie et son heritage cultural", Etudes slaves et esteuropeennes, Universite de Montreal, Vol. II, 1957, pp. 189-199.
"Le centenaire d'un grand slaviste: Safarik", Etudes slaves et esteuropeennes, Montreal, 1960, Vol. V, pp. 69-80.
"La litterature de la periode cyrillo-methodienne et la Slovaque", Slovak
Studies III, (Rome), 1963.
"La place du slovaque parmi les langues slaves", Etudes slaves et esteuropeennes, Vol. VIII, Fasc. 3-4, Universite de Montreal, 1963.
"Conceptions politiques et philosophiques de I!. Stlir tirees de son
oeuvre: Das Slawentum und die Welt der Zukunft", Etudes slaves
et est-europeennes, Vol. XIII, 1969, pp. 32-45.
IN GERMAN
"Profil und Werk L'udovft Sturs", Slowakei, Vol III, No. 2, 1965.
"Literarisch-kulturelles Schaffen des slowakischen Exils", Slowakei,
Vol. IV, No. 1, 1966.
BOOK REVIEWS
BOOKS IN FRENCH, ENGLISH, GERMAN AND ITALIAN
Joseph A. Miku§, La Slovaquie dans le Drame de l'Europe (Histoires
politique de 1918 a 1950), Paris, Les Isles d'Or, 1955, 478 pp.
Reviewed in Etudes slaves et est-europeennes, Vol. I, part 2,
pp. 121-4.
�98
SLOVAKIA
Francis R. Preveden, A History of the Croatian People, New York,
Philosophical Library, 1955, XVI, 134 p. Reviewed in The Slavic
and East European Journal, Vol. XIV, 3, 1956.
Milovan Djilas, The New Class, an analysis of the Communist system,
Praeger, N. Y. 1957, 214 pp. Reviewed in Slavic and East European Studies, Vol. III, part 1, 60-1 p.
Joseph G. Cincik, Ph.D., Ancient Slovak Fibulas and Pseudo-Fibulas,
Whiting, Indiana, published by Rev. John J. Lach, 1957, 105 pp.
Reviewed in Slavic and East European Studies, Vol. II, part 4,
250-1 pp.
Joseph G. Cincik, Anglo-Saxon and Slovak-Avar Patterns of Cuthbert's
Gospel, Cleveland, Ohio, Slovak Institute, 1958, 124 p. Reviewed
in Slavic and East European Studies, Vol. III, part 4, Winter
1958-1959, 240-243 pp.
Stephen Smrzik, S. J., The Glagolitic or Romano-Slavonic Liturgy, Rome,
Slovak Institute, 1959, 120 p. Reviewed. in Slavic and East
European Studies, Vol. V, part 1-2, 118-119 pp.
Bonaventure, B. Bue, Slovak Nationalism, (Middletown, Pa., Slovak
League of America, 1960), 67 pp. Reviewed in Slavic and East
European Studies, Vol. VI, parts 1-2, 111-112 pp.
Gilbert L. Oddo, Slovakia and its People, New York, Speller & Sons Inc:,
1960, XI, 361 pp. Reviewed in Slavic and East European Studies,
Vol. VI, parts 1-2, 112-114 pp.
Ludwig v. Gogolak, Beitriige zur Geschichte des slowakischen Volke! I,
(Contributions to the History of the Slovak People), Verlag R.
Oldenburg, Miinchen, 1963, p. 265. Reviewed in Slovakia.
Ludwig v. Gogolak, T. G. Masaryks slowakische und ungarlandische
Politik (Masaryk's Slovak and Hungarian Policy), Munich, 1963,
Vol. IV, pp. 174-227. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XVIII, 1968,
No. 41.
David L. Hoggan, Der erzwungene Krieg, die Ursachen und Urheber
des z. Weltkrieus, Verlag der Deutschen Hochschullehrer-Zeitung,
Tiibingen, 1963, bibliography, maps, photographs, pages 898. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XXI, No. 44, 1971, p. 210.
J . A. Mikus, Slovakia-A Political History 1918-1950, Milwaukee, Wis.,
Marquette University Press, 1964, XXXIII, 392 pp. Reviewed in
Slavic and East European Studies, Vol. X, parts 1-2, p. 68.
Milan St. :!'.>urica, La Slovacchia e le sue relazioni politiche con la
Germania, (1938-1945), Padova, Marsilio Editori, 1964, 274 pp.
Reviewed in Slavic and East European Studies, Vol. X, parts 1-2,
p. 68.
Arved Grebert, Die Slowaken und das Grossmiihrisches Reich, (The
Slovaks and the Great Moravian Empire), M. Cernak's Institute,
Munich, 19615.
Jorg K. Hoensch, Die Slowakei und Hitler's Ostpolitik (Hlinka's Slowakische Volkspartei zwischen Autonomie und Separation 19381939), Bohlau Verlag, Koln-Graz, 1965, p. 390. Reviewed in
Slovakia, Vol. XVIII, 1968, No. 41, and in Slavic and East
European Studies, Vol. XII, part 1, p. 61-3.
Die Slowakei als mitteleuropiiisches Problem in Geschichte und Gege'ltwart, (Slavakia's Central European Problem in the Past arui
�SLOVAKIA
99
Present), Lectures at Collegium Carolinum, Verlag Robert Lerche, Mtinchen, 1965, p. 240. Reviewed in Slavic and Ecut European Studies, Vol. XII, part 1, p. 61-3.
Jorg K. Hoensch, Die GrundZagen des Programms der Slovakischen
Volkspartei vor 1938 (The Basis of the Programme of the Slovak
Populist Party Before 1938), Munich, 1966, Vol. VII, p. 320-356.
Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XVIII, 1968, No. 41.
Heinrich Kuhn, Handbuch der Tschechoslowakei, (Verlag Robert Lerche, Milnchen), 1966, pp. 1,024. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XX,
1970, No. 43.
Frantisek Vnuk, Dr. Jozef Tiso-President of the Slovak Republic, The
Association of Australia Slovaks, Sydney, 1967, p. 50, ill. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XVII, 1968, No. 41.
Milan S. f>urica, D'ie slowakische Politik 1938-1939 im Lichte der Staatslehre Tisos (Slovak Policy 1938-1939 in the Light of Tiso's Political Thought), Emil Semmel Verlag, Bonn, 1967, 49 p. Reviewed
in Slovakia, Vol. XVIII, 1968, No. 41.
Rudolf Sturm, CzechoslovakieJ,-A Bibliographie Guide, Library of the
Congress, Washington, 1967, 157 p. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol
XX, 1970, No. 43.
Beitrage zum Deutsch-Tschechischen Verhaltnis im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert (Veroffentlichungen des Collegium Carolinum), Verlag
Robert Lerche, (Milnchen, 1967), pp. 178. Reviewed in Slovakia,
Vol. XXI, No. 44, 1971, p. 213.
Slovak Studies V: Historica 3, Cleveland-Rome, Slovak Institute, 1967,
p. 268. Reviewed in Canadian Slavonic Papers, XI, 1, 1969.
Stefan Glejdura, Los Grandes Problemas del Este Europeo, Separata
de la Revista de Politica International, Madrid, 1968-1969, Washington University. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XX, 1970, No. 43.
Gorazd Zvonicky, Soltanto Rovine - Italian translation by Milan S.
f>urica and Ernesto Simonetto. Published by Associazione di
culturia ceca e slovaca "Arturo Cronia", Padua, 1968. Reviewed
in Slovakia, Vol. XXI, No. 44, 1971, p. 204.
George F. Kennan, From Prague After Munich, Diplomatic Papers 19381940. Princeton University Press, 1968, 226 pages. Slavica Canadiana, No. 69, 1970.
Lunghi and Ello, Dubcek' s Blue Print for Freedom (Kimber, London),
1968. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XXI, No. 44, 1971, pp. 205-208.
Ladislav Mnacko, Die siebente Nacht, (Vienna, 1968). Reviewed in
Slovakia, Vol. XXI, No. 44, 1971, pp. 205-208.
Podolak Jan (Ed.), Ethnologia SZavica I, Universitas Comoniana, Facultas Philosophica, Bratislava, 1970, Most, Vol. 19, 1-2, 1972.
Reitzner, Almar, Dubce k (Milnchen), 1970. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol.
XXI, No. 44, 1971, pp. 205-208.
Gromada, Thaddeus V., Pilsudski and the Slovak Autonomists, An off.
print from Slavic Review, September, 1969, pp. 445-462, Washington University. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XX, No. 43, 1970,
p. 167.
Tigrid, Pavel, La chute irresisti ble d'Alexander Dubce k, (Calmann-Levy,
Paris, 1969). Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XXI, No. 44, 1971, pp.
205-208.
�SLOVAKIA
100
Fetjo, Frani;ois, Histoire des democracies populaires apres Stali-ne,
(Editions du Seuil, Paris), 1969. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XXI,
No. 44, 1971, pp. 205-208.
Lob!, Eugen, und Grunwald, Leopold, Die intellektuelle Revolution,
Hintergrilnde und Auswirkungen des "Prager Frilhlings'', (Dilsseldorf, Econ, 1969). Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XXI, No. 44, 1971,
pp. 205-208.
Wagner, Francis S., (Ed.), Toward a New Central Europe: A Symposium
on the Problems of the Danubian Nations, Danubian Press, Inc.,
Astor Park, Florida, 1970. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XXI, No.
44, 1971, p. 211.
Sprinc, Mikula§, Driftwood. Poems translated from the Slovak by the
author Larz Pearson and Jaroslav Vajda. Published by the Slovak
Institute in Cleveland, Ohio, 1969. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol.
XXI, No. 44, 1971, p. 203.
Noge Julius, An Outline of Slovakian Literature, (The Tatrapress
Agency, Bratislava), 1968. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XXII, No.
45, 1972, p. 208.
BOOKS IN SLOVAK
J. Mi~ianik, J. Minarik, M. Michalcova, A. Melichar~k, Dejint1 starsej
slovenskej literatury (A History of the Older Slovak Literature),
Bratislava, published by Slovenska akademia vied (Slovak Academy of Sciences), 1955, p. 230, ill. Reviewed In Slavic and East
European Studies, Vol. V, parts 3-4, 243-4 pp.
Franmek Vnuk, Sedemnast' neurodnych roko11 - Ndcrt de;tn slovenskej
literatury v rokoch 1945-62 (Seventeen Barren Years - A Survey
of Slovak Literature 1945-62), Middletown, Pa., Slovak v Amerike,
1965, p. 304, English Summary, Reviewed in Slavic and East
European Studies, Vol. XII, parts 2-3, 133-4 pp.
Studia Historica Slovaca IV. Bratislava: Vydavatel'stvo Slovenskej akademie vied, 1966, p. 290. Reviewed in Canadian Slavonic Papers,
Vol. XI, 1, 1969.
M. Lacko (ed.), Slovens/ca bibliografia v zahranici 1945-1965, Slovak
Studies VII. The Slovak Institute (Cleveland-Rome), 1987, Slovakia, Vol. XXII, No. 45, 1972, p. 207, and Canadian Slavoni<:
Papers, Vol. Xlli, 4, 1971.
Ladislav Dvonc, Bibliografia slovenskej jazykovedy 1961-1965, Matica
slovenska, (Martin, 1970), pages 804, Slovakia, Vol. XXII. No. ~ .
1972, p. 205.
Ethnologia Slavica I, Universitas Comenian-a Bratislavensis, Facultas
Philosophica, Bratislava, 1970, p. 226, Slovakia, Vol. XXII, No.
45, 1972, p. 214.
Juraj Chovan, Letopis pama.tnika slovenskej literatury lf)70, (Matica
slovenska, Martin, 1970), Slovakia, Vol. XXII, No. 45, 1972 p. 210.
~ubomir Liptak, Slovensko v 20. storoci (Slovakia in the Twentieth
Century), (Bratislava, 19&8), 366 p. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol.
XIX, No. 42, 1969, p. 198.
�SLOVAKIA
101
Samo Falt'an, Slovenska otazka v teskoslovensku (The Slovak Question
in Czechoslovakia), (Bratislava, 1968), 352 p. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XIX, No. 42, 1969, p. 200.
Emilia Duchajova, Slovenskci slavistika 1968, Matica slovenska, Martin,
1970, p. 336. Reviewed in Canadian Slavonic Papers, Vol. Xlll,
4, 197.
Stefan Moyses 1869-1969, Edicia Literarneho archlvu, zviizok 7. Zbornik
z vedeckej konferencie MS, Martin, 1971, stran 174, litogr. Reviewed in Most, Vol. 19, 1-2, 1972.
Jan Chovan, Letopis pamatnika slovenskej literatury 1970, MS, Martin,
1970, p. 94. Reviewed in Most, Vol. 19, 1-2, 1972.
Jan Okal', Voda a vino (Water and Wine, United States, 1970), p. 70.
Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XX, 1970 No. 43.
Eugen Vesnin, Aj v etrurskych zahradach (Also in the Gardens of
Etruria), Buenos Aires, 1970. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XX,
1970, No. 43.
Evaluation of Dr. Kirschbaum's
Writings by Critics
Dr. Kirschbaum's writings were bound to provoke favorable as
well as unfavorable reaction. All his books and publications challenged
numerous erroneous views on Slovakia's history and culture accepted
in the West by scholars and political writers alike. Dr. Kirschbaum
challenged these views by works with serious academic background and
solid knowledge of matters discussed. In such a situation it was only
natural that the reaction was on one hand favorable and on the other
hand the author was unscrupulously attacked_. by adversaries of
Slovakia's struggle for independence.
*) After the publication of the book Slovakia--Nation at the Crossroads
of Central Europe, to which the Hon. Alvin M. Bentley, member of
the Committee of Foreign Affaires of tae U. S. Congress, wrote an
approving preface, Prague Government supplied some Czech and
Communist newspapers in Canada and the U.S.A. with falsified
documents destined to prevent Dr. Kirschbaum from teaching at
universities or taking part in public life. A smear campaign on
a large scale was organized against him especially in the Canadian
press, and made news on radio and television. At the same time,
pressure was excercised on the university authorities and academic
associations. Even though it was clear that the campaign was
politically motivated by the Prague Communist regime and had all
the characteristics of "character assassination," Dr. Kirschbaum had
to take legal action to clear his name.
�
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1973, Vol. 23
Description
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Vol. 23 (No. 46), 1973.
Publisher
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The Slovak League of America
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1973
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92
SLOVAKIA
Select Bibliography
of Foreign Language Writings
by Prof. J. M. Kirschbaum
Convinced that the main role of Slovak intellectuals
abroad is to acquaint the West with Slovak history, culture
and literature, and to defend Slovakia's right to freedom
and independence, Dr. J.M. Kirschbaum used for the past
20 years his talent and knowledge of several languages
for that purpose more than any other Slovak in the free
world. He published the first reference book on Slovakia
in English, the first complete history of Slovaks in Canada,
and was the only Slovak scholar abroad who in numerous
papers and essays put Slovak cultural and political history
into proper perspective at meetings of Canadian and American Slavists and in Canadian, American and European academic periodicals and encyclopedias. His comments on and
critical reviews of hundreds of books in foreign languages
or in Slovak which he published in academic periodicals
of which he was member of the editorial board (Etudes
slaves et est-europeennes, Canadian Slavonic Papers, Slavs
in Canada, Slavica Canadiana), or in the quarterlies Slovakia, Slowakei and Most also served the same aim: to
present Slovakia and Slovak cultural life to the West in
a proper light, and to correct the misconceptions which
prevailed among American Slavists and historians of Ea:st
Central Europe on Slovakia's past and present.
As President of the Canadian Ethnic Press Federation
and its branch in Ontario, Dr. Kirschbaum also deserves
credit for many favorable articles on Slovak matters
published in some 20 languages by the Canadian Ethnic
Press. Articles published in newspapers are not, however,
listed even though many of them were scholarly essays
rather than newspaper articles. Altogether Dr. Kirschbaum
published about 2000 articles and essays in Slovak news-
SLOVAKIA
93
papers and periodicals in the United States, Canada, Europe
and Australia.
As a result, the select bibliography listed below is far
from being complete. On the occasion of the 60th birthday
of Dr. Kirschbaum, we want to record at least his most
important writings in foreign languages, assuming that
scholars and students of Slovak political history and
cultural matters would find them useful for their studies
and research.
- The Editor BOOKS AND PUBLICATIONS
Slovakia-Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe, Speller & Sons
Pub., New York, 1960, XIX and 371 p., ill., bib!.
Slovaks in Canada, Canadian Ethnic Press Association, Toronto, 1967,
XIX and 468 p., ill., bib!.
Nas boj o samostatnost' Slovens/ca, (The Struggle for Slovakia's In-
dependence), Cleveland, Slovak Institute, 1958, 343 p.
:Cudovit Stur and his Place in the Slavic World, Slavistica No. 32, Slovak
Institute, (Winnipeg-Cleveland), 1956.
Contemporary Tendencies in Slovak Philology, An offprint from Slavic
and East European Studies, Vol. IV, No. 3-4, 1960.
Hacia una nueva democracia para la Europa central, An offprint from
Revista de Estudios Politicos, Vol. 125, Madrid, 1962.
An Outline of Slovakia's Struggle for Independence, Toronto, Canadian
Slovak League, 1964, 40 p.
Slovakia in the de-Stalinization and Federalization Process of CzechoSlovakia, An offprint from Canadian Slavonic Papers ·(X, 4, 1968).
Pavol Jozef Safarik and his Contribution to Slavic Studies, Slavistica
No. 43, (Cleveland-Winnipeg), 1962.
Anton Bernolak-The First Codifier of the Slovak Language, Slavistica
No. 52, (Winnipeg-Cleveland), 1964.
Pan-Slavism in Slovak Literature: Jan Kollar-Slovak Poet of PanSlavism, Slavistica No. 56, (Cleveland-Winnipeg), 1966.
The Role of the Cyrillo-Methodian Tradition in Slovak National and
Political Life. An offprint from Slovak Studies III, (Rome), 1963.
Conceptions politi ques et philosophiques de £. Stur dans son oeiivre:
Das Slawenthum und die Welt der Zukunft, An offprint from
Etudes Slaves et Est- europeennes, Montreal, 1968.
Slovakia, Historical and Cultural Backgrounds, Slovak World Congress,
Toronto, 1971, 60 p. Editor and main contributor.
Twenty Years of The Ethnic Press Association of Ontario, The Ethnic
Press Association of Ontario, (Toronto, Ontario, 1971), p. 220.
Editor and main contributor.
Slovak Literary History in Marxist and Western Interpretation, An
offprint from Canadian Slavonic Papers, Vol. VI, (University of
Toronto Press), 1964.
94
SLOVAKIA
ARTICLES ON HISTORY AND POLITICAL SCIENCE
IN ENGLISH
"International Recognition of the Slovak Republic", Slovakia, Vol. I,
1951, pp. 23-31.
"Slovakia and Central European Federation Plans", Slovakia, Vol m,
No. 1, 1953, pp. 1-21.
"Diplomatic Documents on Slovakia's Declaration of Independence".
Slovakia, Vol. IV, No. 1, 1954, pp. 3-12.
"The Constitution of the Slovak Republic", Slovakia, Vol IX, 1959,
pp. 47-68.
"Facts and Events Behind the Scenes of Slovakia's Declaration of
Independence", Slovakia, Vol. IX, No. 4, 1959, pp. 1-23.
"Slovakia and the Plans for Integration of Central Europe", Studies
for a new Central Europe, Vol. I, 1964, pp. 22-7.
"Twenty Years of the Czech and Communist Rule in Slovakia", Slovakia,
xv (1965), pp. 78-92.
"Slovakia in the de-Stalinization and Federalization Process of CzechoSlovakia", Canadian Slavonic Papers, X, 4, 1968.
"The Role of the Cyrillo-Methodian Tradition in Slovak National Life",
Slovak Studies, Vol. m, 1963.
"The Slovak Press in Canada", Slovakia, Vol. XVIII, No. 41, 1968, pp.
79-106.
"Slovakia in the Struggle for Liberalization and Federalization of
Czecho-Slovakia", Slovakia, Vol. XIX, No. 42, 1969, pp. 3-31.
"Slovaks and the Upheavals of Czecho-Slovakia", Jednota Annual
Furdek, Vol. IX, January 1970, pp. 82-86.
"The Assimilation Process of American Slovaks", Slovakia, Vol XXI,
No. 44, 1971, pp. 79-84.
"Slovaks in Canada", Slavs in Canada, Vol. I, Inter-University Committee
on Canadian Slavs, University of Alberta, 1966.
"The Ideological Orientation of the Canadian Slavic Press", Slavs in
Canada, Vol III, University of Ottawa, 1969.
"Slovakia and the Integration Plans of Central Europe", Symposium
Toward a New Central Europe, Ed. Francis S. Wagner, Danubian
Press, Inc. (Astor Park, Florida), 1970, pp. 259-265.
"Prof. F. f>urcansky-Politician, Scholar and Fighter for Slovakia's
Independence", Slovakia, Vol. XVII, No. 40, 1967, pp. 153-160.
"The 15th Anniversary of the Untimely Death of Prof. Francis Hrusovsky, Ph.D.", Slovakia, Vol. XXI, No. 44, 1971, pp. 175-179.
"Stephen B. Roman--Slovak Tycoon", Slovakia, Vol. XXI, No. 44, 1971,
pp. 7-19.
"Dr. Joseph Tiso-The Prelate Politician Who Died on the Gallows for
His People", Slovakia, Vol. XXII, No. 45, 1972, pp. 5-20.
"My Last Diplomatic Report to the President of Slovakia", Furdek,
Vol. XI, 1972, pp. 81-87.
"Prospects of Slovakia Under Husak's Leadership", Almanac, National
Slovak Society, Pittsburgh, Pa. 1971, pp. 124-129.
"Pittsburgh Pact and its Significance in Slovak Politics", Almanac,
National Slovak Society, Pittsburgh, Pa. 1971, pp. 132-137.
SLOVAKIA
95
"The Truth and Legends About the Origin of the Slovak Republic",
Furdek, (Middletown, Pa. 1973).
IN FRENCH
"La voie de la Slovaquie", La Correspondance slovaque, Bern, Switzerland, August 15, 1943.
"La Slovaquie et son droit a !'independence", La Correspondance
slovaque, November 15, 1943.
"L'orientation politique de !'emigration slovaque", La Correspondance
slovaque, February, 1944.
"La tradition universitaire en Slovaquie", La Correspondance slovaque,
March, 1944.
"La Slovaquie dans la tourbillon des evenements", La Correspondance
slovaque, October, 1944.
"Les bases de collaboration et de paix en Europe centrale", La Correspondance slovaque, November, 1944.
"La Slovaquie dans la lutte pour son avenir", La Correspondance slovaque, January, 1945.
"L'apport des slovaques a !'organization culturelle et politique de
L'Europe centrale", La Correspondance slovaque, November, 1944.
"Les slovaques et les promesses des politiciens Tcheques", La Correspondance slovaque, January, 1945.
"La Slovaquie apres cinq ans d'independance", Revue de droit internationale, de sciences diplomatiques et politiques, Geneve, 1944,
XXII, No. 2, pp. 121-142.
"La Tcheco-Slovaquie correspond-elle aux aspirations de ses habitants",
Slovensky narod - La nation slovaque, Paris, 1949-1950.
"Pour une nouvelle organization de L'Europe Centrale", Slovensky
narod - La nation slovaque, Paris, February, 1949.
"La declaration de l'independance slovaque en mars 1939", Slovensky
ncirod - La nation slovaque, Paris, March 15, 1949.
IN GERMAN
"Der Kampf fiir eine freie Slowakei", Slowakische Korrespondenz,
Munich, Germany, September, 1953, I, 9.
"Wesen und Ursachen des Gegensatzes zwischen Tschechen und Slowaken", Slowakische Korrespondenz, Munich, 1953, I, 5.
"Wir und Tschechen", Slowakische Korrespondenz, Munich, 1953, I, 3.
"Die Slowakei und ihr Verhiiltnis zu den Nachbarn", Slowakische
Korrespondenz, Munich, 1958, VI, 12.
"Die internationale Anerkennung der Slowakischen Republik", Slowakei,
Vol. II, No. 2, 1964.
"Die Haltung Grossbritanniens zur Slowakei", Slowakei, Vol. III, No. 1,
1965, pp. 11-29.
"Das Pittsburger Abkommen und seine Bedeutung in der slowakischen
Politik", Slowakei, Vol. VI, No. 1-2, Munich, 1968, pp. 58-66.
"Schicksal der slowakischen Gesandschaft in Bern", Slowakei, Vol. VII,
No. 1-2, 1969, pp. 87-100.
96
SLOVAKIA
"Die Rolle der Slowakei in der Nachkriegsentwicklung der TschechoSlowakei", Slowakei, Vol. VIII, No. 11, 1970.
"Aussenpolitische Vorstellungen im slowakischen Exil", Wissenschaµ.
licher Dienst fur Ostmitteleuropa, February, 1972.
IN SPANISH
"Hacia una nueva democracia para la Europa central", Rivista de
Estudios Politicos", Vol. 125, Madrid, 1962.
ARTICLES ON CULTURAL AND LITERARY MATTERS
IN ENGLISH
"The Slovaks and Slavonic Civilization", Quarterly Slovakia, Vol. V,
No. 4, 1955, pp. 39-49.
"A Note on Two Modern Slovak Translators of Mickiewicz" in W.
Lednicki, Adam Mickiewicz in World Literature, University of
California Press, (Berkley, 1956).
"Louis Stu.r's Centennial", Slovakia, Vol. VI, No. 1, 1956, pp. 3-16.
"Mickiewicz in Slovak Poetry and Translations", Slovakia, Vol. VII,
No. 1, 1957, pp. 32-41.
"University Traditions in Slovalda", Slovakia, Vol. VIII, No. 2, 1958,
pp. 18-29.
"Canadian Translator of Slovak Poetry-Prof. W. Kirkconnell", Slovakia, Vol. XIV, 1964, No. 1, pp. 9-18.
"Notes on Slovak Culture, Literature and Language", Quarterly Most,
Vol. VII, No. 1, 1960, pp. 1-14.
"Misconceptions of American Slavists About Slovak Literature", Slovakia, Vol. XI, No. 1, 1961, pp. 22-42.
"Mis~onceptions of American Slavists About Slovak Literature", Slovakia, Vol. XII, No. 1, 1962, pp. 25-49.
"Bicentennial of Anton Bernolak", Annual Furdek, Vol. II, Cleveland,
Ohio, 1963), pp. 18-27.
"Love for Songs and Folklore Among Slovaks", Annual Furdek, Vol.
II, (Cleveland-Ohio, 1963), pp. 83-88:
"The Slovak Language and its Place Among the Slavic Languages",
Annual Slovakia, Vol. XV, 1966, pp. 1-24.
"Slovak Literature", The New Catholic Encyclopedia, The Catholic
University of America, Washington, D. C., 1967, Vol. XIII, pp.
280, 292-295, 748, also in Vol. XIV and other volumes on Jan
Holly, Jan Kollar, Cudovit Stur, P. 0. Hviezdoslav, M. Kukucil:1,
S. H. Vajansky, Andrej Sladkovic, J. C. Hronsky.
"Prof. D. Cyzevsky-Ukrainian Expert in Slovak Literature", Quarterly
Most, Vol. VIII, No. 3-4, 1961, pp. 17-36.
"A Note on the Theory on the Origin of the Name Slav", Slavic and
East European Studies, Vol. III, No. 2, 1958, pp. 47-56.
"Contemporary Tendencies in Slovak Philology", Slavic and East
European Studies, Vol. IV, No. 3-4, 1960.
SLOVAKIA
97
"Slovak Literary History in Marxist and Western Interpretation", A
reprint from Canadian Slavonic Papers, Vol. VI, (University of
Toronto Press), 1964.
"Slavica Slovaca", Review article, Canadian Slavonic Papers, Vol. XIII,
4, 1971.
"J. C. Hronsky--Slovak Novelist and Writer", Annual Furdek, Vol. X,
(Cleveland, Ohio, 1971), pp. 23-29.
"The Slovaks and Slavonic Civilization", Furdek, Vol. X, (Cleveland,
Ohio, 1971), pp. 69-79.
"Old Cnlture and University Traditions in Slovakia", Furdek, Vol. XI,
(Cleveland, Ohio, 1972), pp. 167-185.
"Bilingualism in Slovak Literature", Almanac, National Slovak Society,
Pittsburgh, Pa. 1972, pp. 144-147.
" American and Canadian Translators of Slovak Poetry", Furdek, (Cleveland, Ohio, 1973).
"Janko Kral', Slovak Poet, Honored by UNESCO", Furdek, (Cleveland,
Ohio, 1973).
"Andrej 2arnov - Poet of Slovak Patriotism", Festschrift Pozdrav
Andrejovi Zarnovovi, Spolok slovenskych spisovatel'ov a umelcov,
Cleveland, Ohio, 1963.
IN FRENCH
"La Grande-Moravie et son heritage cultural", Etudes slaves et esteuropeennes, Universite de Montreal, Vol. II, 1957, pp. 189-199.
"Le centenaire d'un grand slaviste: Safarik", Etudes slaves et esteuropeennes, Montreal, 1960, Vol. V, pp. 69-80.
"La litterature de la periode cyrillo-methodienne et la Slovaque", Slovak
Studies III, (Rome), 1963.
"La place du slovaque parmi les langues slaves", Etudes slaves et esteuropeennes, Vol. VIII, Fasc. 3-4, Universite de Montreal, 1963.
"Conceptions politiques et philosophiques de I!. Stlir tirees de son
oeuvre: Das Slawentum und die Welt der Zukunft", Etudes slaves
et est-europeennes, Vol. XIII, 1969, pp. 32-45.
IN GERMAN
"Profil und Werk L'udovft Sturs", Slowakei, Vol III, No. 2, 1965.
"Literarisch-kulturelles Schaffen des slowakischen Exils", Slowakei,
Vol. IV, No. 1, 1966.
BOOK REVIEWS
BOOKS IN FRENCH, ENGLISH, GERMAN AND ITALIAN
Joseph A. Miku§, La Slovaquie dans le Drame de l'Europe (Histoires
politique de 1918 a 1950), Paris, Les Isles d'Or, 1955, 478 pp.
Reviewed in Etudes slaves et est-europeennes, Vol. I, part 2,
pp. 121-4.
98
SLOVAKIA
Francis R. Preveden, A History of the Croatian People, New York,
Philosophical Library, 1955, XVI, 134 p. Reviewed in The Slavic
and East European Journal, Vol. XIV, 3, 1956.
Milovan Djilas, The New Class, an analysis of the Communist system,
Praeger, N. Y. 1957, 214 pp. Reviewed in Slavic and East European Studies, Vol. III, part 1, 60-1 p.
Joseph G. Cincik, Ph.D., Ancient Slovak Fibulas and Pseudo-Fibulas,
Whiting, Indiana, published by Rev. John J. Lach, 1957, 105 pp.
Reviewed in Slavic and East European Studies, Vol. II, part 4,
250-1 pp.
Joseph G. Cincik, Anglo-Saxon and Slovak-Avar Patterns of Cuthbert's
Gospel, Cleveland, Ohio, Slovak Institute, 1958, 124 p. Reviewed
in Slavic and East European Studies, Vol. III, part 4, Winter
1958-1959, 240-243 pp.
Stephen Smrzik, S. J., The Glagolitic or Romano-Slavonic Liturgy, Rome,
Slovak Institute, 1959, 120 p. Reviewed. in Slavic and East
European Studies, Vol. V, part 1-2, 118-119 pp.
Bonaventure, B. Bue, Slovak Nationalism, (Middletown, Pa., Slovak
League of America, 1960), 67 pp. Reviewed in Slavic and East
European Studies, Vol. VI, parts 1-2, 111-112 pp.
Gilbert L. Oddo, Slovakia and its People, New York, Speller & Sons Inc:,
1960, XI, 361 pp. Reviewed in Slavic and East European Studies,
Vol. VI, parts 1-2, 112-114 pp.
Ludwig v. Gogolak, Beitriige zur Geschichte des slowakischen Volke! I,
(Contributions to the History of the Slovak People), Verlag R.
Oldenburg, Miinchen, 1963, p. 265. Reviewed in Slovakia.
Ludwig v. Gogolak, T. G. Masaryks slowakische und ungarlandische
Politik (Masaryk's Slovak and Hungarian Policy), Munich, 1963,
Vol. IV, pp. 174-227. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XVIII, 1968,
No. 41.
David L. Hoggan, Der erzwungene Krieg, die Ursachen und Urheber
des z. Weltkrieus, Verlag der Deutschen Hochschullehrer-Zeitung,
Tiibingen, 1963, bibliography, maps, photographs, pages 898. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XXI, No. 44, 1971, p. 210.
J . A. Mikus, Slovakia-A Political History 1918-1950, Milwaukee, Wis.,
Marquette University Press, 1964, XXXIII, 392 pp. Reviewed in
Slavic and East European Studies, Vol. X, parts 1-2, p. 68.
Milan St. :!'.>urica, La Slovacchia e le sue relazioni politiche con la
Germania, (1938-1945), Padova, Marsilio Editori, 1964, 274 pp.
Reviewed in Slavic and East European Studies, Vol. X, parts 1-2,
p. 68.
Arved Grebert, Die Slowaken und das Grossmiihrisches Reich, (The
Slovaks and the Great Moravian Empire), M. Cernak's Institute,
Munich, 19615.
Jorg K. Hoensch, Die Slowakei und Hitler's Ostpolitik (Hlinka's Slowakische Volkspartei zwischen Autonomie und Separation 19381939), Bohlau Verlag, Koln-Graz, 1965, p. 390. Reviewed in
Slovakia, Vol. XVIII, 1968, No. 41, and in Slavic and East
European Studies, Vol. XII, part 1, p. 61-3.
Die Slowakei als mitteleuropiiisches Problem in Geschichte und Gege'ltwart, (Slavakia's Central European Problem in the Past arui
SLOVAKIA
99
Present), Lectures at Collegium Carolinum, Verlag Robert Lerche, Mtinchen, 1965, p. 240. Reviewed in Slavic and Ecut European Studies, Vol. XII, part 1, p. 61-3.
Jorg K. Hoensch, Die GrundZagen des Programms der Slovakischen
Volkspartei vor 1938 (The Basis of the Programme of the Slovak
Populist Party Before 1938), Munich, 1966, Vol. VII, p. 320-356.
Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XVIII, 1968, No. 41.
Heinrich Kuhn, Handbuch der Tschechoslowakei, (Verlag Robert Lerche, Milnchen), 1966, pp. 1,024. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XX,
1970, No. 43.
Frantisek Vnuk, Dr. Jozef Tiso-President of the Slovak Republic, The
Association of Australia Slovaks, Sydney, 1967, p. 50, ill. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XVII, 1968, No. 41.
Milan S. f>urica, D'ie slowakische Politik 1938-1939 im Lichte der Staatslehre Tisos (Slovak Policy 1938-1939 in the Light of Tiso's Political Thought), Emil Semmel Verlag, Bonn, 1967, 49 p. Reviewed
in Slovakia, Vol. XVIII, 1968, No. 41.
Rudolf Sturm, CzechoslovakieJ,-A Bibliographie Guide, Library of the
Congress, Washington, 1967, 157 p. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol
XX, 1970, No. 43.
Beitrage zum Deutsch-Tschechischen Verhaltnis im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert (Veroffentlichungen des Collegium Carolinum), Verlag
Robert Lerche, (Milnchen, 1967), pp. 178. Reviewed in Slovakia,
Vol. XXI, No. 44, 1971, p. 213.
Slovak Studies V: Historica 3, Cleveland-Rome, Slovak Institute, 1967,
p. 268. Reviewed in Canadian Slavonic Papers, XI, 1, 1969.
Stefan Glejdura, Los Grandes Problemas del Este Europeo, Separata
de la Revista de Politica International, Madrid, 1968-1969, Washington University. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XX, 1970, No. 43.
Gorazd Zvonicky, Soltanto Rovine - Italian translation by Milan S.
f>urica and Ernesto Simonetto. Published by Associazione di
culturia ceca e slovaca "Arturo Cronia", Padua, 1968. Reviewed
in Slovakia, Vol. XXI, No. 44, 1971, p. 204.
George F. Kennan, From Prague After Munich, Diplomatic Papers 19381940. Princeton University Press, 1968, 226 pages. Slavica Canadiana, No. 69, 1970.
Lunghi and Ello, Dubcek' s Blue Print for Freedom (Kimber, London),
1968. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XXI, No. 44, 1971, pp. 205-208.
Ladislav Mnacko, Die siebente Nacht, (Vienna, 1968). Reviewed in
Slovakia, Vol. XXI, No. 44, 1971, pp. 205-208.
Podolak Jan (Ed.), Ethnologia SZavica I, Universitas Comoniana, Facultas Philosophica, Bratislava, 1970, Most, Vol. 19, 1-2, 1972.
Reitzner, Almar, Dubce k (Milnchen), 1970. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol.
XXI, No. 44, 1971, pp. 205-208.
Gromada, Thaddeus V., Pilsudski and the Slovak Autonomists, An off.
print from Slavic Review, September, 1969, pp. 445-462, Washington University. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XX, No. 43, 1970,
p. 167.
Tigrid, Pavel, La chute irresisti ble d'Alexander Dubce k, (Calmann-Levy,
Paris, 1969). Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XXI, No. 44, 1971, pp.
205-208.
SLOVAKIA
100
Fetjo, Frani;ois, Histoire des democracies populaires apres Stali-ne,
(Editions du Seuil, Paris), 1969. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XXI,
No. 44, 1971, pp. 205-208.
Lob!, Eugen, und Grunwald, Leopold, Die intellektuelle Revolution,
Hintergrilnde und Auswirkungen des "Prager Frilhlings'', (Dilsseldorf, Econ, 1969). Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XXI, No. 44, 1971,
pp. 205-208.
Wagner, Francis S., (Ed.), Toward a New Central Europe: A Symposium
on the Problems of the Danubian Nations, Danubian Press, Inc.,
Astor Park, Florida, 1970. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XXI, No.
44, 1971, p. 211.
Sprinc, Mikula§, Driftwood. Poems translated from the Slovak by the
author Larz Pearson and Jaroslav Vajda. Published by the Slovak
Institute in Cleveland, Ohio, 1969. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol.
XXI, No. 44, 1971, p. 203.
Noge Julius, An Outline of Slovakian Literature, (The Tatrapress
Agency, Bratislava), 1968. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XXII, No.
45, 1972, p. 208.
BOOKS IN SLOVAK
J. Mi~ianik, J. Minarik, M. Michalcova, A. Melichar~k, Dejint1 starsej
slovenskej literatury (A History of the Older Slovak Literature),
Bratislava, published by Slovenska akademia vied (Slovak Academy of Sciences), 1955, p. 230, ill. Reviewed In Slavic and East
European Studies, Vol. V, parts 3-4, 243-4 pp.
Franmek Vnuk, Sedemnast' neurodnych roko11 - Ndcrt de;tn slovenskej
literatury v rokoch 1945-62 (Seventeen Barren Years - A Survey
of Slovak Literature 1945-62), Middletown, Pa., Slovak v Amerike,
1965, p. 304, English Summary, Reviewed in Slavic and East
European Studies, Vol. XII, parts 2-3, 133-4 pp.
Studia Historica Slovaca IV. Bratislava: Vydavatel'stvo Slovenskej akademie vied, 1966, p. 290. Reviewed in Canadian Slavonic Papers,
Vol. XI, 1, 1969.
M. Lacko (ed.), Slovens/ca bibliografia v zahranici 1945-1965, Slovak
Studies VII. The Slovak Institute (Cleveland-Rome), 1987, Slovakia, Vol. XXII, No. 45, 1972, p. 207, and Canadian Slavoni<:
Papers, Vol. Xlli, 4, 1971.
Ladislav Dvonc, Bibliografia slovenskej jazykovedy 1961-1965, Matica
slovenska, (Martin, 1970), pages 804, Slovakia, Vol. XXII. No. ~ .
1972, p. 205.
Ethnologia Slavica I, Universitas Comenian-a Bratislavensis, Facultas
Philosophica, Bratislava, 1970, p. 226, Slovakia, Vol. XXII, No.
45, 1972, p. 214.
Juraj Chovan, Letopis pama.tnika slovenskej literatury lf)70, (Matica
slovenska, Martin, 1970), Slovakia, Vol. XXII, No. 45, 1972 p. 210.
~ubomir Liptak, Slovensko v 20. storoci (Slovakia in the Twentieth
Century), (Bratislava, 19&8), 366 p. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol.
XIX, No. 42, 1969, p. 198.
SLOVAKIA
101
Samo Falt'an, Slovenska otazka v teskoslovensku (The Slovak Question
in Czechoslovakia), (Bratislava, 1968), 352 p. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XIX, No. 42, 1969, p. 200.
Emilia Duchajova, Slovenskci slavistika 1968, Matica slovenska, Martin,
1970, p. 336. Reviewed in Canadian Slavonic Papers, Vol. Xlll,
4, 197.
Stefan Moyses 1869-1969, Edicia Literarneho archlvu, zviizok 7. Zbornik
z vedeckej konferencie MS, Martin, 1971, stran 174, litogr. Reviewed in Most, Vol. 19, 1-2, 1972.
Jan Chovan, Letopis pamatnika slovenskej literatury 1970, MS, Martin,
1970, p. 94. Reviewed in Most, Vol. 19, 1-2, 1972.
Jan Okal', Voda a vino (Water and Wine, United States, 1970), p. 70.
Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XX, 1970 No. 43.
Eugen Vesnin, Aj v etrurskych zahradach (Also in the Gardens of
Etruria), Buenos Aires, 1970. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XX,
1970, No. 43.
Evaluation of Dr. Kirschbaum's
Writings by Critics
Dr. Kirschbaum's writings were bound to provoke favorable as
well as unfavorable reaction. All his books and publications challenged
numerous erroneous views on Slovakia's history and culture accepted
in the West by scholars and political writers alike. Dr. Kirschbaum
challenged these views by works with serious academic background and
solid knowledge of matters discussed. In such a situation it was only
natural that the reaction was on one hand favorable and on the other
hand the author was unscrupulously attacked_. by adversaries of
Slovakia's struggle for independence.
*) After the publication of the book Slovakia--Nation at the Crossroads
of Central Europe, to which the Hon. Alvin M. Bentley, member of
the Committee of Foreign Affaires of tae U. S. Congress, wrote an
approving preface, Prague Government supplied some Czech and
Communist newspapers in Canada and the U.S.A. with falsified
documents destined to prevent Dr. Kirschbaum from teaching at
universities or taking part in public life. A smear campaign on
a large scale was organized against him especially in the Canadian
press, and made news on radio and television. At the same time,
pressure was excercised on the university authorities and academic
associations. Even though it was clear that the campaign was
politically motivated by the Prague Communist regime and had all
the characteristics of "character assassination," Dr. Kirschbaum had
to take legal action to clear his name.
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Title
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Select Bibliography of Foreign Language Writings by Prof. J. M. Kirschbaum
Description
An account of the resource
Slovakia, Vol. 23 (No. 46), 1973
pp. 92-101
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1973
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SLOVAKIA
101
Samo Falt'an, Slovenska otazka v teskoslovensku (The Slovak Question
in Czechoslovakia), (Bratislava, 1968), 352 p. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XIX, No. 42, 1969, p. 200.
Emilia Duchajova, Slovenskci slavistika 1968, Matica slovenska, Martin,
1970, p. 336. Reviewed in Canadian Slavonic Papers, Vol. Xlll,
4, 197.
Stefan Moyses 1869-1969, Edicia Literarneho archlvu, zviizok 7. Zbornik
z vedeckej konferencie MS, Martin, 1971, stran 174, litogr. Reviewed in Most, Vol. 19, 1-2, 1972.
Jan Chovan, Letopis pamatnika slovenskej literatury 1970, MS, Martin,
1970, p. 94. Reviewed in Most, Vol. 19, 1-2, 1972.
Jan Okal', Voda a vino (Water and Wine, United States, 1970), p. 70.
Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XX, 1970 No. 43.
Eugen Vesnin, Aj v etrurskych zahradach (Also in the Gardens of
Etruria), Buenos Aires, 1970. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XX,
1970, No. 43.
Evaluation of Dr. Kirschbaum's
Writings by Critics
Dr. Kirschbaum's writings were bound to provoke favorable as
well as unfavorable reaction. All his books and publications challenged
numerous erroneous views on Slovakia's history and culture accepted
in the West by scholars and political writers alike. Dr. Kirschbaum
challenged these views by works with serious academic background and
solid knowledge of matters discussed. In such a situation it was only
natural that the reaction was on one hand favorable and on the other
hand the author was unscrupulously attacked_. by adversaries of
Slovakia's struggle for independence.
*) After the publication of the book Slovakia--Nation at the Crossroads
of Central Europe, to which the Hon. Alvin M. Bentley, member of
the Committee of Foreign Affaires of tae U. S. Congress, wrote an
approving preface, Prague Government supplied some Czech and
Communist newspapers in Canada and the U.S.A. with falsified
documents destined to prevent Dr. Kirschbaum from teaching at
universities or taking part in public life. A smear campaign on
a large scale was organized against him especially in the Canadian
press, and made news on radio and television. At the same time,
pressure was excercised on the university authorities and academic
associations. Even though it was clear that the campaign was
politically motivated by the Prague Communist regime and had all
the characteristics of "character assassination," Dr. Kirschbaum had
to take legal action to clear his name.
�102
SLOVAKIA
Scholars and experts in history of Central Europe accepted Dr.
Kirschbaum's first English book favorably and, as years pass, it is
more and more referred to as a source to modern history of Slovakia.
IN EUROPE the book was reviewed in two academic periodicals, one
published in London, England, and one in Padova, Italy, in the official
organ of European federalist, European Bulletin (Jan.-Feb. 1961), published in Roma, Italy, and by experts on Central European affairs in
Germany and Spain.
In his French article George Kallay wrote in the European Bulletin:
"One of the most eminent representatives of the federal thesis
among his advocates in Central Europe, is a historian who now lives
in Canada, Joseph M. Kirschbaum. Born at the time of the AustroHungarian Monarchy, he was only six years old when it collapsed and,
consequently, officially he became a "Czechoslovak". When Slovakia
gained tts independence, Kirschbaum, 25 years of age, became one
of the most prominent representatives in Slovak politics. Slovak national
politics condemned Czech domination as well as German domination
which equally sought to subjugate the Slovak people. In many of his
political works, Kirschbaum affirms the necessity of a Central European
Federation. His most recent work, Slovakia, Nation at the Crossroads
of Central Europe, is but the expression of his federal thesis. He
points out that the countries of Central and Oriental Europe must come
to understand that they must unite if they do not wish to play the role
of satellites of a foreign power."
F. McPoyne in Central Europe Journal Sudeten Bulletin (Munich,
December 1960) wrote about the book as follows:
"Although written to enlighten and correct the warped political
vision of those still convinced that Czechoslovakia was a "little Switzerland in the heart of Europe," this book may be recommended as a
compact political history of Slovakia.
It is amazing that Czech propaganda was, and to a large extent
still is, able to influence the thinking of millions of people-particularly
the Anglo-Saxon world-to believe a myth that there is one "Czechoslovak" people.
Kirschbaum explodes this myth and traces the origins of Slovakia
from its historic beginnings, unfolding before the reader a detailed
and soundly referenced account of a proud, vital and highly cultured
people from their earliest origins to the declaration of their independence in 1939, pleading for a new order in Central Europe where two
world wars were touched off.
A dual leitmotiv throughout is the thesis that Slovakia has at all eras
of its history been a western-oriented people and has been sought after
by other surrounding peoples who attempted, but unsuccessfully, to
assimilate it. Today the Slovaks are still western-oriented interiorly
and not assimilated, either by the Czechs or by the Soviets. Kirschbaum's book is another reminder and a convincing one, that fires are
still burning in the hearts of a little people in Central Europe who,
�SLOVAKIA
103
like the Irish whom so strongly r esemble, are keeping the faith that
independence shall one day be theirs. Though captured by Communists,
they have not compl'Omised with them. May Joseph Kirschbaum's
meritorious volume win friends for Slovakia and for their cause."
More critical opinion was expressed in The Slavonic Review (Vol.
4, 1962-3) published in London, by Prof. W. V. Wallace. This had to
be, however, expected from an academic journal behind which was
Prof. Seton-Watson. According to the reviewer, Dr. Kirschbaum set
out "to make known the truth about Slovakia, and especially about the
crucial years of 1939-1945," which in his opinion was "a laudable aim,
but a demanding one." Arguing with the text on the cover of the book
rather than with the contents, Prof. Wallace could not deny that
"Kirschbaum's book has some interest," but did not accept it "as a last
word" in which respect he was right. However, the fact that the Slavonic
Review dedicated two pages long article to the book, is a clear indication
that the book could not be overlooked and has its value in the eyes
of people who disagreed with Slovakia's aspirations for independence.
IN THE UNITED STATES the book was received with enthusiasm
by a number of Slovak periodicals, published in Slovak and English,
as a "brilliant defense of the Slovak cause and an overdue scholarly
work on Slovakia." Nobody more than American Slovaks felt the need
for a book which would tell Americans and the second and third
generation of American Slovaks the truth about Slovakia in a comprehensive English work. Dr. Kirschbaum's book filled the gap not
only according to many articles in Slovak American newspapers, but
also according to the director of the Slovak Institute in Cleveland, Ohio,
Rev. A. Pier, O.S.B. who revieved the book in the quarterly Slovakia
(Vol. X, No. 6), a1, follows:
"This latest work by the distinguished professor of Slavic Studies
at the University of Montreal is a well-balanced, co-Ordinated and
well-calculated effort to give thinking people a true picture of the
Slovak nation struggling for national freedom and survival since the
dawn of western civilization.
In his introduction, Kirschbaum gives the reader a genuine historical perspective of the land and its people in a few pages. In
a concise sweep of centuries of history, the author traces the fateful
course of this small but dynamic nation from the sixth century to
the present.
Never before has a reader of Slovak historical development had
the opportunity to learn so quickly the real story of a country whose
destiny has been and still is closely associated with the lite of its
neighbors, namely, Czechs, Austrians, Germans, Poles, Russians, and
Magyars, for here, in a compact volume, the author has compressed
centuries of history as it occured in the heart of Europe. Slovak
culture, literature and the language of the oldest people in the Danube
region, as well as the democratic traditions of the Slovak nation, are
presented in an intelligible way. Moreover, the complex events that
created and shaped Czecho-Slovakia and then led to the declaration
�104
SLOVAKIA
of Slovak independence on March 14, 1939 (six months before the
outbreak of the War) are so arranged and explained as to give the
reader a factual and masterful survey of a hectic period in modern
history.
Documents and letters relating to the struggle of the Slovaks for
their right to self-government and a free statehood are quoted as far
back as April 13, 1849, when a group of Slovak deputies submitted
a petition to the Ministry in Vienna for national recognition. These,
a total of 72, are up to 1955. Thus, not only is this book designate<i'-for
popular reading but also for serious study by students of history. ·. It
will serve to provide them with a basic historical knowledge of the
Slovak nation, and will give them a reliable insight into the incredibly
fascinating story of Slovakia on the Danube."
Several periodicals reprinted Congressman Bentley's opinion that:
"Professor Kirschbaum in his book Slovakia-Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe has well and effectively argued the case for
Slovak independence. He has pointed out the geographlcal importance
of Slovakia and, to my way of thinking, clearly established the fact
that these proud people have every right to make a free choice of their
political future when the time comes which will permit them to do so.
Perhaps even more important, he has laid great emphasis upon the
eventual necessity of a commonwealth of European nations of Central
Europe, an organization which would, while permitting free expression
of nationalistic tendencies, giv,e to this area the cohesive strength which
it has lacked ever since the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian empire.
It would mean to me that his book should be required reading for all
those who have an interest in the future of the captive peoples of this
great region."
In the literary quarterly Most the book was reviewed by the nestor
of Slovak emigre writers and publicists Konstantin Culen (Vol VII,
No. 3-4). The English quarterly Slovakia published several reviews of
Dr. Kirschbaum's book, all of them favorable (see Vol. X, No. 6-7, Vol.
XI, No. 2).
Academic periodicals recorded publication of the book and the
SI.a.vie and East European Journal, published at the University of
Indiana, Bloomington, Indiana, reviewed the book favorably. More
important, however, is the fact that hundreds of university libraries
and public libraries made the book available to students and professors
of Central European history. The success of the book bothered so
much the adversaries of Slovak national aspirations, that the book
was repeatedly stolen from some libraries or filled with abusive
comments. There were three prints of the book within five years.
IN CANADA the book Slovakia-Nation at the Crossroads of
Central Europe was reviewed very favorably in the bilingual quarterly
Etudes slaves et est-europeennes, published at the Universite de Montreal, by Prof V. Lalic (Vol. V, 1960), by Prof. Charles Murin and Prof.
Watson Kirkconnell who positively commented also on Dr. KiriChbamn's
�105
SLOVAKIA
- - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - · - - -- - - - - - - cultural publications and essays (University of Toronto Quarterly, Vol.
XX.XI, XXXII and XXIV, No. 4).
In his extensive review, Prof. V. Lalich dwelt especially on the value
of Prof. Kirschbaum's book for Slavists. In his opinion "For many
Slavists who were interested in Slovakia only because of the role she
played in the epoch of Great Moravia or in Pan-Slavism and later in
Czechoslovakia, Professor Kirschbaum's book will represent the needed
filling of a gap, which one felt when speaking or writing about the
Slavic world. At the same time, however, it will appear as a controversial
treatise on many questions pertaining to the history and national
identity of the Slovak people.
"Using quotations and references profusely, Dr. Kirschbaum's book
challenges the erroneous or opposing views and theories, and makes
an honest effort to shed a new light on the principal problems of
Slovak national development and the modern history of Slovakia. His
picture is, understandably, in many regards different from what we
were presented with, during the last four decades, as an objective
image. But in view of the fact that his work is based on a thorough
knowledge of original works, long research and personal experience,
it is worth paying attention to this new interpretation of Slovak history
and its new presentation of Slovak cultural life."
According to Prof. Lalich, "For Slavists, the value of the book lies
especially in its first part, in which the author writes on cultural,
literary, social and general political issues, and in which he used
a scholarly method in presenting Slovakia's contribution to Slavic
civilization (pp. 25-26, 40-49). In works on Slavic literature there was,
until now, considerable confusion as to the literary language used by
the Slovaks and if, or how far, the Slovak language was a distinct
Slavic tongue. These questions as well as many others pertaining to
the Slovak national and cultural heritage, are answered on the basis
of recent research in Dr. Kirschbaum's book. He supports his conclusions
by many quotations and documents translated from originals."
Nevertheless, Prof. Lalich thinks that the substance of Dr. Kirschbaum's book is "in Part II, in which the author deals extensively with
the origin of Czechoslovakia and of the Slovak Republic, and offers
quite a different picture from that presented by others during or after
the war. Since the author undoubtedly has the necessary background
to write on this subject with authority, and because he has based his
conclusions on references to a large number of documents, his new
presentation of modern Slovak history will not be without value, though
it may not or will not satisfy some editors of symposia on Central
European countries, whose views the author attacks and rejects as
having been motivated by politics and not by facts or scholarly
research.
In presenting the case of Slovakia, the author tends, however, to
engage in an argument rather than in an impartial explanation of faots,
11s if he were intentionally trying to provoke a controversy instead of
trying to achieve the acceptance of his views. Repetition of evident
�106
SLOVAKIA
inaccuracies in many works dealing with Slovakia can certainly irritate
the Slovaks, but to readers who are far from resentments, which the
Slovaks may rightly feel towards some of their neighbours or politicians,
a less emotional presentation would probably be more efficient. The
author appears more of a politician than a scholar in this part of his
work; nevertheless, he still respects the facts and the truth, and the
large documentation he has used makes the book an honest and
courageous attempt at a new presentation of Slovakia."
Prof. Charles Murin analyzed and evaluated the book in a lenghty
scholarly analysis. In his view, "Prof. Kirschbaum's book is written
for both the intelligent observer of the international politics and those
whose task it is to participate in the shaping of the current international
situation which seems to contain an amount of irrational elements to
a degree probably never equalled in the period of modern history."
"Kirschbaum's book," Prof. Murin continues, "is a valuable contribution to the understanding of the premises and origins of the
present day situation, restricted to one of its sections: Central Europe.
Genetically this seems to be the most important field through the
quantitive aspects of the problems in Asia and Africa overshadow the
European problems. The author relates the political history of Slovakia
and of Central Europe. The period described, however, happens to be
the one which preceded the Soviet hegemony over half of Europe.
Thus the book contains excellent material offered to the English reader
who wants to trace down the errors of the past and is willing both
to learn from the past errors and re-think the categories of living ideas
and forces which simultane-0usly are being shaped by and are shaping
this world of ours.
The basic service this book renders to the reader is that it shows
him to what degree the conceptions of the West in regard to the political
organization of one of the neuralgic spots in Europe were dominated
by facts and to what degree by fancy. To show the interplay of reality
and illusion, the genuine and the phony in the official views of the
state departments of the West in regard to Central Europe seems to be
to be the aim of the book. Further the author shows to what extent
these conceptions contained inherent contradictions and were, therefore,
doomed in the long run. Be it noted that some of the prejudices discussed in the book represent an inheritance from the post-World War
I arrangements."
In the opinion of Professor Murin the author "has mastered more
than sufficiently the material he is dealing with and is in a solid
position to give an accurate account on Slovak history, an account on
a sober relativistic character of historical events, thus avoiding the
peculiar exclusivities not only of the Czech and Magyar writers, but
also of their Slovak antipodes."
Publications on cultural matters, four of which Dr. Kirschbaum
published in the series Slavistica, edited by Prof. J. B. Rudnyckyj from
the University of Manitoba, were reviewed in Slavic Review, University
of Toronto quarterly, Slavica Canadiana, Revista de Estudion Politicos
�SLOVAKIA
107
(Vol. 117-118, 125), Slovakia, Slowakei, Most, as well as in numerous
Slovak newspapers and periodicals. Foreign and Slovak reviewers (Dr.
S. Glejdura, Rev. A. Pier, Dr. J. Rekem), welcomed these studies as
a valuable contribution to scholarly literature on Slovakia destined to
acquaint Western Slavists with Slovak culture. Several essays dealing
with the Slovak language, philology and literary history, which Dr.
Kirschbaum published in academic reviews (Canadian Slavonic Papers,
Etudes slaves et est-europeennes) or in Slovak Studies (Vol. ill) and
Most, appeared also in reprints and were favorably commented upon
by reviewers in Canada, the U.S.A. and Europe. In view of the fact
that even among Western Slavists there were many misconceptions
.about Slovak language and literatur,e, Dr. Kirschbaum's writings were
the first ones in foreign languages to shed an objective light on Slovak
language and literature. Several of these essays were originally papers
delivered and discussed at annual meetings of Canadian and American
:Slavists and performed a useful role of acquainting professors of Slavic
studies with Slovak history and literature.
The largest and, in the opinion of some critics, the best work by
Dr. Kirschbaum, Slovaks in Canada, was received as a model for history
books on ethnic groups. In addition to numerous reviews in Slovak,
over 30 book reviews in not less than 15 languages were published
within a year of the publication of the book. And all were exceptionally
favorable. The Minister of Education of Ontario spoke about the book
in Parliament and one of the best known Canadian radio and television
commentators, Gordon Sinclair, analyzed and praised the book as o
particular contribution to Canadian history.
Even though the topic of the book had a limited scope, the number
of academic periodicals which reviewed it favorably, was greater than
in the case of the first English book by Dr. Kirschbaum. Moreover,
the reviews were written by professors known as experts and were
published in the official organs of American and Canadian associations
,of Slavists: the Slavic Review (Prof. Taborsky); Canadian Slavonic
Papers (Prof. J. V. Kaye) ; Etudes slaves et est-europeennes (Prof. R.
<::ujes); Slavica Canadiana (Prof. Charles Murin); University of Ottawa
Quarterly (Prof. E. Buydosh).
From a number of reviews by professors at American and Canadian
universities at least a few should be mentioned. Prof E. Taborsky of
the University of Texas, assessed the book in the Slavic Review (Vol.
29, No. 2), as follows:
"Professor Kirschbaum divides his "saga of a small group of people
in a new land who preserved their identity and achieved success" into
four parts. Part I describes the historical, ethnic, cultural, political,
1·eligious, and economic ground of the Slovak immigrants and concludes
with a brief sketch of the Slovak national character.
Based on a wealth of sources, including the archives of various
Canadian Slovak organizations, the Slovak press in Canada, and interviews with Slovak settlers in many parts· of Canada, Kirschbaum's study
is a useful contribution to the literature on the Cenh·al European
�108
SLOVAKIA
immigration to the Western Hemisphere. It is only a pity that the
volume is marred by occasional remarks revealing the author's antiCrech bias and detracting thus from the objectivity promised in the
book's preface."
Dr. V. J. Kaye of the Ottawa University welcomed the book as
"the first detailed, well-documented, and excellently written history
in the English language of the Slovak ethnic group in Canada." And
after giving the perusal of individual chapters saying that "Dr. Kirschbaum's study is undoubtedly a valuable contribution to the history of
Slavic groups in Canada, and he deserves full recognition for his
achievement." (Canadian Slavonic Papers, Vol. XI, 1, 1969).
In the Etudes siaves et est europeennes (Vol. XIII, 1968), Professor
R. Cujes of the St. Francis Xavier University wrote about the book as
follows:
"Centennial year served as an opportune stimulus for informing
Canadians of the many and diverse ethnic contributions evident in
contemporary Canada. An outstanding example, and one which has
been favorably reviewed in several ethnic publications across Canada,
is Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum's "Slovaks in Canada." The author certainly
succeeded in his task of uncovering and preserving much historical
data which will be of interest not only to Canadians of Slovak origin,
but also to Canadian historians who have still to write a truly Canadian
history. He achieved a good balance between the two extremes possible
in such works: either to be too general to have documentary value or
to become so detailed that the book becomes source material and too
heavy for the general reader.
By writing this book, Dr. Kirschbaum rendered invaluable services
not only to Slovaks in Canada whose deeds he faithfully recorded but
also to all Canadians. Some other ethnic groups, especially the smaller
ones which have had, in many ways, similar experience as the Slovaks,
may become encouraged to undertake a similar publication of their own.
The fact that Dr. Kirschbaum is one of the most important Slovak
personalities in Canada, a:nd that he plays an important role among
Slovaks abroad, enabled him to present a very clear and complete
picture. Nevertheless, the book suffers from one defect; Dr. Kirschbaum's own contributions are much too attenuated. They are an
essential and very important I')art of the Slovak scene and should have
been presented at greater length in the text and not confined to
footnotes and bibliography."
Prof J. Roucek, known by his anti-Slovak bias, reviewed the book in
Inter1tationai Migration Review (Vol. III, 9, 1969), together with
another book on Slovaks and Czechs in Canada by J. Gellner-J. Smerek.
In Roucek's opinion Dr. Kirschbaum "certainly stresses his filiopietism"
and is "promoting Slovak separatism," to which Prof. Roucek obje~ts,
he nevertheless writes:
"Since both of these studies are the first systematic surveys of their
subject in English, their appearance must be welcomed by all students
�SLOVAKIA
109
interested in the growing number of immigrants in Canada. Both are
filled with valuable information which is hardly acoessible to the
average scholar not able to read Czech and Slovak, and both have been
prepared by Czechs and Slovaks intimately acquainted with the communities of their countrymen in Canada.
Nevertheless, both also suffer when we compare them with each
other. In general, Kirschbaum's study, in spite of its weaknesses, is
much better and more exhaustive that Gellner-Smerek's work, since
it is better documented (as shown by its bibliography, pp. 441-455),
and contains reprints of 24 memoranda, petitions, pleas, and resolutions
either to the Canadian authorities or to the United Nations by the
Slovak Canadian organizations, as well as by individual members of
the Canadian Slovak League and the First Catholic Slovak Union during
the past three decaaes."
On the part of American Slovaks the book was received with the
mixture of enthusiasm and envy, expressed not only in a great number of
newspapers but also by the poet Mikulas Sprinc in Most, and two ,t eachers
at the SS. Cyril and Methodius Academy, Sisters M. Y. Lederleitner
and M. M. Tybor. In their thorough analysis of the book they wrote:
"A historical survey of Slovaks living anywhere outside their native
Slovakia must of necessity follow a certain pattern of development. For
the benefit of uniformed readers, the opening of the work must be
expository-a delineation of the historic background of the Slovak
people and their position with a historic perspective. Then there
logically follows a record of their uprooting within the scope of the
given consideration, as well as their trials and tribulations in a new
environment, an evaluation of what forces worked for or against them,
and an assessment of their achievements in the new land.
In his book Slovaks in Canada, Dr. J. M. Kirschbaum has effectively
met this challenge. We who are privileged to look upon the accomplished fact of a finished project presenting to the public the aches and the
trials, the hopes and the promises, the opportunities and the fulfillment
up to triumph, the gifts received and the gifts given, the moral as well
as the material investments made and the dividends garnered-we are
grateful to Dr. Kirschbaum whose scholarly initiative and ac\.lmen
together with his indefatigable industry and talent has made this book
a reality. It deserves more than one reading since it is an informative
and bigly interesting account of Slovak life in a new world setting.
In all honesty, we must admit an undenied regret that the Slovaks
in the U. S. have not produced a similar or parallel history of their
own to match Slovaks in Canada while at the same time we cherish
a justifiable pride in Dr. Kirschbaum because he has done a good
work well."
The book was very positively evaluated even by the official organ
of Slovak Protestants in the United States, The Zion (September 1971 ).
In the opinion of the editor, Pastor John Adam, Dr. Kirschbaum "has,
in his book, Slovaks in Canada, given all Slovaks a valuable history
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SLOVAKIA
which will stand for decades as the work on the immigration of Slovaks
to Canada in the first 60 years of this century. He has captured the
trials, tribulations and triumphs of Slovaks who came to Canada in
three separate waves of immigration. The account of the struggle of the
pioneers has thorough documentation, which will help even Americans
of Slovak ancestry understand a part of their past for the experience
in Canada, in many respects, is a reflection of the struggle in America."
In the opinion of the Hon. R. S. Welch, Minister of Education
of the Ontario Government, "Slovaks in Canada, as its title suggests,
is a comprehensive account of Slovak migrations to Canada, of the
trials and successes the Slovak people have experienced here, and of
their important contributions to our land.
Its author is Slovakian-born Dr. J. M. Kirschbaum, a former diplomat who has achieved great distinction in Canada as an editor,
author, schol,a r and university professor of Slavic-Slovak studies. Its
sponsor is the Canadian Ethnic Press Association of Ontario.
It should, therefore, be a source of satisfaction to all of us when
scholars of other ethnic origins, equally proud of both their ancestry
and of the contributions made by members of their race to the Canadian
nation, choose to chronicle the histories of their people in Canada."
(From a speech in Parliament on July 15, 1968).
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of Arnerican'S of Slovwk descent.
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101
Samo Falt'an, Slovenska otazka v teskoslovensku (The Slovak Question
in Czechoslovakia), (Bratislava, 1968), 352 p. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XIX, No. 42, 1969, p. 200.
Emilia Duchajova, Slovenskci slavistika 1968, Matica slovenska, Martin,
1970, p. 336. Reviewed in Canadian Slavonic Papers, Vol. Xlll,
4, 197.
Stefan Moyses 1869-1969, Edicia Literarneho archlvu, zviizok 7. Zbornik
z vedeckej konferencie MS, Martin, 1971, stran 174, litogr. Reviewed in Most, Vol. 19, 1-2, 1972.
Jan Chovan, Letopis pamatnika slovenskej literatury 1970, MS, Martin,
1970, p. 94. Reviewed in Most, Vol. 19, 1-2, 1972.
Jan Okal', Voda a vino (Water and Wine, United States, 1970), p. 70.
Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XX, 1970 No. 43.
Eugen Vesnin, Aj v etrurskych zahradach (Also in the Gardens of
Etruria), Buenos Aires, 1970. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XX,
1970, No. 43.
Evaluation of Dr. Kirschbaum's
Writings by Critics
Dr. Kirschbaum's writings were bound to provoke favorable as
well as unfavorable reaction. All his books and publications challenged
numerous erroneous views on Slovakia's history and culture accepted
in the West by scholars and political writers alike. Dr. Kirschbaum
challenged these views by works with serious academic background and
solid knowledge of matters discussed. In such a situation it was only
natural that the reaction was on one hand favorable and on the other
hand the author was unscrupulously attacked_. by adversaries of
Slovakia's struggle for independence.
*) After the publication of the book Slovakia--Nation at the Crossroads
of Central Europe, to which the Hon. Alvin M. Bentley, member of
the Committee of Foreign Affaires of tae U. S. Congress, wrote an
approving preface, Prague Government supplied some Czech and
Communist newspapers in Canada and the U.S.A. with falsified
documents destined to prevent Dr. Kirschbaum from teaching at
universities or taking part in public life. A smear campaign on
a large scale was organized against him especially in the Canadian
press, and made news on radio and television. At the same time,
pressure was excercised on the university authorities and academic
associations. Even though it was clear that the campaign was
politically motivated by the Prague Communist regime and had all
the characteristics of "character assassination," Dr. Kirschbaum had
to take legal action to clear his name.
�102
SLOVAKIA
Scholars and experts in history of Central Europe accepted Dr.
Kirschbaum's first English book favorably and, as years pass, it is
more and more referred to as a source to modern history of Slovakia.
IN EUROPE the book was reviewed in two academic periodicals, one
published in London, England, and one in Padova, Italy, in the official
organ of European federalist, European Bulletin (Jan.-Feb. 1961), published in Roma, Italy, and by experts on Central European affairs in
Germany and Spain.
In his French article George Kallay wrote in the European Bulletin:
"One of the most eminent representatives of the federal thesis
among his advocates in Central Europe, is a historian who now lives
in Canada, Joseph M. Kirschbaum. Born at the time of the AustroHungarian Monarchy, he was only six years old when it collapsed and,
consequently, officially he became a "Czechoslovak". When Slovakia
gained tts independence, Kirschbaum, 25 years of age, became one
of the most prominent representatives in Slovak politics. Slovak national
politics condemned Czech domination as well as German domination
which equally sought to subjugate the Slovak people. In many of his
political works, Kirschbaum affirms the necessity of a Central European
Federation. His most recent work, Slovakia, Nation at the Crossroads
of Central Europe, is but the expression of his federal thesis. He
points out that the countries of Central and Oriental Europe must come
to understand that they must unite if they do not wish to play the role
of satellites of a foreign power."
F. McPoyne in Central Europe Journal Sudeten Bulletin (Munich,
December 1960) wrote about the book as follows:
"Although written to enlighten and correct the warped political
vision of those still convinced that Czechoslovakia was a "little Switzerland in the heart of Europe," this book may be recommended as a
compact political history of Slovakia.
It is amazing that Czech propaganda was, and to a large extent
still is, able to influence the thinking of millions of people-particularly
the Anglo-Saxon world-to believe a myth that there is one "Czechoslovak" people.
Kirschbaum explodes this myth and traces the origins of Slovakia
from its historic beginnings, unfolding before the reader a detailed
and soundly referenced account of a proud, vital and highly cultured
people from their earliest origins to the declaration of their independence in 1939, pleading for a new order in Central Europe where two
world wars were touched off.
A dual leitmotiv throughout is the thesis that Slovakia has at all eras
of its history been a western-oriented people and has been sought after
by other surrounding peoples who attempted, but unsuccessfully, to
assimilate it. Today the Slovaks are still western-oriented interiorly
and not assimilated, either by the Czechs or by the Soviets. Kirschbaum's book is another reminder and a convincing one, that fires are
still burning in the hearts of a little people in Central Europe who,
�SLOVAKIA
103
like the Irish whom so strongly r esemble, are keeping the faith that
independence shall one day be theirs. Though captured by Communists,
they have not compl'Omised with them. May Joseph Kirschbaum's
meritorious volume win friends for Slovakia and for their cause."
More critical opinion was expressed in The Slavonic Review (Vol.
4, 1962-3) published in London, by Prof. W. V. Wallace. This had to
be, however, expected from an academic journal behind which was
Prof. Seton-Watson. According to the reviewer, Dr. Kirschbaum set
out "to make known the truth about Slovakia, and especially about the
crucial years of 1939-1945," which in his opinion was "a laudable aim,
but a demanding one." Arguing with the text on the cover of the book
rather than with the contents, Prof. Wallace could not deny that
"Kirschbaum's book has some interest," but did not accept it "as a last
word" in which respect he was right. However, the fact that the Slavonic
Review dedicated two pages long article to the book, is a clear indication
that the book could not be overlooked and has its value in the eyes
of people who disagreed with Slovakia's aspirations for independence.
IN THE UNITED STATES the book was received with enthusiasm
by a number of Slovak periodicals, published in Slovak and English,
as a "brilliant defense of the Slovak cause and an overdue scholarly
work on Slovakia." Nobody more than American Slovaks felt the need
for a book which would tell Americans and the second and third
generation of American Slovaks the truth about Slovakia in a comprehensive English work. Dr. Kirschbaum's book filled the gap not
only according to many articles in Slovak American newspapers, but
also according to the director of the Slovak Institute in Cleveland, Ohio,
Rev. A. Pier, O.S.B. who revieved the book in the quarterly Slovakia
(Vol. X, No. 6), a1, follows:
"This latest work by the distinguished professor of Slavic Studies
at the University of Montreal is a well-balanced, co-Ordinated and
well-calculated effort to give thinking people a true picture of the
Slovak nation struggling for national freedom and survival since the
dawn of western civilization.
In his introduction, Kirschbaum gives the reader a genuine historical perspective of the land and its people in a few pages. In
a concise sweep of centuries of history, the author traces the fateful
course of this small but dynamic nation from the sixth century to
the present.
Never before has a reader of Slovak historical development had
the opportunity to learn so quickly the real story of a country whose
destiny has been and still is closely associated with the lite of its
neighbors, namely, Czechs, Austrians, Germans, Poles, Russians, and
Magyars, for here, in a compact volume, the author has compressed
centuries of history as it occured in the heart of Europe. Slovak
culture, literature and the language of the oldest people in the Danube
region, as well as the democratic traditions of the Slovak nation, are
presented in an intelligible way. Moreover, the complex events that
created and shaped Czecho-Slovakia and then led to the declaration
�104
SLOVAKIA
of Slovak independence on March 14, 1939 (six months before the
outbreak of the War) are so arranged and explained as to give the
reader a factual and masterful survey of a hectic period in modern
history.
Documents and letters relating to the struggle of the Slovaks for
their right to self-government and a free statehood are quoted as far
back as April 13, 1849, when a group of Slovak deputies submitted
a petition to the Ministry in Vienna for national recognition. These,
a total of 72, are up to 1955. Thus, not only is this book designate<i'-for
popular reading but also for serious study by students of history. ·. It
will serve to provide them with a basic historical knowledge of the
Slovak nation, and will give them a reliable insight into the incredibly
fascinating story of Slovakia on the Danube."
Several periodicals reprinted Congressman Bentley's opinion that:
"Professor Kirschbaum in his book Slovakia-Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe has well and effectively argued the case for
Slovak independence. He has pointed out the geographlcal importance
of Slovakia and, to my way of thinking, clearly established the fact
that these proud people have every right to make a free choice of their
political future when the time comes which will permit them to do so.
Perhaps even more important, he has laid great emphasis upon the
eventual necessity of a commonwealth of European nations of Central
Europe, an organization which would, while permitting free expression
of nationalistic tendencies, giv,e to this area the cohesive strength which
it has lacked ever since the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian empire.
It would mean to me that his book should be required reading for all
those who have an interest in the future of the captive peoples of this
great region."
In the literary quarterly Most the book was reviewed by the nestor
of Slovak emigre writers and publicists Konstantin Culen (Vol VII,
No. 3-4). The English quarterly Slovakia published several reviews of
Dr. Kirschbaum's book, all of them favorable (see Vol. X, No. 6-7, Vol.
XI, No. 2).
Academic periodicals recorded publication of the book and the
SI.a.vie and East European Journal, published at the University of
Indiana, Bloomington, Indiana, reviewed the book favorably. More
important, however, is the fact that hundreds of university libraries
and public libraries made the book available to students and professors
of Central European history. The success of the book bothered so
much the adversaries of Slovak national aspirations, that the book
was repeatedly stolen from some libraries or filled with abusive
comments. There were three prints of the book within five years.
IN CANADA the book Slovakia-Nation at the Crossroads of
Central Europe was reviewed very favorably in the bilingual quarterly
Etudes slaves et est-europeennes, published at the Universite de Montreal, by Prof V. Lalic (Vol. V, 1960), by Prof. Charles Murin and Prof.
Watson Kirkconnell who positively commented also on Dr. KiriChbamn's
�105
SLOVAKIA
- - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - · - - -- - - - - - - cultural publications and essays (University of Toronto Quarterly, Vol.
XX.XI, XXXII and XXIV, No. 4).
In his extensive review, Prof. V. Lalich dwelt especially on the value
of Prof. Kirschbaum's book for Slavists. In his opinion "For many
Slavists who were interested in Slovakia only because of the role she
played in the epoch of Great Moravia or in Pan-Slavism and later in
Czechoslovakia, Professor Kirschbaum's book will represent the needed
filling of a gap, which one felt when speaking or writing about the
Slavic world. At the same time, however, it will appear as a controversial
treatise on many questions pertaining to the history and national
identity of the Slovak people.
"Using quotations and references profusely, Dr. Kirschbaum's book
challenges the erroneous or opposing views and theories, and makes
an honest effort to shed a new light on the principal problems of
Slovak national development and the modern history of Slovakia. His
picture is, understandably, in many regards different from what we
were presented with, during the last four decades, as an objective
image. But in view of the fact that his work is based on a thorough
knowledge of original works, long research and personal experience,
it is worth paying attention to this new interpretation of Slovak history
and its new presentation of Slovak cultural life."
According to Prof. Lalich, "For Slavists, the value of the book lies
especially in its first part, in which the author writes on cultural,
literary, social and general political issues, and in which he used
a scholarly method in presenting Slovakia's contribution to Slavic
civilization (pp. 25-26, 40-49). In works on Slavic literature there was,
until now, considerable confusion as to the literary language used by
the Slovaks and if, or how far, the Slovak language was a distinct
Slavic tongue. These questions as well as many others pertaining to
the Slovak national and cultural heritage, are answered on the basis
of recent research in Dr. Kirschbaum's book. He supports his conclusions
by many quotations and documents translated from originals."
Nevertheless, Prof. Lalich thinks that the substance of Dr. Kirschbaum's book is "in Part II, in which the author deals extensively with
the origin of Czechoslovakia and of the Slovak Republic, and offers
quite a different picture from that presented by others during or after
the war. Since the author undoubtedly has the necessary background
to write on this subject with authority, and because he has based his
conclusions on references to a large number of documents, his new
presentation of modern Slovak history will not be without value, though
it may not or will not satisfy some editors of symposia on Central
European countries, whose views the author attacks and rejects as
having been motivated by politics and not by facts or scholarly
research.
In presenting the case of Slovakia, the author tends, however, to
engage in an argument rather than in an impartial explanation of faots,
11s if he were intentionally trying to provoke a controversy instead of
trying to achieve the acceptance of his views. Repetition of evident
�106
SLOVAKIA
inaccuracies in many works dealing with Slovakia can certainly irritate
the Slovaks, but to readers who are far from resentments, which the
Slovaks may rightly feel towards some of their neighbours or politicians,
a less emotional presentation would probably be more efficient. The
author appears more of a politician than a scholar in this part of his
work; nevertheless, he still respects the facts and the truth, and the
large documentation he has used makes the book an honest and
courageous attempt at a new presentation of Slovakia."
Prof. Charles Murin analyzed and evaluated the book in a lenghty
scholarly analysis. In his view, "Prof. Kirschbaum's book is written
for both the intelligent observer of the international politics and those
whose task it is to participate in the shaping of the current international
situation which seems to contain an amount of irrational elements to
a degree probably never equalled in the period of modern history."
"Kirschbaum's book," Prof. Murin continues, "is a valuable contribution to the understanding of the premises and origins of the
present day situation, restricted to one of its sections: Central Europe.
Genetically this seems to be the most important field through the
quantitive aspects of the problems in Asia and Africa overshadow the
European problems. The author relates the political history of Slovakia
and of Central Europe. The period described, however, happens to be
the one which preceded the Soviet hegemony over half of Europe.
Thus the book contains excellent material offered to the English reader
who wants to trace down the errors of the past and is willing both
to learn from the past errors and re-think the categories of living ideas
and forces which simultane-0usly are being shaped by and are shaping
this world of ours.
The basic service this book renders to the reader is that it shows
him to what degree the conceptions of the West in regard to the political
organization of one of the neuralgic spots in Europe were dominated
by facts and to what degree by fancy. To show the interplay of reality
and illusion, the genuine and the phony in the official views of the
state departments of the West in regard to Central Europe seems to be
to be the aim of the book. Further the author shows to what extent
these conceptions contained inherent contradictions and were, therefore,
doomed in the long run. Be it noted that some of the prejudices discussed in the book represent an inheritance from the post-World War
I arrangements."
In the opinion of Professor Murin the author "has mastered more
than sufficiently the material he is dealing with and is in a solid
position to give an accurate account on Slovak history, an account on
a sober relativistic character of historical events, thus avoiding the
peculiar exclusivities not only of the Czech and Magyar writers, but
also of their Slovak antipodes."
Publications on cultural matters, four of which Dr. Kirschbaum
published in the series Slavistica, edited by Prof. J. B. Rudnyckyj from
the University of Manitoba, were reviewed in Slavic Review, University
of Toronto quarterly, Slavica Canadiana, Revista de Estudion Politicos
�SLOVAKIA
107
(Vol. 117-118, 125), Slovakia, Slowakei, Most, as well as in numerous
Slovak newspapers and periodicals. Foreign and Slovak reviewers (Dr.
S. Glejdura, Rev. A. Pier, Dr. J. Rekem), welcomed these studies as
a valuable contribution to scholarly literature on Slovakia destined to
acquaint Western Slavists with Slovak culture. Several essays dealing
with the Slovak language, philology and literary history, which Dr.
Kirschbaum published in academic reviews (Canadian Slavonic Papers,
Etudes slaves et est-europeennes) or in Slovak Studies (Vol. ill) and
Most, appeared also in reprints and were favorably commented upon
by reviewers in Canada, the U.S.A. and Europe. In view of the fact
that even among Western Slavists there were many misconceptions
.about Slovak language and literatur,e, Dr. Kirschbaum's writings were
the first ones in foreign languages to shed an objective light on Slovak
language and literature. Several of these essays were originally papers
delivered and discussed at annual meetings of Canadian and American
:Slavists and performed a useful role of acquainting professors of Slavic
studies with Slovak history and literature.
The largest and, in the opinion of some critics, the best work by
Dr. Kirschbaum, Slovaks in Canada, was received as a model for history
books on ethnic groups. In addition to numerous reviews in Slovak,
over 30 book reviews in not less than 15 languages were published
within a year of the publication of the book. And all were exceptionally
favorable. The Minister of Education of Ontario spoke about the book
in Parliament and one of the best known Canadian radio and television
commentators, Gordon Sinclair, analyzed and praised the book as o
particular contribution to Canadian history.
Even though the topic of the book had a limited scope, the number
of academic periodicals which reviewed it favorably, was greater than
in the case of the first English book by Dr. Kirschbaum. Moreover,
the reviews were written by professors known as experts and were
published in the official organs of American and Canadian associations
,of Slavists: the Slavic Review (Prof. Taborsky); Canadian Slavonic
Papers (Prof. J. V. Kaye) ; Etudes slaves et est-europeennes (Prof. R.
<::ujes); Slavica Canadiana (Prof. Charles Murin); University of Ottawa
Quarterly (Prof. E. Buydosh).
From a number of reviews by professors at American and Canadian
universities at least a few should be mentioned. Prof E. Taborsky of
the University of Texas, assessed the book in the Slavic Review (Vol.
29, No. 2), as follows:
"Professor Kirschbaum divides his "saga of a small group of people
in a new land who preserved their identity and achieved success" into
four parts. Part I describes the historical, ethnic, cultural, political,
1·eligious, and economic ground of the Slovak immigrants and concludes
with a brief sketch of the Slovak national character.
Based on a wealth of sources, including the archives of various
Canadian Slovak organizations, the Slovak press in Canada, and interviews with Slovak settlers in many parts· of Canada, Kirschbaum's study
is a useful contribution to the literature on the Cenh·al European
�108
SLOVAKIA
immigration to the Western Hemisphere. It is only a pity that the
volume is marred by occasional remarks revealing the author's antiCrech bias and detracting thus from the objectivity promised in the
book's preface."
Dr. V. J. Kaye of the Ottawa University welcomed the book as
"the first detailed, well-documented, and excellently written history
in the English language of the Slovak ethnic group in Canada." And
after giving the perusal of individual chapters saying that "Dr. Kirschbaum's study is undoubtedly a valuable contribution to the history of
Slavic groups in Canada, and he deserves full recognition for his
achievement." (Canadian Slavonic Papers, Vol. XI, 1, 1969).
In the Etudes siaves et est europeennes (Vol. XIII, 1968), Professor
R. Cujes of the St. Francis Xavier University wrote about the book as
follows:
"Centennial year served as an opportune stimulus for informing
Canadians of the many and diverse ethnic contributions evident in
contemporary Canada. An outstanding example, and one which has
been favorably reviewed in several ethnic publications across Canada,
is Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum's "Slovaks in Canada." The author certainly
succeeded in his task of uncovering and preserving much historical
data which will be of interest not only to Canadians of Slovak origin,
but also to Canadian historians who have still to write a truly Canadian
history. He achieved a good balance between the two extremes possible
in such works: either to be too general to have documentary value or
to become so detailed that the book becomes source material and too
heavy for the general reader.
By writing this book, Dr. Kirschbaum rendered invaluable services
not only to Slovaks in Canada whose deeds he faithfully recorded but
also to all Canadians. Some other ethnic groups, especially the smaller
ones which have had, in many ways, similar experience as the Slovaks,
may become encouraged to undertake a similar publication of their own.
The fact that Dr. Kirschbaum is one of the most important Slovak
personalities in Canada, a:nd that he plays an important role among
Slovaks abroad, enabled him to present a very clear and complete
picture. Nevertheless, the book suffers from one defect; Dr. Kirschbaum's own contributions are much too attenuated. They are an
essential and very important I')art of the Slovak scene and should have
been presented at greater length in the text and not confined to
footnotes and bibliography."
Prof J. Roucek, known by his anti-Slovak bias, reviewed the book in
Inter1tationai Migration Review (Vol. III, 9, 1969), together with
another book on Slovaks and Czechs in Canada by J. Gellner-J. Smerek.
In Roucek's opinion Dr. Kirschbaum "certainly stresses his filiopietism"
and is "promoting Slovak separatism," to which Prof. Roucek obje~ts,
he nevertheless writes:
"Since both of these studies are the first systematic surveys of their
subject in English, their appearance must be welcomed by all students
�SLOVAKIA
109
interested in the growing number of immigrants in Canada. Both are
filled with valuable information which is hardly acoessible to the
average scholar not able to read Czech and Slovak, and both have been
prepared by Czechs and Slovaks intimately acquainted with the communities of their countrymen in Canada.
Nevertheless, both also suffer when we compare them with each
other. In general, Kirschbaum's study, in spite of its weaknesses, is
much better and more exhaustive that Gellner-Smerek's work, since
it is better documented (as shown by its bibliography, pp. 441-455),
and contains reprints of 24 memoranda, petitions, pleas, and resolutions
either to the Canadian authorities or to the United Nations by the
Slovak Canadian organizations, as well as by individual members of
the Canadian Slovak League and the First Catholic Slovak Union during
the past three decaaes."
On the part of American Slovaks the book was received with the
mixture of enthusiasm and envy, expressed not only in a great number of
newspapers but also by the poet Mikulas Sprinc in Most, and two ,t eachers
at the SS. Cyril and Methodius Academy, Sisters M. Y. Lederleitner
and M. M. Tybor. In their thorough analysis of the book they wrote:
"A historical survey of Slovaks living anywhere outside their native
Slovakia must of necessity follow a certain pattern of development. For
the benefit of uniformed readers, the opening of the work must be
expository-a delineation of the historic background of the Slovak
people and their position with a historic perspective. Then there
logically follows a record of their uprooting within the scope of the
given consideration, as well as their trials and tribulations in a new
environment, an evaluation of what forces worked for or against them,
and an assessment of their achievements in the new land.
In his book Slovaks in Canada, Dr. J. M. Kirschbaum has effectively
met this challenge. We who are privileged to look upon the accomplished fact of a finished project presenting to the public the aches and the
trials, the hopes and the promises, the opportunities and the fulfillment
up to triumph, the gifts received and the gifts given, the moral as well
as the material investments made and the dividends garnered-we are
grateful to Dr. Kirschbaum whose scholarly initiative and ac\.lmen
together with his indefatigable industry and talent has made this book
a reality. It deserves more than one reading since it is an informative
and bigly interesting account of Slovak life in a new world setting.
In all honesty, we must admit an undenied regret that the Slovaks
in the U. S. have not produced a similar or parallel history of their
own to match Slovaks in Canada while at the same time we cherish
a justifiable pride in Dr. Kirschbaum because he has done a good
work well."
The book was very positively evaluated even by the official organ
of Slovak Protestants in the United States, The Zion (September 1971 ).
In the opinion of the editor, Pastor John Adam, Dr. Kirschbaum "has,
in his book, Slovaks in Canada, given all Slovaks a valuable history
�110
SLOVAKIA
which will stand for decades as the work on the immigration of Slovaks
to Canada in the first 60 years of this century. He has captured the
trials, tribulations and triumphs of Slovaks who came to Canada in
three separate waves of immigration. The account of the struggle of the
pioneers has thorough documentation, which will help even Americans
of Slovak ancestry understand a part of their past for the experience
in Canada, in many respects, is a reflection of the struggle in America."
In the opinion of the Hon. R. S. Welch, Minister of Education
of the Ontario Government, "Slovaks in Canada, as its title suggests,
is a comprehensive account of Slovak migrations to Canada, of the
trials and successes the Slovak people have experienced here, and of
their important contributions to our land.
Its author is Slovakian-born Dr. J. M. Kirschbaum, a former diplomat who has achieved great distinction in Canada as an editor,
author, schol,a r and university professor of Slavic-Slovak studies. Its
sponsor is the Canadian Ethnic Press Association of Ontario.
It should, therefore, be a source of satisfaction to all of us when
scholars of other ethnic origins, equally proud of both their ancestry
and of the contributions made by members of their race to the Canadian
nation, choose to chronicle the histories of their people in Canada."
(From a speech in Parliament on July 15, 1968).
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League of America, a cultural and civic federation
of Arnerican'S of Slovwk descent.
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Slovak nation and jiJs long struggle for freedom and
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1973, Vol. 23
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Vol. 23 (No. 46), 1973.
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1973
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SLOVAKIA
101
Samo Falt'an, Slovenska otazka v teskoslovensku (The Slovak Question
in Czechoslovakia), (Bratislava, 1968), 352 p. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XIX, No. 42, 1969, p. 200.
Emilia Duchajova, Slovenskci slavistika 1968, Matica slovenska, Martin,
1970, p. 336. Reviewed in Canadian Slavonic Papers, Vol. Xlll,
4, 197.
Stefan Moyses 1869-1969, Edicia Literarneho archlvu, zviizok 7. Zbornik
z vedeckej konferencie MS, Martin, 1971, stran 174, litogr. Reviewed in Most, Vol. 19, 1-2, 1972.
Jan Chovan, Letopis pamatnika slovenskej literatury 1970, MS, Martin,
1970, p. 94. Reviewed in Most, Vol. 19, 1-2, 1972.
Jan Okal', Voda a vino (Water and Wine, United States, 1970), p. 70.
Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XX, 1970 No. 43.
Eugen Vesnin, Aj v etrurskych zahradach (Also in the Gardens of
Etruria), Buenos Aires, 1970. Reviewed in Slovakia, Vol. XX,
1970, No. 43.
Evaluation of Dr. Kirschbaum's
Writings by Critics
Dr. Kirschbaum's writings were bound to provoke favorable as
well as unfavorable reaction. All his books and publications challenged
numerous erroneous views on Slovakia's history and culture accepted
in the West by scholars and political writers alike. Dr. Kirschbaum
challenged these views by works with serious academic background and
solid knowledge of matters discussed. In such a situation it was only
natural that the reaction was on one hand favorable and on the other
hand the author was unscrupulously attacked_. by adversaries of
Slovakia's struggle for independence.
*) After the publication of the book Slovakia--Nation at the Crossroads
of Central Europe, to which the Hon. Alvin M. Bentley, member of
the Committee of Foreign Affaires of tae U. S. Congress, wrote an
approving preface, Prague Government supplied some Czech and
Communist newspapers in Canada and the U.S.A. with falsified
documents destined to prevent Dr. Kirschbaum from teaching at
universities or taking part in public life. A smear campaign on
a large scale was organized against him especially in the Canadian
press, and made news on radio and television. At the same time,
pressure was excercised on the university authorities and academic
associations. Even though it was clear that the campaign was
politically motivated by the Prague Communist regime and had all
the characteristics of "character assassination," Dr. Kirschbaum had
to take legal action to clear his name.
102
SLOVAKIA
Scholars and experts in history of Central Europe accepted Dr.
Kirschbaum's first English book favorably and, as years pass, it is
more and more referred to as a source to modern history of Slovakia.
IN EUROPE the book was reviewed in two academic periodicals, one
published in London, England, and one in Padova, Italy, in the official
organ of European federalist, European Bulletin (Jan.-Feb. 1961), published in Roma, Italy, and by experts on Central European affairs in
Germany and Spain.
In his French article George Kallay wrote in the European Bulletin:
"One of the most eminent representatives of the federal thesis
among his advocates in Central Europe, is a historian who now lives
in Canada, Joseph M. Kirschbaum. Born at the time of the AustroHungarian Monarchy, he was only six years old when it collapsed and,
consequently, officially he became a "Czechoslovak". When Slovakia
gained tts independence, Kirschbaum, 25 years of age, became one
of the most prominent representatives in Slovak politics. Slovak national
politics condemned Czech domination as well as German domination
which equally sought to subjugate the Slovak people. In many of his
political works, Kirschbaum affirms the necessity of a Central European
Federation. His most recent work, Slovakia, Nation at the Crossroads
of Central Europe, is but the expression of his federal thesis. He
points out that the countries of Central and Oriental Europe must come
to understand that they must unite if they do not wish to play the role
of satellites of a foreign power."
F. McPoyne in Central Europe Journal Sudeten Bulletin (Munich,
December 1960) wrote about the book as follows:
"Although written to enlighten and correct the warped political
vision of those still convinced that Czechoslovakia was a "little Switzerland in the heart of Europe," this book may be recommended as a
compact political history of Slovakia.
It is amazing that Czech propaganda was, and to a large extent
still is, able to influence the thinking of millions of people-particularly
the Anglo-Saxon world-to believe a myth that there is one "Czechoslovak" people.
Kirschbaum explodes this myth and traces the origins of Slovakia
from its historic beginnings, unfolding before the reader a detailed
and soundly referenced account of a proud, vital and highly cultured
people from their earliest origins to the declaration of their independence in 1939, pleading for a new order in Central Europe where two
world wars were touched off.
A dual leitmotiv throughout is the thesis that Slovakia has at all eras
of its history been a western-oriented people and has been sought after
by other surrounding peoples who attempted, but unsuccessfully, to
assimilate it. Today the Slovaks are still western-oriented interiorly
and not assimilated, either by the Czechs or by the Soviets. Kirschbaum's book is another reminder and a convincing one, that fires are
still burning in the hearts of a little people in Central Europe who,
SLOVAKIA
103
like the Irish whom so strongly r esemble, are keeping the faith that
independence shall one day be theirs. Though captured by Communists,
they have not compl'Omised with them. May Joseph Kirschbaum's
meritorious volume win friends for Slovakia and for their cause."
More critical opinion was expressed in The Slavonic Review (Vol.
4, 1962-3) published in London, by Prof. W. V. Wallace. This had to
be, however, expected from an academic journal behind which was
Prof. Seton-Watson. According to the reviewer, Dr. Kirschbaum set
out "to make known the truth about Slovakia, and especially about the
crucial years of 1939-1945," which in his opinion was "a laudable aim,
but a demanding one." Arguing with the text on the cover of the book
rather than with the contents, Prof. Wallace could not deny that
"Kirschbaum's book has some interest," but did not accept it "as a last
word" in which respect he was right. However, the fact that the Slavonic
Review dedicated two pages long article to the book, is a clear indication
that the book could not be overlooked and has its value in the eyes
of people who disagreed with Slovakia's aspirations for independence.
IN THE UNITED STATES the book was received with enthusiasm
by a number of Slovak periodicals, published in Slovak and English,
as a "brilliant defense of the Slovak cause and an overdue scholarly
work on Slovakia." Nobody more than American Slovaks felt the need
for a book which would tell Americans and the second and third
generation of American Slovaks the truth about Slovakia in a comprehensive English work. Dr. Kirschbaum's book filled the gap not
only according to many articles in Slovak American newspapers, but
also according to the director of the Slovak Institute in Cleveland, Ohio,
Rev. A. Pier, O.S.B. who revieved the book in the quarterly Slovakia
(Vol. X, No. 6), a1, follows:
"This latest work by the distinguished professor of Slavic Studies
at the University of Montreal is a well-balanced, co-Ordinated and
well-calculated effort to give thinking people a true picture of the
Slovak nation struggling for national freedom and survival since the
dawn of western civilization.
In his introduction, Kirschbaum gives the reader a genuine historical perspective of the land and its people in a few pages. In
a concise sweep of centuries of history, the author traces the fateful
course of this small but dynamic nation from the sixth century to
the present.
Never before has a reader of Slovak historical development had
the opportunity to learn so quickly the real story of a country whose
destiny has been and still is closely associated with the lite of its
neighbors, namely, Czechs, Austrians, Germans, Poles, Russians, and
Magyars, for here, in a compact volume, the author has compressed
centuries of history as it occured in the heart of Europe. Slovak
culture, literature and the language of the oldest people in the Danube
region, as well as the democratic traditions of the Slovak nation, are
presented in an intelligible way. Moreover, the complex events that
created and shaped Czecho-Slovakia and then led to the declaration
104
SLOVAKIA
of Slovak independence on March 14, 1939 (six months before the
outbreak of the War) are so arranged and explained as to give the
reader a factual and masterful survey of a hectic period in modern
history.
Documents and letters relating to the struggle of the Slovaks for
their right to self-government and a free statehood are quoted as far
back as April 13, 1849, when a group of Slovak deputies submitted
a petition to the Ministry in Vienna for national recognition. These,
a total of 72, are up to 1955. Thus, not only is this book designate<i'-for
popular reading but also for serious study by students of history. ·. It
will serve to provide them with a basic historical knowledge of the
Slovak nation, and will give them a reliable insight into the incredibly
fascinating story of Slovakia on the Danube."
Several periodicals reprinted Congressman Bentley's opinion that:
"Professor Kirschbaum in his book Slovakia-Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe has well and effectively argued the case for
Slovak independence. He has pointed out the geographlcal importance
of Slovakia and, to my way of thinking, clearly established the fact
that these proud people have every right to make a free choice of their
political future when the time comes which will permit them to do so.
Perhaps even more important, he has laid great emphasis upon the
eventual necessity of a commonwealth of European nations of Central
Europe, an organization which would, while permitting free expression
of nationalistic tendencies, giv,e to this area the cohesive strength which
it has lacked ever since the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian empire.
It would mean to me that his book should be required reading for all
those who have an interest in the future of the captive peoples of this
great region."
In the literary quarterly Most the book was reviewed by the nestor
of Slovak emigre writers and publicists Konstantin Culen (Vol VII,
No. 3-4). The English quarterly Slovakia published several reviews of
Dr. Kirschbaum's book, all of them favorable (see Vol. X, No. 6-7, Vol.
XI, No. 2).
Academic periodicals recorded publication of the book and the
SI.a.vie and East European Journal, published at the University of
Indiana, Bloomington, Indiana, reviewed the book favorably. More
important, however, is the fact that hundreds of university libraries
and public libraries made the book available to students and professors
of Central European history. The success of the book bothered so
much the adversaries of Slovak national aspirations, that the book
was repeatedly stolen from some libraries or filled with abusive
comments. There were three prints of the book within five years.
IN CANADA the book Slovakia-Nation at the Crossroads of
Central Europe was reviewed very favorably in the bilingual quarterly
Etudes slaves et est-europeennes, published at the Universite de Montreal, by Prof V. Lalic (Vol. V, 1960), by Prof. Charles Murin and Prof.
Watson Kirkconnell who positively commented also on Dr. KiriChbamn's
105
SLOVAKIA
- - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - · - - -- - - - - - - cultural publications and essays (University of Toronto Quarterly, Vol.
XX.XI, XXXII and XXIV, No. 4).
In his extensive review, Prof. V. Lalich dwelt especially on the value
of Prof. Kirschbaum's book for Slavists. In his opinion "For many
Slavists who were interested in Slovakia only because of the role she
played in the epoch of Great Moravia or in Pan-Slavism and later in
Czechoslovakia, Professor Kirschbaum's book will represent the needed
filling of a gap, which one felt when speaking or writing about the
Slavic world. At the same time, however, it will appear as a controversial
treatise on many questions pertaining to the history and national
identity of the Slovak people.
"Using quotations and references profusely, Dr. Kirschbaum's book
challenges the erroneous or opposing views and theories, and makes
an honest effort to shed a new light on the principal problems of
Slovak national development and the modern history of Slovakia. His
picture is, understandably, in many regards different from what we
were presented with, during the last four decades, as an objective
image. But in view of the fact that his work is based on a thorough
knowledge of original works, long research and personal experience,
it is worth paying attention to this new interpretation of Slovak history
and its new presentation of Slovak cultural life."
According to Prof. Lalich, "For Slavists, the value of the book lies
especially in its first part, in which the author writes on cultural,
literary, social and general political issues, and in which he used
a scholarly method in presenting Slovakia's contribution to Slavic
civilization (pp. 25-26, 40-49). In works on Slavic literature there was,
until now, considerable confusion as to the literary language used by
the Slovaks and if, or how far, the Slovak language was a distinct
Slavic tongue. These questions as well as many others pertaining to
the Slovak national and cultural heritage, are answered on the basis
of recent research in Dr. Kirschbaum's book. He supports his conclusions
by many quotations and documents translated from originals."
Nevertheless, Prof. Lalich thinks that the substance of Dr. Kirschbaum's book is "in Part II, in which the author deals extensively with
the origin of Czechoslovakia and of the Slovak Republic, and offers
quite a different picture from that presented by others during or after
the war. Since the author undoubtedly has the necessary background
to write on this subject with authority, and because he has based his
conclusions on references to a large number of documents, his new
presentation of modern Slovak history will not be without value, though
it may not or will not satisfy some editors of symposia on Central
European countries, whose views the author attacks and rejects as
having been motivated by politics and not by facts or scholarly
research.
In presenting the case of Slovakia, the author tends, however, to
engage in an argument rather than in an impartial explanation of faots,
11s if he were intentionally trying to provoke a controversy instead of
trying to achieve the acceptance of his views. Repetition of evident
106
SLOVAKIA
inaccuracies in many works dealing with Slovakia can certainly irritate
the Slovaks, but to readers who are far from resentments, which the
Slovaks may rightly feel towards some of their neighbours or politicians,
a less emotional presentation would probably be more efficient. The
author appears more of a politician than a scholar in this part of his
work; nevertheless, he still respects the facts and the truth, and the
large documentation he has used makes the book an honest and
courageous attempt at a new presentation of Slovakia."
Prof. Charles Murin analyzed and evaluated the book in a lenghty
scholarly analysis. In his view, "Prof. Kirschbaum's book is written
for both the intelligent observer of the international politics and those
whose task it is to participate in the shaping of the current international
situation which seems to contain an amount of irrational elements to
a degree probably never equalled in the period of modern history."
"Kirschbaum's book," Prof. Murin continues, "is a valuable contribution to the understanding of the premises and origins of the
present day situation, restricted to one of its sections: Central Europe.
Genetically this seems to be the most important field through the
quantitive aspects of the problems in Asia and Africa overshadow the
European problems. The author relates the political history of Slovakia
and of Central Europe. The period described, however, happens to be
the one which preceded the Soviet hegemony over half of Europe.
Thus the book contains excellent material offered to the English reader
who wants to trace down the errors of the past and is willing both
to learn from the past errors and re-think the categories of living ideas
and forces which simultane-0usly are being shaped by and are shaping
this world of ours.
The basic service this book renders to the reader is that it shows
him to what degree the conceptions of the West in regard to the political
organization of one of the neuralgic spots in Europe were dominated
by facts and to what degree by fancy. To show the interplay of reality
and illusion, the genuine and the phony in the official views of the
state departments of the West in regard to Central Europe seems to be
to be the aim of the book. Further the author shows to what extent
these conceptions contained inherent contradictions and were, therefore,
doomed in the long run. Be it noted that some of the prejudices discussed in the book represent an inheritance from the post-World War
I arrangements."
In the opinion of Professor Murin the author "has mastered more
than sufficiently the material he is dealing with and is in a solid
position to give an accurate account on Slovak history, an account on
a sober relativistic character of historical events, thus avoiding the
peculiar exclusivities not only of the Czech and Magyar writers, but
also of their Slovak antipodes."
Publications on cultural matters, four of which Dr. Kirschbaum
published in the series Slavistica, edited by Prof. J. B. Rudnyckyj from
the University of Manitoba, were reviewed in Slavic Review, University
of Toronto quarterly, Slavica Canadiana, Revista de Estudion Politicos
SLOVAKIA
107
(Vol. 117-118, 125), Slovakia, Slowakei, Most, as well as in numerous
Slovak newspapers and periodicals. Foreign and Slovak reviewers (Dr.
S. Glejdura, Rev. A. Pier, Dr. J. Rekem), welcomed these studies as
a valuable contribution to scholarly literature on Slovakia destined to
acquaint Western Slavists with Slovak culture. Several essays dealing
with the Slovak language, philology and literary history, which Dr.
Kirschbaum published in academic reviews (Canadian Slavonic Papers,
Etudes slaves et est-europeennes) or in Slovak Studies (Vol. ill) and
Most, appeared also in reprints and were favorably commented upon
by reviewers in Canada, the U.S.A. and Europe. In view of the fact
that even among Western Slavists there were many misconceptions
.about Slovak language and literatur,e, Dr. Kirschbaum's writings were
the first ones in foreign languages to shed an objective light on Slovak
language and literature. Several of these essays were originally papers
delivered and discussed at annual meetings of Canadian and American
:Slavists and performed a useful role of acquainting professors of Slavic
studies with Slovak history and literature.
The largest and, in the opinion of some critics, the best work by
Dr. Kirschbaum, Slovaks in Canada, was received as a model for history
books on ethnic groups. In addition to numerous reviews in Slovak,
over 30 book reviews in not less than 15 languages were published
within a year of the publication of the book. And all were exceptionally
favorable. The Minister of Education of Ontario spoke about the book
in Parliament and one of the best known Canadian radio and television
commentators, Gordon Sinclair, analyzed and praised the book as o
particular contribution to Canadian history.
Even though the topic of the book had a limited scope, the number
of academic periodicals which reviewed it favorably, was greater than
in the case of the first English book by Dr. Kirschbaum. Moreover,
the reviews were written by professors known as experts and were
published in the official organs of American and Canadian associations
,of Slavists: the Slavic Review (Prof. Taborsky); Canadian Slavonic
Papers (Prof. J. V. Kaye) ; Etudes slaves et est-europeennes (Prof. R.
<::ujes); Slavica Canadiana (Prof. Charles Murin); University of Ottawa
Quarterly (Prof. E. Buydosh).
From a number of reviews by professors at American and Canadian
universities at least a few should be mentioned. Prof E. Taborsky of
the University of Texas, assessed the book in the Slavic Review (Vol.
29, No. 2), as follows:
"Professor Kirschbaum divides his "saga of a small group of people
in a new land who preserved their identity and achieved success" into
four parts. Part I describes the historical, ethnic, cultural, political,
1·eligious, and economic ground of the Slovak immigrants and concludes
with a brief sketch of the Slovak national character.
Based on a wealth of sources, including the archives of various
Canadian Slovak organizations, the Slovak press in Canada, and interviews with Slovak settlers in many parts· of Canada, Kirschbaum's study
is a useful contribution to the literature on the Cenh·al European
108
SLOVAKIA
immigration to the Western Hemisphere. It is only a pity that the
volume is marred by occasional remarks revealing the author's antiCrech bias and detracting thus from the objectivity promised in the
book's preface."
Dr. V. J. Kaye of the Ottawa University welcomed the book as
"the first detailed, well-documented, and excellently written history
in the English language of the Slovak ethnic group in Canada." And
after giving the perusal of individual chapters saying that "Dr. Kirschbaum's study is undoubtedly a valuable contribution to the history of
Slavic groups in Canada, and he deserves full recognition for his
achievement." (Canadian Slavonic Papers, Vol. XI, 1, 1969).
In the Etudes siaves et est europeennes (Vol. XIII, 1968), Professor
R. Cujes of the St. Francis Xavier University wrote about the book as
follows:
"Centennial year served as an opportune stimulus for informing
Canadians of the many and diverse ethnic contributions evident in
contemporary Canada. An outstanding example, and one which has
been favorably reviewed in several ethnic publications across Canada,
is Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum's "Slovaks in Canada." The author certainly
succeeded in his task of uncovering and preserving much historical
data which will be of interest not only to Canadians of Slovak origin,
but also to Canadian historians who have still to write a truly Canadian
history. He achieved a good balance between the two extremes possible
in such works: either to be too general to have documentary value or
to become so detailed that the book becomes source material and too
heavy for the general reader.
By writing this book, Dr. Kirschbaum rendered invaluable services
not only to Slovaks in Canada whose deeds he faithfully recorded but
also to all Canadians. Some other ethnic groups, especially the smaller
ones which have had, in many ways, similar experience as the Slovaks,
may become encouraged to undertake a similar publication of their own.
The fact that Dr. Kirschbaum is one of the most important Slovak
personalities in Canada, a:nd that he plays an important role among
Slovaks abroad, enabled him to present a very clear and complete
picture. Nevertheless, the book suffers from one defect; Dr. Kirschbaum's own contributions are much too attenuated. They are an
essential and very important I')art of the Slovak scene and should have
been presented at greater length in the text and not confined to
footnotes and bibliography."
Prof J. Roucek, known by his anti-Slovak bias, reviewed the book in
Inter1tationai Migration Review (Vol. III, 9, 1969), together with
another book on Slovaks and Czechs in Canada by J. Gellner-J. Smerek.
In Roucek's opinion Dr. Kirschbaum "certainly stresses his filiopietism"
and is "promoting Slovak separatism," to which Prof. Roucek obje~ts,
he nevertheless writes:
"Since both of these studies are the first systematic surveys of their
subject in English, their appearance must be welcomed by all students
SLOVAKIA
109
interested in the growing number of immigrants in Canada. Both are
filled with valuable information which is hardly acoessible to the
average scholar not able to read Czech and Slovak, and both have been
prepared by Czechs and Slovaks intimately acquainted with the communities of their countrymen in Canada.
Nevertheless, both also suffer when we compare them with each
other. In general, Kirschbaum's study, in spite of its weaknesses, is
much better and more exhaustive that Gellner-Smerek's work, since
it is better documented (as shown by its bibliography, pp. 441-455),
and contains reprints of 24 memoranda, petitions, pleas, and resolutions
either to the Canadian authorities or to the United Nations by the
Slovak Canadian organizations, as well as by individual members of
the Canadian Slovak League and the First Catholic Slovak Union during
the past three decaaes."
On the part of American Slovaks the book was received with the
mixture of enthusiasm and envy, expressed not only in a great number of
newspapers but also by the poet Mikulas Sprinc in Most, and two ,t eachers
at the SS. Cyril and Methodius Academy, Sisters M. Y. Lederleitner
and M. M. Tybor. In their thorough analysis of the book they wrote:
"A historical survey of Slovaks living anywhere outside their native
Slovakia must of necessity follow a certain pattern of development. For
the benefit of uniformed readers, the opening of the work must be
expository-a delineation of the historic background of the Slovak
people and their position with a historic perspective. Then there
logically follows a record of their uprooting within the scope of the
given consideration, as well as their trials and tribulations in a new
environment, an evaluation of what forces worked for or against them,
and an assessment of their achievements in the new land.
In his book Slovaks in Canada, Dr. J. M. Kirschbaum has effectively
met this challenge. We who are privileged to look upon the accomplished fact of a finished project presenting to the public the aches and the
trials, the hopes and the promises, the opportunities and the fulfillment
up to triumph, the gifts received and the gifts given, the moral as well
as the material investments made and the dividends garnered-we are
grateful to Dr. Kirschbaum whose scholarly initiative and ac\.lmen
together with his indefatigable industry and talent has made this book
a reality. It deserves more than one reading since it is an informative
and bigly interesting account of Slovak life in a new world setting.
In all honesty, we must admit an undenied regret that the Slovaks
in the U. S. have not produced a similar or parallel history of their
own to match Slovaks in Canada while at the same time we cherish
a justifiable pride in Dr. Kirschbaum because he has done a good
work well."
The book was very positively evaluated even by the official organ
of Slovak Protestants in the United States, The Zion (September 1971 ).
In the opinion of the editor, Pastor John Adam, Dr. Kirschbaum "has,
in his book, Slovaks in Canada, given all Slovaks a valuable history
110
SLOVAKIA
which will stand for decades as the work on the immigration of Slovaks
to Canada in the first 60 years of this century. He has captured the
trials, tribulations and triumphs of Slovaks who came to Canada in
three separate waves of immigration. The account of the struggle of the
pioneers has thorough documentation, which will help even Americans
of Slovak ancestry understand a part of their past for the experience
in Canada, in many respects, is a reflection of the struggle in America."
In the opinion of the Hon. R. S. Welch, Minister of Education
of the Ontario Government, "Slovaks in Canada, as its title suggests,
is a comprehensive account of Slovak migrations to Canada, of the
trials and successes the Slovak people have experienced here, and of
their important contributions to our land.
Its author is Slovakian-born Dr. J. M. Kirschbaum, a former diplomat who has achieved great distinction in Canada as an editor,
author, schol,a r and university professor of Slavic-Slovak studies. Its
sponsor is the Canadian Ethnic Press Association of Ontario.
It should, therefore, be a source of satisfaction to all of us when
scholars of other ethnic origins, equally proud of both their ancestry
and of the contributions made by members of their race to the Canadian
nation, choose to chronicle the histories of their people in Canada."
(From a speech in Parliament on July 15, 1968).
SLOVAKIA is published annually iby the Slovak
League of America, a cultural and civic federation
of Arnerican'S of Slovwk descent.
One of i:Jhe purposes of SLOVAKIA is to promote ,a bebter U'llderst anding and appreciation of the
Slovak nation and jiJs long struggle for freedom and
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Evaluation of Dr. Kirschbaum's Writings by Critics
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Slovakia, Vol. 23 (No. 46), 1973
pp. 101-110
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A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1973
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Text
SLOVAKIA
111
Diplomatic and Consular
Relations of Slovakia
with Neutral States
By J. M. K i r s c h b a u m, Ph.D.
I.
The emergence of the Slovak Republic in March 1939
has been for years presented by historians of Central
Eastern Europe in accordance with the War propaganda
rather than on the basis of historical facts. In the West,
especially the propaganda of the "Czechoslovak governmentin-exile" crept into the history books and some misconceptions survived even the publication of secret documents
and the opening of the War archives.
It would, however, be unfair to blame Western historians alone for the inaccuracies and prejudices presentation
of Slovakia's international status and diplomatic and
consular relations. There was no serious attempt on the
Slovak side to give historians of Central Eastern Europe
sufficient information in foreign language, which could
enable them to draw an objective picture of the Slovak
Republic. Moreover, comprehensive work on international
relations of Slovakia is missing even in Slovak historiography.
The reason for not writing about the international
relations of Slovakia with other countries by Communist
historians is quite understandable: they were reluctant to
admit that the Slovak Republic was also recognized by the
Soviet Union and some 29 other countries, including the
European Great Powers and neutral countries. According
to the official "Czechoslovak" propaganda during the War,
the Slovak Republic was recognized only by Germany and
�112
SLOVAKIA
her satellites and this distortion of historical facts suited
the post-war Marxist historians. What is difficult to understand, however, is the neglect by Slovaks abroad, especially
if we take into account that a number of former Slovak
diplomats found refuge in the countries of the free world.
During the War some articles surveying the first years
of the Slovak Republic were published in Switzerland, but
they discussed the international status of Slovakia only
passingly. Such was the series of articles by Arnold Schwengeler in the daily Der Bund, and two French articles: one
by the Swiss writer William Ritter in the Gazette de
Lausanne and a contribution to the Revue de droit international de sciences diplomatiques et politiques by this
writer under the pen-name Andre Cerisier.1
After the War, an English publication by F. nurcansky,
The International Aspects of the Slovak Question, examined
the subject from both the juridical and political points
of view. The international relations of Slovakia with other
countries were discussed, however, only briefly even in this
study. Several other Slovak authors dealt with Slovakia's
international relations in a general way by inserting a chapt.er or two in their books or in their articles on Slovakia.
Such have been the contributions of this writer either in
Slovak or foreign languages and especially a chapter on
the diplomatic recognition of Slovakia in his book Slovakia
- Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe, and in his
Slovak book Nds boj o samostatnost' Slovenska. 2
The Slovak diplomatic representative in Spain, Dr.
J. A. Mikus, wrote on the subject in his book Slovakia A Political History and in the annuals published in the
United States3 either in English or in Slovak, and F. Vnuk
published a study based on the Vatican archives materials, 4
but all these writings are far from giving an adequat;e
picture of the international relations of the Slovak Republic with European and non-European states which
recognized Slovakia in 1939 as an independent state.
As far as the memoirs are concerned, only Karol Sidor,
the Slovak Envoy Extraordinary and Minist.er Plenipotentiary at the Vatican, published a full account of his years
at the Holy See in his Slovak book sest' rokov pri Vatikdne
(Six Years at the Vatican). This writer published reminis-
�SLOVAKIA
113
cences on his years in Italy and as head of the legation
of the Slovak Republic in Switzerland in various Slovak
annuals, published in Canada and in the United States.5
More than a dozen former Slovak diplomats who live either
in Western Europe or in other parts of the free world,
are still expected to record the years of their diplomatic
service to enable historians to present this chapter of
modern Slovak history in an objective manner.
In view of this, it will perhaps not be amiss to record
some data and to answer the question of how the emergence of the Slovak Republic on March 14, 1939, was
accepted by European and non-European public opinion
and how the governments of European neutral countries
received the proclamation of Slovakia's independence. In
my book Slovakia- Nation at the Crossroads of Central
Europe a survey of the international recognition of the
Slovak Republic has given general information on this
subject with some documents to support the historical
facts and to prove the utterly incorrect propaganda which
for a period of the past 30 years bluntly disregarded the
facts and asserted that the Slovak Republic was recognized
only by Germany and her satellites.
II.
In the short period of liberalization in Czecho-Slovakia
the Marxist historians who, for political reasons avoided
writing about the international status of the Slovak Republic, admitted that:
"In March 1939 appeared on the map of Europe a new
state - Slovakia. With the exception of the United States
all European Great Powers successively recognized the
Slovak state de jure or at least de facto: Germany, Italy,
France, Great Britain, the Soviet Union and many smaller
European and non-European countries: Poland, Hungary,
the Vatican, Switzerland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Spain,
Sweden, Rumania, Bulgaria, Yougoslavia, Liberia, Ecuador,
Costarica, Holland, Finland, Belgium, Croatia, the Chinese
Government of Nanking, etc. The Slovak state became
a member of various international conventions and agreements and in the first years of the War it was considered
in many capital cities as a small, but as a not easily discarded part of the motley mosaic of European relations." 6
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SLOVAKIA
Other Marxist historians recorded that the Soviet
Union, who recognized the Slovak Republic on September
16, 1939, and established the largest embassy in the capitol
city of Slovakia, counted until 1943 with the existence
of the Slovak Republic also in the post-War European
organization. According to the Communist party archives
in March 1940 the illegal Central Committee of the Slovak
Communist Party received the following directives:
"Our pre-War slogans must be changed. Under the
slogan "Restoration of Czechoslovak ia" are hidden at the
present time imperialist and anti-Soviet plans. The problem
of nationalities is today not the same; it is reduced to the
problem of Czechs and Slovaks. We state explicitly that
our Party is now for the slogan of the full right of selfdeterminatio n of Czechs and Slovaks. The right of self-determination means the right to an independent state. For
the Czechs, we fight for a restoration of their national
and political freedom. For the Slovaks, we fight for the
full sovereignty of the present Slovak state. The fight for
the right of self-determin ation makes our way different
from that of world imperialism and Benes. The Slovak
state is the given basis for the full freedom of Slovaks.
The future relations between the Czech and Slovak states
is the question of self-determin ation of both nations and
depends on the events of the war (and on its results,
remark by Dimitrov)." 7
This was only consistent with the speech of the Soviet
Minister Plenipotentia ry and Envoy Extraordinar y, G. Pushkin, who, upon presenting his credentials to the President
of the Slovak Republic, Dr. Jozef Tiso, said:
"Presenting to you the documents which accredit me as
Envoy Extraordinar y and Minister Plenipotentia ry, appointted by the Presidency of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR,
I can announce to you with joy that the nations of the
Soviet Union have taken cognizance of the establishmen t
of diplomatic relations between the Soviet Union and the
Slovak Republic with deep satisfaction. Because of the war
in Europe the establishmen t of these relations oversteps
the framework of mutual interests of both our states." 8
Since 1960, when my survey of the diplomatic recognition of the Slovak Republic was published, some interesting
�SLOVAKIA
115
documents pertaining to the attitude of the European Great
Powers towards Slovakia were published also with regard
to Great Britain. I found in 1960 documents and references
which shed on the policy of Great Britain toward Slovakia
quite a different light9 from that unscrupulously repeated
in the War propaganda of the "Czechoslovak governmentin-exile," in the memoirs of Dr. E. Benes, and in the history
books written by American and some European historians.10 On the basis of the British archives, F. Vnuk published
a few years later a well documented insight into the British
attitude which was far more favorable to Slovaks than it
has been believed and recorded by Western histo:r.ians.11
However, the present survey aims at giving the basic
data on the diplomatic recognition of the Slovak Republic
only by the European neutral countries and on the activities
and political conceptions of Slovak diplomats accredited
in those countries. Even that scope will be narrowed here
because the Slovak representatives in Sweden and Spain
are alive and work on their memoirs, and the relations
between the Holy See and the Slovak Republic were sufficiently recorded in K. Sidor's book, mentioned above.
III.
NEUTRAL STATES WHICH RECOGNIZED
THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC
The first of all neutral states to recognize Slovakia
diplomatically was Switzerland which gave full recognition
to the Slovak Republic on April 19, 1939. Switzerland was
followed by Spain on April 25, 1939, and by the Vatican
on May 25, 1939. Sweden as the fourth neutral European
state, recognized the Slovak Republic on July 26, 1939.
Whereas between the Vatican, Switzerland and Spain, and
Slovakia, diplomatic relations were de jure and de facto
and existed from the very beginning, the relations with
Sweden developed slowly and remained on the consular
level.
From the diplomatic point of view, the most important
diplomatic recognition of the Slovak Republic was, of
course, that by the Vatican. This recognition had not only
a political but also a moral importance in Europe and in
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SLOVAKIA
the world before the Second World War. As mentioned,
the Vatican gave diplomatic recognition to Slovakia on
May 25, 1939, and the Slovak representativ e as Envoy
Extraordinar y and Minister Plenipotentia ry was accredited
in July of the same year. The Holy See appointed first
a Nuncio in Bratislava, Msgr. Xaverius Ritter, who had
served previously in Prague, but due to some misunderstanding and misinterpreta tion of his credentials, Msgr.
Giusepe Burzio, as Charge d'Affaires, represented the Holy
See during the whole period of the War and fOT some
time even after the War.
In view of the fact that the War started just six
months after the declaration of Slovakia's independence ,
the diploma.tic relations of Slovakia with the Vatican
became even more important. The efforts of Czech exiles
to induce the Vatican into breaking off relations were not
successful1 2 and at the end of the War, the Slovak representative was the last one of all Slovak diplomats in neutral
states to close his legation. The political, social and moral
importance of the diplomatic relations with the Holy See
is described in Sidor's book in which one can find not only
some important documents, but also valuable information
on political developments in Slovakia during the War.
From Sidor's book and the above mentioned essay by
Vnuk, historians can draw enough information to put into
proper perspective the relations between Slovakia and the
Holy See and prove incorrect the assertions spread in
Western historiograph y.
Spain was represented in Slovakia by an experienced
career diplomat Juan Cano y Trueba, known generally in
Bratislava as Count Bailen. He had the rank of Minister
Plenipotentia ry and Envoy Extraordinar y. On the other
hand, Slovakia was first represented in Spain by a Charge
d'Affaires en pied and later by an Envoy Extraordinar y
and Minister Plenipotentia ry. The first Slovak diplomat to
visit Madrid was Dr. Jozef M. Zvrskovec who represented
Slovakia in Italy and who later became known for his note
in which he spoke about a neutral status of Slovakia with
regard to Great Britain.13
Zvrskovec, however, did not present his credentials in
Spain. This was done in April 1940 by Dr. Joseph A. Mikus
�SLOVAKIA
117
who was accredited as Charge d'Affaires en pied and
presented his credentials to the Minister of External Affairs,
General Cowit Jordana. Mikus remained in Spain from
April 11, 1940 to March 24, 1944 and left his post on
receiving the Honor of Commandador de la Order de Isabel
la Catholica. He was replaced by Mister Plenipotentiary
and Envoy Extraordinary, Dr. Jozef Cieker, who remained
in Spain witil his witimely death in 1969. Cieker also was
a career diplomat and one of the leading Catholic intellectuals. He was active in Pax Romana and Slavia Catholica
before he entered the diplomatic service in Prague. He
served in Belgrade as Charge d' Affaires and in Zagreb as
Minister of the Slovak Republic. In Spain, Cieker was
quite succe~ful not only among the members of the
Government but also in his relations with the Catholic
hierarchy. His good relations proved very useful after the
War when he became director of an international College
for refugee students ( Collegio Major Santiago Apostol).
In exile, Cieker was witil his death one of the leading
figures of the Slovak National Cowicil Abroad and known
as author of books and articles in Slovak as well as in
foreign languages. 14 The relations between Spain and Slovakia will, however, be treated by Mikus in his memoirs.
The diplomatic relations of the Slovak Republic with
Switzerland were, from the political as well as economic
point of view, of great importance. The capital city of
Switzerland, Bern, was the second most important European center of diplomatic activities during the whole period
of the War, as the Allies, the states which belonged to the
Axis camp and all the neutral cowitries were represented
in Switzerland.
Slovakia established a legation in Bern in the summer
of 1939, and Switzerland opened a Consulate General in
Bratislava, indicating that a legation would be established
later. Even though the Swiss recognition was on the
diplomatic level, this wieven representation caused the
Slovak Government to send to Switzerland diplomatic
representatives with the title Charge d'Affairs en pied, who
were duly accredited as handl5 of diplomatic missions but
only socially were addressed as Ministers or Envoys. The
first Slovak representative in Switzerland was Dr. Bohdan
Galvanek who, after a short stay, was sent to Rome, Italy,
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SLOVAKIA
and replaced by a well-known Slovak writer, Tido J. Gaspar.
Even though Gaspar was very successful in Bern's diplomatic circles and made for Slovakia a good name, he was
replaced in the fall of 1940 by a career diplomat, Dr. Raduz
Radlinsky. Well prepared for his role, Radlinsky made
many friends among diplomats from various countries
and increased the prestige of the Slovak legation. However,
in 1942, he left the dir,lomatic service and the Slovak
government accredited in his stead the writer of this
survey, who remained in Bern until the end of the War.
The relations between Slovakia and Switzerland were,
from the very beginning, friendly. For Slovakia Bern was
of great political importance; for Switzerland economic
relations prevailed. In addition to current diplomatic
activities the Slovak legation in Bern had the mission to
acquaint diplomats and journalists of all countries with
the existence of the Slovak Republic as a new state in
Central Europe, and with the aspirations pf the Slovak
people not only during the War, but also after the world
conflict ended. On the part of the Swiss government, the
stress was understandably on economic relations which
developed very favorably for both countries, leaving at
the end of the war a large amount of surplus money from
ecQnomic exchanges in Bern.15 Switzerland was represented
in Slovakia by Dr. Max Graessli, a career diplomat with
the title of Consul General.
The good relations between Switzerland and the Slovak
Republic were reflected not only in extensive economic
and commercial relations but also in the fact that the
Swiss government allowed to appoint two honorary consuls
for Slovakia in Switzerland. One of them was a wealthy
industrialist who had some economic interests in Slovakia
also before the war, Rudolf Eckenstein, from Basel. In
Zurich was appointed Arthur Gaerrick, a wealthy businessman who represented before the war several Czech firms
in Switzerland.
During the first years of the War there were indications
that the relations between Switzerland and the Slovak
Republic would be normalized in the sense that Switzerland
would also establish a legation in Bratislava, and the head
of the Slovak legation in Bern would assume the title of
�SLOVAKIA
119
Minister Plenipotentiary and Envoy Extraordinary. During
one of my visits with the Minister for External Affairs,
Pilez-Golas, I had the impression that this normalization
was imminent and I reported the good news to Bratislava
with great satisfaction as one of my achievements. However, the luck of the German armies on the Russian front
changed and they started to retreat after a terrible defeat
at Stalingrad. This made the Swiss government more
cautious in their foreign policy with regard to the countries
which nolens volens were on the side of the Axis. When
the retreat assumed catastrophic dimensions, Minister
Pilez-Golas was replaced by a person who had previously
no connections with foreign policy and was considered as
friendly and acceptable for the Allies.
The victory of the Allies was expected after the German
retreats as certain, even though rumors persisted that
the Allies can make a separate peace with Germany and
turn together against the Soviet march toward the West.
Only after the failure to kill Hitler by the att.empt on
July 22, 1944, these rumors died down and diplomats
accredited in Switzerland, as well as some members of
the Swiss government, began openly speaking about the
unconditional surrender of Germany and her allies. This
logically was the end of any hope that Switzerland would
establish in Bratislava a legation instead of a consulate
general. 16
In view of the complex world situation and hostile
propaganda against Slovakia in the West one of the main
goals of Slovak diplomatic representatives in Bern was
to put into proper perspective the aspirations of the Slovak
people for freedom and independence regardless of the
results of the military conflict. Therefore, many steps
were made to counteract the hostile propaganda emanating
from the exiled "Czechoslovak" circles in London and
Washington and to inform the diplomats accredited in
Switzerland about the true situation in Slovakia, and about
the attitude of the Slovak people towards the West.
Unfortunately, Western diplomats displayed very little
understanding for the aspirations of the Slovak people
and mostly adhered to the concept of the Czech exiled
politicians headed by Dr. E. Benes.
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SLOVAKIA
For acquainting foreign diplomats and Swiss journalists with Slovakia and with the political aspirations of
the Slovak people, the Slovak Legation in Bern published
from August 1943 to January 1945 a bulletin in French
and German, Correspondence slovaque, and organized trips
for Swiss journalists to Slovakia. One of them, the editor
of the prestigious daily "Der Bund," Arnold H. Schwengler,
published from his visit to Slovakia a series of articles
which, compiled in a booklet "Die slowakische Reise,"
gave a favorable picture of the economic as well as cultural
situation in the Slovak Republic. For publishing the Correspondence slovaque and for maintaining contacts with
the press was mainly responsible, until the summer of
1944, Dr. Arved Grebert, who served as Press Attache at
the Legation.
Some newspapers used the information they received
from the Correspondence slovaque of which 23 issues were
published. The Correspondence slovaque aimed in the first
place to give basic information on economic and cultural
matters, but each issue also contained political articles
defending the right of Slovaks to independence and refuting
the adverse propaganda of the Czech exiles in the West.
The political articles were usually free of any mention of
Slovakia's relations with Germany and were concerned
with the preservation of Slovakia's independence after
the war, advocating a sort of federative solution of the
problems of the Central European nations.
This political concept was advocated also by the Slovak
Legation at the Vatican. Sidor's articles on Central European Federation also appeared in some French and German
press in Switzerland. In the fall of 1944, an article
advocating federalism in Central Europe was published
also in the Revue de droit international, mentioned above,
by the former Minister of External Affairs of the Slovak
Republic, Prof. F. :t>urcanskyP
The Slovak Legation in Bern also had a mission to
co-operate with Slovak diplomats in neutral countries in
order to co-ordinate the efforts aiming at a just solution
of the Slovak problem at the end of the War. Very close
co-operation developed especially between Karol Sidor,
Minister Plenipotentiary to the Vatican, and the writer,
for the concept of a Central European Federation conceived
�SLOVAKIA
121
as a democratic and Christian block of states on the Soviet
border. The idea met with some understanding in Swiss
newspapers and in certain diplomatic circles in the West,
but was not officially accepted by the Allies because of
.agreement with the Soviet government in Teheran and
Yalta.
Swiss public opinion and the press were generally
favorably disposed towards Slovakia during the first years
of the War, and some newspapers did so also at the end
of the War and after. Even though the "Czechoslovak
government in exile" tried to use for their propaganda their
old connections with Swiss newspapers and kept in Geneva
a propagandist under the cover of an exiled journalist,
only the Socialist and Communist press published here
and there adverse articles on Slovakia. Generally the
:picture was favorable to the Slovak Republic and to the
striving of the Slovak people for independence.
On the part of the Swiss government, the also was
genuine understanding for the aspirations of the Slovak
people. At the end of the War, the world situation and
external pressures forced, however, the Swiss government
to follow the political concepts of the Allies and to recognize Czecho-Slovakia. The end of diplomatic relations
between the Slovak Republic and Switzerland occurred at
the time when the Slovak government was forced to leave
the capital city of Slovakia. A sort of consular relations
continued until the very end of the War, practically until
.June 1st, 1945.
Excerpts from "Notes to Memoires."
FOOTNOTES
1 ) See Vol. 2, 1944, p. 123-142. In Slovak I published an editorial in the
daily Slovak, January 1st, 1944, under the title "tJlohy a problemy
slovenskej diplomacie" (Goals and Problems of Slovak Diplomacy).
2) See also my articles: "International Recognition of the Slovak
Republic," Slovakia, Vol. I, No. 1, 1951, pp. 23-31; "Diplomatic
Documents on Slovakia's Declaration of Independence," Slovakia,
Vol. IV, No. 1, 1954, p. 3-12; "British Policy and Slovakia 1939-1945,"
S lovakia, Vol. X, No. 6, 1960, p. 50-61. These articles were published
also in a German version in the periodical Slowakei.
3) See Slovakia, Vol. II, No. 2, 1952, pp. 38-41.
4) F . Vnuk, " Collapse of Czecho-Slovakia in Vatican Documents,"
Slovak Studies III, Cleveland-Rome, 1965, pp. 239-256.
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SLOVAKIA
5) See my contributions to J. Pauco (ed.) Karol Sidor, politik, novinar
a spisovatel', (Middletown, Pa. 1962); Kalendar Jednota 1971, p.
109, 117; Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy, 1968; Slowakei, Vol
VII, No. 1-2, pp. 87-100.
6) L. Liptak, Slovensko v 20. storoci (Slovakia in the 20th Century),
Bratislava, 1968, p. 177.
7) See S. Falt'an, Slovenska otazka v Ceskoslovensku, Bratislava, 1968,
p. 112.
8) Quoted from Kirschbaum, Slovakia- Nation at the Crossroads of
Central Europe, op. cit., pp. 1931-1932.
9) See Kirschbaum, "British Policy and Slovakia 1939-1945," Slovakia,
Vol. X, No. 6, 1960, pp. 50-61.
10) Distorted information can be found in W. Shirer's book Rise and
Fall of the Third Reich, by Gisevius and several specialists in East
Central Europe.
11) F. Vnuk, "British Recognition of Independent Slovakia in 1939,"
Slovak Studies, Vol. IX, No. 6, Cleveland-Rome, 1969, pp. 49-73.
12) See A. Grebert, "Czech Intrigues Against the Slovak State," Slovakia, Vol. I, No. 2, 1951.
13) On March 29, 1940 Minister Zvrskovec sent a note to the Italian
Foreign Ministry in which he stated that Slovakia was a neutral
country and requested at the same time that the English Government be informed of this in order that England may recognize
Slovakia's neutrality with all its consequences. See Documents on
German Foreign PoHcy, Series 'D', Vol. X, reprinted in my book
Slovakia, p. 281.
14) For details, see Liter6.rny Almanach for 1967, p. 125-126.
15) Unfortunately, the funds were transferred to Prague in the summer
of 1945. Two officials of the Slovak National Bank, Pazman and
Virsik, who sided with Dr . Benes, signed the transfer documents.
16) The failure of the attempt on Hitler's life and the outbreak of
a communist inspired uprising in Central Slovakia in the Fall
of 1944 created even a possibility for the interruption of the SwissSlovak relations. I received hints that the Swiss government would
have welcome my defectien to Dr. Benes' camp and use it as a
pretext for closing down our legation. On the other hand, Consul
General Graessli tried to leave the responsibility for taking care
of the affairs of the Consulate General to his subalter Consul Hans
Keller. Both made after the War great careers in the Swiss di:i>lomatic services. Graessli was transferred to Washington and later
became Ambassador to Sweden. Keller also moved fast and in the
1960's was Ambassador in Peking.
17) See Vol. XXII, No. 1. At the en.cl of August 1944, one of this writer's
articles on the Federalist solution of Central European problems
was published in the daily Slovak. Since it was a favorable analysis
of Milan Hodza's book Federation in Central Europe, the German
Embassy in Bratislava asked the newspaper to explain to the
readers that the article was published by inadvertence and that the
Slovak government and the newspaper did not agree with iti.
contents.
�
SLOVAKIA
111
Diplomatic and Consular
Relations of Slovakia
with Neutral States
By J. M. K i r s c h b a u m, Ph.D.
I.
The emergence of the Slovak Republic in March 1939
has been for years presented by historians of Central
Eastern Europe in accordance with the War propaganda
rather than on the basis of historical facts. In the West,
especially the propaganda of the "Czechoslovak governmentin-exile" crept into the history books and some misconceptions survived even the publication of secret documents
and the opening of the War archives.
It would, however, be unfair to blame Western historians alone for the inaccuracies and prejudices presentation
of Slovakia's international status and diplomatic and
consular relations. There was no serious attempt on the
Slovak side to give historians of Central Eastern Europe
sufficient information in foreign language, which could
enable them to draw an objective picture of the Slovak
Republic. Moreover, comprehensive work on international
relations of Slovakia is missing even in Slovak historiography.
The reason for not writing about the international
relations of Slovakia with other countries by Communist
historians is quite understandable: they were reluctant to
admit that the Slovak Republic was also recognized by the
Soviet Union and some 29 other countries, including the
European Great Powers and neutral countries. According
to the official "Czechoslovak" propaganda during the War,
the Slovak Republic was recognized only by Germany and
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SLOVAKIA
her satellites and this distortion of historical facts suited
the post-war Marxist historians. What is difficult to understand, however, is the neglect by Slovaks abroad, especially
if we take into account that a number of former Slovak
diplomats found refuge in the countries of the free world.
During the War some articles surveying the first years
of the Slovak Republic were published in Switzerland, but
they discussed the international status of Slovakia only
passingly. Such was the series of articles by Arnold Schwengeler in the daily Der Bund, and two French articles: one
by the Swiss writer William Ritter in the Gazette de
Lausanne and a contribution to the Revue de droit international de sciences diplomatiques et politiques by this
writer under the pen-name Andre Cerisier.1
After the War, an English publication by F. nurcansky,
The International Aspects of the Slovak Question, examined
the subject from both the juridical and political points
of view. The international relations of Slovakia with other
countries were discussed, however, only briefly even in this
study. Several other Slovak authors dealt with Slovakia's
international relations in a general way by inserting a chapt.er or two in their books or in their articles on Slovakia.
Such have been the contributions of this writer either in
Slovak or foreign languages and especially a chapter on
the diplomatic recognition of Slovakia in his book Slovakia
- Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe, and in his
Slovak book Nds boj o samostatnost' Slovenska. 2
The Slovak diplomatic representative in Spain, Dr.
J. A. Mikus, wrote on the subject in his book Slovakia A Political History and in the annuals published in the
United States3 either in English or in Slovak, and F. Vnuk
published a study based on the Vatican archives materials, 4
but all these writings are far from giving an adequat;e
picture of the international relations of the Slovak Republic with European and non-European states which
recognized Slovakia in 1939 as an independent state.
As far as the memoirs are concerned, only Karol Sidor,
the Slovak Envoy Extraordinary and Minist.er Plenipotentiary at the Vatican, published a full account of his years
at the Holy See in his Slovak book sest' rokov pri Vatikdne
(Six Years at the Vatican). This writer published reminis-
�SLOVAKIA
113
cences on his years in Italy and as head of the legation
of the Slovak Republic in Switzerland in various Slovak
annuals, published in Canada and in the United States.5
More than a dozen former Slovak diplomats who live either
in Western Europe or in other parts of the free world,
are still expected to record the years of their diplomatic
service to enable historians to present this chapter of
modern Slovak history in an objective manner.
In view of this, it will perhaps not be amiss to record
some data and to answer the question of how the emergence of the Slovak Republic on March 14, 1939, was
accepted by European and non-European public opinion
and how the governments of European neutral countries
received the proclamation of Slovakia's independence. In
my book Slovakia- Nation at the Crossroads of Central
Europe a survey of the international recognition of the
Slovak Republic has given general information on this
subject with some documents to support the historical
facts and to prove the utterly incorrect propaganda which
for a period of the past 30 years bluntly disregarded the
facts and asserted that the Slovak Republic was recognized
only by Germany and her satellites.
II.
In the short period of liberalization in Czecho-Slovakia
the Marxist historians who, for political reasons avoided
writing about the international status of the Slovak Republic, admitted that:
"In March 1939 appeared on the map of Europe a new
state - Slovakia. With the exception of the United States
all European Great Powers successively recognized the
Slovak state de jure or at least de facto: Germany, Italy,
France, Great Britain, the Soviet Union and many smaller
European and non-European countries: Poland, Hungary,
the Vatican, Switzerland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Spain,
Sweden, Rumania, Bulgaria, Yougoslavia, Liberia, Ecuador,
Costarica, Holland, Finland, Belgium, Croatia, the Chinese
Government of Nanking, etc. The Slovak state became
a member of various international conventions and agreements and in the first years of the War it was considered
in many capital cities as a small, but as a not easily discarded part of the motley mosaic of European relations." 6
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SLOVAKIA
Other Marxist historians recorded that the Soviet
Union, who recognized the Slovak Republic on September
16, 1939, and established the largest embassy in the capitol
city of Slovakia, counted until 1943 with the existence
of the Slovak Republic also in the post-War European
organization. According to the Communist party archives
in March 1940 the illegal Central Committee of the Slovak
Communist Party received the following directives:
"Our pre-War slogans must be changed. Under the
slogan "Restoration of Czechoslovak ia" are hidden at the
present time imperialist and anti-Soviet plans. The problem
of nationalities is today not the same; it is reduced to the
problem of Czechs and Slovaks. We state explicitly that
our Party is now for the slogan of the full right of selfdeterminatio n of Czechs and Slovaks. The right of self-determination means the right to an independent state. For
the Czechs, we fight for a restoration of their national
and political freedom. For the Slovaks, we fight for the
full sovereignty of the present Slovak state. The fight for
the right of self-determin ation makes our way different
from that of world imperialism and Benes. The Slovak
state is the given basis for the full freedom of Slovaks.
The future relations between the Czech and Slovak states
is the question of self-determin ation of both nations and
depends on the events of the war (and on its results,
remark by Dimitrov)." 7
This was only consistent with the speech of the Soviet
Minister Plenipotentia ry and Envoy Extraordinar y, G. Pushkin, who, upon presenting his credentials to the President
of the Slovak Republic, Dr. Jozef Tiso, said:
"Presenting to you the documents which accredit me as
Envoy Extraordinar y and Minister Plenipotentia ry, appointted by the Presidency of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR,
I can announce to you with joy that the nations of the
Soviet Union have taken cognizance of the establishmen t
of diplomatic relations between the Soviet Union and the
Slovak Republic with deep satisfaction. Because of the war
in Europe the establishmen t of these relations oversteps
the framework of mutual interests of both our states." 8
Since 1960, when my survey of the diplomatic recognition of the Slovak Republic was published, some interesting
�SLOVAKIA
115
documents pertaining to the attitude of the European Great
Powers towards Slovakia were published also with regard
to Great Britain. I found in 1960 documents and references
which shed on the policy of Great Britain toward Slovakia
quite a different light9 from that unscrupulously repeated
in the War propaganda of the "Czechoslovak governmentin-exile," in the memoirs of Dr. E. Benes, and in the history
books written by American and some European historians.10 On the basis of the British archives, F. Vnuk published
a few years later a well documented insight into the British
attitude which was far more favorable to Slovaks than it
has been believed and recorded by Western histo:r.ians.11
However, the present survey aims at giving the basic
data on the diplomatic recognition of the Slovak Republic
only by the European neutral countries and on the activities
and political conceptions of Slovak diplomats accredited
in those countries. Even that scope will be narrowed here
because the Slovak representatives in Sweden and Spain
are alive and work on their memoirs, and the relations
between the Holy See and the Slovak Republic were sufficiently recorded in K. Sidor's book, mentioned above.
III.
NEUTRAL STATES WHICH RECOGNIZED
THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC
The first of all neutral states to recognize Slovakia
diplomatically was Switzerland which gave full recognition
to the Slovak Republic on April 19, 1939. Switzerland was
followed by Spain on April 25, 1939, and by the Vatican
on May 25, 1939. Sweden as the fourth neutral European
state, recognized the Slovak Republic on July 26, 1939.
Whereas between the Vatican, Switzerland and Spain, and
Slovakia, diplomatic relations were de jure and de facto
and existed from the very beginning, the relations with
Sweden developed slowly and remained on the consular
level.
From the diplomatic point of view, the most important
diplomatic recognition of the Slovak Republic was, of
course, that by the Vatican. This recognition had not only
a political but also a moral importance in Europe and in
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SLOVAKIA
the world before the Second World War. As mentioned,
the Vatican gave diplomatic recognition to Slovakia on
May 25, 1939, and the Slovak representativ e as Envoy
Extraordinar y and Minister Plenipotentia ry was accredited
in July of the same year. The Holy See appointed first
a Nuncio in Bratislava, Msgr. Xaverius Ritter, who had
served previously in Prague, but due to some misunderstanding and misinterpreta tion of his credentials, Msgr.
Giusepe Burzio, as Charge d'Affaires, represented the Holy
See during the whole period of the War and fOT some
time even after the War.
In view of the fact that the War started just six
months after the declaration of Slovakia's independence ,
the diploma.tic relations of Slovakia with the Vatican
became even more important. The efforts of Czech exiles
to induce the Vatican into breaking off relations were not
successful1 2 and at the end of the War, the Slovak representative was the last one of all Slovak diplomats in neutral
states to close his legation. The political, social and moral
importance of the diplomatic relations with the Holy See
is described in Sidor's book in which one can find not only
some important documents, but also valuable information
on political developments in Slovakia during the War.
From Sidor's book and the above mentioned essay by
Vnuk, historians can draw enough information to put into
proper perspective the relations between Slovakia and the
Holy See and prove incorrect the assertions spread in
Western historiograph y.
Spain was represented in Slovakia by an experienced
career diplomat Juan Cano y Trueba, known generally in
Bratislava as Count Bailen. He had the rank of Minister
Plenipotentia ry and Envoy Extraordinar y. On the other
hand, Slovakia was first represented in Spain by a Charge
d'Affaires en pied and later by an Envoy Extraordinar y
and Minister Plenipotentia ry. The first Slovak diplomat to
visit Madrid was Dr. Jozef M. Zvrskovec who represented
Slovakia in Italy and who later became known for his note
in which he spoke about a neutral status of Slovakia with
regard to Great Britain.13
Zvrskovec, however, did not present his credentials in
Spain. This was done in April 1940 by Dr. Joseph A. Mikus
�SLOVAKIA
117
who was accredited as Charge d'Affaires en pied and
presented his credentials to the Minister of External Affairs,
General Cowit Jordana. Mikus remained in Spain from
April 11, 1940 to March 24, 1944 and left his post on
receiving the Honor of Commandador de la Order de Isabel
la Catholica. He was replaced by Mister Plenipotentiary
and Envoy Extraordinary, Dr. Jozef Cieker, who remained
in Spain witil his witimely death in 1969. Cieker also was
a career diplomat and one of the leading Catholic intellectuals. He was active in Pax Romana and Slavia Catholica
before he entered the diplomatic service in Prague. He
served in Belgrade as Charge d' Affaires and in Zagreb as
Minister of the Slovak Republic. In Spain, Cieker was
quite succe~ful not only among the members of the
Government but also in his relations with the Catholic
hierarchy. His good relations proved very useful after the
War when he became director of an international College
for refugee students ( Collegio Major Santiago Apostol).
In exile, Cieker was witil his death one of the leading
figures of the Slovak National Cowicil Abroad and known
as author of books and articles in Slovak as well as in
foreign languages. 14 The relations between Spain and Slovakia will, however, be treated by Mikus in his memoirs.
The diplomatic relations of the Slovak Republic with
Switzerland were, from the political as well as economic
point of view, of great importance. The capital city of
Switzerland, Bern, was the second most important European center of diplomatic activities during the whole period
of the War, as the Allies, the states which belonged to the
Axis camp and all the neutral cowitries were represented
in Switzerland.
Slovakia established a legation in Bern in the summer
of 1939, and Switzerland opened a Consulate General in
Bratislava, indicating that a legation would be established
later. Even though the Swiss recognition was on the
diplomatic level, this wieven representation caused the
Slovak Government to send to Switzerland diplomatic
representatives with the title Charge d'Affairs en pied, who
were duly accredited as handl5 of diplomatic missions but
only socially were addressed as Ministers or Envoys. The
first Slovak representative in Switzerland was Dr. Bohdan
Galvanek who, after a short stay, was sent to Rome, Italy,
�118
SLOVAKIA
and replaced by a well-known Slovak writer, Tido J. Gaspar.
Even though Gaspar was very successful in Bern's diplomatic circles and made for Slovakia a good name, he was
replaced in the fall of 1940 by a career diplomat, Dr. Raduz
Radlinsky. Well prepared for his role, Radlinsky made
many friends among diplomats from various countries
and increased the prestige of the Slovak legation. However,
in 1942, he left the dir,lomatic service and the Slovak
government accredited in his stead the writer of this
survey, who remained in Bern until the end of the War.
The relations between Slovakia and Switzerland were,
from the very beginning, friendly. For Slovakia Bern was
of great political importance; for Switzerland economic
relations prevailed. In addition to current diplomatic
activities the Slovak legation in Bern had the mission to
acquaint diplomats and journalists of all countries with
the existence of the Slovak Republic as a new state in
Central Europe, and with the aspirations pf the Slovak
people not only during the War, but also after the world
conflict ended. On the part of the Swiss government, the
stress was understandably on economic relations which
developed very favorably for both countries, leaving at
the end of the war a large amount of surplus money from
ecQnomic exchanges in Bern.15 Switzerland was represented
in Slovakia by Dr. Max Graessli, a career diplomat with
the title of Consul General.
The good relations between Switzerland and the Slovak
Republic were reflected not only in extensive economic
and commercial relations but also in the fact that the
Swiss government allowed to appoint two honorary consuls
for Slovakia in Switzerland. One of them was a wealthy
industrialist who had some economic interests in Slovakia
also before the war, Rudolf Eckenstein, from Basel. In
Zurich was appointed Arthur Gaerrick, a wealthy businessman who represented before the war several Czech firms
in Switzerland.
During the first years of the War there were indications
that the relations between Switzerland and the Slovak
Republic would be normalized in the sense that Switzerland
would also establish a legation in Bratislava, and the head
of the Slovak legation in Bern would assume the title of
�SLOVAKIA
119
Minister Plenipotentiary and Envoy Extraordinary. During
one of my visits with the Minister for External Affairs,
Pilez-Golas, I had the impression that this normalization
was imminent and I reported the good news to Bratislava
with great satisfaction as one of my achievements. However, the luck of the German armies on the Russian front
changed and they started to retreat after a terrible defeat
at Stalingrad. This made the Swiss government more
cautious in their foreign policy with regard to the countries
which nolens volens were on the side of the Axis. When
the retreat assumed catastrophic dimensions, Minister
Pilez-Golas was replaced by a person who had previously
no connections with foreign policy and was considered as
friendly and acceptable for the Allies.
The victory of the Allies was expected after the German
retreats as certain, even though rumors persisted that
the Allies can make a separate peace with Germany and
turn together against the Soviet march toward the West.
Only after the failure to kill Hitler by the att.empt on
July 22, 1944, these rumors died down and diplomats
accredited in Switzerland, as well as some members of
the Swiss government, began openly speaking about the
unconditional surrender of Germany and her allies. This
logically was the end of any hope that Switzerland would
establish in Bratislava a legation instead of a consulate
general. 16
In view of the complex world situation and hostile
propaganda against Slovakia in the West one of the main
goals of Slovak diplomatic representatives in Bern was
to put into proper perspective the aspirations of the Slovak
people for freedom and independence regardless of the
results of the military conflict. Therefore, many steps
were made to counteract the hostile propaganda emanating
from the exiled "Czechoslovak" circles in London and
Washington and to inform the diplomats accredited in
Switzerland about the true situation in Slovakia, and about
the attitude of the Slovak people towards the West.
Unfortunately, Western diplomats displayed very little
understanding for the aspirations of the Slovak people
and mostly adhered to the concept of the Czech exiled
politicians headed by Dr. E. Benes.
�120
SLOVAKIA
For acquainting foreign diplomats and Swiss journalists with Slovakia and with the political aspirations of
the Slovak people, the Slovak Legation in Bern published
from August 1943 to January 1945 a bulletin in French
and German, Correspondence slovaque, and organized trips
for Swiss journalists to Slovakia. One of them, the editor
of the prestigious daily "Der Bund," Arnold H. Schwengler,
published from his visit to Slovakia a series of articles
which, compiled in a booklet "Die slowakische Reise,"
gave a favorable picture of the economic as well as cultural
situation in the Slovak Republic. For publishing the Correspondence slovaque and for maintaining contacts with
the press was mainly responsible, until the summer of
1944, Dr. Arved Grebert, who served as Press Attache at
the Legation.
Some newspapers used the information they received
from the Correspondence slovaque of which 23 issues were
published. The Correspondence slovaque aimed in the first
place to give basic information on economic and cultural
matters, but each issue also contained political articles
defending the right of Slovaks to independence and refuting
the adverse propaganda of the Czech exiles in the West.
The political articles were usually free of any mention of
Slovakia's relations with Germany and were concerned
with the preservation of Slovakia's independence after
the war, advocating a sort of federative solution of the
problems of the Central European nations.
This political concept was advocated also by the Slovak
Legation at the Vatican. Sidor's articles on Central European Federation also appeared in some French and German
press in Switzerland. In the fall of 1944, an article
advocating federalism in Central Europe was published
also in the Revue de droit international, mentioned above,
by the former Minister of External Affairs of the Slovak
Republic, Prof. F. :t>urcanskyP
The Slovak Legation in Bern also had a mission to
co-operate with Slovak diplomats in neutral countries in
order to co-ordinate the efforts aiming at a just solution
of the Slovak problem at the end of the War. Very close
co-operation developed especially between Karol Sidor,
Minister Plenipotentiary to the Vatican, and the writer,
for the concept of a Central European Federation conceived
�SLOVAKIA
121
as a democratic and Christian block of states on the Soviet
border. The idea met with some understanding in Swiss
newspapers and in certain diplomatic circles in the West,
but was not officially accepted by the Allies because of
.agreement with the Soviet government in Teheran and
Yalta.
Swiss public opinion and the press were generally
favorably disposed towards Slovakia during the first years
of the War, and some newspapers did so also at the end
of the War and after. Even though the "Czechoslovak
government in exile" tried to use for their propaganda their
old connections with Swiss newspapers and kept in Geneva
a propagandist under the cover of an exiled journalist,
only the Socialist and Communist press published here
and there adverse articles on Slovakia. Generally the
:picture was favorable to the Slovak Republic and to the
striving of the Slovak people for independence.
On the part of the Swiss government, the also was
genuine understanding for the aspirations of the Slovak
people. At the end of the War, the world situation and
external pressures forced, however, the Swiss government
to follow the political concepts of the Allies and to recognize Czecho-Slovakia. The end of diplomatic relations
between the Slovak Republic and Switzerland occurred at
the time when the Slovak government was forced to leave
the capital city of Slovakia. A sort of consular relations
continued until the very end of the War, practically until
.June 1st, 1945.
Excerpts from "Notes to Memoires."
FOOTNOTES
1 ) See Vol. 2, 1944, p. 123-142. In Slovak I published an editorial in the
daily Slovak, January 1st, 1944, under the title "tJlohy a problemy
slovenskej diplomacie" (Goals and Problems of Slovak Diplomacy).
2) See also my articles: "International Recognition of the Slovak
Republic," Slovakia, Vol. I, No. 1, 1951, pp. 23-31; "Diplomatic
Documents on Slovakia's Declaration of Independence," Slovakia,
Vol. IV, No. 1, 1954, p. 3-12; "British Policy and Slovakia 1939-1945,"
S lovakia, Vol. X, No. 6, 1960, p. 50-61. These articles were published
also in a German version in the periodical Slowakei.
3) See Slovakia, Vol. II, No. 2, 1952, pp. 38-41.
4) F . Vnuk, " Collapse of Czecho-Slovakia in Vatican Documents,"
Slovak Studies III, Cleveland-Rome, 1965, pp. 239-256.
�122
SLOVAKIA
5) See my contributions to J. Pauco (ed.) Karol Sidor, politik, novinar
a spisovatel', (Middletown, Pa. 1962); Kalendar Jednota 1971, p.
109, 117; Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy, 1968; Slowakei, Vol
VII, No. 1-2, pp. 87-100.
6) L. Liptak, Slovensko v 20. storoci (Slovakia in the 20th Century),
Bratislava, 1968, p. 177.
7) See S. Falt'an, Slovenska otazka v Ceskoslovensku, Bratislava, 1968,
p. 112.
8) Quoted from Kirschbaum, Slovakia- Nation at the Crossroads of
Central Europe, op. cit., pp. 1931-1932.
9) See Kirschbaum, "British Policy and Slovakia 1939-1945," Slovakia,
Vol. X, No. 6, 1960, pp. 50-61.
10) Distorted information can be found in W. Shirer's book Rise and
Fall of the Third Reich, by Gisevius and several specialists in East
Central Europe.
11) F. Vnuk, "British Recognition of Independent Slovakia in 1939,"
Slovak Studies, Vol. IX, No. 6, Cleveland-Rome, 1969, pp. 49-73.
12) See A. Grebert, "Czech Intrigues Against the Slovak State," Slovakia, Vol. I, No. 2, 1951.
13) On March 29, 1940 Minister Zvrskovec sent a note to the Italian
Foreign Ministry in which he stated that Slovakia was a neutral
country and requested at the same time that the English Government be informed of this in order that England may recognize
Slovakia's neutrality with all its consequences. See Documents on
German Foreign PoHcy, Series 'D', Vol. X, reprinted in my book
Slovakia, p. 281.
14) For details, see Liter6.rny Almanach for 1967, p. 125-126.
15) Unfortunately, the funds were transferred to Prague in the summer
of 1945. Two officials of the Slovak National Bank, Pazman and
Virsik, who sided with Dr . Benes, signed the transfer documents.
16) The failure of the attempt on Hitler's life and the outbreak of
a communist inspired uprising in Central Slovakia in the Fall
of 1944 created even a possibility for the interruption of the SwissSlovak relations. I received hints that the Swiss government would
have welcome my defectien to Dr. Benes' camp and use it as a
pretext for closing down our legation. On the other hand, Consul
General Graessli tried to leave the responsibility for taking care
of the affairs of the Consulate General to his subalter Consul Hans
Keller. Both made after the War great careers in the Swiss di:i>lomatic services. Graessli was transferred to Washington and later
became Ambassador to Sweden. Keller also moved fast and in the
1960's was Ambassador in Peking.
17) See Vol. XXII, No. 1. At the en.cl of August 1944, one of this writer's
articles on the Federalist solution of Central European problems
was published in the daily Slovak. Since it was a favorable analysis
of Milan Hodza's book Federation in Central Europe, the German
Embassy in Bratislava asked the newspaper to explain to the
readers that the article was published by inadvertence and that the
Slovak government and the newspaper did not agree with iti.
contents.
�
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Title
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1973, Vol. 23
Description
An account of the resource
Vol. 23 (No. 46), 1973.
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The Slovak League of America
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1973
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SLOVAKIA
111
Diplomatic and Consular
Relations of Slovakia
with Neutral States
By J. M. K i r s c h b a u m, Ph.D.
I.
The emergence of the Slovak Republic in March 1939
has been for years presented by historians of Central
Eastern Europe in accordance with the War propaganda
rather than on the basis of historical facts. In the West,
especially the propaganda of the "Czechoslovak governmentin-exile" crept into the history books and some misconceptions survived even the publication of secret documents
and the opening of the War archives.
It would, however, be unfair to blame Western historians alone for the inaccuracies and prejudices presentation
of Slovakia's international status and diplomatic and
consular relations. There was no serious attempt on the
Slovak side to give historians of Central Eastern Europe
sufficient information in foreign language, which could
enable them to draw an objective picture of the Slovak
Republic. Moreover, comprehensive work on international
relations of Slovakia is missing even in Slovak historiography.
The reason for not writing about the international
relations of Slovakia with other countries by Communist
historians is quite understandable: they were reluctant to
admit that the Slovak Republic was also recognized by the
Soviet Union and some 29 other countries, including the
European Great Powers and neutral countries. According
to the official "Czechoslovak" propaganda during the War,
the Slovak Republic was recognized only by Germany and
112
SLOVAKIA
her satellites and this distortion of historical facts suited
the post-war Marxist historians. What is difficult to understand, however, is the neglect by Slovaks abroad, especially
if we take into account that a number of former Slovak
diplomats found refuge in the countries of the free world.
During the War some articles surveying the first years
of the Slovak Republic were published in Switzerland, but
they discussed the international status of Slovakia only
passingly. Such was the series of articles by Arnold Schwengeler in the daily Der Bund, and two French articles: one
by the Swiss writer William Ritter in the Gazette de
Lausanne and a contribution to the Revue de droit international de sciences diplomatiques et politiques by this
writer under the pen-name Andre Cerisier.1
After the War, an English publication by F. nurcansky,
The International Aspects of the Slovak Question, examined
the subject from both the juridical and political points
of view. The international relations of Slovakia with other
countries were discussed, however, only briefly even in this
study. Several other Slovak authors dealt with Slovakia's
international relations in a general way by inserting a chapt.er or two in their books or in their articles on Slovakia.
Such have been the contributions of this writer either in
Slovak or foreign languages and especially a chapter on
the diplomatic recognition of Slovakia in his book Slovakia
- Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe, and in his
Slovak book Nds boj o samostatnost' Slovenska. 2
The Slovak diplomatic representative in Spain, Dr.
J. A. Mikus, wrote on the subject in his book Slovakia A Political History and in the annuals published in the
United States3 either in English or in Slovak, and F. Vnuk
published a study based on the Vatican archives materials, 4
but all these writings are far from giving an adequat;e
picture of the international relations of the Slovak Republic with European and non-European states which
recognized Slovakia in 1939 as an independent state.
As far as the memoirs are concerned, only Karol Sidor,
the Slovak Envoy Extraordinary and Minist.er Plenipotentiary at the Vatican, published a full account of his years
at the Holy See in his Slovak book sest' rokov pri Vatikdne
(Six Years at the Vatican). This writer published reminis-
SLOVAKIA
113
cences on his years in Italy and as head of the legation
of the Slovak Republic in Switzerland in various Slovak
annuals, published in Canada and in the United States.5
More than a dozen former Slovak diplomats who live either
in Western Europe or in other parts of the free world,
are still expected to record the years of their diplomatic
service to enable historians to present this chapter of
modern Slovak history in an objective manner.
In view of this, it will perhaps not be amiss to record
some data and to answer the question of how the emergence of the Slovak Republic on March 14, 1939, was
accepted by European and non-European public opinion
and how the governments of European neutral countries
received the proclamation of Slovakia's independence. In
my book Slovakia- Nation at the Crossroads of Central
Europe a survey of the international recognition of the
Slovak Republic has given general information on this
subject with some documents to support the historical
facts and to prove the utterly incorrect propaganda which
for a period of the past 30 years bluntly disregarded the
facts and asserted that the Slovak Republic was recognized
only by Germany and her satellites.
II.
In the short period of liberalization in Czecho-Slovakia
the Marxist historians who, for political reasons avoided
writing about the international status of the Slovak Republic, admitted that:
"In March 1939 appeared on the map of Europe a new
state - Slovakia. With the exception of the United States
all European Great Powers successively recognized the
Slovak state de jure or at least de facto: Germany, Italy,
France, Great Britain, the Soviet Union and many smaller
European and non-European countries: Poland, Hungary,
the Vatican, Switzerland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Spain,
Sweden, Rumania, Bulgaria, Yougoslavia, Liberia, Ecuador,
Costarica, Holland, Finland, Belgium, Croatia, the Chinese
Government of Nanking, etc. The Slovak state became
a member of various international conventions and agreements and in the first years of the War it was considered
in many capital cities as a small, but as a not easily discarded part of the motley mosaic of European relations." 6
114
SLOVAKIA
Other Marxist historians recorded that the Soviet
Union, who recognized the Slovak Republic on September
16, 1939, and established the largest embassy in the capitol
city of Slovakia, counted until 1943 with the existence
of the Slovak Republic also in the post-War European
organization. According to the Communist party archives
in March 1940 the illegal Central Committee of the Slovak
Communist Party received the following directives:
"Our pre-War slogans must be changed. Under the
slogan "Restoration of Czechoslovak ia" are hidden at the
present time imperialist and anti-Soviet plans. The problem
of nationalities is today not the same; it is reduced to the
problem of Czechs and Slovaks. We state explicitly that
our Party is now for the slogan of the full right of selfdeterminatio n of Czechs and Slovaks. The right of self-determination means the right to an independent state. For
the Czechs, we fight for a restoration of their national
and political freedom. For the Slovaks, we fight for the
full sovereignty of the present Slovak state. The fight for
the right of self-determin ation makes our way different
from that of world imperialism and Benes. The Slovak
state is the given basis for the full freedom of Slovaks.
The future relations between the Czech and Slovak states
is the question of self-determin ation of both nations and
depends on the events of the war (and on its results,
remark by Dimitrov)." 7
This was only consistent with the speech of the Soviet
Minister Plenipotentia ry and Envoy Extraordinar y, G. Pushkin, who, upon presenting his credentials to the President
of the Slovak Republic, Dr. Jozef Tiso, said:
"Presenting to you the documents which accredit me as
Envoy Extraordinar y and Minister Plenipotentia ry, appointted by the Presidency of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR,
I can announce to you with joy that the nations of the
Soviet Union have taken cognizance of the establishmen t
of diplomatic relations between the Soviet Union and the
Slovak Republic with deep satisfaction. Because of the war
in Europe the establishmen t of these relations oversteps
the framework of mutual interests of both our states." 8
Since 1960, when my survey of the diplomatic recognition of the Slovak Republic was published, some interesting
SLOVAKIA
115
documents pertaining to the attitude of the European Great
Powers towards Slovakia were published also with regard
to Great Britain. I found in 1960 documents and references
which shed on the policy of Great Britain toward Slovakia
quite a different light9 from that unscrupulously repeated
in the War propaganda of the "Czechoslovak governmentin-exile," in the memoirs of Dr. E. Benes, and in the history
books written by American and some European historians.10 On the basis of the British archives, F. Vnuk published
a few years later a well documented insight into the British
attitude which was far more favorable to Slovaks than it
has been believed and recorded by Western histo:r.ians.11
However, the present survey aims at giving the basic
data on the diplomatic recognition of the Slovak Republic
only by the European neutral countries and on the activities
and political conceptions of Slovak diplomats accredited
in those countries. Even that scope will be narrowed here
because the Slovak representatives in Sweden and Spain
are alive and work on their memoirs, and the relations
between the Holy See and the Slovak Republic were sufficiently recorded in K. Sidor's book, mentioned above.
III.
NEUTRAL STATES WHICH RECOGNIZED
THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC
The first of all neutral states to recognize Slovakia
diplomatically was Switzerland which gave full recognition
to the Slovak Republic on April 19, 1939. Switzerland was
followed by Spain on April 25, 1939, and by the Vatican
on May 25, 1939. Sweden as the fourth neutral European
state, recognized the Slovak Republic on July 26, 1939.
Whereas between the Vatican, Switzerland and Spain, and
Slovakia, diplomatic relations were de jure and de facto
and existed from the very beginning, the relations with
Sweden developed slowly and remained on the consular
level.
From the diplomatic point of view, the most important
diplomatic recognition of the Slovak Republic was, of
course, that by the Vatican. This recognition had not only
a political but also a moral importance in Europe and in
116
SLOVAKIA
the world before the Second World War. As mentioned,
the Vatican gave diplomatic recognition to Slovakia on
May 25, 1939, and the Slovak representativ e as Envoy
Extraordinar y and Minister Plenipotentia ry was accredited
in July of the same year. The Holy See appointed first
a Nuncio in Bratislava, Msgr. Xaverius Ritter, who had
served previously in Prague, but due to some misunderstanding and misinterpreta tion of his credentials, Msgr.
Giusepe Burzio, as Charge d'Affaires, represented the Holy
See during the whole period of the War and fOT some
time even after the War.
In view of the fact that the War started just six
months after the declaration of Slovakia's independence ,
the diploma.tic relations of Slovakia with the Vatican
became even more important. The efforts of Czech exiles
to induce the Vatican into breaking off relations were not
successful1 2 and at the end of the War, the Slovak representative was the last one of all Slovak diplomats in neutral
states to close his legation. The political, social and moral
importance of the diplomatic relations with the Holy See
is described in Sidor's book in which one can find not only
some important documents, but also valuable information
on political developments in Slovakia during the War.
From Sidor's book and the above mentioned essay by
Vnuk, historians can draw enough information to put into
proper perspective the relations between Slovakia and the
Holy See and prove incorrect the assertions spread in
Western historiograph y.
Spain was represented in Slovakia by an experienced
career diplomat Juan Cano y Trueba, known generally in
Bratislava as Count Bailen. He had the rank of Minister
Plenipotentia ry and Envoy Extraordinar y. On the other
hand, Slovakia was first represented in Spain by a Charge
d'Affaires en pied and later by an Envoy Extraordinar y
and Minister Plenipotentia ry. The first Slovak diplomat to
visit Madrid was Dr. Jozef M. Zvrskovec who represented
Slovakia in Italy and who later became known for his note
in which he spoke about a neutral status of Slovakia with
regard to Great Britain.13
Zvrskovec, however, did not present his credentials in
Spain. This was done in April 1940 by Dr. Joseph A. Mikus
SLOVAKIA
117
who was accredited as Charge d'Affaires en pied and
presented his credentials to the Minister of External Affairs,
General Cowit Jordana. Mikus remained in Spain from
April 11, 1940 to March 24, 1944 and left his post on
receiving the Honor of Commandador de la Order de Isabel
la Catholica. He was replaced by Mister Plenipotentiary
and Envoy Extraordinary, Dr. Jozef Cieker, who remained
in Spain witil his witimely death in 1969. Cieker also was
a career diplomat and one of the leading Catholic intellectuals. He was active in Pax Romana and Slavia Catholica
before he entered the diplomatic service in Prague. He
served in Belgrade as Charge d' Affaires and in Zagreb as
Minister of the Slovak Republic. In Spain, Cieker was
quite succe~ful not only among the members of the
Government but also in his relations with the Catholic
hierarchy. His good relations proved very useful after the
War when he became director of an international College
for refugee students ( Collegio Major Santiago Apostol).
In exile, Cieker was witil his death one of the leading
figures of the Slovak National Cowicil Abroad and known
as author of books and articles in Slovak as well as in
foreign languages. 14 The relations between Spain and Slovakia will, however, be treated by Mikus in his memoirs.
The diplomatic relations of the Slovak Republic with
Switzerland were, from the political as well as economic
point of view, of great importance. The capital city of
Switzerland, Bern, was the second most important European center of diplomatic activities during the whole period
of the War, as the Allies, the states which belonged to the
Axis camp and all the neutral cowitries were represented
in Switzerland.
Slovakia established a legation in Bern in the summer
of 1939, and Switzerland opened a Consulate General in
Bratislava, indicating that a legation would be established
later. Even though the Swiss recognition was on the
diplomatic level, this wieven representation caused the
Slovak Government to send to Switzerland diplomatic
representatives with the title Charge d'Affairs en pied, who
were duly accredited as handl5 of diplomatic missions but
only socially were addressed as Ministers or Envoys. The
first Slovak representative in Switzerland was Dr. Bohdan
Galvanek who, after a short stay, was sent to Rome, Italy,
118
SLOVAKIA
and replaced by a well-known Slovak writer, Tido J. Gaspar.
Even though Gaspar was very successful in Bern's diplomatic circles and made for Slovakia a good name, he was
replaced in the fall of 1940 by a career diplomat, Dr. Raduz
Radlinsky. Well prepared for his role, Radlinsky made
many friends among diplomats from various countries
and increased the prestige of the Slovak legation. However,
in 1942, he left the dir,lomatic service and the Slovak
government accredited in his stead the writer of this
survey, who remained in Bern until the end of the War.
The relations between Slovakia and Switzerland were,
from the very beginning, friendly. For Slovakia Bern was
of great political importance; for Switzerland economic
relations prevailed. In addition to current diplomatic
activities the Slovak legation in Bern had the mission to
acquaint diplomats and journalists of all countries with
the existence of the Slovak Republic as a new state in
Central Europe, and with the aspirations pf the Slovak
people not only during the War, but also after the world
conflict ended. On the part of the Swiss government, the
stress was understandably on economic relations which
developed very favorably for both countries, leaving at
the end of the war a large amount of surplus money from
ecQnomic exchanges in Bern.15 Switzerland was represented
in Slovakia by Dr. Max Graessli, a career diplomat with
the title of Consul General.
The good relations between Switzerland and the Slovak
Republic were reflected not only in extensive economic
and commercial relations but also in the fact that the
Swiss government allowed to appoint two honorary consuls
for Slovakia in Switzerland. One of them was a wealthy
industrialist who had some economic interests in Slovakia
also before the war, Rudolf Eckenstein, from Basel. In
Zurich was appointed Arthur Gaerrick, a wealthy businessman who represented before the war several Czech firms
in Switzerland.
During the first years of the War there were indications
that the relations between Switzerland and the Slovak
Republic would be normalized in the sense that Switzerland
would also establish a legation in Bratislava, and the head
of the Slovak legation in Bern would assume the title of
SLOVAKIA
119
Minister Plenipotentiary and Envoy Extraordinary. During
one of my visits with the Minister for External Affairs,
Pilez-Golas, I had the impression that this normalization
was imminent and I reported the good news to Bratislava
with great satisfaction as one of my achievements. However, the luck of the German armies on the Russian front
changed and they started to retreat after a terrible defeat
at Stalingrad. This made the Swiss government more
cautious in their foreign policy with regard to the countries
which nolens volens were on the side of the Axis. When
the retreat assumed catastrophic dimensions, Minister
Pilez-Golas was replaced by a person who had previously
no connections with foreign policy and was considered as
friendly and acceptable for the Allies.
The victory of the Allies was expected after the German
retreats as certain, even though rumors persisted that
the Allies can make a separate peace with Germany and
turn together against the Soviet march toward the West.
Only after the failure to kill Hitler by the att.empt on
July 22, 1944, these rumors died down and diplomats
accredited in Switzerland, as well as some members of
the Swiss government, began openly speaking about the
unconditional surrender of Germany and her allies. This
logically was the end of any hope that Switzerland would
establish in Bratislava a legation instead of a consulate
general. 16
In view of the complex world situation and hostile
propaganda against Slovakia in the West one of the main
goals of Slovak diplomatic representatives in Bern was
to put into proper perspective the aspirations of the Slovak
people for freedom and independence regardless of the
results of the military conflict. Therefore, many steps
were made to counteract the hostile propaganda emanating
from the exiled "Czechoslovak" circles in London and
Washington and to inform the diplomats accredited in
Switzerland about the true situation in Slovakia, and about
the attitude of the Slovak people towards the West.
Unfortunately, Western diplomats displayed very little
understanding for the aspirations of the Slovak people
and mostly adhered to the concept of the Czech exiled
politicians headed by Dr. E. Benes.
120
SLOVAKIA
For acquainting foreign diplomats and Swiss journalists with Slovakia and with the political aspirations of
the Slovak people, the Slovak Legation in Bern published
from August 1943 to January 1945 a bulletin in French
and German, Correspondence slovaque, and organized trips
for Swiss journalists to Slovakia. One of them, the editor
of the prestigious daily "Der Bund," Arnold H. Schwengler,
published from his visit to Slovakia a series of articles
which, compiled in a booklet "Die slowakische Reise,"
gave a favorable picture of the economic as well as cultural
situation in the Slovak Republic. For publishing the Correspondence slovaque and for maintaining contacts with
the press was mainly responsible, until the summer of
1944, Dr. Arved Grebert, who served as Press Attache at
the Legation.
Some newspapers used the information they received
from the Correspondence slovaque of which 23 issues were
published. The Correspondence slovaque aimed in the first
place to give basic information on economic and cultural
matters, but each issue also contained political articles
defending the right of Slovaks to independence and refuting
the adverse propaganda of the Czech exiles in the West.
The political articles were usually free of any mention of
Slovakia's relations with Germany and were concerned
with the preservation of Slovakia's independence after
the war, advocating a sort of federative solution of the
problems of the Central European nations.
This political concept was advocated also by the Slovak
Legation at the Vatican. Sidor's articles on Central European Federation also appeared in some French and German
press in Switzerland. In the fall of 1944, an article
advocating federalism in Central Europe was published
also in the Revue de droit international, mentioned above,
by the former Minister of External Affairs of the Slovak
Republic, Prof. F. :t>urcanskyP
The Slovak Legation in Bern also had a mission to
co-operate with Slovak diplomats in neutral countries in
order to co-ordinate the efforts aiming at a just solution
of the Slovak problem at the end of the War. Very close
co-operation developed especially between Karol Sidor,
Minister Plenipotentiary to the Vatican, and the writer,
for the concept of a Central European Federation conceived
SLOVAKIA
121
as a democratic and Christian block of states on the Soviet
border. The idea met with some understanding in Swiss
newspapers and in certain diplomatic circles in the West,
but was not officially accepted by the Allies because of
.agreement with the Soviet government in Teheran and
Yalta.
Swiss public opinion and the press were generally
favorably disposed towards Slovakia during the first years
of the War, and some newspapers did so also at the end
of the War and after. Even though the "Czechoslovak
government in exile" tried to use for their propaganda their
old connections with Swiss newspapers and kept in Geneva
a propagandist under the cover of an exiled journalist,
only the Socialist and Communist press published here
and there adverse articles on Slovakia. Generally the
:picture was favorable to the Slovak Republic and to the
striving of the Slovak people for independence.
On the part of the Swiss government, the also was
genuine understanding for the aspirations of the Slovak
people. At the end of the War, the world situation and
external pressures forced, however, the Swiss government
to follow the political concepts of the Allies and to recognize Czecho-Slovakia. The end of diplomatic relations
between the Slovak Republic and Switzerland occurred at
the time when the Slovak government was forced to leave
the capital city of Slovakia. A sort of consular relations
continued until the very end of the War, practically until
.June 1st, 1945.
Excerpts from "Notes to Memoires."
FOOTNOTES
1 ) See Vol. 2, 1944, p. 123-142. In Slovak I published an editorial in the
daily Slovak, January 1st, 1944, under the title "tJlohy a problemy
slovenskej diplomacie" (Goals and Problems of Slovak Diplomacy).
2) See also my articles: "International Recognition of the Slovak
Republic," Slovakia, Vol. I, No. 1, 1951, pp. 23-31; "Diplomatic
Documents on Slovakia's Declaration of Independence," Slovakia,
Vol. IV, No. 1, 1954, p. 3-12; "British Policy and Slovakia 1939-1945,"
S lovakia, Vol. X, No. 6, 1960, p. 50-61. These articles were published
also in a German version in the periodical Slowakei.
3) See Slovakia, Vol. II, No. 2, 1952, pp. 38-41.
4) F . Vnuk, " Collapse of Czecho-Slovakia in Vatican Documents,"
Slovak Studies III, Cleveland-Rome, 1965, pp. 239-256.
122
SLOVAKIA
5) See my contributions to J. Pauco (ed.) Karol Sidor, politik, novinar
a spisovatel', (Middletown, Pa. 1962); Kalendar Jednota 1971, p.
109, 117; Kalendar Kanadskej Slovenskej Ligy, 1968; Slowakei, Vol
VII, No. 1-2, pp. 87-100.
6) L. Liptak, Slovensko v 20. storoci (Slovakia in the 20th Century),
Bratislava, 1968, p. 177.
7) See S. Falt'an, Slovenska otazka v Ceskoslovensku, Bratislava, 1968,
p. 112.
8) Quoted from Kirschbaum, Slovakia- Nation at the Crossroads of
Central Europe, op. cit., pp. 1931-1932.
9) See Kirschbaum, "British Policy and Slovakia 1939-1945," Slovakia,
Vol. X, No. 6, 1960, pp. 50-61.
10) Distorted information can be found in W. Shirer's book Rise and
Fall of the Third Reich, by Gisevius and several specialists in East
Central Europe.
11) F. Vnuk, "British Recognition of Independent Slovakia in 1939,"
Slovak Studies, Vol. IX, No. 6, Cleveland-Rome, 1969, pp. 49-73.
12) See A. Grebert, "Czech Intrigues Against the Slovak State," Slovakia, Vol. I, No. 2, 1951.
13) On March 29, 1940 Minister Zvrskovec sent a note to the Italian
Foreign Ministry in which he stated that Slovakia was a neutral
country and requested at the same time that the English Government be informed of this in order that England may recognize
Slovakia's neutrality with all its consequences. See Documents on
German Foreign PoHcy, Series 'D', Vol. X, reprinted in my book
Slovakia, p. 281.
14) For details, see Liter6.rny Almanach for 1967, p. 125-126.
15) Unfortunately, the funds were transferred to Prague in the summer
of 1945. Two officials of the Slovak National Bank, Pazman and
Virsik, who sided with Dr . Benes, signed the transfer documents.
16) The failure of the attempt on Hitler's life and the outbreak of
a communist inspired uprising in Central Slovakia in the Fall
of 1944 created even a possibility for the interruption of the SwissSlovak relations. I received hints that the Swiss government would
have welcome my defectien to Dr. Benes' camp and use it as a
pretext for closing down our legation. On the other hand, Consul
General Graessli tried to leave the responsibility for taking care
of the affairs of the Consulate General to his subalter Consul Hans
Keller. Both made after the War great careers in the Swiss di:i>lomatic services. Graessli was transferred to Washington and later
became Ambassador to Sweden. Keller also moved fast and in the
1960's was Ambassador in Peking.
17) See Vol. XXII, No. 1. At the en.cl of August 1944, one of this writer's
articles on the Federalist solution of Central European problems
was published in the daily Slovak. Since it was a favorable analysis
of Milan Hodza's book Federation in Central Europe, the German
Embassy in Bratislava asked the newspaper to explain to the
readers that the article was published by inadvertence and that the
Slovak government and the newspaper did not agree with iti.
contents.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Diplomatic and Consular Relations of Slovakia with Neutral States
Description
An account of the resource
J. M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D.
Slovakia, Vol. 23 (No. 46), 1973
pp. 111-122
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Kirschbaum, Jozef M., 1913-2001
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1973
SNK
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https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/e3569cb39642c1458214630235f9ad14.pdf
6fd201ce24bc640b190ad23c869dc039
PDF Text
Text
SLOVAKIA
123
BEACON IN AMERICAN-SLOVAK LIFE
Mother M. Emerentia Petrasek
The uniquely fruitful life of a modest American-Slovak
Sister-educator came to a regrettable close on January 30,
1973 when the deeply esteemed Mother Emerentia Petrasek
quietly died in Danville, Pa., following a heart attack. Up
until a few days before her death she was characteristically
busy with the kind of work to which she was singularly
devoted all through her life, even in her retirement: writing,
promoting Slovak cultural interests, translating, encouraging others in cultural projects, and offering seasoned
and reliable counsel in many instances.
Through it all she kept close to God, the Fount of all
wisdom and grace, and like the prudent virgins of the
parable, she too, kept her lamp of watchful waiting and
prayerfulness trimmed and filled as she prepared for the
unannounced coming of the Bridegroom to Whom she had
dedicated her life by religious vows lived in convent
discipline for 58 years since her first formal profession
of religious dedication.
Mother Emerentia was born in a Pennsylvania hamlet
called Sugar Notch. Her parents were of the God-fearing
immigrant class that belonged to the Slovak parish of Our
Lady of the Rosary in Ashley, Pa. They provided for Mother
Emerentia and for her brother, who is now Monsignor
Charles Petrasek, a sound Christian home training. After
her elementary schooling in Ashley, Mary Petrasek was
enrolled at Mt. St. Mary's in Scranton and later at Marywood College. She was among the early candidates who
had responded to Father Jankola's efforts to provide for
the education of children of Slovak immigrants even at
the cost of establishing a new religious community for
this purpose.
This American-Slovak congregation is known as the
Sisters of Saints Cyril and Methodius, and Mother Erner-
�124
SLOVAKIA
entia has certainly made remarkable contributions to its
spirit and accomplishments. Whether she gave her service
as teacher, writer, planner or administrator, serving in
various capacities up to the rank of Superior General
of over four hundred Sisters, Mother Emerentia always
manifested the marks of inspired leadership and she
discharged her responsibilities - great and small - with
effective devotion.
If one were to single out an outstanding talent or
characteristic of Mother Emerentia, it would be her wholehearted devotion to the spiritual and cultural heritage of
her Slovak ancestry, coupled with a strong sense of devotion
to the Holy See and to American patriotism. With her
it was a matter of honor, a basic expression o! justice
and a conscience-binding fact of life to appreciate with
filial gratitude all the gifts which the past offers us so
that we might be able to enjoy the blessings and benefits
of the present in which we live and progress. Hers was
a clear-eyed vision of who we are, where our roots are,
and what we can become.
In her role as teacher, Mother Emerentia effectively
inculcated these attitudes in hundreds of her students who
esteemed and practically idolized her. Although her sphere
of action seemed to be confined to convent-life dimensions,
her teaching and her philosophical outlook upon life and
living touched countless other lives. Under the inspiration
and impulse of the Holy Spirit this dedicated Sister
achieved for God and nation and for fellowman so remarkable a harvest that an exhaustive study could and should
be made in at least an appreciative volume summarizini
her contributions to Slovak culture.
When Mother Emerentia assumed the office of Superior
General in 1934, the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius
were already a firmly established congregation but it was
essential to take steps for the assured growth of the community and for general participation in all the commitments
and interests of the Sisters. This consideration prompted
her to devote much attention to St. Cyril Academy, the
community's first high school which was housed at Danville and with whose foundation she had been intimately
associated. Her first object of interest was the school's
�SLOVAKIA
125
bilingual literary magazine Fialky which she had initiated
in the first year of the school's foundation. Under her
guidance the students had produced an exceptionally creditable school journal and she had always inspired them to
cultivate in it a wholesome degree of Slovak orientation.
This was evidenced not only by the bilingual aspect o! the
publication but also by its selective content. Many o! i~
articles are devoted not only to scholastic and academic
interest but also to the interests of the American-Slovak
community and to topics of Slovak history and culture.
The Academy, however, is but one of the schools under
the direction of these Sisters who are engaged primarily in
parochial schools, that were founded by Slovak immigrants
in America. Over the years these schools have been !ulfilling
the mission that had fired the zealous ardor of Father
Jankola. Mother Emerentia knew Father Jankola personally and she cherished the ideals to which he had dedicated
his priestly li!e.
In her capacity as leader and administrator of a teaching body of Sisters, Mother Emerentia was led by the
realization that the schools of American-Slovak parishes
needed effective teachers who, in turn, needed effective
tools like practical textbooks and teaching aids. In this
awareness, she conti.Rued and she expanded the training
of all teachers not only to meet state certification standards
but also to include suitable instruction in the Slovak
language and an appreciation of Slovak history and culture.
She set a personal example in these respects, for she
herself interacted with her Sisters in these fields, right
from the early days of her secondary education, through
her B.A. and M.A. college degrees from Marywood as well
as through her subsequent professional growth. Out 0!
practical situations and well-motivated discussions she
embodied such useful material in several Slovak texts that
she prepared for the schools.
In 1929 Mother Emerentia published her first formal
Slovak grammar titled Ucebnica slovenskej reci. About
twenty years later she had an updated version of Slovak
grammar called Steps in Elementary Slovak. From time
to time she supplemented and revised these texts as the
needs of the times and newer developments in grammar
�126
SLOVAKIA
and in language arts required. For the benefit of interested
teachers and adults, Mother Emerentia developed and
conducted a Slovak Correspondence Course. Her language
books and lesson sheets thus became handbooks for
instruction in Slovak.
But she had also noted that there was a need for
books of Slovak hymns and folk songs and with diligent
int.erest she compiled several editions of the Spevnicek,
a substantial collection of Slovak, Latin and English hymn
texts suited for religious services. She also edited a Spevnicek of Slovak folk songs. These collections of sacred
and secular songs delighted many school children and they
were also welcomed by their teachers and by many congregati0ns and pastors as well.
When there was a noticeable decline in the study of
Slovak in the schools, Mother Emerentia tried to meet the
new challenge by undertaking a project to preserve at least
some of the Slovak cultural heritage in America even though
the language itself was dying out. With the cooperation
of other interested Sisters, a number of Slovak religious
songs were tranlated into singable English versions and
they appeared with voice notation in two publications
sponsored by the community. These publications are
Alleluia and Bethlehem Carols (1967).
Her book length projects as well as her many articles,
studies and reviews which Mother Emerentia contributed
to a number of representative American-Slovak publications
Oargerly to the Jednota weekly and the Jednota Annual)
appear to have been but forerunners of her major work:
history of the Sisters of Saints Cyril and Methodius which
is now completed and ready in manuscript form. When
the work is published, it will be the crowning achievement
of this distinguished Sister. An abridgment of the community history, which was released as A Brief History of
the Sisters of Saints Cyril and Methodius, proves that
Mother Emerentia has prepared these annals with total
devotion to her sisterhood and that, with the talent of
a gifted historian. she was able to delineat.e in them all the
forces and all the facets of development that marked the
destinies of the Sisters of Saints Cyril and Methodius
throughout their a:postolate among Americans of Slovak
�SLOVAKIA
127
extraction, especially in their teaching endeavors and works
of charity on behalf of the orphaned and the aged.
The Slovak language as well as Slovak literature and
history were Mother Emerentia's cultural predilection to
her dying day. Even in her advanced years and in spite
of impaired health, she devoted herself to the interests of
the Slovak Book Department in Danville, where she filled
orders for those who wished to purchase various kinds
of Slovak books, and she maintained vital contacts with
many Sisters with whom she continued to share much of
her knowledge and information on current topics as well
on Slovakia's cultural and historic past.
Two traits mark the life history of Mother Emerentia:
her boundless modesty and her boundless love which is
embodied in the master project that symbolizes her greatness in life-the exquisite architectural gem and the jewel
of symbolic richness that are the unique features of the
monastic church under her direction at Villa Sacred Heart.
Visiting with Mother Emerentia was much like encountering a religious from long bygone days. She personified
humility and modesty of a rare degree. Hers was the spirit
of prayer, of unfaltering diligence, of recognition of the
worth of others and utter self-effacement. As many times
as I had tried to turn a conversation to what she had
already achieved or was endeavoring to do, she skillfuly
managed to re-direct our discussion to some other subject
just to avoid drawing attention to herself. Most of her
peer Sisters as well as younger members of the community
considered her to be the leading intellectual among the
Sisters of Saints Cyril and Methodius and the outstanding
educator in the specialized field of Slovak interests, yet
she herself once pointed out a younger co-worker and
remarked with unconcealed admiration, "There's the real
intellectual of the Community."
This puts me very much in mind of Msgr. Andrew
Hlinka who once made precisely the same kind of statement
about Dr. Joseph Tiso and his place in the Slovak Populist
Party. The great are always ready to recognize and to
credit the merits of others.
The Sisters' convent church (which Mother Emerentia
�12i
SLOVAKIA
modestly called a convent chapel) is one of the most
artistic Slovak edifice in the United States, as is the entire
complex of St. Cyril Academy and the motherhouse unit
in Danville. In this church are housed all the exquisite
religious features that bring inspiration to the visiting
faithful and to the Sisters there. In it is also found a wealth
of symbolic and stained glass pictorial representation that
captures significant highlights of Slovak as well as American-Slovak history. In some respects, this church is a kind
of supplement to the written history of the community
that is also the product of Mother Emerentia's inspiration
and talented skill. Only a spirit as deeply steeped in eternal
truth and benignly drawn to Slovakia and the Slovak people
as was Mother Emerentia's could have created so rich
a contribution to Slovak history preserved in art forms .
And this she was able to bring about because of her
conviction that such a union of valid values is pleasing
both to God and nation, and gratifying to her own community which she tried with all her abilities to build and
develop, a community that had prospered and burgeoned
so promisingly under her understanding direction.
Mother Emerentia has earned herself a lasting place
in the history of Slovak culture, for she has been chosen
by God to make the shining splendor of her life a brilliant
beacon that can lead others on to greater things. From
the hights of eternal glory may she continue to shed much
light upon her Sisters of Saints Cyril and Methodius as
well as upon countless other Slovaks in all walks of life
who knew her or who knew of her, and who found in her
diversified sphere of activity much inspiration and a unique
sense of stability and security. May she be an ideal to many!
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to
works of charity, materially and morally aids Slovaks,
here and abr oad, who may be in need of such aid; it supports the American Red Cross, United Fund Campaigns
and other American charitable pr ojects.
�
SLOVAKIA
123
BEACON IN AMERICAN-SLOVAK LIFE
Mother M. Emerentia Petrasek
The uniquely fruitful life of a modest American-Slovak
Sister-educator came to a regrettable close on January 30,
1973 when the deeply esteemed Mother Emerentia Petrasek
quietly died in Danville, Pa., following a heart attack. Up
until a few days before her death she was characteristically
busy with the kind of work to which she was singularly
devoted all through her life, even in her retirement: writing,
promoting Slovak cultural interests, translating, encouraging others in cultural projects, and offering seasoned
and reliable counsel in many instances.
Through it all she kept close to God, the Fount of all
wisdom and grace, and like the prudent virgins of the
parable, she too, kept her lamp of watchful waiting and
prayerfulness trimmed and filled as she prepared for the
unannounced coming of the Bridegroom to Whom she had
dedicated her life by religious vows lived in convent
discipline for 58 years since her first formal profession
of religious dedication.
Mother Emerentia was born in a Pennsylvania hamlet
called Sugar Notch. Her parents were of the God-fearing
immigrant class that belonged to the Slovak parish of Our
Lady of the Rosary in Ashley, Pa. They provided for Mother
Emerentia and for her brother, who is now Monsignor
Charles Petrasek, a sound Christian home training. After
her elementary schooling in Ashley, Mary Petrasek was
enrolled at Mt. St. Mary's in Scranton and later at Marywood College. She was among the early candidates who
had responded to Father Jankola's efforts to provide for
the education of children of Slovak immigrants even at
the cost of establishing a new religious community for
this purpose.
This American-Slovak congregation is known as the
Sisters of Saints Cyril and Methodius, and Mother Erner-
�124
SLOVAKIA
entia has certainly made remarkable contributions to its
spirit and accomplishments. Whether she gave her service
as teacher, writer, planner or administrator, serving in
various capacities up to the rank of Superior General
of over four hundred Sisters, Mother Emerentia always
manifested the marks of inspired leadership and she
discharged her responsibilities - great and small - with
effective devotion.
If one were to single out an outstanding talent or
characteristic of Mother Emerentia, it would be her wholehearted devotion to the spiritual and cultural heritage of
her Slovak ancestry, coupled with a strong sense of devotion
to the Holy See and to American patriotism. With her
it was a matter of honor, a basic expression o! justice
and a conscience-binding fact of life to appreciate with
filial gratitude all the gifts which the past offers us so
that we might be able to enjoy the blessings and benefits
of the present in which we live and progress. Hers was
a clear-eyed vision of who we are, where our roots are,
and what we can become.
In her role as teacher, Mother Emerentia effectively
inculcated these attitudes in hundreds of her students who
esteemed and practically idolized her. Although her sphere
of action seemed to be confined to convent-life dimensions,
her teaching and her philosophical outlook upon life and
living touched countless other lives. Under the inspiration
and impulse of the Holy Spirit this dedicated Sister
achieved for God and nation and for fellowman so remarkable a harvest that an exhaustive study could and should
be made in at least an appreciative volume summarizini
her contributions to Slovak culture.
When Mother Emerentia assumed the office of Superior
General in 1934, the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius
were already a firmly established congregation but it was
essential to take steps for the assured growth of the community and for general participation in all the commitments
and interests of the Sisters. This consideration prompted
her to devote much attention to St. Cyril Academy, the
community's first high school which was housed at Danville and with whose foundation she had been intimately
associated. Her first object of interest was the school's
�SLOVAKIA
125
bilingual literary magazine Fialky which she had initiated
in the first year of the school's foundation. Under her
guidance the students had produced an exceptionally creditable school journal and she had always inspired them to
cultivate in it a wholesome degree of Slovak orientation.
This was evidenced not only by the bilingual aspect o! the
publication but also by its selective content. Many o! i~
articles are devoted not only to scholastic and academic
interest but also to the interests of the American-Slovak
community and to topics of Slovak history and culture.
The Academy, however, is but one of the schools under
the direction of these Sisters who are engaged primarily in
parochial schools, that were founded by Slovak immigrants
in America. Over the years these schools have been !ulfilling
the mission that had fired the zealous ardor of Father
Jankola. Mother Emerentia knew Father Jankola personally and she cherished the ideals to which he had dedicated
his priestly li!e.
In her capacity as leader and administrator of a teaching body of Sisters, Mother Emerentia was led by the
realization that the schools of American-Slovak parishes
needed effective teachers who, in turn, needed effective
tools like practical textbooks and teaching aids. In this
awareness, she conti.Rued and she expanded the training
of all teachers not only to meet state certification standards
but also to include suitable instruction in the Slovak
language and an appreciation of Slovak history and culture.
She set a personal example in these respects, for she
herself interacted with her Sisters in these fields, right
from the early days of her secondary education, through
her B.A. and M.A. college degrees from Marywood as well
as through her subsequent professional growth. Out 0!
practical situations and well-motivated discussions she
embodied such useful material in several Slovak texts that
she prepared for the schools.
In 1929 Mother Emerentia published her first formal
Slovak grammar titled Ucebnica slovenskej reci. About
twenty years later she had an updated version of Slovak
grammar called Steps in Elementary Slovak. From time
to time she supplemented and revised these texts as the
needs of the times and newer developments in grammar
�126
SLOVAKIA
and in language arts required. For the benefit of interested
teachers and adults, Mother Emerentia developed and
conducted a Slovak Correspondence Course. Her language
books and lesson sheets thus became handbooks for
instruction in Slovak.
But she had also noted that there was a need for
books of Slovak hymns and folk songs and with diligent
int.erest she compiled several editions of the Spevnicek,
a substantial collection of Slovak, Latin and English hymn
texts suited for religious services. She also edited a Spevnicek of Slovak folk songs. These collections of sacred
and secular songs delighted many school children and they
were also welcomed by their teachers and by many congregati0ns and pastors as well.
When there was a noticeable decline in the study of
Slovak in the schools, Mother Emerentia tried to meet the
new challenge by undertaking a project to preserve at least
some of the Slovak cultural heritage in America even though
the language itself was dying out. With the cooperation
of other interested Sisters, a number of Slovak religious
songs were tranlated into singable English versions and
they appeared with voice notation in two publications
sponsored by the community. These publications are
Alleluia and Bethlehem Carols (1967).
Her book length projects as well as her many articles,
studies and reviews which Mother Emerentia contributed
to a number of representative American-Slovak publications
Oargerly to the Jednota weekly and the Jednota Annual)
appear to have been but forerunners of her major work:
history of the Sisters of Saints Cyril and Methodius which
is now completed and ready in manuscript form. When
the work is published, it will be the crowning achievement
of this distinguished Sister. An abridgment of the community history, which was released as A Brief History of
the Sisters of Saints Cyril and Methodius, proves that
Mother Emerentia has prepared these annals with total
devotion to her sisterhood and that, with the talent of
a gifted historian. she was able to delineat.e in them all the
forces and all the facets of development that marked the
destinies of the Sisters of Saints Cyril and Methodius
throughout their a:postolate among Americans of Slovak
�SLOVAKIA
127
extraction, especially in their teaching endeavors and works
of charity on behalf of the orphaned and the aged.
The Slovak language as well as Slovak literature and
history were Mother Emerentia's cultural predilection to
her dying day. Even in her advanced years and in spite
of impaired health, she devoted herself to the interests of
the Slovak Book Department in Danville, where she filled
orders for those who wished to purchase various kinds
of Slovak books, and she maintained vital contacts with
many Sisters with whom she continued to share much of
her knowledge and information on current topics as well
on Slovakia's cultural and historic past.
Two traits mark the life history of Mother Emerentia:
her boundless modesty and her boundless love which is
embodied in the master project that symbolizes her greatness in life-the exquisite architectural gem and the jewel
of symbolic richness that are the unique features of the
monastic church under her direction at Villa Sacred Heart.
Visiting with Mother Emerentia was much like encountering a religious from long bygone days. She personified
humility and modesty of a rare degree. Hers was the spirit
of prayer, of unfaltering diligence, of recognition of the
worth of others and utter self-effacement. As many times
as I had tried to turn a conversation to what she had
already achieved or was endeavoring to do, she skillfuly
managed to re-direct our discussion to some other subject
just to avoid drawing attention to herself. Most of her
peer Sisters as well as younger members of the community
considered her to be the leading intellectual among the
Sisters of Saints Cyril and Methodius and the outstanding
educator in the specialized field of Slovak interests, yet
she herself once pointed out a younger co-worker and
remarked with unconcealed admiration, "There's the real
intellectual of the Community."
This puts me very much in mind of Msgr. Andrew
Hlinka who once made precisely the same kind of statement
about Dr. Joseph Tiso and his place in the Slovak Populist
Party. The great are always ready to recognize and to
credit the merits of others.
The Sisters' convent church (which Mother Emerentia
�12i
SLOVAKIA
modestly called a convent chapel) is one of the most
artistic Slovak edifice in the United States, as is the entire
complex of St. Cyril Academy and the motherhouse unit
in Danville. In this church are housed all the exquisite
religious features that bring inspiration to the visiting
faithful and to the Sisters there. In it is also found a wealth
of symbolic and stained glass pictorial representation that
captures significant highlights of Slovak as well as American-Slovak history. In some respects, this church is a kind
of supplement to the written history of the community
that is also the product of Mother Emerentia's inspiration
and talented skill. Only a spirit as deeply steeped in eternal
truth and benignly drawn to Slovakia and the Slovak people
as was Mother Emerentia's could have created so rich
a contribution to Slovak history preserved in art forms .
And this she was able to bring about because of her
conviction that such a union of valid values is pleasing
both to God and nation, and gratifying to her own community which she tried with all her abilities to build and
develop, a community that had prospered and burgeoned
so promisingly under her understanding direction.
Mother Emerentia has earned herself a lasting place
in the history of Slovak culture, for she has been chosen
by God to make the shining splendor of her life a brilliant
beacon that can lead others on to greater things. From
the hights of eternal glory may she continue to shed much
light upon her Sisters of Saints Cyril and Methodius as
well as upon countless other Slovaks in all walks of life
who knew her or who knew of her, and who found in her
diversified sphere of activity much inspiration and a unique
sense of stability and security. May she be an ideal to many!
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to
works of charity, materially and morally aids Slovaks,
here and abr oad, who may be in need of such aid; it supports the American Red Cross, United Fund Campaigns
and other American charitable pr ojects.
�
Dublin Core
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Title
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1973, Vol. 23
Description
An account of the resource
Vol. 23 (No. 46), 1973.
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
The Slovak League of America
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1973
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Text
Any textual data included in the document
SLOVAKIA
123
BEACON IN AMERICAN-SLOVAK LIFE
Mother M. Emerentia Petrasek
The uniquely fruitful life of a modest American-Slovak
Sister-educator came to a regrettable close on January 30,
1973 when the deeply esteemed Mother Emerentia Petrasek
quietly died in Danville, Pa., following a heart attack. Up
until a few days before her death she was characteristically
busy with the kind of work to which she was singularly
devoted all through her life, even in her retirement: writing,
promoting Slovak cultural interests, translating, encouraging others in cultural projects, and offering seasoned
and reliable counsel in many instances.
Through it all she kept close to God, the Fount of all
wisdom and grace, and like the prudent virgins of the
parable, she too, kept her lamp of watchful waiting and
prayerfulness trimmed and filled as she prepared for the
unannounced coming of the Bridegroom to Whom she had
dedicated her life by religious vows lived in convent
discipline for 58 years since her first formal profession
of religious dedication.
Mother Emerentia was born in a Pennsylvania hamlet
called Sugar Notch. Her parents were of the God-fearing
immigrant class that belonged to the Slovak parish of Our
Lady of the Rosary in Ashley, Pa. They provided for Mother
Emerentia and for her brother, who is now Monsignor
Charles Petrasek, a sound Christian home training. After
her elementary schooling in Ashley, Mary Petrasek was
enrolled at Mt. St. Mary's in Scranton and later at Marywood College. She was among the early candidates who
had responded to Father Jankola's efforts to provide for
the education of children of Slovak immigrants even at
the cost of establishing a new religious community for
this purpose.
This American-Slovak congregation is known as the
Sisters of Saints Cyril and Methodius, and Mother Erner-
124
SLOVAKIA
entia has certainly made remarkable contributions to its
spirit and accomplishments. Whether she gave her service
as teacher, writer, planner or administrator, serving in
various capacities up to the rank of Superior General
of over four hundred Sisters, Mother Emerentia always
manifested the marks of inspired leadership and she
discharged her responsibilities - great and small - with
effective devotion.
If one were to single out an outstanding talent or
characteristic of Mother Emerentia, it would be her wholehearted devotion to the spiritual and cultural heritage of
her Slovak ancestry, coupled with a strong sense of devotion
to the Holy See and to American patriotism. With her
it was a matter of honor, a basic expression o! justice
and a conscience-binding fact of life to appreciate with
filial gratitude all the gifts which the past offers us so
that we might be able to enjoy the blessings and benefits
of the present in which we live and progress. Hers was
a clear-eyed vision of who we are, where our roots are,
and what we can become.
In her role as teacher, Mother Emerentia effectively
inculcated these attitudes in hundreds of her students who
esteemed and practically idolized her. Although her sphere
of action seemed to be confined to convent-life dimensions,
her teaching and her philosophical outlook upon life and
living touched countless other lives. Under the inspiration
and impulse of the Holy Spirit this dedicated Sister
achieved for God and nation and for fellowman so remarkable a harvest that an exhaustive study could and should
be made in at least an appreciative volume summarizini
her contributions to Slovak culture.
When Mother Emerentia assumed the office of Superior
General in 1934, the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius
were already a firmly established congregation but it was
essential to take steps for the assured growth of the community and for general participation in all the commitments
and interests of the Sisters. This consideration prompted
her to devote much attention to St. Cyril Academy, the
community's first high school which was housed at Danville and with whose foundation she had been intimately
associated. Her first object of interest was the school's
SLOVAKIA
125
bilingual literary magazine Fialky which she had initiated
in the first year of the school's foundation. Under her
guidance the students had produced an exceptionally creditable school journal and she had always inspired them to
cultivate in it a wholesome degree of Slovak orientation.
This was evidenced not only by the bilingual aspect o! the
publication but also by its selective content. Many o! i~
articles are devoted not only to scholastic and academic
interest but also to the interests of the American-Slovak
community and to topics of Slovak history and culture.
The Academy, however, is but one of the schools under
the direction of these Sisters who are engaged primarily in
parochial schools, that were founded by Slovak immigrants
in America. Over the years these schools have been !ulfilling
the mission that had fired the zealous ardor of Father
Jankola. Mother Emerentia knew Father Jankola personally and she cherished the ideals to which he had dedicated
his priestly li!e.
In her capacity as leader and administrator of a teaching body of Sisters, Mother Emerentia was led by the
realization that the schools of American-Slovak parishes
needed effective teachers who, in turn, needed effective
tools like practical textbooks and teaching aids. In this
awareness, she conti.Rued and she expanded the training
of all teachers not only to meet state certification standards
but also to include suitable instruction in the Slovak
language and an appreciation of Slovak history and culture.
She set a personal example in these respects, for she
herself interacted with her Sisters in these fields, right
from the early days of her secondary education, through
her B.A. and M.A. college degrees from Marywood as well
as through her subsequent professional growth. Out 0!
practical situations and well-motivated discussions she
embodied such useful material in several Slovak texts that
she prepared for the schools.
In 1929 Mother Emerentia published her first formal
Slovak grammar titled Ucebnica slovenskej reci. About
twenty years later she had an updated version of Slovak
grammar called Steps in Elementary Slovak. From time
to time she supplemented and revised these texts as the
needs of the times and newer developments in grammar
126
SLOVAKIA
and in language arts required. For the benefit of interested
teachers and adults, Mother Emerentia developed and
conducted a Slovak Correspondence Course. Her language
books and lesson sheets thus became handbooks for
instruction in Slovak.
But she had also noted that there was a need for
books of Slovak hymns and folk songs and with diligent
int.erest she compiled several editions of the Spevnicek,
a substantial collection of Slovak, Latin and English hymn
texts suited for religious services. She also edited a Spevnicek of Slovak folk songs. These collections of sacred
and secular songs delighted many school children and they
were also welcomed by their teachers and by many congregati0ns and pastors as well.
When there was a noticeable decline in the study of
Slovak in the schools, Mother Emerentia tried to meet the
new challenge by undertaking a project to preserve at least
some of the Slovak cultural heritage in America even though
the language itself was dying out. With the cooperation
of other interested Sisters, a number of Slovak religious
songs were tranlated into singable English versions and
they appeared with voice notation in two publications
sponsored by the community. These publications are
Alleluia and Bethlehem Carols (1967).
Her book length projects as well as her many articles,
studies and reviews which Mother Emerentia contributed
to a number of representative American-Slovak publications
Oargerly to the Jednota weekly and the Jednota Annual)
appear to have been but forerunners of her major work:
history of the Sisters of Saints Cyril and Methodius which
is now completed and ready in manuscript form. When
the work is published, it will be the crowning achievement
of this distinguished Sister. An abridgment of the community history, which was released as A Brief History of
the Sisters of Saints Cyril and Methodius, proves that
Mother Emerentia has prepared these annals with total
devotion to her sisterhood and that, with the talent of
a gifted historian. she was able to delineat.e in them all the
forces and all the facets of development that marked the
destinies of the Sisters of Saints Cyril and Methodius
throughout their a:postolate among Americans of Slovak
SLOVAKIA
127
extraction, especially in their teaching endeavors and works
of charity on behalf of the orphaned and the aged.
The Slovak language as well as Slovak literature and
history were Mother Emerentia's cultural predilection to
her dying day. Even in her advanced years and in spite
of impaired health, she devoted herself to the interests of
the Slovak Book Department in Danville, where she filled
orders for those who wished to purchase various kinds
of Slovak books, and she maintained vital contacts with
many Sisters with whom she continued to share much of
her knowledge and information on current topics as well
on Slovakia's cultural and historic past.
Two traits mark the life history of Mother Emerentia:
her boundless modesty and her boundless love which is
embodied in the master project that symbolizes her greatness in life-the exquisite architectural gem and the jewel
of symbolic richness that are the unique features of the
monastic church under her direction at Villa Sacred Heart.
Visiting with Mother Emerentia was much like encountering a religious from long bygone days. She personified
humility and modesty of a rare degree. Hers was the spirit
of prayer, of unfaltering diligence, of recognition of the
worth of others and utter self-effacement. As many times
as I had tried to turn a conversation to what she had
already achieved or was endeavoring to do, she skillfuly
managed to re-direct our discussion to some other subject
just to avoid drawing attention to herself. Most of her
peer Sisters as well as younger members of the community
considered her to be the leading intellectual among the
Sisters of Saints Cyril and Methodius and the outstanding
educator in the specialized field of Slovak interests, yet
she herself once pointed out a younger co-worker and
remarked with unconcealed admiration, "There's the real
intellectual of the Community."
This puts me very much in mind of Msgr. Andrew
Hlinka who once made precisely the same kind of statement
about Dr. Joseph Tiso and his place in the Slovak Populist
Party. The great are always ready to recognize and to
credit the merits of others.
The Sisters' convent church (which Mother Emerentia
12i
SLOVAKIA
modestly called a convent chapel) is one of the most
artistic Slovak edifice in the United States, as is the entire
complex of St. Cyril Academy and the motherhouse unit
in Danville. In this church are housed all the exquisite
religious features that bring inspiration to the visiting
faithful and to the Sisters there. In it is also found a wealth
of symbolic and stained glass pictorial representation that
captures significant highlights of Slovak as well as American-Slovak history. In some respects, this church is a kind
of supplement to the written history of the community
that is also the product of Mother Emerentia's inspiration
and talented skill. Only a spirit as deeply steeped in eternal
truth and benignly drawn to Slovakia and the Slovak people
as was Mother Emerentia's could have created so rich
a contribution to Slovak history preserved in art forms .
And this she was able to bring about because of her
conviction that such a union of valid values is pleasing
both to God and nation, and gratifying to her own community which she tried with all her abilities to build and
develop, a community that had prospered and burgeoned
so promisingly under her understanding direction.
Mother Emerentia has earned herself a lasting place
in the history of Slovak culture, for she has been chosen
by God to make the shining splendor of her life a brilliant
beacon that can lead others on to greater things. From
the hights of eternal glory may she continue to shed much
light upon her Sisters of Saints Cyril and Methodius as
well as upon countless other Slovaks in all walks of life
who knew her or who knew of her, and who found in her
diversified sphere of activity much inspiration and a unique
sense of stability and security. May she be an ideal to many!
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to
works of charity, materially and morally aids Slovaks,
here and abr oad, who may be in need of such aid; it supports the American Red Cross, United Fund Campaigns
and other American charitable pr ojects.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Mother M. Emerentia Petrášek
Description
An account of the resource
Slovakia, Vol. 23 (No. 46), 1973
pp. 123-128
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1973
-
https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/ad754c17ffd0726b669df45a412ffa67.pdf
626587d3cc501b645608829879b6d94f
PDF Text
Text
SLOVAKIA
129
The Declining Democratic Facade:
Czecho-Slovakia 1948-1960*
The two constitutions of Czecho-Slovakia enacted by
the Communist regime were the Ninth-of-May Constitution
of 1948 and the recent Soviet-model Constitution of 1960.
Granted that these two constitutions of a Soviet satellite
country are anything but the binding fundamental laws
that constitute our Western idea of a constitution, still,
the difference between these two documents epitomizes
the extent to which Czecho-Slovakia's political institutions
have been sovietized during the twelve years that separate
the Ninth-of-May Constitution and its 1960 successor.
It is somewhat ironical to consider constitutions of
communist dictatorial systems because in the first place
it is enigma why these rulers care to have any written
constitution at all. The decisions that arise, usually are
made within the supreme party organization. Members of
this body are in control of everything in every part of the
country and in every segment of life. The communists insist
on limiting its own powers, by elaborate systems of
constitutional prescriptions and restrictions that are protected legally, but this is only to say that this system
operates nominally.
The reasons which underlie the Czecho-Slovak communist philosophy of constitutionalism are much the same
as those in Soviet Union and in other "people's demo-
* The purpose of the study is to examine the forced decline of
so-called democracy in Czecho-Slovakia. Nowhere is this more apparent
than in the wording of the Bill of Rights of both the 1948 and 1960
Constitutions. Rather than repeat in footnotes unduly on each page, it
is simpler to state that all quotes on pages three to six are from the
1948 Costitution of Czecho-Slovakia which is given in Slovakia-A
Political History 1918-1950 by Joseph Mikus. Quotes from pages six to
ten are from the Constitution drafted on November, 1960. More implicit than explicit, the Constitution forms are much more emergent
in 1960 than in the twelve years previous.
�130
SLOVAKIA
cracies." It is one of the basic maxims of Marxist-Leninist
teaching on the relations between the Party and the State
that the Party makes policy, that it guides and controls
but does not directly carry out its decisions. So, for that
reason, the party has a machinery of government separation
on the party apparatus and continues to maintain it until
the State "withers away." Therefore the Constitution serves
a function which the dictatorship of the proletariat operates. No political system, it seems, misuses the concept of
popular sovereignity more than the regime of Marxist-Leninism, and Czecho-Slovakia proves to be no exception.
"The people are the master in this country. The people,
liberated, politically, socially, and economically thus attain
through a new Constitution a permanent guarantee of their
full and real freedom." "The new Constitution guarantees
that the will of the people will henceforth be the law of
the country." Both the Ninth-of-May Constitution and the
new Constitution of 1960 abound with references to the
"people". As in the American Constitution, the introductory
"We the People" formula is used and "the people" or the
"working people" are designed as the sole source of all
power. The reason for this illusion that the Communists
try t0 create in that they alone are the servants of too
people and worthy of complete confidence is probably
the main reason for having this constitution.
But it is not our main concern here to examine and
analyze the Constitution of 1948 and 1960 in totality or
to find in what they differ or in what they are similar.
The Communists themselves have stated, referring to the
1948 Constitution, that "our new Constitution will contain
two component parts" from the West and the East.
It will be our concern to take a specific section, the
Bill of Rights, and analyze the forms in the 1948 and the
1960 Constitutions respectively.
The crisis of the Third Czecho-Slovak Republic of
February 1948 was unleashed by the problem of the new
Constitution. The conceptions of the parties confronting
one another on fundamental principles were in such opposition that normal political activity had been practically
paralyzed by the Communist veto.
Communist legal technicians needed only two and a
half months to perfect all of the details of the fundamental
�SLOVAKIA
131
law. On May 9, 1948, the Constitution was unanimously
voted upon by the 246 deputies present. At the solemn
session of the National Assembly in the coronation room
of the Hradcany Castle in Prague, Prime Minister Gottwald
declared that, without the Soviet Union, the setting in
motion of the Constitution would have been impossible.
The Bill of Rights of the Ninth-of-May Constitution,
was heavily loaded with Soviet-style additions and deletions,
although, more often than not, it used the democratic
wording of the 1920 Czecho-Slovak Constitution.
In the first chapter of the Constitution, all the traditional liberties of the citizens were enumerated; equality
before the law, liberty of person, liberty of domicile,
privacy of correspondence and communications, liberty of
place, liberty of patrimony, protection of family and youth,
rights to an education, liberty of conscience and confession,
liberty of expression and protection of cultural assets,
right to petition, right of meeting and association, social
rights.
In line with the Soviet example, political rights were
supplemented with social rights in the Constitution, such
as the right to work, to leisure, to just renunciation of
work, and to protection of health. While the inclusion of
these social rights in the Constitution proper was generally
welcomed by the people, the same could not be said of
other Eastern admixtures which took the heart out of
most of the freedoms that were so solemnly guaranteed.
Certain discreet limitations were provided.
No one can be arrested if he is not caught in the act, except
on a judge's warrant, written and justified. The warrant must be
delivered at ,t he time of the arrest and, if possible, within the
following forty-eight hours. (Art. 3, §2)
No one is to be imprisoned outside of cases provided for by law;
every person must either be released within the forty-eight hours
following his imprisonment or else referred to the court or authority competent to carry on the proceedings. (Art. 3, §3)
For police agents who wished to effect a visit, a search
or a confiscation of certain objects in the domicile of
a citizen, it was sufficient "to present a written and justified
order delivered by a judge or a public authority within
the forty-eight hours following." (art. 5, sec. 2 and 3) These
�132
SLOVAKIA
warrants which authorized searches were to be issued,
of course, not exclusively by a judge but also by other
"competent authority."
The constitutional guarantee of freedom of the press
was virtually nullified by a provision that left it to the
state to decide who should publish papers and periodicals
and under what conditions, as well as to determine "the
manner and planned direction of the issue and the distribution of non-periodical publications." Nor was a situation
made any better by the monopoly conferred by the state
in the field of motion pictures, television and radio broadcasting. "Films, radio broadcasting and television become
the exclusive domain of the State." (art.22)
Except for the generally insignificant right to petition,
the exercise of civil rights was subject to further definition
or regulation by the laws to be issued. Therefore, the Bill
of Rights in the Ninth-of-May Constitution proved to be
a bare skeleton that left the decision-making and enforcement to the communist-dominated national assembly.
The Communist Constitution draftsmen made it a
Constitutional duty of every citizen to be loyal not only
to the Republic, obliged to uphold the Constitution and
to obey any call to the defense of the State, but also to
"observe in all its actions, the interests of the State, to
assist and maintain the furthemnce of the national property and to guard against its being diminished" by the
following which puts the citizen on his guard regarding
any other than a materialistic philosophy: "No conception
of the world, no faith or conviction can bear prejudice
to any one, nor can it constitute a sufficient reason to
refuse to fulfill a duty imposed by the law." (Art. 15, §2)
They were very efficient in balancing the right to work
with the duty to work: Each citizen is endowed with the
right to work; each citizen also has the duty to work in
the interest of the community, according to his capacity.
(Art. 26 and 32)
According to article 25, workmen were allowed to
group themselves into a unified trade union organization
in order to defend their interests. Since this organization
had been in the hands of Communists since 1945, the
�SLOVAKIA
133
workmen had therefore only to accept its constitutional
character.
Joseph A. Mikus in Slovakia-A Political History 19181950 says it most pointedly and with grim humor, although
no humor is really intended: "Furthermore, in fact, it
was not possible for workmen to remain outside of this
organization. A variety o! administrative pressures were
exerted to persuade the workers to join it freely." 1
Finally, in order that the Bill of Rights not to be misunderstood, they added to it a broadly phrased warning
that "Statements and acts that constitute a treat to the
independence, the totality and unity of the State, to the
Constitution, the Republican form of government, and the
People's Democratic Order are punishable by law and the
misuse of civil rights and liberties to such ends is inadmissable."
Furthermore they provided in a clause, so elastic that
it could be stretched limitlessly, for a further restriction
o! citizens' rights and liberties in time of war "when events
occur that threaten in increased measure the independence,
totality, unity o! State, Constitution, the Republican form
of government and the People's Democratic order or public
law and order." (art. 38)
In the last analysis, the Ninth-of-May Constitution was
a Janus-like creature with one face toward the East and
the other looking nostalgically to the West. Considering the
circumstances under which it was adopted, it was a remarkably moderate document. Having just overcome their
opponents and acquired absolute power within Czechoslovakia, the Communist leaders could have promulgated
a full-pledged Soviet style constitution. Instead, they decided to display some unusual restraint and create a
fundamental law in which Western elements clearly
predominated over the transplants from t:ae East.
In spite of Communist interpretation, the frequent
use of uniquely democratic phraseology is surprising. This
is mentioned in order to provide a better concept to the
Bill of Rights in the Ninth-of-May Constitution. While there
were many loopholes that vitiated the value of many of
the Constitution's guarantees, especially in the field of
�134
SLOVAKIA
civil rights, there were relatively few positive provisions
that could be said to infringe upon the basic principles
of democratic rule.
The worst violation of democracy was in the overall,
intent of the Ninth-of-May Constitution, in its interpretation,
and in the way in which it was applied by the Communist
leaders, rather than in the letter of the Constitution itself.
Despite the rumors which predicted its premature end,
the Ninth-of-May Constitution remained in force for more
than twelve years. It was not until the fall of 1959, that
the KSC (Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia) decided
to replace it with a new fundamental law. On April 19,
1960, the draft of a new Constitution was published as
a special supplement to the Party's daily Rude Prdvo. It
was approved without opposition by a national Party
conferences in July, 1960, and passed unanimously by the
National Assembly on July 11, 1960.
The basic reason for the replacement of the Ninth-ofMay Constitution with the new "socialist" constitution of
1960 stems from the re~ime's claim of a "virtual completion
of socialist construction" in Czecho-Slovakia. The preamble
of the Constitution proclaims that"Socialism has triumphed
in our country!" "We have entered a new stage in our history, and we are determined to go forward to new and still
higher goals. While completing the socialist construction
of our country, we are proceeding towards the construction
of an advanced socialist society and gathering strength
for the transition to communism." (Declaration No. I, p.
41) And so with this change came a corresponding modification in the constitutional framework.
In the twelve years of communist control, life in
Czecho-Slovakia had outgrown the moderate clauses of
the Ninth-of-May Constitution. By 1955-1960, conditions
were so outrageously different from what the Constitution
had specified, that if a change in the constitution had not
been implemented, it would be a farce providing occasions
for open ridicule and disrespect.
The process of sovietization of civil rights, begun in
1948 was completed in the Constitution of 1960. While the
civil rights clauses of the Ninth-of-May Constitution sound-
�SLOVAKIA
135
ed like a distant echo of the democratic past, their 1960
version carries an unmistakable made-in-Moscow trade
mark. The Czecho-Slovak Bill of Rights like its Soviet
model emphasizes economic and social rights.
According to article 21: All citizens shall have the right
to work and to renumeration for work done according to
its quantity, quality and social importance. Article 22: All
working people shall have the right to leisure after work.
Article 23: All working people have the right to the protection of their health and to medical care, and to material
security in old age and when incapable to work and
Article 24: All citizens shall have the right to education.
Further on in this article is the statement that The State
shall ensure citizens of Hungarian, Ukrainian and Polish
nationality every opportunity and all means for education
in their mother tongue and for their cultural development.
After reading in the beginning of the Declaration: "The
two nations, Czechs and Slovaks, which created the CzechoSlovak Republic, live in fraternal harmony" one cannot
help wondering why the Slovaks were not mentioned in
the above article also.
After stipulating the above mentioned articles on
economic and social rights, the Bill of Rights on the other
hand de-emphasizes civil rights proper. Thus it elevates
above all the others, the duty and the right to work, as
article 19 states: "In a society of working people an
individual can attain the fullest development of his capabilities and the realization of his legitimate interests only
through active participation in the development of his
society, particularly through an appropriate share in social
work. Therefore, work for the benefit of the whole is the
foremost duty, and the right to work is the foremost right
of every citizen." Ii:iterestingly enough there was no mention
of workers right to join a union as in the 1948 Constitution.
Similarly, in guaranteeing basic political freedoms of
speech and assembly, the 1960 Constitution adopts a Soviet
strategem of binding them all together in one notorious
phrase "in conformity with the interests of the working
people, these freedoms shall be guaranteed to all citizens."
Also, in contrast to its 1948 predecessor, it no longer
contains specific guarantees of freedom of association,
�136
SLOVAKIA
creative work, and scientific research. Nor does it include
the limited habeas corpus provision found in the Ninth-ofMay Constitution.
·
The Constitution provides for religious freedom but
nullifies the practice of religion by declaring that "religious
faith or conviction shall not constitute grounds for anyone
to refuse to fulfill the civic duties laid upon him by law."
(art. 32, §2)
We may thus conclude that the entire 1960 Bill of
Rights is riddled with various restrictive clauses which
negate whatever value the constitutional guarantees of
citizens' civil rights may have been. These, of course, are
found towards the end of the pages of the Bill of Rights.
Among manifold duties, it imposes upon the Czecho-Slovak
citizens such obligations as Article 34: "Citizens shall be
in duty bound to uphold the Constitution and other laws,
and in all their actions to pay heed to the interests of the
socialist State and society of the working people." "Citizens
shall be bound in duty to protect and strengthen socialist
ownership as the inviolable foundation of socialist order
and the source of the welfare of the working people, the
wealth and strength of the country and finally to abide
by the rules of socialist life."
This strong emphasis on the duties of citizens toward
society is, of course, the logical outgrowth of the Communist concept of the subordination of the individual to
collective interests. The Czecho-Slovak constitution-makers
stood on solid ideological ground when they placed a basic
clause to that effect at the very head of their new Bill
of Rights: "In society of the working people, where exploitation of man by man is abolished, the development of the
interests of each member of the society are in harmony
with the development and interests of the society as a
whole." Besides seeing this as being good Marxism-Leninism, we. may look upon the clause as meant also to serve
for the additional limitation of individual rights. As explained by a member of the commission for the preparation
of the 1960 Constitution, the said clause "gives a directive
in the interpretation of various provisions regarding the
citizens' rights and duties in case someone would want
to misuse his right contrary to the interests of the whole
and to the detriment of the society." 2
�SLOVAKIA
137
In 1948 the Communist party, yet unsure of its power,
phrased a Constitution that, though impotent, promised
freedom and individual endeavors. The constitution was
not effected and the absolute power of the state, masked
by phrases like "except," or "in case of," "however" and
"only if", was nonetheless manifest.
By 1960 the Communist party, now firmly entrenched,
was strong enough to issue a new Constitution, without
the democratic trappings that were featured in 1948. Here
the power of the state was confirmed and the use of
democratic phrases was reduced to a minimum.
Even though there are liberties that are, if nothing
else, only nominally expressed in the 1948 Constitution,
nevertheless, they suggest a democratic form. There is
in general, liberty of person, liberty of domicile, personal
:privacy and assurance of secrecy in correspondence and
communications. In the 1960 Constitution there is no
mention of these. In the 1948 Constitution there is the
protection of family and youth, the right to education and
liberty of conscience and confession and the liberty of
expression and protection of cultural assets. The 1960
Constitution disregards these.
In 1960, motherhood, marriage and the family are to
to the
extent that the state is to give special health care during
pregnancy and confinement. Freedom of expression, speech,
p.ress all must be consistent with the interests of the
working people. These freedoms are given mainly for thQ
economic and cultural development of the state.
be protected by the State. Provision is made even
With the right of meeting and association provided
in the 1948 Constitution, there was the so-called trade
union organization which existed for the benefit of workers'
interests but there is no mention of this in the 1960
Constitution.
In the matter of arrest within a specified time lapse
in the 1948 Constitution there is no such reference in
1960. Offenders often were punished only by due process
of law.
�138
SLOVAKIA
No longer was a person educated freely but by 1960,
education was compulsory and was based on a scientific
world outlook and on close ties between school life and
the work of the people.
Finally in the 1948 Constitution the phrases that
nullified each of the freedoms were dispersed throughout
the Bill of Rights in a more or less disguised manner. But
in the 1960 Constitution the Communist state no longer
needed this subterfuge and the articles were lifted; the
"guaranteed" freedoms are expressed and positioned obviously and boldly at the conclusion of the Bill of Rights.
Although liberal in statement, they are rather explicit
in the actions they demand. "Citizens shall be in duty
bound to serve in the armed forces" (art. 37) "Citizens
shall be in duty bound to protect and strengthen socialist
ownership" (art. 35) "The decency of the country and its
socialist social order shall be the supreme duty of every
citizen." (art. 36)
Having gone through this work then, and being familiar
with the country itself, this writer finds it transparent
that the democratic facade of the 1948 Constitution is
stripped away from the sovietized constitution of 1960.
Thus the new constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Socialist Republic, as Czecho-Slovakia has been renamed after
the Soviet occupation, and the manner in which the Bill
of Rights contrasts with the Ninth-of-May Constitution of
1948, reflect with considerable accuracy the extent to
which Czecho-Slovakia's political body has been sovietized
in the twelve years that separate the two fundamental laws.
s.
J.B.
FOOTNOTES
1) Joseph A. Mikus, Slovakiar-A Political History 1918-1950 (Milwau-
kee: Marquette University Press, 1963), p. 229.
2) Edward Taborsky, Communism in Czechoslovakia 1948-1960 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961), p. 182.
�SLOVAKIA
139
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Borsody, Stephen: The Tragedy of Central Europe. New York, Collier
Books, c1960.
The Constitution of the Czechoslovak Republic, Prague, Orbis, 1960.
<".:ulen, Konstantin: Vznik a zanik Demokratickej strany na Slovensku.
(The Rise and the Decline of the Democratic Party in Slovakia.)
Middletown, Pa., 1950.
Dobis, P. G.: Slovensko vo svetle historickych udalosti. 1900-1970. (Slovakia in the Light of Historical Events. 1900-1970). Rakusko,
vlastnym nakladom, 1971.
t>urcansky, Ferdinand:Pravo Slovakov na samostatnost'. Vo svetle dokumentov. Biela Kniha. (The Right of the Slovak Nation to Autonomy. In the light of historic documents. The White Book.)
Buenos Aires, Slovensky oslobodzovaci vybor, 1954.
Facts about Czechoslovakia. Prague, Orbis, 1962.
Glaser, Kurt: The Iron Curtain and American Policy. Washington, D. C.,
Public Affairs Press, cl953.
Kirschbaum, Joseph M.: Neis boj o samostatnost' Slovenska. Cleveland,
The Slovak Institute, 1958. (Our Struggle for the Independence
of Slovakia.)
An Outline of Slovakia's Struggle for Independence. 2d ed.
Toronto, The Canadian Slovak League, 1964.
Slovakia: Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe. New York,
Robert Speller, c1960.
Memorandum of the Executive Committee of the Slovak League of
America to the State Department of the United States. April 25,
1951.
Mikus, Joseph A.: Slovakia-A Political History. 1918-1949. Milwaukee,
Marquette University Press, 1949.
Rudinsky, Jozef F .: ceskoslovensky stat a Slovenska Republika. (The
Czechoslovak State and the Slovak Republic.) Munich, Akademischer Verlag Dr. Peter Belej, 1968.
Shub, Anatole: An Empire Loses Hope. New York, W. W. Norton, c1970.
Sidor, Karol : Moje poznamky k historickym dnom. (My observations on
the historic days.) Do tlace pripravil F . Vnuk. Middletown, Pa.
Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, 1971.
Sprinc, Mikulas: Slovenska republika. (The Slovak Republic.) Scranton,
Obr ana , 1949.
�
SLOVAKIA
129
The Declining Democratic Facade:
Czecho-Slovakia 1948-1960*
The two constitutions of Czecho-Slovakia enacted by
the Communist regime were the Ninth-of-May Constitution
of 1948 and the recent Soviet-model Constitution of 1960.
Granted that these two constitutions of a Soviet satellite
country are anything but the binding fundamental laws
that constitute our Western idea of a constitution, still,
the difference between these two documents epitomizes
the extent to which Czecho-Slovakia's political institutions
have been sovietized during the twelve years that separate
the Ninth-of-May Constitution and its 1960 successor.
It is somewhat ironical to consider constitutions of
communist dictatorial systems because in the first place
it is enigma why these rulers care to have any written
constitution at all. The decisions that arise, usually are
made within the supreme party organization. Members of
this body are in control of everything in every part of the
country and in every segment of life. The communists insist
on limiting its own powers, by elaborate systems of
constitutional prescriptions and restrictions that are protected legally, but this is only to say that this system
operates nominally.
The reasons which underlie the Czecho-Slovak communist philosophy of constitutionalism are much the same
as those in Soviet Union and in other "people's demo-
* The purpose of the study is to examine the forced decline of
so-called democracy in Czecho-Slovakia. Nowhere is this more apparent
than in the wording of the Bill of Rights of both the 1948 and 1960
Constitutions. Rather than repeat in footnotes unduly on each page, it
is simpler to state that all quotes on pages three to six are from the
1948 Costitution of Czecho-Slovakia which is given in Slovakia-A
Political History 1918-1950 by Joseph Mikus. Quotes from pages six to
ten are from the Constitution drafted on November, 1960. More implicit than explicit, the Constitution forms are much more emergent
in 1960 than in the twelve years previous.
�130
SLOVAKIA
cracies." It is one of the basic maxims of Marxist-Leninist
teaching on the relations between the Party and the State
that the Party makes policy, that it guides and controls
but does not directly carry out its decisions. So, for that
reason, the party has a machinery of government separation
on the party apparatus and continues to maintain it until
the State "withers away." Therefore the Constitution serves
a function which the dictatorship of the proletariat operates. No political system, it seems, misuses the concept of
popular sovereignity more than the regime of Marxist-Leninism, and Czecho-Slovakia proves to be no exception.
"The people are the master in this country. The people,
liberated, politically, socially, and economically thus attain
through a new Constitution a permanent guarantee of their
full and real freedom." "The new Constitution guarantees
that the will of the people will henceforth be the law of
the country." Both the Ninth-of-May Constitution and the
new Constitution of 1960 abound with references to the
"people". As in the American Constitution, the introductory
"We the People" formula is used and "the people" or the
"working people" are designed as the sole source of all
power. The reason for this illusion that the Communists
try t0 create in that they alone are the servants of too
people and worthy of complete confidence is probably
the main reason for having this constitution.
But it is not our main concern here to examine and
analyze the Constitution of 1948 and 1960 in totality or
to find in what they differ or in what they are similar.
The Communists themselves have stated, referring to the
1948 Constitution, that "our new Constitution will contain
two component parts" from the West and the East.
It will be our concern to take a specific section, the
Bill of Rights, and analyze the forms in the 1948 and the
1960 Constitutions respectively.
The crisis of the Third Czecho-Slovak Republic of
February 1948 was unleashed by the problem of the new
Constitution. The conceptions of the parties confronting
one another on fundamental principles were in such opposition that normal political activity had been practically
paralyzed by the Communist veto.
Communist legal technicians needed only two and a
half months to perfect all of the details of the fundamental
�SLOVAKIA
131
law. On May 9, 1948, the Constitution was unanimously
voted upon by the 246 deputies present. At the solemn
session of the National Assembly in the coronation room
of the Hradcany Castle in Prague, Prime Minister Gottwald
declared that, without the Soviet Union, the setting in
motion of the Constitution would have been impossible.
The Bill of Rights of the Ninth-of-May Constitution,
was heavily loaded with Soviet-style additions and deletions,
although, more often than not, it used the democratic
wording of the 1920 Czecho-Slovak Constitution.
In the first chapter of the Constitution, all the traditional liberties of the citizens were enumerated; equality
before the law, liberty of person, liberty of domicile,
privacy of correspondence and communications, liberty of
place, liberty of patrimony, protection of family and youth,
rights to an education, liberty of conscience and confession,
liberty of expression and protection of cultural assets,
right to petition, right of meeting and association, social
rights.
In line with the Soviet example, political rights were
supplemented with social rights in the Constitution, such
as the right to work, to leisure, to just renunciation of
work, and to protection of health. While the inclusion of
these social rights in the Constitution proper was generally
welcomed by the people, the same could not be said of
other Eastern admixtures which took the heart out of
most of the freedoms that were so solemnly guaranteed.
Certain discreet limitations were provided.
No one can be arrested if he is not caught in the act, except
on a judge's warrant, written and justified. The warrant must be
delivered at ,t he time of the arrest and, if possible, within the
following forty-eight hours. (Art. 3, §2)
No one is to be imprisoned outside of cases provided for by law;
every person must either be released within the forty-eight hours
following his imprisonment or else referred to the court or authority competent to carry on the proceedings. (Art. 3, §3)
For police agents who wished to effect a visit, a search
or a confiscation of certain objects in the domicile of
a citizen, it was sufficient "to present a written and justified
order delivered by a judge or a public authority within
the forty-eight hours following." (art. 5, sec. 2 and 3) These
�132
SLOVAKIA
warrants which authorized searches were to be issued,
of course, not exclusively by a judge but also by other
"competent authority."
The constitutional guarantee of freedom of the press
was virtually nullified by a provision that left it to the
state to decide who should publish papers and periodicals
and under what conditions, as well as to determine "the
manner and planned direction of the issue and the distribution of non-periodical publications." Nor was a situation
made any better by the monopoly conferred by the state
in the field of motion pictures, television and radio broadcasting. "Films, radio broadcasting and television become
the exclusive domain of the State." (art.22)
Except for the generally insignificant right to petition,
the exercise of civil rights was subject to further definition
or regulation by the laws to be issued. Therefore, the Bill
of Rights in the Ninth-of-May Constitution proved to be
a bare skeleton that left the decision-making and enforcement to the communist-dominated national assembly.
The Communist Constitution draftsmen made it a
Constitutional duty of every citizen to be loyal not only
to the Republic, obliged to uphold the Constitution and
to obey any call to the defense of the State, but also to
"observe in all its actions, the interests of the State, to
assist and maintain the furthemnce of the national property and to guard against its being diminished" by the
following which puts the citizen on his guard regarding
any other than a materialistic philosophy: "No conception
of the world, no faith or conviction can bear prejudice
to any one, nor can it constitute a sufficient reason to
refuse to fulfill a duty imposed by the law." (Art. 15, §2)
They were very efficient in balancing the right to work
with the duty to work: Each citizen is endowed with the
right to work; each citizen also has the duty to work in
the interest of the community, according to his capacity.
(Art. 26 and 32)
According to article 25, workmen were allowed to
group themselves into a unified trade union organization
in order to defend their interests. Since this organization
had been in the hands of Communists since 1945, the
�SLOVAKIA
133
workmen had therefore only to accept its constitutional
character.
Joseph A. Mikus in Slovakia-A Political History 19181950 says it most pointedly and with grim humor, although
no humor is really intended: "Furthermore, in fact, it
was not possible for workmen to remain outside of this
organization. A variety o! administrative pressures were
exerted to persuade the workers to join it freely." 1
Finally, in order that the Bill of Rights not to be misunderstood, they added to it a broadly phrased warning
that "Statements and acts that constitute a treat to the
independence, the totality and unity of the State, to the
Constitution, the Republican form of government, and the
People's Democratic Order are punishable by law and the
misuse of civil rights and liberties to such ends is inadmissable."
Furthermore they provided in a clause, so elastic that
it could be stretched limitlessly, for a further restriction
o! citizens' rights and liberties in time of war "when events
occur that threaten in increased measure the independence,
totality, unity o! State, Constitution, the Republican form
of government and the People's Democratic order or public
law and order." (art. 38)
In the last analysis, the Ninth-of-May Constitution was
a Janus-like creature with one face toward the East and
the other looking nostalgically to the West. Considering the
circumstances under which it was adopted, it was a remarkably moderate document. Having just overcome their
opponents and acquired absolute power within Czechoslovakia, the Communist leaders could have promulgated
a full-pledged Soviet style constitution. Instead, they decided to display some unusual restraint and create a
fundamental law in which Western elements clearly
predominated over the transplants from t:ae East.
In spite of Communist interpretation, the frequent
use of uniquely democratic phraseology is surprising. This
is mentioned in order to provide a better concept to the
Bill of Rights in the Ninth-of-May Constitution. While there
were many loopholes that vitiated the value of many of
the Constitution's guarantees, especially in the field of
�134
SLOVAKIA
civil rights, there were relatively few positive provisions
that could be said to infringe upon the basic principles
of democratic rule.
The worst violation of democracy was in the overall,
intent of the Ninth-of-May Constitution, in its interpretation,
and in the way in which it was applied by the Communist
leaders, rather than in the letter of the Constitution itself.
Despite the rumors which predicted its premature end,
the Ninth-of-May Constitution remained in force for more
than twelve years. It was not until the fall of 1959, that
the KSC (Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia) decided
to replace it with a new fundamental law. On April 19,
1960, the draft of a new Constitution was published as
a special supplement to the Party's daily Rude Prdvo. It
was approved without opposition by a national Party
conferences in July, 1960, and passed unanimously by the
National Assembly on July 11, 1960.
The basic reason for the replacement of the Ninth-ofMay Constitution with the new "socialist" constitution of
1960 stems from the re~ime's claim of a "virtual completion
of socialist construction" in Czecho-Slovakia. The preamble
of the Constitution proclaims that"Socialism has triumphed
in our country!" "We have entered a new stage in our history, and we are determined to go forward to new and still
higher goals. While completing the socialist construction
of our country, we are proceeding towards the construction
of an advanced socialist society and gathering strength
for the transition to communism." (Declaration No. I, p.
41) And so with this change came a corresponding modification in the constitutional framework.
In the twelve years of communist control, life in
Czecho-Slovakia had outgrown the moderate clauses of
the Ninth-of-May Constitution. By 1955-1960, conditions
were so outrageously different from what the Constitution
had specified, that if a change in the constitution had not
been implemented, it would be a farce providing occasions
for open ridicule and disrespect.
The process of sovietization of civil rights, begun in
1948 was completed in the Constitution of 1960. While the
civil rights clauses of the Ninth-of-May Constitution sound-
�SLOVAKIA
135
ed like a distant echo of the democratic past, their 1960
version carries an unmistakable made-in-Moscow trade
mark. The Czecho-Slovak Bill of Rights like its Soviet
model emphasizes economic and social rights.
According to article 21: All citizens shall have the right
to work and to renumeration for work done according to
its quantity, quality and social importance. Article 22: All
working people shall have the right to leisure after work.
Article 23: All working people have the right to the protection of their health and to medical care, and to material
security in old age and when incapable to work and
Article 24: All citizens shall have the right to education.
Further on in this article is the statement that The State
shall ensure citizens of Hungarian, Ukrainian and Polish
nationality every opportunity and all means for education
in their mother tongue and for their cultural development.
After reading in the beginning of the Declaration: "The
two nations, Czechs and Slovaks, which created the CzechoSlovak Republic, live in fraternal harmony" one cannot
help wondering why the Slovaks were not mentioned in
the above article also.
After stipulating the above mentioned articles on
economic and social rights, the Bill of Rights on the other
hand de-emphasizes civil rights proper. Thus it elevates
above all the others, the duty and the right to work, as
article 19 states: "In a society of working people an
individual can attain the fullest development of his capabilities and the realization of his legitimate interests only
through active participation in the development of his
society, particularly through an appropriate share in social
work. Therefore, work for the benefit of the whole is the
foremost duty, and the right to work is the foremost right
of every citizen." Ii:iterestingly enough there was no mention
of workers right to join a union as in the 1948 Constitution.
Similarly, in guaranteeing basic political freedoms of
speech and assembly, the 1960 Constitution adopts a Soviet
strategem of binding them all together in one notorious
phrase "in conformity with the interests of the working
people, these freedoms shall be guaranteed to all citizens."
Also, in contrast to its 1948 predecessor, it no longer
contains specific guarantees of freedom of association,
�136
SLOVAKIA
creative work, and scientific research. Nor does it include
the limited habeas corpus provision found in the Ninth-ofMay Constitution.
·
The Constitution provides for religious freedom but
nullifies the practice of religion by declaring that "religious
faith or conviction shall not constitute grounds for anyone
to refuse to fulfill the civic duties laid upon him by law."
(art. 32, §2)
We may thus conclude that the entire 1960 Bill of
Rights is riddled with various restrictive clauses which
negate whatever value the constitutional guarantees of
citizens' civil rights may have been. These, of course, are
found towards the end of the pages of the Bill of Rights.
Among manifold duties, it imposes upon the Czecho-Slovak
citizens such obligations as Article 34: "Citizens shall be
in duty bound to uphold the Constitution and other laws,
and in all their actions to pay heed to the interests of the
socialist State and society of the working people." "Citizens
shall be bound in duty to protect and strengthen socialist
ownership as the inviolable foundation of socialist order
and the source of the welfare of the working people, the
wealth and strength of the country and finally to abide
by the rules of socialist life."
This strong emphasis on the duties of citizens toward
society is, of course, the logical outgrowth of the Communist concept of the subordination of the individual to
collective interests. The Czecho-Slovak constitution-makers
stood on solid ideological ground when they placed a basic
clause to that effect at the very head of their new Bill
of Rights: "In society of the working people, where exploitation of man by man is abolished, the development of the
interests of each member of the society are in harmony
with the development and interests of the society as a
whole." Besides seeing this as being good Marxism-Leninism, we. may look upon the clause as meant also to serve
for the additional limitation of individual rights. As explained by a member of the commission for the preparation
of the 1960 Constitution, the said clause "gives a directive
in the interpretation of various provisions regarding the
citizens' rights and duties in case someone would want
to misuse his right contrary to the interests of the whole
and to the detriment of the society." 2
�SLOVAKIA
137
In 1948 the Communist party, yet unsure of its power,
phrased a Constitution that, though impotent, promised
freedom and individual endeavors. The constitution was
not effected and the absolute power of the state, masked
by phrases like "except," or "in case of," "however" and
"only if", was nonetheless manifest.
By 1960 the Communist party, now firmly entrenched,
was strong enough to issue a new Constitution, without
the democratic trappings that were featured in 1948. Here
the power of the state was confirmed and the use of
democratic phrases was reduced to a minimum.
Even though there are liberties that are, if nothing
else, only nominally expressed in the 1948 Constitution,
nevertheless, they suggest a democratic form. There is
in general, liberty of person, liberty of domicile, personal
:privacy and assurance of secrecy in correspondence and
communications. In the 1960 Constitution there is no
mention of these. In the 1948 Constitution there is the
protection of family and youth, the right to education and
liberty of conscience and confession and the liberty of
expression and protection of cultural assets. The 1960
Constitution disregards these.
In 1960, motherhood, marriage and the family are to
to the
extent that the state is to give special health care during
pregnancy and confinement. Freedom of expression, speech,
p.ress all must be consistent with the interests of the
working people. These freedoms are given mainly for thQ
economic and cultural development of the state.
be protected by the State. Provision is made even
With the right of meeting and association provided
in the 1948 Constitution, there was the so-called trade
union organization which existed for the benefit of workers'
interests but there is no mention of this in the 1960
Constitution.
In the matter of arrest within a specified time lapse
in the 1948 Constitution there is no such reference in
1960. Offenders often were punished only by due process
of law.
�138
SLOVAKIA
No longer was a person educated freely but by 1960,
education was compulsory and was based on a scientific
world outlook and on close ties between school life and
the work of the people.
Finally in the 1948 Constitution the phrases that
nullified each of the freedoms were dispersed throughout
the Bill of Rights in a more or less disguised manner. But
in the 1960 Constitution the Communist state no longer
needed this subterfuge and the articles were lifted; the
"guaranteed" freedoms are expressed and positioned obviously and boldly at the conclusion of the Bill of Rights.
Although liberal in statement, they are rather explicit
in the actions they demand. "Citizens shall be in duty
bound to serve in the armed forces" (art. 37) "Citizens
shall be in duty bound to protect and strengthen socialist
ownership" (art. 35) "The decency of the country and its
socialist social order shall be the supreme duty of every
citizen." (art. 36)
Having gone through this work then, and being familiar
with the country itself, this writer finds it transparent
that the democratic facade of the 1948 Constitution is
stripped away from the sovietized constitution of 1960.
Thus the new constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Socialist Republic, as Czecho-Slovakia has been renamed after
the Soviet occupation, and the manner in which the Bill
of Rights contrasts with the Ninth-of-May Constitution of
1948, reflect with considerable accuracy the extent to
which Czecho-Slovakia's political body has been sovietized
in the twelve years that separate the two fundamental laws.
s.
J.B.
FOOTNOTES
1) Joseph A. Mikus, Slovakiar-A Political History 1918-1950 (Milwau-
kee: Marquette University Press, 1963), p. 229.
2) Edward Taborsky, Communism in Czechoslovakia 1948-1960 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961), p. 182.
�SLOVAKIA
139
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Borsody, Stephen: The Tragedy of Central Europe. New York, Collier
Books, c1960.
The Constitution of the Czechoslovak Republic, Prague, Orbis, 1960.
<".:ulen, Konstantin: Vznik a zanik Demokratickej strany na Slovensku.
(The Rise and the Decline of the Democratic Party in Slovakia.)
Middletown, Pa., 1950.
Dobis, P. G.: Slovensko vo svetle historickych udalosti. 1900-1970. (Slovakia in the Light of Historical Events. 1900-1970). Rakusko,
vlastnym nakladom, 1971.
t>urcansky, Ferdinand:Pravo Slovakov na samostatnost'. Vo svetle dokumentov. Biela Kniha. (The Right of the Slovak Nation to Autonomy. In the light of historic documents. The White Book.)
Buenos Aires, Slovensky oslobodzovaci vybor, 1954.
Facts about Czechoslovakia. Prague, Orbis, 1962.
Glaser, Kurt: The Iron Curtain and American Policy. Washington, D. C.,
Public Affairs Press, cl953.
Kirschbaum, Joseph M.: Neis boj o samostatnost' Slovenska. Cleveland,
The Slovak Institute, 1958. (Our Struggle for the Independence
of Slovakia.)
An Outline of Slovakia's Struggle for Independence. 2d ed.
Toronto, The Canadian Slovak League, 1964.
Slovakia: Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe. New York,
Robert Speller, c1960.
Memorandum of the Executive Committee of the Slovak League of
America to the State Department of the United States. April 25,
1951.
Mikus, Joseph A.: Slovakia-A Political History. 1918-1949. Milwaukee,
Marquette University Press, 1949.
Rudinsky, Jozef F .: ceskoslovensky stat a Slovenska Republika. (The
Czechoslovak State and the Slovak Republic.) Munich, Akademischer Verlag Dr. Peter Belej, 1968.
Shub, Anatole: An Empire Loses Hope. New York, W. W. Norton, c1970.
Sidor, Karol : Moje poznamky k historickym dnom. (My observations on
the historic days.) Do tlace pripravil F . Vnuk. Middletown, Pa.
Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, 1971.
Sprinc, Mikulas: Slovenska republika. (The Slovak Republic.) Scranton,
Obr ana , 1949.
�
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Vol. 23 (No. 46), 1973.
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1973
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SLOVAKIA
129
The Declining Democratic Facade:
Czecho-Slovakia 1948-1960*
The two constitutions of Czecho-Slovakia enacted by
the Communist regime were the Ninth-of-May Constitution
of 1948 and the recent Soviet-model Constitution of 1960.
Granted that these two constitutions of a Soviet satellite
country are anything but the binding fundamental laws
that constitute our Western idea of a constitution, still,
the difference between these two documents epitomizes
the extent to which Czecho-Slovakia's political institutions
have been sovietized during the twelve years that separate
the Ninth-of-May Constitution and its 1960 successor.
It is somewhat ironical to consider constitutions of
communist dictatorial systems because in the first place
it is enigma why these rulers care to have any written
constitution at all. The decisions that arise, usually are
made within the supreme party organization. Members of
this body are in control of everything in every part of the
country and in every segment of life. The communists insist
on limiting its own powers, by elaborate systems of
constitutional prescriptions and restrictions that are protected legally, but this is only to say that this system
operates nominally.
The reasons which underlie the Czecho-Slovak communist philosophy of constitutionalism are much the same
as those in Soviet Union and in other "people's demo-
* The purpose of the study is to examine the forced decline of
so-called democracy in Czecho-Slovakia. Nowhere is this more apparent
than in the wording of the Bill of Rights of both the 1948 and 1960
Constitutions. Rather than repeat in footnotes unduly on each page, it
is simpler to state that all quotes on pages three to six are from the
1948 Costitution of Czecho-Slovakia which is given in Slovakia-A
Political History 1918-1950 by Joseph Mikus. Quotes from pages six to
ten are from the Constitution drafted on November, 1960. More implicit than explicit, the Constitution forms are much more emergent
in 1960 than in the twelve years previous.
130
SLOVAKIA
cracies." It is one of the basic maxims of Marxist-Leninist
teaching on the relations between the Party and the State
that the Party makes policy, that it guides and controls
but does not directly carry out its decisions. So, for that
reason, the party has a machinery of government separation
on the party apparatus and continues to maintain it until
the State "withers away." Therefore the Constitution serves
a function which the dictatorship of the proletariat operates. No political system, it seems, misuses the concept of
popular sovereignity more than the regime of Marxist-Leninism, and Czecho-Slovakia proves to be no exception.
"The people are the master in this country. The people,
liberated, politically, socially, and economically thus attain
through a new Constitution a permanent guarantee of their
full and real freedom." "The new Constitution guarantees
that the will of the people will henceforth be the law of
the country." Both the Ninth-of-May Constitution and the
new Constitution of 1960 abound with references to the
"people". As in the American Constitution, the introductory
"We the People" formula is used and "the people" or the
"working people" are designed as the sole source of all
power. The reason for this illusion that the Communists
try t0 create in that they alone are the servants of too
people and worthy of complete confidence is probably
the main reason for having this constitution.
But it is not our main concern here to examine and
analyze the Constitution of 1948 and 1960 in totality or
to find in what they differ or in what they are similar.
The Communists themselves have stated, referring to the
1948 Constitution, that "our new Constitution will contain
two component parts" from the West and the East.
It will be our concern to take a specific section, the
Bill of Rights, and analyze the forms in the 1948 and the
1960 Constitutions respectively.
The crisis of the Third Czecho-Slovak Republic of
February 1948 was unleashed by the problem of the new
Constitution. The conceptions of the parties confronting
one another on fundamental principles were in such opposition that normal political activity had been practically
paralyzed by the Communist veto.
Communist legal technicians needed only two and a
half months to perfect all of the details of the fundamental
SLOVAKIA
131
law. On May 9, 1948, the Constitution was unanimously
voted upon by the 246 deputies present. At the solemn
session of the National Assembly in the coronation room
of the Hradcany Castle in Prague, Prime Minister Gottwald
declared that, without the Soviet Union, the setting in
motion of the Constitution would have been impossible.
The Bill of Rights of the Ninth-of-May Constitution,
was heavily loaded with Soviet-style additions and deletions,
although, more often than not, it used the democratic
wording of the 1920 Czecho-Slovak Constitution.
In the first chapter of the Constitution, all the traditional liberties of the citizens were enumerated; equality
before the law, liberty of person, liberty of domicile,
privacy of correspondence and communications, liberty of
place, liberty of patrimony, protection of family and youth,
rights to an education, liberty of conscience and confession,
liberty of expression and protection of cultural assets,
right to petition, right of meeting and association, social
rights.
In line with the Soviet example, political rights were
supplemented with social rights in the Constitution, such
as the right to work, to leisure, to just renunciation of
work, and to protection of health. While the inclusion of
these social rights in the Constitution proper was generally
welcomed by the people, the same could not be said of
other Eastern admixtures which took the heart out of
most of the freedoms that were so solemnly guaranteed.
Certain discreet limitations were provided.
No one can be arrested if he is not caught in the act, except
on a judge's warrant, written and justified. The warrant must be
delivered at ,t he time of the arrest and, if possible, within the
following forty-eight hours. (Art. 3, §2)
No one is to be imprisoned outside of cases provided for by law;
every person must either be released within the forty-eight hours
following his imprisonment or else referred to the court or authority competent to carry on the proceedings. (Art. 3, §3)
For police agents who wished to effect a visit, a search
or a confiscation of certain objects in the domicile of
a citizen, it was sufficient "to present a written and justified
order delivered by a judge or a public authority within
the forty-eight hours following." (art. 5, sec. 2 and 3) These
132
SLOVAKIA
warrants which authorized searches were to be issued,
of course, not exclusively by a judge but also by other
"competent authority."
The constitutional guarantee of freedom of the press
was virtually nullified by a provision that left it to the
state to decide who should publish papers and periodicals
and under what conditions, as well as to determine "the
manner and planned direction of the issue and the distribution of non-periodical publications." Nor was a situation
made any better by the monopoly conferred by the state
in the field of motion pictures, television and radio broadcasting. "Films, radio broadcasting and television become
the exclusive domain of the State." (art.22)
Except for the generally insignificant right to petition,
the exercise of civil rights was subject to further definition
or regulation by the laws to be issued. Therefore, the Bill
of Rights in the Ninth-of-May Constitution proved to be
a bare skeleton that left the decision-making and enforcement to the communist-dominated national assembly.
The Communist Constitution draftsmen made it a
Constitutional duty of every citizen to be loyal not only
to the Republic, obliged to uphold the Constitution and
to obey any call to the defense of the State, but also to
"observe in all its actions, the interests of the State, to
assist and maintain the furthemnce of the national property and to guard against its being diminished" by the
following which puts the citizen on his guard regarding
any other than a materialistic philosophy: "No conception
of the world, no faith or conviction can bear prejudice
to any one, nor can it constitute a sufficient reason to
refuse to fulfill a duty imposed by the law." (Art. 15, §2)
They were very efficient in balancing the right to work
with the duty to work: Each citizen is endowed with the
right to work; each citizen also has the duty to work in
the interest of the community, according to his capacity.
(Art. 26 and 32)
According to article 25, workmen were allowed to
group themselves into a unified trade union organization
in order to defend their interests. Since this organization
had been in the hands of Communists since 1945, the
SLOVAKIA
133
workmen had therefore only to accept its constitutional
character.
Joseph A. Mikus in Slovakia-A Political History 19181950 says it most pointedly and with grim humor, although
no humor is really intended: "Furthermore, in fact, it
was not possible for workmen to remain outside of this
organization. A variety o! administrative pressures were
exerted to persuade the workers to join it freely." 1
Finally, in order that the Bill of Rights not to be misunderstood, they added to it a broadly phrased warning
that "Statements and acts that constitute a treat to the
independence, the totality and unity of the State, to the
Constitution, the Republican form of government, and the
People's Democratic Order are punishable by law and the
misuse of civil rights and liberties to such ends is inadmissable."
Furthermore they provided in a clause, so elastic that
it could be stretched limitlessly, for a further restriction
o! citizens' rights and liberties in time of war "when events
occur that threaten in increased measure the independence,
totality, unity o! State, Constitution, the Republican form
of government and the People's Democratic order or public
law and order." (art. 38)
In the last analysis, the Ninth-of-May Constitution was
a Janus-like creature with one face toward the East and
the other looking nostalgically to the West. Considering the
circumstances under which it was adopted, it was a remarkably moderate document. Having just overcome their
opponents and acquired absolute power within Czechoslovakia, the Communist leaders could have promulgated
a full-pledged Soviet style constitution. Instead, they decided to display some unusual restraint and create a
fundamental law in which Western elements clearly
predominated over the transplants from t:ae East.
In spite of Communist interpretation, the frequent
use of uniquely democratic phraseology is surprising. This
is mentioned in order to provide a better concept to the
Bill of Rights in the Ninth-of-May Constitution. While there
were many loopholes that vitiated the value of many of
the Constitution's guarantees, especially in the field of
134
SLOVAKIA
civil rights, there were relatively few positive provisions
that could be said to infringe upon the basic principles
of democratic rule.
The worst violation of democracy was in the overall,
intent of the Ninth-of-May Constitution, in its interpretation,
and in the way in which it was applied by the Communist
leaders, rather than in the letter of the Constitution itself.
Despite the rumors which predicted its premature end,
the Ninth-of-May Constitution remained in force for more
than twelve years. It was not until the fall of 1959, that
the KSC (Communist Party of Czecho-Slovakia) decided
to replace it with a new fundamental law. On April 19,
1960, the draft of a new Constitution was published as
a special supplement to the Party's daily Rude Prdvo. It
was approved without opposition by a national Party
conferences in July, 1960, and passed unanimously by the
National Assembly on July 11, 1960.
The basic reason for the replacement of the Ninth-ofMay Constitution with the new "socialist" constitution of
1960 stems from the re~ime's claim of a "virtual completion
of socialist construction" in Czecho-Slovakia. The preamble
of the Constitution proclaims that"Socialism has triumphed
in our country!" "We have entered a new stage in our history, and we are determined to go forward to new and still
higher goals. While completing the socialist construction
of our country, we are proceeding towards the construction
of an advanced socialist society and gathering strength
for the transition to communism." (Declaration No. I, p.
41) And so with this change came a corresponding modification in the constitutional framework.
In the twelve years of communist control, life in
Czecho-Slovakia had outgrown the moderate clauses of
the Ninth-of-May Constitution. By 1955-1960, conditions
were so outrageously different from what the Constitution
had specified, that if a change in the constitution had not
been implemented, it would be a farce providing occasions
for open ridicule and disrespect.
The process of sovietization of civil rights, begun in
1948 was completed in the Constitution of 1960. While the
civil rights clauses of the Ninth-of-May Constitution sound-
SLOVAKIA
135
ed like a distant echo of the democratic past, their 1960
version carries an unmistakable made-in-Moscow trade
mark. The Czecho-Slovak Bill of Rights like its Soviet
model emphasizes economic and social rights.
According to article 21: All citizens shall have the right
to work and to renumeration for work done according to
its quantity, quality and social importance. Article 22: All
working people shall have the right to leisure after work.
Article 23: All working people have the right to the protection of their health and to medical care, and to material
security in old age and when incapable to work and
Article 24: All citizens shall have the right to education.
Further on in this article is the statement that The State
shall ensure citizens of Hungarian, Ukrainian and Polish
nationality every opportunity and all means for education
in their mother tongue and for their cultural development.
After reading in the beginning of the Declaration: "The
two nations, Czechs and Slovaks, which created the CzechoSlovak Republic, live in fraternal harmony" one cannot
help wondering why the Slovaks were not mentioned in
the above article also.
After stipulating the above mentioned articles on
economic and social rights, the Bill of Rights on the other
hand de-emphasizes civil rights proper. Thus it elevates
above all the others, the duty and the right to work, as
article 19 states: "In a society of working people an
individual can attain the fullest development of his capabilities and the realization of his legitimate interests only
through active participation in the development of his
society, particularly through an appropriate share in social
work. Therefore, work for the benefit of the whole is the
foremost duty, and the right to work is the foremost right
of every citizen." Ii:iterestingly enough there was no mention
of workers right to join a union as in the 1948 Constitution.
Similarly, in guaranteeing basic political freedoms of
speech and assembly, the 1960 Constitution adopts a Soviet
strategem of binding them all together in one notorious
phrase "in conformity with the interests of the working
people, these freedoms shall be guaranteed to all citizens."
Also, in contrast to its 1948 predecessor, it no longer
contains specific guarantees of freedom of association,
136
SLOVAKIA
creative work, and scientific research. Nor does it include
the limited habeas corpus provision found in the Ninth-ofMay Constitution.
·
The Constitution provides for religious freedom but
nullifies the practice of religion by declaring that "religious
faith or conviction shall not constitute grounds for anyone
to refuse to fulfill the civic duties laid upon him by law."
(art. 32, §2)
We may thus conclude that the entire 1960 Bill of
Rights is riddled with various restrictive clauses which
negate whatever value the constitutional guarantees of
citizens' civil rights may have been. These, of course, are
found towards the end of the pages of the Bill of Rights.
Among manifold duties, it imposes upon the Czecho-Slovak
citizens such obligations as Article 34: "Citizens shall be
in duty bound to uphold the Constitution and other laws,
and in all their actions to pay heed to the interests of the
socialist State and society of the working people." "Citizens
shall be bound in duty to protect and strengthen socialist
ownership as the inviolable foundation of socialist order
and the source of the welfare of the working people, the
wealth and strength of the country and finally to abide
by the rules of socialist life."
This strong emphasis on the duties of citizens toward
society is, of course, the logical outgrowth of the Communist concept of the subordination of the individual to
collective interests. The Czecho-Slovak constitution-makers
stood on solid ideological ground when they placed a basic
clause to that effect at the very head of their new Bill
of Rights: "In society of the working people, where exploitation of man by man is abolished, the development of the
interests of each member of the society are in harmony
with the development and interests of the society as a
whole." Besides seeing this as being good Marxism-Leninism, we. may look upon the clause as meant also to serve
for the additional limitation of individual rights. As explained by a member of the commission for the preparation
of the 1960 Constitution, the said clause "gives a directive
in the interpretation of various provisions regarding the
citizens' rights and duties in case someone would want
to misuse his right contrary to the interests of the whole
and to the detriment of the society." 2
SLOVAKIA
137
In 1948 the Communist party, yet unsure of its power,
phrased a Constitution that, though impotent, promised
freedom and individual endeavors. The constitution was
not effected and the absolute power of the state, masked
by phrases like "except," or "in case of," "however" and
"only if", was nonetheless manifest.
By 1960 the Communist party, now firmly entrenched,
was strong enough to issue a new Constitution, without
the democratic trappings that were featured in 1948. Here
the power of the state was confirmed and the use of
democratic phrases was reduced to a minimum.
Even though there are liberties that are, if nothing
else, only nominally expressed in the 1948 Constitution,
nevertheless, they suggest a democratic form. There is
in general, liberty of person, liberty of domicile, personal
:privacy and assurance of secrecy in correspondence and
communications. In the 1960 Constitution there is no
mention of these. In the 1948 Constitution there is the
protection of family and youth, the right to education and
liberty of conscience and confession and the liberty of
expression and protection of cultural assets. The 1960
Constitution disregards these.
In 1960, motherhood, marriage and the family are to
to the
extent that the state is to give special health care during
pregnancy and confinement. Freedom of expression, speech,
p.ress all must be consistent with the interests of the
working people. These freedoms are given mainly for thQ
economic and cultural development of the state.
be protected by the State. Provision is made even
With the right of meeting and association provided
in the 1948 Constitution, there was the so-called trade
union organization which existed for the benefit of workers'
interests but there is no mention of this in the 1960
Constitution.
In the matter of arrest within a specified time lapse
in the 1948 Constitution there is no such reference in
1960. Offenders often were punished only by due process
of law.
138
SLOVAKIA
No longer was a person educated freely but by 1960,
education was compulsory and was based on a scientific
world outlook and on close ties between school life and
the work of the people.
Finally in the 1948 Constitution the phrases that
nullified each of the freedoms were dispersed throughout
the Bill of Rights in a more or less disguised manner. But
in the 1960 Constitution the Communist state no longer
needed this subterfuge and the articles were lifted; the
"guaranteed" freedoms are expressed and positioned obviously and boldly at the conclusion of the Bill of Rights.
Although liberal in statement, they are rather explicit
in the actions they demand. "Citizens shall be in duty
bound to serve in the armed forces" (art. 37) "Citizens
shall be in duty bound to protect and strengthen socialist
ownership" (art. 35) "The decency of the country and its
socialist social order shall be the supreme duty of every
citizen." (art. 36)
Having gone through this work then, and being familiar
with the country itself, this writer finds it transparent
that the democratic facade of the 1948 Constitution is
stripped away from the sovietized constitution of 1960.
Thus the new constitution of the Czecho-Slovak Socialist Republic, as Czecho-Slovakia has been renamed after
the Soviet occupation, and the manner in which the Bill
of Rights contrasts with the Ninth-of-May Constitution of
1948, reflect with considerable accuracy the extent to
which Czecho-Slovakia's political body has been sovietized
in the twelve years that separate the two fundamental laws.
s.
J.B.
FOOTNOTES
1) Joseph A. Mikus, Slovakiar-A Political History 1918-1950 (Milwau-
kee: Marquette University Press, 1963), p. 229.
2) Edward Taborsky, Communism in Czechoslovakia 1948-1960 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961), p. 182.
SLOVAKIA
139
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Borsody, Stephen: The Tragedy of Central Europe. New York, Collier
Books, c1960.
The Constitution of the Czechoslovak Republic, Prague, Orbis, 1960.
<".:ulen, Konstantin: Vznik a zanik Demokratickej strany na Slovensku.
(The Rise and the Decline of the Democratic Party in Slovakia.)
Middletown, Pa., 1950.
Dobis, P. G.: Slovensko vo svetle historickych udalosti. 1900-1970. (Slovakia in the Light of Historical Events. 1900-1970). Rakusko,
vlastnym nakladom, 1971.
t>urcansky, Ferdinand:Pravo Slovakov na samostatnost'. Vo svetle dokumentov. Biela Kniha. (The Right of the Slovak Nation to Autonomy. In the light of historic documents. The White Book.)
Buenos Aires, Slovensky oslobodzovaci vybor, 1954.
Facts about Czechoslovakia. Prague, Orbis, 1962.
Glaser, Kurt: The Iron Curtain and American Policy. Washington, D. C.,
Public Affairs Press, cl953.
Kirschbaum, Joseph M.: Neis boj o samostatnost' Slovenska. Cleveland,
The Slovak Institute, 1958. (Our Struggle for the Independence
of Slovakia.)
An Outline of Slovakia's Struggle for Independence. 2d ed.
Toronto, The Canadian Slovak League, 1964.
Slovakia: Nation at the Crossroads of Central Europe. New York,
Robert Speller, c1960.
Memorandum of the Executive Committee of the Slovak League of
America to the State Department of the United States. April 25,
1951.
Mikus, Joseph A.: Slovakia-A Political History. 1918-1949. Milwaukee,
Marquette University Press, 1949.
Rudinsky, Jozef F .: ceskoslovensky stat a Slovenska Republika. (The
Czechoslovak State and the Slovak Republic.) Munich, Akademischer Verlag Dr. Peter Belej, 1968.
Shub, Anatole: An Empire Loses Hope. New York, W. W. Norton, c1970.
Sidor, Karol : Moje poznamky k historickym dnom. (My observations on
the historic days.) Do tlace pripravil F . Vnuk. Middletown, Pa.
Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, 1971.
Sprinc, Mikulas: Slovenska republika. (The Slovak Republic.) Scranton,
Obr ana , 1949.
Dublin Core
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Title
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The Declining Democratic Facade: Czecho-Slovakia 1948-1960
Description
An account of the resource
S. J. B.
Slovakia, Vol. 23 (No. 46), 1973
pp. 129-139
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1973
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https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/a6872378d4dbf0882e70e8a082c7bb8f.pdf
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PDF Text
Text
140
SLOVAKIA
Youth, Our Hope
Pavol 0. Hviezdoslav
O youth, our hope, the keeper o! dawn's promises,
you rule the maytime, you bank all springtime treasure~
and blessed is your stewardship. To you I turn
from pensive brooding, from distant gloomy vistas
lightly silver-frosted now, and call: "Seize the keys;
unclose that Eden shut to us!"
Your cheek is lovely, tinged as with the morning flame;
your eye casts rays like early beams shot from the dawn;
your soul is halcyon-skied-unspoiled by wayward cloud;
you pollen-powdered lips are sweet with instant song;
swift as lightning flashes is your mind.-Turn the keys!
Reveal lost paradise to us!
Speed on with swarming bees, delight in fields fruited
with gold-crested blooms and fair feasts of standing oak.
Swiftly then return with viands rich and wholesome.
When foul marauders come-ominous teeming cloud.sand winter cold invades the land-too soon alas!may our hive bear nor want nor ill.
And yet have time for sportive play-lark-free exult
in flight, indulge your age. You grow in healthful play.
Ho! for a merry tune! Delight in song and dance,
celebrate your youthfulness; trip a lively step:
skip, leap and whirl! Let trembling earth return your beat.
that joy may be at home with us.
Then back to work! (Here truly is the fuller share
of life's purpose.) Strive manfully with giantlike strength;
don chivalric gear; unfold your eagle wingspread.
For what bold quest? -The free reign of truth, a sure fount
of good, beauty's crown: autonomy of spirit.
O! restore our long-lost paradise!
Translated by
Sr. M. Martina Tybor, SS. C. M .
Jankola Library
Danville, Pa. 17821
�
140
SLOVAKIA
Youth, Our Hope
Pavol 0. Hviezdoslav
O youth, our hope, the keeper o! dawn's promises,
you rule the maytime, you bank all springtime treasure~
and blessed is your stewardship. To you I turn
from pensive brooding, from distant gloomy vistas
lightly silver-frosted now, and call: "Seize the keys;
unclose that Eden shut to us!"
Your cheek is lovely, tinged as with the morning flame;
your eye casts rays like early beams shot from the dawn;
your soul is halcyon-skied-unspoiled by wayward cloud;
you pollen-powdered lips are sweet with instant song;
swift as lightning flashes is your mind.-Turn the keys!
Reveal lost paradise to us!
Speed on with swarming bees, delight in fields fruited
with gold-crested blooms and fair feasts of standing oak.
Swiftly then return with viands rich and wholesome.
When foul marauders come-ominous teeming cloud.sand winter cold invades the land-too soon alas!may our hive bear nor want nor ill.
And yet have time for sportive play-lark-free exult
in flight, indulge your age. You grow in healthful play.
Ho! for a merry tune! Delight in song and dance,
celebrate your youthfulness; trip a lively step:
skip, leap and whirl! Let trembling earth return your beat.
that joy may be at home with us.
Then back to work! (Here truly is the fuller share
of life's purpose.) Strive manfully with giantlike strength;
don chivalric gear; unfold your eagle wingspread.
For what bold quest? -The free reign of truth, a sure fount
of good, beauty's crown: autonomy of spirit.
O! restore our long-lost paradise!
Translated by
Sr. M. Martina Tybor, SS. C. M .
Jankola Library
Danville, Pa. 17821
�
Dublin Core
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Title
A name given to the resource
1973, Vol. 23
Description
An account of the resource
Vol. 23 (No. 46), 1973.
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
The Slovak League of America
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1973
Text
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140
SLOVAKIA
Youth, Our Hope
Pavol 0. Hviezdoslav
O youth, our hope, the keeper o! dawn's promises,
you rule the maytime, you bank all springtime treasure~
and blessed is your stewardship. To you I turn
from pensive brooding, from distant gloomy vistas
lightly silver-frosted now, and call: "Seize the keys;
unclose that Eden shut to us!"
Your cheek is lovely, tinged as with the morning flame;
your eye casts rays like early beams shot from the dawn;
your soul is halcyon-skied-unspoiled by wayward cloud;
you pollen-powdered lips are sweet with instant song;
swift as lightning flashes is your mind.-Turn the keys!
Reveal lost paradise to us!
Speed on with swarming bees, delight in fields fruited
with gold-crested blooms and fair feasts of standing oak.
Swiftly then return with viands rich and wholesome.
When foul marauders come-ominous teeming cloud.sand winter cold invades the land-too soon alas!may our hive bear nor want nor ill.
And yet have time for sportive play-lark-free exult
in flight, indulge your age. You grow in healthful play.
Ho! for a merry tune! Delight in song and dance,
celebrate your youthfulness; trip a lively step:
skip, leap and whirl! Let trembling earth return your beat.
that joy may be at home with us.
Then back to work! (Here truly is the fuller share
of life's purpose.) Strive manfully with giantlike strength;
don chivalric gear; unfold your eagle wingspread.
For what bold quest? -The free reign of truth, a sure fount
of good, beauty's crown: autonomy of spirit.
O! restore our long-lost paradise!
Translated by
Sr. M. Martina Tybor, SS. C. M .
Jankola Library
Danville, Pa. 17821
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Youth, Our Hope
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Pavol O. Hviezdoslav
trans. Sr. M. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M.
Slovakia, Vol. 23 (No. 46), 1973
p. 140
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Hviezdoslav, Pavol Országh, 1849-1921
Tybor, Sister M. Martina, SS.C.M.
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1973
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SLOVAKIA
Dr. Steven I. M i l l e r :
Ethnicity and Research
SOME COMMENTS ON MICHAEL NOVAK'S
THE RISE OF THE UNMELTABLE ETHNICS
There has recently been an upsurge of thinking and
writing in terms of ethnicity. The most recent, and perhaps
one of the most persuasive, has been by the Slovak-American Michael Novak, in his volume, The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics. 1 Novak's thesis is that there exists in America
a large group of people that is of a unique ethnic background most likely Catholic, and generally "blue collar"
or lower middle class. Novak contends that these groups
made up of Poles, Italians, Greeks, and Slovaks constitute
an important and neglected segment of our population,
who have been historically exploited by the WASPS and
are now being identified as right-wing bigots. Novak
contends that it is now time to recognize the unique identity
and composition of these ethnic groups and, hopefully,
mold them into a viable political force that reflects their
national origins and religious preference.
While Novak makes an important contribution to the
ethnic literature, one often receives the impression while
reading the book that something is lacking; that the ethnic
concern is a springboard for certain personal ethical and
political preferences. There is not, for instance, an in-depth
investigation of any of the ethnic groups that is supposedly
under study. For instance, no in-depth analysis is given
of such a classic work as Thomas and Znaniecki's The
Polish Peasant in Europe and America. 2 Surely, these
volumes would have provided some additional insight into
the problem. What we have, rather, is a documented but
largely anecdotal work purporting to penetrate into the
"mysteries" of the ethnic psyche.
And, yet, the work does at least bring about an awareness of the fact that ethnicity may be an important
contemporary phenomenon. However, by emphasizing the
�142
SLOVAKIA
reality of ethnicity, Novak leaves unsolved as many issues
as he raises. This is the result of several factors: 1) the
general methodological approach of the work; 2) certain
ambiguities in terms of definitions, and 3) a larger vision
of the ethnic reality (if, indeed, there actually is one).
These points will be elaborated on below. Again, the work
is a very valuable one but it could have been considerably
strengthened if some of these factors had been taken into
consideration. Perhaps some of these considerations will
more appropriately be explored in future works on the
subject.
METHODOLOGY AND ETHNIC STUDIES
As I pointed out in a previous work,3 one of the crucial
handicaps facing ethnic studies is the paucity of adequate
methodology. More accurately, one could argue that the
methodology is available but has not been utilized effectively in ethnic studies. What I am opting for is a more rigorous
use of historiography and especially the extended use of
social science methodology. It is only through good methodology that the study of ethnic groups ( and especially the
ones cited by Novak), becomes systematized and incorporated at all levels of the educational process.
Prof. Novak's methodological approach is, I believe,
broadly historical. He indicates (xv) that he will approach
the topic in terms of "systematic theology" and his personal
label of "intelligent subjectivity." While the former definition is perhaps not well defined, I take the second (and
equivalent definition of "intelligent subjectivity" to be
somewhat akin to Max Weber's idea of verstehen4-although
there are some crucial differences. However, one does not
know by the context whether this type of methodological
approach is implied. While this may be a minor point, it
does have bearing on the shape and direction of the work.
One of the major difficulties, however, lies in the
structure of the argument itself. That is, there may be
operating throughout the book a rather subtle logical
fallacy that, by the way, plagues much of social science
reasoning, also. The fallacy is called by logicians "the fallacy
of affirming the consequent." 5 It involves valid and invalid
forms of argument based on "conditionals" that havli the
�SLOVAKIA
143
form "if p, then q." Thus, one of the basic arguments here
runs something like this: "if there is a unique ethnic
identity, then it is found in the existence of such groups
as Poles, Italians, Greeks, and Slavs. But such groups do
exist; therefore, they must exhibit a unique ethnic consciousness." The fallacy being that the existence of any
or all of these groups does not give us a basis for concluding
the existence of some special identity or consciousness.
Indeed, the existence of these groups would constitute
a necessary condition for an ethnic consciousness, but
surely, not a sufficient one. The important point here is
that one then attempts to specify by way of evidence ( or
the inductive process), the probability that some sort of
meaningful relationship does in fact exist.6 While Professor
Novak does, in part, fulfill this evidence condition, he does
not extend it in any unique methodological fashion.
For example, four propositions are set forth (pp. 8-9)
that are supposedly associated with ethnic identity. The
first two propositions imply the necessity of examining
one's ethnic heritage to gain a deeper insight into one's
(supposedly) psychological makeup; and that this enhanced
self-awareness will do no harm to this country's vision
of the world, in terms of foreign policy (although I must
admit I fail to see how the second proposition follows
from the first).
The last two propositions, however, are the interesting
ones since they are presumably direct effects of one's ethnic
identity. Proposition three makes the claim that "persons
who are secure in their identity act with greater freedom,
greater flexibility, greater openness to others. People who
feel inferior or unacceptable lash out in anger." Proposition
four states "a politics based on family and neighborhood
is far stronger socially and psychologically than a politics
based on bureaucracy." Now these propositions are important in that they are the supposed consequences of
ethnicity as studied through the perspective of "intelligent
subjectivity."
But if we examine the last two propositions, the
question immediately arises as to whether the assertions
are meant to be "causative" in nature or, perhaps, co,rrelational. It appears that they are put forth with the force
�SLOVAKIA
of causal statements: ethnic identity (consciousness)
causes a healthier self-concept which in turn leads to (for
instance) a unique kind of political commitment. These
types of inferences are easily asserted but are substantiated
with great difficulty. What is needed in these types of
assertions, as we shall see, is either fairly strong historical
evidence or, more pertinently, methods for operationalizing
these assertions.
In the same vein, Prof. Novak attempts to substantiate
his thesis by claiming that the groups he is speaking of
are identifiable on at least three characteristics: ethnicity,
religion, and social class position (pp. 14, 20). This, of
course, is an important assertion since it defines the
characteristics of the population under study. Although
there are presumably seventy million Americans who can
be classified as Catholic, ethnic and within the $5,000$10,000 income range, this in itself does not mean that these
people form a distinct group in terms of any of the three
characteristics, let alone as being distinct in any political
sense. There undoubtedly is a great deal of potential
(economic, social, religious), but this does not mean it
has become actualized in any specific manner.
In addition, one would need much more specific
information on this group before generalizations could be
forwarded. What is the specific ethnic breakdown? What
is the median income within any given group and between
the groups? How many of each generation are in any given
group? How are they distributed in any particular city?
What is needed, then, is a more specific delineation of
this large "ethnic group."
Many other issues come to mind in this connection.
Assuming that any given ethnic group can also be characterized as Catholic and having a median income of $8,000,
is there any way in which these (and other) variables
came together to produce the ethnic consciousness? Thus,
it may be the case that Catholicism may be more important
than ethnicity or income in predicting particular ethnic
attitudes. Or it may be child rearing patterns or perhaps
occupational structure. For instance, do third generation
Poles who are middle class and Catholic, hold similar political attitudes as blue-collar Lutheran (or Catholic) Slovak~.
�SLOVAKIA
145
It becomes readily obvious that what is needed is a more
s ophisticated methodology to handle some of these problems.
Likewise, Professor Novak's definition of an ethnic
:group (pp. 47-48) is much too vague. One is not quite sure
what an "historical memory" is to begin with, but the
-concept is further confused by including nearly all things
under the sun: instincts, feelings, intimacies, etc. It is
difficult to see how some of these statements go beyond,
for instance, Gordon's theory on assimilation in America. 7
The weakness in some of these assertions is that they may
be perpetuating certain ethnic stereotypes under the guise
of pointing out their uniqueness (p. 23). Does one really
gain additional insight into ethnicity by stating that ethnic
families have many family pictures in their homes and
spend much of their free time with their families?
Or such dangerous generalizations as "Jews and Italians
we know are highly dramatic people. Their self-consciousness is different from that of other groups (p. 38)." This
may be an indicator of the uniqueness of different forms
of ethnic "consciousness," but it is rather difficult to see
how.
THE NEED FOR ADEQUATE OPERATIONALIZATION
Returning to an earlier point, the real need in Prof.
Novak's work is some attempt to operationalize his key
assertions. That is, there should be some way to state
more precisely those propositions that are central to the
work and to imply some possible means of measuring
them. 8 When one attempts to do this, it becomes clear
that the issues under study are indeed of a very complex
nature. This approach does not mean that if one tries to
look at an issue (or a series of issues empirically, let us
say from a social science point of view), that there is
automatically a depersonalization of the group under study.
There may be but this is not necessarily the case.
In addition, if there is some "loss" in the sense that
one cannot explore all the psychological complexities of
any given group or individual, there is also a "gain" in that
one can obtain more precise information on the group and
use this information as a stepping stone to further research.
�146
SLOVAKIA
Now, indeed, this approach to ethnicity is a consequence
of certain WASP connected attitudes about "universality''
and professionalization, but I hardly believe this is the
case. What social science research attempts to do (sometimes with poor results) is to precisely rid people of certain
stereotypic notions (let us say about ethnicity) that have
been prevalent for too long. Conversely' social science
research can bring to light the uniqueness of any given
group.
There are, for example, certain important conceptual
clarifications that Professor Novak should have addressed.
himself to. One, first of all, would like some additional
clarification as to the nature of "ethnic consciousness."
If it is postulated as being important, and a causal factor
in the development of other conditions (i.e., political
power), then it should be capable of operationalization.
How does one know if one has it? Do some groups have
it more than others? Does it differ in terms of social clas5
differences, for instance?
These are not moot questions. Rather, they must be
answered if one is to make a case for ethnic consciousness.
There are other statements that are in need of clarification
which are also premised on the existence of this ethnic consciousness. For instance, the statement, "the rise of ethnic
consciousness today is also due to disillusionment with the
universality, too thinly rational culture of professional
elites (p. 32)." And again, "the rise in ethnic consciousness
is, then, part of a more general cultural revolution (p. 32)."
How is one to determine the relationship in the first
statement between one's ethnic consciousness and the disillusionment with professional elites? There may indeed
be such a relationship but the context does not clarify it,
nor the possible strength of the relationship. In the second
statement, it is asserted that there is some type of a
relationship between ethnic consciousness and the more
"general cultural revolution" (whatever that might be).
In this instance, however, some directionality is implied:
ethnic consciousness seems to be the result, or perhaps
the by-product, of some larger cultural transformation.
This may, once more, be the case but it would be extremely
helpful if one could place such a statement in a broader
�SLOVAKIA
147
theoretical framework; perhaps the work of Emile Durkheim,9 or Robert K. Merton's reference group theory. 10
Without a general theoretical framework, it becomes
increasingly difficult to place the above statement into any
type of meaningful categorization. Although the issue of
theory building is very pertinent to the discussion, it is
beyond the scope of this paper. 11
RESEARCH DESIGNS AND ETHNIC STUDIES
One possible way of gaining important information
related to the study of ethnic groups would be to con-ceptualize the problem in another way. Again, this would
be an alternative method of looking at some of the claims
forwarded by Professor Novak. An important preliminary
step would be to state an initial dependent variable. The
-dependent variable is the condition we are trying to
.explain.12 It is the issue we are interested in examining,
-explaining, and possibly predicting from. The independent
variable, on the other hand, is the presumed "cause" of
the dependent variable. 13
What we should then be looking for would be the
relationship of the dependent variable(s) with the independent variable(s). If some relationship does exist, we
can then better attempt to explain these hypotheses under
investigation.
In a broad sense, the dependent variable here would
be "ethnic consciousness." It is this factor or condition
that we wish to account for as accurately as possible,
because the assumption is that this condition is now responsible for many other conditions. But what is necessary
to give added meaning to this concept? One would, first
of all, attempt to define more precisely with some such
statement as, "Ethnic consciousness is a psychological state
X, resulting from Y and exhibited in certain types of
behavior pattern in group Z." However, even if a definition
of this type is possible, one is still under the obligation
t o give supporting evidence for it.
One way of providing for this supporting evidence is
to first operationalize (measure) the concept. And this is
where the task now becomes increasingly difficult. Put very
�148
SLOVAKIA
simply, how can one get a measure of ethnic consciousnes s?
(We are not even asking at this point if there are differing
degrees or amounts of it.)
What would be needed, then, is the creation of some
type of instrument that gives an indication of this attribute.
We might, for example devise a test that would measure
conservative or liberal, democratic or authoritarian political
attitudes, and then infer that those scoring "high" on, let
us say, the democratic dimension would also be exhibiting
"ethnic consciousnes s." (We are presumably administering
the instrument to some ethnic group.) Of course, ethnic
consciousnes s could conceivably be indicated by a large
number of factors individually, or several kinds of factors.
collectively. However, the issue is finally settled, it must
be done for the research to proceed.
The same issues are brought to the fore when one attempts to identify and specify the independent variable(s).
Thus the rise of ethnic consciousnes s may be directly related to 1) anemic strain within institutions; 2) increasing
displeasure with bureaucratic means of doing things; and
3) the decrease or increase of religious commitment and so
forth.
If one, for example, indicates that the rise in ethnic
consciousnes s is related to increasing bureaucratic complexity, then some means must be devised to conceptualize
bureaucratic structures (and then relate them to ethnic
consciousnes s). To do this, one would have to specify, first
of all, the organizationa l level that may be important. Are
we speaking of bureaucracy in general, in society, or
bureaucratic organization in terms of higher education
and its effects on blocking admission to ethnic groups.
or some other sense of bureaucracy? One would also have
to assume that there is some way of measuring this
bureaucratic effect.
THE STUDY OF SLOVAKS
Let us now assume that we would want to test Prof.
Novak's thesis concerning the rise of ethnic consciousnes s.
How could one go about doing this? The problem becomes
highly complex in studying one group. It would be a monu-
�SLOVAKIA
149
mental task to study the remaining ethnic groups either
cross-sectionally ( at one point in time), or longitudinally
( over a period of time).
Let us delineate our problem, however, to studying the
Slovaks, let us say, in Chicago. Let us further assume that
we have developed a reliable and valid instrument that we
can use as a measure of ethnic consciousness. The problem
then would have to be approached in somewhat the following manner:
1. We would have to · specify the population under
study. Presumably, we would want to look at native-born
Slovaks, as well as second and third generation Slovaks.
However, difficulties soon arise: if both of your grandparents were Slovaks, but your father was Slovak and
your mother Irish, do we include you in the population
as a Slovak? Some de.c ision would have to be reached on
matters or definition such as this.
2. We would want a breakdown demographically of
where Slovaks resided in Chicago. This information might
be easily obtained for some native-born Slovaks and their
children, but others would have to be located if we were
to have a representative sample. Other information would
then have to be gathered: importantly the age range of
Slovaks and how many within certain age groups; other valuable information would include educational background,
occupation, place of residence, income level, religious
preference, and so on.
This demographic data would be a vital first step in
describing the nature of our population. Depending on the
size of the population, decisions would have to be made a5
to the most appropriate sampling techniques and the best
methods of obtaining this information, i. e., questionnaires,
interviews, a combination of these.
3. Assuming these conditions could be met, there have
been developed within the social sciences certain rather
powerful statistical techniques that could be utilized in
developing this type of analysis. We would want to, for
instance, use certain correlation techniques to explore the
nature and strength of certain relationship. We would
�150
SLOVAKIA
want to see if ethnic consciousness is related to certain
other factors such as education level, occupation, income,
religion, and so forth. Again, we would want to see how
"strong" these relationships were. We would also want
to examine these factors within certain age groups, for
instance, or between males and females.
Other techniques could be brought to bear on the
problem, namely, those statistical manipulations which include regression analysis, partial and multiple correlation.14
For example, if Slovaks in the thirty-five to fifty age group
scored "high" on ethnic consciousness, and if these scores
correlated positively with education, religion and income,
we might want to ask if any of these variables are more
"important" than the others; or how well, if taken together,
do they allow us to say that persons having these characteristics will also have ethnic consciousness. Thus, it would
be interesting to know what the influence of a person's
occupation was on his ethnic identity while at the same
time "holding constant" other influences, such as education
and income. Or we may want to know how much of the
"variance" in our dependent variable is attributable to the
combined effects of age, income, religion, and education.
While some of these techniques are fairly sophisticated,
they are needed to gather accurate data on the composition
of any given ethnic group, its self-identity and possible
political or economic influences.
SUMMARY
Being of Slovak ancestry, my personal feeling is that
Professor Novak has done a service in bringing to light
the existence of these ethnic groups that are usually not
recognized as having a unique cultural heritage and identity.
They, indeed, constitute a large proportion of the American
population. It is further accurate to say that these groups
have contributed a large share to the building of this
country. There is no denying this fact.
My major objections to Professor Novak's thesis are as
follows: 1) I am not truly convinced that there is a unique
ethnic consciousness among the groups about which he is
�SLOVAKIA
151
speaking. While indeed there may be, I do not believe it
is a strong homogeneous force either within any particular
group, or between the various groups. In either case, there
is simply not enough information to support the thesis
one way or the other. 2) While ethnic consciousness may
be an important social and political force in the seventies,
we do not have enough evidence as to what constitutes it.
My own guess is that this "identity" may be merely
a backlash reaction to certain groups of people who feel
neglected and socially and economically exploited. Thas,
the "identity" may be more a function of socioeconomic
status than of a unique ethnic consciousness. I would
venture to guess there are also many "non-ethnic" groups
who are feeling the effects of exploitation.
3) What Professor Novak is describing is probably
the pressures working class people are experiencing in tllis
country, generally, while their ethnicity may be secondary.
4) Again, I believe the type of ethnic identity he mentions
may be more strongly a function of those ethnic groups
who maintain close geographical and language ties. But
the rate of mobility (even the more limited mobility of
blue-collar workers) is - such that the viability of these
close-knit groups as centers of ethnic identity is open to
question.
5) We have very little information as to the ethnic
consciousness of those persons in the eighteen to twentyfive year age group. Here we may have outward "ethnic
identification" in the sense of taking courses, let us say,
concerning one's cultural background, but I am not convinced that this constitutes a unique "ethnic consciousness."
And 6) I do not believe the seventy million Americans
Novak mentions will constitute a viable political force
based on ethnic lines alone. The political coalition, if
indeed there ever is one, will develop probably along
socioeconomic and perhaps ideological-religious lines.
While being of Slovak heritage, being raised in a Slovak
home, and having some limited facility in the language,
I still do not see myself as having a unique "ethnic consciousness." While being subject to the "pressures" of
professionalization, I do not feel that I have somehow
�SLOVAKIA
152
lost my "true" ethnic identity. My Slovak heritage forms
an important part of my cultural past, but it does not
completely determine my immediate present. My Slovak
background is important, but I do not feel this entitles
me to become an Ethnic Everyman.
REFERENCES
1) Michael Novak, The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics (New York :
Macmillan, 1972).
2) William I. Thomas and Florian Znaniecki, The Polish Peasant in
Europe and America, Vols. I and II (New York: Dover, 19~).
3) Steven I. Miller, "Historical and Empirical Methods ·of Studying
Slovak-Americans as a Distinct Ethnic Group," Slovakia, Vol. XXII,
No. 45, pp. 116-124.
4) S. M. Miller, Max Weber (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1968),
Ch. I.
5) Robert H. Ennis, Logic in Teaching (Englewood Cliffs, N. J .: Prentioo-Hall, 1969), pp. 13-26.
6) Richard S. Rudner, Philosophy of Social Science (Englewood Cliffs,
N. J. : Prentice-Hall, 1966), Chs. 4 and 5.
7) Milton M. Gordon, "Assimilation in America: Theory and Reality,"
Daedalus, Vol. XC, No. 2 (Spring, 1961) and The Bobbs-Merrill
Reprint Series, S-407, pp. 263-283.
8 ) Fred N. Kerlinger, Foundations of Behavioral Research (New .York :
Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc, 1965), Ch. 2.
9) Emile Durkheim, "Suicide" in The Origins of Scientific Sociology,
ed. by John Madge (New York: The Free Press, 1962) , pp. 17-51.
10) Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure (rev. ed. ;
New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, Inc., 1957).
11) Robert Dubin, Theory Building (New York: The Free Press, 1969),
Chs. 3, 6, and 8.
12) Kerlinger, p. 39.
13) Ibid.
14) Hubert M. Blalock, Jr., Social Statistics (2d ed.; New York : McGrawHill, 1972), Chs. 17, 18, and 19.
N . B. An important volume in this area is Nathan Glazer and Daniel P.
Moynihan, Beyond the Melting Pot: The Negroes, Puerto Ricans,
Jews, Italians and Irish of New York City (Cambridge, Mass.:
M. I. T. Press, 1963) .
�
SLOVAKIA
Dr. Steven I. M i l l e r :
Ethnicity and Research
SOME COMMENTS ON MICHAEL NOVAK'S
THE RISE OF THE UNMELTABLE ETHNICS
There has recently been an upsurge of thinking and
writing in terms of ethnicity. The most recent, and perhaps
one of the most persuasive, has been by the Slovak-American Michael Novak, in his volume, The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics. 1 Novak's thesis is that there exists in America
a large group of people that is of a unique ethnic background most likely Catholic, and generally "blue collar"
or lower middle class. Novak contends that these groups
made up of Poles, Italians, Greeks, and Slovaks constitute
an important and neglected segment of our population,
who have been historically exploited by the WASPS and
are now being identified as right-wing bigots. Novak
contends that it is now time to recognize the unique identity
and composition of these ethnic groups and, hopefully,
mold them into a viable political force that reflects their
national origins and religious preference.
While Novak makes an important contribution to the
ethnic literature, one often receives the impression while
reading the book that something is lacking; that the ethnic
concern is a springboard for certain personal ethical and
political preferences. There is not, for instance, an in-depth
investigation of any of the ethnic groups that is supposedly
under study. For instance, no in-depth analysis is given
of such a classic work as Thomas and Znaniecki's The
Polish Peasant in Europe and America. 2 Surely, these
volumes would have provided some additional insight into
the problem. What we have, rather, is a documented but
largely anecdotal work purporting to penetrate into the
"mysteries" of the ethnic psyche.
And, yet, the work does at least bring about an awareness of the fact that ethnicity may be an important
contemporary phenomenon. However, by emphasizing the
�142
SLOVAKIA
reality of ethnicity, Novak leaves unsolved as many issues
as he raises. This is the result of several factors: 1) the
general methodological approach of the work; 2) certain
ambiguities in terms of definitions, and 3) a larger vision
of the ethnic reality (if, indeed, there actually is one).
These points will be elaborated on below. Again, the work
is a very valuable one but it could have been considerably
strengthened if some of these factors had been taken into
consideration. Perhaps some of these considerations will
more appropriately be explored in future works on the
subject.
METHODOLOGY AND ETHNIC STUDIES
As I pointed out in a previous work,3 one of the crucial
handicaps facing ethnic studies is the paucity of adequate
methodology. More accurately, one could argue that the
methodology is available but has not been utilized effectively in ethnic studies. What I am opting for is a more rigorous
use of historiography and especially the extended use of
social science methodology. It is only through good methodology that the study of ethnic groups ( and especially the
ones cited by Novak), becomes systematized and incorporated at all levels of the educational process.
Prof. Novak's methodological approach is, I believe,
broadly historical. He indicates (xv) that he will approach
the topic in terms of "systematic theology" and his personal
label of "intelligent subjectivity." While the former definition is perhaps not well defined, I take the second (and
equivalent definition of "intelligent subjectivity" to be
somewhat akin to Max Weber's idea of verstehen4-although
there are some crucial differences. However, one does not
know by the context whether this type of methodological
approach is implied. While this may be a minor point, it
does have bearing on the shape and direction of the work.
One of the major difficulties, however, lies in the
structure of the argument itself. That is, there may be
operating throughout the book a rather subtle logical
fallacy that, by the way, plagues much of social science
reasoning, also. The fallacy is called by logicians "the fallacy
of affirming the consequent." 5 It involves valid and invalid
forms of argument based on "conditionals" that havli the
�SLOVAKIA
143
form "if p, then q." Thus, one of the basic arguments here
runs something like this: "if there is a unique ethnic
identity, then it is found in the existence of such groups
as Poles, Italians, Greeks, and Slavs. But such groups do
exist; therefore, they must exhibit a unique ethnic consciousness." The fallacy being that the existence of any
or all of these groups does not give us a basis for concluding
the existence of some special identity or consciousness.
Indeed, the existence of these groups would constitute
a necessary condition for an ethnic consciousness, but
surely, not a sufficient one. The important point here is
that one then attempts to specify by way of evidence ( or
the inductive process), the probability that some sort of
meaningful relationship does in fact exist.6 While Professor
Novak does, in part, fulfill this evidence condition, he does
not extend it in any unique methodological fashion.
For example, four propositions are set forth (pp. 8-9)
that are supposedly associated with ethnic identity. The
first two propositions imply the necessity of examining
one's ethnic heritage to gain a deeper insight into one's
(supposedly) psychological makeup; and that this enhanced
self-awareness will do no harm to this country's vision
of the world, in terms of foreign policy (although I must
admit I fail to see how the second proposition follows
from the first).
The last two propositions, however, are the interesting
ones since they are presumably direct effects of one's ethnic
identity. Proposition three makes the claim that "persons
who are secure in their identity act with greater freedom,
greater flexibility, greater openness to others. People who
feel inferior or unacceptable lash out in anger." Proposition
four states "a politics based on family and neighborhood
is far stronger socially and psychologically than a politics
based on bureaucracy." Now these propositions are important in that they are the supposed consequences of
ethnicity as studied through the perspective of "intelligent
subjectivity."
But if we examine the last two propositions, the
question immediately arises as to whether the assertions
are meant to be "causative" in nature or, perhaps, co,rrelational. It appears that they are put forth with the force
�SLOVAKIA
of causal statements: ethnic identity (consciousness)
causes a healthier self-concept which in turn leads to (for
instance) a unique kind of political commitment. These
types of inferences are easily asserted but are substantiated
with great difficulty. What is needed in these types of
assertions, as we shall see, is either fairly strong historical
evidence or, more pertinently, methods for operationalizing
these assertions.
In the same vein, Prof. Novak attempts to substantiate
his thesis by claiming that the groups he is speaking of
are identifiable on at least three characteristics: ethnicity,
religion, and social class position (pp. 14, 20). This, of
course, is an important assertion since it defines the
characteristics of the population under study. Although
there are presumably seventy million Americans who can
be classified as Catholic, ethnic and within the $5,000$10,000 income range, this in itself does not mean that these
people form a distinct group in terms of any of the three
characteristics, let alone as being distinct in any political
sense. There undoubtedly is a great deal of potential
(economic, social, religious), but this does not mean it
has become actualized in any specific manner.
In addition, one would need much more specific
information on this group before generalizations could be
forwarded. What is the specific ethnic breakdown? What
is the median income within any given group and between
the groups? How many of each generation are in any given
group? How are they distributed in any particular city?
What is needed, then, is a more specific delineation of
this large "ethnic group."
Many other issues come to mind in this connection.
Assuming that any given ethnic group can also be characterized as Catholic and having a median income of $8,000,
is there any way in which these (and other) variables
came together to produce the ethnic consciousness? Thus,
it may be the case that Catholicism may be more important
than ethnicity or income in predicting particular ethnic
attitudes. Or it may be child rearing patterns or perhaps
occupational structure. For instance, do third generation
Poles who are middle class and Catholic, hold similar political attitudes as blue-collar Lutheran (or Catholic) Slovak~.
�SLOVAKIA
145
It becomes readily obvious that what is needed is a more
s ophisticated methodology to handle some of these problems.
Likewise, Professor Novak's definition of an ethnic
:group (pp. 47-48) is much too vague. One is not quite sure
what an "historical memory" is to begin with, but the
-concept is further confused by including nearly all things
under the sun: instincts, feelings, intimacies, etc. It is
difficult to see how some of these statements go beyond,
for instance, Gordon's theory on assimilation in America. 7
The weakness in some of these assertions is that they may
be perpetuating certain ethnic stereotypes under the guise
of pointing out their uniqueness (p. 23). Does one really
gain additional insight into ethnicity by stating that ethnic
families have many family pictures in their homes and
spend much of their free time with their families?
Or such dangerous generalizations as "Jews and Italians
we know are highly dramatic people. Their self-consciousness is different from that of other groups (p. 38)." This
may be an indicator of the uniqueness of different forms
of ethnic "consciousness," but it is rather difficult to see
how.
THE NEED FOR ADEQUATE OPERATIONALIZATION
Returning to an earlier point, the real need in Prof.
Novak's work is some attempt to operationalize his key
assertions. That is, there should be some way to state
more precisely those propositions that are central to the
work and to imply some possible means of measuring
them. 8 When one attempts to do this, it becomes clear
that the issues under study are indeed of a very complex
nature. This approach does not mean that if one tries to
look at an issue (or a series of issues empirically, let us
say from a social science point of view), that there is
automatically a depersonalization of the group under study.
There may be but this is not necessarily the case.
In addition, if there is some "loss" in the sense that
one cannot explore all the psychological complexities of
any given group or individual, there is also a "gain" in that
one can obtain more precise information on the group and
use this information as a stepping stone to further research.
�146
SLOVAKIA
Now, indeed, this approach to ethnicity is a consequence
of certain WASP connected attitudes about "universality''
and professionalization, but I hardly believe this is the
case. What social science research attempts to do (sometimes with poor results) is to precisely rid people of certain
stereotypic notions (let us say about ethnicity) that have
been prevalent for too long. Conversely' social science
research can bring to light the uniqueness of any given
group.
There are, for example, certain important conceptual
clarifications that Professor Novak should have addressed.
himself to. One, first of all, would like some additional
clarification as to the nature of "ethnic consciousness."
If it is postulated as being important, and a causal factor
in the development of other conditions (i.e., political
power), then it should be capable of operationalization.
How does one know if one has it? Do some groups have
it more than others? Does it differ in terms of social clas5
differences, for instance?
These are not moot questions. Rather, they must be
answered if one is to make a case for ethnic consciousness.
There are other statements that are in need of clarification
which are also premised on the existence of this ethnic consciousness. For instance, the statement, "the rise of ethnic
consciousness today is also due to disillusionment with the
universality, too thinly rational culture of professional
elites (p. 32)." And again, "the rise in ethnic consciousness
is, then, part of a more general cultural revolution (p. 32)."
How is one to determine the relationship in the first
statement between one's ethnic consciousness and the disillusionment with professional elites? There may indeed
be such a relationship but the context does not clarify it,
nor the possible strength of the relationship. In the second
statement, it is asserted that there is some type of a
relationship between ethnic consciousness and the more
"general cultural revolution" (whatever that might be).
In this instance, however, some directionality is implied:
ethnic consciousness seems to be the result, or perhaps
the by-product, of some larger cultural transformation.
This may, once more, be the case but it would be extremely
helpful if one could place such a statement in a broader
�SLOVAKIA
147
theoretical framework; perhaps the work of Emile Durkheim,9 or Robert K. Merton's reference group theory. 10
Without a general theoretical framework, it becomes
increasingly difficult to place the above statement into any
type of meaningful categorization. Although the issue of
theory building is very pertinent to the discussion, it is
beyond the scope of this paper. 11
RESEARCH DESIGNS AND ETHNIC STUDIES
One possible way of gaining important information
related to the study of ethnic groups would be to con-ceptualize the problem in another way. Again, this would
be an alternative method of looking at some of the claims
forwarded by Professor Novak. An important preliminary
step would be to state an initial dependent variable. The
-dependent variable is the condition we are trying to
.explain.12 It is the issue we are interested in examining,
-explaining, and possibly predicting from. The independent
variable, on the other hand, is the presumed "cause" of
the dependent variable. 13
What we should then be looking for would be the
relationship of the dependent variable(s) with the independent variable(s). If some relationship does exist, we
can then better attempt to explain these hypotheses under
investigation.
In a broad sense, the dependent variable here would
be "ethnic consciousness." It is this factor or condition
that we wish to account for as accurately as possible,
because the assumption is that this condition is now responsible for many other conditions. But what is necessary
to give added meaning to this concept? One would, first
of all, attempt to define more precisely with some such
statement as, "Ethnic consciousness is a psychological state
X, resulting from Y and exhibited in certain types of
behavior pattern in group Z." However, even if a definition
of this type is possible, one is still under the obligation
t o give supporting evidence for it.
One way of providing for this supporting evidence is
to first operationalize (measure) the concept. And this is
where the task now becomes increasingly difficult. Put very
�148
SLOVAKIA
simply, how can one get a measure of ethnic consciousnes s?
(We are not even asking at this point if there are differing
degrees or amounts of it.)
What would be needed, then, is the creation of some
type of instrument that gives an indication of this attribute.
We might, for example devise a test that would measure
conservative or liberal, democratic or authoritarian political
attitudes, and then infer that those scoring "high" on, let
us say, the democratic dimension would also be exhibiting
"ethnic consciousnes s." (We are presumably administering
the instrument to some ethnic group.) Of course, ethnic
consciousnes s could conceivably be indicated by a large
number of factors individually, or several kinds of factors.
collectively. However, the issue is finally settled, it must
be done for the research to proceed.
The same issues are brought to the fore when one attempts to identify and specify the independent variable(s).
Thus the rise of ethnic consciousnes s may be directly related to 1) anemic strain within institutions; 2) increasing
displeasure with bureaucratic means of doing things; and
3) the decrease or increase of religious commitment and so
forth.
If one, for example, indicates that the rise in ethnic
consciousnes s is related to increasing bureaucratic complexity, then some means must be devised to conceptualize
bureaucratic structures (and then relate them to ethnic
consciousnes s). To do this, one would have to specify, first
of all, the organizationa l level that may be important. Are
we speaking of bureaucracy in general, in society, or
bureaucratic organization in terms of higher education
and its effects on blocking admission to ethnic groups.
or some other sense of bureaucracy? One would also have
to assume that there is some way of measuring this
bureaucratic effect.
THE STUDY OF SLOVAKS
Let us now assume that we would want to test Prof.
Novak's thesis concerning the rise of ethnic consciousnes s.
How could one go about doing this? The problem becomes
highly complex in studying one group. It would be a monu-
�SLOVAKIA
149
mental task to study the remaining ethnic groups either
cross-sectionally ( at one point in time), or longitudinally
( over a period of time).
Let us delineate our problem, however, to studying the
Slovaks, let us say, in Chicago. Let us further assume that
we have developed a reliable and valid instrument that we
can use as a measure of ethnic consciousness. The problem
then would have to be approached in somewhat the following manner:
1. We would have to · specify the population under
study. Presumably, we would want to look at native-born
Slovaks, as well as second and third generation Slovaks.
However, difficulties soon arise: if both of your grandparents were Slovaks, but your father was Slovak and
your mother Irish, do we include you in the population
as a Slovak? Some de.c ision would have to be reached on
matters or definition such as this.
2. We would want a breakdown demographically of
where Slovaks resided in Chicago. This information might
be easily obtained for some native-born Slovaks and their
children, but others would have to be located if we were
to have a representative sample. Other information would
then have to be gathered: importantly the age range of
Slovaks and how many within certain age groups; other valuable information would include educational background,
occupation, place of residence, income level, religious
preference, and so on.
This demographic data would be a vital first step in
describing the nature of our population. Depending on the
size of the population, decisions would have to be made a5
to the most appropriate sampling techniques and the best
methods of obtaining this information, i. e., questionnaires,
interviews, a combination of these.
3. Assuming these conditions could be met, there have
been developed within the social sciences certain rather
powerful statistical techniques that could be utilized in
developing this type of analysis. We would want to, for
instance, use certain correlation techniques to explore the
nature and strength of certain relationship. We would
�150
SLOVAKIA
want to see if ethnic consciousness is related to certain
other factors such as education level, occupation, income,
religion, and so forth. Again, we would want to see how
"strong" these relationships were. We would also want
to examine these factors within certain age groups, for
instance, or between males and females.
Other techniques could be brought to bear on the
problem, namely, those statistical manipulations which include regression analysis, partial and multiple correlation.14
For example, if Slovaks in the thirty-five to fifty age group
scored "high" on ethnic consciousness, and if these scores
correlated positively with education, religion and income,
we might want to ask if any of these variables are more
"important" than the others; or how well, if taken together,
do they allow us to say that persons having these characteristics will also have ethnic consciousness. Thus, it would
be interesting to know what the influence of a person's
occupation was on his ethnic identity while at the same
time "holding constant" other influences, such as education
and income. Or we may want to know how much of the
"variance" in our dependent variable is attributable to the
combined effects of age, income, religion, and education.
While some of these techniques are fairly sophisticated,
they are needed to gather accurate data on the composition
of any given ethnic group, its self-identity and possible
political or economic influences.
SUMMARY
Being of Slovak ancestry, my personal feeling is that
Professor Novak has done a service in bringing to light
the existence of these ethnic groups that are usually not
recognized as having a unique cultural heritage and identity.
They, indeed, constitute a large proportion of the American
population. It is further accurate to say that these groups
have contributed a large share to the building of this
country. There is no denying this fact.
My major objections to Professor Novak's thesis are as
follows: 1) I am not truly convinced that there is a unique
ethnic consciousness among the groups about which he is
�SLOVAKIA
151
speaking. While indeed there may be, I do not believe it
is a strong homogeneous force either within any particular
group, or between the various groups. In either case, there
is simply not enough information to support the thesis
one way or the other. 2) While ethnic consciousness may
be an important social and political force in the seventies,
we do not have enough evidence as to what constitutes it.
My own guess is that this "identity" may be merely
a backlash reaction to certain groups of people who feel
neglected and socially and economically exploited. Thas,
the "identity" may be more a function of socioeconomic
status than of a unique ethnic consciousness. I would
venture to guess there are also many "non-ethnic" groups
who are feeling the effects of exploitation.
3) What Professor Novak is describing is probably
the pressures working class people are experiencing in tllis
country, generally, while their ethnicity may be secondary.
4) Again, I believe the type of ethnic identity he mentions
may be more strongly a function of those ethnic groups
who maintain close geographical and language ties. But
the rate of mobility (even the more limited mobility of
blue-collar workers) is - such that the viability of these
close-knit groups as centers of ethnic identity is open to
question.
5) We have very little information as to the ethnic
consciousness of those persons in the eighteen to twentyfive year age group. Here we may have outward "ethnic
identification" in the sense of taking courses, let us say,
concerning one's cultural background, but I am not convinced that this constitutes a unique "ethnic consciousness."
And 6) I do not believe the seventy million Americans
Novak mentions will constitute a viable political force
based on ethnic lines alone. The political coalition, if
indeed there ever is one, will develop probably along
socioeconomic and perhaps ideological-religious lines.
While being of Slovak heritage, being raised in a Slovak
home, and having some limited facility in the language,
I still do not see myself as having a unique "ethnic consciousness." While being subject to the "pressures" of
professionalization, I do not feel that I have somehow
�SLOVAKIA
152
lost my "true" ethnic identity. My Slovak heritage forms
an important part of my cultural past, but it does not
completely determine my immediate present. My Slovak
background is important, but I do not feel this entitles
me to become an Ethnic Everyman.
REFERENCES
1) Michael Novak, The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics (New York :
Macmillan, 1972).
2) William I. Thomas and Florian Znaniecki, The Polish Peasant in
Europe and America, Vols. I and II (New York: Dover, 19~).
3) Steven I. Miller, "Historical and Empirical Methods ·of Studying
Slovak-Americans as a Distinct Ethnic Group," Slovakia, Vol. XXII,
No. 45, pp. 116-124.
4) S. M. Miller, Max Weber (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1968),
Ch. I.
5) Robert H. Ennis, Logic in Teaching (Englewood Cliffs, N. J .: Prentioo-Hall, 1969), pp. 13-26.
6) Richard S. Rudner, Philosophy of Social Science (Englewood Cliffs,
N. J. : Prentice-Hall, 1966), Chs. 4 and 5.
7) Milton M. Gordon, "Assimilation in America: Theory and Reality,"
Daedalus, Vol. XC, No. 2 (Spring, 1961) and The Bobbs-Merrill
Reprint Series, S-407, pp. 263-283.
8 ) Fred N. Kerlinger, Foundations of Behavioral Research (New .York :
Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc, 1965), Ch. 2.
9) Emile Durkheim, "Suicide" in The Origins of Scientific Sociology,
ed. by John Madge (New York: The Free Press, 1962) , pp. 17-51.
10) Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure (rev. ed. ;
New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, Inc., 1957).
11) Robert Dubin, Theory Building (New York: The Free Press, 1969),
Chs. 3, 6, and 8.
12) Kerlinger, p. 39.
13) Ibid.
14) Hubert M. Blalock, Jr., Social Statistics (2d ed.; New York : McGrawHill, 1972), Chs. 17, 18, and 19.
N . B. An important volume in this area is Nathan Glazer and Daniel P.
Moynihan, Beyond the Melting Pot: The Negroes, Puerto Ricans,
Jews, Italians and Irish of New York City (Cambridge, Mass.:
M. I. T. Press, 1963) .
�
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1973, Vol. 23
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Vol. 23 (No. 46), 1973.
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SLOVAKIA
Dr. Steven I. M i l l e r :
Ethnicity and Research
SOME COMMENTS ON MICHAEL NOVAK'S
THE RISE OF THE UNMELTABLE ETHNICS
There has recently been an upsurge of thinking and
writing in terms of ethnicity. The most recent, and perhaps
one of the most persuasive, has been by the Slovak-American Michael Novak, in his volume, The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics. 1 Novak's thesis is that there exists in America
a large group of people that is of a unique ethnic background most likely Catholic, and generally "blue collar"
or lower middle class. Novak contends that these groups
made up of Poles, Italians, Greeks, and Slovaks constitute
an important and neglected segment of our population,
who have been historically exploited by the WASPS and
are now being identified as right-wing bigots. Novak
contends that it is now time to recognize the unique identity
and composition of these ethnic groups and, hopefully,
mold them into a viable political force that reflects their
national origins and religious preference.
While Novak makes an important contribution to the
ethnic literature, one often receives the impression while
reading the book that something is lacking; that the ethnic
concern is a springboard for certain personal ethical and
political preferences. There is not, for instance, an in-depth
investigation of any of the ethnic groups that is supposedly
under study. For instance, no in-depth analysis is given
of such a classic work as Thomas and Znaniecki's The
Polish Peasant in Europe and America. 2 Surely, these
volumes would have provided some additional insight into
the problem. What we have, rather, is a documented but
largely anecdotal work purporting to penetrate into the
"mysteries" of the ethnic psyche.
And, yet, the work does at least bring about an awareness of the fact that ethnicity may be an important
contemporary phenomenon. However, by emphasizing the
142
SLOVAKIA
reality of ethnicity, Novak leaves unsolved as many issues
as he raises. This is the result of several factors: 1) the
general methodological approach of the work; 2) certain
ambiguities in terms of definitions, and 3) a larger vision
of the ethnic reality (if, indeed, there actually is one).
These points will be elaborated on below. Again, the work
is a very valuable one but it could have been considerably
strengthened if some of these factors had been taken into
consideration. Perhaps some of these considerations will
more appropriately be explored in future works on the
subject.
METHODOLOGY AND ETHNIC STUDIES
As I pointed out in a previous work,3 one of the crucial
handicaps facing ethnic studies is the paucity of adequate
methodology. More accurately, one could argue that the
methodology is available but has not been utilized effectively in ethnic studies. What I am opting for is a more rigorous
use of historiography and especially the extended use of
social science methodology. It is only through good methodology that the study of ethnic groups ( and especially the
ones cited by Novak), becomes systematized and incorporated at all levels of the educational process.
Prof. Novak's methodological approach is, I believe,
broadly historical. He indicates (xv) that he will approach
the topic in terms of "systematic theology" and his personal
label of "intelligent subjectivity." While the former definition is perhaps not well defined, I take the second (and
equivalent definition of "intelligent subjectivity" to be
somewhat akin to Max Weber's idea of verstehen4-although
there are some crucial differences. However, one does not
know by the context whether this type of methodological
approach is implied. While this may be a minor point, it
does have bearing on the shape and direction of the work.
One of the major difficulties, however, lies in the
structure of the argument itself. That is, there may be
operating throughout the book a rather subtle logical
fallacy that, by the way, plagues much of social science
reasoning, also. The fallacy is called by logicians "the fallacy
of affirming the consequent." 5 It involves valid and invalid
forms of argument based on "conditionals" that havli the
SLOVAKIA
143
form "if p, then q." Thus, one of the basic arguments here
runs something like this: "if there is a unique ethnic
identity, then it is found in the existence of such groups
as Poles, Italians, Greeks, and Slavs. But such groups do
exist; therefore, they must exhibit a unique ethnic consciousness." The fallacy being that the existence of any
or all of these groups does not give us a basis for concluding
the existence of some special identity or consciousness.
Indeed, the existence of these groups would constitute
a necessary condition for an ethnic consciousness, but
surely, not a sufficient one. The important point here is
that one then attempts to specify by way of evidence ( or
the inductive process), the probability that some sort of
meaningful relationship does in fact exist.6 While Professor
Novak does, in part, fulfill this evidence condition, he does
not extend it in any unique methodological fashion.
For example, four propositions are set forth (pp. 8-9)
that are supposedly associated with ethnic identity. The
first two propositions imply the necessity of examining
one's ethnic heritage to gain a deeper insight into one's
(supposedly) psychological makeup; and that this enhanced
self-awareness will do no harm to this country's vision
of the world, in terms of foreign policy (although I must
admit I fail to see how the second proposition follows
from the first).
The last two propositions, however, are the interesting
ones since they are presumably direct effects of one's ethnic
identity. Proposition three makes the claim that "persons
who are secure in their identity act with greater freedom,
greater flexibility, greater openness to others. People who
feel inferior or unacceptable lash out in anger." Proposition
four states "a politics based on family and neighborhood
is far stronger socially and psychologically than a politics
based on bureaucracy." Now these propositions are important in that they are the supposed consequences of
ethnicity as studied through the perspective of "intelligent
subjectivity."
But if we examine the last two propositions, the
question immediately arises as to whether the assertions
are meant to be "causative" in nature or, perhaps, co,rrelational. It appears that they are put forth with the force
SLOVAKIA
of causal statements: ethnic identity (consciousness)
causes a healthier self-concept which in turn leads to (for
instance) a unique kind of political commitment. These
types of inferences are easily asserted but are substantiated
with great difficulty. What is needed in these types of
assertions, as we shall see, is either fairly strong historical
evidence or, more pertinently, methods for operationalizing
these assertions.
In the same vein, Prof. Novak attempts to substantiate
his thesis by claiming that the groups he is speaking of
are identifiable on at least three characteristics: ethnicity,
religion, and social class position (pp. 14, 20). This, of
course, is an important assertion since it defines the
characteristics of the population under study. Although
there are presumably seventy million Americans who can
be classified as Catholic, ethnic and within the $5,000$10,000 income range, this in itself does not mean that these
people form a distinct group in terms of any of the three
characteristics, let alone as being distinct in any political
sense. There undoubtedly is a great deal of potential
(economic, social, religious), but this does not mean it
has become actualized in any specific manner.
In addition, one would need much more specific
information on this group before generalizations could be
forwarded. What is the specific ethnic breakdown? What
is the median income within any given group and between
the groups? How many of each generation are in any given
group? How are they distributed in any particular city?
What is needed, then, is a more specific delineation of
this large "ethnic group."
Many other issues come to mind in this connection.
Assuming that any given ethnic group can also be characterized as Catholic and having a median income of $8,000,
is there any way in which these (and other) variables
came together to produce the ethnic consciousness? Thus,
it may be the case that Catholicism may be more important
than ethnicity or income in predicting particular ethnic
attitudes. Or it may be child rearing patterns or perhaps
occupational structure. For instance, do third generation
Poles who are middle class and Catholic, hold similar political attitudes as blue-collar Lutheran (or Catholic) Slovak~.
SLOVAKIA
145
It becomes readily obvious that what is needed is a more
s ophisticated methodology to handle some of these problems.
Likewise, Professor Novak's definition of an ethnic
:group (pp. 47-48) is much too vague. One is not quite sure
what an "historical memory" is to begin with, but the
-concept is further confused by including nearly all things
under the sun: instincts, feelings, intimacies, etc. It is
difficult to see how some of these statements go beyond,
for instance, Gordon's theory on assimilation in America. 7
The weakness in some of these assertions is that they may
be perpetuating certain ethnic stereotypes under the guise
of pointing out their uniqueness (p. 23). Does one really
gain additional insight into ethnicity by stating that ethnic
families have many family pictures in their homes and
spend much of their free time with their families?
Or such dangerous generalizations as "Jews and Italians
we know are highly dramatic people. Their self-consciousness is different from that of other groups (p. 38)." This
may be an indicator of the uniqueness of different forms
of ethnic "consciousness," but it is rather difficult to see
how.
THE NEED FOR ADEQUATE OPERATIONALIZATION
Returning to an earlier point, the real need in Prof.
Novak's work is some attempt to operationalize his key
assertions. That is, there should be some way to state
more precisely those propositions that are central to the
work and to imply some possible means of measuring
them. 8 When one attempts to do this, it becomes clear
that the issues under study are indeed of a very complex
nature. This approach does not mean that if one tries to
look at an issue (or a series of issues empirically, let us
say from a social science point of view), that there is
automatically a depersonalization of the group under study.
There may be but this is not necessarily the case.
In addition, if there is some "loss" in the sense that
one cannot explore all the psychological complexities of
any given group or individual, there is also a "gain" in that
one can obtain more precise information on the group and
use this information as a stepping stone to further research.
146
SLOVAKIA
Now, indeed, this approach to ethnicity is a consequence
of certain WASP connected attitudes about "universality''
and professionalization, but I hardly believe this is the
case. What social science research attempts to do (sometimes with poor results) is to precisely rid people of certain
stereotypic notions (let us say about ethnicity) that have
been prevalent for too long. Conversely' social science
research can bring to light the uniqueness of any given
group.
There are, for example, certain important conceptual
clarifications that Professor Novak should have addressed.
himself to. One, first of all, would like some additional
clarification as to the nature of "ethnic consciousness."
If it is postulated as being important, and a causal factor
in the development of other conditions (i.e., political
power), then it should be capable of operationalization.
How does one know if one has it? Do some groups have
it more than others? Does it differ in terms of social clas5
differences, for instance?
These are not moot questions. Rather, they must be
answered if one is to make a case for ethnic consciousness.
There are other statements that are in need of clarification
which are also premised on the existence of this ethnic consciousness. For instance, the statement, "the rise of ethnic
consciousness today is also due to disillusionment with the
universality, too thinly rational culture of professional
elites (p. 32)." And again, "the rise in ethnic consciousness
is, then, part of a more general cultural revolution (p. 32)."
How is one to determine the relationship in the first
statement between one's ethnic consciousness and the disillusionment with professional elites? There may indeed
be such a relationship but the context does not clarify it,
nor the possible strength of the relationship. In the second
statement, it is asserted that there is some type of a
relationship between ethnic consciousness and the more
"general cultural revolution" (whatever that might be).
In this instance, however, some directionality is implied:
ethnic consciousness seems to be the result, or perhaps
the by-product, of some larger cultural transformation.
This may, once more, be the case but it would be extremely
helpful if one could place such a statement in a broader
SLOVAKIA
147
theoretical framework; perhaps the work of Emile Durkheim,9 or Robert K. Merton's reference group theory. 10
Without a general theoretical framework, it becomes
increasingly difficult to place the above statement into any
type of meaningful categorization. Although the issue of
theory building is very pertinent to the discussion, it is
beyond the scope of this paper. 11
RESEARCH DESIGNS AND ETHNIC STUDIES
One possible way of gaining important information
related to the study of ethnic groups would be to con-ceptualize the problem in another way. Again, this would
be an alternative method of looking at some of the claims
forwarded by Professor Novak. An important preliminary
step would be to state an initial dependent variable. The
-dependent variable is the condition we are trying to
.explain.12 It is the issue we are interested in examining,
-explaining, and possibly predicting from. The independent
variable, on the other hand, is the presumed "cause" of
the dependent variable. 13
What we should then be looking for would be the
relationship of the dependent variable(s) with the independent variable(s). If some relationship does exist, we
can then better attempt to explain these hypotheses under
investigation.
In a broad sense, the dependent variable here would
be "ethnic consciousness." It is this factor or condition
that we wish to account for as accurately as possible,
because the assumption is that this condition is now responsible for many other conditions. But what is necessary
to give added meaning to this concept? One would, first
of all, attempt to define more precisely with some such
statement as, "Ethnic consciousness is a psychological state
X, resulting from Y and exhibited in certain types of
behavior pattern in group Z." However, even if a definition
of this type is possible, one is still under the obligation
t o give supporting evidence for it.
One way of providing for this supporting evidence is
to first operationalize (measure) the concept. And this is
where the task now becomes increasingly difficult. Put very
148
SLOVAKIA
simply, how can one get a measure of ethnic consciousnes s?
(We are not even asking at this point if there are differing
degrees or amounts of it.)
What would be needed, then, is the creation of some
type of instrument that gives an indication of this attribute.
We might, for example devise a test that would measure
conservative or liberal, democratic or authoritarian political
attitudes, and then infer that those scoring "high" on, let
us say, the democratic dimension would also be exhibiting
"ethnic consciousnes s." (We are presumably administering
the instrument to some ethnic group.) Of course, ethnic
consciousnes s could conceivably be indicated by a large
number of factors individually, or several kinds of factors.
collectively. However, the issue is finally settled, it must
be done for the research to proceed.
The same issues are brought to the fore when one attempts to identify and specify the independent variable(s).
Thus the rise of ethnic consciousnes s may be directly related to 1) anemic strain within institutions; 2) increasing
displeasure with bureaucratic means of doing things; and
3) the decrease or increase of religious commitment and so
forth.
If one, for example, indicates that the rise in ethnic
consciousnes s is related to increasing bureaucratic complexity, then some means must be devised to conceptualize
bureaucratic structures (and then relate them to ethnic
consciousnes s). To do this, one would have to specify, first
of all, the organizationa l level that may be important. Are
we speaking of bureaucracy in general, in society, or
bureaucratic organization in terms of higher education
and its effects on blocking admission to ethnic groups.
or some other sense of bureaucracy? One would also have
to assume that there is some way of measuring this
bureaucratic effect.
THE STUDY OF SLOVAKS
Let us now assume that we would want to test Prof.
Novak's thesis concerning the rise of ethnic consciousnes s.
How could one go about doing this? The problem becomes
highly complex in studying one group. It would be a monu-
SLOVAKIA
149
mental task to study the remaining ethnic groups either
cross-sectionally ( at one point in time), or longitudinally
( over a period of time).
Let us delineate our problem, however, to studying the
Slovaks, let us say, in Chicago. Let us further assume that
we have developed a reliable and valid instrument that we
can use as a measure of ethnic consciousness. The problem
then would have to be approached in somewhat the following manner:
1. We would have to · specify the population under
study. Presumably, we would want to look at native-born
Slovaks, as well as second and third generation Slovaks.
However, difficulties soon arise: if both of your grandparents were Slovaks, but your father was Slovak and
your mother Irish, do we include you in the population
as a Slovak? Some de.c ision would have to be reached on
matters or definition such as this.
2. We would want a breakdown demographically of
where Slovaks resided in Chicago. This information might
be easily obtained for some native-born Slovaks and their
children, but others would have to be located if we were
to have a representative sample. Other information would
then have to be gathered: importantly the age range of
Slovaks and how many within certain age groups; other valuable information would include educational background,
occupation, place of residence, income level, religious
preference, and so on.
This demographic data would be a vital first step in
describing the nature of our population. Depending on the
size of the population, decisions would have to be made a5
to the most appropriate sampling techniques and the best
methods of obtaining this information, i. e., questionnaires,
interviews, a combination of these.
3. Assuming these conditions could be met, there have
been developed within the social sciences certain rather
powerful statistical techniques that could be utilized in
developing this type of analysis. We would want to, for
instance, use certain correlation techniques to explore the
nature and strength of certain relationship. We would
150
SLOVAKIA
want to see if ethnic consciousness is related to certain
other factors such as education level, occupation, income,
religion, and so forth. Again, we would want to see how
"strong" these relationships were. We would also want
to examine these factors within certain age groups, for
instance, or between males and females.
Other techniques could be brought to bear on the
problem, namely, those statistical manipulations which include regression analysis, partial and multiple correlation.14
For example, if Slovaks in the thirty-five to fifty age group
scored "high" on ethnic consciousness, and if these scores
correlated positively with education, religion and income,
we might want to ask if any of these variables are more
"important" than the others; or how well, if taken together,
do they allow us to say that persons having these characteristics will also have ethnic consciousness. Thus, it would
be interesting to know what the influence of a person's
occupation was on his ethnic identity while at the same
time "holding constant" other influences, such as education
and income. Or we may want to know how much of the
"variance" in our dependent variable is attributable to the
combined effects of age, income, religion, and education.
While some of these techniques are fairly sophisticated,
they are needed to gather accurate data on the composition
of any given ethnic group, its self-identity and possible
political or economic influences.
SUMMARY
Being of Slovak ancestry, my personal feeling is that
Professor Novak has done a service in bringing to light
the existence of these ethnic groups that are usually not
recognized as having a unique cultural heritage and identity.
They, indeed, constitute a large proportion of the American
population. It is further accurate to say that these groups
have contributed a large share to the building of this
country. There is no denying this fact.
My major objections to Professor Novak's thesis are as
follows: 1) I am not truly convinced that there is a unique
ethnic consciousness among the groups about which he is
SLOVAKIA
151
speaking. While indeed there may be, I do not believe it
is a strong homogeneous force either within any particular
group, or between the various groups. In either case, there
is simply not enough information to support the thesis
one way or the other. 2) While ethnic consciousness may
be an important social and political force in the seventies,
we do not have enough evidence as to what constitutes it.
My own guess is that this "identity" may be merely
a backlash reaction to certain groups of people who feel
neglected and socially and economically exploited. Thas,
the "identity" may be more a function of socioeconomic
status than of a unique ethnic consciousness. I would
venture to guess there are also many "non-ethnic" groups
who are feeling the effects of exploitation.
3) What Professor Novak is describing is probably
the pressures working class people are experiencing in tllis
country, generally, while their ethnicity may be secondary.
4) Again, I believe the type of ethnic identity he mentions
may be more strongly a function of those ethnic groups
who maintain close geographical and language ties. But
the rate of mobility (even the more limited mobility of
blue-collar workers) is - such that the viability of these
close-knit groups as centers of ethnic identity is open to
question.
5) We have very little information as to the ethnic
consciousness of those persons in the eighteen to twentyfive year age group. Here we may have outward "ethnic
identification" in the sense of taking courses, let us say,
concerning one's cultural background, but I am not convinced that this constitutes a unique "ethnic consciousness."
And 6) I do not believe the seventy million Americans
Novak mentions will constitute a viable political force
based on ethnic lines alone. The political coalition, if
indeed there ever is one, will develop probably along
socioeconomic and perhaps ideological-religious lines.
While being of Slovak heritage, being raised in a Slovak
home, and having some limited facility in the language,
I still do not see myself as having a unique "ethnic consciousness." While being subject to the "pressures" of
professionalization, I do not feel that I have somehow
SLOVAKIA
152
lost my "true" ethnic identity. My Slovak heritage forms
an important part of my cultural past, but it does not
completely determine my immediate present. My Slovak
background is important, but I do not feel this entitles
me to become an Ethnic Everyman.
REFERENCES
1) Michael Novak, The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics (New York :
Macmillan, 1972).
2) William I. Thomas and Florian Znaniecki, The Polish Peasant in
Europe and America, Vols. I and II (New York: Dover, 19~).
3) Steven I. Miller, "Historical and Empirical Methods ·of Studying
Slovak-Americans as a Distinct Ethnic Group," Slovakia, Vol. XXII,
No. 45, pp. 116-124.
4) S. M. Miller, Max Weber (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1968),
Ch. I.
5) Robert H. Ennis, Logic in Teaching (Englewood Cliffs, N. J .: Prentioo-Hall, 1969), pp. 13-26.
6) Richard S. Rudner, Philosophy of Social Science (Englewood Cliffs,
N. J. : Prentice-Hall, 1966), Chs. 4 and 5.
7) Milton M. Gordon, "Assimilation in America: Theory and Reality,"
Daedalus, Vol. XC, No. 2 (Spring, 1961) and The Bobbs-Merrill
Reprint Series, S-407, pp. 263-283.
8 ) Fred N. Kerlinger, Foundations of Behavioral Research (New .York :
Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc, 1965), Ch. 2.
9) Emile Durkheim, "Suicide" in The Origins of Scientific Sociology,
ed. by John Madge (New York: The Free Press, 1962) , pp. 17-51.
10) Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure (rev. ed. ;
New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, Inc., 1957).
11) Robert Dubin, Theory Building (New York: The Free Press, 1969),
Chs. 3, 6, and 8.
12) Kerlinger, p. 39.
13) Ibid.
14) Hubert M. Blalock, Jr., Social Statistics (2d ed.; New York : McGrawHill, 1972), Chs. 17, 18, and 19.
N . B. An important volume in this area is Nathan Glazer and Daniel P.
Moynihan, Beyond the Melting Pot: The Negroes, Puerto Ricans,
Jews, Italians and Irish of New York City (Cambridge, Mass.:
M. I. T. Press, 1963) .
Dublin Core
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Title
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Ethnicity and Research
Description
An account of the resource
Dr. Steven I. Miller
Slovakia, Vol. 23 (No. 46), 1973
pp. 141-152
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Miller, Steven I.
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1973
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PDF Text
Text
SLOVAKIA
153
Ethnics Work Hard
Msgr. James T. Mc Hugh
Back in the early 60s, Nathan Glazer and Daniel
Moynihan maintained that ethnicity would continue to
play an important part in the social organization of New
York City. They focused on the Black and Puerto Rican
ascendancy and probably did not foresee the present
emphasis on ethnic individualism as it now exists.
With the 70s, national and ethnic origin matters-even
if it goes back to great grand-parents. But the lines are
fudged. It's hard to distinguish ethnic groups from middle
Americans, blue-collar workers, lower socio-economic
groups. And Spanish-surnamed Americans, though the
largest immigrant group with a different language, actually
comprise four or more distinct groups.
However, following Robert Hill's analysis of the
strengths of the black family, it's important to take a look
at the family life of ethnics, middle Americans and Spanishspeaking groups. The criteria chosen by Hill are generally
applicable, and the description can be drawn from the
more popularly written description of the new ethnic
Americans.
First of all, ethnic families show a strong sense of
kinship. Family unity, family relatedness and inter-family
cooperation show up clearly. Mike Novak, in the Rise of
the Unmeltable Ethnics tells us that ethnics spend most
of their free time with their families, and that many visit
their parents at least once a week.
Novak also maintains that ethnics tend to have
relatives as best friends. Weddings-and wakes-are family
reunions.
Ethnics also tend to help each other. There's always
a cousin or uncle who is a plumber, a couple of relatives
to help paint the house, a brother-in-law who knows about
cars. And the special jobs are taken care of on the weekends
at minimal expense.
�154
SLOVAKIA
Strong work orientation seems almost to be the lifeblood of ethnics. Robert Coles captures this in his book
on the middle-Americans. In his own style-accompanied
by photographs by Jon Erikson-Coles has the people
speak out. Joe and Doris-a typical couple-don't have
too much time to waste.
Joe works almost all the time-at his regular job and
at second jobs that he always has. Doris is busy with
the house and children. Increasingly, middle American
wives are taking jobs outside the home, and many of them
give willingly to help the school, the church or the community. Middle Americans and ethnics reject the welfare
state-and are much more determined to work than accept
money from the government. They believe "that it's not
right that a man shouldn't be able to earn a living for his
family."
There may be more rigidity in regard to rules and
tasks in ethnic and middle American families, but this
doesn't seem to weaken the family structure. Children are
expected to perform some tasks, and teen-agers have
generally been given a good degree of responsibility. It
seems that role expectations of the young have broken
down with the move to the suburbs.
There's a strong emphasis on achievement, but much
of the expectation is tranferred to children. Ethnic and
middle Americans find their jobs boring and uncertain,
and they hope to educate their children so that they won't
be trapped in a dead-end job. Police and firemen-who
once enjoyed status-are made the scapegoats for society's
problems, and take a disproportionate measure of criticism
from the nouveau riche. But most of the police and other
civil servants are people of integrity, and do receive some
recognition and praise from neighbors and friends.
Religious tradition runs hand in hand with ethnic
traditions, though the young are less dedicated to any type
of tradition. But the family engenders regular religious
practice, and the Catholic school-which serves ethnics
and middle Americans-tends to strengthen religious identification. Yet, the schools themselves are undergoing an
identity crisis and the erosion is beginning to show through.
�SLOVAKIA
155
Novak-speaking as a revived ethnic-says that more
and more he thinks in family terms. His Slovak, Catholic,
middle income origin gives him a sense of identity. And
Novak thinks that the politics of the future will be based
on the family and the neighborhood.
Ethnics show the ability to keep the family together,
and to find within it the opportunities to enable each
member to grow and develop. Dissatisfaction with society
or with money-experienced by the adults-doesn't poison
the young. And Coles middle Americans retain a certain
pride and sense of dignity, even though the going is rough.
It's fairly well accepted that the isolated, nuclear
.
family failed to meet the challenge of modern living. And
the nuclear family has already given way to new kinship
patterns. We can expect a revitalization of the family as
today's young families find new ways to adapt to the
challenges of tomorrow.
The American Political Question
Edward M. Zelenak
In May of 1972, at the Slovak League of America
Convention in Chicago, Illinois, a direct play was made
by the elected leadership of this civic organization to
channel future efforts towards involving the membership
in an active campaign to organize the Slovaks of the United
States in more vocal political activities. Specific intentions
were expressed concerning organizational efforts of the
Slovaks within the two major parties in the precincts,
wards, cities, counties, and even on a national scale. With
that effort as a foundation, the able leadership of the
Slovak League urged all delegates and officers to return
to their cities and embark on a substantial effort at getting
the Slovak people interested and eventually active in those
very same causes.
�
SLOVAKIA
153
Ethnics Work Hard
Msgr. James T. Mc Hugh
Back in the early 60s, Nathan Glazer and Daniel
Moynihan maintained that ethnicity would continue to
play an important part in the social organization of New
York City. They focused on the Black and Puerto Rican
ascendancy and probably did not foresee the present
emphasis on ethnic individualism as it now exists.
With the 70s, national and ethnic origin matters-even
if it goes back to great grand-parents. But the lines are
fudged. It's hard to distinguish ethnic groups from middle
Americans, blue-collar workers, lower socio-economic
groups. And Spanish-surnamed Americans, though the
largest immigrant group with a different language, actually
comprise four or more distinct groups.
However, following Robert Hill's analysis of the
strengths of the black family, it's important to take a look
at the family life of ethnics, middle Americans and Spanishspeaking groups. The criteria chosen by Hill are generally
applicable, and the description can be drawn from the
more popularly written description of the new ethnic
Americans.
First of all, ethnic families show a strong sense of
kinship. Family unity, family relatedness and inter-family
cooperation show up clearly. Mike Novak, in the Rise of
the Unmeltable Ethnics tells us that ethnics spend most
of their free time with their families, and that many visit
their parents at least once a week.
Novak also maintains that ethnics tend to have
relatives as best friends. Weddings-and wakes-are family
reunions.
Ethnics also tend to help each other. There's always
a cousin or uncle who is a plumber, a couple of relatives
to help paint the house, a brother-in-law who knows about
cars. And the special jobs are taken care of on the weekends
at minimal expense.
�154
SLOVAKIA
Strong work orientation seems almost to be the lifeblood of ethnics. Robert Coles captures this in his book
on the middle-Americans. In his own style-accompanied
by photographs by Jon Erikson-Coles has the people
speak out. Joe and Doris-a typical couple-don't have
too much time to waste.
Joe works almost all the time-at his regular job and
at second jobs that he always has. Doris is busy with
the house and children. Increasingly, middle American
wives are taking jobs outside the home, and many of them
give willingly to help the school, the church or the community. Middle Americans and ethnics reject the welfare
state-and are much more determined to work than accept
money from the government. They believe "that it's not
right that a man shouldn't be able to earn a living for his
family."
There may be more rigidity in regard to rules and
tasks in ethnic and middle American families, but this
doesn't seem to weaken the family structure. Children are
expected to perform some tasks, and teen-agers have
generally been given a good degree of responsibility. It
seems that role expectations of the young have broken
down with the move to the suburbs.
There's a strong emphasis on achievement, but much
of the expectation is tranferred to children. Ethnic and
middle Americans find their jobs boring and uncertain,
and they hope to educate their children so that they won't
be trapped in a dead-end job. Police and firemen-who
once enjoyed status-are made the scapegoats for society's
problems, and take a disproportionate measure of criticism
from the nouveau riche. But most of the police and other
civil servants are people of integrity, and do receive some
recognition and praise from neighbors and friends.
Religious tradition runs hand in hand with ethnic
traditions, though the young are less dedicated to any type
of tradition. But the family engenders regular religious
practice, and the Catholic school-which serves ethnics
and middle Americans-tends to strengthen religious identification. Yet, the schools themselves are undergoing an
identity crisis and the erosion is beginning to show through.
�SLOVAKIA
155
Novak-speaking as a revived ethnic-says that more
and more he thinks in family terms. His Slovak, Catholic,
middle income origin gives him a sense of identity. And
Novak thinks that the politics of the future will be based
on the family and the neighborhood.
Ethnics show the ability to keep the family together,
and to find within it the opportunities to enable each
member to grow and develop. Dissatisfaction with society
or with money-experienced by the adults-doesn't poison
the young. And Coles middle Americans retain a certain
pride and sense of dignity, even though the going is rough.
It's fairly well accepted that the isolated, nuclear
.
family failed to meet the challenge of modern living. And
the nuclear family has already given way to new kinship
patterns. We can expect a revitalization of the family as
today's young families find new ways to adapt to the
challenges of tomorrow.
The American Political Question
Edward M. Zelenak
In May of 1972, at the Slovak League of America
Convention in Chicago, Illinois, a direct play was made
by the elected leadership of this civic organization to
channel future efforts towards involving the membership
in an active campaign to organize the Slovaks of the United
States in more vocal political activities. Specific intentions
were expressed concerning organizational efforts of the
Slovaks within the two major parties in the precincts,
wards, cities, counties, and even on a national scale. With
that effort as a foundation, the able leadership of the
Slovak League urged all delegates and officers to return
to their cities and embark on a substantial effort at getting
the Slovak people interested and eventually active in those
very same causes.
�
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1973, Vol. 23
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Vol. 23 (No. 46), 1973.
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The Slovak League of America
Date
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1973
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SLOVAKIA
153
Ethnics Work Hard
Msgr. James T. Mc Hugh
Back in the early 60s, Nathan Glazer and Daniel
Moynihan maintained that ethnicity would continue to
play an important part in the social organization of New
York City. They focused on the Black and Puerto Rican
ascendancy and probably did not foresee the present
emphasis on ethnic individualism as it now exists.
With the 70s, national and ethnic origin matters-even
if it goes back to great grand-parents. But the lines are
fudged. It's hard to distinguish ethnic groups from middle
Americans, blue-collar workers, lower socio-economic
groups. And Spanish-surnamed Americans, though the
largest immigrant group with a different language, actually
comprise four or more distinct groups.
However, following Robert Hill's analysis of the
strengths of the black family, it's important to take a look
at the family life of ethnics, middle Americans and Spanishspeaking groups. The criteria chosen by Hill are generally
applicable, and the description can be drawn from the
more popularly written description of the new ethnic
Americans.
First of all, ethnic families show a strong sense of
kinship. Family unity, family relatedness and inter-family
cooperation show up clearly. Mike Novak, in the Rise of
the Unmeltable Ethnics tells us that ethnics spend most
of their free time with their families, and that many visit
their parents at least once a week.
Novak also maintains that ethnics tend to have
relatives as best friends. Weddings-and wakes-are family
reunions.
Ethnics also tend to help each other. There's always
a cousin or uncle who is a plumber, a couple of relatives
to help paint the house, a brother-in-law who knows about
cars. And the special jobs are taken care of on the weekends
at minimal expense.
154
SLOVAKIA
Strong work orientation seems almost to be the lifeblood of ethnics. Robert Coles captures this in his book
on the middle-Americans. In his own style-accompanied
by photographs by Jon Erikson-Coles has the people
speak out. Joe and Doris-a typical couple-don't have
too much time to waste.
Joe works almost all the time-at his regular job and
at second jobs that he always has. Doris is busy with
the house and children. Increasingly, middle American
wives are taking jobs outside the home, and many of them
give willingly to help the school, the church or the community. Middle Americans and ethnics reject the welfare
state-and are much more determined to work than accept
money from the government. They believe "that it's not
right that a man shouldn't be able to earn a living for his
family."
There may be more rigidity in regard to rules and
tasks in ethnic and middle American families, but this
doesn't seem to weaken the family structure. Children are
expected to perform some tasks, and teen-agers have
generally been given a good degree of responsibility. It
seems that role expectations of the young have broken
down with the move to the suburbs.
There's a strong emphasis on achievement, but much
of the expectation is tranferred to children. Ethnic and
middle Americans find their jobs boring and uncertain,
and they hope to educate their children so that they won't
be trapped in a dead-end job. Police and firemen-who
once enjoyed status-are made the scapegoats for society's
problems, and take a disproportionate measure of criticism
from the nouveau riche. But most of the police and other
civil servants are people of integrity, and do receive some
recognition and praise from neighbors and friends.
Religious tradition runs hand in hand with ethnic
traditions, though the young are less dedicated to any type
of tradition. But the family engenders regular religious
practice, and the Catholic school-which serves ethnics
and middle Americans-tends to strengthen religious identification. Yet, the schools themselves are undergoing an
identity crisis and the erosion is beginning to show through.
SLOVAKIA
155
Novak-speaking as a revived ethnic-says that more
and more he thinks in family terms. His Slovak, Catholic,
middle income origin gives him a sense of identity. And
Novak thinks that the politics of the future will be based
on the family and the neighborhood.
Ethnics show the ability to keep the family together,
and to find within it the opportunities to enable each
member to grow and develop. Dissatisfaction with society
or with money-experienced by the adults-doesn't poison
the young. And Coles middle Americans retain a certain
pride and sense of dignity, even though the going is rough.
It's fairly well accepted that the isolated, nuclear
.
family failed to meet the challenge of modern living. And
the nuclear family has already given way to new kinship
patterns. We can expect a revitalization of the family as
today's young families find new ways to adapt to the
challenges of tomorrow.
The American Political Question
Edward M. Zelenak
In May of 1972, at the Slovak League of America
Convention in Chicago, Illinois, a direct play was made
by the elected leadership of this civic organization to
channel future efforts towards involving the membership
in an active campaign to organize the Slovaks of the United
States in more vocal political activities. Specific intentions
were expressed concerning organizational efforts of the
Slovaks within the two major parties in the precincts,
wards, cities, counties, and even on a national scale. With
that effort as a foundation, the able leadership of the
Slovak League urged all delegates and officers to return
to their cities and embark on a substantial effort at getting
the Slovak people interested and eventually active in those
very same causes.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Ethnics Work Hard
Description
An account of the resource
Msgr. James T. McHugh
Slovakia, Vol. 23 (No. 46), 1973
pp. 153-155
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
McHugh, James T.
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1973
LCNAF
-
https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/75b0d395160903025a155a55faab5aac.pdf
7b8f354a00a8669aaf5911cbeb2b518f
PDF Text
Text
SLOVAKIA
155
Novak-speaking as a revived ethnic-says that more
and more he thinks in family terms. His Slovak, Catholic,
middle income origin gives him a sense of identity. And
Novak thinks that the politics of the future will be based
on the family and the neighborhood.
Ethnics show the ability to keep the family together,
and to find within it the opportunities to enable each
member to grow and develop. Dissatisfaction with society
or with money-experienced by the adults-doesn't poison
the young. And Coles middle Americans retain a certain
pride and sense of dignity, even though the going is rough.
It's fairly well accepted that the isolated, nuclear
.
family failed to meet the challenge of modern living. And
the nuclear family has already given way to new kinship
patterns. We can expect a revitalization of the family as
today's young families find new ways to adapt to the
challenges of tomorrow.
The American Political Question
Edward M. Zelenak
In May of 1972, at the Slovak League of America
Convention in Chicago, Illinois, a direct play was made
by the elected leadership of this civic organization to
channel future efforts towards involving the membership
in an active campaign to organize the Slovaks of the United
States in more vocal political activities. Specific intentions
were expressed concerning organizational efforts of the
Slovaks within the two major parties in the precincts,
wards, cities, counties, and even on a national scale. With
that effort as a foundation, the able leadership of the
Slovak League urged all delegates and officers to return
to their cities and embark on a substantial effort at getting
the Slovak people interested and eventually active in those
very same causes.
�156
SLOVAKIA
The secondar y goal consisted of involving even further
the young American-Slovaks in first the Slovak causes and
logically political activities at the same time. Both goals
are ideally sound and require much more than parental
urging to get the young out. It has been stated that the
youth of today are more aware of the affairs of the world,
of the ills and injustices , and that is debatable . However ,
acting on the assumpti on of that being true, Slovaks should
renew in 1972 all previousl y intensifie d efforts at achieving
a balance in both the political field and the youth movemen t.
1972 ended with the reelectio n of Richard M. Nixon,
a Republic an, as Presiden t of the United States. Whether
one can say that Richard Nixon represen ts the beliefs of
the American-Slovaks as an entity is debatable , yet his
reelectio n signifies a coalition of numerou s groups analogous to many of the ideal Slovak causes. Yet that presents
a sort of predicam ent, because the labor-ori ented Slovak
in the urban American cities typically congrega tes and
identifies with the Democra tic Party. The scattered Slovak
commun ities througho ut the United States do not present
definite figures to examine the voting pattern this past
year by, yet, realizing the loyalty the Slovak holds to God,
America and the Slovak nationali ty, one can assume that
the Slovaks who were Democra ts voted Democra tic and
the Republic an Slovaks voted Republic an.
Presiden t Nixon used the slogan: "Four more years"
to lead his reelectio n campaign , and it is the advice from
that campaign chant that the young American Slovaks in
particula r can take either a hint or begin to worry. We
have less than four years now to once again enact the
machiner y to bring about the changes we desire in our
country.
My own particula r involvem ent in partisan politics has
been with the Democra tic Party. In 1972 I was elected to
a position of precinct delegate from the city of Lincoln
Park. That particula r election, the May 16 Presiden tial
Primary, was significa nt to the Slovaks of Michigan, because three Slovaks were elected as precinct delegates from
Lincoln Park, and two were youths. In June I was selected
as a delegate to the Democra tic National Conventi on in
Miami Beach, committe d to Governo r George Wallace,
�SLOVAKIA
157
representing the 15th Congressional district of Michigan.
The Democratic National Convention was perhaps the
most representative body of all the facets of America,
a feat that the Republicans failed to attain at their own
a month later. The significance of the McGovern-Fraser
guidelines employed by the Democratic Party offers more
than a fair opportunity for all minority groups to seek
representation in a political system, and particularly the
young Slovaks. The youthful idealists ensured the nomiruv
tion of George S. McGovern last July and a coalition of
equally-interested young Slovaks and other ethnic-oriented
youths can conceivably achieve the same goal. Thus I stress
the need for young Slovaks to take part in our political
structure, working for their beliefs and goals, not forgetting
the goals of America and their Slovak elders. We cannot
sit back and allow either of the two parties to become
stagnant or indifferent to our needs. But one does not
gain in politics by sitting at home. I have chosen to work
within the Democratic Party, by my own selection. The
basic principles of that party best correlate with the people
I associate and my personal viewpoints. From the young
McGovern supporters in Miami Beach I have taken notice.
A Republican is president, yet the young Democratic organization behind George McGovern succeeded in nominating
him as the Democratic candidate for president, a task
pronounced as impossible only four months prior to the
convention. By their movement we can learn and profit,
and the same goes for the young Slovaks adhering to the
principles of the Republican Party. Gone are the days of
the great ethnic machinery in political wards ( or so is
evident in Detroit), yet machinery does not die, needing
only replacement and oiling. The Slovaks can rejuvenate
life in the political system, for it is from politics whence
all good comes. In Michigan, one Slovak from Lincoln Park
has been elected to the governing board of the state
Democratic Party, and she is a woman. That in itself is
significant. The Slovaks in Chicago, Cleveland and Pittsburgh have been equally successful. The youth, in seeking
to lead America to a time of peace and prosperity, must
regard the example of the elders. But it will be by their
youth and their Slovak heritage that they succeed.
�
SLOVAKIA
155
Novak-speaking as a revived ethnic-says that more
and more he thinks in family terms. His Slovak, Catholic,
middle income origin gives him a sense of identity. And
Novak thinks that the politics of the future will be based
on the family and the neighborhood.
Ethnics show the ability to keep the family together,
and to find within it the opportunities to enable each
member to grow and develop. Dissatisfaction with society
or with money-experienced by the adults-doesn't poison
the young. And Coles middle Americans retain a certain
pride and sense of dignity, even though the going is rough.
It's fairly well accepted that the isolated, nuclear
.
family failed to meet the challenge of modern living. And
the nuclear family has already given way to new kinship
patterns. We can expect a revitalization of the family as
today's young families find new ways to adapt to the
challenges of tomorrow.
The American Political Question
Edward M. Zelenak
In May of 1972, at the Slovak League of America
Convention in Chicago, Illinois, a direct play was made
by the elected leadership of this civic organization to
channel future efforts towards involving the membership
in an active campaign to organize the Slovaks of the United
States in more vocal political activities. Specific intentions
were expressed concerning organizational efforts of the
Slovaks within the two major parties in the precincts,
wards, cities, counties, and even on a national scale. With
that effort as a foundation, the able leadership of the
Slovak League urged all delegates and officers to return
to their cities and embark on a substantial effort at getting
the Slovak people interested and eventually active in those
very same causes.
�156
SLOVAKIA
The secondar y goal consisted of involving even further
the young American-Slovaks in first the Slovak causes and
logically political activities at the same time. Both goals
are ideally sound and require much more than parental
urging to get the young out. It has been stated that the
youth of today are more aware of the affairs of the world,
of the ills and injustices , and that is debatable . However ,
acting on the assumpti on of that being true, Slovaks should
renew in 1972 all previousl y intensifie d efforts at achieving
a balance in both the political field and the youth movemen t.
1972 ended with the reelectio n of Richard M. Nixon,
a Republic an, as Presiden t of the United States. Whether
one can say that Richard Nixon represen ts the beliefs of
the American-Slovaks as an entity is debatable , yet his
reelectio n signifies a coalition of numerou s groups analogous to many of the ideal Slovak causes. Yet that presents
a sort of predicam ent, because the labor-ori ented Slovak
in the urban American cities typically congrega tes and
identifies with the Democra tic Party. The scattered Slovak
commun ities througho ut the United States do not present
definite figures to examine the voting pattern this past
year by, yet, realizing the loyalty the Slovak holds to God,
America and the Slovak nationali ty, one can assume that
the Slovaks who were Democra ts voted Democra tic and
the Republic an Slovaks voted Republic an.
Presiden t Nixon used the slogan: "Four more years"
to lead his reelectio n campaign , and it is the advice from
that campaign chant that the young American Slovaks in
particula r can take either a hint or begin to worry. We
have less than four years now to once again enact the
machiner y to bring about the changes we desire in our
country.
My own particula r involvem ent in partisan politics has
been with the Democra tic Party. In 1972 I was elected to
a position of precinct delegate from the city of Lincoln
Park. That particula r election, the May 16 Presiden tial
Primary, was significa nt to the Slovaks of Michigan, because three Slovaks were elected as precinct delegates from
Lincoln Park, and two were youths. In June I was selected
as a delegate to the Democra tic National Conventi on in
Miami Beach, committe d to Governo r George Wallace,
�SLOVAKIA
157
representing the 15th Congressional district of Michigan.
The Democratic National Convention was perhaps the
most representative body of all the facets of America,
a feat that the Republicans failed to attain at their own
a month later. The significance of the McGovern-Fraser
guidelines employed by the Democratic Party offers more
than a fair opportunity for all minority groups to seek
representation in a political system, and particularly the
young Slovaks. The youthful idealists ensured the nomiruv
tion of George S. McGovern last July and a coalition of
equally-interested young Slovaks and other ethnic-oriented
youths can conceivably achieve the same goal. Thus I stress
the need for young Slovaks to take part in our political
structure, working for their beliefs and goals, not forgetting
the goals of America and their Slovak elders. We cannot
sit back and allow either of the two parties to become
stagnant or indifferent to our needs. But one does not
gain in politics by sitting at home. I have chosen to work
within the Democratic Party, by my own selection. The
basic principles of that party best correlate with the people
I associate and my personal viewpoints. From the young
McGovern supporters in Miami Beach I have taken notice.
A Republican is president, yet the young Democratic organization behind George McGovern succeeded in nominating
him as the Democratic candidate for president, a task
pronounced as impossible only four months prior to the
convention. By their movement we can learn and profit,
and the same goes for the young Slovaks adhering to the
principles of the Republican Party. Gone are the days of
the great ethnic machinery in political wards ( or so is
evident in Detroit), yet machinery does not die, needing
only replacement and oiling. The Slovaks can rejuvenate
life in the political system, for it is from politics whence
all good comes. In Michigan, one Slovak from Lincoln Park
has been elected to the governing board of the state
Democratic Party, and she is a woman. That in itself is
significant. The Slovaks in Chicago, Cleveland and Pittsburgh have been equally successful. The youth, in seeking
to lead America to a time of peace and prosperity, must
regard the example of the elders. But it will be by their
youth and their Slovak heritage that they succeed.
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
1973, Vol. 23
Description
An account of the resource
Vol. 23 (No. 46), 1973.
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
The Slovak League of America
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1973
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Text
Any textual data included in the document
SLOVAKIA
155
Novak-speaking as a revived ethnic-says that more
and more he thinks in family terms. His Slovak, Catholic,
middle income origin gives him a sense of identity. And
Novak thinks that the politics of the future will be based
on the family and the neighborhood.
Ethnics show the ability to keep the family together,
and to find within it the opportunities to enable each
member to grow and develop. Dissatisfaction with society
or with money-experienced by the adults-doesn't poison
the young. And Coles middle Americans retain a certain
pride and sense of dignity, even though the going is rough.
It's fairly well accepted that the isolated, nuclear
.
family failed to meet the challenge of modern living. And
the nuclear family has already given way to new kinship
patterns. We can expect a revitalization of the family as
today's young families find new ways to adapt to the
challenges of tomorrow.
The American Political Question
Edward M. Zelenak
In May of 1972, at the Slovak League of America
Convention in Chicago, Illinois, a direct play was made
by the elected leadership of this civic organization to
channel future efforts towards involving the membership
in an active campaign to organize the Slovaks of the United
States in more vocal political activities. Specific intentions
were expressed concerning organizational efforts of the
Slovaks within the two major parties in the precincts,
wards, cities, counties, and even on a national scale. With
that effort as a foundation, the able leadership of the
Slovak League urged all delegates and officers to return
to their cities and embark on a substantial effort at getting
the Slovak people interested and eventually active in those
very same causes.
156
SLOVAKIA
The secondar y goal consisted of involving even further
the young American-Slovaks in first the Slovak causes and
logically political activities at the same time. Both goals
are ideally sound and require much more than parental
urging to get the young out. It has been stated that the
youth of today are more aware of the affairs of the world,
of the ills and injustices , and that is debatable . However ,
acting on the assumpti on of that being true, Slovaks should
renew in 1972 all previousl y intensifie d efforts at achieving
a balance in both the political field and the youth movemen t.
1972 ended with the reelectio n of Richard M. Nixon,
a Republic an, as Presiden t of the United States. Whether
one can say that Richard Nixon represen ts the beliefs of
the American-Slovaks as an entity is debatable , yet his
reelectio n signifies a coalition of numerou s groups analogous to many of the ideal Slovak causes. Yet that presents
a sort of predicam ent, because the labor-ori ented Slovak
in the urban American cities typically congrega tes and
identifies with the Democra tic Party. The scattered Slovak
commun ities througho ut the United States do not present
definite figures to examine the voting pattern this past
year by, yet, realizing the loyalty the Slovak holds to God,
America and the Slovak nationali ty, one can assume that
the Slovaks who were Democra ts voted Democra tic and
the Republic an Slovaks voted Republic an.
Presiden t Nixon used the slogan: "Four more years"
to lead his reelectio n campaign , and it is the advice from
that campaign chant that the young American Slovaks in
particula r can take either a hint or begin to worry. We
have less than four years now to once again enact the
machiner y to bring about the changes we desire in our
country.
My own particula r involvem ent in partisan politics has
been with the Democra tic Party. In 1972 I was elected to
a position of precinct delegate from the city of Lincoln
Park. That particula r election, the May 16 Presiden tial
Primary, was significa nt to the Slovaks of Michigan, because three Slovaks were elected as precinct delegates from
Lincoln Park, and two were youths. In June I was selected
as a delegate to the Democra tic National Conventi on in
Miami Beach, committe d to Governo r George Wallace,
SLOVAKIA
157
representing the 15th Congressional district of Michigan.
The Democratic National Convention was perhaps the
most representative body of all the facets of America,
a feat that the Republicans failed to attain at their own
a month later. The significance of the McGovern-Fraser
guidelines employed by the Democratic Party offers more
than a fair opportunity for all minority groups to seek
representation in a political system, and particularly the
young Slovaks. The youthful idealists ensured the nomiruv
tion of George S. McGovern last July and a coalition of
equally-interested young Slovaks and other ethnic-oriented
youths can conceivably achieve the same goal. Thus I stress
the need for young Slovaks to take part in our political
structure, working for their beliefs and goals, not forgetting
the goals of America and their Slovak elders. We cannot
sit back and allow either of the two parties to become
stagnant or indifferent to our needs. But one does not
gain in politics by sitting at home. I have chosen to work
within the Democratic Party, by my own selection. The
basic principles of that party best correlate with the people
I associate and my personal viewpoints. From the young
McGovern supporters in Miami Beach I have taken notice.
A Republican is president, yet the young Democratic organization behind George McGovern succeeded in nominating
him as the Democratic candidate for president, a task
pronounced as impossible only four months prior to the
convention. By their movement we can learn and profit,
and the same goes for the young Slovaks adhering to the
principles of the Republican Party. Gone are the days of
the great ethnic machinery in political wards ( or so is
evident in Detroit), yet machinery does not die, needing
only replacement and oiling. The Slovaks can rejuvenate
life in the political system, for it is from politics whence
all good comes. In Michigan, one Slovak from Lincoln Park
has been elected to the governing board of the state
Democratic Party, and she is a woman. That in itself is
significant. The Slovaks in Chicago, Cleveland and Pittsburgh have been equally successful. The youth, in seeking
to lead America to a time of peace and prosperity, must
regard the example of the elders. But it will be by their
youth and their Slovak heritage that they succeed.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The American Political Question
Description
An account of the resource
Edward M. Zelenak
Slovakia, Vol. 23 (No. 46), 1973
pp. 155-157
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Zelenak, Edward M.
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1973
name
-
https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/2daa090993cdcff74a9d21ad738d28f2.pdf
dd5d44121cea5e5b0e6ebf2df13625de
PDF Text
Text
158
SLOVAKIA
CURRENT ISSUES
·Proclamation Adopted
by Sf oval< League of America
CHICAGO, ILL. -
MAY 27, 1972
Assembled in the Congress, the delegates to the 43rd
Biennial Congress of the Slovak League of America, unanimously adopt this resolution:
1. The Slovak League of America will continue with all
its energies to support, to advance and to spread the
doctrine of self determination and freedom for all
nations, as these are principles espoused by our own
United States of America.
2. The Slovak League of America will continue with its
cultural and civic programs, by means of its scholarships and other undertakings. Thus, we will better
inform the free world, especially here in our own
country, of the centuries-old aspirations and rights
of Slovak nation. We feel these rights will be best
enjoyed in some type of European federation or union
in which the citizens of a free and independent Slovakia will decide their own destiny.
3. In furtherance of the above goals, the Slovak League
of America will continue to work closely with all
Slovak organizations, publications and institutions
everywhere; thereby giving moral, financial and practical support to the aspirations of more than three
million Slovaks torn away from their native soil, as
well as to the downtrodden brethren in subjugated
Slovakia.
4. As one of the founders of the Slovak World Congress,
the Slovak League of America endorses the program
of the Slovak World Congress and make available to
it all its powers and resources.
�SLOVAKIA
159
5. The Slovak League of America makes special request
to all Slovak groups to appeal to the Slovak youthfor they are our future-without them the Slovak
cause, especially here in the United States of America,
will not long endure.
6. Finally, we solicit the continued sacrifices and dedication of all Slovak-Americans and American-Slovaks,
fortunate enough to enjoy the freedom and privileges
of our great Country, so that in our hopes for peace
to men of goodvill, our subjugated brethren, may in
God's good time likewise enjoy such freedoms.
THE SWVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA
Edward J. B eh u n c i k, President
Joseph Pa u co, Secretary
MEMORANDUM
of the Slovak Catholic Mission
in Australia
Director-General
UNESCO
Place De Fontenoy
Paris vrre
France
Dear Sir:
The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization has proclaimed the year 1972 as "International
Book Year". This is a worthy undertaking and deserves
every good success, but it is to be regretted that not all
of mankind is in a position to freely participate in it.
\ rticle IX of the Charter of the Book states:
"The free flow of books between countries is an
essential supplement to national supplies and promotes
international understanding."
�168
SLOVAKIA
Contrary to this statement and the current year program of UNESCO is the practice of the Government of the
Czecho-Slovak Socialistic Republic and the Governments
of other countries under Communist rule and culturally
dominated by Moscow. These countries discriminate in
the exchange of books and printed matter in general.
While the free world is flooded with propaganda and
literature issued by the Soviet Block countries, there is
great discrimination in the Communist countries against
literature published in the free world, and into CzechoSlovakia the entry of religious and the like books is actually
prohibited.
This is being done in spite of the fact that Communist
Block countries are members of the United Nation organization and are signitories of the Charter of the United
Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
The purpose of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization according to its constitution
is "To contribute to peace and security by promoting
collaboration among the nations through education, science
and culture in order to further universal respect for justice,
for the rule of law and for the human rights and fundamental freedoms which are affirmed for the peoples of
the world, without distinction of race, sex, language or
religion, by the Charter of the United Nations."
The Slovak Nation, one of many enslaved by Communism, has a high regard for this noble objective of UNESCO
but is prevented in carrying out its part in it. The purpose
of this memorandum is to draw your attention to the plight
in which the Slovak Nation has been placed by no fault
of its own, and also to point out that the action required
to remedy the ills of the systems dominating the life of
Slovaks under Moscow supremacy is long overdue.
The Slovak Nation is the oldest Christian Nation in
Central Europe. Its country is Slovakia with a population
of 4,542,098.
This Nation is not in a position to exercise the rights
as enumerated for every human being by the United
Nations.
At the time when the most fundamental freedoms of
�SLOVAKIA
161
mankind were announced by the United Nations, the Slovak
Nation was stripped of them by the power of Moscow
which marked the end of the Slovak Independent Republic,
.and Slovakia was forcibly joined with Bohemia and Moravia
in the Czecho-Slovak Socialistic Republic.
By this arbitrary act the Slovak Nation was in 1945
deprived of the principle of self-determination affirmed
by the Charter of the United Nations. Chapter I, article 1,
paragraph 2 reads:
(The purposes of the United Nations are) "To develop friendly relations among nations based
on respect for the principle of equal rights and selfdetermination of peoples, and to take other appropriate
measures to strengthen universal peace."
The Slovak Nation is not free to choose its form of
government and is ruled by the totalitarian system under
the banner of international Communism.
Consequently with regard to the objectives of UNESCO
the Slovak Nation is not in a position to develop itself
according to its Christian character and thus it is not
free either to contribute to the cultural wealth of the
human family or to enjoy its benefits.
UNESCO holds that for the promotion of its activities,
three of the rights, enumerated in the Universal Declaration
are of outstanding importance:
1. "The right to education ( article 26)
2. "The right of culture (article 27)
3. "The right to freedom of information (article 19)".
The Slovak Nation does not enjoy freedom to claim
and exercise any of these rights.
1. Paragraph 2, of article 26 reads:
"Education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality and the strengthening
of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms.
It shall promote understanding, tolerance and friendship among all nations, racial or religious groups, and
shall further the activities of the United Nations for
the maintenance of peace."
�162
SLOVAKIA
Human personality can be fully developed when an
individual enjoys the most fundamental freedoms such as:
freedom
freedom
freedom
freedom
of speech,
of belief,
from fear,
from want.
The Slovak Nation enjoys none of these. The whole
educational system in Slovakia is saturated with Marxism,
which is contrary to the Christian character of the Slovak
Nation.
The promoting of tolerance is unknown to Communism which is disseminating hatred and it is disrupting
unity on all levels of life.
For Communism "peace" means the domination of
private and public life according to the teaching of Marxism.
According to paragraph 3 of article 26, "Parents have
a prior right to choose the kind of education that shall
be given to their children."
The Slovak parents are denied this right for in Slovakia
there is only the Communist system of education. In 1945
Slovakia had 1887 Catholic schools. All of them were confiscated by Communists and the children of Catholic parents
(also other religions) were indoctrinated in Marxism.
2. Article 27, paragraph 1, reads:
"Everyone has the right freely participate in the
cultural life of the community, to enjoy the arts and
to share in scientific advancement and it..s benefits."
In Slovakia culture, arts, science have been made
servants of Communism and they have no value unless
they are guided by principles of Marxism and unless they
are designed for the promotion of Communism.
3. According Article 19:
"Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and
expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions
without interference and to seek, receive and impart
information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers."
�163
SLOVAKIA
In Slovakia there is no freedom of opinion and expression. These have to be in conformity with Marxism.
Ideas and opinions are usually communicated by
books, newspapers, radio, television and public addresses.
But in Slovakia, these medias are Communist controlled and are designed to promote militant atheism.
What has been said about the situation in Slovakia,
applies also to a lesser or greater degree to other countries
under Communist rule, and while Communist propaganda
and literature is freely distributed in the countries of the
Western Democracies, the frontiers of the countries under
Communist domination are virtually sealted to the printed
word from the West. This especially applies to articles of
a religious nature.
This state of affairs is contrary to the spirit of the
United Nations and is alien to the objectives of UNESCO.
Its toleration would only strengthen the hand of international Communism and encourage all actual or potential
dictators in their drive to enslave the rights and freedom
of mankind.
Having this in mind, we respectfully request that:
a) You bring the plight of the Slovak Nation to the
attention of the General Assembly of the United
Nations Organization,
b) the dignity of Slovaks be fully restored, so that
the Slovak Nation can take an honorable place
in the family of free Nations according to the spirit
of the United Nations and aims of UNESCO.
We trust that you will assist us in our request that
justice be done to the Slovak Nation and so fulfill the
principles of the United Nations and aims of UNESCO.
Yours respectfully,
Rev. Jan Krasnansky,
s. V.D.
Chaplain to the Slovak
Community in Sydney
Jan Secansky
Sydney, August 1972
Delegate to the Religious
Section of the Slovak
World Congress
�164
SLOVAKIA
Ethnic Studies
at C.C.N.Y. and the First Course
on the Slavic American Heritage
The City College of the City University of New York has
long taken pride both in the achievements of its students
and in the leading role it has played in recognizing and
adapting to new ethnic and cultural developments in New
York's multi-cultural and multi-national community. For
many years C.C.N.Y. has ranked with Harvard and the
University of California at Berkeley in the number of its
graduates who go on for doctorates. This year The City
College again took a leadership role by initiating the
nation's first college level course on the Slavic American
Heritage.
Different ethnic groups at City College have long
struggled for recognition and have broadened the college's
involvement in the community by pressing for the establishment of new programs and courses more "relevant" to
their ethnic backgrounds. In response to the students'
demands at C.C.N.Y. in 1969, New York's Board of Higher
Education authorized The City College to establish a Department of Urban and Ethnic Studies (UES) which would
engage in both instruction and research. This department
assists students in preparing for new careers in community
leadership, public service, education, and work with
voluntary agencies in urban areas.
In September of 1969 the new Department of Urban
and Ethnic Studies opened its doors with 183 students
enrolled in two courses in Afro-American and Puerto Rican
Studies. The following semester courses in urban and
community affairs were added. During the second year
the curriculum was expanded to include the beginnings
of Chinese-American and Carribean Studies.
From the beginning the Department of Urban and
Ethnic Studies exhibited striking vitality and growth. The
number of courses given by the Department rose from
two (in the fall of 1969) to thirteen (in the spring of 1970)
and then to twenty-three (in the spring of 1971). From
�SLOVAKIA
165
seven sections in the first semester it grew to forty-two
in the spring of 1971, while student enrollment rose from
183 to about 1400.
By Fall 1971, UES had been divided into three separate
departments: Black Studies, Puerto Rican Studies, and
Asian Studies. At the same time a separate department of
Jewish Studies had been created. It became administration
policy that an ethnic studies department could be established only if the particular ethnic group consisted of at least
5 percent of the student population at C.C.N.Y. Only the
four ethnic groups listed above contributed this much.
Others would have to be satisfied with basic courses only.
At present, City College's four ethnic studies departments offer a total of over 120 courses; these are attended
by more than 2300 students. Courses cover such varied
subjects as "Asian Women", "Black Folklore", "Community
Power Analysis and Research", "Political Modernization in
Black America", "The Contemporary Puerto Rican Family",
"Jewish Identity", "Jewish American Community", "Ethnic
Leaders", "Field Work Experience in a Bilingual Environment", and "Creative Research in Urban and Ethnic Studies".
Although hundreds of Slavic-American students attend
The City College, they do not constitute 5 percent of the
student body. Nonetheless many of them are eager to
explore their ethnic heritage within the context of college
study. America's Slavic-speaking population constitutes one
of the most significant "white minority" groups in the
country. Today, when all minority groups are trying to
assert their contribution to the nation's growth, very little
has been done to explore this group's history, culture,
social problems and its struggle to maintain its identity
in the United States. Systematic study of Slavic-Americans
and their heritage is long overdue.
There is a strong feeling of ethnic awareness among
some members of the younger generation, there are also
strong indications that the melting pot conception can not
be maintained any longer and that America is beginning
to recognize and appreciate the diversity of its ethnic
elements in terms of a new cultural pluralism . .As Prof.
Michael Novak puts it in his new book, The Rise of the
Unmeltable Ethnics, "It is time for a new cultural pluralism
�166
SLOVAKIA
and a politics that requires this new cultural pluralism
-one that draws from resources other than Anglo-Saxon
history and values."
The first course (being offered at City College), called
Slavic American Heritage, is listed among the College's
core requirements and is open to all interested students.
The course is presented by Prof. Peter Goy and is being
attended by 19 students. It is a survey of Slavic American
Heritage. It attempts to explore the history of Slavic
Americans. The course encompasses all Slavic-speaking
groups in the country (Belorussian, Bulgarian, Croatian,
Czech, Polish, Russian, Serbian, Slovenian, Slovak and
Ukrainian, to mention a few) and includes a brief history
of Slavs in the U.S.A. from the early XVII century to the
present. It stresses their struggle for survival in the New
World while emphasizing the participation of Slavs in
American life and the role they have played in U.S. History.
It expands upon current problems of identity and assimilation facing the younger generation. It takes into scope the
Slavic historical background, characteristics of the Slavic
population, economic conditions, religious conditions, education and contemporary literatures of the different ethnic
groups.
One of the aspects of this course is original research
and analysis made by the students on various aspects of
our contemporary Slavic groups, such as: Polish Ethnic
Press, Ukrainian Scientific Institutions, Contemporary Ethnic Leaders, Czech Community in New York, Contemporary
Slovak Women in America, Rhuthenians in U.S.A., Youth
Organizations and the Impact of Assimilation on SelfIdentity, Bicultural Conflict and Synthesis, etc.
In order to facilitate and further the original research
of the students and faculty, a collection of a Slavic Contemporary ethnic archive and library materials is essential.
Therefore, we would appreciate a donation of materials
such as books, pamphlets, periodicals, newspapers, leaflets,
films, etc, from all Slavic ethnic groups (Belorussian,
Bulgarian, Croatian, Czech, Polish, Russian, Serbian, Slovenian, Slovak, Ukrainian and others) in the United States,
a~ well as their organizations and patriotic individuals.
We strongly believe that in the near future other
colleges and universities, specifically those located in large
�SLOVAKIA
167
Slavic communities such as Detroit, Chicago, Cleveland,
Buffalo, etc., will accommodate their Slavic residents and
open the door to the vast richness, resourcefulness and
abundance of Slavic American Heritage.
Professor P. G o y
201 Goethals Hall
The City College of the University of New York
New York, N. Y. 10031
What Did the Slovak
Communists Want in 1968?
Dr. John M. Kochik
(A translation from the Slovak of Viktor Pavlenda's
co chcu Slovdci published in Svet socializmu, No. 32, August
6, 1968 by Obzor Publishers, Bratislava.)
"In January the movement was initiated for a democratic Czech and Slovak socialism which would be economically more dynamic, socially more just, ideologically
more progressive, comprehensively more human,-making
it more attractive than any existing socio-economic system.
The movement for this type of socialism is fast
developing across the country which two peoples and
nationalities inhabit. From the very essence of this movement proceeds its most basically inherent feature, namely,
the very democratization of the relationship between the
two peoples, between them and the nationalities living
among them, and between the nationalities living side-byside. However, should this essential element be disregarded
the movement would become pseudodemocratic, despite
the fact that one sector of society has been the ruling
nation until now and is reputedly the most democratic.
Therefore, the Slovaks have the complete right to formulate their national claims, while the Czechs have the
moral responsibility of seriously considering and democratically accepting them in the new democratic atmosphere
of thought and action.
�168
SLOVAKIA
What is the Basis of Our National Movement as a Natural
Ri ght,-A Right Suppressed and Ignored in the Past?
1. A half-century should suffice for an elder brother to
recognize the younger as thoroughly related, not adopted,
without a stepmother, but having his same very own
Czecho-Slovakian homeland. There could be no more fitting
occasion to acknowledge this self-same truth than the
fiftieth October-anniversary of governing together.
2. In its current history "something" always went
wrong in the real autonomy of the Slovak nation. First,
a word only about autonomy, later about all the remaining
issues. We regard as our most natural and sacred rights
the proclamation and recognition of the actual, genuine
self-rule of our people. This presupposes the elimination,
not only in words but in actual fact, of the present
humiliating- position of Slovakia, and the providing of it
with an equal opportunity of realization in all aspects of
social life.
3. The road to a new, just solution of the relationships
between our peoples should proceed through a politicaleconomic Czecho-Slovakian federation: an economicallyrational and nationally-just federation. Thus, we desire
neither that kind of federation which would crush the
Republic through a rigid control of the greater over the
lesser, nor such as would shatter the Republic by indecisive
free choice, one yelling 'To the left!', the other 'To the
right!'.
4. The Czecho-Slovak federation should systematically
transfer the inclusive spirit of the democratizing process
as such into the living conditions of both nations and into
the relationship between them. That means that, taken
objectively, henceforth it would insure more intensively
the acceleration of the process of raising the quality of
conditions in realizing the Czech and Slovak labor potential
both on the job as well as in life. But, simultaneously-and
this indeed holds true for socialist society-it must accelerate the process of making conditions of realization of the
national labor forces approach each other, and of further
equalizing the comparatively large discrepancies in economic and living standards between Slovakia and the Czech
regions . In these processes-the quality of conditions of
utilizing the citizen as such and the relatively-equal utiliza-
�SLOVAKIA
169
tion of both peoples-we realize the sense o! an economically-rational and a nationally-just federation.
5. It is completely natural (especially from the experiences of their former development) that nowadays the
Slovaks are not satisfied with promises nor with a referral
to the good intentions of another even though be is one's
very own brother, but they require the systematic guarantee of inclusive national autonomy in a federation.
We visualize the starting-point as in a nationally-just
pyramid of authoritative governmental bodies; national
governmental bodies with original authority-federal governmental bodies with derived competency agreed upon
by the national governmental bodies.
6. We wish to establish a federation and the functioning of federal governmental bodies upon three principles:
economy, flexibility and effectiveness, and national justice.
The realization of these principles are demanded so
that federal governmental bodies would be numerically
minimal with a small apparatus. We demand the nationallyjust activity of federal governmental bodies in: the prohibition of majority-rule in legislative acts, the equal structuring of the administration and applicable solutions (that
is, the prohibition of majority-rule, parity, agreements) in
the federal executive governmental bodies.
We implore the second, Czech, party, that is the Czech
citizen:-consider this matter in silence, without prejudice,
and give an answer six times! It is not an expression most
completely natural that from these six basic principles
the Slovaks proceed, placing one bother on an equal footing
with the other brother? Or, does someone wish to shout
us down repeatedly with the renewed expression: "Co
vlastne ti Slovdci chteji?" (In the original Slovak text this
question is given in the Czech language and meaning "What
do those Slovaks actually want?", note that this question
relates to the title and theme of the article.-Translator's
comment.)
I will not cease being an optimist. I still believe that
the answer of our Czech brother will be non-Antonine
(A passible reference to Antonin Novotny, First Party
Secretary and the President of the Republic, his regime,
policies and character.-Translator's comment), different
in substance from its present usage, and that it will be
worthy to the development of the Czech people."
�170
SLOVAKIA
AS OTHERS SEE IT
The Church in Czecho-Slovakia been forced into early retirement
is very weak, but it will continue to make them scarcer.
Yet, strange as it may sound, the
to survive. There are 14 dioceses,
but only two bishops. The govern- government is not suppressing rement will not permit any more to ligion altogether. Firstly, it is
be consecrated, so 12 of the 14 afraid to do so. Secondly, the Comdioceses must function with a munist Party is split on the issue
priest who serves as vicar for the of how much to suppress religion.
diocese. The vicars are chosen Some argue that it must be persecuted as fiercely as it is in Red
largely by the state.
No Catholic schools are permit- China. Others say that if it is kept
ted in Czecho-Slovakia, though two weak, it will gradually die out as
seminaries are still functioning, Communism takes over. A third
one for Czechs and one for Slovaks. point: Communist leaders for the
There are about 150 in the Czech most part are becoming increasingseminary, not many for 10 million ly pragmatic.
They persecute religion only in
Czechs, most of whom are Catholic.
There are about 200 seminarians a ritualistic way, paying lip service
in the seminary for Slovaks, in to Communist ideology. They persecute it mostly inasmuch as it
Bratislava.
About 3,500 priests are active. constitutes a force outside of the
Another 500 must work as laymen, total power structure they have
since the government does not re- allocated to themselves. Absolute
cognize them as priests. Approxi- dictators have always tried to permately 35 priests are ordained each secute religion and weaken it to
year. Worst of all, most of the the point where it has no power,
nuns have recently been confined unless they have the power in their
to work as staff in mental institu- hands.
The police are not much in evition. Had we a Catholic Anti-Defamation League in the United dence in Czecho-Slovakia. Nor are
States, we could bring enough there Russian soldiers on the street.
pressure to bear to stop such but everyone knows there are
80,000 Soviet troops stationed just
abuses.
Remember how Stalin used to 30 miles away. Everyone rememcall it "changing the guard" when bers how Moscow sent in 650,000
he had a purge of Party officials? troops in a great hurry four years
It still goes on. Three hundred ago, to crush the "human face"
thousand members of the Commu- type of Communism Alexander
nist Party have been purged in Dubcek had tried to introduce.
One of the first buildings I saw
Czecho-Slovakia in the past four
years. Forty per cent of the writers in Prague was a training school
have been forced out of their pro- for future members of the Party.
fession. Fifty thousand union mem- It is the Party members and they
bers were purged. The remaining alone who get all the good jobs
writers stick to the Communist and who run every facet of governline, attacking the clergy as "fas- ment. Membership is limited to
cists" and "Nazi." A large percent- those the Party invites, such as
age of the monasteries have been sons or friends of Party members,
closed recently, and priests have or those who do not practice their
�SLOVAKIA
religion and for other reasons appeal to the ruling class. Only Party
members can be candidates in a
system where to be nominated by
the Party is a guarantee of "election." Only Party members can
hold trusted position. Only they
have all the power.
Communists argue that if the
whole world were Communist,
there would be no wars. But
Czecho-Slovakia is a direct refutation of that theory. The country
was brutally invaded in 1968 when
it tried to humanize its type of
Communism. Nor is it true that
Communism lessens crime.
Any visitor to Czecho-Slovakia
sees prostitutes walking the main
streets at night. Cars are often
stripped or stolen. Drugs are not
a problem, though they are in
Moscow. Alcohol, which we often
fail to think of as a drug, is a
huge problem in all those countries. Stealing stocks and bonds is
not a problem. But stealing from
the state is on a much greater
scale than anything we can imagine. "The whole system," I was
told repeatedly, "is built on stealing."-Father Dan Lyons. Twin
Circle, November 10, 1972.
VIENNA (AP) - Travel fo a
Westerner may be occassionally
troublesome, but this is nothing
compared to the battle with red
tape an East European traveler
encounters, if he just goes from
one Communist country to another.
The Slovak Assn. of Journalists
recently issued what it called "a
recipe for avoiding difficulties with
passport and customs control"
which lists so many things to do
that it might in fact discourage
anybody from making the trip in
the first place.
The association's biweekly publication, listed the regulations applying in the various East Europe-
171
an countries, which in the case of
the Soviet Union alone covered 21
lines.
The hard-core measures are
nearly the same in every East
European country. Each wants to
know who crosses the border,
watches that not too much of its
national currency is taken out, nor
rare consumer goods which the
East European countries prefer to
sell in the West for hard currency.
Red tape starts at home.
Slovaks have to file customs and
foreign currency declarations; in
some cases they must also have
exit permits. Anyone intending to
take a gift exceeding $20 along
must obtain permission.
Anyone wanting to visit the Soviet Union or Poland must have
a visa. Joining a tour of a state
travel agency makes this relatively
simple. But anyone who wants to
visit privately must have an invitation authenticated by a Soviet militia.-Werner Olimann
WAKE FOREST, N. C. (NC)Ethnic Americans are "neither angels nor devils" but an unusual
combination of political liberals
and old fashioned patriots, according to Father Andrew Greeley.
The ethnic "believes that progress is possible and that change is
desirable," Father Greeley told a
conference here on Civil Religion
in America.
"If he is less likely now than he
was 20 years ago to describe himself as a liberal, the reason is not
that he is any less committed to
change or any less sympathetic
with the oppressed but simply that
he has much less confidence in
American liberalism now."
The ethnics, Father Greeley
said, "like the United States of
America. The flag, the 'Star Spangled Banner,' the Constitution, the
Declaration of Independence, the
�172
SLOVAKIA
Capitol building, the office of the
presidency-all of these are admired symbols which together sum
up the gratitude the ethnic feels
for what the United States has
made possible for him: freedom,
dignity, comfort, security-things
which his ancestors in the countries
from which they fled or were
driven would not have dreamt possible."
Father Greeley, director of the
University of Chicago's Center for
the study of American Pluralism,
said that members of ethnic groups
are "less likely" than other Americans to favor the Vietnam war and,
despite a tradition of anti-communism, they do not object to reapproachment with China or the
Soviet Union."
Members of ethnic groups, descendants of the most recent waves
of European immigrants, have not
been in America "long enough or
achieved that level of security
where it becomes easy to hate and
despite the United States," the
priest-sociologist said.
"An appeal to the conscience of
the ethnic against war and against
injustice that is based on American
patriotism has much better chance
of being effective than one based
on denunciation of America as a
sick society, burning American
flags, and ridiculing American institutions," Father Greeley said.
Ethnics want to eliminate "hunger, misery, poverty, bad housing,
bad education, and every other sort
of social ill wherever is can be
found in America," he said. "They
supported the New Deal social reforms and have continued to vote
for liberal congressional candidates
who have extended and enlarged
the New Deal."
At the same time, Father Greeley
said, ethnics place "a strong emphasis on the freedom and dignity
of the individual person. A person
should not be messed with or
hassled by large bureaucratic agencies, be they governmental,
labor, business, or ecclesiastical."
Father Greeley spoke at a conference sponsored by the ~outhwestern Baptist Theological Seminary here and the American Jewish
Committee.
PITISBURGH-Tbey aren't the
Same Old Steelers anymore. Just
ask Gerela's Gorillas, Franco's
Italian Army or the newly formed
Dobra Shunka fan club.
All those have been spawned by
the success of the Pittsburgh Steelers, making a strong bid for the
first division title in their 40-year
pro football history.
Gerela\s GO!fillas favor placekicker Roy Gerela, and rookie
running sensation Franco Harris
is the honorary commander of
Franco's Italian Army. But what
about Dobra Shunka?
"That's Slovak for 'Great Ham,' "
says Steeler linebacker Jack Ham,
whose ancestors were European.
"They're a great bunch of guys,"
Ham added. "Most of them live over
in Port Vue, same as Gerela's
Gorillas. You can't beat enthusiasm
like that."
Ham knows first hand the degree of Steeler mania. He's probably the only pro football player
ever to get an ovation during a
church sermon.
"It happened at evening Mass the
Sunday we beat Kansas City," recalls Ham, who attends St. Bernard's Roman Catholic Church in
suburban Dormont.
The monsignor was sermonizing
on parish matters when suddenly
he decided to switch topics and
proclaimed from the pulpit, "How
about those Steelers!"
During the ensuing praise, he
asked if Steeler vice President Dan
�SLOVAKIA
Roomey, a member of the parish,
was in attendance. Rooney wasn't
but Ham was and one of the faithful stood up and introduced him
as "Jack Ham-the Steelers great
linebacker. "
173
"It was really something," recalls Ham. "They gave me a big
ovation just like we were out at
the stadium, I even stayed after
Mass and signed autographs."( Associated Press)
Astronaut Gene Cernan is of Slovak origin. His grandfather migrated
to the U.S.A. from Vysoka, Kysuce region, Slovakia
�174
SLOVAKIA
BOOK
REVIEWS
BOOKS ON SLOVAKIA
Reviewed by J.M. Kirschbaum
The Czechoslovak Reform Move- of view. It also put into proper
ment by Galla Golan, Cambridge, perspective the economic as well
at the University Press, 1971, as political and national reasons
for which young Slovak intellectuBibl., 334 pages.
Among the dozens of books on als, all of them staunch supporters
the de-Stalinization and liberation of the Communist Party, began to
movement in Czecho-Slovakia, the rebel against the Stalinist system.
present book by Galia Golan, Lec- There is no doubt that economic
turer in Political Science and Rus- as well as political disparity betsian Studies at the Hebrew Univer- ween Slovakia and the Czech lands
sity in Jerusalem, is one of the became intolerable even to Slovak
most objective and best research- Communists. The spark for the
ed works. Whereas many authors moment came, however, from the
of books on the reform movement writers and intellectuals who cravin Czecho-Slovakia viewed the situ- ed for more freedom and could not
ation from Prague and dealt with tolerate the injustice committed on
the events mostly on the basis of so-called Slovak "bourgeois nationCzech sources (see our reviews in alists" who were freed from prisSlovakia for 1970 and 1971, and in ons, but not rehabilitated. The
Slavica Canadiana A. D.1970), the Czech intellectuals joined the
present book does not suffer from movement three or four years
any anti-Slovak bias. The author later, in 1967 and 1968, and gave
objectively analyzed the beginnings it the weight which paved the way
of the reform movement from 1963 for the events of 1968. Unfortuto 1968, and recognized the role nately, it would appear that they
which was played by Slovak writ- not only helped the movement to
ers, journalists and politicians. As get momentum, but also pushed it
a result, the picture is quite dif- to the extreme and in the end gave
ferent from many other books on the Soviets a prete~t for the inthe subject. Because except for vasion.
the books by Skilling, Shawcross,
The book is an excellent survey
Fejto, Lungi and Ello, the reform of the whole period from 1963 to
movement in Czecho-Slovakia and 1968. It is divided into six chapespecially its last phase, was a- ters. In its Introduction the book
scribed by Western observers and surveys the years 1956-1962 and
analysts to Czech intellectuals and then it analyzes the revolt of the
several books were published under intellectuals, the economic reforms,
the title: The Prague Spring. In reforms in the social cultural
some instances, even Dubcek's .role spheres, political reforms, the ewas played down and other Slovaks vents of 1967 and 1968. The author
wei"e omitted or ignored.
paid special attention to Slovaks
Galla Golan's book is, however, in the second chapter, as well as
obje<:tive not only from this point in Chapters V and VI. In one chap-
�SLOVAKIA
ter the author analyzes specially
the "pressures from the Slovaks
and the youth." In the chapter on
economic reforms, the book gives
credit to the efforts of Dr. Eugen
Loebl and to his plan for reforming
the bankrupt economy. Other Slovak reformers, either in economic
fields or in the political structure
of Czecho-Slovakia are equally
mentioned and so are Slovak periodicals, especially Kulturny Zivot
and Slovenske Pohl'ady.
Galia Golan seems to understand
much better than other specialists
in Eastern Europe the basic issues
which separate Slovaks and Czechs
and which dramatically came to
the surface during the years 19631968. Trying to present an objective picture of the whole situation
she avoided simplifications and,
therefore, her book will remain as
one of the best researched and
scholarly written analysis of the
attempts by Slovaks and Czechs to
give Communism a human face.
Wolfgang Venohr: Aufstand fii,r die
Tschecho-Slowakei (Uprising for
Czecho-Slovakia), Christian Wegner Verlag, Hamburg, 1969, bibl.,
ill., doc., 372 p.
The War period of the Slovak
history has been avoided for a long
time in German historiography.
Many more books were published
in English than in the German language. When finally books on Slovakia appeared in Germany, they
were written by historians coming
not from Germany but from other
Eastern European countries (Ludwig von Gogolak, Jorg K. Hoensch,
Almar Reitzner) and the backgrounds of the authors influenced
their attitudes and interpretation
of the dramatic period of modern
Slovak history.
The book under review is the
first one by a Western writer on
the uprising which occured in Slo-
175
vakia in the Fall of 1944 and was
presented until now only by memoirs or books written by the Communist participants, except for one
volume of documents edited by V.
Precan.
Venohr's book does not agree
completely with the Communist
interpretation and sheds a new
light on the bloody and controversial rebellion which was at least
three times re-interpreted by the
Communists themselves. There is
no note on the author of the book
and of his credentials. The work
is comprehensive and refers not
only to many printed sources but
also to personal interviews with
the Communist participants and
officers of the Slovak army involved in the uprising. Interviews
with non-Communist participants,
even though some of them live in
Germany, are missing. In view of
the fact that the non-Communist
organizers and participants of the
uprising did not publish uptil now
their version of the political aims
and of the part played by the Slovak army or non-Communist population, Venohr's book fills an important gap.
It is, however, very hard to
say how far his interpretation is
free of any bias, in spite of the fact
that he states in his epilogue that
he tried to avoid an ideological approach. As he says, the aim of his
book was to "help the Slovaks to
gain their international respect and
develop brotherly relations built
on equality of rights with the
Czechs." At the same time the
book should "serve to create a
better understanding between Germany and Czecho-Slovakia."
Venohr's presentation of the Slovak Republic and his survey of
Slovak history would indicate that
he endeavored to look at Slovaks
without the usual bias which we
can find in some Western and
�17~
SLOVAKIA
Communist history books. Throughout the book, there is an effort to
avoid the negative attitude towards
the Slovak struggle for independence. There is no a priori denial
of bonafide actions and goodwill
on the part of the Slovak politicians
and in one instance the author
even states that from the scientific
point of view nobody can seriously
speak about Fascism in Slovakia
(p. 30).
Nevertheless, on many pages
of the book he uses the term "Klerikal Faschismus" ( clerofascism)
coined by the Communists. Venohr
accepted as valid the statement by
President Dr. Tiso that the existence of the Slovak Republic will
be of great importance for the
future generations, but in his view
the uprising is even of greater importance for historical claims of
Slovak national identity. This is,
of course, a debatable view but it
sums up Venohr's attitude towards
the uprising. From this premise,
the author approached all the events and persons involved in the
history of Slovakia from 1938 to
1945.
The volume is composed of
two parts. In the first part he
writes about the independent Slovakia, the Slovak army until 1943,
about the political opposition; the
unwanted partizan war; the military conspiracy; the memorandum
by General Catlo§ and the mission
to Moscow by Smidke.
The second part is entitled:
"Occupation and Uprising." It
contains six chapters in which the
author speaks about military events of the uprising from the time
Germany sent two divisions to fight
the Soviet partizans. Their arrival,
however, triggered off the uprising
of the Slovak army units and led
to events of historical importance.
Venohr describes the battles in
various parts of Slovakia with the
Slovak army which was preparing
an uprising against Germans independently of ,t he Soviet partizans, as well as the political aims
of the whole uprising. It is mainly
in this part of the book where the
author differs from the Communist
historiographers but it is to be
regretted that he did not confront
statements of the people with
whom he had interviews with the
writings and opinions of the nonCommunist participants who live
in the West. He also failed to
mention that the Communists originally aimed at establishing a Slovak Soviet Republic and not Czecho-Slovakia.
In spite of this, Venohr's description and evaluation of the
events seems to be much more
objective and closer to the historical truth than the one-sided interpretation published in today's Slovakia by Communist writers, or by
some Western historians who adopted the Czech or the Communist
interpretation. His stress on the
divergence of views between the
Communists and military leadership on one side and the Bene§
Government on the other sheds
a new light on the uprising whose
final history is still to be written.
The memorandum and the attempts
by the Minister of National Defense of the Slovak Republic, General F. Catlo§, to come to an agreement with Moscow to save Slovakia of occupation is another important revelation in the book,
since it has not been taken into
consideration by Western historians. A number of documents attached to the book also enhance
its value.
However, in spite of Venohr's
endeavor to be objective towards
the leaders of the Slovak Republic,
there are, of course, still some inaccuracies in his book which could
have been corrected if the author
�SLOVAKIA
had interviewed the emigre Slovak
historians or political leaders. His
survey of Slovak history also suffers accepting the Czech rather
than the Slovak interpretation of
the Slovak past. There is no doubt
that Slovakia suffered a sort of
social decapitation and lost their
leading classes to Hungarian assimilation and policy. There was,
however, Slovak national consciousness a long time before Stt'.ir's period and we can safely say that
Slovak national renaissance started in the 17th century and the
Bernolak group, which is not even
mentioned by Venohr, deserves
credit for the national awakening
of the Slovak people. Economically,
Slovakia also presented a different
picture. Even with these shortcomings Venohr's book is, however,
much closer to the historical facts
and objective interpretation of the
War period in Slovak history than
. any other work published in the
West, exept for books written by
Slovak exiled historians who defe nd the right of the Slovak people
to self determination and independence.
vm and
IX. · Historica 5-6, Slovak Institute, Cleveland-Rome, 1969, pp.
216 and 231, bibl., ill.
Slovak Studies, Volume
The recent volumes of Slovak
Studies are an additional contribution to the research into. the Slovak
history in ,t he English language.
In comparison with the previous
volµmes, the contributors are
mostly from the younger generation and several of them from
among Slovak intellectuals educa.ted at American universities. For
this reason, both volumes also contain essays on American Slovaks.
In view of the fact that there is no
history book on the achievements
and contribution of American Slovaks to Slovak national develop-
177
ment, these contributions are of
particular value.
The first volume contain four
contributions: "The Role of American Slovaks in the Creation
of Czecho-Slovakia, 1914-1918," by
M. M. Stolarik; a study "Education
in Slovakia" by M. I. Angelovic
SS.C.M.; "The Quadrennial Reports
of the Bishops of Nitra to Rome,"
by E. Bouydosh; and "A Short
Survey of the Eastern Catholic
Churches," by Prof. M. Lacko, S.J.
To the second volume contributed Msgr. J . Rekem "Selected Chapters from the Slovak Cultural History"; F. Vnuk, a study "British
Recognition of Independent Slovalda in 1939"; M. Tybor, "Fa_ther
Matthew Jankola (1872-1916)"; J .
J. Karch, . Slovakia Under Communism, 1944-1964"; Prof. M. Lacko,
"A Historical Song from Eastern
Slovakia" and "Camaldulese Red
Monastery-Cerveny Klastor."
All contributions are on the level
of academic papers and point to
new aspects and new knowledge of
the Slovak past. From the historical point of view, the most relevant
is, of course, the well researched
and well written assay on British
recognition of independent Slovakia in 1939 and Stolarik's M.A.
thesis on the role of American
Slovaks in the creation of Czechoslovakia, while from the cultural
point of view the thesis on education in Slovakia by Sister .Angelovic and the essay on J ankola by
Sister Tybor deserve particular
mention.
F. Vnuk's research into the British archives brought forth some
very interesting information on the
attitude of Great Britain towards
Slovakia and many unknown documents which prove· that the Government of Great Britain and British diplomats had quite a different
view of the Slovak problem than
the Czech exiles, headed by Dr.
�178
SLOVAKIA
Bene§, made us believe and smuggled into Western historiography.
It would appear from Vnuk's study
that Great Britain was neither
eager to recognize the Czecho-Slovak government in exile, nor believed to adverse reports on Slovakia, and that Slovaks needed only
some good diplomats in London to
put Slovakia and her striving for
independence into a different light
in the West. Vnuk certainly deserves recognition for studying the
British archives because our knowledge of Great Britain's attitude
towards Slovakia was very limited
until now.
Msgr. Rekem's contribution "Selected Chapters from the Slovak
Cultural History" is a concise view
of Slovak cultural development
from the Middle Ages to the Bernolak period, written on the pattern of his previous studies either
in English, German, or Slovak and,
as usual, well documented. The
essay would deserve to be distributed as a separate publication.
M. Stolarik's contribution to the
volume is an M. A. thesis and as
such indicating that we can expect
from the young historian further
valuable contribution to the exploration of the history of Slovaks
in the United States. His thesis is
well balanced and based on research into the unknown as well
as published sources, and enhanced
by a useful bibliography.
There is no need to write about
Prof. Lacko's contribution since he
has been an accepted authority on
the subjects he writes about and
his contributions are marked by
thorough knowledge and originality. E. Bouydosh's contribution is a
continuation of his previous research and writings and of interest
for Slovak religious past.
From - the Slovak point of view
the contributions by the Sisters of
SS. Cyril and Methodius, M. I. An-
gelovic and M. Tybor deserve special mention. It would seem that
both contributions are M. A. theses
or parts thereof. They are valuable not only by their contents but
also by their originality and research into the unknown and unpublished sources. In view of the
fact that scholars in today's Slovakia are not allowed to extend their
research into the history of Slovaks abroad, both contributions are
of particular interest for Slovak
historiography.
The essay by J. J. Karch "Slovakia Under Communism, 1944-1964"
is a well written account but too
short to give a complete picture.
It would be useful if this theme
could be enlarged in Slovak Studies by the author or other Slovak
specialists in modem Slovak history.
To conclude, we can say that
both volumes honorably represent
the efforts of Slovak intellectuals
in the West to fill the gap of
knowledge of the Slovak past among Western historians and students of Central Eastern Europe.
L'oecumenisme at le panslavisme
de l'abbe JEAN PALARIK, par
Joseph Vavrovic; These presentee
a la Faculte des Arts de l'Universite d'Ottawa en vue l'obtention du Ph.D. en Etudes Slaves,
Ottawa, 1972, 470 p.
The thesis under review is a
mature scholarly work, apparently
the result of a long and thorough
research into the archives and published sources pertaining to the
historical background and to the
activities of Jan Palarlk, whose
dramatic works survived until the
present time, but whose ecumenism
was forgotten and his panslavic
ideas were over-shadowed by his
famous countrymen: Jan Koll.Ar
and L'udovit Stur. In view of tlle
present trend in the Catholic
�SLOVAKIA
Church, and the misuse of the idealistic panslavism by the Soviet
Union, Palarik's 19th century ideas, for which he suffered persecution from the ecclesiastic superiors and was scorned by adherents of panslavism based on
Russian leadership, are actual and
timely and the thesis is, in many
ways, an original work.
The thesis is divided into three
parts: historical background of the
activities of Jan Palarik; the ecumenism of Palarik, and the panslavism of Palarik. In the first part
the author of the thesis discusses
the nationalist wave in Hungary
after the Congress of Vienna, the
insurrection in 1848 and the period
of absolutism of Bach and the di·
vision of the monarchy into the
Austrian and Hungarian part. In
part two, the thesis deals with the
origins of Palarik's ecumenism, his
activities as editor of the monthly
Cyrill a Method and with the con·flict with his ecclesiastic superiors.
Part three gives a survey of the
origins of panslavism and draws a
distinction between Palarik's idea
of panslavism and that of Jan Kollar.
Palarik's ecumenism stemmed
from his concern for the Slovak
people who were menaced by Magyarization and weakened by religious division. The Slovak Catholic clergy made many efforts towards uniting with Slovak Protestants in cultural and literary activities even before Palarik's time.
Encouraged by J. M. Hurban's
work on the union of Slovak Lu•
therans with Calvinists in Hungary
(Unia cili spojeni Lutheranu s Kalviny v Uhrach, Budin, 1846, 240
p.), Palarik took, however, a step
further. He recommended also a
religious union, basing his views
on similar tendencies of Catholic
theologians in Germany and France
and insisting on it for patriotic rea-
179
sons. Palarik developed his national
ecumenism in a series of articles
published in the monthly Cyrill a
Method of which he was editor.
Supported by several other young
Catholic clergymen who advocated
not only the union with Slovak
Protestants but also far reaching
reforms of the Catholic Church in
Hungary, Palarik came into conflict with the hierarchy and especially with the Archbishop-Primas
Scitovsky. His progressive and democratic ideas gained him, nevertheless, many adherents amongst
Slovak Catholics. Unfortunately, he
failed to obtain an adequate response on the part of Slovak Lutherans and after Palarik had to
submit to the Church authorities,
the movement for uniting Slovaks
in their religion slowly died down.
In Msgr. Vavrovic's analysis it
was nevertheless an interesting
movement on the part of Slovak
Catholics and Palarik emerges
from the thesis as a well educated
idealistic patriot concerned about
the progress of the Slovak people
and about the reform in the Catholic Church on much similar lines
as have been accepted by the last
Vatican Council. In his series on
the necessity of union of Catholics
with Lutherans in Slovakia, he referred to well-known contemporary
theologians and fought for his
ideas in prose as well as in verses
to make an impact on the leaders
and believers of both churches.
Palarik's panslavism was generally as idealistic as Kollar's or
Stur's concept of Slavic reciprocity.
He differed, however, from them
in his favorable attitude towards
Poland and not only failed to advocate Russian supremacy and
leadership but also insisted on the
necessity of equality of all Slavic
peoples. There are echoes of Herder's and Hegel's philosophy and
prophecies about the role the Slavs
�180
SLOVAKIA
will play in the world in Palarik's
panslavism, ·. even though he did
not refer to them. From Stur who
advocated . the acceptance .of the
Russian orthodoxy · by all Slavic
peoples Palarik also differed in
religious respect by advocl;l.ting the
union of all Slavs in the Catholic
Church, referring to the words of
Christ about "one shepherd and
one fold." His defense of Poles who
were subjugated by the Russians
caused him criticism from other
Slovak panslavists. Nevertheless
Palarik deserves recognition for
creating two concepts of panslavism in Slovakia, and the present
Soviet domination of Slavic peoples
proves that he was right in refuting panslavism based on Russian
leadership and supremacy.
Since Palarik has been known
for the past 100 years mostly as
a playwright and dramatist, whose
works : Incognito (i858), D'rotar
(1860), Smierenie and Dobrodruzstvo pri Obzinkach (1862), Dimitrij
samozvanec (1870), have been played until the present day, the thesis
by Msgr. Vavrovic contributes to the
knowledge of Palarik's activities
and ideas which make him one of
the most progressive and democratic Slovak leader of the 19th
century.
In conclusion we can say that
the thesis is a valuable piece
of academic writing. In view of the
role played by panslavism in Slavic literatures and in the awakening of Slavic peoples, the thesis
will add to this movement a new
dimension: the ecumenic idea and
a new conception of mutuality among Slavs. The knowledge of
numerous languages by the author
and his intellectual training made
it possible to shed light on both
movements from various points of
view: philosophical, theological and
literary. He also presented the
subject in a clear style and methodically well balanced.
The author of the thesis used
practically all relevant sources in
several languages and displayed a
thorough knowledge of ·the basic
works on panslavism and ecumenism. At the same time, he seems to
know all writings by and on Palarik as his numerous quotations
and bibliography indicate.
Editor's remark:
The reviewer, Prof. Joseph M.
Kirschbaum, was a member of the
jury which examined the a:uthor at
the defense of his thesis · and recommended its acceptance summa
cum laude.
Milan S. :i'>urica: La Morte di M. R.
Stefanik Alla Luce Dei Documenti Militari Italiani Inediti,
Collana di Studi Sull'Europa 0rientale, Univsersita Degli Studi
di Padova, Padova, 1971, pp. 94.
For the past fifty years, the
mysterious death of. one of the co~
founder of Czec.ho-Slovakia, General Milan R. Stefanik, gave ground
to various hypotheses and accusations and created dissensions between Czechs and Slovaks. While
on the part of the Prague government Stefanik's death was attributed to an accident, on the Slovak
side persisted the belief t];J.at Stefanik lost his life because Dr. Benes and also T. G. Masaryk disagreed with Stefanik's political
views and wanted to prevent him
from taking part in the political
life of Czecho-Slovakia. The circumstances in which the aeroplane
bringing Stefanik from Italy to his
native land crashed near Bratislava
favored the . hypothesis that the
crash was due to an artillery attack
ordered by an officer of the Czecho-Slovak army who allegedly mistook the Italian aircraft for a
Hungarian one.
Also the manner in which the
�SLOVAKIA
181
Prague government handled the
investigation of the accident and
fought the rumors and allegations
accusing Dr. Benes of the responsibility for Stef{mik's death, helped to strengthen the belief that
Stefanik actually was a victim of
a political plot. Even though he
was a member of the Czecho-Slovak
government and his arrival was
announced, there were no preparations for his reception and the
archives containing the investigation records were kept top-secret
during the whole existence of the
pre-war Czecho-Slovakia.
directly confirms the belief that
Stefanik was the victim of a political plot.
As all historical works by !Jurica,
also the present one is well researched and well written. Its
scholarly value is enhanced by
references to practically all known
books and articles on Stefanik's
life and death, in addition to his
own thorough research of Italian
military archives.
The essay was originally published in the periodical n Mondo
Slavo of which Prof. !Jurica is one
of the founders and editors.
For the above reasons, the death
of Stefanik attracted writers as
well as historians. Professor :i'.>urica
has reviewed in his publication
riot only the circumstances of Stefanik's death, but also analyzed the
probability of all hypotheses advanced in the past. In addition, he
~xamined for the first time the
Italian military archives pertaining
to the departure of General M. R.
Stefanik from Italy to his native
Slovakia. In the past, the life and
death of Stefanik were usually
treated on the basis of French,
Slovak and Czech sources, memoirs, . and reminiscences. Professor
nurica rightly considered it necessary to study the Italian archives
and by doing so, he made a valuable contribution to the efforts of
solving the mystery of Stefanik's
death. He was successful in proving
incorrect several assertions of the
Prague government especially those
concerning the meteorological conditions, the alleged inexperience
of the pilot and the allegation that
Stefanik's arrival was not announced before. As historian, :i'.>urica avoided pronouncing any firm
conclusion as to which hyphothesis
is correct but his research destroyed the Prague government's version of Stefanik's death and in-
Michael Novak, The Rise of the
Unmeltable Ethnics, The McMillan Company, New York, N. Y.,
1972, pp. 321, Price $7.95.
For the past four or five years,
many American scholars expressed
their doubts as to whether the
United States became a "melting
pot" or if that theory was just a
myth. Several conferences of historical societies and sociologists
and linguists suddenly discovered
that America was a multi-cultural
society and that the ethnic groups
were not melted. The result of this
academic discovery called the attention of the politicians and results in debates and finally in a
Bill on Centers of Ethnic Studies
in the Congress.
However, neither the studies of
sociologists and historians, nor the
recent Bill of Schweiker and Pucinski are as palatable and, by
their approach, as human as is the
book by Prof. Novak. Besides being well researched, the book is
a real confession and a deep reflection on the human structure of
America of today, written in excellent style, placing the book between a work of science and a novel.
The author is professor of philosophy and religious studies at the
State University of New York at
�182
SLOVAKIA
Old Westbury and has to his credit the reader; his hardly ornamental
ten books, mostly dealing with name for the ethnic groups "PIGS."
philosophy, theology and Catholics. He also separates Poles from other
Prof. Novak is a third generation Slavs, even though the Polish AAmerican Slovak whose conscious- mericans preserved some of the
ness of ethnic background was a- most Slavic characteristics.
wakened not long ago during the
Novak's book is bound to shake
presidential campaigns by Barry the conscience of many Americans,
Goldwater and Governor George and will probably do so for a deWallace in 1966. As Novak writes cade to come. It may be worthwhile
in his book, he was "alarmed by the for many American Slovaks to concleavage between the old WASP sider as to whether they should
and the new technological con- actively join this new political
sciousness" and "felt increasingly force. It would perhaps be good to
uncomfortable with the condescen- do so not only for their own sake
sion and disdain heaped upon and the United States but also for
Catholics." So he found himself the country of their fathers and
beginning to say "we" rather than forefathers-Slovakia.
"they" when he spoke of ethnics
(page 63). Since that time, Prof. Slavs in Canada, Vol. m, Compiled
and Edited by Prof. Cornelius J.
Novak made a thorough study of
Jaenen, University of Ottawa,
the ethnic problem in the United
1971, 348 pages. Price: $7.00.
States, mostly in its psychological,
sociological and political aspects.
The third volume of Slavs in
Due to his philosophical educa- Canada contains proceeding of the
tion and writing talent, Novak Third National Conference on Cawrote in his book some of the , nadian Slavs held in 1969 at York
most interesting insights into the ' University in Toronto. Professors
life, aspiration and problems of the of Slavic Studies at various Canamany millions of Americans who dian universities organized in 1965
are neither WASPS nor Blacks. under the leadership of Professor
It is a delight to read for instance B. Bociurkiw a committee whose
his chapter "Confessions of a task was to study the problems of
White Ethnic" in which he ana- Canadian Slavs. The committee was
lyses some of the basic psycho- successful in organizing the first
logical problems which various Conference on Canadian Slavs in
ethnic groups, especially Slavs, and Banff, the second in Ottawa, and
as far as religion is concerned, all the third in Toronto, attracting
American Catholics, had to face many specialists in Slavic and ethfrom the time of their immigration nic studies. While the first and
up to the present day.
second Conferences were dealing
Prof. Novak who has been a staff predominantly with the general
member in several recent political problems of Canadian Slavs, the
campaigns, envisages the "unmelt- third Conference was divided into
able ethnics" as the new political six sections dealing with research,
force of the seventies.
politics and law, education, IanHe came to that conclusion as guages and literature, journalism
a result of the study of numerous and folklore. Altogether 22 papers
books dealing with present day were presented and discussed in
America, as his many references those sections and the volume unand quotations indicate. There is der review contains the edited text
one thing which bothers, however, of the papers.
�SLOVAKIA
One of the most interesting
studies in the volume is a volumi•
nous paper on the ethnic identification and attitudes of university
students of Ukrainian descent by
Prof. B. Bociurkiw. His conclusions
can apply to students of other
Slavic groups not only in Canada
but apparently also in the United
States. Another paper of general
interest was presented by Prof. V.
Szyrynski on the subject "Ethnic
Integration and Psychological Adjustment," while Prof. J . D. Gagnon from the Universite de Montreal gave his views about the position of immigrants in Quebec if
that Province became independent
183
Jaroslaw A. Piekalkiewicz: Public
Opinion PoUing in Czechoslovakia, 1968-69, Results and Analysis
of Surveys Conducted During the
Dubcek Era, Praeger Publishers,
New York, Washington, London,
1972.
The number of books which dealt
with the political upheavals in
Czecho-Slovakia in 1968, was so
great that another book would
seem superfluous. Some 60 books
were published in the English language alone, and there were a
dozen books in other West European languages. Nevertheless, the
present volume on Public Opinion
Besides these basic studies, the
Polling will be very useful for hisvolume contains interesting intorians and students of Eastern
sights into the Canadian education
and minority rights, a study on the Europe.
influence of the English language
Its specific value lies in the fact
on Slavic languages and the por• that it embraces the whole territory
trayal of Canada's ethnic groups in of Czecho-Slovakia and pays attensome French Canadian novels. For tion to the relations between Slothe first time, the Conference paid vaks and Czechs which, in many
attention to the ethnic press and other publications, was overlooked
the papers dealing with the sub- or minimized. In addition, this book
ject contained an essay on Byelo- expresses the opinions of many
russian publications in Canada by Czechs and Slovaks and, as a result,
A. A. Hrycuk, "The Ideological is not a write-up by an observer
Orientation of the Canadian Slavic who was only partly familiar with
Press" by J. M. Kirschbaum, and the problems and judged them on
"Analysis of the Periodical Pub- the basis of his observations or
lications of Canadian Slavs," by A. limited information received in
Malycky.
Prague. The book also seems to be
free of the usual anti-Slovak bias,
Some of these papers were of which we often find in political
strictly scientific character while writings by Western historians and
others contained general informa- specialists on Eastern Europe.
tion or basic facts for further studies, and, therefore, the contents of
The book is divided into 11 chapthe volume are uneven in their ters in which the author endeavorscholarly value. Nevertheless, the ed to find an answer to the quesbook is of importance not only for tion as to whether there was a
acquainting Canadians with the revolution or counter-revolution;
Slavic groups but it should also be what kind of socialism the Czechs
considered as a valuable contribu- and Slovaks wanted to achieve; the
tion to the general trend to build role of the existing non-communist
Canada as a multi-cultural society. parties; the role of the National
�184
SLOVAKIA
Front, political parties and political
opposition; popularity of individual
leaders and attitudes on the economic system. _In conclusion, the
author applied the findings to other
communist states of Eastern Europe.
The Slovaks resented their subjection aiid both physically and theoretically opposed the real or imaginary political, economic and cultum l dominance of the Czechs.
With this dissatisfaction simmering
throughout the years, it is not
surprising to £ind that the 1968
Reformist Movement originated in
Slovakia and was led by many
Slovak individuals. It seems apparent...:....Concludes the author-that the
Slovak · people viewed the Reformist Movement as an opportunity to
gain . a real and equal autonomy
within the Czechoslovak Federal
system."
If we take into consideration
that all polls display flaws and
inaccuracies, we could question
s·ome of the results of the polls
which the . author organized in
Czecho-Slovakia and based thereon
his conclusions. Nevertheless, his
book seems to be closer to the real
situation and feelings of the Slovaks and Czechs than the works of
According to the polls, 94% of
many observers who relied on more
limited information either in per- Slovaks expressed the opinion that
sonal contacts or printed sources. there was a· need for a new form
of relationship between the Czechs
One of the topics of interest for and Slovaks. Contrary to the opinSlovaks in this book is unboubtedly ion of other writers on the upheav"the traditional conflict between als in Czecho-Slovakia in 1968, the
Czechs and Slovaks." This topic author also found a great number
was treated in many books publish- of Czechs who supported the need
ed in the West either inadequately for .a re-definition of the relationwith parti pris or else it was over- ship of Slovaks and Czechs within
looked completely. In the view of the Republic. According to his
the author "a discussion of the pub- findings, "of all the individuals
lic's conception of the new politi- surveyed, only one out of 14 discal system in Czechoslovakia would agreed with the need for a ·re-definbe incomplete wi.thout considering ed relationship; This evidence the role and relationship of the says ,t he author-leaves no doubt
two nations that composed the that the future realization of socialCzechoslovak Socialist Republic. He ist democracy . in Czechoslovakia
dwelt, therefore, on this problem was to include a democratic and
and found out that "historically, equal relationship between the
the post-war communist govern- Czech and Slovak peoples" (pp.
ment in Czechoslovakia closely fol- 110-112). There is no doubt · that
lowed the one-nation philosophy about the same ·number would opt
outlined in 1918 by ,t he founders for independence; if Slovaks had
of Czechoslovak Republic. Urider full freedom of choice.
this theory the Czechs and Slovaks
were a single nation divided not by Milan S. f>urica (Ed.). Il Mondo
ethnic differences but only by disSlavo, Vol. ni Ceseo, Centro
similar historical patterns of deStudi Europa Orientale, Padova,
velopment. These two peoples were
1971.
to be bound together in a unified
While in Slovakia books dealing
state· under which the Slovaks enjoyed only a minimum autonomy. wrth Slovak culture, history, liter-
�SLOVAKIA
ature or philology are still directed
predominantly towards Eastern
Europe, Slovak intellectuals in the
West have the duty to fulfill the
gap which has been created by
separating Slovakia from the free
world. Among Slovak intellectuals
in Europe Prof. Milan s. :Ourica
distinguished himself by performing this role not only by his books
and lectures in Western European
countries, but since 1969, by editing the Italian academic periodical
n Mondo Slavo (The Slavic World).
In all three volumes of the periodical, which appeared until now, the
contributions . on Slovak matters
contain valuable information on
history, language and culture of
the Slovak people.
The first volume, published in
1969, contained a well-written survey on the development of the
Slovak literary language during the
past 50 years by Adriana Feriencikova, and an article on Italian
artizans and merchants in Slovakia
in the 18th century by Anton
Spiesz. In the second volume, published in 1970, Lisa Guarda Nardini
analyzed the political and social
doctrine of the late Slovak President, Dr. Joseph Tiso, under the
title "Ideological Premises of
Czecho-Slovak Federalism." In the
third volume, Prof. Milan S. :Ourica,
published some unknown and very
interesting military documents
from Italian archives about the
death of M. R. Stefanik. (The essay
is available also in a reprint and
has been reviewed separately in
Slovakia).
From the Slovak point of view
all these contributions are of special value. Not only for the reasons
that under the present regime in
Slovakia cultural contacts with the
West are practically non-existent,
185
but also for the fact that there are
still many misconceptions about
Slovak culture, language and history among Western Slavists.
The essay on the development of
the Slovak literary language during the past 50 years by A. Feriencikova has also the merit of being
well researched and containing all
the basic facts and sources which
can put the development of the
Slovak language into proper perspective. In spite of many efforts
of Slovak intellectuals in the West,
historl
still lln-·1 ...n
th
ans
5.....,.., or
ere ~
1
who W?te about the Slovak as being a dialect of the Czech language.
Studies on the subject in Western
languages are, therefore, never
superfluous.
Since Slavic studies considerably
developed in all Western countries
after the Second World War, n
Mondo Slavo will acquaint Slavists
with Slovakia not only in Italy, but
also in many Western countries. This
can be expected all the more in
view of the high academic value of
all contributions and careful edition
of the periodical by Prof. !>urica.
Among the contributors there are
in all three volumes known Slavists
of Italian or Slav origin, teaching
at Italian universities. While several periodicals on Slavic matters
published in other Western countries deal mostly with Russian culture and literature, 1l Mondo Slavo
has shown distinction in paying attention to smaller Slavic nations
and their cultures such as Slovenes,
Croats and Slovaks. Students of
Eastern Europe will, therefore,
welcome Il Mondo Slavo since it
will provide reliable scholarly information on Slavic peoples which
are either misrepresented or rarely
mentioned in academic periodicals
published in French, English or
German languages.
�186
SLOVAKIA
NEW COLLECTIONS OF SLOVAK EMIGRE POETRY
Rudolf Diloni, Hladn11 vetrf.k (Hun- poetic biography in short poems
gry Breeze), Edition Polana, full of grace, imagination and deep
feelings. The collection, as well as
Zurich, 1972, 86 pages.
the entire Dilong's literary work
Jan L. Dorfmsky, Od splnu po za- in exile would deserve a thorough
tmenie (From the Full Moon to analytic evaluation, and not only
the Eclipse), Series Lyra, Slovak passing reviews as this one, to apInstitute of SS. Cyril and Meth- preciate fully his work.
odius, Rome, 1972, 110 pages.
Doransky's book From the Full
Slovak emigre literature is grow- Moon to the Eclipse deserves our
ing inspite of the fact that we are special appreciation because due to
again cut off from Slovakia and the unfavorable circumstances in exile,
assimilation of the younger genera- we know -only a very small pa1t of
tions is rapidly progressing among his literary work. Doransky is a
Slovaks abroad. It is, however, poet of considerable versatility,
mostly the first wave of Slovak and besides many lyrical verses
post-war emigres who still create and patriotic poems, he wrote in
belles lettres, and not the writers Canada a drama called Stara mat',
who left Slovakia in recent years neopust'ajte nas (Grandmother Do
Not Leave Us Alone, 1953), sucfor Western countries.
The two collections of verses cessfully played by Slovak groups
under review are by poets whose across Canada. Before coming to
reputations were established in Canada, Doransky had published
Slovakia and who during the past a play called Novou cestou (On A
two decades belonged to the best New Path, 1930), and a collection
and most prolific Slovak emigre of satirical verses Slep£ pasazieri
(Blind Passengers, 1943).
writers.
In exile Doransky's poetry was
Dilong's Hungry Breeze is again
personal lyrical poetry in which published in various anthologies:
his talent and mastership remind Vo vyhnanstve (1947); Zdravica sv.
us of pleasant spiritual vibrations Cyrilovi a M etodovi ( 1963) ; in litfull of color, joy, sadness, mixed erary periodicals and in almanacs
with hope and faith. The book is and newpapers. In recent years his
divided into four chapters, each epigrams, published either in the
chapter starting with appropriate quarterly Most, Literarn11 Almaillustrations by Jan Mraz, a talent- nach Slovaka 11 Amerike or in
ed graphic artist from the new newspapers and almanacs, became
preferred reading among Slovak
wave of Slovak emigration.
While all chapters contain beauti- intelligentsia in the free world.
ful lyrical poetry, readers will wel- Besides poetry, Doransky wrote a
come especially Chapter 4 entitled: number of short novels and other
Slovak Women (Album). Dilong prose contributions under the penpublished here some of the most name Hamornik and J. D. Oravee.
Doransky came from a part of
beautiful verses which we can find
in modern Slovak poetry and in Slovakia which gave to Slovak litSlovak poetry in general, except erature and public life many outfor Mari na by Sladkovic. In the first standini poets and novelists. He
three chapters Dilong dreams a- inherited a love for literature and
bout his young years, his parents, began to write in his early youth,
his native Orava. It is a sort of first for students' periodicals, later
�SLOVAKIA
for literary and cultural monthlies.
When the Russian armies over-ran
Slovakia, Doransky with thousands
of other Slovak intellectuals left
with his family for the West. After
spending a few months in Austria
and two years in Assissi and Rome,
he landed in Canada in 1949 and
has lived in Montreal for the past
23 years.
Very recently a collection of his
epigrams was published with a
lengthy commentary by F. Vnuk and
enthusiastically received by critics
and readers. Those who know Doransk:y are aware of the fact that
the published epigrams are just a
selection of the large number he
wrote during his lifetime. We can
say the same about the present
collection of Iyrical and patriotic
verses. They are also a selection
from his many verses and we have
to acknowledge that it is an excellent selection.
The book is dd.vided into four
parts and presents a spiritual profile of the poet and poetic sketches
from his journey from Slovakia
through Italy to Canada, as well as
fine lyrical verses dedicated to his
wife, daughter and grand-daughter.
As in Dilongs's collection, the best
part seems to be his chapter on
Slovak women, in Doransky's book
the finest verses are about his
mother, and mothers in general.
The title of the book expresses accurately the contents of the collection which certainly will rank among the best lyrical Slovak poetry
in exile.
A short biographical note was
added to the collection by J . M.
Rydlo and the cover was artistically
designed by the poet's son :Cudovit
In the opinion of this reviewer, Doransky deserves a thorough analysis and evaluation of his literary
work in order that we may appreciate it adequately.
187
Rudolf Dilong: Ponukam chlieb so
sol'ou-I Offer Bread and Salt,
Translated by Sister M. Martina
Tybor. Published by Dobra kniha
1971, Galt, Ontario, Bilingual,
151 pages.
By publishing this bilingual collection of poetry in prose, Rudolf
Dilong proved once more that he
is the most prolific and versatile
contemporary poet in exile. The
number of books he published in
Slovakia, which he left in defiance
of her Communist rulers, as well
as the number of books published
during his long exile in Argentina
and the U.S.A., is impressive and
unrivalled by any other Slovak
writer. Attracted by new currents
in French inter-war Catholic poetry and surrealism, Dilong experimented in many poetic forms and
due to his great love for life and
gay temper, was the "enfant terrible" among the Slovak Catholic
poets of his generation. The present book is another experiment in
fo rm and contents and by publishing it in English and Slovak, it was
the merit for acquainting foreign
readers with an interesting sample
of Slovak literature as well as
with the author himself.
Dilong's reputation as a poet was
well established before he left his
native country. Besides publishing
14 collections of poems, two dramas, and two collections of prose,
he also was very active in organizing literary journals, and contributed practically to all Slovak cuttural periodicals and anthologies of
Slovak poetry. In addition, he was
either co-founder or editor of two
literary periodicals Postup (193436) and Nove Slovo (1939-40).
In exile he remained one of the
leading and again most profilic
poets. His poetry remained strongly nationalistic, deeply religious in
essence but not homiletic in form
�188
SLOVAKIA
or content, humble and rebellious
and usually expressed in beautiful
images and practically varied
forms. While several other Slovak
poets did not find opportunities in
exile to publish their works, Dilong's books were published in
rapid succession. From 1950 to
1970 he produced and published
some 20 books either in Buenos
Aires, where he spent nearly 20
years of his exile, or recently in
the United States. Many of his
manuscripts perished together with
his books, when Peron was burning
churches in Argentina.
As in Slovakia, his poetic production in exile has been varied
in forms and themes but the basic
overtones of a patriot and Franciscan friar, even if not following always the dogma and rules of his
religious order, remained the main
characteristic of his entire literary
work in immigration. Some of his
verses became hymns for Slovak
exiles, recited on various solemn
occasions and re-published many
times in Slovak periodicals and
newspapers. Several of Dilong's
poems were translated into Spanish, Polish and French.
With his great love for life and
because of his patriotic zeal and
fiery poetry, he became one of the
most interesting figures among
Slovak writers. Some of his first
poems inspired by their contents
and musical rhythm Slovak composers in their compositions, and
several poems became songs of the
Slovak youth, as well as of the
Slovak army.
The book under review is divided into three parts: The house will
bleach to ash; Out of bounds without bounds, and Human hands.
Each part contains a number of
short reflective and highly imaginative poems in prose which compel the reader to meditate and
think about our age, our neighbor,
poverty, suffering, rebellion, smile;
about our life and death, emotions
and beliefs, about God and man.
As such, it is a valuable addition
to Dilong's work and to Slovak
literature.
Jan Okal': Cielito Lindo, Edicia
Dobra kniha, Galt, Ontario, 1972,
Illustration by J. G. Cincik, 65 p.
For the past several years Slovak
emigre poetry was enriched by a
number of beautifully illustrated
collections of verse by leading Slovak poets abroad. While some of
the collections contained patriotic
verses and personal lyrical poetry
with Slovak topics, in other collections we find poetry inspired by
the beauty of foreign countries in
which Slovaks either lived or
visited.
Okal"s masterfully illustrated
collection Cielito Lindo is an outstanding example of this new poetry, and it is not easy to say if the
reader enjoys more the verses or
the beautiful illustrations. In any
case, there is a lot of artistic value
and enjoyment for the reader and
we cannot but feel a certain pride
that in the modest circumstances
in exile, Slovak literature can afford the luxury of such books.
In a certain way, Jan Okal' deserves credit for introducing into
Slovak literature this combination
of poetry and visual arts. Already
his first published collection George
Janosik: A Carpathian Saga, published in 1953, and his chronicle in
13 poems entitled Kronika Slovakov (The Chronicle of Slovaks,
1954), were published in the same
form. Then for a number of years,
this gifted Slovak poet remained
silent, except for publishing here
and there verses in the literary
journal Most or the Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike. In
�SLOVAKIA
1970, appeared his colleetion of
verses Vada a vino (Water and
Wine), in which Okal' reminisced
about the years spent in Italy and
especially in Rome. The present
collection is a sort of continuation
of the book Voda a vino. This time
he is drawing in his poems, usually
not longer than one or two verses,
beautiful images of places in Mexico.
Jan Okal' is a gifted and refined
poet, and we hope that he will
continue to publish poetry of such
outstanding taste and artistic value.
Jan E. Bor, Eugen Vesnin - Un
poeta Eslovaco en tierras Mediterraneas, Buenos Aires, 1972, 71
pages.
Among Slovak intellectuals who
assiduously worked in exile for the
past 20 years in order to make
Slovak literature known to the
Spanish reading public, Jan E. Bor
has been the most prolific. Either
in his own writings or in translations, he published a considerable
number of essays and studies on
Slovak poetry and prose not only
in periodicals but also in book
form. The present essay on the
poet Eugen Vesnin is one of his
most recent publications.
The publication is divided into
eight chapters in which Bor analyzes Vesnin's poetry, his personality, the reaction to Vesnin's poetry
by readers and literary critics
either on the part of Slovaks or
Italians who acclaimed Vesnin for
his collection of verses in Italian
189
language. In the last two chapters
Bor analyzes Vesnin's attachment
to Etruria and his enchantment
with feminine beauty.
Bor writes on Vesnin's poetry
with the usual skill and knowledge
of literary science for which he
was known already in Slovakia
where he belonged to the best
known literary critics of his generation. In exile he lowered sometimes his yardstick when writing
on Slovak emigre writers and
poets, but his erudition in literary
science has been evident in every
book and essay he had published
during the past twenty years. The
portrait of Vesnin in Bor's publication is not only favorable but also
well balanced and presented in
Bor's baroque style. According to
Bor, Vesnin belongs to the best
Slovak lyrical poets among Slovak
emigre writers and enriched Slovak
literature by many themes inspired
by the beauty of Rome and the
Mediterranean area where Vesnin
has lived the past three or four
decades. Several collections of Vesnin's poetry undoubtedly prove
that Italy enchanted him, though
many of his verses were written
with patriotic overtones and "heimweh" for his native Slovakia.
Since every book on Slovak literature in foreign languages is a
valuable contribution to our efforts
to acquaint the Western world with
Slovak culture, we cannot but welcome the newest publication by
Prof. Jan E. Bor.
J. M. K i r s c h b a um
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA heartily commends all efforts of our governmental and other organs
to ferret out and unmask all Communists and fellow travellers, as well as all persons and organizations who wittingly
or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of
Communism promoted by the Soviet Union.
�190
SLOVAKIA
BOOKS ON JEWS IN SLOVAKIA
Reviewed by
Dr. Arved G r e b e r t
during the past several
centuries.
The first volume contains an especially worthwhile article in two
parts by Dr. Lidia Rothkirchen, a
member of the research staff of
Yad Vashem in Jerusalem. Her
contribution, "Slovakia (1848-1938)"
presents a very keen and rather
accurate picture of the history of
Slovakia and the Jews in that country. Naturally, in all of the articles
dealing with the law, religion, social organization, etc., the writers
faithfully record the history of the
Jews in Slovakia.
The second volume contains the
article of Rabbi Hugo Stransky who
was a former chief rabbi in Zilina.
His is an arresting chapter on "The
Religious Life in Slovakia and Subcarpathian Ruthenia," Then, too,
Frank Reichenthal's "Jewish Art in
Slovakia" is a very interesting review by the former chief of the
department of decorative art at the
State School of Applied Arts in
Bratislava from 1932 to 1938. Before emigrating to United States in
1948 he served as president of the
Slovak Artists' Association from
1946 to 1947.
This first volume contains Eugen
Barkany's "Jewish Cemeteries in
Slovakia" article by the late architect and builder ( 1886-1967) and
co-founder of the Jewish Museum
in Presov, Slovakia. Some of the
artistic motives on the gravestones,
the writer observes, show a definite
influence of Slovak folk art, indicating a close, intimate relationship
between the Jews and the Slovaks.
Gertrude Hirschler's "The His-
The Jews of Czechoslovakia, histori- Europe
cal studies and surveys, edited
by "The Jewish Publication Society of America," Philadelphia,
and the "Society for the History
of Czechoslovak Jews," New
York, Vol. I, 5728-1968, pp. 583,
Vol. II, 5732-1971, pp. 707. Library of Congress Catalog Card
No. 67-12372.
Up to the present time two volumes on the history of the Jews in
Czecho-Slovakia constitute an unusually valuable contribution on the
history of the inhabitants of that
state. The Jews in Czech lands, in
Slovakia and in Sub-Carpathian
Russia (Ruthenia) made a vital contribution to the Jews in general but
also to the history of the people in
those regions, namely, the Czechs,
Germans, Slovaks, Magyars and the
Ukrainians. The authors of the various articles by their objective and
calm tone do not digress from a
strictly scientific analysis, even
when the themes, which in their
tragic dimensions and consequences,
understandably provide the occasion for an outburst of wrath and
recrimination. In this respect the
work is extraordinary effective and
convincing.
In no way do the authors avoid
sensitive subjects. They neither
ignore nor sidestep realities that
have frequently been used as pretexts for criticism by the enemies
of Jewry. These they explain and
place in special categories in the
destiny of the Jews, for example,
in the framework of the historical
evaluation of central and eastern
�SLOVAKIA
tory of Agudah Israel in Slovakia
(1918-1939)" is interesting, too.
Of course, in all of the articles
ranging from studies of various
movements, organizational life, religious welfare, education, art, etc.,
there is a large number of facts
about the life of the Jews in Slovakia and their relationship to the
local inhabitants, chiefly, the Slovaks and Magyars. The number is
so great that it is virtually impossible to review them all but at
least we have mentioned some of
them relating specifically to Slovakia.
Dr. Lidia Rothkirchen's "Slovakia (1848-1938)" deserves special
attention. Her article in two parts
covers 53 pages. A number of facts
mentioned are known only by Slovak historians and experts. For
instance, the writer states that in
1858 there were 308 Jewish schools
in Hungary. Of this number 131,
ie., almost 45%, were located in
the Bratislava school district. Bratislava, therefore, was a very important center of Jewish learning
in the kingdom of Hungary. Among
the charter members of the Matica
Slovenska (the leading cultural
organization of the Slovaks in the
last century) we find a number of
Jews.
When the government in Budapest gave orders to close down the
Slovak central schools (junior colleges) in Revuca, Klastor pod Znievom and Turciansky Svaty Martin
(all in Slovakia at the time under
Hungarian imperial rule), two Jewish members of the Diet (Moritz
Wehrman and Eduard Horn) spoke
up and requested that the schools
be kept open. Dr. Lidia Rothkirchen
notes that before the Jews won
equal rights in Hungary, the people
of Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas elected
Izak Diner, a Jew, as Mayor of the
city. A number of Jews later served as mayors in the same city. She
191
reminds the reader that Slovak
Jews played an important role in
the Zionist movement in the kingdom of Hungary. Two Jews from
Bardejov (eastern Slovakia), Julius
Davidsohn and Julius Davidovic,
attended the first Zionist Congress
in Basle, Switzerland (1897). Eight
of thirteeen Zionist chapters established in Hungary were located in
Slovakia, namely, in Bratislava,
Nitra, Trnava, Prefov, Ko~ice, Kezmarok, Dolny Kubin and Banska
Bystrica, and the first Zionist congress in Hungary convened in Bratislava in 1903. The following year
the World Mizrahi Congress met in
the Slovak capital. The writer notes
that the Magyar government in
Budapest considered the Zionist
movement with the same disfavor
as it did the nationalistic movement
of the Slovaks in their country.
During World War I both the
Zionist movement and the activities
of the Slovak patriots were banned
by law.
Names of outstanding Jewish
writers and scientists are listed by
Dr. Rothkirchen. She points out
that Jewish writers in their novels
and romances touched upon the
J ewish problem in the framework
of a Slovak historical background.
Dr. Lidia Rothkirchen cites that
in 1921 of a totaI of 135,918 Jews
in Slovakia, 70,522 were registered
as Jews, 29,290 as Slovaks and the
rest as Magyars, Germans, Rusins,
etc. The 1930 census showed 44,009
registered as Slovaks and 72,644 as
J ews. This figure represents quite
convincing proof of the rapid Slovakization of the Jewish population. Had it not been for the tragic
events of World War II, this process of amalgamation would have
inevitably resulted in a very advantageous symbiosis of the Slovak
Jews and the Slovaks.
She writes (page 105): From 1933
on "the Slovaks more and more o-
�192
SLOVAKIA
penly advocated either detachment
from Czechoslovakia altogether and
establishment of an independent
Slovakia, or a Slovakia which would
enjoy much wider autonomy and
self-rule."
In general this work may be accepted as a very valuable contribution to the history of the people
inhabiting Czecho-Slovakia. Every
public or private library should
have it on its shelves. No scholar
who is interested in the history of
this area can be without it.
To a large extent without the
untiring efforts of L'udovit Sturc,
president of the Society for the
History of the Czechoslovak Jews
in New York, this important work
in two volumes would not have
come to press.
Mr. Sturc is a native of Slovakia
and a friend of Slovak writers and
artists. Unfortunately, so far his
work has not been adequately appreciated.
cin, Kosice, Jasov, Spisske Podhradie, Levoca, Kezmarok, Podolinec,
Nove Zamky and Hlohovec.
Kosice, Bardejov, Trencin, Skalica, Hlohovec, Trnava, Pezinok and
Bratislava are listed separately as
centers of Jewish libraries and culture.
Dr. Schreiber, recognized universally as an authority in his field,
considers the material found in the
area now known as Slovakia as an
important part of the culture of
the Jews who inhabited Hungary
during the Middle Ages.
This work, which was lacking in
scientific literature, is the beginning of further research in the
archives and libraries in this direction throughout Slovakia. It is,
at the same time an interesting
proof, or evidence, for the tradition
of the high degree of culture of the
population in Slovakia during the
Medieval era.
Karl Baum: Nazi Anti-Jewish Legislation in the Czech Protectorate,
a Documentary, in "Soviet Jewish Affairs," a Journal on Jewish
Problems in the USSR and Eastern Europe, London, No. 3, May,
1972. Published by the Institute
Dr. Alexander Schreiber, director
of Jewish Affairs, London, in asof the Rabbinical Seminary in Busociation with the World Jewish
dapest, has written a very noteCongress in Geneva.
worthy book on the cultural history
Karl Baum's article is noteworthy
of the Jews in Slovakia during the
Medieval era. The book contains a for several reasons. In his introlist and analysis of 172 Hebrew duction the writer states that the
codex fragments which were used anti-Jewish legislation in the Czech
protectorate (1939-1945) has not
for book-bindings.
Together with Arpad Zoltan of been properly treated in ternationthe Slovak Academy of Sciences in al scientific writings so far, while
Bratislava the author studied the a rich and documented literature
archives and libraries in the fol- about anti-Jewish regulations in
lowing Slovak cities and towns: Hitler's Germany does exist. Those
Bratislava, Cerveny Kamen pri who studied this question outside
Modre, Pezinok, Jur near Bratisla- of Hitler's sphere ordinarily did
va, Trnava, Nitra, Nova Bana, Ban- not study the laws of the protectorska Bystrica, Turciansky Svaty ate, which they assumed were an
Martin, Dolny Kubin, Bytca, Tren- integral part of the Reich and those
Alexander Schreiber: Hebriiische
Kodexuberreste in Ungarlb."ndischen Eibandstafeln. Heber Kodexmaradvanyok magyarorszagi
kotestablakban. Budapest, 1969.
I
�SLOVAKIA
who studied anti-Jewish laws in
Hitler's Germany did not consider
the protectorate because it did not
belong directly to the framework
of the Third Reich. Baum, at least,
partially fills this void.
The writer gives a detailed study
on anti-Jewish legislation in the
Czech Protectorate and traces the
execution of the laws not only by
the Nazis but also by the Czech
government officials in the Protectorate. Baum's study from this
viewpoint is highly important because he has brought to the international forum little known or unknown facts which were hidden on
the pages of "The Collection of
Laws and Regulations" promulsignatures of President (Dr.) Hacha
or Czech ministers. Baum emphasizes that these laws of the wartime Czech protectorate "reflect
only part of the unmitigated evil
to which one of the leading Jewish
communities was to fall victim.
They carry little evidence of persecution and harassment on the
local level, nor do they mirror the
share of those of non-German vintage in Czechoslovakia who had
come in to participate in the great
hunt of the century and to divide
its spoils. It must be left to future
historians to establish their contribution to the tragedy of Czechoslovak Jewry."
Baum calls attention to the December 1, 1930, Census in CzechoSlovakia as listing the number of
Jews as 356,830, which is inaccurate inasmuch 15,000 Jews from
Germany found refuge there when
Hitler came to power. Of 854,600
who were registered as atheists in
Czecho-Slovakia, according to Baum,
at least 10% were of Jewish origin.
Moreover, there was no provision
for a natural increase of the Jewish
population from 1930 to 1939. Consequently, the author's estimate has
some 457,000 Jews in Czecho-Slo-
193
vakia by 1938, hence actually
100,000 more than is generally indicated in the figures.
All of the above, the author concludes, became innocent victims of
inhumane discrimination and inhuman mistreatment in the lands
of the Czech Protectorate during
World War II.
ANNUAL FURDEK
Jednota
Annual FURDEK
1973,
Vol. XII, 1973. Edited by Joseph
C. Krajsa. Publisher, The First
Catholic Slovak Union. Printed
by Jednota Press, Middletown,
Pa. 208 pages.
This publication, Jednota Annual
Furdek, continues commendably in
the footsteps of Philip A. Hrobak,
the first editor who conceived the
idea of addressing it to our youth
for their benefit. The present volume offers the youthful reader
valuable information and inspiration as well.
The 12th volume is definitely
youth oriented, for it gives several
phases of the background of our
early Slovak immigrants to American shores and a look at the historic
homeland of our parents and grandparents.
Quite appropriately the Furdek
leads off with a pictorial introduction of the officers of the Jednota
because they are the official representatives of the organization
that has a membership close to
100,000.
Daniel Tanzone discusses fraternalism and the Slovak immigrant
in a highly readable and documented study of the origins and
growth of Slovak fraternal organizations in this country.
Introduction of Janko Kral', Slovak revolutionary poet of the 19th
century, by Joseph Kirschbaum,
Ph.D., LL.D., of Toronto, Canada,
is rather timely in view of current
�194
SLOVAKIA
Catholic unity is a .serious reminder in our times to stand united in
the Faith of our Fathers when diversity of opinions, various modes
of liturgical worship, and even
divergent doctrinal proposals are
dangerous challenges to the orthodoxy of our faith.
Father Franko's Slovak Christmas Eve sacred vignette should be
adopted by every Christian family
to help preserve the spirit and true
meaning of a genuinely Christian
yuletide season.
Reproductions (in exquisite color) of the stained glass windows
adorning the Chapel of the Jednota
Home are a pictorial portrayal of
the spirit of faith that inspired
their creation and at the same time
a public testimonial of honor of
two of the most famous Slovak
priests of our age, namely, Father
Furdek, founder of the Jednota,
and Father Tiso, the martyr-president of the Slovak Republic.
Clevelanders will no doubt find
the article by Slovak Bet1edictine
scribe, Fr. Andrew V. Pier, 0.S.B.,
on early Slovak immigrants interesting . . . and his other contributions informative.
The story about Staff Sergeant
Frank Mitka, a Veteran of the U.S.
Army for more than thirty years,
brings into the limelight a career
soldier who enjoyed military life
. . . he was a forerunner of the
present-day volunteer army.
The valaska, a traditional Slovak
weapon designed for protection ...
not aggression . . . is a national
symbol of strength and resistance
The Slovak Catholic Federation against the forces of injustice and
of America is primarily an associa- tyranny.
Sheep and their shepherds in
tion of Slovak Catholic fraternal
organizations that hold the Church Slovakia are the subjects of a roin highest esteem because their mantic setting (an idyllic scene on
members accept it as a society the mountainside) with the venerestablished by Christ for the salva- able 'baca' holding his young proteges spell-bound as they listen to
tion of their immortal souls.
Monsignor Gallik's article on an endless series of thrilling epi-
trends that are characterized by
the same spirit of restlessness,
r adical change, disillusionment and
a mixture of hope and despair that
marked the life and work of a
Slovak poet who was in the forefront of the struggle for social
justice and political freedom.
St. Joseph the Workman, the
universal patron of workingmen
everywhere, is a favorite saint of
men who must toil at manual labor.
The statue of St. Joseph overlooking the industrial environs of St.
Michael Slovak parish, Munhall,
Pa., in the heart of the steel industry of the Pittsburgh area is
a constant inspiration to the passerby.
Tribute to Karl Pacanovsky, 'a
philosopher-craftsma n' at the Hill
School in Pottstown, Pa. for more
than three decades, is a well deserved one for a Slovak worker
who was dedicated to his tasks in
his workshop.
R. H. Andrews' article on India
is an eye-opener for those who
know so little about the great work
accomplished by Catholic missionaries in the Far East.
Furdek's youth panel of scholarship winners (39 young men and
2:5 young women) is a fine representation of Jednota's honor students of the past year.
Paul Berish in his Relevant contribution finds fault ... and rightly so . . . with the mishandling of
facts about the Slovaks and their
history by American journalists,
newsreporters, and even socalled
editorial writers and historians.
�SLOVAKIA
sodes around the fireside after the
evening chores are done, but members of a definite economic class
that is an asset to the country and
its people.
Even the Croatians, by exception,
get a boost in this year's Furdek
as Father Wuerl recalls the 1,000th
anniversary of the feast of St.
Blaise, celebrated in the town of
Dubrovnik, Croatia, on February
3, 1972.
Paul Berish uncovers the 'hidden
life of Brother Rudolf' over a span
of fifty years as a tailor in the
service of the Lord in the tailorshop of a monastic Redemptorist
community.
Salt in Slovakia has been a rich
commodity for Slovakia and neighboring states in central Europe for
many centuries. Solivar, near Pre~ov, continues to mine salt to the
present day by modern methods
and techniques.
Michael Kurak of the Holy Trinity Slovak parochial school in Yonkers, N. Y. tells the world he is
a Slovak . . . and proud of it!
Father Robert Terentieff is presented by Dr. Michael Simko to
our readers as an artist, teacher,
dramatist, zealous shepherd of
souls and preserver of Slovak customs in Connecticut.
The pictorial contribution of
Paul C. Fallat, Slovak artist, on an
important phase in the life of
Father Hlinka who was 'a fearless
fighter for Slovak freedom' is an
atractive re-enactment of the highlights of the Slovak leader's dynamic career that helped win the
struggle for the Slovak nation's
political freedom before World
War II.
American and Canadian Translators of Slovak poetry by Dr. J . M.
Kirschbaum, Slovak diplomat and
writer, not only touches upon
translations of Slovak poems but
lists a considerable number of
195
translations from Slovak prose. Included in the list of translators
with such world known personalities as Bjornson, Seton-Watson and
Denis are W. Kirkconnell, J. Vajda,
I. Kramoris, M. Sprinc, K. Strmen
and Sister M. Tybor, SS.C.M.
The Tool Box by Alvin Lehar
brings to light an amusing incident
in the early life of Stan Sladek, a
Slovak professional football player
from the Bronx in the 1950's and
1960's.
Dorothy Day, the 74-year-old
Catholic social worker, speaker,
publisher and activist during most
of her lifetime, is given tribute by
Joseph McLellan who characterizes
the remarkable champion of social
justice and evangelical poverty as
'a prophet of Catholic social concern.'
Dr. Kirschbaum attempts to sift
the truth from falsehood in the
conflicting accounts involving the
creation of the Slovak Republic on
March 14, 1939 . . . almost six
months before the German invasion
of Poland started the war.
Australia beckoned several thousand freedom-loving Slovaks to
seek their livelihood there after
their country was locked up behind
the Iron Curtain. Approximately
ten thousand Slovaks in exile are
found in southern Australia.
Father Matthew Jankola (founder
of the Religious Order of SS. Cyril
and Methodius in Danville, Pa.)
has a proper evaluation of his lifework in the biographical sketch of
Daniel Tanzone, young Slovak
writer.
Another promising young Slovak
writer, Michael J. Krajsa, rightly
gives credit to our early American
Slovak leaders for establishing fraternal societies, churches, schools
and social-cultural centers that
flourished in their time. Krajsa
concentrates on the story of the
Jednota primarily.
�196
SLOVAKIA
Interspersed throughout the volume are short poems, designed no
doubt for inspiration as well as
variety . . . these adequately fulfill
their purpose.
Rt. Rev. Jerome Koval, 0.S.B
SLOVAK PIONEERS
IN AMERICA
Jozef Pauco, Ph.D. Slovenski priekopnici v Amerike (Slovak Pioneers in America). First Catholic Slovak Union, Cleveland, 0. ,
1972. 358 pages. Illustrated. $4.95.
Slovak Pioneers in America (Slovenski priekopnici v Amerike),
from the pen of Dr. Joseph Pauco,
is another publication of the Jednota Press of the First Catholic
Slovak Union. The book is dedicated as a living witness to the
staunch and lasting accomplishments of those Slovak pioneerspriests, religious and laity-who
with their whole being stood in
the service of the American Slovaks. Many made outstanding cultural and literary contributions
that have become part of the lasting treasury of America's worth.
On these factual pages, the
author and the First Catholic Slovak Union fulfill an obligation
which is due to Slovak nation since
it gave to America fully one-third
of its people. These immigrants
filled all facets of American labor
and pulled themselves up from the
mines, the iron pits and steel mills
to the ranks of Generals, professional men, and business men, but
most of all they led their people
to be loyal citizens of their new
country, the United States of America.
It is in this vein that Pauco presents his new book Slovenski priekopnici v Amerike. When the book
is translated into English, the third
and fourth generations of American Slovaks will be able to fully
evaluate all the accomplishments
and contributions of their pioneer
parents and grandparents-not only
what they did for them, but for the
over three million American Slovaks and for the whole of America.
Pauco's work required serious research and documentation. In an
objective manner he credits the
life and works of the pioneers and
categorizes them in their proper
niche in the history of the American Slovaks, in America and the
Slovak nation. He presents those
leading pioneers who played the
greatest role in the cultural field;
those who organized fraternal societies, parishes, schools, and religious orders; those who preserved
the literary culture with the publication of newspapers and books;
and those who were fired with the
ideal of liberty that even permeated to Slovakia.
It was the American Slovaks who
initiated the movement for an independent Slovakia prior to World
War I. They were proud of the
document known as the "Pittsburgh
Pact" which became the platform
of the political party in Slovakia
seeking autonomy for the Slovak
people. This was a unique display
of cooperation and a symbolic gesture between the Slovak nation and
the emigrated American Slovaks.
Father J oseph A. Gajdosik, Supreme Chaplain of the First Catholic Slovak Union and Chairman
of its Literary Committee-himself
an eloquent and gifted writergave a few thoughts concerning
Pauco's new book as he remembered reading the installments in the
Jednota.
"The stories of the Slovak pioneers are very provocative, enlightening and very stimulating.
They reveal the joyous faith that
the Slovak pioneers had, which in
�197
SLOVAKIA
turn motivated them in their endeavors to better their lives, and
help assure a better future for their
loved ones, and for Slovaks in
general. The realism that FAITH
has many faces is beautifully depicted in the lives of the many
characters who appear in the Priekopnici!
"The lives of these pioneers communicate the personal and devoted
consecration to the Slovak motto
of living for God and People, to
such a degree, that undoubtedly
young adults of the second, third,
etc., Slovak generation, who perhaps
have difficulty of choosing a career, will be aided by the publication of this book to select a career,
which will fulfill their vocation for
life.
"The 'Slovak Cause' is no longer
a hot issue in the average life of
an American of Slovak ancestry,
in fact, I find a reversing trend.
However, if this book can make one
cognizant of his Slovak origin, it
may serve to help one gain heights
which otherwise would be out of
bounds, e.g. Michael Novak, and
his noted book The Rise of the
Unmeltable Ethnics.
"Pauco's book is one sure way
to arousing interest in the Slovak
heritage on a personal and individual basis, especially among our
younger people. Hopefully, an English translation will be made in the
near future, so that devotion to the
Slovak ethnicity will be fostered.
"The book should bolster Dr.
Joseph Pauco's strong thoughts about the termination and death of
the Slovak language in the United
States. The book is also a warning
to our fair-weather-Slovaks, who
claim that they received little if
anything from their Slovak ancestors, for it teaches that much Slovak affluence and prestige is di-
rectly the result of the conduct and
work of our pioneers.
"It behooves our brethren who
are ashamed of their Slovak ethnicity, to study their history, and
learn how everything they have was
given to them, and that they should
give themselves for others as our
pioneers did. The ultimate lesson
is that we, Americans of Slovak
ancestry, should foster and serve
the Slovak cause and ideal, at least
as much, if not better then our
pioneers in early America."
Dr. Joseph Pauco came to the
United States 22 years ago. He
earned his doctorate in Philosophy
at the Slovak University in Bratislava. As a historian and journalist,
he has dedicated himself fully to
the service of the American Slovaks. He has spent all his time in
the United States on the editorial
staff of Jednota, the Catholic Weekly of the First Catholic Slovak
Union. He is also the publisher of
the oldest Slovak newspaper in
America Slovak v Amerike (American Slovak) and is a contributor to
many other periodicals. He is the
author of over 20 books, mostly
dedicated to the life of the American Slovaks, including the history
of the First Catholic Slovak Union
and the lives of Fr. Stephen Furdek
and Fr. Matthew Jankola. His many
hundreds of articles, especially the
column "Slovaci a ich zivot" (Slovaks and Their Life ) in Jedno ta,
systematically record the accomplishments and efforts of the American Slovaks and their institutions.
Slovenski priekopnici v Amerike
is in itself a pioneer book. Nothing
to date has been published in such
documentary detail about American
Slovak pioneers. The First Catholic
Slovak Union is proud to publish
this vital literary work of Dr.
Joseph Pauco.
Joseph
c. Krajsa
�198
SLOVAKIA
JANKOLA'S CENTENNIAL
Jankola centennial Books.-Pamiitnica 100-ho vyrocia narodenia
Otca Matusa Jankolu (1872-1972).
- Jankola Book. Honoring the
Centennial of the Birth of Father
Matthew Jankola (1872-1972)
Both of these books were prepared and published by the Sisters
of Saints Cyril and Methodius, collaborating at Jankola Library in
Danville, Pennsylvania, July-August, 1972, under the chairmanship of Sister M. Martina Tybor.
The historian of the future who
undertakes a study of the history
of the Slovak people will inevitably
reach out for the most objective of
resource materials available. And it
is just such a balanced, such a level
and extraordinary objective and
tastefully factual contribution that
has appeared this year as an enrichment in the specific field of
Slovak-American immigrant chronicles.
The work consists of two distinct
volumes, one in English and one
in Slovak (similar but not identical
in content), delineating the life
and the achievements of Father
Matthew Jankola, pioneer SlovakAmerican priest and patriot, who
was a leader, educator, writer, and
the founder of the American community, Sisters of Saints Cyril and
Methodius.
This eminently commendable
publication project was endorsed
and sponsored by Mother M. Valeria Romanchek, Superior General
of the congregation, and it became
a reality only by reason of the
dedication, diligence, and scholarship of the Sisters who were fittingly associated with Jankola Library
in this undertaking. Jankola Library is directed by Sister M. Martina Tybor and under her chairmanship there evolved an editorial
committee consisting of Mother M.
Emerentia Petra~ek, Sister M. Lilliana Kardo~, Sister M. Consuela
Gregorovic, Sister M. Philomena
Abbick, Sister M. Tarcisia Gregorovic and Sister Donna Marie Ivanko.
By their personal effort and professional talent these Sisters worked to contribute every aspect of the
publication: the researching and
compiling of data, literary composition, technical composing and
preparation of copy, multilith reproduction, collating and binding.
Susan Oravec of Peckville, Pa. designed the artistic and becoming
cover portrait, and photography
was done by Joseph McGlinn of
Danville and John Gre~kovic of
Olyphant, Pa. The books credit
items of information etc. contributed by Sisters M. John Vianney,
M. Eileen McCoy, M. Regina, M.
Bernardine, M. Raphael, and M.
Yolanda.
Each volume consists of 134
pages, is fully protected by copyright and is dedicated to the memory of the esteemed Founder of
this American community of sisters
whose prime apostolates are teaching and caring for the orphaned
and the aged. The sisters thus express the gratitude which is justly
due to Father Jankola not only by
this community but by all the Slovak people both in this country
and abroad, especially for his
priestly zeal in promoting spirituality and culture, for his selfsacrifice on behalf of his fellowman, his leadership and vision as
well as his determination to better
the lot of the Slovak immigrant in
America.
The opening pages of each souvenir book contain commemorative
poetry of high quality. The text
also includes rich and informative
articles such as a biography which
cover the fruitful work of Father
Jankola's lifetime of less than fifty
�SLOVAKIA
years, a historical survey of the
founding of the community and
reminiscences of some who knew
Father J ankola well.
Another important contribution
in these books is the descriptive
account of Jimkola Library at Danville, Pa., its holdings, areas of
service, prospects, etc.
Of special interest is a picture of
Father J ankola's two surviving sisters, Mrs. Irma J ankola Srbova and
Mrs. Luisa J ankola Sopkova of Slovakia, together with a reproduction
of the congratulatory lines which
they sent to grace the centennial
celebration.
As a special supplement in each
book are the news reports and
199
photographs which record the centennial observance and the Jankola
Exhibit of Memorabilia held at
Danville on August 13, 1972. The
news accounts were prepared by
Dr. Joseph Pauco, Slovak journalist
and editor, and by Rev. Augustine
J. Zan, Chaplain at Maria J oseph
Manor.
These unique books creditably
record the work of Father Jankola
and honor him worthily for the
legacy which he bequeathed to the
Church, to the Slovak nation and
to his adopted country, the USA.
Although this is a limited edition,
copies are still available at J ankola
Library, Danville, Pa. 17821.
Rev. Augustine J. Za n
Annual S L O V A K I A
is published by the Slovak League of America, 313 Ridge Ave.,
Middletown, Pa. 17057. Subscription $3.00.
Editor: Joseph Pauto, Ph. D.
Editorial Board:
Draga 0/vlnska, Louis Kandra, Joseph M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D.,
Joseph A. Miku§, Ph. 0., Fr. Andrew Pier, O.S.B., M.A., Daniel
F. Tanzone, M.A., Sister M. Tybor, SS.C.M., M.A.
�SLOVAKIA
200
Contents
The Slovak Word Abroad - Gorazd Zvonicky - 3
Twenty Years of the Slovak Institute in Cleveland - Joseph Paufo,Ph.D.
-16
The Inflectional Morphology of Standard Slovak: A Descriptive Analysis
John Michael Kochik, Ph:D. -
24
The Ethnical Philosophy of nudovit Stur - Stefan Polakovi~ - 29
Fortieth Anniversary Canadian Slovak League - Edward J. Behuncik
-48
Youth in Search of Slovak Identity and Pride -
John Llhani, Ph.D.
-53
A New Phase in the Socialist Economic Reform - V. J. Hurley - 57
The Renaissance of the Slovak American Literature - P. O'Reilly - 66
Cultural Revival of American and Canadian Slovaks - Jozef Paufo, Ph.D.
-72
Dr. J. M. Kirschbaum - F . Vnuk - 82
Select Bibliography of Foreign Language Writings by Prof. J. M. Kirschbaum - 92
Evaluation of Dr. Kirschbaum's Writings by Critics - 101
/Diplomatic and Consular Relations of Slovakia with Neutral States -
J. M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D. -
111
Mother M . Emerentia Petrasek - 123
The Declining Democratic Facade: Czecho-Slovakia 1948-1960 -
S. J.B.
-129
Youth, Our Hope - Pavo! 0 . Hviezdoslav - 140
Ethnicity and Research - Dr. Steven I. Miller - 141
Ethnics Work Hard - Msgr. James T. McHugh - 153
The American Political Question - Edward M. Zelenak - 155
Current Issues - 158
As Others See It - 170
Book Reviews (J. M. Kirschbaum - Books on Slovakia - Galla Golan:
The Czechoslovak Reform Movement - Wolfgang Venohr: Aufstand fiir die Tschecho-Slowakei - Slovak Studies, Volume Vlll
and IX - Joseph Vravrovic: L'oecumenisme et le panslavisme de
l'abbe Jean Palarik - Milan S. f>urica: La Morte di M. R. Stefanik
Alla Luce Dei Documenti Militari Italiani Inediti - Michael
Novak: The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics - Slavs in Canada,
Vol. III - Jaroslaw A. Piekalkiewicz: Public Opinion Polling in
Czechoslovakia - Milan S. f>urica (Ed.): II Mondo Slavo, Vol. Ill;
New Collections of Slovak ~migre Poetry - Rudolf Dilong: IIladny vetrik - Jan L. Doransky: Od splnu po zatmenie - Rudolf
Dilong: Pomikam chlieb so sol'ou - Jan Okal': Cielito Lindo Jan E. Bor: Eugen Vesnin; Books on Jews in Slovakia -reviewed
by Dr. Arved Grebert - (Ed.): The Jews of Czechoslovakia Alexander Schreiber: Hebriiische Kodexilberreste in Ungarliindischen Eibandstafeln - Karl Baum: Nazi Anti-Jewish Legislation
in the Czech Protectorate - Jednota Annual FURDEK reviewed
by Rt. Rev. Jerome Koval, O.S.B. - Jozef Paufo, Ph.D.: Slovenski
priekopnici v Amerike (by Joseph C. Krajsa) - Jankola Centennial Books (by Rev. Augustine J. Zan) - 174
�Our Contributors
Gorazd Zvonicky -
poet, professor, Rome, Italy
author, historian, Middletown, Pa.
Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. -
assistant professor of Czech and Russian,
University of Nebraska, Lincoln
John M. Kochik, Ph.D. -
former professor at the Slovak University,
Bratislava, Slovakia, now in Argentina
Stefan Polakovic, Ph;D. -
attorney-at-law, Stratford, Conn.
Edward J. Behuncik -
professor of Hispanic Linguistics, University of
John Lihani, Ph.D. -
Kenrtucky
Francis Vnuk -
historian; professor, Institute of Technology, Adelaide,
Australia
Joseph M . Kirschbaum, LL.D., Ph-D. -
historian, author, Toronto,
Ontario
Pav ol 0. Hviezdoslav -
noted Slovak poet
Sr. M . Martina Tybor, SS.C-M. -
teacher and author, Danville, Pa.
assistant professor, Sociology of Education,
Loyola University, Chicago, Ill.
Dr. Steven I. MiUer -
Msgr. James T. McHugh -
diocese of Harrisburg, Pa.
Edward M. Zelenak -
musician, college student, Detroit, Michigan
Dr. Arved Grebert -
former Slovak diplomat, now in Switzerland
Rt. Rev . Jerome Koval, O.S-B. -
Abbot, St. Andrew's Svorad Slovak
Abbey, Cleveland, Ohio
Joseph C. Krajsa -
Editor, Jednota, Middletown, Pa.
Rev. Augustine J . Zan -
author, Danville, Pa.
V . J . Hurley; P. O'ReiUy and S. J. B. -
Slovak American students
�PRI NTI D IN U.S. A.
JIDN OTA PlllN TER Y,
MID DLli TOW N, PA.
�
158
SLOVAKIA
CURRENT ISSUES
·Proclamation Adopted
by Sf oval< League of America
CHICAGO, ILL. -
MAY 27, 1972
Assembled in the Congress, the delegates to the 43rd
Biennial Congress of the Slovak League of America, unanimously adopt this resolution:
1. The Slovak League of America will continue with all
its energies to support, to advance and to spread the
doctrine of self determination and freedom for all
nations, as these are principles espoused by our own
United States of America.
2. The Slovak League of America will continue with its
cultural and civic programs, by means of its scholarships and other undertakings. Thus, we will better
inform the free world, especially here in our own
country, of the centuries-old aspirations and rights
of Slovak nation. We feel these rights will be best
enjoyed in some type of European federation or union
in which the citizens of a free and independent Slovakia will decide their own destiny.
3. In furtherance of the above goals, the Slovak League
of America will continue to work closely with all
Slovak organizations, publications and institutions
everywhere; thereby giving moral, financial and practical support to the aspirations of more than three
million Slovaks torn away from their native soil, as
well as to the downtrodden brethren in subjugated
Slovakia.
4. As one of the founders of the Slovak World Congress,
the Slovak League of America endorses the program
of the Slovak World Congress and make available to
it all its powers and resources.
�SLOVAKIA
159
5. The Slovak League of America makes special request
to all Slovak groups to appeal to the Slovak youthfor they are our future-without them the Slovak
cause, especially here in the United States of America,
will not long endure.
6. Finally, we solicit the continued sacrifices and dedication of all Slovak-Americans and American-Slovaks,
fortunate enough to enjoy the freedom and privileges
of our great Country, so that in our hopes for peace
to men of goodvill, our subjugated brethren, may in
God's good time likewise enjoy such freedoms.
THE SWVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA
Edward J. B eh u n c i k, President
Joseph Pa u co, Secretary
MEMORANDUM
of the Slovak Catholic Mission
in Australia
Director-General
UNESCO
Place De Fontenoy
Paris vrre
France
Dear Sir:
The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization has proclaimed the year 1972 as "International
Book Year". This is a worthy undertaking and deserves
every good success, but it is to be regretted that not all
of mankind is in a position to freely participate in it.
\ rticle IX of the Charter of the Book states:
"The free flow of books between countries is an
essential supplement to national supplies and promotes
international understanding."
�168
SLOVAKIA
Contrary to this statement and the current year program of UNESCO is the practice of the Government of the
Czecho-Slovak Socialistic Republic and the Governments
of other countries under Communist rule and culturally
dominated by Moscow. These countries discriminate in
the exchange of books and printed matter in general.
While the free world is flooded with propaganda and
literature issued by the Soviet Block countries, there is
great discrimination in the Communist countries against
literature published in the free world, and into CzechoSlovakia the entry of religious and the like books is actually
prohibited.
This is being done in spite of the fact that Communist
Block countries are members of the United Nation organization and are signitories of the Charter of the United
Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
The purpose of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization according to its constitution
is "To contribute to peace and security by promoting
collaboration among the nations through education, science
and culture in order to further universal respect for justice,
for the rule of law and for the human rights and fundamental freedoms which are affirmed for the peoples of
the world, without distinction of race, sex, language or
religion, by the Charter of the United Nations."
The Slovak Nation, one of many enslaved by Communism, has a high regard for this noble objective of UNESCO
but is prevented in carrying out its part in it. The purpose
of this memorandum is to draw your attention to the plight
in which the Slovak Nation has been placed by no fault
of its own, and also to point out that the action required
to remedy the ills of the systems dominating the life of
Slovaks under Moscow supremacy is long overdue.
The Slovak Nation is the oldest Christian Nation in
Central Europe. Its country is Slovakia with a population
of 4,542,098.
This Nation is not in a position to exercise the rights
as enumerated for every human being by the United
Nations.
At the time when the most fundamental freedoms of
�SLOVAKIA
161
mankind were announced by the United Nations, the Slovak
Nation was stripped of them by the power of Moscow
which marked the end of the Slovak Independent Republic,
.and Slovakia was forcibly joined with Bohemia and Moravia
in the Czecho-Slovak Socialistic Republic.
By this arbitrary act the Slovak Nation was in 1945
deprived of the principle of self-determination affirmed
by the Charter of the United Nations. Chapter I, article 1,
paragraph 2 reads:
(The purposes of the United Nations are) "To develop friendly relations among nations based
on respect for the principle of equal rights and selfdetermination of peoples, and to take other appropriate
measures to strengthen universal peace."
The Slovak Nation is not free to choose its form of
government and is ruled by the totalitarian system under
the banner of international Communism.
Consequently with regard to the objectives of UNESCO
the Slovak Nation is not in a position to develop itself
according to its Christian character and thus it is not
free either to contribute to the cultural wealth of the
human family or to enjoy its benefits.
UNESCO holds that for the promotion of its activities,
three of the rights, enumerated in the Universal Declaration
are of outstanding importance:
1. "The right to education ( article 26)
2. "The right of culture (article 27)
3. "The right to freedom of information (article 19)".
The Slovak Nation does not enjoy freedom to claim
and exercise any of these rights.
1. Paragraph 2, of article 26 reads:
"Education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality and the strengthening
of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms.
It shall promote understanding, tolerance and friendship among all nations, racial or religious groups, and
shall further the activities of the United Nations for
the maintenance of peace."
�162
SLOVAKIA
Human personality can be fully developed when an
individual enjoys the most fundamental freedoms such as:
freedom
freedom
freedom
freedom
of speech,
of belief,
from fear,
from want.
The Slovak Nation enjoys none of these. The whole
educational system in Slovakia is saturated with Marxism,
which is contrary to the Christian character of the Slovak
Nation.
The promoting of tolerance is unknown to Communism which is disseminating hatred and it is disrupting
unity on all levels of life.
For Communism "peace" means the domination of
private and public life according to the teaching of Marxism.
According to paragraph 3 of article 26, "Parents have
a prior right to choose the kind of education that shall
be given to their children."
The Slovak parents are denied this right for in Slovakia
there is only the Communist system of education. In 1945
Slovakia had 1887 Catholic schools. All of them were confiscated by Communists and the children of Catholic parents
(also other religions) were indoctrinated in Marxism.
2. Article 27, paragraph 1, reads:
"Everyone has the right freely participate in the
cultural life of the community, to enjoy the arts and
to share in scientific advancement and it..s benefits."
In Slovakia culture, arts, science have been made
servants of Communism and they have no value unless
they are guided by principles of Marxism and unless they
are designed for the promotion of Communism.
3. According Article 19:
"Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and
expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions
without interference and to seek, receive and impart
information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers."
�163
SLOVAKIA
In Slovakia there is no freedom of opinion and expression. These have to be in conformity with Marxism.
Ideas and opinions are usually communicated by
books, newspapers, radio, television and public addresses.
But in Slovakia, these medias are Communist controlled and are designed to promote militant atheism.
What has been said about the situation in Slovakia,
applies also to a lesser or greater degree to other countries
under Communist rule, and while Communist propaganda
and literature is freely distributed in the countries of the
Western Democracies, the frontiers of the countries under
Communist domination are virtually sealted to the printed
word from the West. This especially applies to articles of
a religious nature.
This state of affairs is contrary to the spirit of the
United Nations and is alien to the objectives of UNESCO.
Its toleration would only strengthen the hand of international Communism and encourage all actual or potential
dictators in their drive to enslave the rights and freedom
of mankind.
Having this in mind, we respectfully request that:
a) You bring the plight of the Slovak Nation to the
attention of the General Assembly of the United
Nations Organization,
b) the dignity of Slovaks be fully restored, so that
the Slovak Nation can take an honorable place
in the family of free Nations according to the spirit
of the United Nations and aims of UNESCO.
We trust that you will assist us in our request that
justice be done to the Slovak Nation and so fulfill the
principles of the United Nations and aims of UNESCO.
Yours respectfully,
Rev. Jan Krasnansky,
s. V.D.
Chaplain to the Slovak
Community in Sydney
Jan Secansky
Sydney, August 1972
Delegate to the Religious
Section of the Slovak
World Congress
�164
SLOVAKIA
Ethnic Studies
at C.C.N.Y. and the First Course
on the Slavic American Heritage
The City College of the City University of New York has
long taken pride both in the achievements of its students
and in the leading role it has played in recognizing and
adapting to new ethnic and cultural developments in New
York's multi-cultural and multi-national community. For
many years C.C.N.Y. has ranked with Harvard and the
University of California at Berkeley in the number of its
graduates who go on for doctorates. This year The City
College again took a leadership role by initiating the
nation's first college level course on the Slavic American
Heritage.
Different ethnic groups at City College have long
struggled for recognition and have broadened the college's
involvement in the community by pressing for the establishment of new programs and courses more "relevant" to
their ethnic backgrounds. In response to the students'
demands at C.C.N.Y. in 1969, New York's Board of Higher
Education authorized The City College to establish a Department of Urban and Ethnic Studies (UES) which would
engage in both instruction and research. This department
assists students in preparing for new careers in community
leadership, public service, education, and work with
voluntary agencies in urban areas.
In September of 1969 the new Department of Urban
and Ethnic Studies opened its doors with 183 students
enrolled in two courses in Afro-American and Puerto Rican
Studies. The following semester courses in urban and
community affairs were added. During the second year
the curriculum was expanded to include the beginnings
of Chinese-American and Carribean Studies.
From the beginning the Department of Urban and
Ethnic Studies exhibited striking vitality and growth. The
number of courses given by the Department rose from
two (in the fall of 1969) to thirteen (in the spring of 1970)
and then to twenty-three (in the spring of 1971). From
�SLOVAKIA
165
seven sections in the first semester it grew to forty-two
in the spring of 1971, while student enrollment rose from
183 to about 1400.
By Fall 1971, UES had been divided into three separate
departments: Black Studies, Puerto Rican Studies, and
Asian Studies. At the same time a separate department of
Jewish Studies had been created. It became administration
policy that an ethnic studies department could be established only if the particular ethnic group consisted of at least
5 percent of the student population at C.C.N.Y. Only the
four ethnic groups listed above contributed this much.
Others would have to be satisfied with basic courses only.
At present, City College's four ethnic studies departments offer a total of over 120 courses; these are attended
by more than 2300 students. Courses cover such varied
subjects as "Asian Women", "Black Folklore", "Community
Power Analysis and Research", "Political Modernization in
Black America", "The Contemporary Puerto Rican Family",
"Jewish Identity", "Jewish American Community", "Ethnic
Leaders", "Field Work Experience in a Bilingual Environment", and "Creative Research in Urban and Ethnic Studies".
Although hundreds of Slavic-American students attend
The City College, they do not constitute 5 percent of the
student body. Nonetheless many of them are eager to
explore their ethnic heritage within the context of college
study. America's Slavic-speaking population constitutes one
of the most significant "white minority" groups in the
country. Today, when all minority groups are trying to
assert their contribution to the nation's growth, very little
has been done to explore this group's history, culture,
social problems and its struggle to maintain its identity
in the United States. Systematic study of Slavic-Americans
and their heritage is long overdue.
There is a strong feeling of ethnic awareness among
some members of the younger generation, there are also
strong indications that the melting pot conception can not
be maintained any longer and that America is beginning
to recognize and appreciate the diversity of its ethnic
elements in terms of a new cultural pluralism . .As Prof.
Michael Novak puts it in his new book, The Rise of the
Unmeltable Ethnics, "It is time for a new cultural pluralism
�166
SLOVAKIA
and a politics that requires this new cultural pluralism
-one that draws from resources other than Anglo-Saxon
history and values."
The first course (being offered at City College), called
Slavic American Heritage, is listed among the College's
core requirements and is open to all interested students.
The course is presented by Prof. Peter Goy and is being
attended by 19 students. It is a survey of Slavic American
Heritage. It attempts to explore the history of Slavic
Americans. The course encompasses all Slavic-speaking
groups in the country (Belorussian, Bulgarian, Croatian,
Czech, Polish, Russian, Serbian, Slovenian, Slovak and
Ukrainian, to mention a few) and includes a brief history
of Slavs in the U.S.A. from the early XVII century to the
present. It stresses their struggle for survival in the New
World while emphasizing the participation of Slavs in
American life and the role they have played in U.S. History.
It expands upon current problems of identity and assimilation facing the younger generation. It takes into scope the
Slavic historical background, characteristics of the Slavic
population, economic conditions, religious conditions, education and contemporary literatures of the different ethnic
groups.
One of the aspects of this course is original research
and analysis made by the students on various aspects of
our contemporary Slavic groups, such as: Polish Ethnic
Press, Ukrainian Scientific Institutions, Contemporary Ethnic Leaders, Czech Community in New York, Contemporary
Slovak Women in America, Rhuthenians in U.S.A., Youth
Organizations and the Impact of Assimilation on SelfIdentity, Bicultural Conflict and Synthesis, etc.
In order to facilitate and further the original research
of the students and faculty, a collection of a Slavic Contemporary ethnic archive and library materials is essential.
Therefore, we would appreciate a donation of materials
such as books, pamphlets, periodicals, newspapers, leaflets,
films, etc, from all Slavic ethnic groups (Belorussian,
Bulgarian, Croatian, Czech, Polish, Russian, Serbian, Slovenian, Slovak, Ukrainian and others) in the United States,
a~ well as their organizations and patriotic individuals.
We strongly believe that in the near future other
colleges and universities, specifically those located in large
�SLOVAKIA
167
Slavic communities such as Detroit, Chicago, Cleveland,
Buffalo, etc., will accommodate their Slavic residents and
open the door to the vast richness, resourcefulness and
abundance of Slavic American Heritage.
Professor P. G o y
201 Goethals Hall
The City College of the University of New York
New York, N. Y. 10031
What Did the Slovak
Communists Want in 1968?
Dr. John M. Kochik
(A translation from the Slovak of Viktor Pavlenda's
co chcu Slovdci published in Svet socializmu, No. 32, August
6, 1968 by Obzor Publishers, Bratislava.)
"In January the movement was initiated for a democratic Czech and Slovak socialism which would be economically more dynamic, socially more just, ideologically
more progressive, comprehensively more human,-making
it more attractive than any existing socio-economic system.
The movement for this type of socialism is fast
developing across the country which two peoples and
nationalities inhabit. From the very essence of this movement proceeds its most basically inherent feature, namely,
the very democratization of the relationship between the
two peoples, between them and the nationalities living
among them, and between the nationalities living side-byside. However, should this essential element be disregarded
the movement would become pseudodemocratic, despite
the fact that one sector of society has been the ruling
nation until now and is reputedly the most democratic.
Therefore, the Slovaks have the complete right to formulate their national claims, while the Czechs have the
moral responsibility of seriously considering and democratically accepting them in the new democratic atmosphere
of thought and action.
�168
SLOVAKIA
What is the Basis of Our National Movement as a Natural
Ri ght,-A Right Suppressed and Ignored in the Past?
1. A half-century should suffice for an elder brother to
recognize the younger as thoroughly related, not adopted,
without a stepmother, but having his same very own
Czecho-Slovakian homeland. There could be no more fitting
occasion to acknowledge this self-same truth than the
fiftieth October-anniversary of governing together.
2. In its current history "something" always went
wrong in the real autonomy of the Slovak nation. First,
a word only about autonomy, later about all the remaining
issues. We regard as our most natural and sacred rights
the proclamation and recognition of the actual, genuine
self-rule of our people. This presupposes the elimination,
not only in words but in actual fact, of the present
humiliating- position of Slovakia, and the providing of it
with an equal opportunity of realization in all aspects of
social life.
3. The road to a new, just solution of the relationships
between our peoples should proceed through a politicaleconomic Czecho-Slovakian federation: an economicallyrational and nationally-just federation. Thus, we desire
neither that kind of federation which would crush the
Republic through a rigid control of the greater over the
lesser, nor such as would shatter the Republic by indecisive
free choice, one yelling 'To the left!', the other 'To the
right!'.
4. The Czecho-Slovak federation should systematically
transfer the inclusive spirit of the democratizing process
as such into the living conditions of both nations and into
the relationship between them. That means that, taken
objectively, henceforth it would insure more intensively
the acceleration of the process of raising the quality of
conditions in realizing the Czech and Slovak labor potential
both on the job as well as in life. But, simultaneously-and
this indeed holds true for socialist society-it must accelerate the process of making conditions of realization of the
national labor forces approach each other, and of further
equalizing the comparatively large discrepancies in economic and living standards between Slovakia and the Czech
regions . In these processes-the quality of conditions of
utilizing the citizen as such and the relatively-equal utiliza-
�SLOVAKIA
169
tion of both peoples-we realize the sense o! an economically-rational and a nationally-just federation.
5. It is completely natural (especially from the experiences of their former development) that nowadays the
Slovaks are not satisfied with promises nor with a referral
to the good intentions of another even though be is one's
very own brother, but they require the systematic guarantee of inclusive national autonomy in a federation.
We visualize the starting-point as in a nationally-just
pyramid of authoritative governmental bodies; national
governmental bodies with original authority-federal governmental bodies with derived competency agreed upon
by the national governmental bodies.
6. We wish to establish a federation and the functioning of federal governmental bodies upon three principles:
economy, flexibility and effectiveness, and national justice.
The realization of these principles are demanded so
that federal governmental bodies would be numerically
minimal with a small apparatus. We demand the nationallyjust activity of federal governmental bodies in: the prohibition of majority-rule in legislative acts, the equal structuring of the administration and applicable solutions (that
is, the prohibition of majority-rule, parity, agreements) in
the federal executive governmental bodies.
We implore the second, Czech, party, that is the Czech
citizen:-consider this matter in silence, without prejudice,
and give an answer six times! It is not an expression most
completely natural that from these six basic principles
the Slovaks proceed, placing one bother on an equal footing
with the other brother? Or, does someone wish to shout
us down repeatedly with the renewed expression: "Co
vlastne ti Slovdci chteji?" (In the original Slovak text this
question is given in the Czech language and meaning "What
do those Slovaks actually want?", note that this question
relates to the title and theme of the article.-Translator's
comment.)
I will not cease being an optimist. I still believe that
the answer of our Czech brother will be non-Antonine
(A passible reference to Antonin Novotny, First Party
Secretary and the President of the Republic, his regime,
policies and character.-Translator's comment), different
in substance from its present usage, and that it will be
worthy to the development of the Czech people."
�170
SLOVAKIA
AS OTHERS SEE IT
The Church in Czecho-Slovakia been forced into early retirement
is very weak, but it will continue to make them scarcer.
Yet, strange as it may sound, the
to survive. There are 14 dioceses,
but only two bishops. The govern- government is not suppressing rement will not permit any more to ligion altogether. Firstly, it is
be consecrated, so 12 of the 14 afraid to do so. Secondly, the Comdioceses must function with a munist Party is split on the issue
priest who serves as vicar for the of how much to suppress religion.
diocese. The vicars are chosen Some argue that it must be persecuted as fiercely as it is in Red
largely by the state.
No Catholic schools are permit- China. Others say that if it is kept
ted in Czecho-Slovakia, though two weak, it will gradually die out as
seminaries are still functioning, Communism takes over. A third
one for Czechs and one for Slovaks. point: Communist leaders for the
There are about 150 in the Czech most part are becoming increasingseminary, not many for 10 million ly pragmatic.
They persecute religion only in
Czechs, most of whom are Catholic.
There are about 200 seminarians a ritualistic way, paying lip service
in the seminary for Slovaks, in to Communist ideology. They persecute it mostly inasmuch as it
Bratislava.
About 3,500 priests are active. constitutes a force outside of the
Another 500 must work as laymen, total power structure they have
since the government does not re- allocated to themselves. Absolute
cognize them as priests. Approxi- dictators have always tried to permately 35 priests are ordained each secute religion and weaken it to
year. Worst of all, most of the the point where it has no power,
nuns have recently been confined unless they have the power in their
to work as staff in mental institu- hands.
The police are not much in evition. Had we a Catholic Anti-Defamation League in the United dence in Czecho-Slovakia. Nor are
States, we could bring enough there Russian soldiers on the street.
pressure to bear to stop such but everyone knows there are
80,000 Soviet troops stationed just
abuses.
Remember how Stalin used to 30 miles away. Everyone rememcall it "changing the guard" when bers how Moscow sent in 650,000
he had a purge of Party officials? troops in a great hurry four years
It still goes on. Three hundred ago, to crush the "human face"
thousand members of the Commu- type of Communism Alexander
nist Party have been purged in Dubcek had tried to introduce.
One of the first buildings I saw
Czecho-Slovakia in the past four
years. Forty per cent of the writers in Prague was a training school
have been forced out of their pro- for future members of the Party.
fession. Fifty thousand union mem- It is the Party members and they
bers were purged. The remaining alone who get all the good jobs
writers stick to the Communist and who run every facet of governline, attacking the clergy as "fas- ment. Membership is limited to
cists" and "Nazi." A large percent- those the Party invites, such as
age of the monasteries have been sons or friends of Party members,
closed recently, and priests have or those who do not practice their
�SLOVAKIA
religion and for other reasons appeal to the ruling class. Only Party
members can be candidates in a
system where to be nominated by
the Party is a guarantee of "election." Only Party members can
hold trusted position. Only they
have all the power.
Communists argue that if the
whole world were Communist,
there would be no wars. But
Czecho-Slovakia is a direct refutation of that theory. The country
was brutally invaded in 1968 when
it tried to humanize its type of
Communism. Nor is it true that
Communism lessens crime.
Any visitor to Czecho-Slovakia
sees prostitutes walking the main
streets at night. Cars are often
stripped or stolen. Drugs are not
a problem, though they are in
Moscow. Alcohol, which we often
fail to think of as a drug, is a
huge problem in all those countries. Stealing stocks and bonds is
not a problem. But stealing from
the state is on a much greater
scale than anything we can imagine. "The whole system," I was
told repeatedly, "is built on stealing."-Father Dan Lyons. Twin
Circle, November 10, 1972.
VIENNA (AP) - Travel fo a
Westerner may be occassionally
troublesome, but this is nothing
compared to the battle with red
tape an East European traveler
encounters, if he just goes from
one Communist country to another.
The Slovak Assn. of Journalists
recently issued what it called "a
recipe for avoiding difficulties with
passport and customs control"
which lists so many things to do
that it might in fact discourage
anybody from making the trip in
the first place.
The association's biweekly publication, listed the regulations applying in the various East Europe-
171
an countries, which in the case of
the Soviet Union alone covered 21
lines.
The hard-core measures are
nearly the same in every East
European country. Each wants to
know who crosses the border,
watches that not too much of its
national currency is taken out, nor
rare consumer goods which the
East European countries prefer to
sell in the West for hard currency.
Red tape starts at home.
Slovaks have to file customs and
foreign currency declarations; in
some cases they must also have
exit permits. Anyone intending to
take a gift exceeding $20 along
must obtain permission.
Anyone wanting to visit the Soviet Union or Poland must have
a visa. Joining a tour of a state
travel agency makes this relatively
simple. But anyone who wants to
visit privately must have an invitation authenticated by a Soviet militia.-Werner Olimann
WAKE FOREST, N. C. (NC)Ethnic Americans are "neither angels nor devils" but an unusual
combination of political liberals
and old fashioned patriots, according to Father Andrew Greeley.
The ethnic "believes that progress is possible and that change is
desirable," Father Greeley told a
conference here on Civil Religion
in America.
"If he is less likely now than he
was 20 years ago to describe himself as a liberal, the reason is not
that he is any less committed to
change or any less sympathetic
with the oppressed but simply that
he has much less confidence in
American liberalism now."
The ethnics, Father Greeley
said, "like the United States of
America. The flag, the 'Star Spangled Banner,' the Constitution, the
Declaration of Independence, the
�172
SLOVAKIA
Capitol building, the office of the
presidency-all of these are admired symbols which together sum
up the gratitude the ethnic feels
for what the United States has
made possible for him: freedom,
dignity, comfort, security-things
which his ancestors in the countries
from which they fled or were
driven would not have dreamt possible."
Father Greeley, director of the
University of Chicago's Center for
the study of American Pluralism,
said that members of ethnic groups
are "less likely" than other Americans to favor the Vietnam war and,
despite a tradition of anti-communism, they do not object to reapproachment with China or the
Soviet Union."
Members of ethnic groups, descendants of the most recent waves
of European immigrants, have not
been in America "long enough or
achieved that level of security
where it becomes easy to hate and
despite the United States," the
priest-sociologist said.
"An appeal to the conscience of
the ethnic against war and against
injustice that is based on American
patriotism has much better chance
of being effective than one based
on denunciation of America as a
sick society, burning American
flags, and ridiculing American institutions," Father Greeley said.
Ethnics want to eliminate "hunger, misery, poverty, bad housing,
bad education, and every other sort
of social ill wherever is can be
found in America," he said. "They
supported the New Deal social reforms and have continued to vote
for liberal congressional candidates
who have extended and enlarged
the New Deal."
At the same time, Father Greeley
said, ethnics place "a strong emphasis on the freedom and dignity
of the individual person. A person
should not be messed with or
hassled by large bureaucratic agencies, be they governmental,
labor, business, or ecclesiastical."
Father Greeley spoke at a conference sponsored by the ~outhwestern Baptist Theological Seminary here and the American Jewish
Committee.
PITISBURGH-Tbey aren't the
Same Old Steelers anymore. Just
ask Gerela's Gorillas, Franco's
Italian Army or the newly formed
Dobra Shunka fan club.
All those have been spawned by
the success of the Pittsburgh Steelers, making a strong bid for the
first division title in their 40-year
pro football history.
Gerela\s GO!fillas favor placekicker Roy Gerela, and rookie
running sensation Franco Harris
is the honorary commander of
Franco's Italian Army. But what
about Dobra Shunka?
"That's Slovak for 'Great Ham,' "
says Steeler linebacker Jack Ham,
whose ancestors were European.
"They're a great bunch of guys,"
Ham added. "Most of them live over
in Port Vue, same as Gerela's
Gorillas. You can't beat enthusiasm
like that."
Ham knows first hand the degree of Steeler mania. He's probably the only pro football player
ever to get an ovation during a
church sermon.
"It happened at evening Mass the
Sunday we beat Kansas City," recalls Ham, who attends St. Bernard's Roman Catholic Church in
suburban Dormont.
The monsignor was sermonizing
on parish matters when suddenly
he decided to switch topics and
proclaimed from the pulpit, "How
about those Steelers!"
During the ensuing praise, he
asked if Steeler vice President Dan
�SLOVAKIA
Roomey, a member of the parish,
was in attendance. Rooney wasn't
but Ham was and one of the faithful stood up and introduced him
as "Jack Ham-the Steelers great
linebacker. "
173
"It was really something," recalls Ham. "They gave me a big
ovation just like we were out at
the stadium, I even stayed after
Mass and signed autographs."( Associated Press)
Astronaut Gene Cernan is of Slovak origin. His grandfather migrated
to the U.S.A. from Vysoka, Kysuce region, Slovakia
�174
SLOVAKIA
BOOK
REVIEWS
BOOKS ON SLOVAKIA
Reviewed by J.M. Kirschbaum
The Czechoslovak Reform Move- of view. It also put into proper
ment by Galla Golan, Cambridge, perspective the economic as well
at the University Press, 1971, as political and national reasons
for which young Slovak intellectuBibl., 334 pages.
Among the dozens of books on als, all of them staunch supporters
the de-Stalinization and liberation of the Communist Party, began to
movement in Czecho-Slovakia, the rebel against the Stalinist system.
present book by Galia Golan, Lec- There is no doubt that economic
turer in Political Science and Rus- as well as political disparity betsian Studies at the Hebrew Univer- ween Slovakia and the Czech lands
sity in Jerusalem, is one of the became intolerable even to Slovak
most objective and best research- Communists. The spark for the
ed works. Whereas many authors moment came, however, from the
of books on the reform movement writers and intellectuals who cravin Czecho-Slovakia viewed the situ- ed for more freedom and could not
ation from Prague and dealt with tolerate the injustice committed on
the events mostly on the basis of so-called Slovak "bourgeois nationCzech sources (see our reviews in alists" who were freed from prisSlovakia for 1970 and 1971, and in ons, but not rehabilitated. The
Slavica Canadiana A. D.1970), the Czech intellectuals joined the
present book does not suffer from movement three or four years
any anti-Slovak bias. The author later, in 1967 and 1968, and gave
objectively analyzed the beginnings it the weight which paved the way
of the reform movement from 1963 for the events of 1968. Unfortuto 1968, and recognized the role nately, it would appear that they
which was played by Slovak writ- not only helped the movement to
ers, journalists and politicians. As get momentum, but also pushed it
a result, the picture is quite dif- to the extreme and in the end gave
ferent from many other books on the Soviets a prete~t for the inthe subject. Because except for vasion.
the books by Skilling, Shawcross,
The book is an excellent survey
Fejto, Lungi and Ello, the reform of the whole period from 1963 to
movement in Czecho-Slovakia and 1968. It is divided into six chapespecially its last phase, was a- ters. In its Introduction the book
scribed by Western observers and surveys the years 1956-1962 and
analysts to Czech intellectuals and then it analyzes the revolt of the
several books were published under intellectuals, the economic reforms,
the title: The Prague Spring. In reforms in the social cultural
some instances, even Dubcek's .role spheres, political reforms, the ewas played down and other Slovaks vents of 1967 and 1968. The author
wei"e omitted or ignored.
paid special attention to Slovaks
Galla Golan's book is, however, in the second chapter, as well as
obje<:tive not only from this point in Chapters V and VI. In one chap-
�SLOVAKIA
ter the author analyzes specially
the "pressures from the Slovaks
and the youth." In the chapter on
economic reforms, the book gives
credit to the efforts of Dr. Eugen
Loebl and to his plan for reforming
the bankrupt economy. Other Slovak reformers, either in economic
fields or in the political structure
of Czecho-Slovakia are equally
mentioned and so are Slovak periodicals, especially Kulturny Zivot
and Slovenske Pohl'ady.
Galia Golan seems to understand
much better than other specialists
in Eastern Europe the basic issues
which separate Slovaks and Czechs
and which dramatically came to
the surface during the years 19631968. Trying to present an objective picture of the whole situation
she avoided simplifications and,
therefore, her book will remain as
one of the best researched and
scholarly written analysis of the
attempts by Slovaks and Czechs to
give Communism a human face.
Wolfgang Venohr: Aufstand fii,r die
Tschecho-Slowakei (Uprising for
Czecho-Slovakia), Christian Wegner Verlag, Hamburg, 1969, bibl.,
ill., doc., 372 p.
The War period of the Slovak
history has been avoided for a long
time in German historiography.
Many more books were published
in English than in the German language. When finally books on Slovakia appeared in Germany, they
were written by historians coming
not from Germany but from other
Eastern European countries (Ludwig von Gogolak, Jorg K. Hoensch,
Almar Reitzner) and the backgrounds of the authors influenced
their attitudes and interpretation
of the dramatic period of modern
Slovak history.
The book under review is the
first one by a Western writer on
the uprising which occured in Slo-
175
vakia in the Fall of 1944 and was
presented until now only by memoirs or books written by the Communist participants, except for one
volume of documents edited by V.
Precan.
Venohr's book does not agree
completely with the Communist
interpretation and sheds a new
light on the bloody and controversial rebellion which was at least
three times re-interpreted by the
Communists themselves. There is
no note on the author of the book
and of his credentials. The work
is comprehensive and refers not
only to many printed sources but
also to personal interviews with
the Communist participants and
officers of the Slovak army involved in the uprising. Interviews
with non-Communist participants,
even though some of them live in
Germany, are missing. In view of
the fact that the non-Communist
organizers and participants of the
uprising did not publish uptil now
their version of the political aims
and of the part played by the Slovak army or non-Communist population, Venohr's book fills an important gap.
It is, however, very hard to
say how far his interpretation is
free of any bias, in spite of the fact
that he states in his epilogue that
he tried to avoid an ideological approach. As he says, the aim of his
book was to "help the Slovaks to
gain their international respect and
develop brotherly relations built
on equality of rights with the
Czechs." At the same time the
book should "serve to create a
better understanding between Germany and Czecho-Slovakia."
Venohr's presentation of the Slovak Republic and his survey of
Slovak history would indicate that
he endeavored to look at Slovaks
without the usual bias which we
can find in some Western and
�17~
SLOVAKIA
Communist history books. Throughout the book, there is an effort to
avoid the negative attitude towards
the Slovak struggle for independence. There is no a priori denial
of bonafide actions and goodwill
on the part of the Slovak politicians
and in one instance the author
even states that from the scientific
point of view nobody can seriously
speak about Fascism in Slovakia
(p. 30).
Nevertheless, on many pages
of the book he uses the term "Klerikal Faschismus" ( clerofascism)
coined by the Communists. Venohr
accepted as valid the statement by
President Dr. Tiso that the existence of the Slovak Republic will
be of great importance for the
future generations, but in his view
the uprising is even of greater importance for historical claims of
Slovak national identity. This is,
of course, a debatable view but it
sums up Venohr's attitude towards
the uprising. From this premise,
the author approached all the events and persons involved in the
history of Slovakia from 1938 to
1945.
The volume is composed of
two parts. In the first part he
writes about the independent Slovakia, the Slovak army until 1943,
about the political opposition; the
unwanted partizan war; the military conspiracy; the memorandum
by General Catlo§ and the mission
to Moscow by Smidke.
The second part is entitled:
"Occupation and Uprising." It
contains six chapters in which the
author speaks about military events of the uprising from the time
Germany sent two divisions to fight
the Soviet partizans. Their arrival,
however, triggered off the uprising
of the Slovak army units and led
to events of historical importance.
Venohr describes the battles in
various parts of Slovakia with the
Slovak army which was preparing
an uprising against Germans independently of ,t he Soviet partizans, as well as the political aims
of the whole uprising. It is mainly
in this part of the book where the
author differs from the Communist
historiographers but it is to be
regretted that he did not confront
statements of the people with
whom he had interviews with the
writings and opinions of the nonCommunist participants who live
in the West. He also failed to
mention that the Communists originally aimed at establishing a Slovak Soviet Republic and not Czecho-Slovakia.
In spite of this, Venohr's description and evaluation of the
events seems to be much more
objective and closer to the historical truth than the one-sided interpretation published in today's Slovakia by Communist writers, or by
some Western historians who adopted the Czech or the Communist
interpretation. His stress on the
divergence of views between the
Communists and military leadership on one side and the Bene§
Government on the other sheds
a new light on the uprising whose
final history is still to be written.
The memorandum and the attempts
by the Minister of National Defense of the Slovak Republic, General F. Catlo§, to come to an agreement with Moscow to save Slovakia of occupation is another important revelation in the book,
since it has not been taken into
consideration by Western historians. A number of documents attached to the book also enhance
its value.
However, in spite of Venohr's
endeavor to be objective towards
the leaders of the Slovak Republic,
there are, of course, still some inaccuracies in his book which could
have been corrected if the author
�SLOVAKIA
had interviewed the emigre Slovak
historians or political leaders. His
survey of Slovak history also suffers accepting the Czech rather
than the Slovak interpretation of
the Slovak past. There is no doubt
that Slovakia suffered a sort of
social decapitation and lost their
leading classes to Hungarian assimilation and policy. There was,
however, Slovak national consciousness a long time before Stt'.ir's period and we can safely say that
Slovak national renaissance started in the 17th century and the
Bernolak group, which is not even
mentioned by Venohr, deserves
credit for the national awakening
of the Slovak people. Economically,
Slovakia also presented a different
picture. Even with these shortcomings Venohr's book is, however,
much closer to the historical facts
and objective interpretation of the
War period in Slovak history than
. any other work published in the
West, exept for books written by
Slovak exiled historians who defe nd the right of the Slovak people
to self determination and independence.
vm and
IX. · Historica 5-6, Slovak Institute, Cleveland-Rome, 1969, pp.
216 and 231, bibl., ill.
Slovak Studies, Volume
The recent volumes of Slovak
Studies are an additional contribution to the research into. the Slovak
history in ,t he English language.
In comparison with the previous
volµmes, the contributors are
mostly from the younger generation and several of them from
among Slovak intellectuals educa.ted at American universities. For
this reason, both volumes also contain essays on American Slovaks.
In view of the fact that there is no
history book on the achievements
and contribution of American Slovaks to Slovak national develop-
177
ment, these contributions are of
particular value.
The first volume contain four
contributions: "The Role of American Slovaks in the Creation
of Czecho-Slovakia, 1914-1918," by
M. M. Stolarik; a study "Education
in Slovakia" by M. I. Angelovic
SS.C.M.; "The Quadrennial Reports
of the Bishops of Nitra to Rome,"
by E. Bouydosh; and "A Short
Survey of the Eastern Catholic
Churches," by Prof. M. Lacko, S.J.
To the second volume contributed Msgr. J . Rekem "Selected Chapters from the Slovak Cultural History"; F. Vnuk, a study "British
Recognition of Independent Slovalda in 1939"; M. Tybor, "Fa_ther
Matthew Jankola (1872-1916)"; J .
J. Karch, . Slovakia Under Communism, 1944-1964"; Prof. M. Lacko,
"A Historical Song from Eastern
Slovakia" and "Camaldulese Red
Monastery-Cerveny Klastor."
All contributions are on the level
of academic papers and point to
new aspects and new knowledge of
the Slovak past. From the historical point of view, the most relevant
is, of course, the well researched
and well written assay on British
recognition of independent Slovakia in 1939 and Stolarik's M.A.
thesis on the role of American
Slovaks in the creation of Czechoslovakia, while from the cultural
point of view the thesis on education in Slovakia by Sister .Angelovic and the essay on J ankola by
Sister Tybor deserve particular
mention.
F. Vnuk's research into the British archives brought forth some
very interesting information on the
attitude of Great Britain towards
Slovakia and many unknown documents which prove· that the Government of Great Britain and British diplomats had quite a different
view of the Slovak problem than
the Czech exiles, headed by Dr.
�178
SLOVAKIA
Bene§, made us believe and smuggled into Western historiography.
It would appear from Vnuk's study
that Great Britain was neither
eager to recognize the Czecho-Slovak government in exile, nor believed to adverse reports on Slovakia, and that Slovaks needed only
some good diplomats in London to
put Slovakia and her striving for
independence into a different light
in the West. Vnuk certainly deserves recognition for studying the
British archives because our knowledge of Great Britain's attitude
towards Slovakia was very limited
until now.
Msgr. Rekem's contribution "Selected Chapters from the Slovak
Cultural History" is a concise view
of Slovak cultural development
from the Middle Ages to the Bernolak period, written on the pattern of his previous studies either
in English, German, or Slovak and,
as usual, well documented. The
essay would deserve to be distributed as a separate publication.
M. Stolarik's contribution to the
volume is an M. A. thesis and as
such indicating that we can expect
from the young historian further
valuable contribution to the exploration of the history of Slovaks
in the United States. His thesis is
well balanced and based on research into the unknown as well
as published sources, and enhanced
by a useful bibliography.
There is no need to write about
Prof. Lacko's contribution since he
has been an accepted authority on
the subjects he writes about and
his contributions are marked by
thorough knowledge and originality. E. Bouydosh's contribution is a
continuation of his previous research and writings and of interest
for Slovak religious past.
From - the Slovak point of view
the contributions by the Sisters of
SS. Cyril and Methodius, M. I. An-
gelovic and M. Tybor deserve special mention. It would seem that
both contributions are M. A. theses
or parts thereof. They are valuable not only by their contents but
also by their originality and research into the unknown and unpublished sources. In view of the
fact that scholars in today's Slovakia are not allowed to extend their
research into the history of Slovaks abroad, both contributions are
of particular interest for Slovak
historiography.
The essay by J. J. Karch "Slovakia Under Communism, 1944-1964"
is a well written account but too
short to give a complete picture.
It would be useful if this theme
could be enlarged in Slovak Studies by the author or other Slovak
specialists in modem Slovak history.
To conclude, we can say that
both volumes honorably represent
the efforts of Slovak intellectuals
in the West to fill the gap of
knowledge of the Slovak past among Western historians and students of Central Eastern Europe.
L'oecumenisme at le panslavisme
de l'abbe JEAN PALARIK, par
Joseph Vavrovic; These presentee
a la Faculte des Arts de l'Universite d'Ottawa en vue l'obtention du Ph.D. en Etudes Slaves,
Ottawa, 1972, 470 p.
The thesis under review is a
mature scholarly work, apparently
the result of a long and thorough
research into the archives and published sources pertaining to the
historical background and to the
activities of Jan Palarlk, whose
dramatic works survived until the
present time, but whose ecumenism
was forgotten and his panslavic
ideas were over-shadowed by his
famous countrymen: Jan Koll.Ar
and L'udovit Stur. In view of tlle
present trend in the Catholic
�SLOVAKIA
Church, and the misuse of the idealistic panslavism by the Soviet
Union, Palarik's 19th century ideas, for which he suffered persecution from the ecclesiastic superiors and was scorned by adherents of panslavism based on
Russian leadership, are actual and
timely and the thesis is, in many
ways, an original work.
The thesis is divided into three
parts: historical background of the
activities of Jan Palarik; the ecumenism of Palarik, and the panslavism of Palarik. In the first part
the author of the thesis discusses
the nationalist wave in Hungary
after the Congress of Vienna, the
insurrection in 1848 and the period
of absolutism of Bach and the di·
vision of the monarchy into the
Austrian and Hungarian part. In
part two, the thesis deals with the
origins of Palarik's ecumenism, his
activities as editor of the monthly
Cyrill a Method and with the con·flict with his ecclesiastic superiors.
Part three gives a survey of the
origins of panslavism and draws a
distinction between Palarik's idea
of panslavism and that of Jan Kollar.
Palarik's ecumenism stemmed
from his concern for the Slovak
people who were menaced by Magyarization and weakened by religious division. The Slovak Catholic clergy made many efforts towards uniting with Slovak Protestants in cultural and literary activities even before Palarik's time.
Encouraged by J. M. Hurban's
work on the union of Slovak Lu•
therans with Calvinists in Hungary
(Unia cili spojeni Lutheranu s Kalviny v Uhrach, Budin, 1846, 240
p.), Palarik took, however, a step
further. He recommended also a
religious union, basing his views
on similar tendencies of Catholic
theologians in Germany and France
and insisting on it for patriotic rea-
179
sons. Palarik developed his national
ecumenism in a series of articles
published in the monthly Cyrill a
Method of which he was editor.
Supported by several other young
Catholic clergymen who advocated
not only the union with Slovak
Protestants but also far reaching
reforms of the Catholic Church in
Hungary, Palarik came into conflict with the hierarchy and especially with the Archbishop-Primas
Scitovsky. His progressive and democratic ideas gained him, nevertheless, many adherents amongst
Slovak Catholics. Unfortunately, he
failed to obtain an adequate response on the part of Slovak Lutherans and after Palarik had to
submit to the Church authorities,
the movement for uniting Slovaks
in their religion slowly died down.
In Msgr. Vavrovic's analysis it
was nevertheless an interesting
movement on the part of Slovak
Catholics and Palarik emerges
from the thesis as a well educated
idealistic patriot concerned about
the progress of the Slovak people
and about the reform in the Catholic Church on much similar lines
as have been accepted by the last
Vatican Council. In his series on
the necessity of union of Catholics
with Lutherans in Slovakia, he referred to well-known contemporary
theologians and fought for his
ideas in prose as well as in verses
to make an impact on the leaders
and believers of both churches.
Palarik's panslavism was generally as idealistic as Kollar's or
Stur's concept of Slavic reciprocity.
He differed, however, from them
in his favorable attitude towards
Poland and not only failed to advocate Russian supremacy and
leadership but also insisted on the
necessity of equality of all Slavic
peoples. There are echoes of Herder's and Hegel's philosophy and
prophecies about the role the Slavs
�180
SLOVAKIA
will play in the world in Palarik's
panslavism, ·. even though he did
not refer to them. From Stur who
advocated . the acceptance .of the
Russian orthodoxy · by all Slavic
peoples Palarik also differed in
religious respect by advocl;l.ting the
union of all Slavs in the Catholic
Church, referring to the words of
Christ about "one shepherd and
one fold." His defense of Poles who
were subjugated by the Russians
caused him criticism from other
Slovak panslavists. Nevertheless
Palarik deserves recognition for
creating two concepts of panslavism in Slovakia, and the present
Soviet domination of Slavic peoples
proves that he was right in refuting panslavism based on Russian
leadership and supremacy.
Since Palarik has been known
for the past 100 years mostly as
a playwright and dramatist, whose
works : Incognito (i858), D'rotar
(1860), Smierenie and Dobrodruzstvo pri Obzinkach (1862), Dimitrij
samozvanec (1870), have been played until the present day, the thesis
by Msgr. Vavrovic contributes to the
knowledge of Palarik's activities
and ideas which make him one of
the most progressive and democratic Slovak leader of the 19th
century.
In conclusion we can say that
the thesis is a valuable piece
of academic writing. In view of the
role played by panslavism in Slavic literatures and in the awakening of Slavic peoples, the thesis
will add to this movement a new
dimension: the ecumenic idea and
a new conception of mutuality among Slavs. The knowledge of
numerous languages by the author
and his intellectual training made
it possible to shed light on both
movements from various points of
view: philosophical, theological and
literary. He also presented the
subject in a clear style and methodically well balanced.
The author of the thesis used
practically all relevant sources in
several languages and displayed a
thorough knowledge of ·the basic
works on panslavism and ecumenism. At the same time, he seems to
know all writings by and on Palarik as his numerous quotations
and bibliography indicate.
Editor's remark:
The reviewer, Prof. Joseph M.
Kirschbaum, was a member of the
jury which examined the a:uthor at
the defense of his thesis · and recommended its acceptance summa
cum laude.
Milan S. :i'>urica: La Morte di M. R.
Stefanik Alla Luce Dei Documenti Militari Italiani Inediti,
Collana di Studi Sull'Europa 0rientale, Univsersita Degli Studi
di Padova, Padova, 1971, pp. 94.
For the past fifty years, the
mysterious death of. one of the co~
founder of Czec.ho-Slovakia, General Milan R. Stefanik, gave ground
to various hypotheses and accusations and created dissensions between Czechs and Slovaks. While
on the part of the Prague government Stefanik's death was attributed to an accident, on the Slovak
side persisted the belief t];J.at Stefanik lost his life because Dr. Benes and also T. G. Masaryk disagreed with Stefanik's political
views and wanted to prevent him
from taking part in the political
life of Czecho-Slovakia. The circumstances in which the aeroplane
bringing Stefanik from Italy to his
native land crashed near Bratislava
favored the . hypothesis that the
crash was due to an artillery attack
ordered by an officer of the Czecho-Slovak army who allegedly mistook the Italian aircraft for a
Hungarian one.
Also the manner in which the
�SLOVAKIA
181
Prague government handled the
investigation of the accident and
fought the rumors and allegations
accusing Dr. Benes of the responsibility for Stef{mik's death, helped to strengthen the belief that
Stefanik actually was a victim of
a political plot. Even though he
was a member of the Czecho-Slovak
government and his arrival was
announced, there were no preparations for his reception and the
archives containing the investigation records were kept top-secret
during the whole existence of the
pre-war Czecho-Slovakia.
directly confirms the belief that
Stefanik was the victim of a political plot.
As all historical works by !Jurica,
also the present one is well researched and well written. Its
scholarly value is enhanced by
references to practically all known
books and articles on Stefanik's
life and death, in addition to his
own thorough research of Italian
military archives.
The essay was originally published in the periodical n Mondo
Slavo of which Prof. !Jurica is one
of the founders and editors.
For the above reasons, the death
of Stefanik attracted writers as
well as historians. Professor :i'.>urica
has reviewed in his publication
riot only the circumstances of Stefanik's death, but also analyzed the
probability of all hypotheses advanced in the past. In addition, he
~xamined for the first time the
Italian military archives pertaining
to the departure of General M. R.
Stefanik from Italy to his native
Slovakia. In the past, the life and
death of Stefanik were usually
treated on the basis of French,
Slovak and Czech sources, memoirs, . and reminiscences. Professor
nurica rightly considered it necessary to study the Italian archives
and by doing so, he made a valuable contribution to the efforts of
solving the mystery of Stefanik's
death. He was successful in proving
incorrect several assertions of the
Prague government especially those
concerning the meteorological conditions, the alleged inexperience
of the pilot and the allegation that
Stefanik's arrival was not announced before. As historian, :i'.>urica avoided pronouncing any firm
conclusion as to which hyphothesis
is correct but his research destroyed the Prague government's version of Stefanik's death and in-
Michael Novak, The Rise of the
Unmeltable Ethnics, The McMillan Company, New York, N. Y.,
1972, pp. 321, Price $7.95.
For the past four or five years,
many American scholars expressed
their doubts as to whether the
United States became a "melting
pot" or if that theory was just a
myth. Several conferences of historical societies and sociologists
and linguists suddenly discovered
that America was a multi-cultural
society and that the ethnic groups
were not melted. The result of this
academic discovery called the attention of the politicians and results in debates and finally in a
Bill on Centers of Ethnic Studies
in the Congress.
However, neither the studies of
sociologists and historians, nor the
recent Bill of Schweiker and Pucinski are as palatable and, by
their approach, as human as is the
book by Prof. Novak. Besides being well researched, the book is
a real confession and a deep reflection on the human structure of
America of today, written in excellent style, placing the book between a work of science and a novel.
The author is professor of philosophy and religious studies at the
State University of New York at
�182
SLOVAKIA
Old Westbury and has to his credit the reader; his hardly ornamental
ten books, mostly dealing with name for the ethnic groups "PIGS."
philosophy, theology and Catholics. He also separates Poles from other
Prof. Novak is a third generation Slavs, even though the Polish AAmerican Slovak whose conscious- mericans preserved some of the
ness of ethnic background was a- most Slavic characteristics.
wakened not long ago during the
Novak's book is bound to shake
presidential campaigns by Barry the conscience of many Americans,
Goldwater and Governor George and will probably do so for a deWallace in 1966. As Novak writes cade to come. It may be worthwhile
in his book, he was "alarmed by the for many American Slovaks to concleavage between the old WASP sider as to whether they should
and the new technological con- actively join this new political
sciousness" and "felt increasingly force. It would perhaps be good to
uncomfortable with the condescen- do so not only for their own sake
sion and disdain heaped upon and the United States but also for
Catholics." So he found himself the country of their fathers and
beginning to say "we" rather than forefathers-Slovakia.
"they" when he spoke of ethnics
(page 63). Since that time, Prof. Slavs in Canada, Vol. m, Compiled
and Edited by Prof. Cornelius J.
Novak made a thorough study of
Jaenen, University of Ottawa,
the ethnic problem in the United
1971, 348 pages. Price: $7.00.
States, mostly in its psychological,
sociological and political aspects.
The third volume of Slavs in
Due to his philosophical educa- Canada contains proceeding of the
tion and writing talent, Novak Third National Conference on Cawrote in his book some of the , nadian Slavs held in 1969 at York
most interesting insights into the ' University in Toronto. Professors
life, aspiration and problems of the of Slavic Studies at various Canamany millions of Americans who dian universities organized in 1965
are neither WASPS nor Blacks. under the leadership of Professor
It is a delight to read for instance B. Bociurkiw a committee whose
his chapter "Confessions of a task was to study the problems of
White Ethnic" in which he ana- Canadian Slavs. The committee was
lyses some of the basic psycho- successful in organizing the first
logical problems which various Conference on Canadian Slavs in
ethnic groups, especially Slavs, and Banff, the second in Ottawa, and
as far as religion is concerned, all the third in Toronto, attracting
American Catholics, had to face many specialists in Slavic and ethfrom the time of their immigration nic studies. While the first and
up to the present day.
second Conferences were dealing
Prof. Novak who has been a staff predominantly with the general
member in several recent political problems of Canadian Slavs, the
campaigns, envisages the "unmelt- third Conference was divided into
able ethnics" as the new political six sections dealing with research,
force of the seventies.
politics and law, education, IanHe came to that conclusion as guages and literature, journalism
a result of the study of numerous and folklore. Altogether 22 papers
books dealing with present day were presented and discussed in
America, as his many references those sections and the volume unand quotations indicate. There is der review contains the edited text
one thing which bothers, however, of the papers.
�SLOVAKIA
One of the most interesting
studies in the volume is a volumi•
nous paper on the ethnic identification and attitudes of university
students of Ukrainian descent by
Prof. B. Bociurkiw. His conclusions
can apply to students of other
Slavic groups not only in Canada
but apparently also in the United
States. Another paper of general
interest was presented by Prof. V.
Szyrynski on the subject "Ethnic
Integration and Psychological Adjustment," while Prof. J . D. Gagnon from the Universite de Montreal gave his views about the position of immigrants in Quebec if
that Province became independent
183
Jaroslaw A. Piekalkiewicz: Public
Opinion PoUing in Czechoslovakia, 1968-69, Results and Analysis
of Surveys Conducted During the
Dubcek Era, Praeger Publishers,
New York, Washington, London,
1972.
The number of books which dealt
with the political upheavals in
Czecho-Slovakia in 1968, was so
great that another book would
seem superfluous. Some 60 books
were published in the English language alone, and there were a
dozen books in other West European languages. Nevertheless, the
present volume on Public Opinion
Besides these basic studies, the
Polling will be very useful for hisvolume contains interesting intorians and students of Eastern
sights into the Canadian education
and minority rights, a study on the Europe.
influence of the English language
Its specific value lies in the fact
on Slavic languages and the por• that it embraces the whole territory
trayal of Canada's ethnic groups in of Czecho-Slovakia and pays attensome French Canadian novels. For tion to the relations between Slothe first time, the Conference paid vaks and Czechs which, in many
attention to the ethnic press and other publications, was overlooked
the papers dealing with the sub- or minimized. In addition, this book
ject contained an essay on Byelo- expresses the opinions of many
russian publications in Canada by Czechs and Slovaks and, as a result,
A. A. Hrycuk, "The Ideological is not a write-up by an observer
Orientation of the Canadian Slavic who was only partly familiar with
Press" by J. M. Kirschbaum, and the problems and judged them on
"Analysis of the Periodical Pub- the basis of his observations or
lications of Canadian Slavs," by A. limited information received in
Malycky.
Prague. The book also seems to be
free of the usual anti-Slovak bias,
Some of these papers were of which we often find in political
strictly scientific character while writings by Western historians and
others contained general informa- specialists on Eastern Europe.
tion or basic facts for further studies, and, therefore, the contents of
The book is divided into 11 chapthe volume are uneven in their ters in which the author endeavorscholarly value. Nevertheless, the ed to find an answer to the quesbook is of importance not only for tion as to whether there was a
acquainting Canadians with the revolution or counter-revolution;
Slavic groups but it should also be what kind of socialism the Czechs
considered as a valuable contribu- and Slovaks wanted to achieve; the
tion to the general trend to build role of the existing non-communist
Canada as a multi-cultural society. parties; the role of the National
�184
SLOVAKIA
Front, political parties and political
opposition; popularity of individual
leaders and attitudes on the economic system. _In conclusion, the
author applied the findings to other
communist states of Eastern Europe.
The Slovaks resented their subjection aiid both physically and theoretically opposed the real or imaginary political, economic and cultum l dominance of the Czechs.
With this dissatisfaction simmering
throughout the years, it is not
surprising to £ind that the 1968
Reformist Movement originated in
Slovakia and was led by many
Slovak individuals. It seems apparent...:....Concludes the author-that the
Slovak · people viewed the Reformist Movement as an opportunity to
gain . a real and equal autonomy
within the Czechoslovak Federal
system."
If we take into consideration
that all polls display flaws and
inaccuracies, we could question
s·ome of the results of the polls
which the . author organized in
Czecho-Slovakia and based thereon
his conclusions. Nevertheless, his
book seems to be closer to the real
situation and feelings of the Slovaks and Czechs than the works of
According to the polls, 94% of
many observers who relied on more
limited information either in per- Slovaks expressed the opinion that
sonal contacts or printed sources. there was a· need for a new form
of relationship between the Czechs
One of the topics of interest for and Slovaks. Contrary to the opinSlovaks in this book is unboubtedly ion of other writers on the upheav"the traditional conflict between als in Czecho-Slovakia in 1968, the
Czechs and Slovaks." This topic author also found a great number
was treated in many books publish- of Czechs who supported the need
ed in the West either inadequately for .a re-definition of the relationwith parti pris or else it was over- ship of Slovaks and Czechs within
looked completely. In the view of the Republic. According to his
the author "a discussion of the pub- findings, "of all the individuals
lic's conception of the new politi- surveyed, only one out of 14 discal system in Czechoslovakia would agreed with the need for a ·re-definbe incomplete wi.thout considering ed relationship; This evidence the role and relationship of the says ,t he author-leaves no doubt
two nations that composed the that the future realization of socialCzechoslovak Socialist Republic. He ist democracy . in Czechoslovakia
dwelt, therefore, on this problem was to include a democratic and
and found out that "historically, equal relationship between the
the post-war communist govern- Czech and Slovak peoples" (pp.
ment in Czechoslovakia closely fol- 110-112). There is no doubt · that
lowed the one-nation philosophy about the same ·number would opt
outlined in 1918 by ,t he founders for independence; if Slovaks had
of Czechoslovak Republic. Urider full freedom of choice.
this theory the Czechs and Slovaks
were a single nation divided not by Milan S. f>urica (Ed.). Il Mondo
ethnic differences but only by disSlavo, Vol. ni Ceseo, Centro
similar historical patterns of deStudi Europa Orientale, Padova,
velopment. These two peoples were
1971.
to be bound together in a unified
While in Slovakia books dealing
state· under which the Slovaks enjoyed only a minimum autonomy. wrth Slovak culture, history, liter-
�SLOVAKIA
ature or philology are still directed
predominantly towards Eastern
Europe, Slovak intellectuals in the
West have the duty to fulfill the
gap which has been created by
separating Slovakia from the free
world. Among Slovak intellectuals
in Europe Prof. Milan s. :Ourica
distinguished himself by performing this role not only by his books
and lectures in Western European
countries, but since 1969, by editing the Italian academic periodical
n Mondo Slavo (The Slavic World).
In all three volumes of the periodical, which appeared until now, the
contributions . on Slovak matters
contain valuable information on
history, language and culture of
the Slovak people.
The first volume, published in
1969, contained a well-written survey on the development of the
Slovak literary language during the
past 50 years by Adriana Feriencikova, and an article on Italian
artizans and merchants in Slovakia
in the 18th century by Anton
Spiesz. In the second volume, published in 1970, Lisa Guarda Nardini
analyzed the political and social
doctrine of the late Slovak President, Dr. Joseph Tiso, under the
title "Ideological Premises of
Czecho-Slovak Federalism." In the
third volume, Prof. Milan S. :Ourica,
published some unknown and very
interesting military documents
from Italian archives about the
death of M. R. Stefanik. (The essay
is available also in a reprint and
has been reviewed separately in
Slovakia).
From the Slovak point of view
all these contributions are of special value. Not only for the reasons
that under the present regime in
Slovakia cultural contacts with the
West are practically non-existent,
185
but also for the fact that there are
still many misconceptions about
Slovak culture, language and history among Western Slavists.
The essay on the development of
the Slovak literary language during the past 50 years by A. Feriencikova has also the merit of being
well researched and containing all
the basic facts and sources which
can put the development of the
Slovak language into proper perspective. In spite of many efforts
of Slovak intellectuals in the West,
historl
still lln-·1 ...n
th
ans
5.....,.., or
ere ~
1
who W?te about the Slovak as being a dialect of the Czech language.
Studies on the subject in Western
languages are, therefore, never
superfluous.
Since Slavic studies considerably
developed in all Western countries
after the Second World War, n
Mondo Slavo will acquaint Slavists
with Slovakia not only in Italy, but
also in many Western countries. This
can be expected all the more in
view of the high academic value of
all contributions and careful edition
of the periodical by Prof. !>urica.
Among the contributors there are
in all three volumes known Slavists
of Italian or Slav origin, teaching
at Italian universities. While several periodicals on Slavic matters
published in other Western countries deal mostly with Russian culture and literature, 1l Mondo Slavo
has shown distinction in paying attention to smaller Slavic nations
and their cultures such as Slovenes,
Croats and Slovaks. Students of
Eastern Europe will, therefore,
welcome Il Mondo Slavo since it
will provide reliable scholarly information on Slavic peoples which
are either misrepresented or rarely
mentioned in academic periodicals
published in French, English or
German languages.
�186
SLOVAKIA
NEW COLLECTIONS OF SLOVAK EMIGRE POETRY
Rudolf Diloni, Hladn11 vetrf.k (Hun- poetic biography in short poems
gry Breeze), Edition Polana, full of grace, imagination and deep
feelings. The collection, as well as
Zurich, 1972, 86 pages.
the entire Dilong's literary work
Jan L. Dorfmsky, Od splnu po za- in exile would deserve a thorough
tmenie (From the Full Moon to analytic evaluation, and not only
the Eclipse), Series Lyra, Slovak passing reviews as this one, to apInstitute of SS. Cyril and Meth- preciate fully his work.
odius, Rome, 1972, 110 pages.
Doransky's book From the Full
Slovak emigre literature is grow- Moon to the Eclipse deserves our
ing inspite of the fact that we are special appreciation because due to
again cut off from Slovakia and the unfavorable circumstances in exile,
assimilation of the younger genera- we know -only a very small pa1t of
tions is rapidly progressing among his literary work. Doransky is a
Slovaks abroad. It is, however, poet of considerable versatility,
mostly the first wave of Slovak and besides many lyrical verses
post-war emigres who still create and patriotic poems, he wrote in
belles lettres, and not the writers Canada a drama called Stara mat',
who left Slovakia in recent years neopust'ajte nas (Grandmother Do
Not Leave Us Alone, 1953), sucfor Western countries.
The two collections of verses cessfully played by Slovak groups
under review are by poets whose across Canada. Before coming to
reputations were established in Canada, Doransky had published
Slovakia and who during the past a play called Novou cestou (On A
two decades belonged to the best New Path, 1930), and a collection
and most prolific Slovak emigre of satirical verses Slep£ pasazieri
(Blind Passengers, 1943).
writers.
In exile Doransky's poetry was
Dilong's Hungry Breeze is again
personal lyrical poetry in which published in various anthologies:
his talent and mastership remind Vo vyhnanstve (1947); Zdravica sv.
us of pleasant spiritual vibrations Cyrilovi a M etodovi ( 1963) ; in litfull of color, joy, sadness, mixed erary periodicals and in almanacs
with hope and faith. The book is and newpapers. In recent years his
divided into four chapters, each epigrams, published either in the
chapter starting with appropriate quarterly Most, Literarn11 Almaillustrations by Jan Mraz, a talent- nach Slovaka 11 Amerike or in
ed graphic artist from the new newspapers and almanacs, became
preferred reading among Slovak
wave of Slovak emigration.
While all chapters contain beauti- intelligentsia in the free world.
ful lyrical poetry, readers will wel- Besides poetry, Doransky wrote a
come especially Chapter 4 entitled: number of short novels and other
Slovak Women (Album). Dilong prose contributions under the penpublished here some of the most name Hamornik and J. D. Oravee.
Doransky came from a part of
beautiful verses which we can find
in modern Slovak poetry and in Slovakia which gave to Slovak litSlovak poetry in general, except erature and public life many outfor Mari na by Sladkovic. In the first standini poets and novelists. He
three chapters Dilong dreams a- inherited a love for literature and
bout his young years, his parents, began to write in his early youth,
his native Orava. It is a sort of first for students' periodicals, later
�SLOVAKIA
for literary and cultural monthlies.
When the Russian armies over-ran
Slovakia, Doransky with thousands
of other Slovak intellectuals left
with his family for the West. After
spending a few months in Austria
and two years in Assissi and Rome,
he landed in Canada in 1949 and
has lived in Montreal for the past
23 years.
Very recently a collection of his
epigrams was published with a
lengthy commentary by F. Vnuk and
enthusiastically received by critics
and readers. Those who know Doransk:y are aware of the fact that
the published epigrams are just a
selection of the large number he
wrote during his lifetime. We can
say the same about the present
collection of Iyrical and patriotic
verses. They are also a selection
from his many verses and we have
to acknowledge that it is an excellent selection.
The book is dd.vided into four
parts and presents a spiritual profile of the poet and poetic sketches
from his journey from Slovakia
through Italy to Canada, as well as
fine lyrical verses dedicated to his
wife, daughter and grand-daughter.
As in Dilongs's collection, the best
part seems to be his chapter on
Slovak women, in Doransky's book
the finest verses are about his
mother, and mothers in general.
The title of the book expresses accurately the contents of the collection which certainly will rank among the best lyrical Slovak poetry
in exile.
A short biographical note was
added to the collection by J . M.
Rydlo and the cover was artistically
designed by the poet's son :Cudovit
In the opinion of this reviewer, Doransky deserves a thorough analysis and evaluation of his literary
work in order that we may appreciate it adequately.
187
Rudolf Dilong: Ponukam chlieb so
sol'ou-I Offer Bread and Salt,
Translated by Sister M. Martina
Tybor. Published by Dobra kniha
1971, Galt, Ontario, Bilingual,
151 pages.
By publishing this bilingual collection of poetry in prose, Rudolf
Dilong proved once more that he
is the most prolific and versatile
contemporary poet in exile. The
number of books he published in
Slovakia, which he left in defiance
of her Communist rulers, as well
as the number of books published
during his long exile in Argentina
and the U.S.A., is impressive and
unrivalled by any other Slovak
writer. Attracted by new currents
in French inter-war Catholic poetry and surrealism, Dilong experimented in many poetic forms and
due to his great love for life and
gay temper, was the "enfant terrible" among the Slovak Catholic
poets of his generation. The present book is another experiment in
fo rm and contents and by publishing it in English and Slovak, it was
the merit for acquainting foreign
readers with an interesting sample
of Slovak literature as well as
with the author himself.
Dilong's reputation as a poet was
well established before he left his
native country. Besides publishing
14 collections of poems, two dramas, and two collections of prose,
he also was very active in organizing literary journals, and contributed practically to all Slovak cuttural periodicals and anthologies of
Slovak poetry. In addition, he was
either co-founder or editor of two
literary periodicals Postup (193436) and Nove Slovo (1939-40).
In exile he remained one of the
leading and again most profilic
poets. His poetry remained strongly nationalistic, deeply religious in
essence but not homiletic in form
�188
SLOVAKIA
or content, humble and rebellious
and usually expressed in beautiful
images and practically varied
forms. While several other Slovak
poets did not find opportunities in
exile to publish their works, Dilong's books were published in
rapid succession. From 1950 to
1970 he produced and published
some 20 books either in Buenos
Aires, where he spent nearly 20
years of his exile, or recently in
the United States. Many of his
manuscripts perished together with
his books, when Peron was burning
churches in Argentina.
As in Slovakia, his poetic production in exile has been varied
in forms and themes but the basic
overtones of a patriot and Franciscan friar, even if not following always the dogma and rules of his
religious order, remained the main
characteristic of his entire literary
work in immigration. Some of his
verses became hymns for Slovak
exiles, recited on various solemn
occasions and re-published many
times in Slovak periodicals and
newspapers. Several of Dilong's
poems were translated into Spanish, Polish and French.
With his great love for life and
because of his patriotic zeal and
fiery poetry, he became one of the
most interesting figures among
Slovak writers. Some of his first
poems inspired by their contents
and musical rhythm Slovak composers in their compositions, and
several poems became songs of the
Slovak youth, as well as of the
Slovak army.
The book under review is divided into three parts: The house will
bleach to ash; Out of bounds without bounds, and Human hands.
Each part contains a number of
short reflective and highly imaginative poems in prose which compel the reader to meditate and
think about our age, our neighbor,
poverty, suffering, rebellion, smile;
about our life and death, emotions
and beliefs, about God and man.
As such, it is a valuable addition
to Dilong's work and to Slovak
literature.
Jan Okal': Cielito Lindo, Edicia
Dobra kniha, Galt, Ontario, 1972,
Illustration by J. G. Cincik, 65 p.
For the past several years Slovak
emigre poetry was enriched by a
number of beautifully illustrated
collections of verse by leading Slovak poets abroad. While some of
the collections contained patriotic
verses and personal lyrical poetry
with Slovak topics, in other collections we find poetry inspired by
the beauty of foreign countries in
which Slovaks either lived or
visited.
Okal"s masterfully illustrated
collection Cielito Lindo is an outstanding example of this new poetry, and it is not easy to say if the
reader enjoys more the verses or
the beautiful illustrations. In any
case, there is a lot of artistic value
and enjoyment for the reader and
we cannot but feel a certain pride
that in the modest circumstances
in exile, Slovak literature can afford the luxury of such books.
In a certain way, Jan Okal' deserves credit for introducing into
Slovak literature this combination
of poetry and visual arts. Already
his first published collection George
Janosik: A Carpathian Saga, published in 1953, and his chronicle in
13 poems entitled Kronika Slovakov (The Chronicle of Slovaks,
1954), were published in the same
form. Then for a number of years,
this gifted Slovak poet remained
silent, except for publishing here
and there verses in the literary
journal Most or the Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike. In
�SLOVAKIA
1970, appeared his colleetion of
verses Vada a vino (Water and
Wine), in which Okal' reminisced
about the years spent in Italy and
especially in Rome. The present
collection is a sort of continuation
of the book Voda a vino. This time
he is drawing in his poems, usually
not longer than one or two verses,
beautiful images of places in Mexico.
Jan Okal' is a gifted and refined
poet, and we hope that he will
continue to publish poetry of such
outstanding taste and artistic value.
Jan E. Bor, Eugen Vesnin - Un
poeta Eslovaco en tierras Mediterraneas, Buenos Aires, 1972, 71
pages.
Among Slovak intellectuals who
assiduously worked in exile for the
past 20 years in order to make
Slovak literature known to the
Spanish reading public, Jan E. Bor
has been the most prolific. Either
in his own writings or in translations, he published a considerable
number of essays and studies on
Slovak poetry and prose not only
in periodicals but also in book
form. The present essay on the
poet Eugen Vesnin is one of his
most recent publications.
The publication is divided into
eight chapters in which Bor analyzes Vesnin's poetry, his personality, the reaction to Vesnin's poetry
by readers and literary critics
either on the part of Slovaks or
Italians who acclaimed Vesnin for
his collection of verses in Italian
189
language. In the last two chapters
Bor analyzes Vesnin's attachment
to Etruria and his enchantment
with feminine beauty.
Bor writes on Vesnin's poetry
with the usual skill and knowledge
of literary science for which he
was known already in Slovakia
where he belonged to the best
known literary critics of his generation. In exile he lowered sometimes his yardstick when writing
on Slovak emigre writers and
poets, but his erudition in literary
science has been evident in every
book and essay he had published
during the past twenty years. The
portrait of Vesnin in Bor's publication is not only favorable but also
well balanced and presented in
Bor's baroque style. According to
Bor, Vesnin belongs to the best
Slovak lyrical poets among Slovak
emigre writers and enriched Slovak
literature by many themes inspired
by the beauty of Rome and the
Mediterranean area where Vesnin
has lived the past three or four
decades. Several collections of Vesnin's poetry undoubtedly prove
that Italy enchanted him, though
many of his verses were written
with patriotic overtones and "heimweh" for his native Slovakia.
Since every book on Slovak literature in foreign languages is a
valuable contribution to our efforts
to acquaint the Western world with
Slovak culture, we cannot but welcome the newest publication by
Prof. Jan E. Bor.
J. M. K i r s c h b a um
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA heartily commends all efforts of our governmental and other organs
to ferret out and unmask all Communists and fellow travellers, as well as all persons and organizations who wittingly
or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of
Communism promoted by the Soviet Union.
�190
SLOVAKIA
BOOKS ON JEWS IN SLOVAKIA
Reviewed by
Dr. Arved G r e b e r t
during the past several
centuries.
The first volume contains an especially worthwhile article in two
parts by Dr. Lidia Rothkirchen, a
member of the research staff of
Yad Vashem in Jerusalem. Her
contribution, "Slovakia (1848-1938)"
presents a very keen and rather
accurate picture of the history of
Slovakia and the Jews in that country. Naturally, in all of the articles
dealing with the law, religion, social organization, etc., the writers
faithfully record the history of the
Jews in Slovakia.
The second volume contains the
article of Rabbi Hugo Stransky who
was a former chief rabbi in Zilina.
His is an arresting chapter on "The
Religious Life in Slovakia and Subcarpathian Ruthenia," Then, too,
Frank Reichenthal's "Jewish Art in
Slovakia" is a very interesting review by the former chief of the
department of decorative art at the
State School of Applied Arts in
Bratislava from 1932 to 1938. Before emigrating to United States in
1948 he served as president of the
Slovak Artists' Association from
1946 to 1947.
This first volume contains Eugen
Barkany's "Jewish Cemeteries in
Slovakia" article by the late architect and builder ( 1886-1967) and
co-founder of the Jewish Museum
in Presov, Slovakia. Some of the
artistic motives on the gravestones,
the writer observes, show a definite
influence of Slovak folk art, indicating a close, intimate relationship
between the Jews and the Slovaks.
Gertrude Hirschler's "The His-
The Jews of Czechoslovakia, histori- Europe
cal studies and surveys, edited
by "The Jewish Publication Society of America," Philadelphia,
and the "Society for the History
of Czechoslovak Jews," New
York, Vol. I, 5728-1968, pp. 583,
Vol. II, 5732-1971, pp. 707. Library of Congress Catalog Card
No. 67-12372.
Up to the present time two volumes on the history of the Jews in
Czecho-Slovakia constitute an unusually valuable contribution on the
history of the inhabitants of that
state. The Jews in Czech lands, in
Slovakia and in Sub-Carpathian
Russia (Ruthenia) made a vital contribution to the Jews in general but
also to the history of the people in
those regions, namely, the Czechs,
Germans, Slovaks, Magyars and the
Ukrainians. The authors of the various articles by their objective and
calm tone do not digress from a
strictly scientific analysis, even
when the themes, which in their
tragic dimensions and consequences,
understandably provide the occasion for an outburst of wrath and
recrimination. In this respect the
work is extraordinary effective and
convincing.
In no way do the authors avoid
sensitive subjects. They neither
ignore nor sidestep realities that
have frequently been used as pretexts for criticism by the enemies
of Jewry. These they explain and
place in special categories in the
destiny of the Jews, for example,
in the framework of the historical
evaluation of central and eastern
�SLOVAKIA
tory of Agudah Israel in Slovakia
(1918-1939)" is interesting, too.
Of course, in all of the articles
ranging from studies of various
movements, organizational life, religious welfare, education, art, etc.,
there is a large number of facts
about the life of the Jews in Slovakia and their relationship to the
local inhabitants, chiefly, the Slovaks and Magyars. The number is
so great that it is virtually impossible to review them all but at
least we have mentioned some of
them relating specifically to Slovakia.
Dr. Lidia Rothkirchen's "Slovakia (1848-1938)" deserves special
attention. Her article in two parts
covers 53 pages. A number of facts
mentioned are known only by Slovak historians and experts. For
instance, the writer states that in
1858 there were 308 Jewish schools
in Hungary. Of this number 131,
ie., almost 45%, were located in
the Bratislava school district. Bratislava, therefore, was a very important center of Jewish learning
in the kingdom of Hungary. Among
the charter members of the Matica
Slovenska (the leading cultural
organization of the Slovaks in the
last century) we find a number of
Jews.
When the government in Budapest gave orders to close down the
Slovak central schools (junior colleges) in Revuca, Klastor pod Znievom and Turciansky Svaty Martin
(all in Slovakia at the time under
Hungarian imperial rule), two Jewish members of the Diet (Moritz
Wehrman and Eduard Horn) spoke
up and requested that the schools
be kept open. Dr. Lidia Rothkirchen
notes that before the Jews won
equal rights in Hungary, the people
of Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas elected
Izak Diner, a Jew, as Mayor of the
city. A number of Jews later served as mayors in the same city. She
191
reminds the reader that Slovak
Jews played an important role in
the Zionist movement in the kingdom of Hungary. Two Jews from
Bardejov (eastern Slovakia), Julius
Davidsohn and Julius Davidovic,
attended the first Zionist Congress
in Basle, Switzerland (1897). Eight
of thirteeen Zionist chapters established in Hungary were located in
Slovakia, namely, in Bratislava,
Nitra, Trnava, Prefov, Ko~ice, Kezmarok, Dolny Kubin and Banska
Bystrica, and the first Zionist congress in Hungary convened in Bratislava in 1903. The following year
the World Mizrahi Congress met in
the Slovak capital. The writer notes
that the Magyar government in
Budapest considered the Zionist
movement with the same disfavor
as it did the nationalistic movement
of the Slovaks in their country.
During World War I both the
Zionist movement and the activities
of the Slovak patriots were banned
by law.
Names of outstanding Jewish
writers and scientists are listed by
Dr. Rothkirchen. She points out
that Jewish writers in their novels
and romances touched upon the
J ewish problem in the framework
of a Slovak historical background.
Dr. Lidia Rothkirchen cites that
in 1921 of a totaI of 135,918 Jews
in Slovakia, 70,522 were registered
as Jews, 29,290 as Slovaks and the
rest as Magyars, Germans, Rusins,
etc. The 1930 census showed 44,009
registered as Slovaks and 72,644 as
J ews. This figure represents quite
convincing proof of the rapid Slovakization of the Jewish population. Had it not been for the tragic
events of World War II, this process of amalgamation would have
inevitably resulted in a very advantageous symbiosis of the Slovak
Jews and the Slovaks.
She writes (page 105): From 1933
on "the Slovaks more and more o-
�192
SLOVAKIA
penly advocated either detachment
from Czechoslovakia altogether and
establishment of an independent
Slovakia, or a Slovakia which would
enjoy much wider autonomy and
self-rule."
In general this work may be accepted as a very valuable contribution to the history of the people
inhabiting Czecho-Slovakia. Every
public or private library should
have it on its shelves. No scholar
who is interested in the history of
this area can be without it.
To a large extent without the
untiring efforts of L'udovit Sturc,
president of the Society for the
History of the Czechoslovak Jews
in New York, this important work
in two volumes would not have
come to press.
Mr. Sturc is a native of Slovakia
and a friend of Slovak writers and
artists. Unfortunately, so far his
work has not been adequately appreciated.
cin, Kosice, Jasov, Spisske Podhradie, Levoca, Kezmarok, Podolinec,
Nove Zamky and Hlohovec.
Kosice, Bardejov, Trencin, Skalica, Hlohovec, Trnava, Pezinok and
Bratislava are listed separately as
centers of Jewish libraries and culture.
Dr. Schreiber, recognized universally as an authority in his field,
considers the material found in the
area now known as Slovakia as an
important part of the culture of
the Jews who inhabited Hungary
during the Middle Ages.
This work, which was lacking in
scientific literature, is the beginning of further research in the
archives and libraries in this direction throughout Slovakia. It is,
at the same time an interesting
proof, or evidence, for the tradition
of the high degree of culture of the
population in Slovakia during the
Medieval era.
Karl Baum: Nazi Anti-Jewish Legislation in the Czech Protectorate,
a Documentary, in "Soviet Jewish Affairs," a Journal on Jewish
Problems in the USSR and Eastern Europe, London, No. 3, May,
1972. Published by the Institute
Dr. Alexander Schreiber, director
of Jewish Affairs, London, in asof the Rabbinical Seminary in Busociation with the World Jewish
dapest, has written a very noteCongress in Geneva.
worthy book on the cultural history
Karl Baum's article is noteworthy
of the Jews in Slovakia during the
Medieval era. The book contains a for several reasons. In his introlist and analysis of 172 Hebrew duction the writer states that the
codex fragments which were used anti-Jewish legislation in the Czech
protectorate (1939-1945) has not
for book-bindings.
Together with Arpad Zoltan of been properly treated in ternationthe Slovak Academy of Sciences in al scientific writings so far, while
Bratislava the author studied the a rich and documented literature
archives and libraries in the fol- about anti-Jewish regulations in
lowing Slovak cities and towns: Hitler's Germany does exist. Those
Bratislava, Cerveny Kamen pri who studied this question outside
Modre, Pezinok, Jur near Bratisla- of Hitler's sphere ordinarily did
va, Trnava, Nitra, Nova Bana, Ban- not study the laws of the protectorska Bystrica, Turciansky Svaty ate, which they assumed were an
Martin, Dolny Kubin, Bytca, Tren- integral part of the Reich and those
Alexander Schreiber: Hebriiische
Kodexuberreste in Ungarlb."ndischen Eibandstafeln. Heber Kodexmaradvanyok magyarorszagi
kotestablakban. Budapest, 1969.
I
�SLOVAKIA
who studied anti-Jewish laws in
Hitler's Germany did not consider
the protectorate because it did not
belong directly to the framework
of the Third Reich. Baum, at least,
partially fills this void.
The writer gives a detailed study
on anti-Jewish legislation in the
Czech Protectorate and traces the
execution of the laws not only by
the Nazis but also by the Czech
government officials in the Protectorate. Baum's study from this
viewpoint is highly important because he has brought to the international forum little known or unknown facts which were hidden on
the pages of "The Collection of
Laws and Regulations" promulsignatures of President (Dr.) Hacha
or Czech ministers. Baum emphasizes that these laws of the wartime Czech protectorate "reflect
only part of the unmitigated evil
to which one of the leading Jewish
communities was to fall victim.
They carry little evidence of persecution and harassment on the
local level, nor do they mirror the
share of those of non-German vintage in Czechoslovakia who had
come in to participate in the great
hunt of the century and to divide
its spoils. It must be left to future
historians to establish their contribution to the tragedy of Czechoslovak Jewry."
Baum calls attention to the December 1, 1930, Census in CzechoSlovakia as listing the number of
Jews as 356,830, which is inaccurate inasmuch 15,000 Jews from
Germany found refuge there when
Hitler came to power. Of 854,600
who were registered as atheists in
Czecho-Slovakia, according to Baum,
at least 10% were of Jewish origin.
Moreover, there was no provision
for a natural increase of the Jewish
population from 1930 to 1939. Consequently, the author's estimate has
some 457,000 Jews in Czecho-Slo-
193
vakia by 1938, hence actually
100,000 more than is generally indicated in the figures.
All of the above, the author concludes, became innocent victims of
inhumane discrimination and inhuman mistreatment in the lands
of the Czech Protectorate during
World War II.
ANNUAL FURDEK
Jednota
Annual FURDEK
1973,
Vol. XII, 1973. Edited by Joseph
C. Krajsa. Publisher, The First
Catholic Slovak Union. Printed
by Jednota Press, Middletown,
Pa. 208 pages.
This publication, Jednota Annual
Furdek, continues commendably in
the footsteps of Philip A. Hrobak,
the first editor who conceived the
idea of addressing it to our youth
for their benefit. The present volume offers the youthful reader
valuable information and inspiration as well.
The 12th volume is definitely
youth oriented, for it gives several
phases of the background of our
early Slovak immigrants to American shores and a look at the historic
homeland of our parents and grandparents.
Quite appropriately the Furdek
leads off with a pictorial introduction of the officers of the Jednota
because they are the official representatives of the organization
that has a membership close to
100,000.
Daniel Tanzone discusses fraternalism and the Slovak immigrant
in a highly readable and documented study of the origins and
growth of Slovak fraternal organizations in this country.
Introduction of Janko Kral', Slovak revolutionary poet of the 19th
century, by Joseph Kirschbaum,
Ph.D., LL.D., of Toronto, Canada,
is rather timely in view of current
�194
SLOVAKIA
Catholic unity is a .serious reminder in our times to stand united in
the Faith of our Fathers when diversity of opinions, various modes
of liturgical worship, and even
divergent doctrinal proposals are
dangerous challenges to the orthodoxy of our faith.
Father Franko's Slovak Christmas Eve sacred vignette should be
adopted by every Christian family
to help preserve the spirit and true
meaning of a genuinely Christian
yuletide season.
Reproductions (in exquisite color) of the stained glass windows
adorning the Chapel of the Jednota
Home are a pictorial portrayal of
the spirit of faith that inspired
their creation and at the same time
a public testimonial of honor of
two of the most famous Slovak
priests of our age, namely, Father
Furdek, founder of the Jednota,
and Father Tiso, the martyr-president of the Slovak Republic.
Clevelanders will no doubt find
the article by Slovak Bet1edictine
scribe, Fr. Andrew V. Pier, 0.S.B.,
on early Slovak immigrants interesting . . . and his other contributions informative.
The story about Staff Sergeant
Frank Mitka, a Veteran of the U.S.
Army for more than thirty years,
brings into the limelight a career
soldier who enjoyed military life
. . . he was a forerunner of the
present-day volunteer army.
The valaska, a traditional Slovak
weapon designed for protection ...
not aggression . . . is a national
symbol of strength and resistance
The Slovak Catholic Federation against the forces of injustice and
of America is primarily an associa- tyranny.
Sheep and their shepherds in
tion of Slovak Catholic fraternal
organizations that hold the Church Slovakia are the subjects of a roin highest esteem because their mantic setting (an idyllic scene on
members accept it as a society the mountainside) with the venerestablished by Christ for the salva- able 'baca' holding his young proteges spell-bound as they listen to
tion of their immortal souls.
Monsignor Gallik's article on an endless series of thrilling epi-
trends that are characterized by
the same spirit of restlessness,
r adical change, disillusionment and
a mixture of hope and despair that
marked the life and work of a
Slovak poet who was in the forefront of the struggle for social
justice and political freedom.
St. Joseph the Workman, the
universal patron of workingmen
everywhere, is a favorite saint of
men who must toil at manual labor.
The statue of St. Joseph overlooking the industrial environs of St.
Michael Slovak parish, Munhall,
Pa., in the heart of the steel industry of the Pittsburgh area is
a constant inspiration to the passerby.
Tribute to Karl Pacanovsky, 'a
philosopher-craftsma n' at the Hill
School in Pottstown, Pa. for more
than three decades, is a well deserved one for a Slovak worker
who was dedicated to his tasks in
his workshop.
R. H. Andrews' article on India
is an eye-opener for those who
know so little about the great work
accomplished by Catholic missionaries in the Far East.
Furdek's youth panel of scholarship winners (39 young men and
2:5 young women) is a fine representation of Jednota's honor students of the past year.
Paul Berish in his Relevant contribution finds fault ... and rightly so . . . with the mishandling of
facts about the Slovaks and their
history by American journalists,
newsreporters, and even socalled
editorial writers and historians.
�SLOVAKIA
sodes around the fireside after the
evening chores are done, but members of a definite economic class
that is an asset to the country and
its people.
Even the Croatians, by exception,
get a boost in this year's Furdek
as Father Wuerl recalls the 1,000th
anniversary of the feast of St.
Blaise, celebrated in the town of
Dubrovnik, Croatia, on February
3, 1972.
Paul Berish uncovers the 'hidden
life of Brother Rudolf' over a span
of fifty years as a tailor in the
service of the Lord in the tailorshop of a monastic Redemptorist
community.
Salt in Slovakia has been a rich
commodity for Slovakia and neighboring states in central Europe for
many centuries. Solivar, near Pre~ov, continues to mine salt to the
present day by modern methods
and techniques.
Michael Kurak of the Holy Trinity Slovak parochial school in Yonkers, N. Y. tells the world he is
a Slovak . . . and proud of it!
Father Robert Terentieff is presented by Dr. Michael Simko to
our readers as an artist, teacher,
dramatist, zealous shepherd of
souls and preserver of Slovak customs in Connecticut.
The pictorial contribution of
Paul C. Fallat, Slovak artist, on an
important phase in the life of
Father Hlinka who was 'a fearless
fighter for Slovak freedom' is an
atractive re-enactment of the highlights of the Slovak leader's dynamic career that helped win the
struggle for the Slovak nation's
political freedom before World
War II.
American and Canadian Translators of Slovak poetry by Dr. J . M.
Kirschbaum, Slovak diplomat and
writer, not only touches upon
translations of Slovak poems but
lists a considerable number of
195
translations from Slovak prose. Included in the list of translators
with such world known personalities as Bjornson, Seton-Watson and
Denis are W. Kirkconnell, J. Vajda,
I. Kramoris, M. Sprinc, K. Strmen
and Sister M. Tybor, SS.C.M.
The Tool Box by Alvin Lehar
brings to light an amusing incident
in the early life of Stan Sladek, a
Slovak professional football player
from the Bronx in the 1950's and
1960's.
Dorothy Day, the 74-year-old
Catholic social worker, speaker,
publisher and activist during most
of her lifetime, is given tribute by
Joseph McLellan who characterizes
the remarkable champion of social
justice and evangelical poverty as
'a prophet of Catholic social concern.'
Dr. Kirschbaum attempts to sift
the truth from falsehood in the
conflicting accounts involving the
creation of the Slovak Republic on
March 14, 1939 . . . almost six
months before the German invasion
of Poland started the war.
Australia beckoned several thousand freedom-loving Slovaks to
seek their livelihood there after
their country was locked up behind
the Iron Curtain. Approximately
ten thousand Slovaks in exile are
found in southern Australia.
Father Matthew Jankola (founder
of the Religious Order of SS. Cyril
and Methodius in Danville, Pa.)
has a proper evaluation of his lifework in the biographical sketch of
Daniel Tanzone, young Slovak
writer.
Another promising young Slovak
writer, Michael J. Krajsa, rightly
gives credit to our early American
Slovak leaders for establishing fraternal societies, churches, schools
and social-cultural centers that
flourished in their time. Krajsa
concentrates on the story of the
Jednota primarily.
�196
SLOVAKIA
Interspersed throughout the volume are short poems, designed no
doubt for inspiration as well as
variety . . . these adequately fulfill
their purpose.
Rt. Rev. Jerome Koval, 0.S.B
SLOVAK PIONEERS
IN AMERICA
Jozef Pauco, Ph.D. Slovenski priekopnici v Amerike (Slovak Pioneers in America). First Catholic Slovak Union, Cleveland, 0. ,
1972. 358 pages. Illustrated. $4.95.
Slovak Pioneers in America (Slovenski priekopnici v Amerike),
from the pen of Dr. Joseph Pauco,
is another publication of the Jednota Press of the First Catholic
Slovak Union. The book is dedicated as a living witness to the
staunch and lasting accomplishments of those Slovak pioneerspriests, religious and laity-who
with their whole being stood in
the service of the American Slovaks. Many made outstanding cultural and literary contributions
that have become part of the lasting treasury of America's worth.
On these factual pages, the
author and the First Catholic Slovak Union fulfill an obligation
which is due to Slovak nation since
it gave to America fully one-third
of its people. These immigrants
filled all facets of American labor
and pulled themselves up from the
mines, the iron pits and steel mills
to the ranks of Generals, professional men, and business men, but
most of all they led their people
to be loyal citizens of their new
country, the United States of America.
It is in this vein that Pauco presents his new book Slovenski priekopnici v Amerike. When the book
is translated into English, the third
and fourth generations of American Slovaks will be able to fully
evaluate all the accomplishments
and contributions of their pioneer
parents and grandparents-not only
what they did for them, but for the
over three million American Slovaks and for the whole of America.
Pauco's work required serious research and documentation. In an
objective manner he credits the
life and works of the pioneers and
categorizes them in their proper
niche in the history of the American Slovaks, in America and the
Slovak nation. He presents those
leading pioneers who played the
greatest role in the cultural field;
those who organized fraternal societies, parishes, schools, and religious orders; those who preserved
the literary culture with the publication of newspapers and books;
and those who were fired with the
ideal of liberty that even permeated to Slovakia.
It was the American Slovaks who
initiated the movement for an independent Slovakia prior to World
War I. They were proud of the
document known as the "Pittsburgh
Pact" which became the platform
of the political party in Slovakia
seeking autonomy for the Slovak
people. This was a unique display
of cooperation and a symbolic gesture between the Slovak nation and
the emigrated American Slovaks.
Father J oseph A. Gajdosik, Supreme Chaplain of the First Catholic Slovak Union and Chairman
of its Literary Committee-himself
an eloquent and gifted writergave a few thoughts concerning
Pauco's new book as he remembered reading the installments in the
Jednota.
"The stories of the Slovak pioneers are very provocative, enlightening and very stimulating.
They reveal the joyous faith that
the Slovak pioneers had, which in
�197
SLOVAKIA
turn motivated them in their endeavors to better their lives, and
help assure a better future for their
loved ones, and for Slovaks in
general. The realism that FAITH
has many faces is beautifully depicted in the lives of the many
characters who appear in the Priekopnici!
"The lives of these pioneers communicate the personal and devoted
consecration to the Slovak motto
of living for God and People, to
such a degree, that undoubtedly
young adults of the second, third,
etc., Slovak generation, who perhaps
have difficulty of choosing a career, will be aided by the publication of this book to select a career,
which will fulfill their vocation for
life.
"The 'Slovak Cause' is no longer
a hot issue in the average life of
an American of Slovak ancestry,
in fact, I find a reversing trend.
However, if this book can make one
cognizant of his Slovak origin, it
may serve to help one gain heights
which otherwise would be out of
bounds, e.g. Michael Novak, and
his noted book The Rise of the
Unmeltable Ethnics.
"Pauco's book is one sure way
to arousing interest in the Slovak
heritage on a personal and individual basis, especially among our
younger people. Hopefully, an English translation will be made in the
near future, so that devotion to the
Slovak ethnicity will be fostered.
"The book should bolster Dr.
Joseph Pauco's strong thoughts about the termination and death of
the Slovak language in the United
States. The book is also a warning
to our fair-weather-Slovaks, who
claim that they received little if
anything from their Slovak ancestors, for it teaches that much Slovak affluence and prestige is di-
rectly the result of the conduct and
work of our pioneers.
"It behooves our brethren who
are ashamed of their Slovak ethnicity, to study their history, and
learn how everything they have was
given to them, and that they should
give themselves for others as our
pioneers did. The ultimate lesson
is that we, Americans of Slovak
ancestry, should foster and serve
the Slovak cause and ideal, at least
as much, if not better then our
pioneers in early America."
Dr. Joseph Pauco came to the
United States 22 years ago. He
earned his doctorate in Philosophy
at the Slovak University in Bratislava. As a historian and journalist,
he has dedicated himself fully to
the service of the American Slovaks. He has spent all his time in
the United States on the editorial
staff of Jednota, the Catholic Weekly of the First Catholic Slovak
Union. He is also the publisher of
the oldest Slovak newspaper in
America Slovak v Amerike (American Slovak) and is a contributor to
many other periodicals. He is the
author of over 20 books, mostly
dedicated to the life of the American Slovaks, including the history
of the First Catholic Slovak Union
and the lives of Fr. Stephen Furdek
and Fr. Matthew Jankola. His many
hundreds of articles, especially the
column "Slovaci a ich zivot" (Slovaks and Their Life ) in Jedno ta,
systematically record the accomplishments and efforts of the American Slovaks and their institutions.
Slovenski priekopnici v Amerike
is in itself a pioneer book. Nothing
to date has been published in such
documentary detail about American
Slovak pioneers. The First Catholic
Slovak Union is proud to publish
this vital literary work of Dr.
Joseph Pauco.
Joseph
c. Krajsa
�198
SLOVAKIA
JANKOLA'S CENTENNIAL
Jankola centennial Books.-Pamiitnica 100-ho vyrocia narodenia
Otca Matusa Jankolu (1872-1972).
- Jankola Book. Honoring the
Centennial of the Birth of Father
Matthew Jankola (1872-1972)
Both of these books were prepared and published by the Sisters
of Saints Cyril and Methodius, collaborating at Jankola Library in
Danville, Pennsylvania, July-August, 1972, under the chairmanship of Sister M. Martina Tybor.
The historian of the future who
undertakes a study of the history
of the Slovak people will inevitably
reach out for the most objective of
resource materials available. And it
is just such a balanced, such a level
and extraordinary objective and
tastefully factual contribution that
has appeared this year as an enrichment in the specific field of
Slovak-American immigrant chronicles.
The work consists of two distinct
volumes, one in English and one
in Slovak (similar but not identical
in content), delineating the life
and the achievements of Father
Matthew Jankola, pioneer SlovakAmerican priest and patriot, who
was a leader, educator, writer, and
the founder of the American community, Sisters of Saints Cyril and
Methodius.
This eminently commendable
publication project was endorsed
and sponsored by Mother M. Valeria Romanchek, Superior General
of the congregation, and it became
a reality only by reason of the
dedication, diligence, and scholarship of the Sisters who were fittingly associated with Jankola Library
in this undertaking. Jankola Library is directed by Sister M. Martina Tybor and under her chairmanship there evolved an editorial
committee consisting of Mother M.
Emerentia Petra~ek, Sister M. Lilliana Kardo~, Sister M. Consuela
Gregorovic, Sister M. Philomena
Abbick, Sister M. Tarcisia Gregorovic and Sister Donna Marie Ivanko.
By their personal effort and professional talent these Sisters worked to contribute every aspect of the
publication: the researching and
compiling of data, literary composition, technical composing and
preparation of copy, multilith reproduction, collating and binding.
Susan Oravec of Peckville, Pa. designed the artistic and becoming
cover portrait, and photography
was done by Joseph McGlinn of
Danville and John Gre~kovic of
Olyphant, Pa. The books credit
items of information etc. contributed by Sisters M. John Vianney,
M. Eileen McCoy, M. Regina, M.
Bernardine, M. Raphael, and M.
Yolanda.
Each volume consists of 134
pages, is fully protected by copyright and is dedicated to the memory of the esteemed Founder of
this American community of sisters
whose prime apostolates are teaching and caring for the orphaned
and the aged. The sisters thus express the gratitude which is justly
due to Father Jankola not only by
this community but by all the Slovak people both in this country
and abroad, especially for his
priestly zeal in promoting spirituality and culture, for his selfsacrifice on behalf of his fellowman, his leadership and vision as
well as his determination to better
the lot of the Slovak immigrant in
America.
The opening pages of each souvenir book contain commemorative
poetry of high quality. The text
also includes rich and informative
articles such as a biography which
cover the fruitful work of Father
Jankola's lifetime of less than fifty
�SLOVAKIA
years, a historical survey of the
founding of the community and
reminiscences of some who knew
Father J ankola well.
Another important contribution
in these books is the descriptive
account of Jimkola Library at Danville, Pa., its holdings, areas of
service, prospects, etc.
Of special interest is a picture of
Father J ankola's two surviving sisters, Mrs. Irma J ankola Srbova and
Mrs. Luisa J ankola Sopkova of Slovakia, together with a reproduction
of the congratulatory lines which
they sent to grace the centennial
celebration.
As a special supplement in each
book are the news reports and
199
photographs which record the centennial observance and the Jankola
Exhibit of Memorabilia held at
Danville on August 13, 1972. The
news accounts were prepared by
Dr. Joseph Pauco, Slovak journalist
and editor, and by Rev. Augustine
J. Zan, Chaplain at Maria J oseph
Manor.
These unique books creditably
record the work of Father Jankola
and honor him worthily for the
legacy which he bequeathed to the
Church, to the Slovak nation and
to his adopted country, the USA.
Although this is a limited edition,
copies are still available at J ankola
Library, Danville, Pa. 17821.
Rev. Augustine J. Za n
Annual S L O V A K I A
is published by the Slovak League of America, 313 Ridge Ave.,
Middletown, Pa. 17057. Subscription $3.00.
Editor: Joseph Pauto, Ph. D.
Editorial Board:
Draga 0/vlnska, Louis Kandra, Joseph M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D.,
Joseph A. Miku§, Ph. 0., Fr. Andrew Pier, O.S.B., M.A., Daniel
F. Tanzone, M.A., Sister M. Tybor, SS.C.M., M.A.
�SLOVAKIA
200
Contents
The Slovak Word Abroad - Gorazd Zvonicky - 3
Twenty Years of the Slovak Institute in Cleveland - Joseph Paufo,Ph.D.
-16
The Inflectional Morphology of Standard Slovak: A Descriptive Analysis
John Michael Kochik, Ph:D. -
24
The Ethnical Philosophy of nudovit Stur - Stefan Polakovi~ - 29
Fortieth Anniversary Canadian Slovak League - Edward J. Behuncik
-48
Youth in Search of Slovak Identity and Pride -
John Llhani, Ph.D.
-53
A New Phase in the Socialist Economic Reform - V. J. Hurley - 57
The Renaissance of the Slovak American Literature - P. O'Reilly - 66
Cultural Revival of American and Canadian Slovaks - Jozef Paufo, Ph.D.
-72
Dr. J. M. Kirschbaum - F . Vnuk - 82
Select Bibliography of Foreign Language Writings by Prof. J. M. Kirschbaum - 92
Evaluation of Dr. Kirschbaum's Writings by Critics - 101
/Diplomatic and Consular Relations of Slovakia with Neutral States -
J. M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D. -
111
Mother M . Emerentia Petrasek - 123
The Declining Democratic Facade: Czecho-Slovakia 1948-1960 -
S. J.B.
-129
Youth, Our Hope - Pavo! 0 . Hviezdoslav - 140
Ethnicity and Research - Dr. Steven I. Miller - 141
Ethnics Work Hard - Msgr. James T. McHugh - 153
The American Political Question - Edward M. Zelenak - 155
Current Issues - 158
As Others See It - 170
Book Reviews (J. M. Kirschbaum - Books on Slovakia - Galla Golan:
The Czechoslovak Reform Movement - Wolfgang Venohr: Aufstand fiir die Tschecho-Slowakei - Slovak Studies, Volume Vlll
and IX - Joseph Vravrovic: L'oecumenisme et le panslavisme de
l'abbe Jean Palarik - Milan S. f>urica: La Morte di M. R. Stefanik
Alla Luce Dei Documenti Militari Italiani Inediti - Michael
Novak: The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics - Slavs in Canada,
Vol. III - Jaroslaw A. Piekalkiewicz: Public Opinion Polling in
Czechoslovakia - Milan S. f>urica (Ed.): II Mondo Slavo, Vol. Ill;
New Collections of Slovak ~migre Poetry - Rudolf Dilong: IIladny vetrik - Jan L. Doransky: Od splnu po zatmenie - Rudolf
Dilong: Pomikam chlieb so sol'ou - Jan Okal': Cielito Lindo Jan E. Bor: Eugen Vesnin; Books on Jews in Slovakia -reviewed
by Dr. Arved Grebert - (Ed.): The Jews of Czechoslovakia Alexander Schreiber: Hebriiische Kodexilberreste in Ungarliindischen Eibandstafeln - Karl Baum: Nazi Anti-Jewish Legislation
in the Czech Protectorate - Jednota Annual FURDEK reviewed
by Rt. Rev. Jerome Koval, O.S.B. - Jozef Paufo, Ph.D.: Slovenski
priekopnici v Amerike (by Joseph C. Krajsa) - Jankola Centennial Books (by Rev. Augustine J. Zan) - 174
�Our Contributors
Gorazd Zvonicky -
poet, professor, Rome, Italy
author, historian, Middletown, Pa.
Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. -
assistant professor of Czech and Russian,
University of Nebraska, Lincoln
John M. Kochik, Ph.D. -
former professor at the Slovak University,
Bratislava, Slovakia, now in Argentina
Stefan Polakovic, Ph;D. -
attorney-at-law, Stratford, Conn.
Edward J. Behuncik -
professor of Hispanic Linguistics, University of
John Lihani, Ph.D. -
Kenrtucky
Francis Vnuk -
historian; professor, Institute of Technology, Adelaide,
Australia
Joseph M . Kirschbaum, LL.D., Ph-D. -
historian, author, Toronto,
Ontario
Pav ol 0. Hviezdoslav -
noted Slovak poet
Sr. M . Martina Tybor, SS.C-M. -
teacher and author, Danville, Pa.
assistant professor, Sociology of Education,
Loyola University, Chicago, Ill.
Dr. Steven I. MiUer -
Msgr. James T. McHugh -
diocese of Harrisburg, Pa.
Edward M. Zelenak -
musician, college student, Detroit, Michigan
Dr. Arved Grebert -
former Slovak diplomat, now in Switzerland
Rt. Rev . Jerome Koval, O.S-B. -
Abbot, St. Andrew's Svorad Slovak
Abbey, Cleveland, Ohio
Joseph C. Krajsa -
Editor, Jednota, Middletown, Pa.
Rev. Augustine J . Zan -
author, Danville, Pa.
V . J . Hurley; P. O'ReiUy and S. J. B. -
Slovak American students
�PRI NTI D IN U.S. A.
JIDN OTA PlllN TER Y,
MID DLli TOW N, PA.
�
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1973, Vol. 23
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Vol. 23 (No. 46), 1973.
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The Slovak League of America
Date
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1973
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158
SLOVAKIA
CURRENT ISSUES
·Proclamation Adopted
by Sf oval< League of America
CHICAGO, ILL. -
MAY 27, 1972
Assembled in the Congress, the delegates to the 43rd
Biennial Congress of the Slovak League of America, unanimously adopt this resolution:
1. The Slovak League of America will continue with all
its energies to support, to advance and to spread the
doctrine of self determination and freedom for all
nations, as these are principles espoused by our own
United States of America.
2. The Slovak League of America will continue with its
cultural and civic programs, by means of its scholarships and other undertakings. Thus, we will better
inform the free world, especially here in our own
country, of the centuries-old aspirations and rights
of Slovak nation. We feel these rights will be best
enjoyed in some type of European federation or union
in which the citizens of a free and independent Slovakia will decide their own destiny.
3. In furtherance of the above goals, the Slovak League
of America will continue to work closely with all
Slovak organizations, publications and institutions
everywhere; thereby giving moral, financial and practical support to the aspirations of more than three
million Slovaks torn away from their native soil, as
well as to the downtrodden brethren in subjugated
Slovakia.
4. As one of the founders of the Slovak World Congress,
the Slovak League of America endorses the program
of the Slovak World Congress and make available to
it all its powers and resources.
SLOVAKIA
159
5. The Slovak League of America makes special request
to all Slovak groups to appeal to the Slovak youthfor they are our future-without them the Slovak
cause, especially here in the United States of America,
will not long endure.
6. Finally, we solicit the continued sacrifices and dedication of all Slovak-Americans and American-Slovaks,
fortunate enough to enjoy the freedom and privileges
of our great Country, so that in our hopes for peace
to men of goodvill, our subjugated brethren, may in
God's good time likewise enjoy such freedoms.
THE SWVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA
Edward J. B eh u n c i k, President
Joseph Pa u co, Secretary
MEMORANDUM
of the Slovak Catholic Mission
in Australia
Director-General
UNESCO
Place De Fontenoy
Paris vrre
France
Dear Sir:
The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization has proclaimed the year 1972 as "International
Book Year". This is a worthy undertaking and deserves
every good success, but it is to be regretted that not all
of mankind is in a position to freely participate in it.
\ rticle IX of the Charter of the Book states:
"The free flow of books between countries is an
essential supplement to national supplies and promotes
international understanding."
168
SLOVAKIA
Contrary to this statement and the current year program of UNESCO is the practice of the Government of the
Czecho-Slovak Socialistic Republic and the Governments
of other countries under Communist rule and culturally
dominated by Moscow. These countries discriminate in
the exchange of books and printed matter in general.
While the free world is flooded with propaganda and
literature issued by the Soviet Block countries, there is
great discrimination in the Communist countries against
literature published in the free world, and into CzechoSlovakia the entry of religious and the like books is actually
prohibited.
This is being done in spite of the fact that Communist
Block countries are members of the United Nation organization and are signitories of the Charter of the United
Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
The purpose of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization according to its constitution
is "To contribute to peace and security by promoting
collaboration among the nations through education, science
and culture in order to further universal respect for justice,
for the rule of law and for the human rights and fundamental freedoms which are affirmed for the peoples of
the world, without distinction of race, sex, language or
religion, by the Charter of the United Nations."
The Slovak Nation, one of many enslaved by Communism, has a high regard for this noble objective of UNESCO
but is prevented in carrying out its part in it. The purpose
of this memorandum is to draw your attention to the plight
in which the Slovak Nation has been placed by no fault
of its own, and also to point out that the action required
to remedy the ills of the systems dominating the life of
Slovaks under Moscow supremacy is long overdue.
The Slovak Nation is the oldest Christian Nation in
Central Europe. Its country is Slovakia with a population
of 4,542,098.
This Nation is not in a position to exercise the rights
as enumerated for every human being by the United
Nations.
At the time when the most fundamental freedoms of
SLOVAKIA
161
mankind were announced by the United Nations, the Slovak
Nation was stripped of them by the power of Moscow
which marked the end of the Slovak Independent Republic,
.and Slovakia was forcibly joined with Bohemia and Moravia
in the Czecho-Slovak Socialistic Republic.
By this arbitrary act the Slovak Nation was in 1945
deprived of the principle of self-determination affirmed
by the Charter of the United Nations. Chapter I, article 1,
paragraph 2 reads:
(The purposes of the United Nations are) "To develop friendly relations among nations based
on respect for the principle of equal rights and selfdetermination of peoples, and to take other appropriate
measures to strengthen universal peace."
The Slovak Nation is not free to choose its form of
government and is ruled by the totalitarian system under
the banner of international Communism.
Consequently with regard to the objectives of UNESCO
the Slovak Nation is not in a position to develop itself
according to its Christian character and thus it is not
free either to contribute to the cultural wealth of the
human family or to enjoy its benefits.
UNESCO holds that for the promotion of its activities,
three of the rights, enumerated in the Universal Declaration
are of outstanding importance:
1. "The right to education ( article 26)
2. "The right of culture (article 27)
3. "The right to freedom of information (article 19)".
The Slovak Nation does not enjoy freedom to claim
and exercise any of these rights.
1. Paragraph 2, of article 26 reads:
"Education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality and the strengthening
of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms.
It shall promote understanding, tolerance and friendship among all nations, racial or religious groups, and
shall further the activities of the United Nations for
the maintenance of peace."
162
SLOVAKIA
Human personality can be fully developed when an
individual enjoys the most fundamental freedoms such as:
freedom
freedom
freedom
freedom
of speech,
of belief,
from fear,
from want.
The Slovak Nation enjoys none of these. The whole
educational system in Slovakia is saturated with Marxism,
which is contrary to the Christian character of the Slovak
Nation.
The promoting of tolerance is unknown to Communism which is disseminating hatred and it is disrupting
unity on all levels of life.
For Communism "peace" means the domination of
private and public life according to the teaching of Marxism.
According to paragraph 3 of article 26, "Parents have
a prior right to choose the kind of education that shall
be given to their children."
The Slovak parents are denied this right for in Slovakia
there is only the Communist system of education. In 1945
Slovakia had 1887 Catholic schools. All of them were confiscated by Communists and the children of Catholic parents
(also other religions) were indoctrinated in Marxism.
2. Article 27, paragraph 1, reads:
"Everyone has the right freely participate in the
cultural life of the community, to enjoy the arts and
to share in scientific advancement and it..s benefits."
In Slovakia culture, arts, science have been made
servants of Communism and they have no value unless
they are guided by principles of Marxism and unless they
are designed for the promotion of Communism.
3. According Article 19:
"Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and
expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions
without interference and to seek, receive and impart
information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers."
163
SLOVAKIA
In Slovakia there is no freedom of opinion and expression. These have to be in conformity with Marxism.
Ideas and opinions are usually communicated by
books, newspapers, radio, television and public addresses.
But in Slovakia, these medias are Communist controlled and are designed to promote militant atheism.
What has been said about the situation in Slovakia,
applies also to a lesser or greater degree to other countries
under Communist rule, and while Communist propaganda
and literature is freely distributed in the countries of the
Western Democracies, the frontiers of the countries under
Communist domination are virtually sealted to the printed
word from the West. This especially applies to articles of
a religious nature.
This state of affairs is contrary to the spirit of the
United Nations and is alien to the objectives of UNESCO.
Its toleration would only strengthen the hand of international Communism and encourage all actual or potential
dictators in their drive to enslave the rights and freedom
of mankind.
Having this in mind, we respectfully request that:
a) You bring the plight of the Slovak Nation to the
attention of the General Assembly of the United
Nations Organization,
b) the dignity of Slovaks be fully restored, so that
the Slovak Nation can take an honorable place
in the family of free Nations according to the spirit
of the United Nations and aims of UNESCO.
We trust that you will assist us in our request that
justice be done to the Slovak Nation and so fulfill the
principles of the United Nations and aims of UNESCO.
Yours respectfully,
Rev. Jan Krasnansky,
s. V.D.
Chaplain to the Slovak
Community in Sydney
Jan Secansky
Sydney, August 1972
Delegate to the Religious
Section of the Slovak
World Congress
164
SLOVAKIA
Ethnic Studies
at C.C.N.Y. and the First Course
on the Slavic American Heritage
The City College of the City University of New York has
long taken pride both in the achievements of its students
and in the leading role it has played in recognizing and
adapting to new ethnic and cultural developments in New
York's multi-cultural and multi-national community. For
many years C.C.N.Y. has ranked with Harvard and the
University of California at Berkeley in the number of its
graduates who go on for doctorates. This year The City
College again took a leadership role by initiating the
nation's first college level course on the Slavic American
Heritage.
Different ethnic groups at City College have long
struggled for recognition and have broadened the college's
involvement in the community by pressing for the establishment of new programs and courses more "relevant" to
their ethnic backgrounds. In response to the students'
demands at C.C.N.Y. in 1969, New York's Board of Higher
Education authorized The City College to establish a Department of Urban and Ethnic Studies (UES) which would
engage in both instruction and research. This department
assists students in preparing for new careers in community
leadership, public service, education, and work with
voluntary agencies in urban areas.
In September of 1969 the new Department of Urban
and Ethnic Studies opened its doors with 183 students
enrolled in two courses in Afro-American and Puerto Rican
Studies. The following semester courses in urban and
community affairs were added. During the second year
the curriculum was expanded to include the beginnings
of Chinese-American and Carribean Studies.
From the beginning the Department of Urban and
Ethnic Studies exhibited striking vitality and growth. The
number of courses given by the Department rose from
two (in the fall of 1969) to thirteen (in the spring of 1970)
and then to twenty-three (in the spring of 1971). From
SLOVAKIA
165
seven sections in the first semester it grew to forty-two
in the spring of 1971, while student enrollment rose from
183 to about 1400.
By Fall 1971, UES had been divided into three separate
departments: Black Studies, Puerto Rican Studies, and
Asian Studies. At the same time a separate department of
Jewish Studies had been created. It became administration
policy that an ethnic studies department could be established only if the particular ethnic group consisted of at least
5 percent of the student population at C.C.N.Y. Only the
four ethnic groups listed above contributed this much.
Others would have to be satisfied with basic courses only.
At present, City College's four ethnic studies departments offer a total of over 120 courses; these are attended
by more than 2300 students. Courses cover such varied
subjects as "Asian Women", "Black Folklore", "Community
Power Analysis and Research", "Political Modernization in
Black America", "The Contemporary Puerto Rican Family",
"Jewish Identity", "Jewish American Community", "Ethnic
Leaders", "Field Work Experience in a Bilingual Environment", and "Creative Research in Urban and Ethnic Studies".
Although hundreds of Slavic-American students attend
The City College, they do not constitute 5 percent of the
student body. Nonetheless many of them are eager to
explore their ethnic heritage within the context of college
study. America's Slavic-speaking population constitutes one
of the most significant "white minority" groups in the
country. Today, when all minority groups are trying to
assert their contribution to the nation's growth, very little
has been done to explore this group's history, culture,
social problems and its struggle to maintain its identity
in the United States. Systematic study of Slavic-Americans
and their heritage is long overdue.
There is a strong feeling of ethnic awareness among
some members of the younger generation, there are also
strong indications that the melting pot conception can not
be maintained any longer and that America is beginning
to recognize and appreciate the diversity of its ethnic
elements in terms of a new cultural pluralism . .As Prof.
Michael Novak puts it in his new book, The Rise of the
Unmeltable Ethnics, "It is time for a new cultural pluralism
166
SLOVAKIA
and a politics that requires this new cultural pluralism
-one that draws from resources other than Anglo-Saxon
history and values."
The first course (being offered at City College), called
Slavic American Heritage, is listed among the College's
core requirements and is open to all interested students.
The course is presented by Prof. Peter Goy and is being
attended by 19 students. It is a survey of Slavic American
Heritage. It attempts to explore the history of Slavic
Americans. The course encompasses all Slavic-speaking
groups in the country (Belorussian, Bulgarian, Croatian,
Czech, Polish, Russian, Serbian, Slovenian, Slovak and
Ukrainian, to mention a few) and includes a brief history
of Slavs in the U.S.A. from the early XVII century to the
present. It stresses their struggle for survival in the New
World while emphasizing the participation of Slavs in
American life and the role they have played in U.S. History.
It expands upon current problems of identity and assimilation facing the younger generation. It takes into scope the
Slavic historical background, characteristics of the Slavic
population, economic conditions, religious conditions, education and contemporary literatures of the different ethnic
groups.
One of the aspects of this course is original research
and analysis made by the students on various aspects of
our contemporary Slavic groups, such as: Polish Ethnic
Press, Ukrainian Scientific Institutions, Contemporary Ethnic Leaders, Czech Community in New York, Contemporary
Slovak Women in America, Rhuthenians in U.S.A., Youth
Organizations and the Impact of Assimilation on SelfIdentity, Bicultural Conflict and Synthesis, etc.
In order to facilitate and further the original research
of the students and faculty, a collection of a Slavic Contemporary ethnic archive and library materials is essential.
Therefore, we would appreciate a donation of materials
such as books, pamphlets, periodicals, newspapers, leaflets,
films, etc, from all Slavic ethnic groups (Belorussian,
Bulgarian, Croatian, Czech, Polish, Russian, Serbian, Slovenian, Slovak, Ukrainian and others) in the United States,
a~ well as their organizations and patriotic individuals.
We strongly believe that in the near future other
colleges and universities, specifically those located in large
SLOVAKIA
167
Slavic communities such as Detroit, Chicago, Cleveland,
Buffalo, etc., will accommodate their Slavic residents and
open the door to the vast richness, resourcefulness and
abundance of Slavic American Heritage.
Professor P. G o y
201 Goethals Hall
The City College of the University of New York
New York, N. Y. 10031
What Did the Slovak
Communists Want in 1968?
Dr. John M. Kochik
(A translation from the Slovak of Viktor Pavlenda's
co chcu Slovdci published in Svet socializmu, No. 32, August
6, 1968 by Obzor Publishers, Bratislava.)
"In January the movement was initiated for a democratic Czech and Slovak socialism which would be economically more dynamic, socially more just, ideologically
more progressive, comprehensively more human,-making
it more attractive than any existing socio-economic system.
The movement for this type of socialism is fast
developing across the country which two peoples and
nationalities inhabit. From the very essence of this movement proceeds its most basically inherent feature, namely,
the very democratization of the relationship between the
two peoples, between them and the nationalities living
among them, and between the nationalities living side-byside. However, should this essential element be disregarded
the movement would become pseudodemocratic, despite
the fact that one sector of society has been the ruling
nation until now and is reputedly the most democratic.
Therefore, the Slovaks have the complete right to formulate their national claims, while the Czechs have the
moral responsibility of seriously considering and democratically accepting them in the new democratic atmosphere
of thought and action.
168
SLOVAKIA
What is the Basis of Our National Movement as a Natural
Ri ght,-A Right Suppressed and Ignored in the Past?
1. A half-century should suffice for an elder brother to
recognize the younger as thoroughly related, not adopted,
without a stepmother, but having his same very own
Czecho-Slovakian homeland. There could be no more fitting
occasion to acknowledge this self-same truth than the
fiftieth October-anniversary of governing together.
2. In its current history "something" always went
wrong in the real autonomy of the Slovak nation. First,
a word only about autonomy, later about all the remaining
issues. We regard as our most natural and sacred rights
the proclamation and recognition of the actual, genuine
self-rule of our people. This presupposes the elimination,
not only in words but in actual fact, of the present
humiliating- position of Slovakia, and the providing of it
with an equal opportunity of realization in all aspects of
social life.
3. The road to a new, just solution of the relationships
between our peoples should proceed through a politicaleconomic Czecho-Slovakian federation: an economicallyrational and nationally-just federation. Thus, we desire
neither that kind of federation which would crush the
Republic through a rigid control of the greater over the
lesser, nor such as would shatter the Republic by indecisive
free choice, one yelling 'To the left!', the other 'To the
right!'.
4. The Czecho-Slovak federation should systematically
transfer the inclusive spirit of the democratizing process
as such into the living conditions of both nations and into
the relationship between them. That means that, taken
objectively, henceforth it would insure more intensively
the acceleration of the process of raising the quality of
conditions in realizing the Czech and Slovak labor potential
both on the job as well as in life. But, simultaneously-and
this indeed holds true for socialist society-it must accelerate the process of making conditions of realization of the
national labor forces approach each other, and of further
equalizing the comparatively large discrepancies in economic and living standards between Slovakia and the Czech
regions . In these processes-the quality of conditions of
utilizing the citizen as such and the relatively-equal utiliza-
SLOVAKIA
169
tion of both peoples-we realize the sense o! an economically-rational and a nationally-just federation.
5. It is completely natural (especially from the experiences of their former development) that nowadays the
Slovaks are not satisfied with promises nor with a referral
to the good intentions of another even though be is one's
very own brother, but they require the systematic guarantee of inclusive national autonomy in a federation.
We visualize the starting-point as in a nationally-just
pyramid of authoritative governmental bodies; national
governmental bodies with original authority-federal governmental bodies with derived competency agreed upon
by the national governmental bodies.
6. We wish to establish a federation and the functioning of federal governmental bodies upon three principles:
economy, flexibility and effectiveness, and national justice.
The realization of these principles are demanded so
that federal governmental bodies would be numerically
minimal with a small apparatus. We demand the nationallyjust activity of federal governmental bodies in: the prohibition of majority-rule in legislative acts, the equal structuring of the administration and applicable solutions (that
is, the prohibition of majority-rule, parity, agreements) in
the federal executive governmental bodies.
We implore the second, Czech, party, that is the Czech
citizen:-consider this matter in silence, without prejudice,
and give an answer six times! It is not an expression most
completely natural that from these six basic principles
the Slovaks proceed, placing one bother on an equal footing
with the other brother? Or, does someone wish to shout
us down repeatedly with the renewed expression: "Co
vlastne ti Slovdci chteji?" (In the original Slovak text this
question is given in the Czech language and meaning "What
do those Slovaks actually want?", note that this question
relates to the title and theme of the article.-Translator's
comment.)
I will not cease being an optimist. I still believe that
the answer of our Czech brother will be non-Antonine
(A passible reference to Antonin Novotny, First Party
Secretary and the President of the Republic, his regime,
policies and character.-Translator's comment), different
in substance from its present usage, and that it will be
worthy to the development of the Czech people."
170
SLOVAKIA
AS OTHERS SEE IT
The Church in Czecho-Slovakia been forced into early retirement
is very weak, but it will continue to make them scarcer.
Yet, strange as it may sound, the
to survive. There are 14 dioceses,
but only two bishops. The govern- government is not suppressing rement will not permit any more to ligion altogether. Firstly, it is
be consecrated, so 12 of the 14 afraid to do so. Secondly, the Comdioceses must function with a munist Party is split on the issue
priest who serves as vicar for the of how much to suppress religion.
diocese. The vicars are chosen Some argue that it must be persecuted as fiercely as it is in Red
largely by the state.
No Catholic schools are permit- China. Others say that if it is kept
ted in Czecho-Slovakia, though two weak, it will gradually die out as
seminaries are still functioning, Communism takes over. A third
one for Czechs and one for Slovaks. point: Communist leaders for the
There are about 150 in the Czech most part are becoming increasingseminary, not many for 10 million ly pragmatic.
They persecute religion only in
Czechs, most of whom are Catholic.
There are about 200 seminarians a ritualistic way, paying lip service
in the seminary for Slovaks, in to Communist ideology. They persecute it mostly inasmuch as it
Bratislava.
About 3,500 priests are active. constitutes a force outside of the
Another 500 must work as laymen, total power structure they have
since the government does not re- allocated to themselves. Absolute
cognize them as priests. Approxi- dictators have always tried to permately 35 priests are ordained each secute religion and weaken it to
year. Worst of all, most of the the point where it has no power,
nuns have recently been confined unless they have the power in their
to work as staff in mental institu- hands.
The police are not much in evition. Had we a Catholic Anti-Defamation League in the United dence in Czecho-Slovakia. Nor are
States, we could bring enough there Russian soldiers on the street.
pressure to bear to stop such but everyone knows there are
80,000 Soviet troops stationed just
abuses.
Remember how Stalin used to 30 miles away. Everyone rememcall it "changing the guard" when bers how Moscow sent in 650,000
he had a purge of Party officials? troops in a great hurry four years
It still goes on. Three hundred ago, to crush the "human face"
thousand members of the Commu- type of Communism Alexander
nist Party have been purged in Dubcek had tried to introduce.
One of the first buildings I saw
Czecho-Slovakia in the past four
years. Forty per cent of the writers in Prague was a training school
have been forced out of their pro- for future members of the Party.
fession. Fifty thousand union mem- It is the Party members and they
bers were purged. The remaining alone who get all the good jobs
writers stick to the Communist and who run every facet of governline, attacking the clergy as "fas- ment. Membership is limited to
cists" and "Nazi." A large percent- those the Party invites, such as
age of the monasteries have been sons or friends of Party members,
closed recently, and priests have or those who do not practice their
SLOVAKIA
religion and for other reasons appeal to the ruling class. Only Party
members can be candidates in a
system where to be nominated by
the Party is a guarantee of "election." Only Party members can
hold trusted position. Only they
have all the power.
Communists argue that if the
whole world were Communist,
there would be no wars. But
Czecho-Slovakia is a direct refutation of that theory. The country
was brutally invaded in 1968 when
it tried to humanize its type of
Communism. Nor is it true that
Communism lessens crime.
Any visitor to Czecho-Slovakia
sees prostitutes walking the main
streets at night. Cars are often
stripped or stolen. Drugs are not
a problem, though they are in
Moscow. Alcohol, which we often
fail to think of as a drug, is a
huge problem in all those countries. Stealing stocks and bonds is
not a problem. But stealing from
the state is on a much greater
scale than anything we can imagine. "The whole system," I was
told repeatedly, "is built on stealing."-Father Dan Lyons. Twin
Circle, November 10, 1972.
VIENNA (AP) - Travel fo a
Westerner may be occassionally
troublesome, but this is nothing
compared to the battle with red
tape an East European traveler
encounters, if he just goes from
one Communist country to another.
The Slovak Assn. of Journalists
recently issued what it called "a
recipe for avoiding difficulties with
passport and customs control"
which lists so many things to do
that it might in fact discourage
anybody from making the trip in
the first place.
The association's biweekly publication, listed the regulations applying in the various East Europe-
171
an countries, which in the case of
the Soviet Union alone covered 21
lines.
The hard-core measures are
nearly the same in every East
European country. Each wants to
know who crosses the border,
watches that not too much of its
national currency is taken out, nor
rare consumer goods which the
East European countries prefer to
sell in the West for hard currency.
Red tape starts at home.
Slovaks have to file customs and
foreign currency declarations; in
some cases they must also have
exit permits. Anyone intending to
take a gift exceeding $20 along
must obtain permission.
Anyone wanting to visit the Soviet Union or Poland must have
a visa. Joining a tour of a state
travel agency makes this relatively
simple. But anyone who wants to
visit privately must have an invitation authenticated by a Soviet militia.-Werner Olimann
WAKE FOREST, N. C. (NC)Ethnic Americans are "neither angels nor devils" but an unusual
combination of political liberals
and old fashioned patriots, according to Father Andrew Greeley.
The ethnic "believes that progress is possible and that change is
desirable," Father Greeley told a
conference here on Civil Religion
in America.
"If he is less likely now than he
was 20 years ago to describe himself as a liberal, the reason is not
that he is any less committed to
change or any less sympathetic
with the oppressed but simply that
he has much less confidence in
American liberalism now."
The ethnics, Father Greeley
said, "like the United States of
America. The flag, the 'Star Spangled Banner,' the Constitution, the
Declaration of Independence, the
172
SLOVAKIA
Capitol building, the office of the
presidency-all of these are admired symbols which together sum
up the gratitude the ethnic feels
for what the United States has
made possible for him: freedom,
dignity, comfort, security-things
which his ancestors in the countries
from which they fled or were
driven would not have dreamt possible."
Father Greeley, director of the
University of Chicago's Center for
the study of American Pluralism,
said that members of ethnic groups
are "less likely" than other Americans to favor the Vietnam war and,
despite a tradition of anti-communism, they do not object to reapproachment with China or the
Soviet Union."
Members of ethnic groups, descendants of the most recent waves
of European immigrants, have not
been in America "long enough or
achieved that level of security
where it becomes easy to hate and
despite the United States," the
priest-sociologist said.
"An appeal to the conscience of
the ethnic against war and against
injustice that is based on American
patriotism has much better chance
of being effective than one based
on denunciation of America as a
sick society, burning American
flags, and ridiculing American institutions," Father Greeley said.
Ethnics want to eliminate "hunger, misery, poverty, bad housing,
bad education, and every other sort
of social ill wherever is can be
found in America," he said. "They
supported the New Deal social reforms and have continued to vote
for liberal congressional candidates
who have extended and enlarged
the New Deal."
At the same time, Father Greeley
said, ethnics place "a strong emphasis on the freedom and dignity
of the individual person. A person
should not be messed with or
hassled by large bureaucratic agencies, be they governmental,
labor, business, or ecclesiastical."
Father Greeley spoke at a conference sponsored by the ~outhwestern Baptist Theological Seminary here and the American Jewish
Committee.
PITISBURGH-Tbey aren't the
Same Old Steelers anymore. Just
ask Gerela's Gorillas, Franco's
Italian Army or the newly formed
Dobra Shunka fan club.
All those have been spawned by
the success of the Pittsburgh Steelers, making a strong bid for the
first division title in their 40-year
pro football history.
Gerela\s GO!fillas favor placekicker Roy Gerela, and rookie
running sensation Franco Harris
is the honorary commander of
Franco's Italian Army. But what
about Dobra Shunka?
"That's Slovak for 'Great Ham,' "
says Steeler linebacker Jack Ham,
whose ancestors were European.
"They're a great bunch of guys,"
Ham added. "Most of them live over
in Port Vue, same as Gerela's
Gorillas. You can't beat enthusiasm
like that."
Ham knows first hand the degree of Steeler mania. He's probably the only pro football player
ever to get an ovation during a
church sermon.
"It happened at evening Mass the
Sunday we beat Kansas City," recalls Ham, who attends St. Bernard's Roman Catholic Church in
suburban Dormont.
The monsignor was sermonizing
on parish matters when suddenly
he decided to switch topics and
proclaimed from the pulpit, "How
about those Steelers!"
During the ensuing praise, he
asked if Steeler vice President Dan
SLOVAKIA
Roomey, a member of the parish,
was in attendance. Rooney wasn't
but Ham was and one of the faithful stood up and introduced him
as "Jack Ham-the Steelers great
linebacker. "
173
"It was really something," recalls Ham. "They gave me a big
ovation just like we were out at
the stadium, I even stayed after
Mass and signed autographs."( Associated Press)
Astronaut Gene Cernan is of Slovak origin. His grandfather migrated
to the U.S.A. from Vysoka, Kysuce region, Slovakia
174
SLOVAKIA
BOOK
REVIEWS
BOOKS ON SLOVAKIA
Reviewed by J.M. Kirschbaum
The Czechoslovak Reform Move- of view. It also put into proper
ment by Galla Golan, Cambridge, perspective the economic as well
at the University Press, 1971, as political and national reasons
for which young Slovak intellectuBibl., 334 pages.
Among the dozens of books on als, all of them staunch supporters
the de-Stalinization and liberation of the Communist Party, began to
movement in Czecho-Slovakia, the rebel against the Stalinist system.
present book by Galia Golan, Lec- There is no doubt that economic
turer in Political Science and Rus- as well as political disparity betsian Studies at the Hebrew Univer- ween Slovakia and the Czech lands
sity in Jerusalem, is one of the became intolerable even to Slovak
most objective and best research- Communists. The spark for the
ed works. Whereas many authors moment came, however, from the
of books on the reform movement writers and intellectuals who cravin Czecho-Slovakia viewed the situ- ed for more freedom and could not
ation from Prague and dealt with tolerate the injustice committed on
the events mostly on the basis of so-called Slovak "bourgeois nationCzech sources (see our reviews in alists" who were freed from prisSlovakia for 1970 and 1971, and in ons, but not rehabilitated. The
Slavica Canadiana A. D.1970), the Czech intellectuals joined the
present book does not suffer from movement three or four years
any anti-Slovak bias. The author later, in 1967 and 1968, and gave
objectively analyzed the beginnings it the weight which paved the way
of the reform movement from 1963 for the events of 1968. Unfortuto 1968, and recognized the role nately, it would appear that they
which was played by Slovak writ- not only helped the movement to
ers, journalists and politicians. As get momentum, but also pushed it
a result, the picture is quite dif- to the extreme and in the end gave
ferent from many other books on the Soviets a prete~t for the inthe subject. Because except for vasion.
the books by Skilling, Shawcross,
The book is an excellent survey
Fejto, Lungi and Ello, the reform of the whole period from 1963 to
movement in Czecho-Slovakia and 1968. It is divided into six chapespecially its last phase, was a- ters. In its Introduction the book
scribed by Western observers and surveys the years 1956-1962 and
analysts to Czech intellectuals and then it analyzes the revolt of the
several books were published under intellectuals, the economic reforms,
the title: The Prague Spring. In reforms in the social cultural
some instances, even Dubcek's .role spheres, political reforms, the ewas played down and other Slovaks vents of 1967 and 1968. The author
wei"e omitted or ignored.
paid special attention to Slovaks
Galla Golan's book is, however, in the second chapter, as well as
obje<:tive not only from this point in Chapters V and VI. In one chap-
SLOVAKIA
ter the author analyzes specially
the "pressures from the Slovaks
and the youth." In the chapter on
economic reforms, the book gives
credit to the efforts of Dr. Eugen
Loebl and to his plan for reforming
the bankrupt economy. Other Slovak reformers, either in economic
fields or in the political structure
of Czecho-Slovakia are equally
mentioned and so are Slovak periodicals, especially Kulturny Zivot
and Slovenske Pohl'ady.
Galia Golan seems to understand
much better than other specialists
in Eastern Europe the basic issues
which separate Slovaks and Czechs
and which dramatically came to
the surface during the years 19631968. Trying to present an objective picture of the whole situation
she avoided simplifications and,
therefore, her book will remain as
one of the best researched and
scholarly written analysis of the
attempts by Slovaks and Czechs to
give Communism a human face.
Wolfgang Venohr: Aufstand fii,r die
Tschecho-Slowakei (Uprising for
Czecho-Slovakia), Christian Wegner Verlag, Hamburg, 1969, bibl.,
ill., doc., 372 p.
The War period of the Slovak
history has been avoided for a long
time in German historiography.
Many more books were published
in English than in the German language. When finally books on Slovakia appeared in Germany, they
were written by historians coming
not from Germany but from other
Eastern European countries (Ludwig von Gogolak, Jorg K. Hoensch,
Almar Reitzner) and the backgrounds of the authors influenced
their attitudes and interpretation
of the dramatic period of modern
Slovak history.
The book under review is the
first one by a Western writer on
the uprising which occured in Slo-
175
vakia in the Fall of 1944 and was
presented until now only by memoirs or books written by the Communist participants, except for one
volume of documents edited by V.
Precan.
Venohr's book does not agree
completely with the Communist
interpretation and sheds a new
light on the bloody and controversial rebellion which was at least
three times re-interpreted by the
Communists themselves. There is
no note on the author of the book
and of his credentials. The work
is comprehensive and refers not
only to many printed sources but
also to personal interviews with
the Communist participants and
officers of the Slovak army involved in the uprising. Interviews
with non-Communist participants,
even though some of them live in
Germany, are missing. In view of
the fact that the non-Communist
organizers and participants of the
uprising did not publish uptil now
their version of the political aims
and of the part played by the Slovak army or non-Communist population, Venohr's book fills an important gap.
It is, however, very hard to
say how far his interpretation is
free of any bias, in spite of the fact
that he states in his epilogue that
he tried to avoid an ideological approach. As he says, the aim of his
book was to "help the Slovaks to
gain their international respect and
develop brotherly relations built
on equality of rights with the
Czechs." At the same time the
book should "serve to create a
better understanding between Germany and Czecho-Slovakia."
Venohr's presentation of the Slovak Republic and his survey of
Slovak history would indicate that
he endeavored to look at Slovaks
without the usual bias which we
can find in some Western and
17~
SLOVAKIA
Communist history books. Throughout the book, there is an effort to
avoid the negative attitude towards
the Slovak struggle for independence. There is no a priori denial
of bonafide actions and goodwill
on the part of the Slovak politicians
and in one instance the author
even states that from the scientific
point of view nobody can seriously
speak about Fascism in Slovakia
(p. 30).
Nevertheless, on many pages
of the book he uses the term "Klerikal Faschismus" ( clerofascism)
coined by the Communists. Venohr
accepted as valid the statement by
President Dr. Tiso that the existence of the Slovak Republic will
be of great importance for the
future generations, but in his view
the uprising is even of greater importance for historical claims of
Slovak national identity. This is,
of course, a debatable view but it
sums up Venohr's attitude towards
the uprising. From this premise,
the author approached all the events and persons involved in the
history of Slovakia from 1938 to
1945.
The volume is composed of
two parts. In the first part he
writes about the independent Slovakia, the Slovak army until 1943,
about the political opposition; the
unwanted partizan war; the military conspiracy; the memorandum
by General Catlo§ and the mission
to Moscow by Smidke.
The second part is entitled:
"Occupation and Uprising." It
contains six chapters in which the
author speaks about military events of the uprising from the time
Germany sent two divisions to fight
the Soviet partizans. Their arrival,
however, triggered off the uprising
of the Slovak army units and led
to events of historical importance.
Venohr describes the battles in
various parts of Slovakia with the
Slovak army which was preparing
an uprising against Germans independently of ,t he Soviet partizans, as well as the political aims
of the whole uprising. It is mainly
in this part of the book where the
author differs from the Communist
historiographers but it is to be
regretted that he did not confront
statements of the people with
whom he had interviews with the
writings and opinions of the nonCommunist participants who live
in the West. He also failed to
mention that the Communists originally aimed at establishing a Slovak Soviet Republic and not Czecho-Slovakia.
In spite of this, Venohr's description and evaluation of the
events seems to be much more
objective and closer to the historical truth than the one-sided interpretation published in today's Slovakia by Communist writers, or by
some Western historians who adopted the Czech or the Communist
interpretation. His stress on the
divergence of views between the
Communists and military leadership on one side and the Bene§
Government on the other sheds
a new light on the uprising whose
final history is still to be written.
The memorandum and the attempts
by the Minister of National Defense of the Slovak Republic, General F. Catlo§, to come to an agreement with Moscow to save Slovakia of occupation is another important revelation in the book,
since it has not been taken into
consideration by Western historians. A number of documents attached to the book also enhance
its value.
However, in spite of Venohr's
endeavor to be objective towards
the leaders of the Slovak Republic,
there are, of course, still some inaccuracies in his book which could
have been corrected if the author
SLOVAKIA
had interviewed the emigre Slovak
historians or political leaders. His
survey of Slovak history also suffers accepting the Czech rather
than the Slovak interpretation of
the Slovak past. There is no doubt
that Slovakia suffered a sort of
social decapitation and lost their
leading classes to Hungarian assimilation and policy. There was,
however, Slovak national consciousness a long time before Stt'.ir's period and we can safely say that
Slovak national renaissance started in the 17th century and the
Bernolak group, which is not even
mentioned by Venohr, deserves
credit for the national awakening
of the Slovak people. Economically,
Slovakia also presented a different
picture. Even with these shortcomings Venohr's book is, however,
much closer to the historical facts
and objective interpretation of the
War period in Slovak history than
. any other work published in the
West, exept for books written by
Slovak exiled historians who defe nd the right of the Slovak people
to self determination and independence.
vm and
IX. · Historica 5-6, Slovak Institute, Cleveland-Rome, 1969, pp.
216 and 231, bibl., ill.
Slovak Studies, Volume
The recent volumes of Slovak
Studies are an additional contribution to the research into. the Slovak
history in ,t he English language.
In comparison with the previous
volµmes, the contributors are
mostly from the younger generation and several of them from
among Slovak intellectuals educa.ted at American universities. For
this reason, both volumes also contain essays on American Slovaks.
In view of the fact that there is no
history book on the achievements
and contribution of American Slovaks to Slovak national develop-
177
ment, these contributions are of
particular value.
The first volume contain four
contributions: "The Role of American Slovaks in the Creation
of Czecho-Slovakia, 1914-1918," by
M. M. Stolarik; a study "Education
in Slovakia" by M. I. Angelovic
SS.C.M.; "The Quadrennial Reports
of the Bishops of Nitra to Rome,"
by E. Bouydosh; and "A Short
Survey of the Eastern Catholic
Churches," by Prof. M. Lacko, S.J.
To the second volume contributed Msgr. J . Rekem "Selected Chapters from the Slovak Cultural History"; F. Vnuk, a study "British
Recognition of Independent Slovalda in 1939"; M. Tybor, "Fa_ther
Matthew Jankola (1872-1916)"; J .
J. Karch, . Slovakia Under Communism, 1944-1964"; Prof. M. Lacko,
"A Historical Song from Eastern
Slovakia" and "Camaldulese Red
Monastery-Cerveny Klastor."
All contributions are on the level
of academic papers and point to
new aspects and new knowledge of
the Slovak past. From the historical point of view, the most relevant
is, of course, the well researched
and well written assay on British
recognition of independent Slovakia in 1939 and Stolarik's M.A.
thesis on the role of American
Slovaks in the creation of Czechoslovakia, while from the cultural
point of view the thesis on education in Slovakia by Sister .Angelovic and the essay on J ankola by
Sister Tybor deserve particular
mention.
F. Vnuk's research into the British archives brought forth some
very interesting information on the
attitude of Great Britain towards
Slovakia and many unknown documents which prove· that the Government of Great Britain and British diplomats had quite a different
view of the Slovak problem than
the Czech exiles, headed by Dr.
178
SLOVAKIA
Bene§, made us believe and smuggled into Western historiography.
It would appear from Vnuk's study
that Great Britain was neither
eager to recognize the Czecho-Slovak government in exile, nor believed to adverse reports on Slovakia, and that Slovaks needed only
some good diplomats in London to
put Slovakia and her striving for
independence into a different light
in the West. Vnuk certainly deserves recognition for studying the
British archives because our knowledge of Great Britain's attitude
towards Slovakia was very limited
until now.
Msgr. Rekem's contribution "Selected Chapters from the Slovak
Cultural History" is a concise view
of Slovak cultural development
from the Middle Ages to the Bernolak period, written on the pattern of his previous studies either
in English, German, or Slovak and,
as usual, well documented. The
essay would deserve to be distributed as a separate publication.
M. Stolarik's contribution to the
volume is an M. A. thesis and as
such indicating that we can expect
from the young historian further
valuable contribution to the exploration of the history of Slovaks
in the United States. His thesis is
well balanced and based on research into the unknown as well
as published sources, and enhanced
by a useful bibliography.
There is no need to write about
Prof. Lacko's contribution since he
has been an accepted authority on
the subjects he writes about and
his contributions are marked by
thorough knowledge and originality. E. Bouydosh's contribution is a
continuation of his previous research and writings and of interest
for Slovak religious past.
From - the Slovak point of view
the contributions by the Sisters of
SS. Cyril and Methodius, M. I. An-
gelovic and M. Tybor deserve special mention. It would seem that
both contributions are M. A. theses
or parts thereof. They are valuable not only by their contents but
also by their originality and research into the unknown and unpublished sources. In view of the
fact that scholars in today's Slovakia are not allowed to extend their
research into the history of Slovaks abroad, both contributions are
of particular interest for Slovak
historiography.
The essay by J. J. Karch "Slovakia Under Communism, 1944-1964"
is a well written account but too
short to give a complete picture.
It would be useful if this theme
could be enlarged in Slovak Studies by the author or other Slovak
specialists in modem Slovak history.
To conclude, we can say that
both volumes honorably represent
the efforts of Slovak intellectuals
in the West to fill the gap of
knowledge of the Slovak past among Western historians and students of Central Eastern Europe.
L'oecumenisme at le panslavisme
de l'abbe JEAN PALARIK, par
Joseph Vavrovic; These presentee
a la Faculte des Arts de l'Universite d'Ottawa en vue l'obtention du Ph.D. en Etudes Slaves,
Ottawa, 1972, 470 p.
The thesis under review is a
mature scholarly work, apparently
the result of a long and thorough
research into the archives and published sources pertaining to the
historical background and to the
activities of Jan Palarlk, whose
dramatic works survived until the
present time, but whose ecumenism
was forgotten and his panslavic
ideas were over-shadowed by his
famous countrymen: Jan Koll.Ar
and L'udovit Stur. In view of tlle
present trend in the Catholic
SLOVAKIA
Church, and the misuse of the idealistic panslavism by the Soviet
Union, Palarik's 19th century ideas, for which he suffered persecution from the ecclesiastic superiors and was scorned by adherents of panslavism based on
Russian leadership, are actual and
timely and the thesis is, in many
ways, an original work.
The thesis is divided into three
parts: historical background of the
activities of Jan Palarik; the ecumenism of Palarik, and the panslavism of Palarik. In the first part
the author of the thesis discusses
the nationalist wave in Hungary
after the Congress of Vienna, the
insurrection in 1848 and the period
of absolutism of Bach and the di·
vision of the monarchy into the
Austrian and Hungarian part. In
part two, the thesis deals with the
origins of Palarik's ecumenism, his
activities as editor of the monthly
Cyrill a Method and with the con·flict with his ecclesiastic superiors.
Part three gives a survey of the
origins of panslavism and draws a
distinction between Palarik's idea
of panslavism and that of Jan Kollar.
Palarik's ecumenism stemmed
from his concern for the Slovak
people who were menaced by Magyarization and weakened by religious division. The Slovak Catholic clergy made many efforts towards uniting with Slovak Protestants in cultural and literary activities even before Palarik's time.
Encouraged by J. M. Hurban's
work on the union of Slovak Lu•
therans with Calvinists in Hungary
(Unia cili spojeni Lutheranu s Kalviny v Uhrach, Budin, 1846, 240
p.), Palarik took, however, a step
further. He recommended also a
religious union, basing his views
on similar tendencies of Catholic
theologians in Germany and France
and insisting on it for patriotic rea-
179
sons. Palarik developed his national
ecumenism in a series of articles
published in the monthly Cyrill a
Method of which he was editor.
Supported by several other young
Catholic clergymen who advocated
not only the union with Slovak
Protestants but also far reaching
reforms of the Catholic Church in
Hungary, Palarik came into conflict with the hierarchy and especially with the Archbishop-Primas
Scitovsky. His progressive and democratic ideas gained him, nevertheless, many adherents amongst
Slovak Catholics. Unfortunately, he
failed to obtain an adequate response on the part of Slovak Lutherans and after Palarik had to
submit to the Church authorities,
the movement for uniting Slovaks
in their religion slowly died down.
In Msgr. Vavrovic's analysis it
was nevertheless an interesting
movement on the part of Slovak
Catholics and Palarik emerges
from the thesis as a well educated
idealistic patriot concerned about
the progress of the Slovak people
and about the reform in the Catholic Church on much similar lines
as have been accepted by the last
Vatican Council. In his series on
the necessity of union of Catholics
with Lutherans in Slovakia, he referred to well-known contemporary
theologians and fought for his
ideas in prose as well as in verses
to make an impact on the leaders
and believers of both churches.
Palarik's panslavism was generally as idealistic as Kollar's or
Stur's concept of Slavic reciprocity.
He differed, however, from them
in his favorable attitude towards
Poland and not only failed to advocate Russian supremacy and
leadership but also insisted on the
necessity of equality of all Slavic
peoples. There are echoes of Herder's and Hegel's philosophy and
prophecies about the role the Slavs
180
SLOVAKIA
will play in the world in Palarik's
panslavism, ·. even though he did
not refer to them. From Stur who
advocated . the acceptance .of the
Russian orthodoxy · by all Slavic
peoples Palarik also differed in
religious respect by advocl;l.ting the
union of all Slavs in the Catholic
Church, referring to the words of
Christ about "one shepherd and
one fold." His defense of Poles who
were subjugated by the Russians
caused him criticism from other
Slovak panslavists. Nevertheless
Palarik deserves recognition for
creating two concepts of panslavism in Slovakia, and the present
Soviet domination of Slavic peoples
proves that he was right in refuting panslavism based on Russian
leadership and supremacy.
Since Palarik has been known
for the past 100 years mostly as
a playwright and dramatist, whose
works : Incognito (i858), D'rotar
(1860), Smierenie and Dobrodruzstvo pri Obzinkach (1862), Dimitrij
samozvanec (1870), have been played until the present day, the thesis
by Msgr. Vavrovic contributes to the
knowledge of Palarik's activities
and ideas which make him one of
the most progressive and democratic Slovak leader of the 19th
century.
In conclusion we can say that
the thesis is a valuable piece
of academic writing. In view of the
role played by panslavism in Slavic literatures and in the awakening of Slavic peoples, the thesis
will add to this movement a new
dimension: the ecumenic idea and
a new conception of mutuality among Slavs. The knowledge of
numerous languages by the author
and his intellectual training made
it possible to shed light on both
movements from various points of
view: philosophical, theological and
literary. He also presented the
subject in a clear style and methodically well balanced.
The author of the thesis used
practically all relevant sources in
several languages and displayed a
thorough knowledge of ·the basic
works on panslavism and ecumenism. At the same time, he seems to
know all writings by and on Palarik as his numerous quotations
and bibliography indicate.
Editor's remark:
The reviewer, Prof. Joseph M.
Kirschbaum, was a member of the
jury which examined the a:uthor at
the defense of his thesis · and recommended its acceptance summa
cum laude.
Milan S. :i'>urica: La Morte di M. R.
Stefanik Alla Luce Dei Documenti Militari Italiani Inediti,
Collana di Studi Sull'Europa 0rientale, Univsersita Degli Studi
di Padova, Padova, 1971, pp. 94.
For the past fifty years, the
mysterious death of. one of the co~
founder of Czec.ho-Slovakia, General Milan R. Stefanik, gave ground
to various hypotheses and accusations and created dissensions between Czechs and Slovaks. While
on the part of the Prague government Stefanik's death was attributed to an accident, on the Slovak
side persisted the belief t];J.at Stefanik lost his life because Dr. Benes and also T. G. Masaryk disagreed with Stefanik's political
views and wanted to prevent him
from taking part in the political
life of Czecho-Slovakia. The circumstances in which the aeroplane
bringing Stefanik from Italy to his
native land crashed near Bratislava
favored the . hypothesis that the
crash was due to an artillery attack
ordered by an officer of the Czecho-Slovak army who allegedly mistook the Italian aircraft for a
Hungarian one.
Also the manner in which the
SLOVAKIA
181
Prague government handled the
investigation of the accident and
fought the rumors and allegations
accusing Dr. Benes of the responsibility for Stef{mik's death, helped to strengthen the belief that
Stefanik actually was a victim of
a political plot. Even though he
was a member of the Czecho-Slovak
government and his arrival was
announced, there were no preparations for his reception and the
archives containing the investigation records were kept top-secret
during the whole existence of the
pre-war Czecho-Slovakia.
directly confirms the belief that
Stefanik was the victim of a political plot.
As all historical works by !Jurica,
also the present one is well researched and well written. Its
scholarly value is enhanced by
references to practically all known
books and articles on Stefanik's
life and death, in addition to his
own thorough research of Italian
military archives.
The essay was originally published in the periodical n Mondo
Slavo of which Prof. !Jurica is one
of the founders and editors.
For the above reasons, the death
of Stefanik attracted writers as
well as historians. Professor :i'.>urica
has reviewed in his publication
riot only the circumstances of Stefanik's death, but also analyzed the
probability of all hypotheses advanced in the past. In addition, he
~xamined for the first time the
Italian military archives pertaining
to the departure of General M. R.
Stefanik from Italy to his native
Slovakia. In the past, the life and
death of Stefanik were usually
treated on the basis of French,
Slovak and Czech sources, memoirs, . and reminiscences. Professor
nurica rightly considered it necessary to study the Italian archives
and by doing so, he made a valuable contribution to the efforts of
solving the mystery of Stefanik's
death. He was successful in proving
incorrect several assertions of the
Prague government especially those
concerning the meteorological conditions, the alleged inexperience
of the pilot and the allegation that
Stefanik's arrival was not announced before. As historian, :i'.>urica avoided pronouncing any firm
conclusion as to which hyphothesis
is correct but his research destroyed the Prague government's version of Stefanik's death and in-
Michael Novak, The Rise of the
Unmeltable Ethnics, The McMillan Company, New York, N. Y.,
1972, pp. 321, Price $7.95.
For the past four or five years,
many American scholars expressed
their doubts as to whether the
United States became a "melting
pot" or if that theory was just a
myth. Several conferences of historical societies and sociologists
and linguists suddenly discovered
that America was a multi-cultural
society and that the ethnic groups
were not melted. The result of this
academic discovery called the attention of the politicians and results in debates and finally in a
Bill on Centers of Ethnic Studies
in the Congress.
However, neither the studies of
sociologists and historians, nor the
recent Bill of Schweiker and Pucinski are as palatable and, by
their approach, as human as is the
book by Prof. Novak. Besides being well researched, the book is
a real confession and a deep reflection on the human structure of
America of today, written in excellent style, placing the book between a work of science and a novel.
The author is professor of philosophy and religious studies at the
State University of New York at
182
SLOVAKIA
Old Westbury and has to his credit the reader; his hardly ornamental
ten books, mostly dealing with name for the ethnic groups "PIGS."
philosophy, theology and Catholics. He also separates Poles from other
Prof. Novak is a third generation Slavs, even though the Polish AAmerican Slovak whose conscious- mericans preserved some of the
ness of ethnic background was a- most Slavic characteristics.
wakened not long ago during the
Novak's book is bound to shake
presidential campaigns by Barry the conscience of many Americans,
Goldwater and Governor George and will probably do so for a deWallace in 1966. As Novak writes cade to come. It may be worthwhile
in his book, he was "alarmed by the for many American Slovaks to concleavage between the old WASP sider as to whether they should
and the new technological con- actively join this new political
sciousness" and "felt increasingly force. It would perhaps be good to
uncomfortable with the condescen- do so not only for their own sake
sion and disdain heaped upon and the United States but also for
Catholics." So he found himself the country of their fathers and
beginning to say "we" rather than forefathers-Slovakia.
"they" when he spoke of ethnics
(page 63). Since that time, Prof. Slavs in Canada, Vol. m, Compiled
and Edited by Prof. Cornelius J.
Novak made a thorough study of
Jaenen, University of Ottawa,
the ethnic problem in the United
1971, 348 pages. Price: $7.00.
States, mostly in its psychological,
sociological and political aspects.
The third volume of Slavs in
Due to his philosophical educa- Canada contains proceeding of the
tion and writing talent, Novak Third National Conference on Cawrote in his book some of the , nadian Slavs held in 1969 at York
most interesting insights into the ' University in Toronto. Professors
life, aspiration and problems of the of Slavic Studies at various Canamany millions of Americans who dian universities organized in 1965
are neither WASPS nor Blacks. under the leadership of Professor
It is a delight to read for instance B. Bociurkiw a committee whose
his chapter "Confessions of a task was to study the problems of
White Ethnic" in which he ana- Canadian Slavs. The committee was
lyses some of the basic psycho- successful in organizing the first
logical problems which various Conference on Canadian Slavs in
ethnic groups, especially Slavs, and Banff, the second in Ottawa, and
as far as religion is concerned, all the third in Toronto, attracting
American Catholics, had to face many specialists in Slavic and ethfrom the time of their immigration nic studies. While the first and
up to the present day.
second Conferences were dealing
Prof. Novak who has been a staff predominantly with the general
member in several recent political problems of Canadian Slavs, the
campaigns, envisages the "unmelt- third Conference was divided into
able ethnics" as the new political six sections dealing with research,
force of the seventies.
politics and law, education, IanHe came to that conclusion as guages and literature, journalism
a result of the study of numerous and folklore. Altogether 22 papers
books dealing with present day were presented and discussed in
America, as his many references those sections and the volume unand quotations indicate. There is der review contains the edited text
one thing which bothers, however, of the papers.
SLOVAKIA
One of the most interesting
studies in the volume is a volumi•
nous paper on the ethnic identification and attitudes of university
students of Ukrainian descent by
Prof. B. Bociurkiw. His conclusions
can apply to students of other
Slavic groups not only in Canada
but apparently also in the United
States. Another paper of general
interest was presented by Prof. V.
Szyrynski on the subject "Ethnic
Integration and Psychological Adjustment," while Prof. J . D. Gagnon from the Universite de Montreal gave his views about the position of immigrants in Quebec if
that Province became independent
183
Jaroslaw A. Piekalkiewicz: Public
Opinion PoUing in Czechoslovakia, 1968-69, Results and Analysis
of Surveys Conducted During the
Dubcek Era, Praeger Publishers,
New York, Washington, London,
1972.
The number of books which dealt
with the political upheavals in
Czecho-Slovakia in 1968, was so
great that another book would
seem superfluous. Some 60 books
were published in the English language alone, and there were a
dozen books in other West European languages. Nevertheless, the
present volume on Public Opinion
Besides these basic studies, the
Polling will be very useful for hisvolume contains interesting intorians and students of Eastern
sights into the Canadian education
and minority rights, a study on the Europe.
influence of the English language
Its specific value lies in the fact
on Slavic languages and the por• that it embraces the whole territory
trayal of Canada's ethnic groups in of Czecho-Slovakia and pays attensome French Canadian novels. For tion to the relations between Slothe first time, the Conference paid vaks and Czechs which, in many
attention to the ethnic press and other publications, was overlooked
the papers dealing with the sub- or minimized. In addition, this book
ject contained an essay on Byelo- expresses the opinions of many
russian publications in Canada by Czechs and Slovaks and, as a result,
A. A. Hrycuk, "The Ideological is not a write-up by an observer
Orientation of the Canadian Slavic who was only partly familiar with
Press" by J. M. Kirschbaum, and the problems and judged them on
"Analysis of the Periodical Pub- the basis of his observations or
lications of Canadian Slavs," by A. limited information received in
Malycky.
Prague. The book also seems to be
free of the usual anti-Slovak bias,
Some of these papers were of which we often find in political
strictly scientific character while writings by Western historians and
others contained general informa- specialists on Eastern Europe.
tion or basic facts for further studies, and, therefore, the contents of
The book is divided into 11 chapthe volume are uneven in their ters in which the author endeavorscholarly value. Nevertheless, the ed to find an answer to the quesbook is of importance not only for tion as to whether there was a
acquainting Canadians with the revolution or counter-revolution;
Slavic groups but it should also be what kind of socialism the Czechs
considered as a valuable contribu- and Slovaks wanted to achieve; the
tion to the general trend to build role of the existing non-communist
Canada as a multi-cultural society. parties; the role of the National
184
SLOVAKIA
Front, political parties and political
opposition; popularity of individual
leaders and attitudes on the economic system. _In conclusion, the
author applied the findings to other
communist states of Eastern Europe.
The Slovaks resented their subjection aiid both physically and theoretically opposed the real or imaginary political, economic and cultum l dominance of the Czechs.
With this dissatisfaction simmering
throughout the years, it is not
surprising to £ind that the 1968
Reformist Movement originated in
Slovakia and was led by many
Slovak individuals. It seems apparent...:....Concludes the author-that the
Slovak · people viewed the Reformist Movement as an opportunity to
gain . a real and equal autonomy
within the Czechoslovak Federal
system."
If we take into consideration
that all polls display flaws and
inaccuracies, we could question
s·ome of the results of the polls
which the . author organized in
Czecho-Slovakia and based thereon
his conclusions. Nevertheless, his
book seems to be closer to the real
situation and feelings of the Slovaks and Czechs than the works of
According to the polls, 94% of
many observers who relied on more
limited information either in per- Slovaks expressed the opinion that
sonal contacts or printed sources. there was a· need for a new form
of relationship between the Czechs
One of the topics of interest for and Slovaks. Contrary to the opinSlovaks in this book is unboubtedly ion of other writers on the upheav"the traditional conflict between als in Czecho-Slovakia in 1968, the
Czechs and Slovaks." This topic author also found a great number
was treated in many books publish- of Czechs who supported the need
ed in the West either inadequately for .a re-definition of the relationwith parti pris or else it was over- ship of Slovaks and Czechs within
looked completely. In the view of the Republic. According to his
the author "a discussion of the pub- findings, "of all the individuals
lic's conception of the new politi- surveyed, only one out of 14 discal system in Czechoslovakia would agreed with the need for a ·re-definbe incomplete wi.thout considering ed relationship; This evidence the role and relationship of the says ,t he author-leaves no doubt
two nations that composed the that the future realization of socialCzechoslovak Socialist Republic. He ist democracy . in Czechoslovakia
dwelt, therefore, on this problem was to include a democratic and
and found out that "historically, equal relationship between the
the post-war communist govern- Czech and Slovak peoples" (pp.
ment in Czechoslovakia closely fol- 110-112). There is no doubt · that
lowed the one-nation philosophy about the same ·number would opt
outlined in 1918 by ,t he founders for independence; if Slovaks had
of Czechoslovak Republic. Urider full freedom of choice.
this theory the Czechs and Slovaks
were a single nation divided not by Milan S. f>urica (Ed.). Il Mondo
ethnic differences but only by disSlavo, Vol. ni Ceseo, Centro
similar historical patterns of deStudi Europa Orientale, Padova,
velopment. These two peoples were
1971.
to be bound together in a unified
While in Slovakia books dealing
state· under which the Slovaks enjoyed only a minimum autonomy. wrth Slovak culture, history, liter-
SLOVAKIA
ature or philology are still directed
predominantly towards Eastern
Europe, Slovak intellectuals in the
West have the duty to fulfill the
gap which has been created by
separating Slovakia from the free
world. Among Slovak intellectuals
in Europe Prof. Milan s. :Ourica
distinguished himself by performing this role not only by his books
and lectures in Western European
countries, but since 1969, by editing the Italian academic periodical
n Mondo Slavo (The Slavic World).
In all three volumes of the periodical, which appeared until now, the
contributions . on Slovak matters
contain valuable information on
history, language and culture of
the Slovak people.
The first volume, published in
1969, contained a well-written survey on the development of the
Slovak literary language during the
past 50 years by Adriana Feriencikova, and an article on Italian
artizans and merchants in Slovakia
in the 18th century by Anton
Spiesz. In the second volume, published in 1970, Lisa Guarda Nardini
analyzed the political and social
doctrine of the late Slovak President, Dr. Joseph Tiso, under the
title "Ideological Premises of
Czecho-Slovak Federalism." In the
third volume, Prof. Milan S. :Ourica,
published some unknown and very
interesting military documents
from Italian archives about the
death of M. R. Stefanik. (The essay
is available also in a reprint and
has been reviewed separately in
Slovakia).
From the Slovak point of view
all these contributions are of special value. Not only for the reasons
that under the present regime in
Slovakia cultural contacts with the
West are practically non-existent,
185
but also for the fact that there are
still many misconceptions about
Slovak culture, language and history among Western Slavists.
The essay on the development of
the Slovak literary language during the past 50 years by A. Feriencikova has also the merit of being
well researched and containing all
the basic facts and sources which
can put the development of the
Slovak language into proper perspective. In spite of many efforts
of Slovak intellectuals in the West,
historl
still lln-·1 ...n
th
ans
5.....,.., or
ere ~
1
who W?te about the Slovak as being a dialect of the Czech language.
Studies on the subject in Western
languages are, therefore, never
superfluous.
Since Slavic studies considerably
developed in all Western countries
after the Second World War, n
Mondo Slavo will acquaint Slavists
with Slovakia not only in Italy, but
also in many Western countries. This
can be expected all the more in
view of the high academic value of
all contributions and careful edition
of the periodical by Prof. !>urica.
Among the contributors there are
in all three volumes known Slavists
of Italian or Slav origin, teaching
at Italian universities. While several periodicals on Slavic matters
published in other Western countries deal mostly with Russian culture and literature, 1l Mondo Slavo
has shown distinction in paying attention to smaller Slavic nations
and their cultures such as Slovenes,
Croats and Slovaks. Students of
Eastern Europe will, therefore,
welcome Il Mondo Slavo since it
will provide reliable scholarly information on Slavic peoples which
are either misrepresented or rarely
mentioned in academic periodicals
published in French, English or
German languages.
186
SLOVAKIA
NEW COLLECTIONS OF SLOVAK EMIGRE POETRY
Rudolf Diloni, Hladn11 vetrf.k (Hun- poetic biography in short poems
gry Breeze), Edition Polana, full of grace, imagination and deep
feelings. The collection, as well as
Zurich, 1972, 86 pages.
the entire Dilong's literary work
Jan L. Dorfmsky, Od splnu po za- in exile would deserve a thorough
tmenie (From the Full Moon to analytic evaluation, and not only
the Eclipse), Series Lyra, Slovak passing reviews as this one, to apInstitute of SS. Cyril and Meth- preciate fully his work.
odius, Rome, 1972, 110 pages.
Doransky's book From the Full
Slovak emigre literature is grow- Moon to the Eclipse deserves our
ing inspite of the fact that we are special appreciation because due to
again cut off from Slovakia and the unfavorable circumstances in exile,
assimilation of the younger genera- we know -only a very small pa1t of
tions is rapidly progressing among his literary work. Doransky is a
Slovaks abroad. It is, however, poet of considerable versatility,
mostly the first wave of Slovak and besides many lyrical verses
post-war emigres who still create and patriotic poems, he wrote in
belles lettres, and not the writers Canada a drama called Stara mat',
who left Slovakia in recent years neopust'ajte nas (Grandmother Do
Not Leave Us Alone, 1953), sucfor Western countries.
The two collections of verses cessfully played by Slovak groups
under review are by poets whose across Canada. Before coming to
reputations were established in Canada, Doransky had published
Slovakia and who during the past a play called Novou cestou (On A
two decades belonged to the best New Path, 1930), and a collection
and most prolific Slovak emigre of satirical verses Slep£ pasazieri
(Blind Passengers, 1943).
writers.
In exile Doransky's poetry was
Dilong's Hungry Breeze is again
personal lyrical poetry in which published in various anthologies:
his talent and mastership remind Vo vyhnanstve (1947); Zdravica sv.
us of pleasant spiritual vibrations Cyrilovi a M etodovi ( 1963) ; in litfull of color, joy, sadness, mixed erary periodicals and in almanacs
with hope and faith. The book is and newpapers. In recent years his
divided into four chapters, each epigrams, published either in the
chapter starting with appropriate quarterly Most, Literarn11 Almaillustrations by Jan Mraz, a talent- nach Slovaka 11 Amerike or in
ed graphic artist from the new newspapers and almanacs, became
preferred reading among Slovak
wave of Slovak emigration.
While all chapters contain beauti- intelligentsia in the free world.
ful lyrical poetry, readers will wel- Besides poetry, Doransky wrote a
come especially Chapter 4 entitled: number of short novels and other
Slovak Women (Album). Dilong prose contributions under the penpublished here some of the most name Hamornik and J. D. Oravee.
Doransky came from a part of
beautiful verses which we can find
in modern Slovak poetry and in Slovakia which gave to Slovak litSlovak poetry in general, except erature and public life many outfor Mari na by Sladkovic. In the first standini poets and novelists. He
three chapters Dilong dreams a- inherited a love for literature and
bout his young years, his parents, began to write in his early youth,
his native Orava. It is a sort of first for students' periodicals, later
SLOVAKIA
for literary and cultural monthlies.
When the Russian armies over-ran
Slovakia, Doransky with thousands
of other Slovak intellectuals left
with his family for the West. After
spending a few months in Austria
and two years in Assissi and Rome,
he landed in Canada in 1949 and
has lived in Montreal for the past
23 years.
Very recently a collection of his
epigrams was published with a
lengthy commentary by F. Vnuk and
enthusiastically received by critics
and readers. Those who know Doransk:y are aware of the fact that
the published epigrams are just a
selection of the large number he
wrote during his lifetime. We can
say the same about the present
collection of Iyrical and patriotic
verses. They are also a selection
from his many verses and we have
to acknowledge that it is an excellent selection.
The book is dd.vided into four
parts and presents a spiritual profile of the poet and poetic sketches
from his journey from Slovakia
through Italy to Canada, as well as
fine lyrical verses dedicated to his
wife, daughter and grand-daughter.
As in Dilongs's collection, the best
part seems to be his chapter on
Slovak women, in Doransky's book
the finest verses are about his
mother, and mothers in general.
The title of the book expresses accurately the contents of the collection which certainly will rank among the best lyrical Slovak poetry
in exile.
A short biographical note was
added to the collection by J . M.
Rydlo and the cover was artistically
designed by the poet's son :Cudovit
In the opinion of this reviewer, Doransky deserves a thorough analysis and evaluation of his literary
work in order that we may appreciate it adequately.
187
Rudolf Dilong: Ponukam chlieb so
sol'ou-I Offer Bread and Salt,
Translated by Sister M. Martina
Tybor. Published by Dobra kniha
1971, Galt, Ontario, Bilingual,
151 pages.
By publishing this bilingual collection of poetry in prose, Rudolf
Dilong proved once more that he
is the most prolific and versatile
contemporary poet in exile. The
number of books he published in
Slovakia, which he left in defiance
of her Communist rulers, as well
as the number of books published
during his long exile in Argentina
and the U.S.A., is impressive and
unrivalled by any other Slovak
writer. Attracted by new currents
in French inter-war Catholic poetry and surrealism, Dilong experimented in many poetic forms and
due to his great love for life and
gay temper, was the "enfant terrible" among the Slovak Catholic
poets of his generation. The present book is another experiment in
fo rm and contents and by publishing it in English and Slovak, it was
the merit for acquainting foreign
readers with an interesting sample
of Slovak literature as well as
with the author himself.
Dilong's reputation as a poet was
well established before he left his
native country. Besides publishing
14 collections of poems, two dramas, and two collections of prose,
he also was very active in organizing literary journals, and contributed practically to all Slovak cuttural periodicals and anthologies of
Slovak poetry. In addition, he was
either co-founder or editor of two
literary periodicals Postup (193436) and Nove Slovo (1939-40).
In exile he remained one of the
leading and again most profilic
poets. His poetry remained strongly nationalistic, deeply religious in
essence but not homiletic in form
188
SLOVAKIA
or content, humble and rebellious
and usually expressed in beautiful
images and practically varied
forms. While several other Slovak
poets did not find opportunities in
exile to publish their works, Dilong's books were published in
rapid succession. From 1950 to
1970 he produced and published
some 20 books either in Buenos
Aires, where he spent nearly 20
years of his exile, or recently in
the United States. Many of his
manuscripts perished together with
his books, when Peron was burning
churches in Argentina.
As in Slovakia, his poetic production in exile has been varied
in forms and themes but the basic
overtones of a patriot and Franciscan friar, even if not following always the dogma and rules of his
religious order, remained the main
characteristic of his entire literary
work in immigration. Some of his
verses became hymns for Slovak
exiles, recited on various solemn
occasions and re-published many
times in Slovak periodicals and
newspapers. Several of Dilong's
poems were translated into Spanish, Polish and French.
With his great love for life and
because of his patriotic zeal and
fiery poetry, he became one of the
most interesting figures among
Slovak writers. Some of his first
poems inspired by their contents
and musical rhythm Slovak composers in their compositions, and
several poems became songs of the
Slovak youth, as well as of the
Slovak army.
The book under review is divided into three parts: The house will
bleach to ash; Out of bounds without bounds, and Human hands.
Each part contains a number of
short reflective and highly imaginative poems in prose which compel the reader to meditate and
think about our age, our neighbor,
poverty, suffering, rebellion, smile;
about our life and death, emotions
and beliefs, about God and man.
As such, it is a valuable addition
to Dilong's work and to Slovak
literature.
Jan Okal': Cielito Lindo, Edicia
Dobra kniha, Galt, Ontario, 1972,
Illustration by J. G. Cincik, 65 p.
For the past several years Slovak
emigre poetry was enriched by a
number of beautifully illustrated
collections of verse by leading Slovak poets abroad. While some of
the collections contained patriotic
verses and personal lyrical poetry
with Slovak topics, in other collections we find poetry inspired by
the beauty of foreign countries in
which Slovaks either lived or
visited.
Okal"s masterfully illustrated
collection Cielito Lindo is an outstanding example of this new poetry, and it is not easy to say if the
reader enjoys more the verses or
the beautiful illustrations. In any
case, there is a lot of artistic value
and enjoyment for the reader and
we cannot but feel a certain pride
that in the modest circumstances
in exile, Slovak literature can afford the luxury of such books.
In a certain way, Jan Okal' deserves credit for introducing into
Slovak literature this combination
of poetry and visual arts. Already
his first published collection George
Janosik: A Carpathian Saga, published in 1953, and his chronicle in
13 poems entitled Kronika Slovakov (The Chronicle of Slovaks,
1954), were published in the same
form. Then for a number of years,
this gifted Slovak poet remained
silent, except for publishing here
and there verses in the literary
journal Most or the Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike. In
SLOVAKIA
1970, appeared his colleetion of
verses Vada a vino (Water and
Wine), in which Okal' reminisced
about the years spent in Italy and
especially in Rome. The present
collection is a sort of continuation
of the book Voda a vino. This time
he is drawing in his poems, usually
not longer than one or two verses,
beautiful images of places in Mexico.
Jan Okal' is a gifted and refined
poet, and we hope that he will
continue to publish poetry of such
outstanding taste and artistic value.
Jan E. Bor, Eugen Vesnin - Un
poeta Eslovaco en tierras Mediterraneas, Buenos Aires, 1972, 71
pages.
Among Slovak intellectuals who
assiduously worked in exile for the
past 20 years in order to make
Slovak literature known to the
Spanish reading public, Jan E. Bor
has been the most prolific. Either
in his own writings or in translations, he published a considerable
number of essays and studies on
Slovak poetry and prose not only
in periodicals but also in book
form. The present essay on the
poet Eugen Vesnin is one of his
most recent publications.
The publication is divided into
eight chapters in which Bor analyzes Vesnin's poetry, his personality, the reaction to Vesnin's poetry
by readers and literary critics
either on the part of Slovaks or
Italians who acclaimed Vesnin for
his collection of verses in Italian
189
language. In the last two chapters
Bor analyzes Vesnin's attachment
to Etruria and his enchantment
with feminine beauty.
Bor writes on Vesnin's poetry
with the usual skill and knowledge
of literary science for which he
was known already in Slovakia
where he belonged to the best
known literary critics of his generation. In exile he lowered sometimes his yardstick when writing
on Slovak emigre writers and
poets, but his erudition in literary
science has been evident in every
book and essay he had published
during the past twenty years. The
portrait of Vesnin in Bor's publication is not only favorable but also
well balanced and presented in
Bor's baroque style. According to
Bor, Vesnin belongs to the best
Slovak lyrical poets among Slovak
emigre writers and enriched Slovak
literature by many themes inspired
by the beauty of Rome and the
Mediterranean area where Vesnin
has lived the past three or four
decades. Several collections of Vesnin's poetry undoubtedly prove
that Italy enchanted him, though
many of his verses were written
with patriotic overtones and "heimweh" for his native Slovakia.
Since every book on Slovak literature in foreign languages is a
valuable contribution to our efforts
to acquaint the Western world with
Slovak culture, we cannot but welcome the newest publication by
Prof. Jan E. Bor.
J. M. K i r s c h b a um
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA heartily commends all efforts of our governmental and other organs
to ferret out and unmask all Communists and fellow travellers, as well as all persons and organizations who wittingly
or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of
Communism promoted by the Soviet Union.
190
SLOVAKIA
BOOKS ON JEWS IN SLOVAKIA
Reviewed by
Dr. Arved G r e b e r t
during the past several
centuries.
The first volume contains an especially worthwhile article in two
parts by Dr. Lidia Rothkirchen, a
member of the research staff of
Yad Vashem in Jerusalem. Her
contribution, "Slovakia (1848-1938)"
presents a very keen and rather
accurate picture of the history of
Slovakia and the Jews in that country. Naturally, in all of the articles
dealing with the law, religion, social organization, etc., the writers
faithfully record the history of the
Jews in Slovakia.
The second volume contains the
article of Rabbi Hugo Stransky who
was a former chief rabbi in Zilina.
His is an arresting chapter on "The
Religious Life in Slovakia and Subcarpathian Ruthenia," Then, too,
Frank Reichenthal's "Jewish Art in
Slovakia" is a very interesting review by the former chief of the
department of decorative art at the
State School of Applied Arts in
Bratislava from 1932 to 1938. Before emigrating to United States in
1948 he served as president of the
Slovak Artists' Association from
1946 to 1947.
This first volume contains Eugen
Barkany's "Jewish Cemeteries in
Slovakia" article by the late architect and builder ( 1886-1967) and
co-founder of the Jewish Museum
in Presov, Slovakia. Some of the
artistic motives on the gravestones,
the writer observes, show a definite
influence of Slovak folk art, indicating a close, intimate relationship
between the Jews and the Slovaks.
Gertrude Hirschler's "The His-
The Jews of Czechoslovakia, histori- Europe
cal studies and surveys, edited
by "The Jewish Publication Society of America," Philadelphia,
and the "Society for the History
of Czechoslovak Jews," New
York, Vol. I, 5728-1968, pp. 583,
Vol. II, 5732-1971, pp. 707. Library of Congress Catalog Card
No. 67-12372.
Up to the present time two volumes on the history of the Jews in
Czecho-Slovakia constitute an unusually valuable contribution on the
history of the inhabitants of that
state. The Jews in Czech lands, in
Slovakia and in Sub-Carpathian
Russia (Ruthenia) made a vital contribution to the Jews in general but
also to the history of the people in
those regions, namely, the Czechs,
Germans, Slovaks, Magyars and the
Ukrainians. The authors of the various articles by their objective and
calm tone do not digress from a
strictly scientific analysis, even
when the themes, which in their
tragic dimensions and consequences,
understandably provide the occasion for an outburst of wrath and
recrimination. In this respect the
work is extraordinary effective and
convincing.
In no way do the authors avoid
sensitive subjects. They neither
ignore nor sidestep realities that
have frequently been used as pretexts for criticism by the enemies
of Jewry. These they explain and
place in special categories in the
destiny of the Jews, for example,
in the framework of the historical
evaluation of central and eastern
SLOVAKIA
tory of Agudah Israel in Slovakia
(1918-1939)" is interesting, too.
Of course, in all of the articles
ranging from studies of various
movements, organizational life, religious welfare, education, art, etc.,
there is a large number of facts
about the life of the Jews in Slovakia and their relationship to the
local inhabitants, chiefly, the Slovaks and Magyars. The number is
so great that it is virtually impossible to review them all but at
least we have mentioned some of
them relating specifically to Slovakia.
Dr. Lidia Rothkirchen's "Slovakia (1848-1938)" deserves special
attention. Her article in two parts
covers 53 pages. A number of facts
mentioned are known only by Slovak historians and experts. For
instance, the writer states that in
1858 there were 308 Jewish schools
in Hungary. Of this number 131,
ie., almost 45%, were located in
the Bratislava school district. Bratislava, therefore, was a very important center of Jewish learning
in the kingdom of Hungary. Among
the charter members of the Matica
Slovenska (the leading cultural
organization of the Slovaks in the
last century) we find a number of
Jews.
When the government in Budapest gave orders to close down the
Slovak central schools (junior colleges) in Revuca, Klastor pod Znievom and Turciansky Svaty Martin
(all in Slovakia at the time under
Hungarian imperial rule), two Jewish members of the Diet (Moritz
Wehrman and Eduard Horn) spoke
up and requested that the schools
be kept open. Dr. Lidia Rothkirchen
notes that before the Jews won
equal rights in Hungary, the people
of Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas elected
Izak Diner, a Jew, as Mayor of the
city. A number of Jews later served as mayors in the same city. She
191
reminds the reader that Slovak
Jews played an important role in
the Zionist movement in the kingdom of Hungary. Two Jews from
Bardejov (eastern Slovakia), Julius
Davidsohn and Julius Davidovic,
attended the first Zionist Congress
in Basle, Switzerland (1897). Eight
of thirteeen Zionist chapters established in Hungary were located in
Slovakia, namely, in Bratislava,
Nitra, Trnava, Prefov, Ko~ice, Kezmarok, Dolny Kubin and Banska
Bystrica, and the first Zionist congress in Hungary convened in Bratislava in 1903. The following year
the World Mizrahi Congress met in
the Slovak capital. The writer notes
that the Magyar government in
Budapest considered the Zionist
movement with the same disfavor
as it did the nationalistic movement
of the Slovaks in their country.
During World War I both the
Zionist movement and the activities
of the Slovak patriots were banned
by law.
Names of outstanding Jewish
writers and scientists are listed by
Dr. Rothkirchen. She points out
that Jewish writers in their novels
and romances touched upon the
J ewish problem in the framework
of a Slovak historical background.
Dr. Lidia Rothkirchen cites that
in 1921 of a totaI of 135,918 Jews
in Slovakia, 70,522 were registered
as Jews, 29,290 as Slovaks and the
rest as Magyars, Germans, Rusins,
etc. The 1930 census showed 44,009
registered as Slovaks and 72,644 as
J ews. This figure represents quite
convincing proof of the rapid Slovakization of the Jewish population. Had it not been for the tragic
events of World War II, this process of amalgamation would have
inevitably resulted in a very advantageous symbiosis of the Slovak
Jews and the Slovaks.
She writes (page 105): From 1933
on "the Slovaks more and more o-
192
SLOVAKIA
penly advocated either detachment
from Czechoslovakia altogether and
establishment of an independent
Slovakia, or a Slovakia which would
enjoy much wider autonomy and
self-rule."
In general this work may be accepted as a very valuable contribution to the history of the people
inhabiting Czecho-Slovakia. Every
public or private library should
have it on its shelves. No scholar
who is interested in the history of
this area can be without it.
To a large extent without the
untiring efforts of L'udovit Sturc,
president of the Society for the
History of the Czechoslovak Jews
in New York, this important work
in two volumes would not have
come to press.
Mr. Sturc is a native of Slovakia
and a friend of Slovak writers and
artists. Unfortunately, so far his
work has not been adequately appreciated.
cin, Kosice, Jasov, Spisske Podhradie, Levoca, Kezmarok, Podolinec,
Nove Zamky and Hlohovec.
Kosice, Bardejov, Trencin, Skalica, Hlohovec, Trnava, Pezinok and
Bratislava are listed separately as
centers of Jewish libraries and culture.
Dr. Schreiber, recognized universally as an authority in his field,
considers the material found in the
area now known as Slovakia as an
important part of the culture of
the Jews who inhabited Hungary
during the Middle Ages.
This work, which was lacking in
scientific literature, is the beginning of further research in the
archives and libraries in this direction throughout Slovakia. It is,
at the same time an interesting
proof, or evidence, for the tradition
of the high degree of culture of the
population in Slovakia during the
Medieval era.
Karl Baum: Nazi Anti-Jewish Legislation in the Czech Protectorate,
a Documentary, in "Soviet Jewish Affairs," a Journal on Jewish
Problems in the USSR and Eastern Europe, London, No. 3, May,
1972. Published by the Institute
Dr. Alexander Schreiber, director
of Jewish Affairs, London, in asof the Rabbinical Seminary in Busociation with the World Jewish
dapest, has written a very noteCongress in Geneva.
worthy book on the cultural history
Karl Baum's article is noteworthy
of the Jews in Slovakia during the
Medieval era. The book contains a for several reasons. In his introlist and analysis of 172 Hebrew duction the writer states that the
codex fragments which were used anti-Jewish legislation in the Czech
protectorate (1939-1945) has not
for book-bindings.
Together with Arpad Zoltan of been properly treated in ternationthe Slovak Academy of Sciences in al scientific writings so far, while
Bratislava the author studied the a rich and documented literature
archives and libraries in the fol- about anti-Jewish regulations in
lowing Slovak cities and towns: Hitler's Germany does exist. Those
Bratislava, Cerveny Kamen pri who studied this question outside
Modre, Pezinok, Jur near Bratisla- of Hitler's sphere ordinarily did
va, Trnava, Nitra, Nova Bana, Ban- not study the laws of the protectorska Bystrica, Turciansky Svaty ate, which they assumed were an
Martin, Dolny Kubin, Bytca, Tren- integral part of the Reich and those
Alexander Schreiber: Hebriiische
Kodexuberreste in Ungarlb."ndischen Eibandstafeln. Heber Kodexmaradvanyok magyarorszagi
kotestablakban. Budapest, 1969.
I
SLOVAKIA
who studied anti-Jewish laws in
Hitler's Germany did not consider
the protectorate because it did not
belong directly to the framework
of the Third Reich. Baum, at least,
partially fills this void.
The writer gives a detailed study
on anti-Jewish legislation in the
Czech Protectorate and traces the
execution of the laws not only by
the Nazis but also by the Czech
government officials in the Protectorate. Baum's study from this
viewpoint is highly important because he has brought to the international forum little known or unknown facts which were hidden on
the pages of "The Collection of
Laws and Regulations" promulsignatures of President (Dr.) Hacha
or Czech ministers. Baum emphasizes that these laws of the wartime Czech protectorate "reflect
only part of the unmitigated evil
to which one of the leading Jewish
communities was to fall victim.
They carry little evidence of persecution and harassment on the
local level, nor do they mirror the
share of those of non-German vintage in Czechoslovakia who had
come in to participate in the great
hunt of the century and to divide
its spoils. It must be left to future
historians to establish their contribution to the tragedy of Czechoslovak Jewry."
Baum calls attention to the December 1, 1930, Census in CzechoSlovakia as listing the number of
Jews as 356,830, which is inaccurate inasmuch 15,000 Jews from
Germany found refuge there when
Hitler came to power. Of 854,600
who were registered as atheists in
Czecho-Slovakia, according to Baum,
at least 10% were of Jewish origin.
Moreover, there was no provision
for a natural increase of the Jewish
population from 1930 to 1939. Consequently, the author's estimate has
some 457,000 Jews in Czecho-Slo-
193
vakia by 1938, hence actually
100,000 more than is generally indicated in the figures.
All of the above, the author concludes, became innocent victims of
inhumane discrimination and inhuman mistreatment in the lands
of the Czech Protectorate during
World War II.
ANNUAL FURDEK
Jednota
Annual FURDEK
1973,
Vol. XII, 1973. Edited by Joseph
C. Krajsa. Publisher, The First
Catholic Slovak Union. Printed
by Jednota Press, Middletown,
Pa. 208 pages.
This publication, Jednota Annual
Furdek, continues commendably in
the footsteps of Philip A. Hrobak,
the first editor who conceived the
idea of addressing it to our youth
for their benefit. The present volume offers the youthful reader
valuable information and inspiration as well.
The 12th volume is definitely
youth oriented, for it gives several
phases of the background of our
early Slovak immigrants to American shores and a look at the historic
homeland of our parents and grandparents.
Quite appropriately the Furdek
leads off with a pictorial introduction of the officers of the Jednota
because they are the official representatives of the organization
that has a membership close to
100,000.
Daniel Tanzone discusses fraternalism and the Slovak immigrant
in a highly readable and documented study of the origins and
growth of Slovak fraternal organizations in this country.
Introduction of Janko Kral', Slovak revolutionary poet of the 19th
century, by Joseph Kirschbaum,
Ph.D., LL.D., of Toronto, Canada,
is rather timely in view of current
194
SLOVAKIA
Catholic unity is a .serious reminder in our times to stand united in
the Faith of our Fathers when diversity of opinions, various modes
of liturgical worship, and even
divergent doctrinal proposals are
dangerous challenges to the orthodoxy of our faith.
Father Franko's Slovak Christmas Eve sacred vignette should be
adopted by every Christian family
to help preserve the spirit and true
meaning of a genuinely Christian
yuletide season.
Reproductions (in exquisite color) of the stained glass windows
adorning the Chapel of the Jednota
Home are a pictorial portrayal of
the spirit of faith that inspired
their creation and at the same time
a public testimonial of honor of
two of the most famous Slovak
priests of our age, namely, Father
Furdek, founder of the Jednota,
and Father Tiso, the martyr-president of the Slovak Republic.
Clevelanders will no doubt find
the article by Slovak Bet1edictine
scribe, Fr. Andrew V. Pier, 0.S.B.,
on early Slovak immigrants interesting . . . and his other contributions informative.
The story about Staff Sergeant
Frank Mitka, a Veteran of the U.S.
Army for more than thirty years,
brings into the limelight a career
soldier who enjoyed military life
. . . he was a forerunner of the
present-day volunteer army.
The valaska, a traditional Slovak
weapon designed for protection ...
not aggression . . . is a national
symbol of strength and resistance
The Slovak Catholic Federation against the forces of injustice and
of America is primarily an associa- tyranny.
Sheep and their shepherds in
tion of Slovak Catholic fraternal
organizations that hold the Church Slovakia are the subjects of a roin highest esteem because their mantic setting (an idyllic scene on
members accept it as a society the mountainside) with the venerestablished by Christ for the salva- able 'baca' holding his young proteges spell-bound as they listen to
tion of their immortal souls.
Monsignor Gallik's article on an endless series of thrilling epi-
trends that are characterized by
the same spirit of restlessness,
r adical change, disillusionment and
a mixture of hope and despair that
marked the life and work of a
Slovak poet who was in the forefront of the struggle for social
justice and political freedom.
St. Joseph the Workman, the
universal patron of workingmen
everywhere, is a favorite saint of
men who must toil at manual labor.
The statue of St. Joseph overlooking the industrial environs of St.
Michael Slovak parish, Munhall,
Pa., in the heart of the steel industry of the Pittsburgh area is
a constant inspiration to the passerby.
Tribute to Karl Pacanovsky, 'a
philosopher-craftsma n' at the Hill
School in Pottstown, Pa. for more
than three decades, is a well deserved one for a Slovak worker
who was dedicated to his tasks in
his workshop.
R. H. Andrews' article on India
is an eye-opener for those who
know so little about the great work
accomplished by Catholic missionaries in the Far East.
Furdek's youth panel of scholarship winners (39 young men and
2:5 young women) is a fine representation of Jednota's honor students of the past year.
Paul Berish in his Relevant contribution finds fault ... and rightly so . . . with the mishandling of
facts about the Slovaks and their
history by American journalists,
newsreporters, and even socalled
editorial writers and historians.
SLOVAKIA
sodes around the fireside after the
evening chores are done, but members of a definite economic class
that is an asset to the country and
its people.
Even the Croatians, by exception,
get a boost in this year's Furdek
as Father Wuerl recalls the 1,000th
anniversary of the feast of St.
Blaise, celebrated in the town of
Dubrovnik, Croatia, on February
3, 1972.
Paul Berish uncovers the 'hidden
life of Brother Rudolf' over a span
of fifty years as a tailor in the
service of the Lord in the tailorshop of a monastic Redemptorist
community.
Salt in Slovakia has been a rich
commodity for Slovakia and neighboring states in central Europe for
many centuries. Solivar, near Pre~ov, continues to mine salt to the
present day by modern methods
and techniques.
Michael Kurak of the Holy Trinity Slovak parochial school in Yonkers, N. Y. tells the world he is
a Slovak . . . and proud of it!
Father Robert Terentieff is presented by Dr. Michael Simko to
our readers as an artist, teacher,
dramatist, zealous shepherd of
souls and preserver of Slovak customs in Connecticut.
The pictorial contribution of
Paul C. Fallat, Slovak artist, on an
important phase in the life of
Father Hlinka who was 'a fearless
fighter for Slovak freedom' is an
atractive re-enactment of the highlights of the Slovak leader's dynamic career that helped win the
struggle for the Slovak nation's
political freedom before World
War II.
American and Canadian Translators of Slovak poetry by Dr. J . M.
Kirschbaum, Slovak diplomat and
writer, not only touches upon
translations of Slovak poems but
lists a considerable number of
195
translations from Slovak prose. Included in the list of translators
with such world known personalities as Bjornson, Seton-Watson and
Denis are W. Kirkconnell, J. Vajda,
I. Kramoris, M. Sprinc, K. Strmen
and Sister M. Tybor, SS.C.M.
The Tool Box by Alvin Lehar
brings to light an amusing incident
in the early life of Stan Sladek, a
Slovak professional football player
from the Bronx in the 1950's and
1960's.
Dorothy Day, the 74-year-old
Catholic social worker, speaker,
publisher and activist during most
of her lifetime, is given tribute by
Joseph McLellan who characterizes
the remarkable champion of social
justice and evangelical poverty as
'a prophet of Catholic social concern.'
Dr. Kirschbaum attempts to sift
the truth from falsehood in the
conflicting accounts involving the
creation of the Slovak Republic on
March 14, 1939 . . . almost six
months before the German invasion
of Poland started the war.
Australia beckoned several thousand freedom-loving Slovaks to
seek their livelihood there after
their country was locked up behind
the Iron Curtain. Approximately
ten thousand Slovaks in exile are
found in southern Australia.
Father Matthew Jankola (founder
of the Religious Order of SS. Cyril
and Methodius in Danville, Pa.)
has a proper evaluation of his lifework in the biographical sketch of
Daniel Tanzone, young Slovak
writer.
Another promising young Slovak
writer, Michael J. Krajsa, rightly
gives credit to our early American
Slovak leaders for establishing fraternal societies, churches, schools
and social-cultural centers that
flourished in their time. Krajsa
concentrates on the story of the
Jednota primarily.
196
SLOVAKIA
Interspersed throughout the volume are short poems, designed no
doubt for inspiration as well as
variety . . . these adequately fulfill
their purpose.
Rt. Rev. Jerome Koval, 0.S.B
SLOVAK PIONEERS
IN AMERICA
Jozef Pauco, Ph.D. Slovenski priekopnici v Amerike (Slovak Pioneers in America). First Catholic Slovak Union, Cleveland, 0. ,
1972. 358 pages. Illustrated. $4.95.
Slovak Pioneers in America (Slovenski priekopnici v Amerike),
from the pen of Dr. Joseph Pauco,
is another publication of the Jednota Press of the First Catholic
Slovak Union. The book is dedicated as a living witness to the
staunch and lasting accomplishments of those Slovak pioneerspriests, religious and laity-who
with their whole being stood in
the service of the American Slovaks. Many made outstanding cultural and literary contributions
that have become part of the lasting treasury of America's worth.
On these factual pages, the
author and the First Catholic Slovak Union fulfill an obligation
which is due to Slovak nation since
it gave to America fully one-third
of its people. These immigrants
filled all facets of American labor
and pulled themselves up from the
mines, the iron pits and steel mills
to the ranks of Generals, professional men, and business men, but
most of all they led their people
to be loyal citizens of their new
country, the United States of America.
It is in this vein that Pauco presents his new book Slovenski priekopnici v Amerike. When the book
is translated into English, the third
and fourth generations of American Slovaks will be able to fully
evaluate all the accomplishments
and contributions of their pioneer
parents and grandparents-not only
what they did for them, but for the
over three million American Slovaks and for the whole of America.
Pauco's work required serious research and documentation. In an
objective manner he credits the
life and works of the pioneers and
categorizes them in their proper
niche in the history of the American Slovaks, in America and the
Slovak nation. He presents those
leading pioneers who played the
greatest role in the cultural field;
those who organized fraternal societies, parishes, schools, and religious orders; those who preserved
the literary culture with the publication of newspapers and books;
and those who were fired with the
ideal of liberty that even permeated to Slovakia.
It was the American Slovaks who
initiated the movement for an independent Slovakia prior to World
War I. They were proud of the
document known as the "Pittsburgh
Pact" which became the platform
of the political party in Slovakia
seeking autonomy for the Slovak
people. This was a unique display
of cooperation and a symbolic gesture between the Slovak nation and
the emigrated American Slovaks.
Father J oseph A. Gajdosik, Supreme Chaplain of the First Catholic Slovak Union and Chairman
of its Literary Committee-himself
an eloquent and gifted writergave a few thoughts concerning
Pauco's new book as he remembered reading the installments in the
Jednota.
"The stories of the Slovak pioneers are very provocative, enlightening and very stimulating.
They reveal the joyous faith that
the Slovak pioneers had, which in
197
SLOVAKIA
turn motivated them in their endeavors to better their lives, and
help assure a better future for their
loved ones, and for Slovaks in
general. The realism that FAITH
has many faces is beautifully depicted in the lives of the many
characters who appear in the Priekopnici!
"The lives of these pioneers communicate the personal and devoted
consecration to the Slovak motto
of living for God and People, to
such a degree, that undoubtedly
young adults of the second, third,
etc., Slovak generation, who perhaps
have difficulty of choosing a career, will be aided by the publication of this book to select a career,
which will fulfill their vocation for
life.
"The 'Slovak Cause' is no longer
a hot issue in the average life of
an American of Slovak ancestry,
in fact, I find a reversing trend.
However, if this book can make one
cognizant of his Slovak origin, it
may serve to help one gain heights
which otherwise would be out of
bounds, e.g. Michael Novak, and
his noted book The Rise of the
Unmeltable Ethnics.
"Pauco's book is one sure way
to arousing interest in the Slovak
heritage on a personal and individual basis, especially among our
younger people. Hopefully, an English translation will be made in the
near future, so that devotion to the
Slovak ethnicity will be fostered.
"The book should bolster Dr.
Joseph Pauco's strong thoughts about the termination and death of
the Slovak language in the United
States. The book is also a warning
to our fair-weather-Slovaks, who
claim that they received little if
anything from their Slovak ancestors, for it teaches that much Slovak affluence and prestige is di-
rectly the result of the conduct and
work of our pioneers.
"It behooves our brethren who
are ashamed of their Slovak ethnicity, to study their history, and
learn how everything they have was
given to them, and that they should
give themselves for others as our
pioneers did. The ultimate lesson
is that we, Americans of Slovak
ancestry, should foster and serve
the Slovak cause and ideal, at least
as much, if not better then our
pioneers in early America."
Dr. Joseph Pauco came to the
United States 22 years ago. He
earned his doctorate in Philosophy
at the Slovak University in Bratislava. As a historian and journalist,
he has dedicated himself fully to
the service of the American Slovaks. He has spent all his time in
the United States on the editorial
staff of Jednota, the Catholic Weekly of the First Catholic Slovak
Union. He is also the publisher of
the oldest Slovak newspaper in
America Slovak v Amerike (American Slovak) and is a contributor to
many other periodicals. He is the
author of over 20 books, mostly
dedicated to the life of the American Slovaks, including the history
of the First Catholic Slovak Union
and the lives of Fr. Stephen Furdek
and Fr. Matthew Jankola. His many
hundreds of articles, especially the
column "Slovaci a ich zivot" (Slovaks and Their Life ) in Jedno ta,
systematically record the accomplishments and efforts of the American Slovaks and their institutions.
Slovenski priekopnici v Amerike
is in itself a pioneer book. Nothing
to date has been published in such
documentary detail about American
Slovak pioneers. The First Catholic
Slovak Union is proud to publish
this vital literary work of Dr.
Joseph Pauco.
Joseph
c. Krajsa
198
SLOVAKIA
JANKOLA'S CENTENNIAL
Jankola centennial Books.-Pamiitnica 100-ho vyrocia narodenia
Otca Matusa Jankolu (1872-1972).
- Jankola Book. Honoring the
Centennial of the Birth of Father
Matthew Jankola (1872-1972)
Both of these books were prepared and published by the Sisters
of Saints Cyril and Methodius, collaborating at Jankola Library in
Danville, Pennsylvania, July-August, 1972, under the chairmanship of Sister M. Martina Tybor.
The historian of the future who
undertakes a study of the history
of the Slovak people will inevitably
reach out for the most objective of
resource materials available. And it
is just such a balanced, such a level
and extraordinary objective and
tastefully factual contribution that
has appeared this year as an enrichment in the specific field of
Slovak-American immigrant chronicles.
The work consists of two distinct
volumes, one in English and one
in Slovak (similar but not identical
in content), delineating the life
and the achievements of Father
Matthew Jankola, pioneer SlovakAmerican priest and patriot, who
was a leader, educator, writer, and
the founder of the American community, Sisters of Saints Cyril and
Methodius.
This eminently commendable
publication project was endorsed
and sponsored by Mother M. Valeria Romanchek, Superior General
of the congregation, and it became
a reality only by reason of the
dedication, diligence, and scholarship of the Sisters who were fittingly associated with Jankola Library
in this undertaking. Jankola Library is directed by Sister M. Martina Tybor and under her chairmanship there evolved an editorial
committee consisting of Mother M.
Emerentia Petra~ek, Sister M. Lilliana Kardo~, Sister M. Consuela
Gregorovic, Sister M. Philomena
Abbick, Sister M. Tarcisia Gregorovic and Sister Donna Marie Ivanko.
By their personal effort and professional talent these Sisters worked to contribute every aspect of the
publication: the researching and
compiling of data, literary composition, technical composing and
preparation of copy, multilith reproduction, collating and binding.
Susan Oravec of Peckville, Pa. designed the artistic and becoming
cover portrait, and photography
was done by Joseph McGlinn of
Danville and John Gre~kovic of
Olyphant, Pa. The books credit
items of information etc. contributed by Sisters M. John Vianney,
M. Eileen McCoy, M. Regina, M.
Bernardine, M. Raphael, and M.
Yolanda.
Each volume consists of 134
pages, is fully protected by copyright and is dedicated to the memory of the esteemed Founder of
this American community of sisters
whose prime apostolates are teaching and caring for the orphaned
and the aged. The sisters thus express the gratitude which is justly
due to Father Jankola not only by
this community but by all the Slovak people both in this country
and abroad, especially for his
priestly zeal in promoting spirituality and culture, for his selfsacrifice on behalf of his fellowman, his leadership and vision as
well as his determination to better
the lot of the Slovak immigrant in
America.
The opening pages of each souvenir book contain commemorative
poetry of high quality. The text
also includes rich and informative
articles such as a biography which
cover the fruitful work of Father
Jankola's lifetime of less than fifty
SLOVAKIA
years, a historical survey of the
founding of the community and
reminiscences of some who knew
Father J ankola well.
Another important contribution
in these books is the descriptive
account of Jimkola Library at Danville, Pa., its holdings, areas of
service, prospects, etc.
Of special interest is a picture of
Father J ankola's two surviving sisters, Mrs. Irma J ankola Srbova and
Mrs. Luisa J ankola Sopkova of Slovakia, together with a reproduction
of the congratulatory lines which
they sent to grace the centennial
celebration.
As a special supplement in each
book are the news reports and
199
photographs which record the centennial observance and the Jankola
Exhibit of Memorabilia held at
Danville on August 13, 1972. The
news accounts were prepared by
Dr. Joseph Pauco, Slovak journalist
and editor, and by Rev. Augustine
J. Zan, Chaplain at Maria J oseph
Manor.
These unique books creditably
record the work of Father Jankola
and honor him worthily for the
legacy which he bequeathed to the
Church, to the Slovak nation and
to his adopted country, the USA.
Although this is a limited edition,
copies are still available at J ankola
Library, Danville, Pa. 17821.
Rev. Augustine J. Za n
Annual S L O V A K I A
is published by the Slovak League of America, 313 Ridge Ave.,
Middletown, Pa. 17057. Subscription $3.00.
Editor: Joseph Pauto, Ph. D.
Editorial Board:
Draga 0/vlnska, Louis Kandra, Joseph M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D.,
Joseph A. Miku§, Ph. 0., Fr. Andrew Pier, O.S.B., M.A., Daniel
F. Tanzone, M.A., Sister M. Tybor, SS.C.M., M.A.
SLOVAKIA
200
Contents
The Slovak Word Abroad - Gorazd Zvonicky - 3
Twenty Years of the Slovak Institute in Cleveland - Joseph Paufo,Ph.D.
-16
The Inflectional Morphology of Standard Slovak: A Descriptive Analysis
John Michael Kochik, Ph:D. -
24
The Ethnical Philosophy of nudovit Stur - Stefan Polakovi~ - 29
Fortieth Anniversary Canadian Slovak League - Edward J. Behuncik
-48
Youth in Search of Slovak Identity and Pride -
John Llhani, Ph.D.
-53
A New Phase in the Socialist Economic Reform - V. J. Hurley - 57
The Renaissance of the Slovak American Literature - P. O'Reilly - 66
Cultural Revival of American and Canadian Slovaks - Jozef Paufo, Ph.D.
-72
Dr. J. M. Kirschbaum - F . Vnuk - 82
Select Bibliography of Foreign Language Writings by Prof. J. M. Kirschbaum - 92
Evaluation of Dr. Kirschbaum's Writings by Critics - 101
/Diplomatic and Consular Relations of Slovakia with Neutral States -
J. M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D. -
111
Mother M . Emerentia Petrasek - 123
The Declining Democratic Facade: Czecho-Slovakia 1948-1960 -
S. J.B.
-129
Youth, Our Hope - Pavo! 0 . Hviezdoslav - 140
Ethnicity and Research - Dr. Steven I. Miller - 141
Ethnics Work Hard - Msgr. James T. McHugh - 153
The American Political Question - Edward M. Zelenak - 155
Current Issues - 158
As Others See It - 170
Book Reviews (J. M. Kirschbaum - Books on Slovakia - Galla Golan:
The Czechoslovak Reform Movement - Wolfgang Venohr: Aufstand fiir die Tschecho-Slowakei - Slovak Studies, Volume Vlll
and IX - Joseph Vravrovic: L'oecumenisme et le panslavisme de
l'abbe Jean Palarik - Milan S. f>urica: La Morte di M. R. Stefanik
Alla Luce Dei Documenti Militari Italiani Inediti - Michael
Novak: The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics - Slavs in Canada,
Vol. III - Jaroslaw A. Piekalkiewicz: Public Opinion Polling in
Czechoslovakia - Milan S. f>urica (Ed.): II Mondo Slavo, Vol. Ill;
New Collections of Slovak ~migre Poetry - Rudolf Dilong: IIladny vetrik - Jan L. Doransky: Od splnu po zatmenie - Rudolf
Dilong: Pomikam chlieb so sol'ou - Jan Okal': Cielito Lindo Jan E. Bor: Eugen Vesnin; Books on Jews in Slovakia -reviewed
by Dr. Arved Grebert - (Ed.): The Jews of Czechoslovakia Alexander Schreiber: Hebriiische Kodexilberreste in Ungarliindischen Eibandstafeln - Karl Baum: Nazi Anti-Jewish Legislation
in the Czech Protectorate - Jednota Annual FURDEK reviewed
by Rt. Rev. Jerome Koval, O.S.B. - Jozef Paufo, Ph.D.: Slovenski
priekopnici v Amerike (by Joseph C. Krajsa) - Jankola Centennial Books (by Rev. Augustine J. Zan) - 174
Our Contributors
Gorazd Zvonicky -
poet, professor, Rome, Italy
author, historian, Middletown, Pa.
Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. -
assistant professor of Czech and Russian,
University of Nebraska, Lincoln
John M. Kochik, Ph.D. -
former professor at the Slovak University,
Bratislava, Slovakia, now in Argentina
Stefan Polakovic, Ph;D. -
attorney-at-law, Stratford, Conn.
Edward J. Behuncik -
professor of Hispanic Linguistics, University of
John Lihani, Ph.D. -
Kenrtucky
Francis Vnuk -
historian; professor, Institute of Technology, Adelaide,
Australia
Joseph M . Kirschbaum, LL.D., Ph-D. -
historian, author, Toronto,
Ontario
Pav ol 0. Hviezdoslav -
noted Slovak poet
Sr. M . Martina Tybor, SS.C-M. -
teacher and author, Danville, Pa.
assistant professor, Sociology of Education,
Loyola University, Chicago, Ill.
Dr. Steven I. MiUer -
Msgr. James T. McHugh -
diocese of Harrisburg, Pa.
Edward M. Zelenak -
musician, college student, Detroit, Michigan
Dr. Arved Grebert -
former Slovak diplomat, now in Switzerland
Rt. Rev . Jerome Koval, O.S-B. -
Abbot, St. Andrew's Svorad Slovak
Abbey, Cleveland, Ohio
Joseph C. Krajsa -
Editor, Jednota, Middletown, Pa.
Rev. Augustine J . Zan -
author, Danville, Pa.
V . J . Hurley; P. O'ReiUy and S. J. B. -
Slovak American students
PRI NTI D IN U.S. A.
JIDN OTA PlllN TER Y,
MID DLli TOW N, PA.
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Back Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 23 (No. 46)
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includes Current Issues; As Others See It; Book Reviews; Contributors
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A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1973
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�SLOVAKIA
VOLUME XXII •
1972 •
NO. 45
Editor
JOSEPH PAUCO, Ph.D.
Published by
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA
313 Ridge Avenue • Middletown, Pennsylvania 17057
�Printed by JEDNOTA PRINTERY, Middletown, Pennsylvania, U. S. A.
�
�SLOVAKIA
VOLUME XXII •
1972 •
NO. 45
Editor
JOSEPH PAUCO, Ph.D.
Published by
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA
313 Ridge Avenue • Middletown, Pennsylvania 17057
�Printed by JEDNOTA PRINTERY, Middletown, Pennsylvania, U. S. A.
�
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1972, Vol. 22
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Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972.
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The Slovak League of America
Date
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1972
Text
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SLOVAKIA
VOLUME XXII •
1972 •
NO. 45
Editor
JOSEPH PAUCO, Ph.D.
Published by
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA
313 Ridge Avenue • Middletown, Pennsylvania 17057
Printed by JEDNOTA PRINTERY, Middletown, Pennsylvania, U. S. A.
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Front Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45)
Date
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1972
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Text
SLOVAKlA
3
Dr. Tiso's Last Message
to the Slovak People
( Two hours before he died on the gallows, Dr. Joseph Tiso, wartime
P resident of the Slovak Republic, wrote the following last message
to the Slovak people in Bratislava prison.)
In the spirit of this sacrifice which I am about to
make, these are my words to the Slovak people:
Be unanimous and united in pursuing always, everywhere and in every respect the great principle: "FOR
GOD AND FOR THE NATION!"
This is not only the unequivocal intent of Slovak
history, but also the explicit command of God, who made
it the law of nature, and inculcated it in the nation and
all its members.
This law I have served all my life. And for this
r eason I regard myself as a martyr in the defense
of Christianity against Bolshevism, against which our
nation must in all possible ways defend itself, and only
in order to remain true to its Christian character, but
also in the interest of its future survival.
In the same way as I am asking all of you to
remember me in your prayers, so will I also pray to
God Almighty on your behalf and supplicate that He
bless the Slovak people in their life-struggle for God
and for the nation, and that the Slovak nation shall
always remain a faithful and devoted son to the Church
of Christ.
Bratislava. April 18, 1947, 3 o'clock a. m.
Dr. Joseph Ti s o
�
SLOVAKlA
3
Dr. Tiso's Last Message
to the Slovak People
( Two hours before he died on the gallows, Dr. Joseph Tiso, wartime
P resident of the Slovak Republic, wrote the following last message
to the Slovak people in Bratislava prison.)
In the spirit of this sacrifice which I am about to
make, these are my words to the Slovak people:
Be unanimous and united in pursuing always, everywhere and in every respect the great principle: "FOR
GOD AND FOR THE NATION!"
This is not only the unequivocal intent of Slovak
history, but also the explicit command of God, who made
it the law of nature, and inculcated it in the nation and
all its members.
This law I have served all my life. And for this
r eason I regard myself as a martyr in the defense
of Christianity against Bolshevism, against which our
nation must in all possible ways defend itself, and only
in order to remain true to its Christian character, but
also in the interest of its future survival.
In the same way as I am asking all of you to
remember me in your prayers, so will I also pray to
God Almighty on your behalf and supplicate that He
bless the Slovak people in their life-struggle for God
and for the nation, and that the Slovak nation shall
always remain a faithful and devoted son to the Church
of Christ.
Bratislava. April 18, 1947, 3 o'clock a. m.
Dr. Joseph Ti s o
�
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1972, Vol. 22
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Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972.
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The Slovak League of America
Date
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1972
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SLOVAKlA
3
Dr. Tiso's Last Message
to the Slovak People
( Two hours before he died on the gallows, Dr. Joseph Tiso, wartime
P resident of the Slovak Republic, wrote the following last message
to the Slovak people in Bratislava prison.)
In the spirit of this sacrifice which I am about to
make, these are my words to the Slovak people:
Be unanimous and united in pursuing always, everywhere and in every respect the great principle: "FOR
GOD AND FOR THE NATION!"
This is not only the unequivocal intent of Slovak
history, but also the explicit command of God, who made
it the law of nature, and inculcated it in the nation and
all its members.
This law I have served all my life. And for this
r eason I regard myself as a martyr in the defense
of Christianity against Bolshevism, against which our
nation must in all possible ways defend itself, and only
in order to remain true to its Christian character, but
also in the interest of its future survival.
In the same way as I am asking all of you to
remember me in your prayers, so will I also pray to
God Almighty on your behalf and supplicate that He
bless the Slovak people in their life-struggle for God
and for the nation, and that the Slovak nation shall
always remain a faithful and devoted son to the Church
of Christ.
Bratislava. April 18, 1947, 3 o'clock a. m.
Dr. Joseph Ti s o
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Dr. Tiso's Last Message to the Slovak People
Description
An account of the resource
Dr. Joseph Tiso
Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972
p. 3
Creator
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Tiso, Jozef, 1887-1947
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1972
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4
SLOVAKIA
Paean to Integrity
Who goes into battle in defense of truth,
For the rights of people sacrifices youth:
When oppression rages, who will mercy bring,
Him my voice will honor and his glory sing.
When the cannon thunder, when the eagles soar,
Who will shed his lifeblood freedom to restore,
Who will shield his nation from the Dragon's sting,
Him my voice will honor and his glory sing.
He who keeps his pledges though the heavens fall ,
Who regards his honor as the crown of all;
Whom no threat can cower, bribe can never swing,
Him my voice will honor and glory sing.
Evil cannot conquer, God had cursed its part,
As he built a Heaven for the noble heart;
He who keeps His mandates, to His truth will cling,
Him my voice will honor and glory sing.
Karol Kuzmany's "Kto za pravdu hori" translated in 1943 by George
A. Ga Ii k, in collaboration with his sister, Cecilia G. Kennedy.
�
4
SLOVAKIA
Paean to Integrity
Who goes into battle in defense of truth,
For the rights of people sacrifices youth:
When oppression rages, who will mercy bring,
Him my voice will honor and his glory sing.
When the cannon thunder, when the eagles soar,
Who will shed his lifeblood freedom to restore,
Who will shield his nation from the Dragon's sting,
Him my voice will honor and his glory sing.
He who keeps his pledges though the heavens fall ,
Who regards his honor as the crown of all;
Whom no threat can cower, bribe can never swing,
Him my voice will honor and glory sing.
Evil cannot conquer, God had cursed its part,
As he built a Heaven for the noble heart;
He who keeps His mandates, to His truth will cling,
Him my voice will honor and glory sing.
Karol Kuzmany's "Kto za pravdu hori" translated in 1943 by George
A. Ga Ii k, in collaboration with his sister, Cecilia G. Kennedy.
�
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1972, Vol. 22
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Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972.
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The Slovak League of America
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1972
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4
SLOVAKIA
Paean to Integrity
Who goes into battle in defense of truth,
For the rights of people sacrifices youth:
When oppression rages, who will mercy bring,
Him my voice will honor and his glory sing.
When the cannon thunder, when the eagles soar,
Who will shed his lifeblood freedom to restore,
Who will shield his nation from the Dragon's sting,
Him my voice will honor and his glory sing.
He who keeps his pledges though the heavens fall ,
Who regards his honor as the crown of all;
Whom no threat can cower, bribe can never swing,
Him my voice will honor and glory sing.
Evil cannot conquer, God had cursed its part,
As he built a Heaven for the noble heart;
He who keeps His mandates, to His truth will cling,
Him my voice will honor and glory sing.
Karol Kuzmany's "Kto za pravdu hori" translated in 1943 by George
A. Ga Ii k, in collaboration with his sister, Cecilia G. Kennedy.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Paean to Integrity (Kto za pravdu horí)
Description
An account of the resource
Karol Kuzmány
trans. George A. Galik
Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972
p. 4
Creator
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Kuzmány, Karol, 1806-1866
Galik, George A.
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1972
LCNAF
name
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https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/58b55ccc80d01f8f164dc7ee1430c6ab.pdf
6a33bd58852659e830704638b78c6719
PDF Text
Text
SLOVAKIA
5
Dr. Joseph Tiso The Prelate-Politician who Died
on the Gallows for His People
J. M. Ki rs
C
h b au m
Most wars in history have ended with the morally
doubtful "vae victis"; the Second World War was no exception. Twenty-five years ago on April 18th in Bratislava,
the picturesque site of the medieval University and later
the crowning city of the Hapsburgs as kings of Hungary,
a Catholic prelate with rosary in hand was led to the
gallows and executed. Fearing German reprisals against
the Slovak population, he had refused the Soviet demand
to turn against the Germans, as the king of Rumania has
done, and thus lost the first chance to save his life. By
refusing to recommend Communism to his people and
renounce their right to independence , he lost the last
chance.
It was an early chilling morning on the slopes of the
Carpathians and on the shores of the Danube where Bratislava is situated. Only Czech troops and police detachment
sent by Prague circulated the city to prevent an uprising
or an attempt at freeing the incarcerated prelate. The
country had been in a tense and grim mood for several
months. Nothing except promises by the government
composed of Communists and members of the Democratic
Party that Dr. Tiso, President of the short-lived Slovak
Republic, would be sentenced but not hanged, kept the
population from revolting. Dr. E. Benes, President of the
restored Czecho-Slova kia, refused, however, to spare the
life of Dr. Tiso because, as he publicly said, "two Presidents
could not live in one country," especially when the preferred one in Slovakia was not him but the incarcerated Dr.
Tiso. When the news about the execution spread throughout the country, there was anger, sorrow and fear among
the population. It was the first time that in Slovakia's
long history a political leader had died on the gallows
�6
SLOVAKIA
for his convictions. Even during the Second World War
no execution had been carried out in Slovakia because
Dr. Tiso, as a priest, would not sign the order of execution.
However, the shock was caused not only by the fact
that the Slovaks were deceived, horrified and humiliated
in their national pride. Dr. Tiso-until now little known
abroad or presented in a distorted light-was the first
President the Slovaks ever had. His policy could have been
hard to understand or even abhorent to many people in
the West, but the Slovak people looked at it from a
different angle. He saved them from a division among
their neighbors and from an occupation by the German
Reich. He led his small Slovak Republic during the calamities of the Second World War without much damage
and secured for the population the highest living standards
in Europe, including neutral Switzerland. Furthermore, he
was a Catholic prelate in a conservative and deeply religious
land with over 80 ~'" of the population being devoted
Catholics.
The vast majority of the Slovak population considered,
therefore, the execution as an act of political vengeance.
In fact, the members of the government who represented
the Democratic Party which, in the 1946 elections had
won a 62 ~f, majority, urged Dr. Benes to give amnesty to
Dr. Tiso. Only the Communists and the Prague government
insisted on his execution. Dr. Tiso was accused of treason
and collaboration with Germany. Since Czecho-Slovakia
originated with the dismemberment of Austrio-Hungary
by the activities of T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Benes during
the First World War, nobody in Slovakia could take
seriously the charge of treason. Dismemberment of Czechoslovakia was not as much the result of the activities of
Dr. Tiso, as of the international situation. Besides T. G.
Masaryk himself, accused of treason, refuted as preposterous any charge of treason for activities leading to
independence of an oppressed people. There are some
learned paragraphs in his writings about this subject. 1
On the other side, the "collaboration" of Dr. Tiso with
Berlin was not that of conspiracy or voluntary acceptance
either of German supremacy in Central Europe, or of
German Nazi ideology. He went for the first time to Berlin
in order to defend Slovakia against Magyar territorial
�SLOVAKIA
7
claims and saw Hitler for the first time on March 13, 1939,
on the invitation of Hitler and with the consent of the
Presidium of the Slovak parliament and the Slovak provincial government. His mission in Berlin was to save
Slovakia from dismemberment and occupation and not
to ask for German supremacy or for the introduction of
the Nazi ideology in Slovakia. In fact, he opposed the
introduction of Nazism into Slovakia, proof of which can
be found in many official German documents published
by the American and British governments.2
During the war Dr. Tiso publicly proclaimed that
Slovak participation in the war was symbolic and that
Slovakia fought Communism and Soviet expansion and
not the Russian people. For these pronouncements he had
difficulties with Berlin. His envoy in Rome in 1940 informed
through the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs the British
government that Slovakia desired to remain neutral. 3 The
Secretary-General of the ruling Party of which Dr. Tiso
was chairman, spoke publicly against the introduction of
foreign ideologies and insisted on keeping Slovakia out
of the conflict of the Great Powers. The pressure of Berlin,
especially after the invasion of the Soviet Union by Germany was, however, too strong to be fully resisted and
Dr. Tiso had to deal with a government in Slovakia in
which some members were acquiescent to the demands
of the Third Reich, especially in solving some internal
problems such as the Jewish problem. In this case Dr. Tiso
did his best and saved many thousands of Slovak Jews.
The international Red Cross report acknowledged that
Slovakia had been at times a haven for the Jews of Poland. 4
But those who were saved, and even less Dr. Benes, were
willing to consider the real situation in Slovakia during
the Second World War. The speeches and addresses Dr.
Tiso made during the war were those of a patriot, tempered
by the realistic evaluation of Slovakia's situation, by his
long political experience and knowledge of the Slovak
mentality and, of course, by the precarious conditions of
the war and German distrust. 5
According to all who knew Dr. Tiso, political power
had no corrupting effect on this quiet, solidly build figure,
whose goal in life was to serve God and his nation and
who repeatedly proclaimed himself ready to retire to his
�8
SLOVAKIA
parish if it would serve the interests of his people. He
remained what he always had been-a fighter for his beliefs
on the pattern of Central European national leaders who
combined strong patriotism with their religious vocation
and intellectual distinction. 6 His distaste for democratic
politics as practised between the two wars in CzechoSlovakia should be judged by taking into account the
situation in Slovakia during the 20 years after the First
World War. Ruled from Prague, with political power
divided between some 30 splinter parties, Slovakia was
certainly not happy 7 under a regime where democracy
was often nothing less than a series of noisy and incoherent
promise, impossible demands and hot-potch of unfortunate
ideas and impractical plans.
Dr. Tiso was not against criticism or opposition and
even less against free discussion, but the war situation
everywhere in the world imposed brakes on the democratic
way of life. In addition, in Ttso's view, public opinion
should have been formed on the basis of solid arguments
and knowledge of indisputable and properly interpreted
facts and disinterested attitudes, and not on the basis
of passions and distortions of truth. He repeated
this in many of his speeches and addresses which were
based on the doctrine of the Papal encyclicals and works
of Western and European sociologists with a mixture of
patriotic ideas deeply rooted in Slovak tradition. He wanted
to rally his fellow citizens to have them respond to an
invocation of national destiny great enough to jolt them
out of their passivity and submissivness.
If he praised the Germans, as he sometimes did, it was
because he felt that such was the price which would have
to be paid for his people's salvation from German occupation and division among Slovakia's neighbors. He also had
to do it in order to prevent subservient elements from
taking into their hands complete power in Slovakia .
German ambassadors in Bratislava sent many reports to
Berlin against Tiso's politics and tried hard to have put
in his place a man who would have been more obedient
and more subservient to German demands and pressure.8
There was, in fact, a time when they tried to remove him
by an attempt on his life. As a result, Tiso looks in historical
perspective more as a Slovak Petain than as any other head
�SLOVAKIA
9
of state who during the war had to be on the German side
either because of geo-political reasons or by compulsion.
II.
DR. TISO'S CONCEPT OF SLOVAK POLITICS
Dr. Tiso left no compact work about his views on
Slovak national life or on the ideological foundations of
Slovak politics. Always in the middle of obstinate struggles
for the rights of the Slovak people and their national
survival, in which he played the foremost role from 1918
on, Dr. Tiso had little time to write books. He postponed
the task for a time when he would depart from the political
arena, but this was denied him by his execution. Although
he formulated the goals of the Slovak national struggle
between 1920-1945 and in countless speeches and addresses
developed the fundamental principles of a Slovak national
ideology more systematically than any other Slovak leader
had in this century or in the past, a systematic explanation
of Tiso's political views and principles still awaits the
efforts of a serious scholar.
The first step in this direction was made by Dr. Stefan
Polakovic during the lifetime of Dr. Tiso, when he expertly
and systematically collected in the work Tiso's Doctrine
and From Tiso 's Struggle9 the fundamental concepts of Dr.
Tiso's views on the nation, nationalism, the state, religion,
and social order. Even though the volumes bear the
imprints of war conditions in Slovakia, they remain thus
far, along with the final speech of Dr. Tiso before the
Bratislava Court, which was edited by Dr. Joseph Pauco,10
the main source of knowledge of the fundamental ideas,
aims, and efforts of Slovak political life in the first half
of this century.
In Slovakia and abroad, Dr. Tiso was accused after
the Second World War of being against democracy, favoring
dictatorship and of introducing during the war a fascist
regime and immitating German Nazi ideology. The perusal
of the articles, studies, parliamentary speeches and presidential messages make all these accusations not only
foundless, but testify to the fact that Dr. Tiso's ideology
was anchored in Papal Encyclicals, in Natural Law, in
modern sociological thought. His ideal was a true democracy which he called Christian democracy. German pres-
�SLOVAKIA
sure, the circumstances of a war which seriously curtailed
democracy in England, the U.S.A. or Canada, and many
problems of a specific nature facing a new state in a
precarious geo-political situation, did not allow Dr. Tiso
to implement all his ideas.
Furthermore, Dr. Tiso was a president with powers
strictly defined by the Constitution of the Slovak Republic 11
and executive powers were vested largely in the hands
of the government. Dr. Tiso pointed out this important
fact in his last eloquent pladoyer before the Bratislava
Court, but it was apparently overlooked by all foreign
writers who wrote about Dr. Tiso and wartime Slovakia.
As a cabinet minister in pre-war Czecho-Slovakia as
well as one of the principal leaders of the Slovak Populist
Party which fought for political autonomy within CzechoSlovakia, Dr. Tiso made numerous speeches on democracy
and dictatorship, not only a long time before Hitler came
to power but also when the Fuehrer's impact on European
politics was strong and found imitators and sympathizers
in many European countries.
In 1936, when democracy in Europe and especially in
Central Europe was passing through a crisis, Dr. Tiso,
speaking on behalf of the Slovak Populist Party, proclaimed:
We Slovaks are adherents of Christian democracy from the
depth of our hearts and condemn any dictatorship regardless of
its name. We have always been for democracy but a true democracy.
We are criticizing our mystified (falsified) democracy exactly for
the reaso n that at present, democracy in Czecho-Slovakia, by its
methods, actually discredits democracy. At home it shatters faith
in democracy in the hearts of the people, and elsewhere, especially
abroad , it gives to the adversaries of democracy an efficient weapon
against our democracy. We are for such a democracy which is blsed
on equal rights for everybody, for a true and sincere democracy
which serves the public and protects interests of the nation as
a whole. 12
His adverse stand against the ideological principles
of Nazism (national socialism) was expressed as late as
1942, when Germany ruled over Europe and tried to impose
an ideological "Gleichaltung." In an address to diplomats
accredited in Bratislava, Dr. Tiso as President of the Slovak
Republic, said among other things: "We cannot accept
and implement the political part of national socialism,
but its economic and social goals and methods we can
follow, because they are in accordance with Natural Law." 13
�SLOVAKIA
11
Social problems, especially just rewards for workers
and the equitable distribution of national income were
close to the heart of Dr. Tiso during his whole political
career. It was apparently his life ambition to implement
the social ideas and principles of the Papal Encyclical
"Quadragesimo Anno" in the economic and social system
of Slovakia. Certain social measures, especially those
aiming at improving the lot of the working class, which
the Germans had introduced in the late 1930's, were the
economic and social goals which Dr. Tiso thought worthwhile to accept from national socialism. In fact, during
his term of office, several reforms were introduced such
as paid holidays for workers, family wages and a bill
introducing the participation of workers on the profits
of industrial enterprise.
From his deep feeling for social justice stemmed also
Dr. Tiso's views on the role of the capital and capitalists
in Slovakia:
The new Slovakia is not against capital, but she is against the
unscrupulous capitalists who would like to continue exploiting
Slovakia. Not every,body who has a lot of money is a capitalist in
the bad sense of the word. A capitalist is a man who uses his
money for personal enrichment and not for the common good.
I did not abandon Ohristian principles when I declared that from
the invested capital either in industry or in commerce or agriculture the owner can obtain only 10% and the rest he must use
for improvement of the enterprise and mainly for the !improvement
of the social standards of the employees. The profits should be
divided in such a way that not only the investor but also the
enterprise and the employees would obtain a proper share of it.
This is Christian philosophy.14
Not only Tiso's views regarding social justice and the
role of capital but his ideology in a broad sense was
anchored in the philosophy of Natural Law and in Christian
ethics. In a narrower sense, Slovak national traditions
permeated with expressions of patriotism and a selfless
dedication to the struggle for national rights, as defined
in the political thought of European philosophers and
ideologists of the 19th and 20th centuries, were other
components of his political philosophy. As if following
the Old Testament prophets, Dr. Tiso spoke of his approach
to Slovak politics:
In profound humility we are ,p aying tribute to our good Lord
for the light we receive from the principles of Natural Law,
�12
SLOVAKIA
according to which we conducted ourselves in the fight for independence, as well as in our work of building our State. A return
to the Natural Law can be the only foundation upon which a new
world can be built, a world of contentment, order, and permanent
peace.15 A practical manifestation of the Natural Law is and shall
remain our old goal: Slovakia for the Slovaks. Slovakia in its
entirety, indivisible and without reservations in the legal, cultural,
economical, and social iields, so that the inde,p endent Slovak nation
might be the living bearer of all power and the consumer of all
that the Slovak country contains and represents.
Placing the foundation of Slovak politics on Natural
Law, Dr. Tiso on March 16, 1939, defined the ethical basis
of Slovak politics as follows:
Our Slovak State was not born out of hatred, but out of our
great love for our homeland. Let us above all else be led by this
thought: no hatred toward anyone, but love, and ardent love for
our State, which inspires us to work and sacrifice .. _16
"Not force, but law which is founded on truth," was
the philosophy of Dr. Joseph Tiso, and he followed it in
the full sense of the word throughout his life, because
he believed that "no one will be mistaken who builds on
the nation and always has only the interests of his nation
in mind. We have taken over this thesis from stirring times
for the future so that we might strengthen ourselves in
the old convictions that individuals pass away but the
nation remains, and the person who, separated completely
from his own interests, stands unconditionally in the
service of the nation, knows how to hold his ground and
is the only one fit to lead and to speak in the name of
the nation."
Regarding politics as a service to the nation, Dr. Tiso
during his many years of political activity pleaded that
political leaders learn to give priority to the interests
of the nation over their own interests. His understanding of
politics was that "the interest of the nation is the highest
directive of political work." Politics is not supposed to be:
A medium for several individuals to conceal their own materialistic interests. Politics serves the nation. The politician, more than
any one else, must be the guardian of the traditional values of the
nation and must be the ever ready intepreter of Natural Law in
any given situation. Should any one lack the one or the other, he is
not fit to be the representative ,of the nation, because he will either
become a figure tossed about by contemporary political or social
currents which have no connection with the living body of the
nation, or else he will be a museum guardian of the nation who
�SLOVAKIA
13
stands afar from contemporary routes along which life flows and
on which the fate of the future of the nation is determined. Whoever
boasts that he is a loyal son of the nation must also ponder what he
is giving to his nation: an ideological infection which causes a fever,
or bacteria which causes decay and can bring the nation to the
grave; or does he contribute labor which shall forever remain in
the nation as a cell of healthy social and cultural development.
As Dr. Tiso saw it, "the State should serve the nation,
therefore, it has the right to existence only insofar as
it does not threaten the interests of the nation." As far
as State order is concerned, this must "be subordinated
to the principles of morality and law; the State must
respect the rights of the individual, the family, society,
and hold sacred the right of parents to educate their
children, the right of conscience and religious affiliation;
it guarantees the right of private ownership and safeguards
the peaceful co-existence of labor and capital, of employer
and employee."
Every loyal son of the Slovak nation, according to
Tiso, "sanctifies his nationalism with a Christian spirit,
so that nationalism does not remain a slogan or a mantle
of dubious aims, but an internal motivating force to create
values for the benefit of the national whole. Love for the
nation is a religious precept, and a person sins against
the Fourth Commandment who does not love his nation.
He bears a stigma not only as an earthly traitor, but also
as a transgressor who does not keep the Divine Commandment. A nation whose sons do not know how to bear
a blow and personal sacrifices, such a nation will not get
far. The nation lives, the national whole lives, only by
the fight and work of individuals."
From the above quotations, it is quite evident that
the main principles of Dr. Tiso's ideology were: 1) Natural
Law; 2) Love in place of hatred; 3) Right in.stead of
violence; 4) Respect for morality; 5) Nation above the
State; 6) Loyalty to traditions; 7) The personal selflessness
and sacrifice of political leaders; 8) Nationalism sanctified
by Christianity; 9) Social justice, and 10) Religious tolerance.
During the decades of his political activity, Dr. Tiso
developed these ideas not only in his popular speeches
to the people, but also in his addresses, parliamentary
speeches, and presidential messages, so that a scholar
�14
SLOVAKIA
will have little difficulty in elaborating Dr. Tiso's ideology.
Dr. Tiso himself indicated Christianity as the basis of his
ideas, especially the philosophy of St. Thomas 17 and, in
the social sphere, the Papal Encyclicals. On the question
of nationalism Tiso said that "the symbol of Slovak
nationalism was stur," 18 because "stur's nationalism was
the dynamic force in individuals whom he prompted to
work and sacrifice for the nation; it was the connecting
link of individuals into a rock-firm whole with a united
aim a united will . . ." 19
A study of Dr. Tiso's political speeches reveals that he
frequently tied in his talks with the spiritual-political heritage of the followers of Louis stur, the 19th century Slovak
patriot and the "father of modern Slovak nationalism."
Dr. Tiso did this consciously to preserve the continuity
in Slovak ideological-political development and so that the
Slovaks could build on traditions. If we compare the basic
ideas of stur's political and philosophical writing and
speeches which are dealt with in several published works 20
with Tiso's, the latter, of course, shows more elaborate
concepts and deeper sociological insights.
Preserving ideological continuity with former Slovak
generations, Dr. Tiso draws deeply from a Christian world
outlook on the individual and his relation to the State,
nation, family and society. His ideology is firmly founded
on the principles of modern sociology and political science;
it has solid philosophical foundations and a strictly logical
system; it emanates from an idea and stresses the primacy
of spirituality, but it depends on and respects the reality
of life. Tiso's ideology is the result of long years study
and political experience, drawn from daily contact with
the people and from the unceasing struggle with Slovakia's
adversaries. As a result, it is, as it were, an ideology forged
in the fire of battles and tested in confrontation with the
actual life of the nation in the phase of its political
formation, but also in the phase of struggles for its natural
rights, and, finally, also in the period of building its own
state.
In comparison with the ideology of :r.. stur and his
followers, we are concerned in Tiso's case with an ideology
whose foundations are not only broader but one which
was more thought out, mature and tested by life. Dr. Tiso's
�SLOVAKIA
15
political activity had almost been as long as Stu.r's entire
life 0815-1856) and hence he could see the ideas which
he professed and for which he labored and fought, materialized in national life. If we should compare Dr. Tiso as
a politician and ideologue with other leaders of Slovak
life, then objectively it can be said that during the last 100
year,s there was no political leader in Slovakia who could
compare with his thorough preparation for political activity, either theoretically or from parliamentary experience.
III.
WRITINGS ON PRESIDENT TISO
IN FOREIGN LANGUAGES
In many West European countries, the President of
the Slovak Republic was presented after the war in a
distorted way. Journalists and scholars accepted Czech
propaganda and Communist accusations and wrote about
Slovakia and her President with a definite bias. After 25
years, this trend is changing, as all of us, who knew that
the adverse propaganda was not based on facts, believed
from the very beginning that it would. In books, periodicals
and newpapers, the personality of Dr. Tiso and his politics
appear today in a much different light than was the case
immediately after the war.
European Scholars About Msgr. Tiso
In this respect, two recent articles deserve our attention. The French historian, Francois d'Orcival, who
published an interesting book on Slovakia about three
years ago under the title Le Danube Etait Noir, contributed
to the periodical Miroir de l'Histoire (July 1971, No. 259),
a lengthy essay in which he set the records straight and
presented Dr. Tiso and his politics objectively. Dr. Tiso
appears to the French historian as a patriot who did everything possible to save his people from disaster and who
applied in his politics as many Christian and humanist
principles as the intricate situation of the Second World
War allowed him.
The essay gives a brief historical background of Slovakia during the centuries and deals with the political
events from 1918 to the proclamation of Slovakia's independence, ending with the execution of Msgr. Tiso in 1947.
�16
SLOVAKIA
The second article "Premesse ideologiche del Federalismo ceco-slovacco (La dottrina politico-sociale di Jozef
Tiso)" appeared in Italy in the periodical fl Mondo Slavo
(Vol. 2), published by the Centro di Studi Sull' Europa
Orientale in Padova. It deals with the political and social
doctrines of President Tiso, and was written by Lisa Guarda
Nardini. It is a well-written analysis of the politics and
ideology of Dr. Tiso. The author of the article also gives
many biographical data on the President and dwells on
his doctrine about the individual, the family, the nation
and the State. The article is written on the basis of many
sources published in English, German and Italian languages
by foreign or Slovak authors.
Writings by Slovak Authors in Foreign Languages
Slovak writers, journalists and scholars published
during the past 25 years scores of articles in the quarterlies
Slovakia and Slowakei, or chapters in books dealing
generally with Slovak history. The former Minister of
External Affairs, Dr. F . t>urcansky, left some valuable
information on Dr. Tiso in his contributions to German
historical periodicals. In 1967 two publications appeared,
one by Prof. Francis Vnuk and another by Prof. Milan
S. Durica.
Prof. Vnuk's publication, Dr. Jozef Tiso - President
of the Slovak Republic (The Association of Australian
Slovaks, Sydney, 1967), is a well-balanced and well-written
presentation of Dr. Tiso and his political career. After
writing hundreds of articles and two books on political
and cultural topics from modern Slovak history, Vnuk
had become one of the best qualified persons to seriously
tackle the subject. He displays a considerable knowledge
of foreign and domestic sources on the crucial years of
Slovakia's modern history and uses it with skill and good
judgment in summarizing Dr. Tiso's achievements, his
role in the struggle of the Slovak people for equality of
rights in Czecho-Slovakia and finally for national independence in the troubled period before and during the
Second World War.
In the sub-title of his work, Prof. Vnuk mentions that
it was published " In commemoration of the twentieth
anniversary of his (Dr. Tiso's ) death at the hands of his
�SLOVAKIA
17
enemies of Slovak independence," but it is not a current
commemorative booklet. The author gives the reader in
a nutshell a serious and well-documented analysis not
only of Dr. Tiso's political life struggle, but also an excellent
survey of Slovak politics and the treacheries and perfidy
of the adversaries of Slovak independence. The booklet
is divided into 15 chapters and also includes several photographs and a map of Slovakia. There could hardly be
a better concised presentation of "the case of Tiso," as
it has been done by Vnuk.
In equally sober manner is written Prof. M. St. i'.>urica's
analysis of Slovak politics "in the light of Tiso's political
thought and teaching" - Die Slowakische Politik 1938/ 39
im Lichte der Staatslehre Tiso 's (Emil Semmel Verlag,
Bonn) , 1967.
Both i'.>urica and Vnuk belong to the younger generation
of Slovak scholars in the Free World and while they lived
in Slovakia during the crucial years of her history, they
were too young to be involved personally in politics, which
is undoubtedly an advantage. Nobody can seriously accuse
them of speaking "pro domo sua," as the adversaries of
Slovakia's aspirations for freedom used to do with regard
to other Slovak writers on political subjects. i'.>urica also
has a thorough preparation for his work and is equipped
with probably the best knowledge of German and other
European diplomatic sources on Slovakia, as his Italian
book and numerous studies in other languages indicate.
The present publication is actually his lecture at the
Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universitat in Bonn to the students of
all Faculties on June 12, 1967. Like Vnuk, i'.>urica also gives
first a survey of Slovak history to make his subject more
intelligible to his readers. Then he speaks about the political
thought (he uses the word Lehre-teaching) of Dr. Tiso
and about the crisis of 1938/ 39.
There are all the elements of a serious study in i'.>urica's
publication, and it presents Dr. Tiso and Slovak politics
to the Western world in an objective light, fighting only
indirectly all the distortions and political propaganda which
were spread by the Communists and non-Communists who
adopted Czech and anti-Slovak conceptions about modern
Slovak history.
�18
SLOVAKIA
The bulk of writings in the English language will be,
of course, found in the American Slovak newspapers
especially in Jednota and in the quarterly Oater annual)
Slovakia.
The late Philip Hrobak, editor of both Slovakia and
Jednota was one of the most courageous defenders of the
President of the Slovak Republic and there are many
articles written by him personally and scores of essays
which he translated and published. Some will be a valuable
source for historians since they were written by persons
who either knew President Tiso personally and worked
in some political or cultural institution during the time
he was President, or were acquainted with his trial and
tragic and as politicians of the restored Czecho-Slovakia
under the Soviet tutelage.
Of documentary value will especially be two articles by
President Tiso's Personal Secretary, Prof. Charles Murin:
"Eight Fatal Days in the Life of Dr. Joseph Tiso," Slovakia,
Vol. III, March 1957, pp. 13-18, and "A Belated Report,"
Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 2, pp. 31-36.
Prof. Murin was Private Secretary to Dr. Tiso from
1938 until the latter's capture in Austria and extradition
to Czecho-Slovakia, and the closest person in the President's
entourage. The value of Prof. Murin's articles lies, in
addition, in his intergrity and desire to portray the situation
objectively.
Another article of documentary value was written by
an opponent of Slovakia's independence and indirectly
of Dr. Tiso, Dr. Michael Zibrin, a member of Prague
Parliament, under the title The Case of Dr. Joseph Tiso,
Vol. II, August 1952, pp. 1-24.
For historians, two articles will be of interest, one
by Prof. J. Zubek, O.F.M., S.T.D., Monsignor Jozef TisoControversial Personality, Vol. VII, March 1957, pp. 1-8,
and the other by Prof. Milan St. !>urica Dr'. Joseph Tiso
and the Jewish Problem in Slovakia, Vol. VII, SeptemberDecember 1957, pp. 1-22. Neither Prof. Zubek nor Prof.
!>urica were active in politics and their articles are a result
of serious scholarly research.
Among the articles by Slovaks who were close to some
�SLOVAKIA
19
time to Dr. Tiso during the years 1938-1945, there are two
by Dr. J. M. Kirschbaum The Tenth Anniversary of Dr.
Joseph Tiso's Execution, Vol. VII, March 1957, pp. 1-8, and
Facts and Events Behind the Scenes of Slovakia's Declaration of Independence, Vol. IX, March 1959, pp. 1-7, and
two by Dr. Joseph Pauco Dr. Joseph Tiso: Christian Democrat, Vol. VII, June 1957, pp. 37-49, and / was Editor of
President Tiso's Newspaper, Vol. VII, March 1957, pp. 9-13.
The quarterly Slovakia published many other articles
which in one way or another shed further information on
the personality and politics of Dr. Tiso. In 1957, an entire
volume was devoted to the memory of Dr. Tiso and many
articles were published in previous or in the following
years. At least some of them should be mentioned: The
First President of the Slovak Republic, by Dr. Joseph
Cieker, Vol. II, March 1952, pp. 1-29. Dr. Joseph Tiso: Priest,
Teacher, President and National Hero of the Slovak Nation,
Vol. II, March 1952, pp. 45-46. Anniversary of a Murder,
Vol. III, April 1953, pp. 28-30, and Dr. Joseph Tiso in
Memoriam, Vol. XI, September-December 1961, pp. 1-2.
Slovakia: Trial of Dr. Joseph Tiso, March 1957, pp. 19-21.
All these writings are an important source of information not only for foreign historians interested in Eastern
Europe, but also for the new generation of Slovaks. Nevertheless, there is still need for a comprehensive work on
the remarkable personality of Dr. Tiso and his politics
during the crucial years before and during the Second
World War, as well as on his place in the history of
Slovakia. If written without prejudice by an able historian,
such a book can be of great service to the Slovak nation
and of great value for understanding not only the struggle
of a small nation between two great powers, but also of
the Communist methods of enslaving people with old
traditions and love of freedom and democracy.
See T. G. Masaryk, Das neue Europa and Der Agramer Hock- verratsprozess, both published during his struggle fo r the dismemberment of Austria-Hungary.
2) See Documents on German Foreign Policy, Series 'D', Vol. IX-X.
3) Ibid, Vol. X, No. 205.
1)
4) See the report of the International Committee of the Red Cross
in Revue Internationale de la Croix Rouge, Geneva, 1947, pp. 957-
�20
SLOVAKIA
959, and Milan St. !>urica, "Dr, Jozef Tiso and the Jewish Problem
in Slovakia," Slovakia, Vol. VII, No. 3-4, 1957.
See Francis Vnuk, Dr. Jozef Tiso - President of the Slovak Republic. (Sydney, 1967) and Th. J Zubek, "Monsignor J . Tiso-Controversial Personality," Slovakia, Vol. Vil, March, 1957.
6 ) See quotations from his speeches and addresses in this article,
Part II.
7) See Watson Klrkconnell, Canada, Europe and Hitler (Toronto, 1939) ,
pp. 47-48.
8) See J . M. Klrschbaum, Slovakia-Nation at the Crossroads of
Central Europe (Speller & Sons, New York, 1960), p. 280-283, F .
Vnuk, op. cit. , and Francois d'Orcival, Le Danube etait noir, (Paris,
1967 ) and his article in Mirroir de l'Histoire, (No. 259, July 1971).
5)
9 ) Dr. Stefan Polakovic, Tisova Nauka (Tiso's Political Philosophy),
and Z Tisovho Boja (From Tiso's Struggle) , Bratislava, 1941.
10) Dr. Jozef Tiso o se be, edited by Dr. Joseph Pauco, Passaic, N. J . 1952.
11) On Slovak Constitution, see Kirschbaum, Slov aki11r-Nation at the
Crossroads of Central Europe, (Speller, New York, 1960) .
12) Published in the daily Slovak, No. 177-178, Bratislava, 1936.
13) Quoted from Dr. J . Pauco, op cit. , p. 243.
14) Polakovic, Tisova Nauka, op. cit., p. 324. Originally published in
the daily Slovak, No. 283 , 1938.
15) This and the following quotations are taken from the books by
Polakovic and Pauco.
16) See Polakovic, Z Tisovho Boja, op. cit. , p. 236-237.
17) "All who recall our thesis that 'the nation is the substance and the
state only the form' should know that its state-political formula is
the practical consequence of rtihe state-political theory which is
built on the foundations of Thomistic philosophy ." - SLOVAK,
1935.
18 ) See "Prve posolstvo" (The First Message), Ruzomberok, August
16, 1939. Already in 1936 Dr. Tiso had proclaimed: "It is this
amount of Louis Stur, built in the Banovce county, that shall be
the visible proof of the fact that we have progressed so far that
only we, Slovak Catholics, have not forgotten our Slovak past and
we pay our respects to the memory of our national awakeners even
when they are Evangelical (Lutherans) , as was Stur."-SLOVAK,
1936.
19) Dr. Tiso also characterized Stur's nationalism in this manner:
" Stur's nationalism-built on the foundation of the independent
Slovak nation and the genuine Slovak language, ,b ecause it acknowledges the law of God and the law .of nature-was the natural
foundation of the life of the Slovak nation."-SLOVAK, 1936.
20 ) See the works by Profess.or Dr. Cizevsky, Stefan Polakovic, Dr.
Samuel S. Osusky, Daniel Rapant, Joseph Pauco, and J . M. Kirschbaum's, ~udovit Slur and His Place in the Slavic World, (Slovak
Institute, Cleveland, Ohio), 1956.
�
SLOVAKIA
5
Dr. Joseph Tiso The Prelate-Politician who Died
on the Gallows for His People
J. M. Ki rs
C
h b au m
Most wars in history have ended with the morally
doubtful "vae victis"; the Second World War was no exception. Twenty-five years ago on April 18th in Bratislava,
the picturesque site of the medieval University and later
the crowning city of the Hapsburgs as kings of Hungary,
a Catholic prelate with rosary in hand was led to the
gallows and executed. Fearing German reprisals against
the Slovak population, he had refused the Soviet demand
to turn against the Germans, as the king of Rumania has
done, and thus lost the first chance to save his life. By
refusing to recommend Communism to his people and
renounce their right to independence , he lost the last
chance.
It was an early chilling morning on the slopes of the
Carpathians and on the shores of the Danube where Bratislava is situated. Only Czech troops and police detachment
sent by Prague circulated the city to prevent an uprising
or an attempt at freeing the incarcerated prelate. The
country had been in a tense and grim mood for several
months. Nothing except promises by the government
composed of Communists and members of the Democratic
Party that Dr. Tiso, President of the short-lived Slovak
Republic, would be sentenced but not hanged, kept the
population from revolting. Dr. E. Benes, President of the
restored Czecho-Slova kia, refused, however, to spare the
life of Dr. Tiso because, as he publicly said, "two Presidents
could not live in one country," especially when the preferred one in Slovakia was not him but the incarcerated Dr.
Tiso. When the news about the execution spread throughout the country, there was anger, sorrow and fear among
the population. It was the first time that in Slovakia's
long history a political leader had died on the gallows
�6
SLOVAKIA
for his convictions. Even during the Second World War
no execution had been carried out in Slovakia because
Dr. Tiso, as a priest, would not sign the order of execution.
However, the shock was caused not only by the fact
that the Slovaks were deceived, horrified and humiliated
in their national pride. Dr. Tiso-until now little known
abroad or presented in a distorted light-was the first
President the Slovaks ever had. His policy could have been
hard to understand or even abhorent to many people in
the West, but the Slovak people looked at it from a
different angle. He saved them from a division among
their neighbors and from an occupation by the German
Reich. He led his small Slovak Republic during the calamities of the Second World War without much damage
and secured for the population the highest living standards
in Europe, including neutral Switzerland. Furthermore, he
was a Catholic prelate in a conservative and deeply religious
land with over 80 ~'" of the population being devoted
Catholics.
The vast majority of the Slovak population considered,
therefore, the execution as an act of political vengeance.
In fact, the members of the government who represented
the Democratic Party which, in the 1946 elections had
won a 62 ~f, majority, urged Dr. Benes to give amnesty to
Dr. Tiso. Only the Communists and the Prague government
insisted on his execution. Dr. Tiso was accused of treason
and collaboration with Germany. Since Czecho-Slovakia
originated with the dismemberment of Austrio-Hungary
by the activities of T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Benes during
the First World War, nobody in Slovakia could take
seriously the charge of treason. Dismemberment of Czechoslovakia was not as much the result of the activities of
Dr. Tiso, as of the international situation. Besides T. G.
Masaryk himself, accused of treason, refuted as preposterous any charge of treason for activities leading to
independence of an oppressed people. There are some
learned paragraphs in his writings about this subject. 1
On the other side, the "collaboration" of Dr. Tiso with
Berlin was not that of conspiracy or voluntary acceptance
either of German supremacy in Central Europe, or of
German Nazi ideology. He went for the first time to Berlin
in order to defend Slovakia against Magyar territorial
�SLOVAKIA
7
claims and saw Hitler for the first time on March 13, 1939,
on the invitation of Hitler and with the consent of the
Presidium of the Slovak parliament and the Slovak provincial government. His mission in Berlin was to save
Slovakia from dismemberment and occupation and not
to ask for German supremacy or for the introduction of
the Nazi ideology in Slovakia. In fact, he opposed the
introduction of Nazism into Slovakia, proof of which can
be found in many official German documents published
by the American and British governments.2
During the war Dr. Tiso publicly proclaimed that
Slovak participation in the war was symbolic and that
Slovakia fought Communism and Soviet expansion and
not the Russian people. For these pronouncements he had
difficulties with Berlin. His envoy in Rome in 1940 informed
through the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs the British
government that Slovakia desired to remain neutral. 3 The
Secretary-General of the ruling Party of which Dr. Tiso
was chairman, spoke publicly against the introduction of
foreign ideologies and insisted on keeping Slovakia out
of the conflict of the Great Powers. The pressure of Berlin,
especially after the invasion of the Soviet Union by Germany was, however, too strong to be fully resisted and
Dr. Tiso had to deal with a government in Slovakia in
which some members were acquiescent to the demands
of the Third Reich, especially in solving some internal
problems such as the Jewish problem. In this case Dr. Tiso
did his best and saved many thousands of Slovak Jews.
The international Red Cross report acknowledged that
Slovakia had been at times a haven for the Jews of Poland. 4
But those who were saved, and even less Dr. Benes, were
willing to consider the real situation in Slovakia during
the Second World War. The speeches and addresses Dr.
Tiso made during the war were those of a patriot, tempered
by the realistic evaluation of Slovakia's situation, by his
long political experience and knowledge of the Slovak
mentality and, of course, by the precarious conditions of
the war and German distrust. 5
According to all who knew Dr. Tiso, political power
had no corrupting effect on this quiet, solidly build figure,
whose goal in life was to serve God and his nation and
who repeatedly proclaimed himself ready to retire to his
�8
SLOVAKIA
parish if it would serve the interests of his people. He
remained what he always had been-a fighter for his beliefs
on the pattern of Central European national leaders who
combined strong patriotism with their religious vocation
and intellectual distinction. 6 His distaste for democratic
politics as practised between the two wars in CzechoSlovakia should be judged by taking into account the
situation in Slovakia during the 20 years after the First
World War. Ruled from Prague, with political power
divided between some 30 splinter parties, Slovakia was
certainly not happy 7 under a regime where democracy
was often nothing less than a series of noisy and incoherent
promise, impossible demands and hot-potch of unfortunate
ideas and impractical plans.
Dr. Tiso was not against criticism or opposition and
even less against free discussion, but the war situation
everywhere in the world imposed brakes on the democratic
way of life. In addition, in Ttso's view, public opinion
should have been formed on the basis of solid arguments
and knowledge of indisputable and properly interpreted
facts and disinterested attitudes, and not on the basis
of passions and distortions of truth. He repeated
this in many of his speeches and addresses which were
based on the doctrine of the Papal encyclicals and works
of Western and European sociologists with a mixture of
patriotic ideas deeply rooted in Slovak tradition. He wanted
to rally his fellow citizens to have them respond to an
invocation of national destiny great enough to jolt them
out of their passivity and submissivness.
If he praised the Germans, as he sometimes did, it was
because he felt that such was the price which would have
to be paid for his people's salvation from German occupation and division among Slovakia's neighbors. He also had
to do it in order to prevent subservient elements from
taking into their hands complete power in Slovakia .
German ambassadors in Bratislava sent many reports to
Berlin against Tiso's politics and tried hard to have put
in his place a man who would have been more obedient
and more subservient to German demands and pressure.8
There was, in fact, a time when they tried to remove him
by an attempt on his life. As a result, Tiso looks in historical
perspective more as a Slovak Petain than as any other head
�SLOVAKIA
9
of state who during the war had to be on the German side
either because of geo-political reasons or by compulsion.
II.
DR. TISO'S CONCEPT OF SLOVAK POLITICS
Dr. Tiso left no compact work about his views on
Slovak national life or on the ideological foundations of
Slovak politics. Always in the middle of obstinate struggles
for the rights of the Slovak people and their national
survival, in which he played the foremost role from 1918
on, Dr. Tiso had little time to write books. He postponed
the task for a time when he would depart from the political
arena, but this was denied him by his execution. Although
he formulated the goals of the Slovak national struggle
between 1920-1945 and in countless speeches and addresses
developed the fundamental principles of a Slovak national
ideology more systematically than any other Slovak leader
had in this century or in the past, a systematic explanation
of Tiso's political views and principles still awaits the
efforts of a serious scholar.
The first step in this direction was made by Dr. Stefan
Polakovic during the lifetime of Dr. Tiso, when he expertly
and systematically collected in the work Tiso's Doctrine
and From Tiso 's Struggle9 the fundamental concepts of Dr.
Tiso's views on the nation, nationalism, the state, religion,
and social order. Even though the volumes bear the
imprints of war conditions in Slovakia, they remain thus
far, along with the final speech of Dr. Tiso before the
Bratislava Court, which was edited by Dr. Joseph Pauco,10
the main source of knowledge of the fundamental ideas,
aims, and efforts of Slovak political life in the first half
of this century.
In Slovakia and abroad, Dr. Tiso was accused after
the Second World War of being against democracy, favoring
dictatorship and of introducing during the war a fascist
regime and immitating German Nazi ideology. The perusal
of the articles, studies, parliamentary speeches and presidential messages make all these accusations not only
foundless, but testify to the fact that Dr. Tiso's ideology
was anchored in Papal Encyclicals, in Natural Law, in
modern sociological thought. His ideal was a true democracy which he called Christian democracy. German pres-
�SLOVAKIA
sure, the circumstances of a war which seriously curtailed
democracy in England, the U.S.A. or Canada, and many
problems of a specific nature facing a new state in a
precarious geo-political situation, did not allow Dr. Tiso
to implement all his ideas.
Furthermore, Dr. Tiso was a president with powers
strictly defined by the Constitution of the Slovak Republic 11
and executive powers were vested largely in the hands
of the government. Dr. Tiso pointed out this important
fact in his last eloquent pladoyer before the Bratislava
Court, but it was apparently overlooked by all foreign
writers who wrote about Dr. Tiso and wartime Slovakia.
As a cabinet minister in pre-war Czecho-Slovakia as
well as one of the principal leaders of the Slovak Populist
Party which fought for political autonomy within CzechoSlovakia, Dr. Tiso made numerous speeches on democracy
and dictatorship, not only a long time before Hitler came
to power but also when the Fuehrer's impact on European
politics was strong and found imitators and sympathizers
in many European countries.
In 1936, when democracy in Europe and especially in
Central Europe was passing through a crisis, Dr. Tiso,
speaking on behalf of the Slovak Populist Party, proclaimed:
We Slovaks are adherents of Christian democracy from the
depth of our hearts and condemn any dictatorship regardless of
its name. We have always been for democracy but a true democracy.
We are criticizing our mystified (falsified) democracy exactly for
the reaso n that at present, democracy in Czecho-Slovakia, by its
methods, actually discredits democracy. At home it shatters faith
in democracy in the hearts of the people, and elsewhere, especially
abroad , it gives to the adversaries of democracy an efficient weapon
against our democracy. We are for such a democracy which is blsed
on equal rights for everybody, for a true and sincere democracy
which serves the public and protects interests of the nation as
a whole. 12
His adverse stand against the ideological principles
of Nazism (national socialism) was expressed as late as
1942, when Germany ruled over Europe and tried to impose
an ideological "Gleichaltung." In an address to diplomats
accredited in Bratislava, Dr. Tiso as President of the Slovak
Republic, said among other things: "We cannot accept
and implement the political part of national socialism,
but its economic and social goals and methods we can
follow, because they are in accordance with Natural Law." 13
�SLOVAKIA
11
Social problems, especially just rewards for workers
and the equitable distribution of national income were
close to the heart of Dr. Tiso during his whole political
career. It was apparently his life ambition to implement
the social ideas and principles of the Papal Encyclical
"Quadragesimo Anno" in the economic and social system
of Slovakia. Certain social measures, especially those
aiming at improving the lot of the working class, which
the Germans had introduced in the late 1930's, were the
economic and social goals which Dr. Tiso thought worthwhile to accept from national socialism. In fact, during
his term of office, several reforms were introduced such
as paid holidays for workers, family wages and a bill
introducing the participation of workers on the profits
of industrial enterprise.
From his deep feeling for social justice stemmed also
Dr. Tiso's views on the role of the capital and capitalists
in Slovakia:
The new Slovakia is not against capital, but she is against the
unscrupulous capitalists who would like to continue exploiting
Slovakia. Not every,body who has a lot of money is a capitalist in
the bad sense of the word. A capitalist is a man who uses his
money for personal enrichment and not for the common good.
I did not abandon Ohristian principles when I declared that from
the invested capital either in industry or in commerce or agriculture the owner can obtain only 10% and the rest he must use
for improvement of the enterprise and mainly for the !improvement
of the social standards of the employees. The profits should be
divided in such a way that not only the investor but also the
enterprise and the employees would obtain a proper share of it.
This is Christian philosophy.14
Not only Tiso's views regarding social justice and the
role of capital but his ideology in a broad sense was
anchored in the philosophy of Natural Law and in Christian
ethics. In a narrower sense, Slovak national traditions
permeated with expressions of patriotism and a selfless
dedication to the struggle for national rights, as defined
in the political thought of European philosophers and
ideologists of the 19th and 20th centuries, were other
components of his political philosophy. As if following
the Old Testament prophets, Dr. Tiso spoke of his approach
to Slovak politics:
In profound humility we are ,p aying tribute to our good Lord
for the light we receive from the principles of Natural Law,
�12
SLOVAKIA
according to which we conducted ourselves in the fight for independence, as well as in our work of building our State. A return
to the Natural Law can be the only foundation upon which a new
world can be built, a world of contentment, order, and permanent
peace.15 A practical manifestation of the Natural Law is and shall
remain our old goal: Slovakia for the Slovaks. Slovakia in its
entirety, indivisible and without reservations in the legal, cultural,
economical, and social iields, so that the inde,p endent Slovak nation
might be the living bearer of all power and the consumer of all
that the Slovak country contains and represents.
Placing the foundation of Slovak politics on Natural
Law, Dr. Tiso on March 16, 1939, defined the ethical basis
of Slovak politics as follows:
Our Slovak State was not born out of hatred, but out of our
great love for our homeland. Let us above all else be led by this
thought: no hatred toward anyone, but love, and ardent love for
our State, which inspires us to work and sacrifice .. _16
"Not force, but law which is founded on truth," was
the philosophy of Dr. Joseph Tiso, and he followed it in
the full sense of the word throughout his life, because
he believed that "no one will be mistaken who builds on
the nation and always has only the interests of his nation
in mind. We have taken over this thesis from stirring times
for the future so that we might strengthen ourselves in
the old convictions that individuals pass away but the
nation remains, and the person who, separated completely
from his own interests, stands unconditionally in the
service of the nation, knows how to hold his ground and
is the only one fit to lead and to speak in the name of
the nation."
Regarding politics as a service to the nation, Dr. Tiso
during his many years of political activity pleaded that
political leaders learn to give priority to the interests
of the nation over their own interests. His understanding of
politics was that "the interest of the nation is the highest
directive of political work." Politics is not supposed to be:
A medium for several individuals to conceal their own materialistic interests. Politics serves the nation. The politician, more than
any one else, must be the guardian of the traditional values of the
nation and must be the ever ready intepreter of Natural Law in
any given situation. Should any one lack the one or the other, he is
not fit to be the representative ,of the nation, because he will either
become a figure tossed about by contemporary political or social
currents which have no connection with the living body of the
nation, or else he will be a museum guardian of the nation who
�SLOVAKIA
13
stands afar from contemporary routes along which life flows and
on which the fate of the future of the nation is determined. Whoever
boasts that he is a loyal son of the nation must also ponder what he
is giving to his nation: an ideological infection which causes a fever,
or bacteria which causes decay and can bring the nation to the
grave; or does he contribute labor which shall forever remain in
the nation as a cell of healthy social and cultural development.
As Dr. Tiso saw it, "the State should serve the nation,
therefore, it has the right to existence only insofar as
it does not threaten the interests of the nation." As far
as State order is concerned, this must "be subordinated
to the principles of morality and law; the State must
respect the rights of the individual, the family, society,
and hold sacred the right of parents to educate their
children, the right of conscience and religious affiliation;
it guarantees the right of private ownership and safeguards
the peaceful co-existence of labor and capital, of employer
and employee."
Every loyal son of the Slovak nation, according to
Tiso, "sanctifies his nationalism with a Christian spirit,
so that nationalism does not remain a slogan or a mantle
of dubious aims, but an internal motivating force to create
values for the benefit of the national whole. Love for the
nation is a religious precept, and a person sins against
the Fourth Commandment who does not love his nation.
He bears a stigma not only as an earthly traitor, but also
as a transgressor who does not keep the Divine Commandment. A nation whose sons do not know how to bear
a blow and personal sacrifices, such a nation will not get
far. The nation lives, the national whole lives, only by
the fight and work of individuals."
From the above quotations, it is quite evident that
the main principles of Dr. Tiso's ideology were: 1) Natural
Law; 2) Love in place of hatred; 3) Right in.stead of
violence; 4) Respect for morality; 5) Nation above the
State; 6) Loyalty to traditions; 7) The personal selflessness
and sacrifice of political leaders; 8) Nationalism sanctified
by Christianity; 9) Social justice, and 10) Religious tolerance.
During the decades of his political activity, Dr. Tiso
developed these ideas not only in his popular speeches
to the people, but also in his addresses, parliamentary
speeches, and presidential messages, so that a scholar
�14
SLOVAKIA
will have little difficulty in elaborating Dr. Tiso's ideology.
Dr. Tiso himself indicated Christianity as the basis of his
ideas, especially the philosophy of St. Thomas 17 and, in
the social sphere, the Papal Encyclicals. On the question
of nationalism Tiso said that "the symbol of Slovak
nationalism was stur," 18 because "stur's nationalism was
the dynamic force in individuals whom he prompted to
work and sacrifice for the nation; it was the connecting
link of individuals into a rock-firm whole with a united
aim a united will . . ." 19
A study of Dr. Tiso's political speeches reveals that he
frequently tied in his talks with the spiritual-political heritage of the followers of Louis stur, the 19th century Slovak
patriot and the "father of modern Slovak nationalism."
Dr. Tiso did this consciously to preserve the continuity
in Slovak ideological-political development and so that the
Slovaks could build on traditions. If we compare the basic
ideas of stur's political and philosophical writing and
speeches which are dealt with in several published works 20
with Tiso's, the latter, of course, shows more elaborate
concepts and deeper sociological insights.
Preserving ideological continuity with former Slovak
generations, Dr. Tiso draws deeply from a Christian world
outlook on the individual and his relation to the State,
nation, family and society. His ideology is firmly founded
on the principles of modern sociology and political science;
it has solid philosophical foundations and a strictly logical
system; it emanates from an idea and stresses the primacy
of spirituality, but it depends on and respects the reality
of life. Tiso's ideology is the result of long years study
and political experience, drawn from daily contact with
the people and from the unceasing struggle with Slovakia's
adversaries. As a result, it is, as it were, an ideology forged
in the fire of battles and tested in confrontation with the
actual life of the nation in the phase of its political
formation, but also in the phase of struggles for its natural
rights, and, finally, also in the period of building its own
state.
In comparison with the ideology of :r.. stur and his
followers, we are concerned in Tiso's case with an ideology
whose foundations are not only broader but one which
was more thought out, mature and tested by life. Dr. Tiso's
�SLOVAKIA
15
political activity had almost been as long as Stu.r's entire
life 0815-1856) and hence he could see the ideas which
he professed and for which he labored and fought, materialized in national life. If we should compare Dr. Tiso as
a politician and ideologue with other leaders of Slovak
life, then objectively it can be said that during the last 100
year,s there was no political leader in Slovakia who could
compare with his thorough preparation for political activity, either theoretically or from parliamentary experience.
III.
WRITINGS ON PRESIDENT TISO
IN FOREIGN LANGUAGES
In many West European countries, the President of
the Slovak Republic was presented after the war in a
distorted way. Journalists and scholars accepted Czech
propaganda and Communist accusations and wrote about
Slovakia and her President with a definite bias. After 25
years, this trend is changing, as all of us, who knew that
the adverse propaganda was not based on facts, believed
from the very beginning that it would. In books, periodicals
and newpapers, the personality of Dr. Tiso and his politics
appear today in a much different light than was the case
immediately after the war.
European Scholars About Msgr. Tiso
In this respect, two recent articles deserve our attention. The French historian, Francois d'Orcival, who
published an interesting book on Slovakia about three
years ago under the title Le Danube Etait Noir, contributed
to the periodical Miroir de l'Histoire (July 1971, No. 259),
a lengthy essay in which he set the records straight and
presented Dr. Tiso and his politics objectively. Dr. Tiso
appears to the French historian as a patriot who did everything possible to save his people from disaster and who
applied in his politics as many Christian and humanist
principles as the intricate situation of the Second World
War allowed him.
The essay gives a brief historical background of Slovakia during the centuries and deals with the political
events from 1918 to the proclamation of Slovakia's independence, ending with the execution of Msgr. Tiso in 1947.
�16
SLOVAKIA
The second article "Premesse ideologiche del Federalismo ceco-slovacco (La dottrina politico-sociale di Jozef
Tiso)" appeared in Italy in the periodical fl Mondo Slavo
(Vol. 2), published by the Centro di Studi Sull' Europa
Orientale in Padova. It deals with the political and social
doctrines of President Tiso, and was written by Lisa Guarda
Nardini. It is a well-written analysis of the politics and
ideology of Dr. Tiso. The author of the article also gives
many biographical data on the President and dwells on
his doctrine about the individual, the family, the nation
and the State. The article is written on the basis of many
sources published in English, German and Italian languages
by foreign or Slovak authors.
Writings by Slovak Authors in Foreign Languages
Slovak writers, journalists and scholars published
during the past 25 years scores of articles in the quarterlies
Slovakia and Slowakei, or chapters in books dealing
generally with Slovak history. The former Minister of
External Affairs, Dr. F . t>urcansky, left some valuable
information on Dr. Tiso in his contributions to German
historical periodicals. In 1967 two publications appeared,
one by Prof. Francis Vnuk and another by Prof. Milan
S. Durica.
Prof. Vnuk's publication, Dr. Jozef Tiso - President
of the Slovak Republic (The Association of Australian
Slovaks, Sydney, 1967), is a well-balanced and well-written
presentation of Dr. Tiso and his political career. After
writing hundreds of articles and two books on political
and cultural topics from modern Slovak history, Vnuk
had become one of the best qualified persons to seriously
tackle the subject. He displays a considerable knowledge
of foreign and domestic sources on the crucial years of
Slovakia's modern history and uses it with skill and good
judgment in summarizing Dr. Tiso's achievements, his
role in the struggle of the Slovak people for equality of
rights in Czecho-Slovakia and finally for national independence in the troubled period before and during the
Second World War.
In the sub-title of his work, Prof. Vnuk mentions that
it was published " In commemoration of the twentieth
anniversary of his (Dr. Tiso's ) death at the hands of his
�SLOVAKIA
17
enemies of Slovak independence," but it is not a current
commemorative booklet. The author gives the reader in
a nutshell a serious and well-documented analysis not
only of Dr. Tiso's political life struggle, but also an excellent
survey of Slovak politics and the treacheries and perfidy
of the adversaries of Slovak independence. The booklet
is divided into 15 chapters and also includes several photographs and a map of Slovakia. There could hardly be
a better concised presentation of "the case of Tiso," as
it has been done by Vnuk.
In equally sober manner is written Prof. M. St. i'.>urica's
analysis of Slovak politics "in the light of Tiso's political
thought and teaching" - Die Slowakische Politik 1938/ 39
im Lichte der Staatslehre Tiso 's (Emil Semmel Verlag,
Bonn) , 1967.
Both i'.>urica and Vnuk belong to the younger generation
of Slovak scholars in the Free World and while they lived
in Slovakia during the crucial years of her history, they
were too young to be involved personally in politics, which
is undoubtedly an advantage. Nobody can seriously accuse
them of speaking "pro domo sua," as the adversaries of
Slovakia's aspirations for freedom used to do with regard
to other Slovak writers on political subjects. i'.>urica also
has a thorough preparation for his work and is equipped
with probably the best knowledge of German and other
European diplomatic sources on Slovakia, as his Italian
book and numerous studies in other languages indicate.
The present publication is actually his lecture at the
Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universitat in Bonn to the students of
all Faculties on June 12, 1967. Like Vnuk, i'.>urica also gives
first a survey of Slovak history to make his subject more
intelligible to his readers. Then he speaks about the political
thought (he uses the word Lehre-teaching) of Dr. Tiso
and about the crisis of 1938/ 39.
There are all the elements of a serious study in i'.>urica's
publication, and it presents Dr. Tiso and Slovak politics
to the Western world in an objective light, fighting only
indirectly all the distortions and political propaganda which
were spread by the Communists and non-Communists who
adopted Czech and anti-Slovak conceptions about modern
Slovak history.
�18
SLOVAKIA
The bulk of writings in the English language will be,
of course, found in the American Slovak newspapers
especially in Jednota and in the quarterly Oater annual)
Slovakia.
The late Philip Hrobak, editor of both Slovakia and
Jednota was one of the most courageous defenders of the
President of the Slovak Republic and there are many
articles written by him personally and scores of essays
which he translated and published. Some will be a valuable
source for historians since they were written by persons
who either knew President Tiso personally and worked
in some political or cultural institution during the time
he was President, or were acquainted with his trial and
tragic and as politicians of the restored Czecho-Slovakia
under the Soviet tutelage.
Of documentary value will especially be two articles by
President Tiso's Personal Secretary, Prof. Charles Murin:
"Eight Fatal Days in the Life of Dr. Joseph Tiso," Slovakia,
Vol. III, March 1957, pp. 13-18, and "A Belated Report,"
Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 2, pp. 31-36.
Prof. Murin was Private Secretary to Dr. Tiso from
1938 until the latter's capture in Austria and extradition
to Czecho-Slovakia, and the closest person in the President's
entourage. The value of Prof. Murin's articles lies, in
addition, in his intergrity and desire to portray the situation
objectively.
Another article of documentary value was written by
an opponent of Slovakia's independence and indirectly
of Dr. Tiso, Dr. Michael Zibrin, a member of Prague
Parliament, under the title The Case of Dr. Joseph Tiso,
Vol. II, August 1952, pp. 1-24.
For historians, two articles will be of interest, one
by Prof. J. Zubek, O.F.M., S.T.D., Monsignor Jozef TisoControversial Personality, Vol. VII, March 1957, pp. 1-8,
and the other by Prof. Milan St. !>urica Dr'. Joseph Tiso
and the Jewish Problem in Slovakia, Vol. VII, SeptemberDecember 1957, pp. 1-22. Neither Prof. Zubek nor Prof.
!>urica were active in politics and their articles are a result
of serious scholarly research.
Among the articles by Slovaks who were close to some
�SLOVAKIA
19
time to Dr. Tiso during the years 1938-1945, there are two
by Dr. J. M. Kirschbaum The Tenth Anniversary of Dr.
Joseph Tiso's Execution, Vol. VII, March 1957, pp. 1-8, and
Facts and Events Behind the Scenes of Slovakia's Declaration of Independence, Vol. IX, March 1959, pp. 1-7, and
two by Dr. Joseph Pauco Dr. Joseph Tiso: Christian Democrat, Vol. VII, June 1957, pp. 37-49, and / was Editor of
President Tiso's Newspaper, Vol. VII, March 1957, pp. 9-13.
The quarterly Slovakia published many other articles
which in one way or another shed further information on
the personality and politics of Dr. Tiso. In 1957, an entire
volume was devoted to the memory of Dr. Tiso and many
articles were published in previous or in the following
years. At least some of them should be mentioned: The
First President of the Slovak Republic, by Dr. Joseph
Cieker, Vol. II, March 1952, pp. 1-29. Dr. Joseph Tiso: Priest,
Teacher, President and National Hero of the Slovak Nation,
Vol. II, March 1952, pp. 45-46. Anniversary of a Murder,
Vol. III, April 1953, pp. 28-30, and Dr. Joseph Tiso in
Memoriam, Vol. XI, September-December 1961, pp. 1-2.
Slovakia: Trial of Dr. Joseph Tiso, March 1957, pp. 19-21.
All these writings are an important source of information not only for foreign historians interested in Eastern
Europe, but also for the new generation of Slovaks. Nevertheless, there is still need for a comprehensive work on
the remarkable personality of Dr. Tiso and his politics
during the crucial years before and during the Second
World War, as well as on his place in the history of
Slovakia. If written without prejudice by an able historian,
such a book can be of great service to the Slovak nation
and of great value for understanding not only the struggle
of a small nation between two great powers, but also of
the Communist methods of enslaving people with old
traditions and love of freedom and democracy.
See T. G. Masaryk, Das neue Europa and Der Agramer Hock- verratsprozess, both published during his struggle fo r the dismemberment of Austria-Hungary.
2) See Documents on German Foreign Policy, Series 'D', Vol. IX-X.
3) Ibid, Vol. X, No. 205.
1)
4) See the report of the International Committee of the Red Cross
in Revue Internationale de la Croix Rouge, Geneva, 1947, pp. 957-
�20
SLOVAKIA
959, and Milan St. !>urica, "Dr, Jozef Tiso and the Jewish Problem
in Slovakia," Slovakia, Vol. VII, No. 3-4, 1957.
See Francis Vnuk, Dr. Jozef Tiso - President of the Slovak Republic. (Sydney, 1967) and Th. J Zubek, "Monsignor J . Tiso-Controversial Personality," Slovakia, Vol. Vil, March, 1957.
6 ) See quotations from his speeches and addresses in this article,
Part II.
7) See Watson Klrkconnell, Canada, Europe and Hitler (Toronto, 1939) ,
pp. 47-48.
8) See J . M. Klrschbaum, Slovakia-Nation at the Crossroads of
Central Europe (Speller & Sons, New York, 1960), p. 280-283, F .
Vnuk, op. cit. , and Francois d'Orcival, Le Danube etait noir, (Paris,
1967 ) and his article in Mirroir de l'Histoire, (No. 259, July 1971).
5)
9 ) Dr. Stefan Polakovic, Tisova Nauka (Tiso's Political Philosophy),
and Z Tisovho Boja (From Tiso's Struggle) , Bratislava, 1941.
10) Dr. Jozef Tiso o se be, edited by Dr. Joseph Pauco, Passaic, N. J . 1952.
11) On Slovak Constitution, see Kirschbaum, Slov aki11r-Nation at the
Crossroads of Central Europe, (Speller, New York, 1960) .
12) Published in the daily Slovak, No. 177-178, Bratislava, 1936.
13) Quoted from Dr. J . Pauco, op cit. , p. 243.
14) Polakovic, Tisova Nauka, op. cit., p. 324. Originally published in
the daily Slovak, No. 283 , 1938.
15) This and the following quotations are taken from the books by
Polakovic and Pauco.
16) See Polakovic, Z Tisovho Boja, op. cit. , p. 236-237.
17) "All who recall our thesis that 'the nation is the substance and the
state only the form' should know that its state-political formula is
the practical consequence of rtihe state-political theory which is
built on the foundations of Thomistic philosophy ." - SLOVAK,
1935.
18 ) See "Prve posolstvo" (The First Message), Ruzomberok, August
16, 1939. Already in 1936 Dr. Tiso had proclaimed: "It is this
amount of Louis Stur, built in the Banovce county, that shall be
the visible proof of the fact that we have progressed so far that
only we, Slovak Catholics, have not forgotten our Slovak past and
we pay our respects to the memory of our national awakeners even
when they are Evangelical (Lutherans) , as was Stur."-SLOVAK,
1936.
19) Dr. Tiso also characterized Stur's nationalism in this manner:
" Stur's nationalism-built on the foundation of the independent
Slovak nation and the genuine Slovak language, ,b ecause it acknowledges the law of God and the law .of nature-was the natural
foundation of the life of the Slovak nation."-SLOVAK, 1936.
20 ) See the works by Profess.or Dr. Cizevsky, Stefan Polakovic, Dr.
Samuel S. Osusky, Daniel Rapant, Joseph Pauco, and J . M. Kirschbaum's, ~udovit Slur and His Place in the Slavic World, (Slovak
Institute, Cleveland, Ohio), 1956.
�
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1972, Vol. 22
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Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972.
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SLOVAKIA
5
Dr. Joseph Tiso The Prelate-Politician who Died
on the Gallows for His People
J. M. Ki rs
C
h b au m
Most wars in history have ended with the morally
doubtful "vae victis"; the Second World War was no exception. Twenty-five years ago on April 18th in Bratislava,
the picturesque site of the medieval University and later
the crowning city of the Hapsburgs as kings of Hungary,
a Catholic prelate with rosary in hand was led to the
gallows and executed. Fearing German reprisals against
the Slovak population, he had refused the Soviet demand
to turn against the Germans, as the king of Rumania has
done, and thus lost the first chance to save his life. By
refusing to recommend Communism to his people and
renounce their right to independence , he lost the last
chance.
It was an early chilling morning on the slopes of the
Carpathians and on the shores of the Danube where Bratislava is situated. Only Czech troops and police detachment
sent by Prague circulated the city to prevent an uprising
or an attempt at freeing the incarcerated prelate. The
country had been in a tense and grim mood for several
months. Nothing except promises by the government
composed of Communists and members of the Democratic
Party that Dr. Tiso, President of the short-lived Slovak
Republic, would be sentenced but not hanged, kept the
population from revolting. Dr. E. Benes, President of the
restored Czecho-Slova kia, refused, however, to spare the
life of Dr. Tiso because, as he publicly said, "two Presidents
could not live in one country," especially when the preferred one in Slovakia was not him but the incarcerated Dr.
Tiso. When the news about the execution spread throughout the country, there was anger, sorrow and fear among
the population. It was the first time that in Slovakia's
long history a political leader had died on the gallows
6
SLOVAKIA
for his convictions. Even during the Second World War
no execution had been carried out in Slovakia because
Dr. Tiso, as a priest, would not sign the order of execution.
However, the shock was caused not only by the fact
that the Slovaks were deceived, horrified and humiliated
in their national pride. Dr. Tiso-until now little known
abroad or presented in a distorted light-was the first
President the Slovaks ever had. His policy could have been
hard to understand or even abhorent to many people in
the West, but the Slovak people looked at it from a
different angle. He saved them from a division among
their neighbors and from an occupation by the German
Reich. He led his small Slovak Republic during the calamities of the Second World War without much damage
and secured for the population the highest living standards
in Europe, including neutral Switzerland. Furthermore, he
was a Catholic prelate in a conservative and deeply religious
land with over 80 ~'" of the population being devoted
Catholics.
The vast majority of the Slovak population considered,
therefore, the execution as an act of political vengeance.
In fact, the members of the government who represented
the Democratic Party which, in the 1946 elections had
won a 62 ~f, majority, urged Dr. Benes to give amnesty to
Dr. Tiso. Only the Communists and the Prague government
insisted on his execution. Dr. Tiso was accused of treason
and collaboration with Germany. Since Czecho-Slovakia
originated with the dismemberment of Austrio-Hungary
by the activities of T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Benes during
the First World War, nobody in Slovakia could take
seriously the charge of treason. Dismemberment of Czechoslovakia was not as much the result of the activities of
Dr. Tiso, as of the international situation. Besides T. G.
Masaryk himself, accused of treason, refuted as preposterous any charge of treason for activities leading to
independence of an oppressed people. There are some
learned paragraphs in his writings about this subject. 1
On the other side, the "collaboration" of Dr. Tiso with
Berlin was not that of conspiracy or voluntary acceptance
either of German supremacy in Central Europe, or of
German Nazi ideology. He went for the first time to Berlin
in order to defend Slovakia against Magyar territorial
SLOVAKIA
7
claims and saw Hitler for the first time on March 13, 1939,
on the invitation of Hitler and with the consent of the
Presidium of the Slovak parliament and the Slovak provincial government. His mission in Berlin was to save
Slovakia from dismemberment and occupation and not
to ask for German supremacy or for the introduction of
the Nazi ideology in Slovakia. In fact, he opposed the
introduction of Nazism into Slovakia, proof of which can
be found in many official German documents published
by the American and British governments.2
During the war Dr. Tiso publicly proclaimed that
Slovak participation in the war was symbolic and that
Slovakia fought Communism and Soviet expansion and
not the Russian people. For these pronouncements he had
difficulties with Berlin. His envoy in Rome in 1940 informed
through the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs the British
government that Slovakia desired to remain neutral. 3 The
Secretary-General of the ruling Party of which Dr. Tiso
was chairman, spoke publicly against the introduction of
foreign ideologies and insisted on keeping Slovakia out
of the conflict of the Great Powers. The pressure of Berlin,
especially after the invasion of the Soviet Union by Germany was, however, too strong to be fully resisted and
Dr. Tiso had to deal with a government in Slovakia in
which some members were acquiescent to the demands
of the Third Reich, especially in solving some internal
problems such as the Jewish problem. In this case Dr. Tiso
did his best and saved many thousands of Slovak Jews.
The international Red Cross report acknowledged that
Slovakia had been at times a haven for the Jews of Poland. 4
But those who were saved, and even less Dr. Benes, were
willing to consider the real situation in Slovakia during
the Second World War. The speeches and addresses Dr.
Tiso made during the war were those of a patriot, tempered
by the realistic evaluation of Slovakia's situation, by his
long political experience and knowledge of the Slovak
mentality and, of course, by the precarious conditions of
the war and German distrust. 5
According to all who knew Dr. Tiso, political power
had no corrupting effect on this quiet, solidly build figure,
whose goal in life was to serve God and his nation and
who repeatedly proclaimed himself ready to retire to his
8
SLOVAKIA
parish if it would serve the interests of his people. He
remained what he always had been-a fighter for his beliefs
on the pattern of Central European national leaders who
combined strong patriotism with their religious vocation
and intellectual distinction. 6 His distaste for democratic
politics as practised between the two wars in CzechoSlovakia should be judged by taking into account the
situation in Slovakia during the 20 years after the First
World War. Ruled from Prague, with political power
divided between some 30 splinter parties, Slovakia was
certainly not happy 7 under a regime where democracy
was often nothing less than a series of noisy and incoherent
promise, impossible demands and hot-potch of unfortunate
ideas and impractical plans.
Dr. Tiso was not against criticism or opposition and
even less against free discussion, but the war situation
everywhere in the world imposed brakes on the democratic
way of life. In addition, in Ttso's view, public opinion
should have been formed on the basis of solid arguments
and knowledge of indisputable and properly interpreted
facts and disinterested attitudes, and not on the basis
of passions and distortions of truth. He repeated
this in many of his speeches and addresses which were
based on the doctrine of the Papal encyclicals and works
of Western and European sociologists with a mixture of
patriotic ideas deeply rooted in Slovak tradition. He wanted
to rally his fellow citizens to have them respond to an
invocation of national destiny great enough to jolt them
out of their passivity and submissivness.
If he praised the Germans, as he sometimes did, it was
because he felt that such was the price which would have
to be paid for his people's salvation from German occupation and division among Slovakia's neighbors. He also had
to do it in order to prevent subservient elements from
taking into their hands complete power in Slovakia .
German ambassadors in Bratislava sent many reports to
Berlin against Tiso's politics and tried hard to have put
in his place a man who would have been more obedient
and more subservient to German demands and pressure.8
There was, in fact, a time when they tried to remove him
by an attempt on his life. As a result, Tiso looks in historical
perspective more as a Slovak Petain than as any other head
SLOVAKIA
9
of state who during the war had to be on the German side
either because of geo-political reasons or by compulsion.
II.
DR. TISO'S CONCEPT OF SLOVAK POLITICS
Dr. Tiso left no compact work about his views on
Slovak national life or on the ideological foundations of
Slovak politics. Always in the middle of obstinate struggles
for the rights of the Slovak people and their national
survival, in which he played the foremost role from 1918
on, Dr. Tiso had little time to write books. He postponed
the task for a time when he would depart from the political
arena, but this was denied him by his execution. Although
he formulated the goals of the Slovak national struggle
between 1920-1945 and in countless speeches and addresses
developed the fundamental principles of a Slovak national
ideology more systematically than any other Slovak leader
had in this century or in the past, a systematic explanation
of Tiso's political views and principles still awaits the
efforts of a serious scholar.
The first step in this direction was made by Dr. Stefan
Polakovic during the lifetime of Dr. Tiso, when he expertly
and systematically collected in the work Tiso's Doctrine
and From Tiso 's Struggle9 the fundamental concepts of Dr.
Tiso's views on the nation, nationalism, the state, religion,
and social order. Even though the volumes bear the
imprints of war conditions in Slovakia, they remain thus
far, along with the final speech of Dr. Tiso before the
Bratislava Court, which was edited by Dr. Joseph Pauco,10
the main source of knowledge of the fundamental ideas,
aims, and efforts of Slovak political life in the first half
of this century.
In Slovakia and abroad, Dr. Tiso was accused after
the Second World War of being against democracy, favoring
dictatorship and of introducing during the war a fascist
regime and immitating German Nazi ideology. The perusal
of the articles, studies, parliamentary speeches and presidential messages make all these accusations not only
foundless, but testify to the fact that Dr. Tiso's ideology
was anchored in Papal Encyclicals, in Natural Law, in
modern sociological thought. His ideal was a true democracy which he called Christian democracy. German pres-
SLOVAKIA
sure, the circumstances of a war which seriously curtailed
democracy in England, the U.S.A. or Canada, and many
problems of a specific nature facing a new state in a
precarious geo-political situation, did not allow Dr. Tiso
to implement all his ideas.
Furthermore, Dr. Tiso was a president with powers
strictly defined by the Constitution of the Slovak Republic 11
and executive powers were vested largely in the hands
of the government. Dr. Tiso pointed out this important
fact in his last eloquent pladoyer before the Bratislava
Court, but it was apparently overlooked by all foreign
writers who wrote about Dr. Tiso and wartime Slovakia.
As a cabinet minister in pre-war Czecho-Slovakia as
well as one of the principal leaders of the Slovak Populist
Party which fought for political autonomy within CzechoSlovakia, Dr. Tiso made numerous speeches on democracy
and dictatorship, not only a long time before Hitler came
to power but also when the Fuehrer's impact on European
politics was strong and found imitators and sympathizers
in many European countries.
In 1936, when democracy in Europe and especially in
Central Europe was passing through a crisis, Dr. Tiso,
speaking on behalf of the Slovak Populist Party, proclaimed:
We Slovaks are adherents of Christian democracy from the
depth of our hearts and condemn any dictatorship regardless of
its name. We have always been for democracy but a true democracy.
We are criticizing our mystified (falsified) democracy exactly for
the reaso n that at present, democracy in Czecho-Slovakia, by its
methods, actually discredits democracy. At home it shatters faith
in democracy in the hearts of the people, and elsewhere, especially
abroad , it gives to the adversaries of democracy an efficient weapon
against our democracy. We are for such a democracy which is blsed
on equal rights for everybody, for a true and sincere democracy
which serves the public and protects interests of the nation as
a whole. 12
His adverse stand against the ideological principles
of Nazism (national socialism) was expressed as late as
1942, when Germany ruled over Europe and tried to impose
an ideological "Gleichaltung." In an address to diplomats
accredited in Bratislava, Dr. Tiso as President of the Slovak
Republic, said among other things: "We cannot accept
and implement the political part of national socialism,
but its economic and social goals and methods we can
follow, because they are in accordance with Natural Law." 13
SLOVAKIA
11
Social problems, especially just rewards for workers
and the equitable distribution of national income were
close to the heart of Dr. Tiso during his whole political
career. It was apparently his life ambition to implement
the social ideas and principles of the Papal Encyclical
"Quadragesimo Anno" in the economic and social system
of Slovakia. Certain social measures, especially those
aiming at improving the lot of the working class, which
the Germans had introduced in the late 1930's, were the
economic and social goals which Dr. Tiso thought worthwhile to accept from national socialism. In fact, during
his term of office, several reforms were introduced such
as paid holidays for workers, family wages and a bill
introducing the participation of workers on the profits
of industrial enterprise.
From his deep feeling for social justice stemmed also
Dr. Tiso's views on the role of the capital and capitalists
in Slovakia:
The new Slovakia is not against capital, but she is against the
unscrupulous capitalists who would like to continue exploiting
Slovakia. Not every,body who has a lot of money is a capitalist in
the bad sense of the word. A capitalist is a man who uses his
money for personal enrichment and not for the common good.
I did not abandon Ohristian principles when I declared that from
the invested capital either in industry or in commerce or agriculture the owner can obtain only 10% and the rest he must use
for improvement of the enterprise and mainly for the !improvement
of the social standards of the employees. The profits should be
divided in such a way that not only the investor but also the
enterprise and the employees would obtain a proper share of it.
This is Christian philosophy.14
Not only Tiso's views regarding social justice and the
role of capital but his ideology in a broad sense was
anchored in the philosophy of Natural Law and in Christian
ethics. In a narrower sense, Slovak national traditions
permeated with expressions of patriotism and a selfless
dedication to the struggle for national rights, as defined
in the political thought of European philosophers and
ideologists of the 19th and 20th centuries, were other
components of his political philosophy. As if following
the Old Testament prophets, Dr. Tiso spoke of his approach
to Slovak politics:
In profound humility we are ,p aying tribute to our good Lord
for the light we receive from the principles of Natural Law,
12
SLOVAKIA
according to which we conducted ourselves in the fight for independence, as well as in our work of building our State. A return
to the Natural Law can be the only foundation upon which a new
world can be built, a world of contentment, order, and permanent
peace.15 A practical manifestation of the Natural Law is and shall
remain our old goal: Slovakia for the Slovaks. Slovakia in its
entirety, indivisible and without reservations in the legal, cultural,
economical, and social iields, so that the inde,p endent Slovak nation
might be the living bearer of all power and the consumer of all
that the Slovak country contains and represents.
Placing the foundation of Slovak politics on Natural
Law, Dr. Tiso on March 16, 1939, defined the ethical basis
of Slovak politics as follows:
Our Slovak State was not born out of hatred, but out of our
great love for our homeland. Let us above all else be led by this
thought: no hatred toward anyone, but love, and ardent love for
our State, which inspires us to work and sacrifice .. _16
"Not force, but law which is founded on truth," was
the philosophy of Dr. Joseph Tiso, and he followed it in
the full sense of the word throughout his life, because
he believed that "no one will be mistaken who builds on
the nation and always has only the interests of his nation
in mind. We have taken over this thesis from stirring times
for the future so that we might strengthen ourselves in
the old convictions that individuals pass away but the
nation remains, and the person who, separated completely
from his own interests, stands unconditionally in the
service of the nation, knows how to hold his ground and
is the only one fit to lead and to speak in the name of
the nation."
Regarding politics as a service to the nation, Dr. Tiso
during his many years of political activity pleaded that
political leaders learn to give priority to the interests
of the nation over their own interests. His understanding of
politics was that "the interest of the nation is the highest
directive of political work." Politics is not supposed to be:
A medium for several individuals to conceal their own materialistic interests. Politics serves the nation. The politician, more than
any one else, must be the guardian of the traditional values of the
nation and must be the ever ready intepreter of Natural Law in
any given situation. Should any one lack the one or the other, he is
not fit to be the representative ,of the nation, because he will either
become a figure tossed about by contemporary political or social
currents which have no connection with the living body of the
nation, or else he will be a museum guardian of the nation who
SLOVAKIA
13
stands afar from contemporary routes along which life flows and
on which the fate of the future of the nation is determined. Whoever
boasts that he is a loyal son of the nation must also ponder what he
is giving to his nation: an ideological infection which causes a fever,
or bacteria which causes decay and can bring the nation to the
grave; or does he contribute labor which shall forever remain in
the nation as a cell of healthy social and cultural development.
As Dr. Tiso saw it, "the State should serve the nation,
therefore, it has the right to existence only insofar as
it does not threaten the interests of the nation." As far
as State order is concerned, this must "be subordinated
to the principles of morality and law; the State must
respect the rights of the individual, the family, society,
and hold sacred the right of parents to educate their
children, the right of conscience and religious affiliation;
it guarantees the right of private ownership and safeguards
the peaceful co-existence of labor and capital, of employer
and employee."
Every loyal son of the Slovak nation, according to
Tiso, "sanctifies his nationalism with a Christian spirit,
so that nationalism does not remain a slogan or a mantle
of dubious aims, but an internal motivating force to create
values for the benefit of the national whole. Love for the
nation is a religious precept, and a person sins against
the Fourth Commandment who does not love his nation.
He bears a stigma not only as an earthly traitor, but also
as a transgressor who does not keep the Divine Commandment. A nation whose sons do not know how to bear
a blow and personal sacrifices, such a nation will not get
far. The nation lives, the national whole lives, only by
the fight and work of individuals."
From the above quotations, it is quite evident that
the main principles of Dr. Tiso's ideology were: 1) Natural
Law; 2) Love in place of hatred; 3) Right in.stead of
violence; 4) Respect for morality; 5) Nation above the
State; 6) Loyalty to traditions; 7) The personal selflessness
and sacrifice of political leaders; 8) Nationalism sanctified
by Christianity; 9) Social justice, and 10) Religious tolerance.
During the decades of his political activity, Dr. Tiso
developed these ideas not only in his popular speeches
to the people, but also in his addresses, parliamentary
speeches, and presidential messages, so that a scholar
14
SLOVAKIA
will have little difficulty in elaborating Dr. Tiso's ideology.
Dr. Tiso himself indicated Christianity as the basis of his
ideas, especially the philosophy of St. Thomas 17 and, in
the social sphere, the Papal Encyclicals. On the question
of nationalism Tiso said that "the symbol of Slovak
nationalism was stur," 18 because "stur's nationalism was
the dynamic force in individuals whom he prompted to
work and sacrifice for the nation; it was the connecting
link of individuals into a rock-firm whole with a united
aim a united will . . ." 19
A study of Dr. Tiso's political speeches reveals that he
frequently tied in his talks with the spiritual-political heritage of the followers of Louis stur, the 19th century Slovak
patriot and the "father of modern Slovak nationalism."
Dr. Tiso did this consciously to preserve the continuity
in Slovak ideological-political development and so that the
Slovaks could build on traditions. If we compare the basic
ideas of stur's political and philosophical writing and
speeches which are dealt with in several published works 20
with Tiso's, the latter, of course, shows more elaborate
concepts and deeper sociological insights.
Preserving ideological continuity with former Slovak
generations, Dr. Tiso draws deeply from a Christian world
outlook on the individual and his relation to the State,
nation, family and society. His ideology is firmly founded
on the principles of modern sociology and political science;
it has solid philosophical foundations and a strictly logical
system; it emanates from an idea and stresses the primacy
of spirituality, but it depends on and respects the reality
of life. Tiso's ideology is the result of long years study
and political experience, drawn from daily contact with
the people and from the unceasing struggle with Slovakia's
adversaries. As a result, it is, as it were, an ideology forged
in the fire of battles and tested in confrontation with the
actual life of the nation in the phase of its political
formation, but also in the phase of struggles for its natural
rights, and, finally, also in the period of building its own
state.
In comparison with the ideology of :r.. stur and his
followers, we are concerned in Tiso's case with an ideology
whose foundations are not only broader but one which
was more thought out, mature and tested by life. Dr. Tiso's
SLOVAKIA
15
political activity had almost been as long as Stu.r's entire
life 0815-1856) and hence he could see the ideas which
he professed and for which he labored and fought, materialized in national life. If we should compare Dr. Tiso as
a politician and ideologue with other leaders of Slovak
life, then objectively it can be said that during the last 100
year,s there was no political leader in Slovakia who could
compare with his thorough preparation for political activity, either theoretically or from parliamentary experience.
III.
WRITINGS ON PRESIDENT TISO
IN FOREIGN LANGUAGES
In many West European countries, the President of
the Slovak Republic was presented after the war in a
distorted way. Journalists and scholars accepted Czech
propaganda and Communist accusations and wrote about
Slovakia and her President with a definite bias. After 25
years, this trend is changing, as all of us, who knew that
the adverse propaganda was not based on facts, believed
from the very beginning that it would. In books, periodicals
and newpapers, the personality of Dr. Tiso and his politics
appear today in a much different light than was the case
immediately after the war.
European Scholars About Msgr. Tiso
In this respect, two recent articles deserve our attention. The French historian, Francois d'Orcival, who
published an interesting book on Slovakia about three
years ago under the title Le Danube Etait Noir, contributed
to the periodical Miroir de l'Histoire (July 1971, No. 259),
a lengthy essay in which he set the records straight and
presented Dr. Tiso and his politics objectively. Dr. Tiso
appears to the French historian as a patriot who did everything possible to save his people from disaster and who
applied in his politics as many Christian and humanist
principles as the intricate situation of the Second World
War allowed him.
The essay gives a brief historical background of Slovakia during the centuries and deals with the political
events from 1918 to the proclamation of Slovakia's independence, ending with the execution of Msgr. Tiso in 1947.
16
SLOVAKIA
The second article "Premesse ideologiche del Federalismo ceco-slovacco (La dottrina politico-sociale di Jozef
Tiso)" appeared in Italy in the periodical fl Mondo Slavo
(Vol. 2), published by the Centro di Studi Sull' Europa
Orientale in Padova. It deals with the political and social
doctrines of President Tiso, and was written by Lisa Guarda
Nardini. It is a well-written analysis of the politics and
ideology of Dr. Tiso. The author of the article also gives
many biographical data on the President and dwells on
his doctrine about the individual, the family, the nation
and the State. The article is written on the basis of many
sources published in English, German and Italian languages
by foreign or Slovak authors.
Writings by Slovak Authors in Foreign Languages
Slovak writers, journalists and scholars published
during the past 25 years scores of articles in the quarterlies
Slovakia and Slowakei, or chapters in books dealing
generally with Slovak history. The former Minister of
External Affairs, Dr. F . t>urcansky, left some valuable
information on Dr. Tiso in his contributions to German
historical periodicals. In 1967 two publications appeared,
one by Prof. Francis Vnuk and another by Prof. Milan
S. Durica.
Prof. Vnuk's publication, Dr. Jozef Tiso - President
of the Slovak Republic (The Association of Australian
Slovaks, Sydney, 1967), is a well-balanced and well-written
presentation of Dr. Tiso and his political career. After
writing hundreds of articles and two books on political
and cultural topics from modern Slovak history, Vnuk
had become one of the best qualified persons to seriously
tackle the subject. He displays a considerable knowledge
of foreign and domestic sources on the crucial years of
Slovakia's modern history and uses it with skill and good
judgment in summarizing Dr. Tiso's achievements, his
role in the struggle of the Slovak people for equality of
rights in Czecho-Slovakia and finally for national independence in the troubled period before and during the
Second World War.
In the sub-title of his work, Prof. Vnuk mentions that
it was published " In commemoration of the twentieth
anniversary of his (Dr. Tiso's ) death at the hands of his
SLOVAKIA
17
enemies of Slovak independence," but it is not a current
commemorative booklet. The author gives the reader in
a nutshell a serious and well-documented analysis not
only of Dr. Tiso's political life struggle, but also an excellent
survey of Slovak politics and the treacheries and perfidy
of the adversaries of Slovak independence. The booklet
is divided into 15 chapters and also includes several photographs and a map of Slovakia. There could hardly be
a better concised presentation of "the case of Tiso," as
it has been done by Vnuk.
In equally sober manner is written Prof. M. St. i'.>urica's
analysis of Slovak politics "in the light of Tiso's political
thought and teaching" - Die Slowakische Politik 1938/ 39
im Lichte der Staatslehre Tiso 's (Emil Semmel Verlag,
Bonn) , 1967.
Both i'.>urica and Vnuk belong to the younger generation
of Slovak scholars in the Free World and while they lived
in Slovakia during the crucial years of her history, they
were too young to be involved personally in politics, which
is undoubtedly an advantage. Nobody can seriously accuse
them of speaking "pro domo sua," as the adversaries of
Slovakia's aspirations for freedom used to do with regard
to other Slovak writers on political subjects. i'.>urica also
has a thorough preparation for his work and is equipped
with probably the best knowledge of German and other
European diplomatic sources on Slovakia, as his Italian
book and numerous studies in other languages indicate.
The present publication is actually his lecture at the
Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universitat in Bonn to the students of
all Faculties on June 12, 1967. Like Vnuk, i'.>urica also gives
first a survey of Slovak history to make his subject more
intelligible to his readers. Then he speaks about the political
thought (he uses the word Lehre-teaching) of Dr. Tiso
and about the crisis of 1938/ 39.
There are all the elements of a serious study in i'.>urica's
publication, and it presents Dr. Tiso and Slovak politics
to the Western world in an objective light, fighting only
indirectly all the distortions and political propaganda which
were spread by the Communists and non-Communists who
adopted Czech and anti-Slovak conceptions about modern
Slovak history.
18
SLOVAKIA
The bulk of writings in the English language will be,
of course, found in the American Slovak newspapers
especially in Jednota and in the quarterly Oater annual)
Slovakia.
The late Philip Hrobak, editor of both Slovakia and
Jednota was one of the most courageous defenders of the
President of the Slovak Republic and there are many
articles written by him personally and scores of essays
which he translated and published. Some will be a valuable
source for historians since they were written by persons
who either knew President Tiso personally and worked
in some political or cultural institution during the time
he was President, or were acquainted with his trial and
tragic and as politicians of the restored Czecho-Slovakia
under the Soviet tutelage.
Of documentary value will especially be two articles by
President Tiso's Personal Secretary, Prof. Charles Murin:
"Eight Fatal Days in the Life of Dr. Joseph Tiso," Slovakia,
Vol. III, March 1957, pp. 13-18, and "A Belated Report,"
Slovakia, Vol. 7, No. 2, pp. 31-36.
Prof. Murin was Private Secretary to Dr. Tiso from
1938 until the latter's capture in Austria and extradition
to Czecho-Slovakia, and the closest person in the President's
entourage. The value of Prof. Murin's articles lies, in
addition, in his intergrity and desire to portray the situation
objectively.
Another article of documentary value was written by
an opponent of Slovakia's independence and indirectly
of Dr. Tiso, Dr. Michael Zibrin, a member of Prague
Parliament, under the title The Case of Dr. Joseph Tiso,
Vol. II, August 1952, pp. 1-24.
For historians, two articles will be of interest, one
by Prof. J. Zubek, O.F.M., S.T.D., Monsignor Jozef TisoControversial Personality, Vol. VII, March 1957, pp. 1-8,
and the other by Prof. Milan St. !>urica Dr'. Joseph Tiso
and the Jewish Problem in Slovakia, Vol. VII, SeptemberDecember 1957, pp. 1-22. Neither Prof. Zubek nor Prof.
!>urica were active in politics and their articles are a result
of serious scholarly research.
Among the articles by Slovaks who were close to some
SLOVAKIA
19
time to Dr. Tiso during the years 1938-1945, there are two
by Dr. J. M. Kirschbaum The Tenth Anniversary of Dr.
Joseph Tiso's Execution, Vol. VII, March 1957, pp. 1-8, and
Facts and Events Behind the Scenes of Slovakia's Declaration of Independence, Vol. IX, March 1959, pp. 1-7, and
two by Dr. Joseph Pauco Dr. Joseph Tiso: Christian Democrat, Vol. VII, June 1957, pp. 37-49, and / was Editor of
President Tiso's Newspaper, Vol. VII, March 1957, pp. 9-13.
The quarterly Slovakia published many other articles
which in one way or another shed further information on
the personality and politics of Dr. Tiso. In 1957, an entire
volume was devoted to the memory of Dr. Tiso and many
articles were published in previous or in the following
years. At least some of them should be mentioned: The
First President of the Slovak Republic, by Dr. Joseph
Cieker, Vol. II, March 1952, pp. 1-29. Dr. Joseph Tiso: Priest,
Teacher, President and National Hero of the Slovak Nation,
Vol. II, March 1952, pp. 45-46. Anniversary of a Murder,
Vol. III, April 1953, pp. 28-30, and Dr. Joseph Tiso in
Memoriam, Vol. XI, September-December 1961, pp. 1-2.
Slovakia: Trial of Dr. Joseph Tiso, March 1957, pp. 19-21.
All these writings are an important source of information not only for foreign historians interested in Eastern
Europe, but also for the new generation of Slovaks. Nevertheless, there is still need for a comprehensive work on
the remarkable personality of Dr. Tiso and his politics
during the crucial years before and during the Second
World War, as well as on his place in the history of
Slovakia. If written without prejudice by an able historian,
such a book can be of great service to the Slovak nation
and of great value for understanding not only the struggle
of a small nation between two great powers, but also of
the Communist methods of enslaving people with old
traditions and love of freedom and democracy.
See T. G. Masaryk, Das neue Europa and Der Agramer Hock- verratsprozess, both published during his struggle fo r the dismemberment of Austria-Hungary.
2) See Documents on German Foreign Policy, Series 'D', Vol. IX-X.
3) Ibid, Vol. X, No. 205.
1)
4) See the report of the International Committee of the Red Cross
in Revue Internationale de la Croix Rouge, Geneva, 1947, pp. 957-
20
SLOVAKIA
959, and Milan St. !>urica, "Dr, Jozef Tiso and the Jewish Problem
in Slovakia," Slovakia, Vol. VII, No. 3-4, 1957.
See Francis Vnuk, Dr. Jozef Tiso - President of the Slovak Republic. (Sydney, 1967) and Th. J Zubek, "Monsignor J . Tiso-Controversial Personality," Slovakia, Vol. Vil, March, 1957.
6 ) See quotations from his speeches and addresses in this article,
Part II.
7) See Watson Klrkconnell, Canada, Europe and Hitler (Toronto, 1939) ,
pp. 47-48.
8) See J . M. Klrschbaum, Slovakia-Nation at the Crossroads of
Central Europe (Speller & Sons, New York, 1960), p. 280-283, F .
Vnuk, op. cit. , and Francois d'Orcival, Le Danube etait noir, (Paris,
1967 ) and his article in Mirroir de l'Histoire, (No. 259, July 1971).
5)
9 ) Dr. Stefan Polakovic, Tisova Nauka (Tiso's Political Philosophy),
and Z Tisovho Boja (From Tiso's Struggle) , Bratislava, 1941.
10) Dr. Jozef Tiso o se be, edited by Dr. Joseph Pauco, Passaic, N. J . 1952.
11) On Slovak Constitution, see Kirschbaum, Slov aki11r-Nation at the
Crossroads of Central Europe, (Speller, New York, 1960) .
12) Published in the daily Slovak, No. 177-178, Bratislava, 1936.
13) Quoted from Dr. J . Pauco, op cit. , p. 243.
14) Polakovic, Tisova Nauka, op. cit., p. 324. Originally published in
the daily Slovak, No. 283 , 1938.
15) This and the following quotations are taken from the books by
Polakovic and Pauco.
16) See Polakovic, Z Tisovho Boja, op. cit. , p. 236-237.
17) "All who recall our thesis that 'the nation is the substance and the
state only the form' should know that its state-political formula is
the practical consequence of rtihe state-political theory which is
built on the foundations of Thomistic philosophy ." - SLOVAK,
1935.
18 ) See "Prve posolstvo" (The First Message), Ruzomberok, August
16, 1939. Already in 1936 Dr. Tiso had proclaimed: "It is this
amount of Louis Stur, built in the Banovce county, that shall be
the visible proof of the fact that we have progressed so far that
only we, Slovak Catholics, have not forgotten our Slovak past and
we pay our respects to the memory of our national awakeners even
when they are Evangelical (Lutherans) , as was Stur."-SLOVAK,
1936.
19) Dr. Tiso also characterized Stur's nationalism in this manner:
" Stur's nationalism-built on the foundation of the independent
Slovak nation and the genuine Slovak language, ,b ecause it acknowledges the law of God and the law .of nature-was the natural
foundation of the life of the Slovak nation."-SLOVAK, 1936.
20 ) See the works by Profess.or Dr. Cizevsky, Stefan Polakovic, Dr.
Samuel S. Osusky, Daniel Rapant, Joseph Pauco, and J . M. Kirschbaum's, ~udovit Slur and His Place in the Slavic World, (Slovak
Institute, Cleveland, Ohio), 1956.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Dr. Joseph Tiso: The Prelate-Politician who Died on the Gallows for His People
Description
An account of the resource
J. M. Kirschbaum
Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972
pp. 5-20
Creator
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Kirschbaum, Jozef M., 1913-2001
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1972
SNK
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https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/4b3dfb1be510791b953c7ba1bf686763.pdf
1bd60abcbe147ef63cc1b2e4b7d2a222
PDF Text
Text
SLOVAKIA
21
I Met President Tiso
E. L. Delaney
Periodically some senators and representatives arise
in the halls of Congress to eloquently deplore the plight
of those people in what we rightly regard as the "Captive
Nations".
Apart from expressions of synthetic sympathy nothing
meaningful is done to effect the liberation of those captives
in the Soviet-communist combine. The short-lived Republic
of Slovakia is one of those unfortunate victims.
Thirty three years ago-March 14, 1939, the Slovak
Parliament in Bratislava-in accordance with the CzechoSlovak constitution - unanimously proclaimed the independence of the Slovak Republic. With its population of
about 4,400,000 and an area of approximately 50,000 square
kilometers, Slovakia is in the heart of Eastern Europe .
In the 9th and 10th centuries it was the first political,
cultural and Christian center in that part of the world .
But it was not until March of 1939 that Slovakia's duly
elected political representatives proclaimed their right of
self-determination.
In March 1939 there was no war in Europe and none
was imminent. Practically all European countries officially
recognized Slovakia and established diplomatic or consular
relations with the new political entity-including our wartime allies, Britain, France and the Soviet Union. The fact
that pernicious influences in our Washington administration succeeded in withholding recognition of the new
Republic does not alter the indisputable fact that it did
exist.
Non-European countries with representation in Bratislava, the capital, were: Japan, Manchuria, Siam, China,
Costa Rica and Equador. It is appropriate to mention
that the Soviet had approximately 200 persons attached
to its embassy in Bratislava. Other countries could operate
with 10 or 12 people. But undoubtedly large staffs are
�22
SLOVAEJA
needed for propaganda, subversion and espionage, in which
the Soviet is always engaged.
During World War II, when a large part of Europe
was plagued by want, Slovakia was rightfully regarded
as an oasis of peace, prosperity and plenty. This paradise
in war-rationed Europe had existed over three years before
I had an opportunity to enjoy it.
A few days after my arrival in Bratislava, the capital,
I was invited to a dinner party where I met Jozef Mracna.
He had been Consul for Czecho-Slovakia in New York.
We soon discovered that we had many mutual friends
there. He returned to Slovakia when it became a self-governing republic and was an official of the administration.
I asked him if he could arrange for me to interview the
President. He said he could-and did.
On my arrival at the presidential palace at the appointed time I met Dr. Karol Murin, personal secretary of
Msgr. Tiso who escorted me into the President's private
study.
Msgr. Tiso, or President Tiso as he was then, greeted
me with a hearty hand-shake and a few words of English
-his entire vocabulary in that language, as he laughingly
admitted. He spoke Slovak, Czech, German and Hungarian,
so our interview was conducted in German. His black hair
was sprinkled with a few strands of grey and his dark
blue eyes resembled those of the Irish. I mentioned to
the President that a learned professor in Banska Bystrica
told me that the Slovaks and Irish are both of Celtic origin.
Msgr. Tiso observed that there is some similarity
between Slovakia and Ireland; both countries are predominently Christian and have been for centuries; both
are largely agrarian and both have more of their countrymen in America than in Europe.
Our discussion touched on various subjects. For
generations Slovakia had been a farming community but
now they were promoting various industries. "A major
problem confronting us," said the President, "is in getting
teachers and technical instructors for the projects we
hope to develop."
When Slovakia was part of Czecho-Slovakia, the Czechs
�SLOVAKIA
23
contrived to keep all industries in their part of the country.
Now Slovakia, as the President observed, was endeavoring
to encourage and develop its resources without too much
reliance on Czechs, Germans, Hungarians or Russians.
As the time came for me to leave, I mentioned to his
Excellency that there was a twinkle of humor in his eyes
and would it be quite proper for me to send him a little
reminder of our visit?
"What-for instance?" he asked.
"I'm sure that during these winter nights it is quite
cold in this ages-old palace. So I thought - that for
medicinal purpose, of course, you might appreciate a half
dozen bottles of good Canadian whisky."
He laughed heartily and said, "I'll be glad to get it."
The gift was sent. Some time later I was asked to
again visit the palace when the President gave me a beautiful example of the artistic needle work that is done by
many of the Slovak women and girls. That treasure is
still in my possession. Little did I surmise that we were
to be together several more times-but under vastly
different circumstances.
In the so-called histories and recordings of important
events in Central and Eastern Europe during the latter
weeks of World War II-much is purposely omitted.
There is no mention of the unprecedented proposal made
by the Soviet communists to recognize Slovakia as a
sovereign state and to retain Msgr. Tiso as President.
That proposal was made through diplomatic channels
and told me by Stefan Tiso, then prime minister of Slovakia
and confirmed by the former foreign minister of Slovakia,
Dr. Ferdinand f>urcansky, presently residing in Munich,
Germany.
Of all the captive nations under the thraldom of Soviet
communism, none would be more incongruous than a
communist Slovakia with a Catholic monsignor as its
president. Of course the Kremlin's proposal was curtly
rejected by the Tiso administration.
When the Red army advanced from Budapest toward
Bratislava, President Tiso and his cabinet together with
many others fled to Kremsmuenster, Austria. They expected
and rightly so, that the United States forces would occupy
�24
SLOVAKIA
that part of Eastern Europe. The Slovak "colony" arrived
in Austria April 1, 1945. (This writer left Slovakia the
following day.)
Although regarded as "top secret" it was known that
the former president of Czecho-Slovakia, Eduard Benes,
with the aid of Franklin Roosevelt had flown to Moscow
where he betrayed his country to the communists, with
the understanding that he would be the "president" of the
republic we now know as Czecho-Slovakia.
On May 8, 1945, the refugee Slovak government in
Austria signed a surrender document which was co-signed
by Brig. General W. A. Collier of the US Army; Col. T. 0.
Curtis and Capt. David W. Allard of the US Army. General
Collier assured the Slovak refugees that they would not
be delivered to the communists.
Like some of the other pledges of proper treatment
that were made by American officialdom to the anticommunists in certain European countries, such assurances
were flagrantly violated. President Tiso, with his cabinet
members, private secretary and another priest were transferred from Austria to an internment establishment in
Freising, Bavaria, which was maintained by the U.S. Army .
In Dr. J . M. Kirschbaum's book "Slovakia-Nation
at the Crossroads of Central Europe" is noted on page 311
a caption: Denial By U.S. War Department." (as follows)
"Washington, D. C. February 7, 1947.
"There is no record in the files of this office which
shows that Monsignor Tiso was ever held by the American
Forces or delivered to the Czechoslovakian authorities
from American custody. Daniel Noce, Major General, O.S.C .
Chief Civil Affairs Div."
That statement of General Noce was either due to
lamentable and inexcusable ignorance of fact or deliberate
lie.
I was with Msgr. Tiso many hours of many days when
he and his fellow Slovaks were imprisoned by the American
military forces in barracks at Freising. The charge against
me was that I "had written anti-communist articles during
the war."
The charge was correct. I had written anti-communist,
anti-Soviet articles. I dared, in fact cordially invited the
�SLOVAKIA
25
Justice Department officials to make such formal indictment
against me. If anti-Soviet and anti-communist was regarded
as un-American and a criminal offense, I wanted it publicized in an American court. For obvious reasons the
Justice Department found it convenient not to invite such
exposure of aid to communist causes of which certain
departments of the administration were guilty.
All were shocked one morning when word was received
at the Freising barracks that the Slovaks were to be
delivered to the communist regime of Eduard Benes.
I went to those betrayed Slovaks and assured them that
it was not real Americans who were violating every pledge
given them. Among the armed guards who were to deliver
the Slovaks to the communist torturers were European
born refugees in American uniforms .
The testimony of those Slovaks who endured that
transfer from Freising into the territory of the Czech
regime of communist-aiding Eduard Benes-is a matter
of indisputable record. We recall with shame the barbarian
brutalities suffered recently by the Lithuanian seaman
who sought refuge on an American Coast Guard vessel.
Equally as brutal treatment was the lot of those Slovaks
whe were beaten, kicked and tortured unmercifully by
the alien element in American uniforms, then delivered
to the communists.
During the sham "trial" in Bratislava of Msgr. Tiso
the communist prosecutor endeavored to force reference
by Tiso of that ordeal. But Tiso refused to speak of it.
His fate was pre-ordained. Death by hanging. Because he
had served his God and his beloved people to the best
of his ability-he was sentenced to death. Two hours
before his execution he wrote a message for his people
and for all Western Christian civilization. He wrote-in
part: "I consider myself a martyr in defense c:>f Christianity
against Bolshevism-against which the nation must defend
itself in all possible ways, not only in the spirit of its
Christian character but in the interests of its future."
I recall that Msgr. Tiso once impressed on me the
truth that "you cannot compromise with communism."
That truism should be impressed on those who now urge
cooperation with communism.
�
SLOVAKIA
21
I Met President Tiso
E. L. Delaney
Periodically some senators and representatives arise
in the halls of Congress to eloquently deplore the plight
of those people in what we rightly regard as the "Captive
Nations".
Apart from expressions of synthetic sympathy nothing
meaningful is done to effect the liberation of those captives
in the Soviet-communist combine. The short-lived Republic
of Slovakia is one of those unfortunate victims.
Thirty three years ago-March 14, 1939, the Slovak
Parliament in Bratislava-in accordance with the CzechoSlovak constitution - unanimously proclaimed the independence of the Slovak Republic. With its population of
about 4,400,000 and an area of approximately 50,000 square
kilometers, Slovakia is in the heart of Eastern Europe .
In the 9th and 10th centuries it was the first political,
cultural and Christian center in that part of the world .
But it was not until March of 1939 that Slovakia's duly
elected political representatives proclaimed their right of
self-determination.
In March 1939 there was no war in Europe and none
was imminent. Practically all European countries officially
recognized Slovakia and established diplomatic or consular
relations with the new political entity-including our wartime allies, Britain, France and the Soviet Union. The fact
that pernicious influences in our Washington administration succeeded in withholding recognition of the new
Republic does not alter the indisputable fact that it did
exist.
Non-European countries with representation in Bratislava, the capital, were: Japan, Manchuria, Siam, China,
Costa Rica and Equador. It is appropriate to mention
that the Soviet had approximately 200 persons attached
to its embassy in Bratislava. Other countries could operate
with 10 or 12 people. But undoubtedly large staffs are
�22
SLOVAEJA
needed for propaganda, subversion and espionage, in which
the Soviet is always engaged.
During World War II, when a large part of Europe
was plagued by want, Slovakia was rightfully regarded
as an oasis of peace, prosperity and plenty. This paradise
in war-rationed Europe had existed over three years before
I had an opportunity to enjoy it.
A few days after my arrival in Bratislava, the capital,
I was invited to a dinner party where I met Jozef Mracna.
He had been Consul for Czecho-Slovakia in New York.
We soon discovered that we had many mutual friends
there. He returned to Slovakia when it became a self-governing republic and was an official of the administration.
I asked him if he could arrange for me to interview the
President. He said he could-and did.
On my arrival at the presidential palace at the appointed time I met Dr. Karol Murin, personal secretary of
Msgr. Tiso who escorted me into the President's private
study.
Msgr. Tiso, or President Tiso as he was then, greeted
me with a hearty hand-shake and a few words of English
-his entire vocabulary in that language, as he laughingly
admitted. He spoke Slovak, Czech, German and Hungarian,
so our interview was conducted in German. His black hair
was sprinkled with a few strands of grey and his dark
blue eyes resembled those of the Irish. I mentioned to
the President that a learned professor in Banska Bystrica
told me that the Slovaks and Irish are both of Celtic origin.
Msgr. Tiso observed that there is some similarity
between Slovakia and Ireland; both countries are predominently Christian and have been for centuries; both
are largely agrarian and both have more of their countrymen in America than in Europe.
Our discussion touched on various subjects. For
generations Slovakia had been a farming community but
now they were promoting various industries. "A major
problem confronting us," said the President, "is in getting
teachers and technical instructors for the projects we
hope to develop."
When Slovakia was part of Czecho-Slovakia, the Czechs
�SLOVAKIA
23
contrived to keep all industries in their part of the country.
Now Slovakia, as the President observed, was endeavoring
to encourage and develop its resources without too much
reliance on Czechs, Germans, Hungarians or Russians.
As the time came for me to leave, I mentioned to his
Excellency that there was a twinkle of humor in his eyes
and would it be quite proper for me to send him a little
reminder of our visit?
"What-for instance?" he asked.
"I'm sure that during these winter nights it is quite
cold in this ages-old palace. So I thought - that for
medicinal purpose, of course, you might appreciate a half
dozen bottles of good Canadian whisky."
He laughed heartily and said, "I'll be glad to get it."
The gift was sent. Some time later I was asked to
again visit the palace when the President gave me a beautiful example of the artistic needle work that is done by
many of the Slovak women and girls. That treasure is
still in my possession. Little did I surmise that we were
to be together several more times-but under vastly
different circumstances.
In the so-called histories and recordings of important
events in Central and Eastern Europe during the latter
weeks of World War II-much is purposely omitted.
There is no mention of the unprecedented proposal made
by the Soviet communists to recognize Slovakia as a
sovereign state and to retain Msgr. Tiso as President.
That proposal was made through diplomatic channels
and told me by Stefan Tiso, then prime minister of Slovakia
and confirmed by the former foreign minister of Slovakia,
Dr. Ferdinand f>urcansky, presently residing in Munich,
Germany.
Of all the captive nations under the thraldom of Soviet
communism, none would be more incongruous than a
communist Slovakia with a Catholic monsignor as its
president. Of course the Kremlin's proposal was curtly
rejected by the Tiso administration.
When the Red army advanced from Budapest toward
Bratislava, President Tiso and his cabinet together with
many others fled to Kremsmuenster, Austria. They expected
and rightly so, that the United States forces would occupy
�24
SLOVAKIA
that part of Eastern Europe. The Slovak "colony" arrived
in Austria April 1, 1945. (This writer left Slovakia the
following day.)
Although regarded as "top secret" it was known that
the former president of Czecho-Slovakia, Eduard Benes,
with the aid of Franklin Roosevelt had flown to Moscow
where he betrayed his country to the communists, with
the understanding that he would be the "president" of the
republic we now know as Czecho-Slovakia.
On May 8, 1945, the refugee Slovak government in
Austria signed a surrender document which was co-signed
by Brig. General W. A. Collier of the US Army; Col. T. 0.
Curtis and Capt. David W. Allard of the US Army. General
Collier assured the Slovak refugees that they would not
be delivered to the communists.
Like some of the other pledges of proper treatment
that were made by American officialdom to the anticommunists in certain European countries, such assurances
were flagrantly violated. President Tiso, with his cabinet
members, private secretary and another priest were transferred from Austria to an internment establishment in
Freising, Bavaria, which was maintained by the U.S. Army .
In Dr. J . M. Kirschbaum's book "Slovakia-Nation
at the Crossroads of Central Europe" is noted on page 311
a caption: Denial By U.S. War Department." (as follows)
"Washington, D. C. February 7, 1947.
"There is no record in the files of this office which
shows that Monsignor Tiso was ever held by the American
Forces or delivered to the Czechoslovakian authorities
from American custody. Daniel Noce, Major General, O.S.C .
Chief Civil Affairs Div."
That statement of General Noce was either due to
lamentable and inexcusable ignorance of fact or deliberate
lie.
I was with Msgr. Tiso many hours of many days when
he and his fellow Slovaks were imprisoned by the American
military forces in barracks at Freising. The charge against
me was that I "had written anti-communist articles during
the war."
The charge was correct. I had written anti-communist,
anti-Soviet articles. I dared, in fact cordially invited the
�SLOVAKIA
25
Justice Department officials to make such formal indictment
against me. If anti-Soviet and anti-communist was regarded
as un-American and a criminal offense, I wanted it publicized in an American court. For obvious reasons the
Justice Department found it convenient not to invite such
exposure of aid to communist causes of which certain
departments of the administration were guilty.
All were shocked one morning when word was received
at the Freising barracks that the Slovaks were to be
delivered to the communist regime of Eduard Benes.
I went to those betrayed Slovaks and assured them that
it was not real Americans who were violating every pledge
given them. Among the armed guards who were to deliver
the Slovaks to the communist torturers were European
born refugees in American uniforms .
The testimony of those Slovaks who endured that
transfer from Freising into the territory of the Czech
regime of communist-aiding Eduard Benes-is a matter
of indisputable record. We recall with shame the barbarian
brutalities suffered recently by the Lithuanian seaman
who sought refuge on an American Coast Guard vessel.
Equally as brutal treatment was the lot of those Slovaks
whe were beaten, kicked and tortured unmercifully by
the alien element in American uniforms, then delivered
to the communists.
During the sham "trial" in Bratislava of Msgr. Tiso
the communist prosecutor endeavored to force reference
by Tiso of that ordeal. But Tiso refused to speak of it.
His fate was pre-ordained. Death by hanging. Because he
had served his God and his beloved people to the best
of his ability-he was sentenced to death. Two hours
before his execution he wrote a message for his people
and for all Western Christian civilization. He wrote-in
part: "I consider myself a martyr in defense c:>f Christianity
against Bolshevism-against which the nation must defend
itself in all possible ways, not only in the spirit of its
Christian character but in the interests of its future."
I recall that Msgr. Tiso once impressed on me the
truth that "you cannot compromise with communism."
That truism should be impressed on those who now urge
cooperation with communism.
�
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Title
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1972, Vol. 22
Description
An account of the resource
Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972.
Publisher
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The Slovak League of America
Date
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1972
Text
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SLOVAKIA
21
I Met President Tiso
E. L. Delaney
Periodically some senators and representatives arise
in the halls of Congress to eloquently deplore the plight
of those people in what we rightly regard as the "Captive
Nations".
Apart from expressions of synthetic sympathy nothing
meaningful is done to effect the liberation of those captives
in the Soviet-communist combine. The short-lived Republic
of Slovakia is one of those unfortunate victims.
Thirty three years ago-March 14, 1939, the Slovak
Parliament in Bratislava-in accordance with the CzechoSlovak constitution - unanimously proclaimed the independence of the Slovak Republic. With its population of
about 4,400,000 and an area of approximately 50,000 square
kilometers, Slovakia is in the heart of Eastern Europe .
In the 9th and 10th centuries it was the first political,
cultural and Christian center in that part of the world .
But it was not until March of 1939 that Slovakia's duly
elected political representatives proclaimed their right of
self-determination.
In March 1939 there was no war in Europe and none
was imminent. Practically all European countries officially
recognized Slovakia and established diplomatic or consular
relations with the new political entity-including our wartime allies, Britain, France and the Soviet Union. The fact
that pernicious influences in our Washington administration succeeded in withholding recognition of the new
Republic does not alter the indisputable fact that it did
exist.
Non-European countries with representation in Bratislava, the capital, were: Japan, Manchuria, Siam, China,
Costa Rica and Equador. It is appropriate to mention
that the Soviet had approximately 200 persons attached
to its embassy in Bratislava. Other countries could operate
with 10 or 12 people. But undoubtedly large staffs are
22
SLOVAEJA
needed for propaganda, subversion and espionage, in which
the Soviet is always engaged.
During World War II, when a large part of Europe
was plagued by want, Slovakia was rightfully regarded
as an oasis of peace, prosperity and plenty. This paradise
in war-rationed Europe had existed over three years before
I had an opportunity to enjoy it.
A few days after my arrival in Bratislava, the capital,
I was invited to a dinner party where I met Jozef Mracna.
He had been Consul for Czecho-Slovakia in New York.
We soon discovered that we had many mutual friends
there. He returned to Slovakia when it became a self-governing republic and was an official of the administration.
I asked him if he could arrange for me to interview the
President. He said he could-and did.
On my arrival at the presidential palace at the appointed time I met Dr. Karol Murin, personal secretary of
Msgr. Tiso who escorted me into the President's private
study.
Msgr. Tiso, or President Tiso as he was then, greeted
me with a hearty hand-shake and a few words of English
-his entire vocabulary in that language, as he laughingly
admitted. He spoke Slovak, Czech, German and Hungarian,
so our interview was conducted in German. His black hair
was sprinkled with a few strands of grey and his dark
blue eyes resembled those of the Irish. I mentioned to
the President that a learned professor in Banska Bystrica
told me that the Slovaks and Irish are both of Celtic origin.
Msgr. Tiso observed that there is some similarity
between Slovakia and Ireland; both countries are predominently Christian and have been for centuries; both
are largely agrarian and both have more of their countrymen in America than in Europe.
Our discussion touched on various subjects. For
generations Slovakia had been a farming community but
now they were promoting various industries. "A major
problem confronting us," said the President, "is in getting
teachers and technical instructors for the projects we
hope to develop."
When Slovakia was part of Czecho-Slovakia, the Czechs
SLOVAKIA
23
contrived to keep all industries in their part of the country.
Now Slovakia, as the President observed, was endeavoring
to encourage and develop its resources without too much
reliance on Czechs, Germans, Hungarians or Russians.
As the time came for me to leave, I mentioned to his
Excellency that there was a twinkle of humor in his eyes
and would it be quite proper for me to send him a little
reminder of our visit?
"What-for instance?" he asked.
"I'm sure that during these winter nights it is quite
cold in this ages-old palace. So I thought - that for
medicinal purpose, of course, you might appreciate a half
dozen bottles of good Canadian whisky."
He laughed heartily and said, "I'll be glad to get it."
The gift was sent. Some time later I was asked to
again visit the palace when the President gave me a beautiful example of the artistic needle work that is done by
many of the Slovak women and girls. That treasure is
still in my possession. Little did I surmise that we were
to be together several more times-but under vastly
different circumstances.
In the so-called histories and recordings of important
events in Central and Eastern Europe during the latter
weeks of World War II-much is purposely omitted.
There is no mention of the unprecedented proposal made
by the Soviet communists to recognize Slovakia as a
sovereign state and to retain Msgr. Tiso as President.
That proposal was made through diplomatic channels
and told me by Stefan Tiso, then prime minister of Slovakia
and confirmed by the former foreign minister of Slovakia,
Dr. Ferdinand f>urcansky, presently residing in Munich,
Germany.
Of all the captive nations under the thraldom of Soviet
communism, none would be more incongruous than a
communist Slovakia with a Catholic monsignor as its
president. Of course the Kremlin's proposal was curtly
rejected by the Tiso administration.
When the Red army advanced from Budapest toward
Bratislava, President Tiso and his cabinet together with
many others fled to Kremsmuenster, Austria. They expected
and rightly so, that the United States forces would occupy
24
SLOVAKIA
that part of Eastern Europe. The Slovak "colony" arrived
in Austria April 1, 1945. (This writer left Slovakia the
following day.)
Although regarded as "top secret" it was known that
the former president of Czecho-Slovakia, Eduard Benes,
with the aid of Franklin Roosevelt had flown to Moscow
where he betrayed his country to the communists, with
the understanding that he would be the "president" of the
republic we now know as Czecho-Slovakia.
On May 8, 1945, the refugee Slovak government in
Austria signed a surrender document which was co-signed
by Brig. General W. A. Collier of the US Army; Col. T. 0.
Curtis and Capt. David W. Allard of the US Army. General
Collier assured the Slovak refugees that they would not
be delivered to the communists.
Like some of the other pledges of proper treatment
that were made by American officialdom to the anticommunists in certain European countries, such assurances
were flagrantly violated. President Tiso, with his cabinet
members, private secretary and another priest were transferred from Austria to an internment establishment in
Freising, Bavaria, which was maintained by the U.S. Army .
In Dr. J . M. Kirschbaum's book "Slovakia-Nation
at the Crossroads of Central Europe" is noted on page 311
a caption: Denial By U.S. War Department." (as follows)
"Washington, D. C. February 7, 1947.
"There is no record in the files of this office which
shows that Monsignor Tiso was ever held by the American
Forces or delivered to the Czechoslovakian authorities
from American custody. Daniel Noce, Major General, O.S.C .
Chief Civil Affairs Div."
That statement of General Noce was either due to
lamentable and inexcusable ignorance of fact or deliberate
lie.
I was with Msgr. Tiso many hours of many days when
he and his fellow Slovaks were imprisoned by the American
military forces in barracks at Freising. The charge against
me was that I "had written anti-communist articles during
the war."
The charge was correct. I had written anti-communist,
anti-Soviet articles. I dared, in fact cordially invited the
SLOVAKIA
25
Justice Department officials to make such formal indictment
against me. If anti-Soviet and anti-communist was regarded
as un-American and a criminal offense, I wanted it publicized in an American court. For obvious reasons the
Justice Department found it convenient not to invite such
exposure of aid to communist causes of which certain
departments of the administration were guilty.
All were shocked one morning when word was received
at the Freising barracks that the Slovaks were to be
delivered to the communist regime of Eduard Benes.
I went to those betrayed Slovaks and assured them that
it was not real Americans who were violating every pledge
given them. Among the armed guards who were to deliver
the Slovaks to the communist torturers were European
born refugees in American uniforms .
The testimony of those Slovaks who endured that
transfer from Freising into the territory of the Czech
regime of communist-aiding Eduard Benes-is a matter
of indisputable record. We recall with shame the barbarian
brutalities suffered recently by the Lithuanian seaman
who sought refuge on an American Coast Guard vessel.
Equally as brutal treatment was the lot of those Slovaks
whe were beaten, kicked and tortured unmercifully by
the alien element in American uniforms, then delivered
to the communists.
During the sham "trial" in Bratislava of Msgr. Tiso
the communist prosecutor endeavored to force reference
by Tiso of that ordeal. But Tiso refused to speak of it.
His fate was pre-ordained. Death by hanging. Because he
had served his God and his beloved people to the best
of his ability-he was sentenced to death. Two hours
before his execution he wrote a message for his people
and for all Western Christian civilization. He wrote-in
part: "I consider myself a martyr in defense c:>f Christianity
against Bolshevism-against which the nation must defend
itself in all possible ways, not only in the spirit of its
Christian character but in the interests of its future."
I recall that Msgr. Tiso once impressed on me the
truth that "you cannot compromise with communism."
That truism should be impressed on those who now urge
cooperation with communism.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
I Met President Tiso
Description
An account of the resource
E. L. Delaney
Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972
pp. 21-25
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Delaney, Edward L.
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1972
LCNAF
-
https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/12fbcd8e208aada60c83b04755363215.pdf
adece9da441311731c67bae9a61dec0e
PDF Text
Text
26
SLOVAKIA
Msgr. Joseph Tiso
By Fran{;Ois d 'O r Ci Val
( This is the English translation of Mr. FranQois
d'Orcival's article originally published in French, in the
July 1971 issue of the magazine "Miroir de l'Histoire",
Paris. The young French political writer has dealt with
the cause of Slovak independence in his book " Le Danube
etait noir" (The Danube was black), La Table Ronde, Paris
1968. In France, he represents a realistic trend seeking
to de-mythologize European history. Ed.)
At dawn on April 18, 1947 the bridge over the Danube
was shrouded in fog as Msgr. Joseph Tiso concluded his
prayer in the central prison of Bratislava and donned
his black serge robe with the prisoner's red armband and
the churchman's white collar. He had been condemned
to death on April 15 and on April 17 reprieve had been
denied. A Franciscan father had been sent to accompany
him on his final journey.
Msgr. Tiso was 59. He had been born in Bytca in the
valley of the Vah, which cuts through the Carpathians
and where the mountains and the forest always wear
autumn color. He was a sturdy, well-built man with broad
shoulders, closely-cropped hair and a serene expression,
with the rough-hewn features of a solid man of the people.
He had been the leader of an autonomous Slovak government from October 6, 1938 to March 10, 1939, then head
of independent Slovakia from March 14, 1939 to Easter
of 1945.
That year when spring returned to the Tatras the bells
of Rome were silent. Malinovsky's forces were scouring
the countryside. In Bohemia the Wehrmacht was retreating.
Msgr. Tiso and his government distributed to their people
the flour remaining in the state granaries, then went into
exile. The Americans arrested Msgr. Tiso in October 1945,
extradited him from Austria and turned him over to Dr.
Edward Benes, who had once again become Czecho-Slovakia's leader.
�SLOVAKIA
27
The preliminary examination in the Tiso trial began
December 3. The bill of indictment contained 230 pages
and was prepared by three attorneys specializing in general
matters, political guestions and military affairs. 42 witnesses were subpoenaed by the prosecution. Igor Daxner,
a Protestant Slovak communist, was selected to preside
over the people's court, assisted by Bedrna, a Czech communist. Five of the seven members of the court were
communists.
The first day of the hearing the authorities, fearing
street demonstratio ns and riots, ringed Bratislava with
soldiers; they also controlled access to public buildings
and took strong security precautions at the Palace of
Justice. At first the press was allowed to report the
testimony of witnesses and some of Msgr. Tiso's statements
but soon, realizing that popular sentiment remained too
favorable to the former president of independent Slovakia,
the government censored all news reports of the trial.
The Catholic bishops, evidencing outstanding courage,
published on January 3, 1946 a petition in the prisoner's
behalf. "His fate", they declared, "will strongly influence
a portion of the Slovak population in its attitude towards
the reconstituted Czecho-Slovak Republic." The majority of
the nation concurs with its bishops in believing Dr. Tiso's
intentions to have been pure and good.
The prosecutor summoned Karol Kmet'ko, archbishop
of Slovakia, who paused to shake hands with the defendant
on his way to the witness stand to answer the prosecutor's
questions.
"What did the Slovak state accomplish for the people?"
he was asked.
"Can you think of any nation which does not long
for independence ?" replied archbishop Kmet'ko and continued: "Can you imagine an unfortunate people who would
not rather have their own homes than depend on others?"
"But", the prosecutor insisted, "this independence was
actually dependence!"
"No!" replied archbishop Kmet'ko. "It was ten times
less damaging than the Protectorate ( of Bohemia and
Moravia)!"
"How could you approve of Msgr. Tiso's assumption
of office?" the prosecutor then asked, and the archbishop
�28
SLOVAKIA
responded: "When the independence of the Slovak state
was proclaimed I can affirm that the country and its
people were 90 % in favor of it. We rediscovered the independence and the freedom which had been lost since the
time of King Svatopluk."
For those with the borders of the German and Slovak
world that story goes back to the early period of the Middle
Ages. In a study entitled "The Slovaks: A People; A Nation"
Professor Joseph A. Mikus, one of the youngest diplomats
of the independent Slovak state and currently professor
in an American college, writes:
It was Prince Pribina in the year 830 iwho conquered the West
Slovak tribes and governed them from his castle in Nitra. His
successors, Mojmir, Rastislav and Svatopluk extended their rule
over the neighboring ,t erritories. In the second half of the ninth
century the Czech lands (Bohemia and Moravia) were also subjugated by the Slovak king, Svatopluk. However, shortly thereafter
the Czechs appealed to the German monarchs for help and were
able to free themselves from Greater Moravia.
After a c,o alition of Germans and Hungarians had defeated
Mojmir II near Bratislava in 906, Slovakia was occupied by the
Hungarians while the Czechs full under the domination of the
Germans. Although Slovakia became an integral part of the
Hungarian realm, the Premyslides rwere able to elevate the principality of Bohemia to a kingdom whose ruler became one of the
electors of the German Empire.
During the Turkish invasions Slovakia or Upper Hungary
became the impregnable fortress of the realm. The Hungarian
parliaments were still meeting in Bratislava during the first half
of the nineteenth century. It was here, too, in Saint Martin's
cathedral that the coronation of the Hungarian kings took place.
On the other hand, after the defeat of the Czech Protestants at the
White Mountain in 1620, the kingdom of Bohemia became an
integral part of Austria's hereditary possessions.
Even after the Austro-Hungarian Compromise in 1867,
the Czechs remained under Austrian control and the
Slovaks under Hungarian rule. Thus Czechs and Slovaks
had never been united under one government before 1918.
They were separated by the Carpathians. Bohemia was
Protestant; Slovakia Catholic. The Czechs and the Germans
had made Prague, the Bohemian capitol, one of the most
cultured cities of Europe. The Slovaks, by contrast, boasted
neither elite nor aristocracy; they were peasants and good
soldiers.
Although they lacked lords and commanders, the
Slovaks nevertheless had their churchmen. One of these,
�SLOVAKIA
29
Father Hlinka, born in 1864, was pastor at Ruzomberok,
a big market-town situated in northern Slovakia between
the Fatras and the Lower Tatras. He began his political
ministry in 1905, fought for the autonomy of Slovakia, and
founded the Slovak Populist party.
In Sarajevo on June 28, 1914 a Belgrade high school
student assassinated Archduke Franz-Ferdinand, heir to
the imperial throne. On the same day in Prague the cry
arose: "Down with the Hapsburgs! Down with AustriaHungary!" This was the cry of two atheist Czech socialists:
the first a sociology professor at the University of Prague
and leftist deputy to the Diet of Vienna, 64 year old Thomas
Masaryk and the second, his 30 year old disciple, Edward
Benes, doctor of laws. Of the 534 deputies representing
all the nationalities of the empire the Czechs numbered
107, yet not one took up the cry of Masaryk and Benes.
Repudiated, the two delegates left Prague secretly for Paris
and London, where they founded a Czech National Committee, which in 1917 was transformed into a provisional
government. A year later the Austro-Hungarian Empire
collapsed, attacked from within.
In Slovakia Father Hlinka declared in 1918: "Our
thousand-year marriage with the Magyars is ending in
disaster. We must sever our ties with them!" The Slovaks
were welcomed by the Czechs, who promised them freedom. The official birth of Czecho-Slovakia was proclaimed
on October 28, 1918. It was the triumph of Masaryk and
Benes after four years of exile. According to international
law Czecho-Slovakia did not come into being until the
treaty of Saint-Germain-en-Laye, September 10, 1919. Comprising Bohemia and Moravia in the west, Slovakia and
Lower Subcarpathian Ukraine in the east, the country had
an area of 140,000 square kilometers. The population was
13.6 million, of whom 6.5 million were Czech, 2.5 million
Slovak, 3.3 million German and the rest Magyar, Ukrainian
and Polish minorities. It was a mosaic of nationalities.
In dismembering Austria-Hungary the western diplomats at Saint-Germain-en-Laye hoped to isolate Germany
from Russia by a "cordon sanitaire" composed of newly
allied states: Poland, Czecho-Slovakia, Rumania, Jugoslavia.
But the Hapsburg dynasty, the unifying influence over
all these states, was gone; the Danube countries of Europe
�30
SLOVAKIA
were destined once again to become the battleground of
endless struggles.
Masaryk and Benes had another plan. Realizing that
they could not expect to found an independent Bohemia
with only 6.5 million Czechs in a territory including 3.3
million Germans, they invented the fiction of a state which
joined together the Czechs and Slovaks, a Czecho-Slovak
state with 9 million inhabitants, who counterbalanced the
3 million Germans. The Slovaks accepted the new state on
condition that it be federated and Benes assured them: "The
Czecho-Slovakia of tomorrow will be the Switzerland of
Central Europe. I guarantee it." However, from late 1918
onward Czech soldiers occupied Slovak territory to maintain order and Slovakia was not federated but annexed.
After the soldiers came the bureaucrats. All the former
Czech officials of the Empire, dismissed from Vienna and
Budapest, descended on Bratislava. New teachers appeared
in Slovak schools to teach Czech, which incited antiCatholic demonstrations in the villages. In September 1919
Father Hlinka, leader of the Catholic Populist party, went
to the Paris peace conference with a long memorandum
which began with these words: "Never has a nation been
so cruelly deceived in its hopes as the Slovak nation."
The Czech army also intervened energetically in
Bohemia, but against the Sudeten Germans this time.
(The Sudeten mountains are located in northern BohemiaMoravia.) As in Slovakia the Czech central government
proceeded with an intense "czechization" of the administration, the economy, the schools and the police of the
German regions. In the elections of 1935 the autonomists
polled a majority in Slovakia, while in Bohemia the
Germans had organized their own party. Their leader,
Henlein, made contact with Hitler, who soon used the
Sudeten Germans as one of the principal points of the
propaganda.
The German action and the diplomatic intervention
of the British brought about a meeting in Munich of the
four great powers of the time (Germany, Italy, Britain
and France) on the Sudeten question. Through the Munich
agreement the Germans of Czecho-Slovakia obtained on
September 30, 1938 the right to regain their German
�SLOVAKIA
31
fatherland. This development caused the loss of a strip
of 25,000 square kilometers on the north-west frontier
of the Czecho-Slovak state and a simultaneous loss of
nearly 4 million inhabitants. As a consequence of this defeat
Dr. Edward Benes, leader of the Czech government, resigned on October 5, 1938 and left Prague.
The next day, October 6, at zilina, a little town situated
in western Slovakia quite far from Prague, the leaders
of Slovak parties assembled to proclaim the autonomy
of their land, claiming the right defined in the Munich
agreement-the right of nations to determine their own
destiny. Father Hlinka's successor as head of the Populist
and Autonomist party announced: "The Munich agreement
has profoundly altered the political positions and the
relations of the different states of central Europe. We
Slovaks desire the freedom to determine our future,
particularly in respect to the administration of our state."
That very evening the first autonomous Slovak government
was formed and its presidency entrusted to the new leader
of the autonomous Populist party, Msgr. Tiso.
zilina was a town Msgr. Tiso knew well, for in its
schools he had learned to read and write. He had then
enrolled in the seminary at Nitra, where in the year 833
Prince Pribina had erected the first Christian Church in
Slovakia at the base of the Slovak central mountains.
Joseph Tiso had completed his studies of ethics and theology at the University of Vienna. He was ordained July
14, 1910 and the same year received the degree of doctor
of theology. In 1914 he became military chaplain. The
following year he wa.s called back to Nitra to teach during
the absence of professors who had gone to war. About
1920 he joined Father Hlinka, the founder of the Autonomist
party and was assigned to the parish at Banovce, which
is on the Bebrava river at the southern point of the hills
of the Patras. Here began his public life. He was always
to be a man of his word, loyal to his faith and to his land.
To his parishioners he was a protector against the devil,
as in ancient times.
General Sirovy, head of the central government of
Prague since the departure of Dr. Benes, assented to the
setting-up of the Slovak cabinet. For Msgr. Tiso the most
�32
SLOVAKIA
difficult problem involved the frontiers, for the Magyars
were making claims, as were the Poles and the Germans.
On November 2, 1938 in Vienna an agreement was signed.
The Magyars received the regions of Slovakia where the
majority of the people were Magyar, the Poles received
Teschen, and the Germans received a suburb of Petrzalka
near Bratislava on the Danube.
Elections took place in Slovakia on November 18, 1938
and the Autonomist candidates received 97 .5 ~c of the vote.
The first Czecho-Slovak Republic having died at Munich
two months previously, a second Republic came into being
on November 30, federated and under the presidency of
Dr. Ha.cha, a slight, 66 year old man in delicate health,
who spoke with a marked Bohemian accent.
In spite of the creation of a federated Republic, the
relations between the Czechs and the Slovaks did not
improve. A latent crisis kept them in conflict until February
1939, when the real crisis began. The Slovaks needed credit,
but the Czechs refused it on the pretext that the Slovaks
were disloyal to the republic. Finally on March 9, 1939
Dr. Ha.cha ousted Msgr. Tiso and his colleagues from their
positions and at dawn on March 10, 1939 Slovakia was
occupied by Czech police and soldiers-that is, by the
"federals". Martial law was proclaimed; the local militia
was dissolved. Msgr. Tiso withdrew to his rectory in
Banovce and waited.
German diplomacy, which had been very active since
the departure of Dr. Benes, intervened, trying to crush
the Czech coup in Slovakia so that the Slovaks would
clearly separate themselves from the Czechs and put an
end to the existence of this unified country situated in
the heart of the German Reich. After several vain attempts
the Reich representatives in Vienna, Seyss-Inquart and
Buerckel, made contact with Msgr. Tiso; two of their secret
agents came to Banovce the night of March 12 to 13, 1939
to extend an invitation from Hitler. Msgr . Tiso, waking
with a start, was at first stunned, suspecting a trap. Then
he acquiesced but requested a delay. Hitler frightened
him and yet he knew that Berlin was the city of destiny
at that moment. Finally, after conferring with his friends,
he flew to Berlin. Even after 6 months of heading an
�SLOVAKIA
33
autonomous government he had remained essentially a
fighter-priest of the country and now resembled a Poujadist
cleric on his way to see Dracula.
On the evening of March 13 Hitler and Tiso agreed
that Slovakia would declare her independence the next day.
Hitler, moreover, convinced of an impending assault by
Benes to regain power in Prague, had already decided
to invade Bohemia on March 15. Msgr. Tiso hesitated at
length before being convinced. He returned to Bratislava,
convened the Assembly and formed a new cabinet. His
cabinet ministers were not appointed by the Reich ambassadors but were simply those who had been Autonomist
Slovak leaders for the previous ten or twenty years. At
noon on Tuesday, March 14 the Assembly by unanimous
vote severed Slovakia from the rest of Czech nation. This
declaration had been accelerated by the German action
but would have been less effective without the Czech coup
on March 10.
Dr. Ha.cha reached Berlin the same day in a state
of exhaustion to entreat the Fuhrer on behalf of his people
but the Fuhrer did not yield. On March 15, two hours
before the first columns of the Wehrmacht re '.:'.ched
Bohemia, President Ha.cha signed the capitulation: "The
president of the Czecho-Slovak Republic has confidently
placed the destiny of the Czech people and the Czech lands
in the hands of the Fuhrer of the German Reich ... " On
March 16, while the German protectorate was being established in Bohemia-Moravia, Msgr. Tiso, leader of independent Slovakia, sought the protection of the Reich and signed
a treaty which, without specifying occupation of Slovak
territory, rendered the country a satellite. Hungary, with
the support of Italy, invaded Subcarpathian Ukraine and
a strip along the eastern border of Slovakia. Thus was
the Czecho-Slovakia of 1919 stricken from the map.
During the 5 years of the war Msgr. Tiso did not
involve the country in the conflict ( except for sending
volunteers to the Polish front). He declared his sympathy
for the Reich while pursuing a neutral policy in Rome
in order to protect his exports and his country's uncertain
future. Msgr. Tiso's Slovakia was a curiously sad spectacle,
encircled by Germany, protected by the Vatican, never
�34
SLOVAKIA
truly free but never quite occupied. Until 1944 she was
indeed the Switzerland of the Danube basin, the "marketplace of Provence" of the Carpathian region.
In August 1944 the internal calm was shattered by
ill-matched squads, who set in motion an insurrection
against the presence of the Germans. One group was
directed from Moscow, the other (by Benes) from London.
Armed bands were in conflict everywhere, but the Germans
put down the rebellion within two months. The red army
to the east looked on idly, reasoning that the Germans
would suppress the entire Slovak resistance movement,
which would facilitate an eventual communist takeover .
Six months after the uprising the reds entered Slovakia
and Slovak independence was at an end. On April 5, 1945
Dr. Edward Benes in company with the communist.
Klement Gottwald, came to Kosice on the Slovak border,
where he was met by Gustav Husak, a 32 year old communist leader. Husak said: "The first Czecho-Slovak
Republic is dead. Gone is its centralism as well as its false
political democracy. The new Republic will be a socialist
federation of two nations equal under the law, the Czech
nation and the Slovak nation." But the voice of Gustav
Husak was not heard; it was the Czech communists who
were in power.
On March 17 and 18 in 1947 Msgr. Tiso's trial was
coming to an end. The former head of the Slovak government drew up his own defense. "Mine was an unusual
policy because the man who executed it was a priest",
he began. "I had prepared for and intended to follow the
duties of holy priesthood, not those of public office. As
a priest I was committed to the service of God, the Church
and the country of my birth, in which I was serving my
ministry. Hence the mottoes 'for God, for country', 'with
the people, for the people', were the expression of a guiding
principle valid everywhere and under all conditions. They
were not political slogans invented later to suit the circumstances."
The death sentence was pronounced April 15, 1947 and
was received calmly by Msgr. Joseph Tiso. The recital
of the bill of indictment had lasted several hours. The
communist jury had found the Slovak leader guilty on 97
�SLOVAKIA
35
out of 113 counts. The two principal crimes were: collaboration with Germany and the dissolution of Czecho-Slovakia.
Dr. Benes and Klement Gottwald refused clemency.
"I promise to intercede before God, the supreme
master of this world", wrote Msgr. Tiso in his final message
to the Slovaks, "that He keep the Slovak nation forever
in His holy care, that He bless her in her struggle and
that He grant she remain forever faithful to the Church
of Christ."
No one knows where the priest is buried. The interment
was carried out in secrecy to prevent memorial demonstrations. But in St. Martin's cemetery a tomb was discovered
where the earth was still loose and it was soon covered
with the fowers of the faithful.
There is an epilogue to this story. At the end of
August 1968 the Russians began to speculate on whether
or not they should separate Slovakia from Bohemia again.
They decided against it but later, for greater security, they
appointed Gustav Husak, the Slovak communist, to the
leadership of the central government.
Bratislava. - Dr. Joseph Tiso, former president of Siovakia, who
is now on trial for his life before the Slovak People's Court here, gave
startling testimony to the effect that early in 1945 he rejected a written
suggestion submitted to him by an agent to proclaim Slovakia as a
Soviet republic. He also disclaimed any personal responsibility for
Slovakia 's participation in the war against Poland and Russia and the
alleged maltreatment of political and war prisoners. - Jan Mauthner,
Special Correspondent, N.C.W.C. News Service, January 11 , 1947 .
.
Tiso's attorney was prevented from defending his client. Tiso was
not allowed to make any notes on the trial. Tiso was accused on 113
counts, each of which carried the death sentence. No one is surprised
that the final verdict of this long trial is death by hanging for Dr. Tiso.
Try to imagine a similar situation in this country: Put President Truman
on trial by order of Gromyko and let Gerard Eisler be the judge. Let
Truman have no attorney and let both Gromyko and Eisler state publicly
before the trial that the defendant will be hanged . - WGAR Clevelan d
Radio Station, April 20, 1947, by Commentator Rev. Francis F ergus,
Professor at St. Mary's Seminary, Cleveland, Ohio.
�
26
SLOVAKIA
Msgr. Joseph Tiso
By Fran{;Ois d 'O r Ci Val
( This is the English translation of Mr. FranQois
d'Orcival's article originally published in French, in the
July 1971 issue of the magazine "Miroir de l'Histoire",
Paris. The young French political writer has dealt with
the cause of Slovak independence in his book " Le Danube
etait noir" (The Danube was black), La Table Ronde, Paris
1968. In France, he represents a realistic trend seeking
to de-mythologize European history. Ed.)
At dawn on April 18, 1947 the bridge over the Danube
was shrouded in fog as Msgr. Joseph Tiso concluded his
prayer in the central prison of Bratislava and donned
his black serge robe with the prisoner's red armband and
the churchman's white collar. He had been condemned
to death on April 15 and on April 17 reprieve had been
denied. A Franciscan father had been sent to accompany
him on his final journey.
Msgr. Tiso was 59. He had been born in Bytca in the
valley of the Vah, which cuts through the Carpathians
and where the mountains and the forest always wear
autumn color. He was a sturdy, well-built man with broad
shoulders, closely-cropped hair and a serene expression,
with the rough-hewn features of a solid man of the people.
He had been the leader of an autonomous Slovak government from October 6, 1938 to March 10, 1939, then head
of independent Slovakia from March 14, 1939 to Easter
of 1945.
That year when spring returned to the Tatras the bells
of Rome were silent. Malinovsky's forces were scouring
the countryside. In Bohemia the Wehrmacht was retreating.
Msgr. Tiso and his government distributed to their people
the flour remaining in the state granaries, then went into
exile. The Americans arrested Msgr. Tiso in October 1945,
extradited him from Austria and turned him over to Dr.
Edward Benes, who had once again become Czecho-Slovakia's leader.
�SLOVAKIA
27
The preliminary examination in the Tiso trial began
December 3. The bill of indictment contained 230 pages
and was prepared by three attorneys specializing in general
matters, political guestions and military affairs. 42 witnesses were subpoenaed by the prosecution. Igor Daxner,
a Protestant Slovak communist, was selected to preside
over the people's court, assisted by Bedrna, a Czech communist. Five of the seven members of the court were
communists.
The first day of the hearing the authorities, fearing
street demonstratio ns and riots, ringed Bratislava with
soldiers; they also controlled access to public buildings
and took strong security precautions at the Palace of
Justice. At first the press was allowed to report the
testimony of witnesses and some of Msgr. Tiso's statements
but soon, realizing that popular sentiment remained too
favorable to the former president of independent Slovakia,
the government censored all news reports of the trial.
The Catholic bishops, evidencing outstanding courage,
published on January 3, 1946 a petition in the prisoner's
behalf. "His fate", they declared, "will strongly influence
a portion of the Slovak population in its attitude towards
the reconstituted Czecho-Slovak Republic." The majority of
the nation concurs with its bishops in believing Dr. Tiso's
intentions to have been pure and good.
The prosecutor summoned Karol Kmet'ko, archbishop
of Slovakia, who paused to shake hands with the defendant
on his way to the witness stand to answer the prosecutor's
questions.
"What did the Slovak state accomplish for the people?"
he was asked.
"Can you think of any nation which does not long
for independence ?" replied archbishop Kmet'ko and continued: "Can you imagine an unfortunate people who would
not rather have their own homes than depend on others?"
"But", the prosecutor insisted, "this independence was
actually dependence!"
"No!" replied archbishop Kmet'ko. "It was ten times
less damaging than the Protectorate ( of Bohemia and
Moravia)!"
"How could you approve of Msgr. Tiso's assumption
of office?" the prosecutor then asked, and the archbishop
�28
SLOVAKIA
responded: "When the independence of the Slovak state
was proclaimed I can affirm that the country and its
people were 90 % in favor of it. We rediscovered the independence and the freedom which had been lost since the
time of King Svatopluk."
For those with the borders of the German and Slovak
world that story goes back to the early period of the Middle
Ages. In a study entitled "The Slovaks: A People; A Nation"
Professor Joseph A. Mikus, one of the youngest diplomats
of the independent Slovak state and currently professor
in an American college, writes:
It was Prince Pribina in the year 830 iwho conquered the West
Slovak tribes and governed them from his castle in Nitra. His
successors, Mojmir, Rastislav and Svatopluk extended their rule
over the neighboring ,t erritories. In the second half of the ninth
century the Czech lands (Bohemia and Moravia) were also subjugated by the Slovak king, Svatopluk. However, shortly thereafter
the Czechs appealed to the German monarchs for help and were
able to free themselves from Greater Moravia.
After a c,o alition of Germans and Hungarians had defeated
Mojmir II near Bratislava in 906, Slovakia was occupied by the
Hungarians while the Czechs full under the domination of the
Germans. Although Slovakia became an integral part of the
Hungarian realm, the Premyslides rwere able to elevate the principality of Bohemia to a kingdom whose ruler became one of the
electors of the German Empire.
During the Turkish invasions Slovakia or Upper Hungary
became the impregnable fortress of the realm. The Hungarian
parliaments were still meeting in Bratislava during the first half
of the nineteenth century. It was here, too, in Saint Martin's
cathedral that the coronation of the Hungarian kings took place.
On the other hand, after the defeat of the Czech Protestants at the
White Mountain in 1620, the kingdom of Bohemia became an
integral part of Austria's hereditary possessions.
Even after the Austro-Hungarian Compromise in 1867,
the Czechs remained under Austrian control and the
Slovaks under Hungarian rule. Thus Czechs and Slovaks
had never been united under one government before 1918.
They were separated by the Carpathians. Bohemia was
Protestant; Slovakia Catholic. The Czechs and the Germans
had made Prague, the Bohemian capitol, one of the most
cultured cities of Europe. The Slovaks, by contrast, boasted
neither elite nor aristocracy; they were peasants and good
soldiers.
Although they lacked lords and commanders, the
Slovaks nevertheless had their churchmen. One of these,
�SLOVAKIA
29
Father Hlinka, born in 1864, was pastor at Ruzomberok,
a big market-town situated in northern Slovakia between
the Fatras and the Lower Tatras. He began his political
ministry in 1905, fought for the autonomy of Slovakia, and
founded the Slovak Populist party.
In Sarajevo on June 28, 1914 a Belgrade high school
student assassinated Archduke Franz-Ferdinand, heir to
the imperial throne. On the same day in Prague the cry
arose: "Down with the Hapsburgs! Down with AustriaHungary!" This was the cry of two atheist Czech socialists:
the first a sociology professor at the University of Prague
and leftist deputy to the Diet of Vienna, 64 year old Thomas
Masaryk and the second, his 30 year old disciple, Edward
Benes, doctor of laws. Of the 534 deputies representing
all the nationalities of the empire the Czechs numbered
107, yet not one took up the cry of Masaryk and Benes.
Repudiated, the two delegates left Prague secretly for Paris
and London, where they founded a Czech National Committee, which in 1917 was transformed into a provisional
government. A year later the Austro-Hungarian Empire
collapsed, attacked from within.
In Slovakia Father Hlinka declared in 1918: "Our
thousand-year marriage with the Magyars is ending in
disaster. We must sever our ties with them!" The Slovaks
were welcomed by the Czechs, who promised them freedom. The official birth of Czecho-Slovakia was proclaimed
on October 28, 1918. It was the triumph of Masaryk and
Benes after four years of exile. According to international
law Czecho-Slovakia did not come into being until the
treaty of Saint-Germain-en-Laye, September 10, 1919. Comprising Bohemia and Moravia in the west, Slovakia and
Lower Subcarpathian Ukraine in the east, the country had
an area of 140,000 square kilometers. The population was
13.6 million, of whom 6.5 million were Czech, 2.5 million
Slovak, 3.3 million German and the rest Magyar, Ukrainian
and Polish minorities. It was a mosaic of nationalities.
In dismembering Austria-Hungary the western diplomats at Saint-Germain-en-Laye hoped to isolate Germany
from Russia by a "cordon sanitaire" composed of newly
allied states: Poland, Czecho-Slovakia, Rumania, Jugoslavia.
But the Hapsburg dynasty, the unifying influence over
all these states, was gone; the Danube countries of Europe
�30
SLOVAKIA
were destined once again to become the battleground of
endless struggles.
Masaryk and Benes had another plan. Realizing that
they could not expect to found an independent Bohemia
with only 6.5 million Czechs in a territory including 3.3
million Germans, they invented the fiction of a state which
joined together the Czechs and Slovaks, a Czecho-Slovak
state with 9 million inhabitants, who counterbalanced the
3 million Germans. The Slovaks accepted the new state on
condition that it be federated and Benes assured them: "The
Czecho-Slovakia of tomorrow will be the Switzerland of
Central Europe. I guarantee it." However, from late 1918
onward Czech soldiers occupied Slovak territory to maintain order and Slovakia was not federated but annexed.
After the soldiers came the bureaucrats. All the former
Czech officials of the Empire, dismissed from Vienna and
Budapest, descended on Bratislava. New teachers appeared
in Slovak schools to teach Czech, which incited antiCatholic demonstrations in the villages. In September 1919
Father Hlinka, leader of the Catholic Populist party, went
to the Paris peace conference with a long memorandum
which began with these words: "Never has a nation been
so cruelly deceived in its hopes as the Slovak nation."
The Czech army also intervened energetically in
Bohemia, but against the Sudeten Germans this time.
(The Sudeten mountains are located in northern BohemiaMoravia.) As in Slovakia the Czech central government
proceeded with an intense "czechization" of the administration, the economy, the schools and the police of the
German regions. In the elections of 1935 the autonomists
polled a majority in Slovakia, while in Bohemia the
Germans had organized their own party. Their leader,
Henlein, made contact with Hitler, who soon used the
Sudeten Germans as one of the principal points of the
propaganda.
The German action and the diplomatic intervention
of the British brought about a meeting in Munich of the
four great powers of the time (Germany, Italy, Britain
and France) on the Sudeten question. Through the Munich
agreement the Germans of Czecho-Slovakia obtained on
September 30, 1938 the right to regain their German
�SLOVAKIA
31
fatherland. This development caused the loss of a strip
of 25,000 square kilometers on the north-west frontier
of the Czecho-Slovak state and a simultaneous loss of
nearly 4 million inhabitants. As a consequence of this defeat
Dr. Edward Benes, leader of the Czech government, resigned on October 5, 1938 and left Prague.
The next day, October 6, at zilina, a little town situated
in western Slovakia quite far from Prague, the leaders
of Slovak parties assembled to proclaim the autonomy
of their land, claiming the right defined in the Munich
agreement-the right of nations to determine their own
destiny. Father Hlinka's successor as head of the Populist
and Autonomist party announced: "The Munich agreement
has profoundly altered the political positions and the
relations of the different states of central Europe. We
Slovaks desire the freedom to determine our future,
particularly in respect to the administration of our state."
That very evening the first autonomous Slovak government
was formed and its presidency entrusted to the new leader
of the autonomous Populist party, Msgr. Tiso.
zilina was a town Msgr. Tiso knew well, for in its
schools he had learned to read and write. He had then
enrolled in the seminary at Nitra, where in the year 833
Prince Pribina had erected the first Christian Church in
Slovakia at the base of the Slovak central mountains.
Joseph Tiso had completed his studies of ethics and theology at the University of Vienna. He was ordained July
14, 1910 and the same year received the degree of doctor
of theology. In 1914 he became military chaplain. The
following year he wa.s called back to Nitra to teach during
the absence of professors who had gone to war. About
1920 he joined Father Hlinka, the founder of the Autonomist
party and was assigned to the parish at Banovce, which
is on the Bebrava river at the southern point of the hills
of the Patras. Here began his public life. He was always
to be a man of his word, loyal to his faith and to his land.
To his parishioners he was a protector against the devil,
as in ancient times.
General Sirovy, head of the central government of
Prague since the departure of Dr. Benes, assented to the
setting-up of the Slovak cabinet. For Msgr. Tiso the most
�32
SLOVAKIA
difficult problem involved the frontiers, for the Magyars
were making claims, as were the Poles and the Germans.
On November 2, 1938 in Vienna an agreement was signed.
The Magyars received the regions of Slovakia where the
majority of the people were Magyar, the Poles received
Teschen, and the Germans received a suburb of Petrzalka
near Bratislava on the Danube.
Elections took place in Slovakia on November 18, 1938
and the Autonomist candidates received 97 .5 ~c of the vote.
The first Czecho-Slovak Republic having died at Munich
two months previously, a second Republic came into being
on November 30, federated and under the presidency of
Dr. Ha.cha, a slight, 66 year old man in delicate health,
who spoke with a marked Bohemian accent.
In spite of the creation of a federated Republic, the
relations between the Czechs and the Slovaks did not
improve. A latent crisis kept them in conflict until February
1939, when the real crisis began. The Slovaks needed credit,
but the Czechs refused it on the pretext that the Slovaks
were disloyal to the republic. Finally on March 9, 1939
Dr. Ha.cha ousted Msgr. Tiso and his colleagues from their
positions and at dawn on March 10, 1939 Slovakia was
occupied by Czech police and soldiers-that is, by the
"federals". Martial law was proclaimed; the local militia
was dissolved. Msgr. Tiso withdrew to his rectory in
Banovce and waited.
German diplomacy, which had been very active since
the departure of Dr. Benes, intervened, trying to crush
the Czech coup in Slovakia so that the Slovaks would
clearly separate themselves from the Czechs and put an
end to the existence of this unified country situated in
the heart of the German Reich. After several vain attempts
the Reich representatives in Vienna, Seyss-Inquart and
Buerckel, made contact with Msgr. Tiso; two of their secret
agents came to Banovce the night of March 12 to 13, 1939
to extend an invitation from Hitler. Msgr . Tiso, waking
with a start, was at first stunned, suspecting a trap. Then
he acquiesced but requested a delay. Hitler frightened
him and yet he knew that Berlin was the city of destiny
at that moment. Finally, after conferring with his friends,
he flew to Berlin. Even after 6 months of heading an
�SLOVAKIA
33
autonomous government he had remained essentially a
fighter-priest of the country and now resembled a Poujadist
cleric on his way to see Dracula.
On the evening of March 13 Hitler and Tiso agreed
that Slovakia would declare her independence the next day.
Hitler, moreover, convinced of an impending assault by
Benes to regain power in Prague, had already decided
to invade Bohemia on March 15. Msgr. Tiso hesitated at
length before being convinced. He returned to Bratislava,
convened the Assembly and formed a new cabinet. His
cabinet ministers were not appointed by the Reich ambassadors but were simply those who had been Autonomist
Slovak leaders for the previous ten or twenty years. At
noon on Tuesday, March 14 the Assembly by unanimous
vote severed Slovakia from the rest of Czech nation. This
declaration had been accelerated by the German action
but would have been less effective without the Czech coup
on March 10.
Dr. Ha.cha reached Berlin the same day in a state
of exhaustion to entreat the Fuhrer on behalf of his people
but the Fuhrer did not yield. On March 15, two hours
before the first columns of the Wehrmacht re '.:'.ched
Bohemia, President Ha.cha signed the capitulation: "The
president of the Czecho-Slovak Republic has confidently
placed the destiny of the Czech people and the Czech lands
in the hands of the Fuhrer of the German Reich ... " On
March 16, while the German protectorate was being established in Bohemia-Moravia, Msgr. Tiso, leader of independent Slovakia, sought the protection of the Reich and signed
a treaty which, without specifying occupation of Slovak
territory, rendered the country a satellite. Hungary, with
the support of Italy, invaded Subcarpathian Ukraine and
a strip along the eastern border of Slovakia. Thus was
the Czecho-Slovakia of 1919 stricken from the map.
During the 5 years of the war Msgr. Tiso did not
involve the country in the conflict ( except for sending
volunteers to the Polish front). He declared his sympathy
for the Reich while pursuing a neutral policy in Rome
in order to protect his exports and his country's uncertain
future. Msgr. Tiso's Slovakia was a curiously sad spectacle,
encircled by Germany, protected by the Vatican, never
�34
SLOVAKIA
truly free but never quite occupied. Until 1944 she was
indeed the Switzerland of the Danube basin, the "marketplace of Provence" of the Carpathian region.
In August 1944 the internal calm was shattered by
ill-matched squads, who set in motion an insurrection
against the presence of the Germans. One group was
directed from Moscow, the other (by Benes) from London.
Armed bands were in conflict everywhere, but the Germans
put down the rebellion within two months. The red army
to the east looked on idly, reasoning that the Germans
would suppress the entire Slovak resistance movement,
which would facilitate an eventual communist takeover .
Six months after the uprising the reds entered Slovakia
and Slovak independence was at an end. On April 5, 1945
Dr. Edward Benes in company with the communist.
Klement Gottwald, came to Kosice on the Slovak border,
where he was met by Gustav Husak, a 32 year old communist leader. Husak said: "The first Czecho-Slovak
Republic is dead. Gone is its centralism as well as its false
political democracy. The new Republic will be a socialist
federation of two nations equal under the law, the Czech
nation and the Slovak nation." But the voice of Gustav
Husak was not heard; it was the Czech communists who
were in power.
On March 17 and 18 in 1947 Msgr. Tiso's trial was
coming to an end. The former head of the Slovak government drew up his own defense. "Mine was an unusual
policy because the man who executed it was a priest",
he began. "I had prepared for and intended to follow the
duties of holy priesthood, not those of public office. As
a priest I was committed to the service of God, the Church
and the country of my birth, in which I was serving my
ministry. Hence the mottoes 'for God, for country', 'with
the people, for the people', were the expression of a guiding
principle valid everywhere and under all conditions. They
were not political slogans invented later to suit the circumstances."
The death sentence was pronounced April 15, 1947 and
was received calmly by Msgr. Joseph Tiso. The recital
of the bill of indictment had lasted several hours. The
communist jury had found the Slovak leader guilty on 97
�SLOVAKIA
35
out of 113 counts. The two principal crimes were: collaboration with Germany and the dissolution of Czecho-Slovakia.
Dr. Benes and Klement Gottwald refused clemency.
"I promise to intercede before God, the supreme
master of this world", wrote Msgr. Tiso in his final message
to the Slovaks, "that He keep the Slovak nation forever
in His holy care, that He bless her in her struggle and
that He grant she remain forever faithful to the Church
of Christ."
No one knows where the priest is buried. The interment
was carried out in secrecy to prevent memorial demonstrations. But in St. Martin's cemetery a tomb was discovered
where the earth was still loose and it was soon covered
with the fowers of the faithful.
There is an epilogue to this story. At the end of
August 1968 the Russians began to speculate on whether
or not they should separate Slovakia from Bohemia again.
They decided against it but later, for greater security, they
appointed Gustav Husak, the Slovak communist, to the
leadership of the central government.
Bratislava. - Dr. Joseph Tiso, former president of Siovakia, who
is now on trial for his life before the Slovak People's Court here, gave
startling testimony to the effect that early in 1945 he rejected a written
suggestion submitted to him by an agent to proclaim Slovakia as a
Soviet republic. He also disclaimed any personal responsibility for
Slovakia 's participation in the war against Poland and Russia and the
alleged maltreatment of political and war prisoners. - Jan Mauthner,
Special Correspondent, N.C.W.C. News Service, January 11 , 1947 .
.
Tiso's attorney was prevented from defending his client. Tiso was
not allowed to make any notes on the trial. Tiso was accused on 113
counts, each of which carried the death sentence. No one is surprised
that the final verdict of this long trial is death by hanging for Dr. Tiso.
Try to imagine a similar situation in this country: Put President Truman
on trial by order of Gromyko and let Gerard Eisler be the judge. Let
Truman have no attorney and let both Gromyko and Eisler state publicly
before the trial that the defendant will be hanged . - WGAR Clevelan d
Radio Station, April 20, 1947, by Commentator Rev. Francis F ergus,
Professor at St. Mary's Seminary, Cleveland, Ohio.
�
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1972, Vol. 22
Description
An account of the resource
Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972.
Publisher
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The Slovak League of America
Date
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1972
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26
SLOVAKIA
Msgr. Joseph Tiso
By Fran{;Ois d 'O r Ci Val
( This is the English translation of Mr. FranQois
d'Orcival's article originally published in French, in the
July 1971 issue of the magazine "Miroir de l'Histoire",
Paris. The young French political writer has dealt with
the cause of Slovak independence in his book " Le Danube
etait noir" (The Danube was black), La Table Ronde, Paris
1968. In France, he represents a realistic trend seeking
to de-mythologize European history. Ed.)
At dawn on April 18, 1947 the bridge over the Danube
was shrouded in fog as Msgr. Joseph Tiso concluded his
prayer in the central prison of Bratislava and donned
his black serge robe with the prisoner's red armband and
the churchman's white collar. He had been condemned
to death on April 15 and on April 17 reprieve had been
denied. A Franciscan father had been sent to accompany
him on his final journey.
Msgr. Tiso was 59. He had been born in Bytca in the
valley of the Vah, which cuts through the Carpathians
and where the mountains and the forest always wear
autumn color. He was a sturdy, well-built man with broad
shoulders, closely-cropped hair and a serene expression,
with the rough-hewn features of a solid man of the people.
He had been the leader of an autonomous Slovak government from October 6, 1938 to March 10, 1939, then head
of independent Slovakia from March 14, 1939 to Easter
of 1945.
That year when spring returned to the Tatras the bells
of Rome were silent. Malinovsky's forces were scouring
the countryside. In Bohemia the Wehrmacht was retreating.
Msgr. Tiso and his government distributed to their people
the flour remaining in the state granaries, then went into
exile. The Americans arrested Msgr. Tiso in October 1945,
extradited him from Austria and turned him over to Dr.
Edward Benes, who had once again become Czecho-Slovakia's leader.
SLOVAKIA
27
The preliminary examination in the Tiso trial began
December 3. The bill of indictment contained 230 pages
and was prepared by three attorneys specializing in general
matters, political guestions and military affairs. 42 witnesses were subpoenaed by the prosecution. Igor Daxner,
a Protestant Slovak communist, was selected to preside
over the people's court, assisted by Bedrna, a Czech communist. Five of the seven members of the court were
communists.
The first day of the hearing the authorities, fearing
street demonstratio ns and riots, ringed Bratislava with
soldiers; they also controlled access to public buildings
and took strong security precautions at the Palace of
Justice. At first the press was allowed to report the
testimony of witnesses and some of Msgr. Tiso's statements
but soon, realizing that popular sentiment remained too
favorable to the former president of independent Slovakia,
the government censored all news reports of the trial.
The Catholic bishops, evidencing outstanding courage,
published on January 3, 1946 a petition in the prisoner's
behalf. "His fate", they declared, "will strongly influence
a portion of the Slovak population in its attitude towards
the reconstituted Czecho-Slovak Republic." The majority of
the nation concurs with its bishops in believing Dr. Tiso's
intentions to have been pure and good.
The prosecutor summoned Karol Kmet'ko, archbishop
of Slovakia, who paused to shake hands with the defendant
on his way to the witness stand to answer the prosecutor's
questions.
"What did the Slovak state accomplish for the people?"
he was asked.
"Can you think of any nation which does not long
for independence ?" replied archbishop Kmet'ko and continued: "Can you imagine an unfortunate people who would
not rather have their own homes than depend on others?"
"But", the prosecutor insisted, "this independence was
actually dependence!"
"No!" replied archbishop Kmet'ko. "It was ten times
less damaging than the Protectorate ( of Bohemia and
Moravia)!"
"How could you approve of Msgr. Tiso's assumption
of office?" the prosecutor then asked, and the archbishop
28
SLOVAKIA
responded: "When the independence of the Slovak state
was proclaimed I can affirm that the country and its
people were 90 % in favor of it. We rediscovered the independence and the freedom which had been lost since the
time of King Svatopluk."
For those with the borders of the German and Slovak
world that story goes back to the early period of the Middle
Ages. In a study entitled "The Slovaks: A People; A Nation"
Professor Joseph A. Mikus, one of the youngest diplomats
of the independent Slovak state and currently professor
in an American college, writes:
It was Prince Pribina in the year 830 iwho conquered the West
Slovak tribes and governed them from his castle in Nitra. His
successors, Mojmir, Rastislav and Svatopluk extended their rule
over the neighboring ,t erritories. In the second half of the ninth
century the Czech lands (Bohemia and Moravia) were also subjugated by the Slovak king, Svatopluk. However, shortly thereafter
the Czechs appealed to the German monarchs for help and were
able to free themselves from Greater Moravia.
After a c,o alition of Germans and Hungarians had defeated
Mojmir II near Bratislava in 906, Slovakia was occupied by the
Hungarians while the Czechs full under the domination of the
Germans. Although Slovakia became an integral part of the
Hungarian realm, the Premyslides rwere able to elevate the principality of Bohemia to a kingdom whose ruler became one of the
electors of the German Empire.
During the Turkish invasions Slovakia or Upper Hungary
became the impregnable fortress of the realm. The Hungarian
parliaments were still meeting in Bratislava during the first half
of the nineteenth century. It was here, too, in Saint Martin's
cathedral that the coronation of the Hungarian kings took place.
On the other hand, after the defeat of the Czech Protestants at the
White Mountain in 1620, the kingdom of Bohemia became an
integral part of Austria's hereditary possessions.
Even after the Austro-Hungarian Compromise in 1867,
the Czechs remained under Austrian control and the
Slovaks under Hungarian rule. Thus Czechs and Slovaks
had never been united under one government before 1918.
They were separated by the Carpathians. Bohemia was
Protestant; Slovakia Catholic. The Czechs and the Germans
had made Prague, the Bohemian capitol, one of the most
cultured cities of Europe. The Slovaks, by contrast, boasted
neither elite nor aristocracy; they were peasants and good
soldiers.
Although they lacked lords and commanders, the
Slovaks nevertheless had their churchmen. One of these,
SLOVAKIA
29
Father Hlinka, born in 1864, was pastor at Ruzomberok,
a big market-town situated in northern Slovakia between
the Fatras and the Lower Tatras. He began his political
ministry in 1905, fought for the autonomy of Slovakia, and
founded the Slovak Populist party.
In Sarajevo on June 28, 1914 a Belgrade high school
student assassinated Archduke Franz-Ferdinand, heir to
the imperial throne. On the same day in Prague the cry
arose: "Down with the Hapsburgs! Down with AustriaHungary!" This was the cry of two atheist Czech socialists:
the first a sociology professor at the University of Prague
and leftist deputy to the Diet of Vienna, 64 year old Thomas
Masaryk and the second, his 30 year old disciple, Edward
Benes, doctor of laws. Of the 534 deputies representing
all the nationalities of the empire the Czechs numbered
107, yet not one took up the cry of Masaryk and Benes.
Repudiated, the two delegates left Prague secretly for Paris
and London, where they founded a Czech National Committee, which in 1917 was transformed into a provisional
government. A year later the Austro-Hungarian Empire
collapsed, attacked from within.
In Slovakia Father Hlinka declared in 1918: "Our
thousand-year marriage with the Magyars is ending in
disaster. We must sever our ties with them!" The Slovaks
were welcomed by the Czechs, who promised them freedom. The official birth of Czecho-Slovakia was proclaimed
on October 28, 1918. It was the triumph of Masaryk and
Benes after four years of exile. According to international
law Czecho-Slovakia did not come into being until the
treaty of Saint-Germain-en-Laye, September 10, 1919. Comprising Bohemia and Moravia in the west, Slovakia and
Lower Subcarpathian Ukraine in the east, the country had
an area of 140,000 square kilometers. The population was
13.6 million, of whom 6.5 million were Czech, 2.5 million
Slovak, 3.3 million German and the rest Magyar, Ukrainian
and Polish minorities. It was a mosaic of nationalities.
In dismembering Austria-Hungary the western diplomats at Saint-Germain-en-Laye hoped to isolate Germany
from Russia by a "cordon sanitaire" composed of newly
allied states: Poland, Czecho-Slovakia, Rumania, Jugoslavia.
But the Hapsburg dynasty, the unifying influence over
all these states, was gone; the Danube countries of Europe
30
SLOVAKIA
were destined once again to become the battleground of
endless struggles.
Masaryk and Benes had another plan. Realizing that
they could not expect to found an independent Bohemia
with only 6.5 million Czechs in a territory including 3.3
million Germans, they invented the fiction of a state which
joined together the Czechs and Slovaks, a Czecho-Slovak
state with 9 million inhabitants, who counterbalanced the
3 million Germans. The Slovaks accepted the new state on
condition that it be federated and Benes assured them: "The
Czecho-Slovakia of tomorrow will be the Switzerland of
Central Europe. I guarantee it." However, from late 1918
onward Czech soldiers occupied Slovak territory to maintain order and Slovakia was not federated but annexed.
After the soldiers came the bureaucrats. All the former
Czech officials of the Empire, dismissed from Vienna and
Budapest, descended on Bratislava. New teachers appeared
in Slovak schools to teach Czech, which incited antiCatholic demonstrations in the villages. In September 1919
Father Hlinka, leader of the Catholic Populist party, went
to the Paris peace conference with a long memorandum
which began with these words: "Never has a nation been
so cruelly deceived in its hopes as the Slovak nation."
The Czech army also intervened energetically in
Bohemia, but against the Sudeten Germans this time.
(The Sudeten mountains are located in northern BohemiaMoravia.) As in Slovakia the Czech central government
proceeded with an intense "czechization" of the administration, the economy, the schools and the police of the
German regions. In the elections of 1935 the autonomists
polled a majority in Slovakia, while in Bohemia the
Germans had organized their own party. Their leader,
Henlein, made contact with Hitler, who soon used the
Sudeten Germans as one of the principal points of the
propaganda.
The German action and the diplomatic intervention
of the British brought about a meeting in Munich of the
four great powers of the time (Germany, Italy, Britain
and France) on the Sudeten question. Through the Munich
agreement the Germans of Czecho-Slovakia obtained on
September 30, 1938 the right to regain their German
SLOVAKIA
31
fatherland. This development caused the loss of a strip
of 25,000 square kilometers on the north-west frontier
of the Czecho-Slovak state and a simultaneous loss of
nearly 4 million inhabitants. As a consequence of this defeat
Dr. Edward Benes, leader of the Czech government, resigned on October 5, 1938 and left Prague.
The next day, October 6, at zilina, a little town situated
in western Slovakia quite far from Prague, the leaders
of Slovak parties assembled to proclaim the autonomy
of their land, claiming the right defined in the Munich
agreement-the right of nations to determine their own
destiny. Father Hlinka's successor as head of the Populist
and Autonomist party announced: "The Munich agreement
has profoundly altered the political positions and the
relations of the different states of central Europe. We
Slovaks desire the freedom to determine our future,
particularly in respect to the administration of our state."
That very evening the first autonomous Slovak government
was formed and its presidency entrusted to the new leader
of the autonomous Populist party, Msgr. Tiso.
zilina was a town Msgr. Tiso knew well, for in its
schools he had learned to read and write. He had then
enrolled in the seminary at Nitra, where in the year 833
Prince Pribina had erected the first Christian Church in
Slovakia at the base of the Slovak central mountains.
Joseph Tiso had completed his studies of ethics and theology at the University of Vienna. He was ordained July
14, 1910 and the same year received the degree of doctor
of theology. In 1914 he became military chaplain. The
following year he wa.s called back to Nitra to teach during
the absence of professors who had gone to war. About
1920 he joined Father Hlinka, the founder of the Autonomist
party and was assigned to the parish at Banovce, which
is on the Bebrava river at the southern point of the hills
of the Patras. Here began his public life. He was always
to be a man of his word, loyal to his faith and to his land.
To his parishioners he was a protector against the devil,
as in ancient times.
General Sirovy, head of the central government of
Prague since the departure of Dr. Benes, assented to the
setting-up of the Slovak cabinet. For Msgr. Tiso the most
32
SLOVAKIA
difficult problem involved the frontiers, for the Magyars
were making claims, as were the Poles and the Germans.
On November 2, 1938 in Vienna an agreement was signed.
The Magyars received the regions of Slovakia where the
majority of the people were Magyar, the Poles received
Teschen, and the Germans received a suburb of Petrzalka
near Bratislava on the Danube.
Elections took place in Slovakia on November 18, 1938
and the Autonomist candidates received 97 .5 ~c of the vote.
The first Czecho-Slovak Republic having died at Munich
two months previously, a second Republic came into being
on November 30, federated and under the presidency of
Dr. Ha.cha, a slight, 66 year old man in delicate health,
who spoke with a marked Bohemian accent.
In spite of the creation of a federated Republic, the
relations between the Czechs and the Slovaks did not
improve. A latent crisis kept them in conflict until February
1939, when the real crisis began. The Slovaks needed credit,
but the Czechs refused it on the pretext that the Slovaks
were disloyal to the republic. Finally on March 9, 1939
Dr. Ha.cha ousted Msgr. Tiso and his colleagues from their
positions and at dawn on March 10, 1939 Slovakia was
occupied by Czech police and soldiers-that is, by the
"federals". Martial law was proclaimed; the local militia
was dissolved. Msgr. Tiso withdrew to his rectory in
Banovce and waited.
German diplomacy, which had been very active since
the departure of Dr. Benes, intervened, trying to crush
the Czech coup in Slovakia so that the Slovaks would
clearly separate themselves from the Czechs and put an
end to the existence of this unified country situated in
the heart of the German Reich. After several vain attempts
the Reich representatives in Vienna, Seyss-Inquart and
Buerckel, made contact with Msgr. Tiso; two of their secret
agents came to Banovce the night of March 12 to 13, 1939
to extend an invitation from Hitler. Msgr . Tiso, waking
with a start, was at first stunned, suspecting a trap. Then
he acquiesced but requested a delay. Hitler frightened
him and yet he knew that Berlin was the city of destiny
at that moment. Finally, after conferring with his friends,
he flew to Berlin. Even after 6 months of heading an
SLOVAKIA
33
autonomous government he had remained essentially a
fighter-priest of the country and now resembled a Poujadist
cleric on his way to see Dracula.
On the evening of March 13 Hitler and Tiso agreed
that Slovakia would declare her independence the next day.
Hitler, moreover, convinced of an impending assault by
Benes to regain power in Prague, had already decided
to invade Bohemia on March 15. Msgr. Tiso hesitated at
length before being convinced. He returned to Bratislava,
convened the Assembly and formed a new cabinet. His
cabinet ministers were not appointed by the Reich ambassadors but were simply those who had been Autonomist
Slovak leaders for the previous ten or twenty years. At
noon on Tuesday, March 14 the Assembly by unanimous
vote severed Slovakia from the rest of Czech nation. This
declaration had been accelerated by the German action
but would have been less effective without the Czech coup
on March 10.
Dr. Ha.cha reached Berlin the same day in a state
of exhaustion to entreat the Fuhrer on behalf of his people
but the Fuhrer did not yield. On March 15, two hours
before the first columns of the Wehrmacht re '.:'.ched
Bohemia, President Ha.cha signed the capitulation: "The
president of the Czecho-Slovak Republic has confidently
placed the destiny of the Czech people and the Czech lands
in the hands of the Fuhrer of the German Reich ... " On
March 16, while the German protectorate was being established in Bohemia-Moravia, Msgr. Tiso, leader of independent Slovakia, sought the protection of the Reich and signed
a treaty which, without specifying occupation of Slovak
territory, rendered the country a satellite. Hungary, with
the support of Italy, invaded Subcarpathian Ukraine and
a strip along the eastern border of Slovakia. Thus was
the Czecho-Slovakia of 1919 stricken from the map.
During the 5 years of the war Msgr. Tiso did not
involve the country in the conflict ( except for sending
volunteers to the Polish front). He declared his sympathy
for the Reich while pursuing a neutral policy in Rome
in order to protect his exports and his country's uncertain
future. Msgr. Tiso's Slovakia was a curiously sad spectacle,
encircled by Germany, protected by the Vatican, never
34
SLOVAKIA
truly free but never quite occupied. Until 1944 she was
indeed the Switzerland of the Danube basin, the "marketplace of Provence" of the Carpathian region.
In August 1944 the internal calm was shattered by
ill-matched squads, who set in motion an insurrection
against the presence of the Germans. One group was
directed from Moscow, the other (by Benes) from London.
Armed bands were in conflict everywhere, but the Germans
put down the rebellion within two months. The red army
to the east looked on idly, reasoning that the Germans
would suppress the entire Slovak resistance movement,
which would facilitate an eventual communist takeover .
Six months after the uprising the reds entered Slovakia
and Slovak independence was at an end. On April 5, 1945
Dr. Edward Benes in company with the communist.
Klement Gottwald, came to Kosice on the Slovak border,
where he was met by Gustav Husak, a 32 year old communist leader. Husak said: "The first Czecho-Slovak
Republic is dead. Gone is its centralism as well as its false
political democracy. The new Republic will be a socialist
federation of two nations equal under the law, the Czech
nation and the Slovak nation." But the voice of Gustav
Husak was not heard; it was the Czech communists who
were in power.
On March 17 and 18 in 1947 Msgr. Tiso's trial was
coming to an end. The former head of the Slovak government drew up his own defense. "Mine was an unusual
policy because the man who executed it was a priest",
he began. "I had prepared for and intended to follow the
duties of holy priesthood, not those of public office. As
a priest I was committed to the service of God, the Church
and the country of my birth, in which I was serving my
ministry. Hence the mottoes 'for God, for country', 'with
the people, for the people', were the expression of a guiding
principle valid everywhere and under all conditions. They
were not political slogans invented later to suit the circumstances."
The death sentence was pronounced April 15, 1947 and
was received calmly by Msgr. Joseph Tiso. The recital
of the bill of indictment had lasted several hours. The
communist jury had found the Slovak leader guilty on 97
SLOVAKIA
35
out of 113 counts. The two principal crimes were: collaboration with Germany and the dissolution of Czecho-Slovakia.
Dr. Benes and Klement Gottwald refused clemency.
"I promise to intercede before God, the supreme
master of this world", wrote Msgr. Tiso in his final message
to the Slovaks, "that He keep the Slovak nation forever
in His holy care, that He bless her in her struggle and
that He grant she remain forever faithful to the Church
of Christ."
No one knows where the priest is buried. The interment
was carried out in secrecy to prevent memorial demonstrations. But in St. Martin's cemetery a tomb was discovered
where the earth was still loose and it was soon covered
with the fowers of the faithful.
There is an epilogue to this story. At the end of
August 1968 the Russians began to speculate on whether
or not they should separate Slovakia from Bohemia again.
They decided against it but later, for greater security, they
appointed Gustav Husak, the Slovak communist, to the
leadership of the central government.
Bratislava. - Dr. Joseph Tiso, former president of Siovakia, who
is now on trial for his life before the Slovak People's Court here, gave
startling testimony to the effect that early in 1945 he rejected a written
suggestion submitted to him by an agent to proclaim Slovakia as a
Soviet republic. He also disclaimed any personal responsibility for
Slovakia 's participation in the war against Poland and Russia and the
alleged maltreatment of political and war prisoners. - Jan Mauthner,
Special Correspondent, N.C.W.C. News Service, January 11 , 1947 .
.
Tiso's attorney was prevented from defending his client. Tiso was
not allowed to make any notes on the trial. Tiso was accused on 113
counts, each of which carried the death sentence. No one is surprised
that the final verdict of this long trial is death by hanging for Dr. Tiso.
Try to imagine a similar situation in this country: Put President Truman
on trial by order of Gromyko and let Gerard Eisler be the judge. Let
Truman have no attorney and let both Gromyko and Eisler state publicly
before the trial that the defendant will be hanged . - WGAR Clevelan d
Radio Station, April 20, 1947, by Commentator Rev. Francis F ergus,
Professor at St. Mary's Seminary, Cleveland, Ohio.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Msgr. Joseph Tiso
Description
An account of the resource
François d'Orcival
orig. in French, publ. in Miroir de l'Histoire, July 1971
Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972
pp. 26-35
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Orcival, François d'
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1972
LCNAF
-
https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/4ec8e11c8b1fc6f94ef01661cfe32a13.pdf
52ccc3d69708367c24a03977de30ef70
PDF Text
Text
36
SLOVAKIA
- - - - - - - - - -- -- - - - - - - - - - - - -
Murder in Slovakia
SPEECH OF HON. ALVINE. O'KONSKI OF WISCONSIN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, April 23, 1947
Mr. O'KONSKI. Mr. Speaker, the recent hanging by
the Communists of Czecho-Slovakia of the brave and gallant
Monsignor Joseph Tiso was murder in its most ghastly and
shameful form. The brave and gallant Monsignor Joseph
Tiso went the way of the immortal General Mihailovitch
and the immortal Archbishop Stepinac, of Yugoslavia. On
trumped-up charges, the Communists disposed of these
brave men because they dared to oppose communism
among their respective people. These murders will set the
pattern of what will happen to all who have opposed
communism wherever communism takes over.
On trumped-up charges, they held a farce of a trial
and sentenced Monsignor Tiso to be hanged. Imagine the
joy in the hearts of the Communists when they succeeded
and used the Czechoslovakian Government as a puppet to
do their dirty murder for them. Yes; this is a modem
tragedy, but there will be more like it as time goes on.
But the hanging of Monsignor Tiso itself is not the
greatest tragedy. The greatest tragedy is the silence by our
American President and by our American State Department
while this murder was going on. Our Government gave
the Czecho-Slovak Government hundreds of millions of
dollars in the past two years. We are going to give them
millions of dollars more. Yet, with this giving of millions
of dollars to the Government of Czecho-Slovakia, our President and our State Department are not even men enough
to stand up and protest against the murder by the Soviets.
All of this leads me to believe that the leaders of our
country in the White House and in our State Department
no longer understand the meaning of the term "honor".
Monsignor Tiso is dead. He was murdered. While he
was murdered America was silent. The day is not very
distant when these American leaders will regret their
�SLOVAKIA
37
silence. The day may come and may be too soon when
these leaders who were so shamefully silent will be treated
the same way that Monsignor Tiso and Archbishop Stepinac
and General Mihailovitch were treated. Then maybe there
will be protests. But then it will be too late.
Frankly, I do not think America could have saved the
life of Monsignor Tiso. But I am ashamed that my country
did not even have the decency and honor to file a protest
- just for the record. By some miracle such a protest
might have at least postponed the execution. Here in
America our officials grant our basest criminals a stay
of execution. The least that our national leaders could have
done is file a plea for the same consideration for a Christian
lover of freedom - Monsignor Tiso - whose only crime
was that he hated communism just as he hated nazism.
But America remains silent and murder has free sway.
SPEECH OF HON. RAY J. MADDEN OF INDIANA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, March 31, 1947
Mr. MADDEN. Mr. Speaker, America and all libertyloving nations should at this time concentrate against
international situations which might bring about war in
the future. I have, on several occasions, stated on the floor
of Congress that the application of the principles of the
Atlantic Charter is our greatest antidote for future peace.
Self-government, freedom of thought, freedom of speech,
and freedom of religion is as essential for smaller countries
as it is for the larger nations. Our Nation, during World
War II, spent billions of dollars and sacrificed in lives and
casualties to preserve the above principles in order to
insure liberty and future peace.
Since VJ-day, aggression and tyranny has again been
launched in certain areas of Europe. The latest example
of persecution, unfair trial, and threatened execution for
political belief is that of Dr. Joseph Tiso, former President
of the Interim Republic of Slovakia. Dr. Tiso has been
acclaimed a hero in the eyes of nearly all the people of
Slovakia and the prevailing majority of Americans of
Slovak ancestry. My attention has been called to the fact
that over 80 percent of the Slovak American fraternal
�38
SLOVAKIA
organizations have forthrightly declared themselves to be
of the opinion that Tiso was a hero in the defense of the
best interests of the Slovak people. During his presidency,
Slovakia thrived, progressed, and developed internally
more than it had during any five years of the existence
of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. The communistic control
now over the country of Slovakia will execute Dr. Tiso,
a political prisoner, 1,1nless our Government intervenes.
This communistic control is inflicted upon the people of
Slovakia in spite of the fact that the election of May 26,
1946, gave over 64 percent of the total vote cast against
the present government. The press is likewise controlled,
at least to the extent that the newspapers cannot publish
what they think. This is evidenced in the fact that four
American newpapers have been barred in Slovakia. The
present communistic government will brook no freedom
of political thought; though the people voted for Christian
democracy, they received totalitarian communism.
The archbishop of Slovakia testified at the trial of Dr .
Tiso. He is and has been a respected member not only
of the hierarchy in Czecho-Slovakia, but of the official
family of Czecho-Slovakia, including its President, Edward
Benes. Appearing as a witness for Dr. Tiso, the archbishop
testified that:
"Tiso acted and worked in the interest of Slovakia
and was never a traitor, and that his election as President
of Slovakia was the will of 90 percent of the Slovaks at
that time and was acclaimed by the bishops, priests, and
ministers of both the Catholic and Protestant churches."
It is apparent that Czecho-Slovakia has been re-created
with the aid of Moscow and that Moscow will unboubtedly
demand the extinction of Slovak national leaders of ability
and high intellect. The ways of the Communists are devious
and it behooves us to understand more of the Slovakian
situation. In the meantime, the least that freedom loving
nations can aisk is that the so-called peoples courts in the
Communist-dominated countries in eastern Europe, refrain
from any further political executions or from liquidating
political opposition by long-term imprisonment as in the
case of Archbishop Stepinac. All of this adds up to the
price we will have to pay to aid in the establishing of true
democracy in the countries of eastern Europe to insure
world peace.
�SLOVAKIA
39
In supporting President Truman's International program, we cannot be unmindful of what is happening
throughout this region in Europe, comprising over 100
million Christians who have nothing in common with
communism. We have heard of political executions, imprisonment, and banishment of outstanding citizens in
Poland, Lithuania, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, and other small
countries. Thousands of brave Polish soldiers who fought
to stamp out fascism are now prohibited from returning
to their native Poland by a communistic controlled government. Americans are asking the question "do we not have
at least a moral obligation to voice our protest against
such trials and executions?"
The judge who presided at the .trial of Dr. Tiso,
previous to the trial , vowed personal vengeance on Tiso
and was provided the opportunity by being placed in charge
of the case.
These facts, though not appearing in the American
press releases, are not disputed. Almost upanimously, the
people of Slovak descent in America, are rising in protest
to the impending execution of Dr. Tiso. I ask the Members
of Congress to join with me in protesting this unjust
conviction by interceding with President Truman and
Secretary Marshall to use their good offices to prevent this.
injustice.
We might well apply the words of the Honorable Judge
Robert H . Jackson:
"All experience teaches that there are certain things
you cannot do under the guise of judicial trial. • • • You
must put no man on trial before anything that is called
a court, if you are not prepared to establish his personal
guilt. * * * If you are determined to execute a man in any
case, there is no occasion for trial. The world yields no
respect to courts that are merely organized to convict."
"The execution of Msgr. Joseph Tiso of Slovakia is an attempt to
execute the principles of Christian democracy. It is supposed to be
the death knell :for Slovak freedom. Msgr. Tiso was executed for
defending the inherent rights of his people. Tiso shall go down in
history as a martyr and Dr. Bene~ as a modern Pilate." - Rt. Rev.
Msgr. F. J . D u bosh, Lakewood , Ohio, April 30, 1947.
�
36
SLOVAKIA
- - - - - - - - - -- -- - - - - - - - - - - - -
Murder in Slovakia
SPEECH OF HON. ALVINE. O'KONSKI OF WISCONSIN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, April 23, 1947
Mr. O'KONSKI. Mr. Speaker, the recent hanging by
the Communists of Czecho-Slovakia of the brave and gallant
Monsignor Joseph Tiso was murder in its most ghastly and
shameful form. The brave and gallant Monsignor Joseph
Tiso went the way of the immortal General Mihailovitch
and the immortal Archbishop Stepinac, of Yugoslavia. On
trumped-up charges, the Communists disposed of these
brave men because they dared to oppose communism
among their respective people. These murders will set the
pattern of what will happen to all who have opposed
communism wherever communism takes over.
On trumped-up charges, they held a farce of a trial
and sentenced Monsignor Tiso to be hanged. Imagine the
joy in the hearts of the Communists when they succeeded
and used the Czechoslovakian Government as a puppet to
do their dirty murder for them. Yes; this is a modem
tragedy, but there will be more like it as time goes on.
But the hanging of Monsignor Tiso itself is not the
greatest tragedy. The greatest tragedy is the silence by our
American President and by our American State Department
while this murder was going on. Our Government gave
the Czecho-Slovak Government hundreds of millions of
dollars in the past two years. We are going to give them
millions of dollars more. Yet, with this giving of millions
of dollars to the Government of Czecho-Slovakia, our President and our State Department are not even men enough
to stand up and protest against the murder by the Soviets.
All of this leads me to believe that the leaders of our
country in the White House and in our State Department
no longer understand the meaning of the term "honor".
Monsignor Tiso is dead. He was murdered. While he
was murdered America was silent. The day is not very
distant when these American leaders will regret their
�SLOVAKIA
37
silence. The day may come and may be too soon when
these leaders who were so shamefully silent will be treated
the same way that Monsignor Tiso and Archbishop Stepinac
and General Mihailovitch were treated. Then maybe there
will be protests. But then it will be too late.
Frankly, I do not think America could have saved the
life of Monsignor Tiso. But I am ashamed that my country
did not even have the decency and honor to file a protest
- just for the record. By some miracle such a protest
might have at least postponed the execution. Here in
America our officials grant our basest criminals a stay
of execution. The least that our national leaders could have
done is file a plea for the same consideration for a Christian
lover of freedom - Monsignor Tiso - whose only crime
was that he hated communism just as he hated nazism.
But America remains silent and murder has free sway.
SPEECH OF HON. RAY J. MADDEN OF INDIANA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, March 31, 1947
Mr. MADDEN. Mr. Speaker, America and all libertyloving nations should at this time concentrate against
international situations which might bring about war in
the future. I have, on several occasions, stated on the floor
of Congress that the application of the principles of the
Atlantic Charter is our greatest antidote for future peace.
Self-government, freedom of thought, freedom of speech,
and freedom of religion is as essential for smaller countries
as it is for the larger nations. Our Nation, during World
War II, spent billions of dollars and sacrificed in lives and
casualties to preserve the above principles in order to
insure liberty and future peace.
Since VJ-day, aggression and tyranny has again been
launched in certain areas of Europe. The latest example
of persecution, unfair trial, and threatened execution for
political belief is that of Dr. Joseph Tiso, former President
of the Interim Republic of Slovakia. Dr. Tiso has been
acclaimed a hero in the eyes of nearly all the people of
Slovakia and the prevailing majority of Americans of
Slovak ancestry. My attention has been called to the fact
that over 80 percent of the Slovak American fraternal
�38
SLOVAKIA
organizations have forthrightly declared themselves to be
of the opinion that Tiso was a hero in the defense of the
best interests of the Slovak people. During his presidency,
Slovakia thrived, progressed, and developed internally
more than it had during any five years of the existence
of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. The communistic control
now over the country of Slovakia will execute Dr. Tiso,
a political prisoner, 1,1nless our Government intervenes.
This communistic control is inflicted upon the people of
Slovakia in spite of the fact that the election of May 26,
1946, gave over 64 percent of the total vote cast against
the present government. The press is likewise controlled,
at least to the extent that the newspapers cannot publish
what they think. This is evidenced in the fact that four
American newpapers have been barred in Slovakia. The
present communistic government will brook no freedom
of political thought; though the people voted for Christian
democracy, they received totalitarian communism.
The archbishop of Slovakia testified at the trial of Dr .
Tiso. He is and has been a respected member not only
of the hierarchy in Czecho-Slovakia, but of the official
family of Czecho-Slovakia, including its President, Edward
Benes. Appearing as a witness for Dr. Tiso, the archbishop
testified that:
"Tiso acted and worked in the interest of Slovakia
and was never a traitor, and that his election as President
of Slovakia was the will of 90 percent of the Slovaks at
that time and was acclaimed by the bishops, priests, and
ministers of both the Catholic and Protestant churches."
It is apparent that Czecho-Slovakia has been re-created
with the aid of Moscow and that Moscow will unboubtedly
demand the extinction of Slovak national leaders of ability
and high intellect. The ways of the Communists are devious
and it behooves us to understand more of the Slovakian
situation. In the meantime, the least that freedom loving
nations can aisk is that the so-called peoples courts in the
Communist-dominated countries in eastern Europe, refrain
from any further political executions or from liquidating
political opposition by long-term imprisonment as in the
case of Archbishop Stepinac. All of this adds up to the
price we will have to pay to aid in the establishing of true
democracy in the countries of eastern Europe to insure
world peace.
�SLOVAKIA
39
In supporting President Truman's International program, we cannot be unmindful of what is happening
throughout this region in Europe, comprising over 100
million Christians who have nothing in common with
communism. We have heard of political executions, imprisonment, and banishment of outstanding citizens in
Poland, Lithuania, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, and other small
countries. Thousands of brave Polish soldiers who fought
to stamp out fascism are now prohibited from returning
to their native Poland by a communistic controlled government. Americans are asking the question "do we not have
at least a moral obligation to voice our protest against
such trials and executions?"
The judge who presided at the .trial of Dr. Tiso,
previous to the trial , vowed personal vengeance on Tiso
and was provided the opportunity by being placed in charge
of the case.
These facts, though not appearing in the American
press releases, are not disputed. Almost upanimously, the
people of Slovak descent in America, are rising in protest
to the impending execution of Dr. Tiso. I ask the Members
of Congress to join with me in protesting this unjust
conviction by interceding with President Truman and
Secretary Marshall to use their good offices to prevent this.
injustice.
We might well apply the words of the Honorable Judge
Robert H . Jackson:
"All experience teaches that there are certain things
you cannot do under the guise of judicial trial. • • • You
must put no man on trial before anything that is called
a court, if you are not prepared to establish his personal
guilt. * * * If you are determined to execute a man in any
case, there is no occasion for trial. The world yields no
respect to courts that are merely organized to convict."
"The execution of Msgr. Joseph Tiso of Slovakia is an attempt to
execute the principles of Christian democracy. It is supposed to be
the death knell :for Slovak freedom. Msgr. Tiso was executed for
defending the inherent rights of his people. Tiso shall go down in
history as a martyr and Dr. Bene~ as a modern Pilate." - Rt. Rev.
Msgr. F. J . D u bosh, Lakewood , Ohio, April 30, 1947.
�
Dublin Core
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Title
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1972, Vol. 22
Description
An account of the resource
Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972.
Publisher
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The Slovak League of America
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1972
Text
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Text
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36
SLOVAKIA
- - - - - - - - - -- -- - - - - - - - - - - - -
Murder in Slovakia
SPEECH OF HON. ALVINE. O'KONSKI OF WISCONSIN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, April 23, 1947
Mr. O'KONSKI. Mr. Speaker, the recent hanging by
the Communists of Czecho-Slovakia of the brave and gallant
Monsignor Joseph Tiso was murder in its most ghastly and
shameful form. The brave and gallant Monsignor Joseph
Tiso went the way of the immortal General Mihailovitch
and the immortal Archbishop Stepinac, of Yugoslavia. On
trumped-up charges, the Communists disposed of these
brave men because they dared to oppose communism
among their respective people. These murders will set the
pattern of what will happen to all who have opposed
communism wherever communism takes over.
On trumped-up charges, they held a farce of a trial
and sentenced Monsignor Tiso to be hanged. Imagine the
joy in the hearts of the Communists when they succeeded
and used the Czechoslovakian Government as a puppet to
do their dirty murder for them. Yes; this is a modem
tragedy, but there will be more like it as time goes on.
But the hanging of Monsignor Tiso itself is not the
greatest tragedy. The greatest tragedy is the silence by our
American President and by our American State Department
while this murder was going on. Our Government gave
the Czecho-Slovak Government hundreds of millions of
dollars in the past two years. We are going to give them
millions of dollars more. Yet, with this giving of millions
of dollars to the Government of Czecho-Slovakia, our President and our State Department are not even men enough
to stand up and protest against the murder by the Soviets.
All of this leads me to believe that the leaders of our
country in the White House and in our State Department
no longer understand the meaning of the term "honor".
Monsignor Tiso is dead. He was murdered. While he
was murdered America was silent. The day is not very
distant when these American leaders will regret their
SLOVAKIA
37
silence. The day may come and may be too soon when
these leaders who were so shamefully silent will be treated
the same way that Monsignor Tiso and Archbishop Stepinac
and General Mihailovitch were treated. Then maybe there
will be protests. But then it will be too late.
Frankly, I do not think America could have saved the
life of Monsignor Tiso. But I am ashamed that my country
did not even have the decency and honor to file a protest
- just for the record. By some miracle such a protest
might have at least postponed the execution. Here in
America our officials grant our basest criminals a stay
of execution. The least that our national leaders could have
done is file a plea for the same consideration for a Christian
lover of freedom - Monsignor Tiso - whose only crime
was that he hated communism just as he hated nazism.
But America remains silent and murder has free sway.
SPEECH OF HON. RAY J. MADDEN OF INDIANA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, March 31, 1947
Mr. MADDEN. Mr. Speaker, America and all libertyloving nations should at this time concentrate against
international situations which might bring about war in
the future. I have, on several occasions, stated on the floor
of Congress that the application of the principles of the
Atlantic Charter is our greatest antidote for future peace.
Self-government, freedom of thought, freedom of speech,
and freedom of religion is as essential for smaller countries
as it is for the larger nations. Our Nation, during World
War II, spent billions of dollars and sacrificed in lives and
casualties to preserve the above principles in order to
insure liberty and future peace.
Since VJ-day, aggression and tyranny has again been
launched in certain areas of Europe. The latest example
of persecution, unfair trial, and threatened execution for
political belief is that of Dr. Joseph Tiso, former President
of the Interim Republic of Slovakia. Dr. Tiso has been
acclaimed a hero in the eyes of nearly all the people of
Slovakia and the prevailing majority of Americans of
Slovak ancestry. My attention has been called to the fact
that over 80 percent of the Slovak American fraternal
38
SLOVAKIA
organizations have forthrightly declared themselves to be
of the opinion that Tiso was a hero in the defense of the
best interests of the Slovak people. During his presidency,
Slovakia thrived, progressed, and developed internally
more than it had during any five years of the existence
of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. The communistic control
now over the country of Slovakia will execute Dr. Tiso,
a political prisoner, 1,1nless our Government intervenes.
This communistic control is inflicted upon the people of
Slovakia in spite of the fact that the election of May 26,
1946, gave over 64 percent of the total vote cast against
the present government. The press is likewise controlled,
at least to the extent that the newspapers cannot publish
what they think. This is evidenced in the fact that four
American newpapers have been barred in Slovakia. The
present communistic government will brook no freedom
of political thought; though the people voted for Christian
democracy, they received totalitarian communism.
The archbishop of Slovakia testified at the trial of Dr .
Tiso. He is and has been a respected member not only
of the hierarchy in Czecho-Slovakia, but of the official
family of Czecho-Slovakia, including its President, Edward
Benes. Appearing as a witness for Dr. Tiso, the archbishop
testified that:
"Tiso acted and worked in the interest of Slovakia
and was never a traitor, and that his election as President
of Slovakia was the will of 90 percent of the Slovaks at
that time and was acclaimed by the bishops, priests, and
ministers of both the Catholic and Protestant churches."
It is apparent that Czecho-Slovakia has been re-created
with the aid of Moscow and that Moscow will unboubtedly
demand the extinction of Slovak national leaders of ability
and high intellect. The ways of the Communists are devious
and it behooves us to understand more of the Slovakian
situation. In the meantime, the least that freedom loving
nations can aisk is that the so-called peoples courts in the
Communist-dominated countries in eastern Europe, refrain
from any further political executions or from liquidating
political opposition by long-term imprisonment as in the
case of Archbishop Stepinac. All of this adds up to the
price we will have to pay to aid in the establishing of true
democracy in the countries of eastern Europe to insure
world peace.
SLOVAKIA
39
In supporting President Truman's International program, we cannot be unmindful of what is happening
throughout this region in Europe, comprising over 100
million Christians who have nothing in common with
communism. We have heard of political executions, imprisonment, and banishment of outstanding citizens in
Poland, Lithuania, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, and other small
countries. Thousands of brave Polish soldiers who fought
to stamp out fascism are now prohibited from returning
to their native Poland by a communistic controlled government. Americans are asking the question "do we not have
at least a moral obligation to voice our protest against
such trials and executions?"
The judge who presided at the .trial of Dr. Tiso,
previous to the trial , vowed personal vengeance on Tiso
and was provided the opportunity by being placed in charge
of the case.
These facts, though not appearing in the American
press releases, are not disputed. Almost upanimously, the
people of Slovak descent in America, are rising in protest
to the impending execution of Dr. Tiso. I ask the Members
of Congress to join with me in protesting this unjust
conviction by interceding with President Truman and
Secretary Marshall to use their good offices to prevent this.
injustice.
We might well apply the words of the Honorable Judge
Robert H . Jackson:
"All experience teaches that there are certain things
you cannot do under the guise of judicial trial. • • • You
must put no man on trial before anything that is called
a court, if you are not prepared to establish his personal
guilt. * * * If you are determined to execute a man in any
case, there is no occasion for trial. The world yields no
respect to courts that are merely organized to convict."
"The execution of Msgr. Joseph Tiso of Slovakia is an attempt to
execute the principles of Christian democracy. It is supposed to be
the death knell :for Slovak freedom. Msgr. Tiso was executed for
defending the inherent rights of his people. Tiso shall go down in
history as a martyr and Dr. Bene~ as a modern Pilate." - Rt. Rev.
Msgr. F. J . D u bosh, Lakewood , Ohio, April 30, 1947.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Murder in Slovakia
Description
An account of the resource
Speech of Hon. Alvin E. O'Konski of Wisconsin in the House of Representatives, April 23, 1947;
Speech of Hon. Ray J. Madden of Indiana in the House of Representatives, March 31, 1947
Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972
pp. 36-39
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
O'Konski, Alvin E. (Alvin Edward), 1904-1987
Madden, Ray J. (Ray John), 1892-1987
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1972
LCNAF
-
https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/879ef97a8ddef8efe5a17a597364edab.pdf
37ea45531a30003441660b3ff95649be
PDF Text
Text
40
SLOVAKIA
Slovak Bishops Appeal
on Behalf of President Tiso
(In view of the trial of Msgr. Joseph Tiso, former President of
Slovakia, the following letter addressed January 8, 1946 by the Bishops
of Slovakia to the Slovak National Council is of particulad interest. )
N.C.W.C. NEWS SERVICE
In the course of recent years, the Catholic Bishops of
Slovakia have often pleaded with government authorities
on behalf of all who suffered, were imprisoned or persecuted. They did so for all, Catholics and non-Catholics.
The example of the Divine Samaritan and His positive
command inspired us and urged us to raise our protective
voice in the interest of people who suffered pernecution
for political reasons or even because of their race. We did
so at a time when we had to expect nothing but various
inconveniences for our intervention.
In taking the liberty today of graciously recommending
to your good will the fate of the former president Dr.
Joseph Tiso, we do so inspired by the most noble example
of all history, the command given in the Gospel and which
we also have before us at the present hour.
We are motivated not only by the fact that the case
concerns a priest of the Catholic Church, but also because
the disposition of his personal problem is bound to have
a deep effect upon the sentiment and conduct of a part
of the Slovak nation with regard to reconstituted CzechoSlovakia and her representatives.
We are also urged to take this action by the reality,
that is generally known and admitted by every objective
observer, that Dr. Joseph Tiso has always been a zealous
priest of unimpeachable character. In his extensive labors
he always endeavored to work for the common good and
never enriched himself thereby.
The exercise of justice is one of the most difficult tasks
of state authority. Experience teaches that this task, difficult enough in itself becomes an even more delicate one
when it is concerned with political delicts. History shows
�SLOVAKIA
4.1
how many burdensome fateful errors have been made
particularly at political trials, since it is a most difficult
task to judge impartially the activities of a political
opponent. It is, therefore, by no means a rare occurence
that after severe sentences were pronounced in political
trials, a demand for their revision arose sooner or later.
In judging the activities of a statesman, even his
intentions must also be taken into consideration. The
predominant majority of the Slovak people shares our
convictions that Dr. Joseph Tiso in his public activity was
animated by the best intentions.
No doubt, mistakes were made. At the time, the Catholic Bishops of Slovakia did not hesitate to call them to
his attention. However, we must disregard the well-known
fact that even the shrewdest politicians can commit very
serious errors. Yet the unprejudiced observer, be he a
contemporary or historian, can render objective judgment
only if he takes into consideration the good and positive
(elements) in the activities of a statesman. And this factor
will often outweigh the errors committed by politicians as
the result of their weakness.
It will not be irrelevant to consider from another point
of view the errors charged to Dr. Tiso. We graciously point
at least to some of their circumstances.
Recent declarations by the present governmental representatives make the incidents of zilina of October 1938*
appear in a light different from that which party propaganda seeks to spread among the public. Even the press
has shown that practically all Slovak political parties
participated in these political changes.
Attention must also be called to the important document which has been made public in the course of the
Nuremberg trial, viz. the letter sent to Berlin by the former
Magyar leader of the empire, Horthy, on March 13, 1939.**
This important circumstance, too, throws a different light
on the decisions made by Tiso and his regime on March
14, 1939. We must think what would have been the fate
of the Slovak people if Horthy's plan had been carried
through.
We also know that after the publication of the antiJewish laws, Dr. Tiso was willing to resign the presidency.
That he did not do so happened only because he tried to
�42
SLOVAKIA
hamper and alleviate the consequen ces of these decrees
and also to prevent a greater evil. It is worth considerin g
the fact that Tiso was unable to prevent what the government chief of Hungary, a country far larger and more
independen t than Slovakia, equally failed to prevent.
After considerin g all the circumstan ces it may also
be possible to evaluate the other errors charged to Dr.
Tiso (for instance, the war in the east, the events of August
29, 1944,***) in a manner different from that employed
by a prejudiced propagand a.
The entire Slovak public is following the developme nt
situation concerning Dr. Tiso with keen interest,
the
of
and the great majority is taking a negative stand to the
efforts that would incite hatred against his person. This
is bound to increase the unfortunat e division of the nation,
which now should be united and exerting all its strength
for reconstruc tion.
A settlement of the Tiso case in a spirit of understand ing and without any unscrupulo us severity would be an
accomplish ment of political vision and will greatly serve
the peace of the nation. These higher motives prompt us
to graciously ask you to consider our request and act
favorably on it.
Signatures : Archbishop Karol Kmet'ko of Nitra; Bishop
Joseph C<irsky of Kosice; Bishop Andrej skr<ibik, Banska
Bystrica; Bishop Joseph Toman6cy, Bishop Karol Jantausch, and Bishop Edward Necsey, Auxiliary of Nitra.
* On October 6, 1938, all parties except the Communists and Social
Democrats, joined forces at 2ilina to demand emphatically the political
autonomy of Slovakia, as it had been repeatedly stipulated in several
agreements concluded between Czechs and Slovaks since 1914, v. i.: The
Pittsburgh Agreement, etc.
** In the letter Horthy demanded the split-up of Slovakia among
Germany, Hungary and Poland.
*** The date referred to marks the "partisan" uprising in Slovakia
which Dr. Tiso is accused of having failed to support.
"The execution of Dr. Joseph Tiso, who loved his people and served
them conscientious ly throughout his life, will undoubtedly inspire
thousands of his brethren to continue the fight for the inherent and
God-given rights of the Slovak nation." - John Sabol, Secretary First
Catholic Slovak Union, Cleveland, Ohio, April 30, 1947.
�
40
SLOVAKIA
Slovak Bishops Appeal
on Behalf of President Tiso
(In view of the trial of Msgr. Joseph Tiso, former President of
Slovakia, the following letter addressed January 8, 1946 by the Bishops
of Slovakia to the Slovak National Council is of particulad interest. )
N.C.W.C. NEWS SERVICE
In the course of recent years, the Catholic Bishops of
Slovakia have often pleaded with government authorities
on behalf of all who suffered, were imprisoned or persecuted. They did so for all, Catholics and non-Catholics.
The example of the Divine Samaritan and His positive
command inspired us and urged us to raise our protective
voice in the interest of people who suffered pernecution
for political reasons or even because of their race. We did
so at a time when we had to expect nothing but various
inconveniences for our intervention.
In taking the liberty today of graciously recommending
to your good will the fate of the former president Dr.
Joseph Tiso, we do so inspired by the most noble example
of all history, the command given in the Gospel and which
we also have before us at the present hour.
We are motivated not only by the fact that the case
concerns a priest of the Catholic Church, but also because
the disposition of his personal problem is bound to have
a deep effect upon the sentiment and conduct of a part
of the Slovak nation with regard to reconstituted CzechoSlovakia and her representatives.
We are also urged to take this action by the reality,
that is generally known and admitted by every objective
observer, that Dr. Joseph Tiso has always been a zealous
priest of unimpeachable character. In his extensive labors
he always endeavored to work for the common good and
never enriched himself thereby.
The exercise of justice is one of the most difficult tasks
of state authority. Experience teaches that this task, difficult enough in itself becomes an even more delicate one
when it is concerned with political delicts. History shows
�SLOVAKIA
4.1
how many burdensome fateful errors have been made
particularly at political trials, since it is a most difficult
task to judge impartially the activities of a political
opponent. It is, therefore, by no means a rare occurence
that after severe sentences were pronounced in political
trials, a demand for their revision arose sooner or later.
In judging the activities of a statesman, even his
intentions must also be taken into consideration. The
predominant majority of the Slovak people shares our
convictions that Dr. Joseph Tiso in his public activity was
animated by the best intentions.
No doubt, mistakes were made. At the time, the Catholic Bishops of Slovakia did not hesitate to call them to
his attention. However, we must disregard the well-known
fact that even the shrewdest politicians can commit very
serious errors. Yet the unprejudiced observer, be he a
contemporary or historian, can render objective judgment
only if he takes into consideration the good and positive
(elements) in the activities of a statesman. And this factor
will often outweigh the errors committed by politicians as
the result of their weakness.
It will not be irrelevant to consider from another point
of view the errors charged to Dr. Tiso. We graciously point
at least to some of their circumstances.
Recent declarations by the present governmental representatives make the incidents of zilina of October 1938*
appear in a light different from that which party propaganda seeks to spread among the public. Even the press
has shown that practically all Slovak political parties
participated in these political changes.
Attention must also be called to the important document which has been made public in the course of the
Nuremberg trial, viz. the letter sent to Berlin by the former
Magyar leader of the empire, Horthy, on March 13, 1939.**
This important circumstance, too, throws a different light
on the decisions made by Tiso and his regime on March
14, 1939. We must think what would have been the fate
of the Slovak people if Horthy's plan had been carried
through.
We also know that after the publication of the antiJewish laws, Dr. Tiso was willing to resign the presidency.
That he did not do so happened only because he tried to
�42
SLOVAKIA
hamper and alleviate the consequen ces of these decrees
and also to prevent a greater evil. It is worth considerin g
the fact that Tiso was unable to prevent what the government chief of Hungary, a country far larger and more
independen t than Slovakia, equally failed to prevent.
After considerin g all the circumstan ces it may also
be possible to evaluate the other errors charged to Dr.
Tiso (for instance, the war in the east, the events of August
29, 1944,***) in a manner different from that employed
by a prejudiced propagand a.
The entire Slovak public is following the developme nt
situation concerning Dr. Tiso with keen interest,
the
of
and the great majority is taking a negative stand to the
efforts that would incite hatred against his person. This
is bound to increase the unfortunat e division of the nation,
which now should be united and exerting all its strength
for reconstruc tion.
A settlement of the Tiso case in a spirit of understand ing and without any unscrupulo us severity would be an
accomplish ment of political vision and will greatly serve
the peace of the nation. These higher motives prompt us
to graciously ask you to consider our request and act
favorably on it.
Signatures : Archbishop Karol Kmet'ko of Nitra; Bishop
Joseph C<irsky of Kosice; Bishop Andrej skr<ibik, Banska
Bystrica; Bishop Joseph Toman6cy, Bishop Karol Jantausch, and Bishop Edward Necsey, Auxiliary of Nitra.
* On October 6, 1938, all parties except the Communists and Social
Democrats, joined forces at 2ilina to demand emphatically the political
autonomy of Slovakia, as it had been repeatedly stipulated in several
agreements concluded between Czechs and Slovaks since 1914, v. i.: The
Pittsburgh Agreement, etc.
** In the letter Horthy demanded the split-up of Slovakia among
Germany, Hungary and Poland.
*** The date referred to marks the "partisan" uprising in Slovakia
which Dr. Tiso is accused of having failed to support.
"The execution of Dr. Joseph Tiso, who loved his people and served
them conscientious ly throughout his life, will undoubtedly inspire
thousands of his brethren to continue the fight for the inherent and
God-given rights of the Slovak nation." - John Sabol, Secretary First
Catholic Slovak Union, Cleveland, Ohio, April 30, 1947.
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
1972, Vol. 22
Description
An account of the resource
Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972.
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
The Slovak League of America
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1972
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Text
Any textual data included in the document
40
SLOVAKIA
Slovak Bishops Appeal
on Behalf of President Tiso
(In view of the trial of Msgr. Joseph Tiso, former President of
Slovakia, the following letter addressed January 8, 1946 by the Bishops
of Slovakia to the Slovak National Council is of particulad interest. )
N.C.W.C. NEWS SERVICE
In the course of recent years, the Catholic Bishops of
Slovakia have often pleaded with government authorities
on behalf of all who suffered, were imprisoned or persecuted. They did so for all, Catholics and non-Catholics.
The example of the Divine Samaritan and His positive
command inspired us and urged us to raise our protective
voice in the interest of people who suffered pernecution
for political reasons or even because of their race. We did
so at a time when we had to expect nothing but various
inconveniences for our intervention.
In taking the liberty today of graciously recommending
to your good will the fate of the former president Dr.
Joseph Tiso, we do so inspired by the most noble example
of all history, the command given in the Gospel and which
we also have before us at the present hour.
We are motivated not only by the fact that the case
concerns a priest of the Catholic Church, but also because
the disposition of his personal problem is bound to have
a deep effect upon the sentiment and conduct of a part
of the Slovak nation with regard to reconstituted CzechoSlovakia and her representatives.
We are also urged to take this action by the reality,
that is generally known and admitted by every objective
observer, that Dr. Joseph Tiso has always been a zealous
priest of unimpeachable character. In his extensive labors
he always endeavored to work for the common good and
never enriched himself thereby.
The exercise of justice is one of the most difficult tasks
of state authority. Experience teaches that this task, difficult enough in itself becomes an even more delicate one
when it is concerned with political delicts. History shows
SLOVAKIA
4.1
how many burdensome fateful errors have been made
particularly at political trials, since it is a most difficult
task to judge impartially the activities of a political
opponent. It is, therefore, by no means a rare occurence
that after severe sentences were pronounced in political
trials, a demand for their revision arose sooner or later.
In judging the activities of a statesman, even his
intentions must also be taken into consideration. The
predominant majority of the Slovak people shares our
convictions that Dr. Joseph Tiso in his public activity was
animated by the best intentions.
No doubt, mistakes were made. At the time, the Catholic Bishops of Slovakia did not hesitate to call them to
his attention. However, we must disregard the well-known
fact that even the shrewdest politicians can commit very
serious errors. Yet the unprejudiced observer, be he a
contemporary or historian, can render objective judgment
only if he takes into consideration the good and positive
(elements) in the activities of a statesman. And this factor
will often outweigh the errors committed by politicians as
the result of their weakness.
It will not be irrelevant to consider from another point
of view the errors charged to Dr. Tiso. We graciously point
at least to some of their circumstances.
Recent declarations by the present governmental representatives make the incidents of zilina of October 1938*
appear in a light different from that which party propaganda seeks to spread among the public. Even the press
has shown that practically all Slovak political parties
participated in these political changes.
Attention must also be called to the important document which has been made public in the course of the
Nuremberg trial, viz. the letter sent to Berlin by the former
Magyar leader of the empire, Horthy, on March 13, 1939.**
This important circumstance, too, throws a different light
on the decisions made by Tiso and his regime on March
14, 1939. We must think what would have been the fate
of the Slovak people if Horthy's plan had been carried
through.
We also know that after the publication of the antiJewish laws, Dr. Tiso was willing to resign the presidency.
That he did not do so happened only because he tried to
42
SLOVAKIA
hamper and alleviate the consequen ces of these decrees
and also to prevent a greater evil. It is worth considerin g
the fact that Tiso was unable to prevent what the government chief of Hungary, a country far larger and more
independen t than Slovakia, equally failed to prevent.
After considerin g all the circumstan ces it may also
be possible to evaluate the other errors charged to Dr.
Tiso (for instance, the war in the east, the events of August
29, 1944,***) in a manner different from that employed
by a prejudiced propagand a.
The entire Slovak public is following the developme nt
situation concerning Dr. Tiso with keen interest,
the
of
and the great majority is taking a negative stand to the
efforts that would incite hatred against his person. This
is bound to increase the unfortunat e division of the nation,
which now should be united and exerting all its strength
for reconstruc tion.
A settlement of the Tiso case in a spirit of understand ing and without any unscrupulo us severity would be an
accomplish ment of political vision and will greatly serve
the peace of the nation. These higher motives prompt us
to graciously ask you to consider our request and act
favorably on it.
Signatures : Archbishop Karol Kmet'ko of Nitra; Bishop
Joseph C<irsky of Kosice; Bishop Andrej skr<ibik, Banska
Bystrica; Bishop Joseph Toman6cy, Bishop Karol Jantausch, and Bishop Edward Necsey, Auxiliary of Nitra.
* On October 6, 1938, all parties except the Communists and Social
Democrats, joined forces at 2ilina to demand emphatically the political
autonomy of Slovakia, as it had been repeatedly stipulated in several
agreements concluded between Czechs and Slovaks since 1914, v. i.: The
Pittsburgh Agreement, etc.
** In the letter Horthy demanded the split-up of Slovakia among
Germany, Hungary and Poland.
*** The date referred to marks the "partisan" uprising in Slovakia
which Dr. Tiso is accused of having failed to support.
"The execution of Dr. Joseph Tiso, who loved his people and served
them conscientious ly throughout his life, will undoubtedly inspire
thousands of his brethren to continue the fight for the inherent and
God-given rights of the Slovak nation." - John Sabol, Secretary First
Catholic Slovak Union, Cleveland, Ohio, April 30, 1947.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Slovak Bishops Appeal on Behalf of President Tiso
Description
An account of the resource
N.C.W.C. News Service
Letter by the Bishops of Slovakia to the Slovak National Council, January 8, 1946
Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972
pp. 40-42
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1972
-
https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/9b9b3c6eab5d3f9227a036adee4be991.pdf
8384edaaf1e310b34172cfe6933180ee
PDF Text
Text
SLOVAKIA
Paul KO
43
t Va :
Who Killed Dr. Tiso?
The sentence of death was pronounc ed on presiden t
Dr. Joseph Tiso "in the name of the Republic and the
Slovak nation." Logically then, the responsib ility for the
execution of the sentence falls on the Czecho-S lovak republic and the Slovak nation.
In this case who was the "Republi c?"
Nobody else but Dr. Edward Benes.
And in this case who was the "Slovak nation"?
Nobody else but the Slovak National Council (SNC)
in Bratislav a, which was, accordin g to the Prague Agreement of June 1, 1945, not only the authorize d represen tative
of the self-exist ence of the Slovak nation, but also the
bearer of state power (legislativ e, administ rative and
executive ) in Slovak territory ."
This, then, is quite clear: the "Republi c" was Dr.
Edward Benes, and the "Slovak nation" was the Slovak
National Council.
GEORGE DID IT!
But nobody wanted to take the responsib ility for the
ignomini ous death of Dr. Joseph Tiso. In the central organ
of the Democra tic Party, "CAS" (Time), dated April 23,
1947, there appeared the article entitled "What Actually
Happene d?" wherein the blackgua rds, who did their black
and filthy duty, are cleansing themselv es. They want to
shake of all responsib ility and place the whole blame on
Prague, as if the sentence of death was pronounc ed against
Tiso only "in the name of the Republic ," and not also "in
the name of the Slovak nation."
Dr. Tiso had appealed for mercy with the express
remark, that he was asking it "only on moral grounds. "
The newspap er "Cas" says that the chief prosecut or recommend ed the appeal for mercy to the National Court.
But the National Court, with Dr. Daxner presiding , decided :
"not to recomme nd mercy for Tiso."
"The fate of the condemn ed Tiso," says "Cas", "was
thus sealed; the execution was to follow in 48 hours.''
�44
SLOVAKIA
THE PARAGRAPHS
On the basis of what paragraphs was the fate of Tiso
sealed?
"Cas" tells us that it was on the basis of paragraph
19 of decree number 33-1945 of the Slovak National
Council, in the sense of decree No. 57-1946 of the Colection
of Decrees of the Slovak National Council.
Therefore the Slovak National Council was responsible
for the fact that Dr. Tiso had to be executed within 48
hours, because it had written, accepted and proclaimed
such decrees and such paragraphs as the valid law in
Slovak territory.
The guilty party, then, was and still is the Slovak
National Council.
The Slovak National Council must have realized this,
even though rather late, and its brain suddenly began to
function. The gentlemen, proud of their paragraphs, had
a concrete case before them: the life or death of Dr. Tiso.
And it was then that their own paragraphs began to
displease them. "According to the valid law," says CAS,
"there now was no ground whereby anyone except the
president of the Republic, might deal with the question
of mercy." In this case the paragraphs of the SNC decrees,
mentioned above, were responsible for that situation.
THE SNC PEOPLE
But the gentlemen of the Slovak National Council
disregarded this fact and acted as if they actually were
very much concerned with the saving of the life of Dr. Tiso.
Without any legal foundation the National Court presented this appeal to the Trustee (Commissar) of the
Judiciary (Dr. Stefanik), who in turn without any legal
basis sent it on to the presidency of the SNC.
And so it happened that the executive committee of the
SNC had a session the day after sentence was pronounced,
on April 16, and began to deliberate. It was then ascertained
that "the views of the representatives of the Democratic
and Communist parties were completely divergent on the
question of granting mercy." The Democrats were for
granting mercy and the Communists against. So the matter
was returned to the Justice of the Supreme Court, whowithout any legal basis-prepared the motion in which he
recommended the granting of mercy.
�SLOVAKIA
45
In the meantime the 48 hours were almost expended.
The presidency of the Slovak National Council quickly
took the Trustee's motion and sent it on to the central
Government in Prague without adding a single word of
recommendation. Let Prague plague itself with the whole
case! Annas too once sent Christ to Caiphas, and Caiphas
in turn sent him to Pilate. Everybody wanted to shake off
all responsibility.
PRAGUE: NO MERCY!
The central Government in Prague thus received the
Slovak motion: the Trustee of the Judiciary recommends
mercy for Tiso; the presidency of the Slovak National
Council presents this motion, but adds no comment to it
for the central Government. "Cas" now wants to suggest
to its readers what it forgot to suggest to the central
Government, namely, that "The Trustee's presentation of
the official notice to the Government to grant mercy is
in accord also with the recommendation of the presidency
of the Slovak National Council."
The Pharisees in Prague, that is the central Government, convened at 5 p. m. on April 16th and debated
whether they should present the plea for mercy to president
Benes or not. The issue was balloted. The Ministers of the
Democratic Party and sramek's Party (the Czech Catholic
People's Party) voted for mercy, but the Communists,
Social-Democratic Ministers, as well as those of Benes's
Party (the Czech Nazi Party), voted against it. Since the
Democrats and the followers of Sramek cast only 6 votes,
they remained in the minority, and the motion of the
majority of the central Government come to Benes: not
to grant mercy to Tiso.
DR. LETTRICH: NO CONTACT
It was at this time that the president of the Slovak
National Council, Dr. Joseph Lettrich, began to act-but
again without any legal basis. "Cas" writes that "there
were also many serious, non-political factoiis, for example,
both the Catholic Church and the Evangelical Church," that
were for the granting of mercy. Our information, therefore,
that not only the Catholic but even the Evangelical Bishops
intervened to save Tiso's life, proved to be correct. On
purely partisan-political grounds even Dr. Lettrich heeded
�46
SLOVAKIA
this pressure and personally began to intervene by calling
directly to Benes's office.
"Dr. Lettrich," writes CAS, "urgently called the president of the Republic, Benes, five times in the evening of
April 16th so that he could explain to him just how the
Democratic Party stow on the issue. The message was
taken by the personal secretary of the President, Dr.
skarvan."
Thus, "the representative" of the Slovak nation, the
president of the Slovak National Council, Dr. Lettrich, in
an urgent matter, a matter in which both the Catholic
Church and the Evangelical church were intervening, called
the representative of the Republic, Dr. Benes, five times
by phone. But "CAS" conveniently forgets to report just
how many of those times Dr. Lettrich got Benes personally
to the phone. "CAS" modestly reports that the "representative" of the Slovak nation spoke with the personal secretary
of "Mr. President," Dr. i:3karvan. Behold the heights attained
by the "representative" of the Slovak nation! He could
tell young skarvan "how the Democratic Party stood on
the issue" but he could not tell it to Benes!
That really was a miserable and pitiful situation to
be in. It shows how Dr. Benes, the representative of the
Czecho-Slovak Republic, regards and values Dr. Lettrich,
the representative of the Slovak nation.
How different things were when Slovakia was represented by the Slovak autonomists! At that time president
Dr. Emil Ha.cha set in Benes's place in the Prague Castle.
Slovakia had two prime ministers, first Dr. Joseph Tiso,
and then Karol Sidor. When Dr. Tiso or Sidor in Bratislava
wanted to talk with president Ha.cha in Prague, they lifted
the telephone receiver and forthwith had president Ha.cha
on the other end of the telephone. There were no "personal
secretaries" in between. The representatives of Slovakia
spoke directly and without delay with the representative
of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. We read in the proceedings
of the Tiso trial that Dr. Tiso, as late as March 13, 1939,
called Dr. Ha.cha from Berlin and spoke to him over the
telephone personally.
And here Lettrich calls president Benes five times,
who does not answer him once, but leaves that matter
to his personal secretary, Dr. skarvan . . .
�SLOVAKIA
47
DECREES MADE TO KILL
Who, then, is responsible for the death of president
Dr. Tiso?
Blame it on the paragraphs, the decrees of the Slovak
National Council. And who wrote those paragraphs? Dr.
Lettrich and all the members of the SNC, therefore both
the Democrats and the Communists who voted for them.
These paragraphs were compiled to kill and not to
protect Slovak lives. How many Slovaks already paid with
their lives and how many hundreds of years of imprisonment were meted out to Slovaks on the basis of these
paragraphs!? That, all of that, is the merit of the present
representatives of Slovakia who wrote, accepted and voted
for these paragraphs.
Added to all of this, they themselves surrendered the
right to grant mercy to those who shall be condemned on
the basis of these, their paragraphs.
When it became clear that Dr. Tiso would be tried,
a new Prague Agreement was quickly concluded on April
11,1946. Its first article, point b) says:
"The President of the Republic (Dr. Benes ) grants
mercy even in Slovakia and that even in matters pertaining
to the people's courts and the National Court."
Dr. Martin Kvetko, in his book "Agreements" (issued
in 1947 in Bratislava ) says the following about that paragraph on page 57:
"Up to the time of this agreement-i. e. up to April
11, 1946-appeals of the convicted were decided by the
presidency of the Slovak National Council. By the agreement the authority is correctly ( ! ! ) transferred to the
President, so that even in this case the validity of the
Constitution be renewed as the basis of state unity."
So the gentlemen of the SNC were renewing "the
validity of the Constitution" of 1920 that was centralistic
and anti-Slovak; they were making "the foundation of
state unity," so they surrendered, in the interests of Benes,
the right to grant mercy to convicted Slovaks, and so they
themselves destroyed the legal balSis, on the strength of
which, up to April 11 , 1946, they could save the life of
Dr. Tiso and the lives of so many other Slovaks without
Benes and without the central Government, nay even
against the will of Benes and against the will of the central
Government!
(April, 1947 )
�
SLOVAKIA
Paul KO
43
t Va :
Who Killed Dr. Tiso?
The sentence of death was pronounc ed on presiden t
Dr. Joseph Tiso "in the name of the Republic and the
Slovak nation." Logically then, the responsib ility for the
execution of the sentence falls on the Czecho-S lovak republic and the Slovak nation.
In this case who was the "Republi c?"
Nobody else but Dr. Edward Benes.
And in this case who was the "Slovak nation"?
Nobody else but the Slovak National Council (SNC)
in Bratislav a, which was, accordin g to the Prague Agreement of June 1, 1945, not only the authorize d represen tative
of the self-exist ence of the Slovak nation, but also the
bearer of state power (legislativ e, administ rative and
executive ) in Slovak territory ."
This, then, is quite clear: the "Republi c" was Dr.
Edward Benes, and the "Slovak nation" was the Slovak
National Council.
GEORGE DID IT!
But nobody wanted to take the responsib ility for the
ignomini ous death of Dr. Joseph Tiso. In the central organ
of the Democra tic Party, "CAS" (Time), dated April 23,
1947, there appeared the article entitled "What Actually
Happene d?" wherein the blackgua rds, who did their black
and filthy duty, are cleansing themselv es. They want to
shake of all responsib ility and place the whole blame on
Prague, as if the sentence of death was pronounc ed against
Tiso only "in the name of the Republic ," and not also "in
the name of the Slovak nation."
Dr. Tiso had appealed for mercy with the express
remark, that he was asking it "only on moral grounds. "
The newspap er "Cas" says that the chief prosecut or recommend ed the appeal for mercy to the National Court.
But the National Court, with Dr. Daxner presiding , decided :
"not to recomme nd mercy for Tiso."
"The fate of the condemn ed Tiso," says "Cas", "was
thus sealed; the execution was to follow in 48 hours.''
�44
SLOVAKIA
THE PARAGRAPHS
On the basis of what paragraphs was the fate of Tiso
sealed?
"Cas" tells us that it was on the basis of paragraph
19 of decree number 33-1945 of the Slovak National
Council, in the sense of decree No. 57-1946 of the Colection
of Decrees of the Slovak National Council.
Therefore the Slovak National Council was responsible
for the fact that Dr. Tiso had to be executed within 48
hours, because it had written, accepted and proclaimed
such decrees and such paragraphs as the valid law in
Slovak territory.
The guilty party, then, was and still is the Slovak
National Council.
The Slovak National Council must have realized this,
even though rather late, and its brain suddenly began to
function. The gentlemen, proud of their paragraphs, had
a concrete case before them: the life or death of Dr. Tiso.
And it was then that their own paragraphs began to
displease them. "According to the valid law," says CAS,
"there now was no ground whereby anyone except the
president of the Republic, might deal with the question
of mercy." In this case the paragraphs of the SNC decrees,
mentioned above, were responsible for that situation.
THE SNC PEOPLE
But the gentlemen of the Slovak National Council
disregarded this fact and acted as if they actually were
very much concerned with the saving of the life of Dr. Tiso.
Without any legal foundation the National Court presented this appeal to the Trustee (Commissar) of the
Judiciary (Dr. Stefanik), who in turn without any legal
basis sent it on to the presidency of the SNC.
And so it happened that the executive committee of the
SNC had a session the day after sentence was pronounced,
on April 16, and began to deliberate. It was then ascertained
that "the views of the representatives of the Democratic
and Communist parties were completely divergent on the
question of granting mercy." The Democrats were for
granting mercy and the Communists against. So the matter
was returned to the Justice of the Supreme Court, whowithout any legal basis-prepared the motion in which he
recommended the granting of mercy.
�SLOVAKIA
45
In the meantime the 48 hours were almost expended.
The presidency of the Slovak National Council quickly
took the Trustee's motion and sent it on to the central
Government in Prague without adding a single word of
recommendation. Let Prague plague itself with the whole
case! Annas too once sent Christ to Caiphas, and Caiphas
in turn sent him to Pilate. Everybody wanted to shake off
all responsibility.
PRAGUE: NO MERCY!
The central Government in Prague thus received the
Slovak motion: the Trustee of the Judiciary recommends
mercy for Tiso; the presidency of the Slovak National
Council presents this motion, but adds no comment to it
for the central Government. "Cas" now wants to suggest
to its readers what it forgot to suggest to the central
Government, namely, that "The Trustee's presentation of
the official notice to the Government to grant mercy is
in accord also with the recommendation of the presidency
of the Slovak National Council."
The Pharisees in Prague, that is the central Government, convened at 5 p. m. on April 16th and debated
whether they should present the plea for mercy to president
Benes or not. The issue was balloted. The Ministers of the
Democratic Party and sramek's Party (the Czech Catholic
People's Party) voted for mercy, but the Communists,
Social-Democratic Ministers, as well as those of Benes's
Party (the Czech Nazi Party), voted against it. Since the
Democrats and the followers of Sramek cast only 6 votes,
they remained in the minority, and the motion of the
majority of the central Government come to Benes: not
to grant mercy to Tiso.
DR. LETTRICH: NO CONTACT
It was at this time that the president of the Slovak
National Council, Dr. Joseph Lettrich, began to act-but
again without any legal basis. "Cas" writes that "there
were also many serious, non-political factoiis, for example,
both the Catholic Church and the Evangelical Church," that
were for the granting of mercy. Our information, therefore,
that not only the Catholic but even the Evangelical Bishops
intervened to save Tiso's life, proved to be correct. On
purely partisan-political grounds even Dr. Lettrich heeded
�46
SLOVAKIA
this pressure and personally began to intervene by calling
directly to Benes's office.
"Dr. Lettrich," writes CAS, "urgently called the president of the Republic, Benes, five times in the evening of
April 16th so that he could explain to him just how the
Democratic Party stow on the issue. The message was
taken by the personal secretary of the President, Dr.
skarvan."
Thus, "the representative" of the Slovak nation, the
president of the Slovak National Council, Dr. Lettrich, in
an urgent matter, a matter in which both the Catholic
Church and the Evangelical church were intervening, called
the representative of the Republic, Dr. Benes, five times
by phone. But "CAS" conveniently forgets to report just
how many of those times Dr. Lettrich got Benes personally
to the phone. "CAS" modestly reports that the "representative" of the Slovak nation spoke with the personal secretary
of "Mr. President," Dr. i:3karvan. Behold the heights attained
by the "representative" of the Slovak nation! He could
tell young skarvan "how the Democratic Party stood on
the issue" but he could not tell it to Benes!
That really was a miserable and pitiful situation to
be in. It shows how Dr. Benes, the representative of the
Czecho-Slovak Republic, regards and values Dr. Lettrich,
the representative of the Slovak nation.
How different things were when Slovakia was represented by the Slovak autonomists! At that time president
Dr. Emil Ha.cha set in Benes's place in the Prague Castle.
Slovakia had two prime ministers, first Dr. Joseph Tiso,
and then Karol Sidor. When Dr. Tiso or Sidor in Bratislava
wanted to talk with president Ha.cha in Prague, they lifted
the telephone receiver and forthwith had president Ha.cha
on the other end of the telephone. There were no "personal
secretaries" in between. The representatives of Slovakia
spoke directly and without delay with the representative
of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. We read in the proceedings
of the Tiso trial that Dr. Tiso, as late as March 13, 1939,
called Dr. Ha.cha from Berlin and spoke to him over the
telephone personally.
And here Lettrich calls president Benes five times,
who does not answer him once, but leaves that matter
to his personal secretary, Dr. skarvan . . .
�SLOVAKIA
47
DECREES MADE TO KILL
Who, then, is responsible for the death of president
Dr. Tiso?
Blame it on the paragraphs, the decrees of the Slovak
National Council. And who wrote those paragraphs? Dr.
Lettrich and all the members of the SNC, therefore both
the Democrats and the Communists who voted for them.
These paragraphs were compiled to kill and not to
protect Slovak lives. How many Slovaks already paid with
their lives and how many hundreds of years of imprisonment were meted out to Slovaks on the basis of these
paragraphs!? That, all of that, is the merit of the present
representatives of Slovakia who wrote, accepted and voted
for these paragraphs.
Added to all of this, they themselves surrendered the
right to grant mercy to those who shall be condemned on
the basis of these, their paragraphs.
When it became clear that Dr. Tiso would be tried,
a new Prague Agreement was quickly concluded on April
11,1946. Its first article, point b) says:
"The President of the Republic (Dr. Benes ) grants
mercy even in Slovakia and that even in matters pertaining
to the people's courts and the National Court."
Dr. Martin Kvetko, in his book "Agreements" (issued
in 1947 in Bratislava ) says the following about that paragraph on page 57:
"Up to the time of this agreement-i. e. up to April
11, 1946-appeals of the convicted were decided by the
presidency of the Slovak National Council. By the agreement the authority is correctly ( ! ! ) transferred to the
President, so that even in this case the validity of the
Constitution be renewed as the basis of state unity."
So the gentlemen of the SNC were renewing "the
validity of the Constitution" of 1920 that was centralistic
and anti-Slovak; they were making "the foundation of
state unity," so they surrendered, in the interests of Benes,
the right to grant mercy to convicted Slovaks, and so they
themselves destroyed the legal balSis, on the strength of
which, up to April 11 , 1946, they could save the life of
Dr. Tiso and the lives of so many other Slovaks without
Benes and without the central Government, nay even
against the will of Benes and against the will of the central
Government!
(April, 1947 )
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
1972, Vol. 22
Description
An account of the resource
Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972.
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
The Slovak League of America
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1972
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Text
Any textual data included in the document
SLOVAKIA
Paul KO
43
t Va :
Who Killed Dr. Tiso?
The sentence of death was pronounc ed on presiden t
Dr. Joseph Tiso "in the name of the Republic and the
Slovak nation." Logically then, the responsib ility for the
execution of the sentence falls on the Czecho-S lovak republic and the Slovak nation.
In this case who was the "Republi c?"
Nobody else but Dr. Edward Benes.
And in this case who was the "Slovak nation"?
Nobody else but the Slovak National Council (SNC)
in Bratislav a, which was, accordin g to the Prague Agreement of June 1, 1945, not only the authorize d represen tative
of the self-exist ence of the Slovak nation, but also the
bearer of state power (legislativ e, administ rative and
executive ) in Slovak territory ."
This, then, is quite clear: the "Republi c" was Dr.
Edward Benes, and the "Slovak nation" was the Slovak
National Council.
GEORGE DID IT!
But nobody wanted to take the responsib ility for the
ignomini ous death of Dr. Joseph Tiso. In the central organ
of the Democra tic Party, "CAS" (Time), dated April 23,
1947, there appeared the article entitled "What Actually
Happene d?" wherein the blackgua rds, who did their black
and filthy duty, are cleansing themselv es. They want to
shake of all responsib ility and place the whole blame on
Prague, as if the sentence of death was pronounc ed against
Tiso only "in the name of the Republic ," and not also "in
the name of the Slovak nation."
Dr. Tiso had appealed for mercy with the express
remark, that he was asking it "only on moral grounds. "
The newspap er "Cas" says that the chief prosecut or recommend ed the appeal for mercy to the National Court.
But the National Court, with Dr. Daxner presiding , decided :
"not to recomme nd mercy for Tiso."
"The fate of the condemn ed Tiso," says "Cas", "was
thus sealed; the execution was to follow in 48 hours.''
44
SLOVAKIA
THE PARAGRAPHS
On the basis of what paragraphs was the fate of Tiso
sealed?
"Cas" tells us that it was on the basis of paragraph
19 of decree number 33-1945 of the Slovak National
Council, in the sense of decree No. 57-1946 of the Colection
of Decrees of the Slovak National Council.
Therefore the Slovak National Council was responsible
for the fact that Dr. Tiso had to be executed within 48
hours, because it had written, accepted and proclaimed
such decrees and such paragraphs as the valid law in
Slovak territory.
The guilty party, then, was and still is the Slovak
National Council.
The Slovak National Council must have realized this,
even though rather late, and its brain suddenly began to
function. The gentlemen, proud of their paragraphs, had
a concrete case before them: the life or death of Dr. Tiso.
And it was then that their own paragraphs began to
displease them. "According to the valid law," says CAS,
"there now was no ground whereby anyone except the
president of the Republic, might deal with the question
of mercy." In this case the paragraphs of the SNC decrees,
mentioned above, were responsible for that situation.
THE SNC PEOPLE
But the gentlemen of the Slovak National Council
disregarded this fact and acted as if they actually were
very much concerned with the saving of the life of Dr. Tiso.
Without any legal foundation the National Court presented this appeal to the Trustee (Commissar) of the
Judiciary (Dr. Stefanik), who in turn without any legal
basis sent it on to the presidency of the SNC.
And so it happened that the executive committee of the
SNC had a session the day after sentence was pronounced,
on April 16, and began to deliberate. It was then ascertained
that "the views of the representatives of the Democratic
and Communist parties were completely divergent on the
question of granting mercy." The Democrats were for
granting mercy and the Communists against. So the matter
was returned to the Justice of the Supreme Court, whowithout any legal basis-prepared the motion in which he
recommended the granting of mercy.
SLOVAKIA
45
In the meantime the 48 hours were almost expended.
The presidency of the Slovak National Council quickly
took the Trustee's motion and sent it on to the central
Government in Prague without adding a single word of
recommendation. Let Prague plague itself with the whole
case! Annas too once sent Christ to Caiphas, and Caiphas
in turn sent him to Pilate. Everybody wanted to shake off
all responsibility.
PRAGUE: NO MERCY!
The central Government in Prague thus received the
Slovak motion: the Trustee of the Judiciary recommends
mercy for Tiso; the presidency of the Slovak National
Council presents this motion, but adds no comment to it
for the central Government. "Cas" now wants to suggest
to its readers what it forgot to suggest to the central
Government, namely, that "The Trustee's presentation of
the official notice to the Government to grant mercy is
in accord also with the recommendation of the presidency
of the Slovak National Council."
The Pharisees in Prague, that is the central Government, convened at 5 p. m. on April 16th and debated
whether they should present the plea for mercy to president
Benes or not. The issue was balloted. The Ministers of the
Democratic Party and sramek's Party (the Czech Catholic
People's Party) voted for mercy, but the Communists,
Social-Democratic Ministers, as well as those of Benes's
Party (the Czech Nazi Party), voted against it. Since the
Democrats and the followers of Sramek cast only 6 votes,
they remained in the minority, and the motion of the
majority of the central Government come to Benes: not
to grant mercy to Tiso.
DR. LETTRICH: NO CONTACT
It was at this time that the president of the Slovak
National Council, Dr. Joseph Lettrich, began to act-but
again without any legal basis. "Cas" writes that "there
were also many serious, non-political factoiis, for example,
both the Catholic Church and the Evangelical Church," that
were for the granting of mercy. Our information, therefore,
that not only the Catholic but even the Evangelical Bishops
intervened to save Tiso's life, proved to be correct. On
purely partisan-political grounds even Dr. Lettrich heeded
46
SLOVAKIA
this pressure and personally began to intervene by calling
directly to Benes's office.
"Dr. Lettrich," writes CAS, "urgently called the president of the Republic, Benes, five times in the evening of
April 16th so that he could explain to him just how the
Democratic Party stow on the issue. The message was
taken by the personal secretary of the President, Dr.
skarvan."
Thus, "the representative" of the Slovak nation, the
president of the Slovak National Council, Dr. Lettrich, in
an urgent matter, a matter in which both the Catholic
Church and the Evangelical church were intervening, called
the representative of the Republic, Dr. Benes, five times
by phone. But "CAS" conveniently forgets to report just
how many of those times Dr. Lettrich got Benes personally
to the phone. "CAS" modestly reports that the "representative" of the Slovak nation spoke with the personal secretary
of "Mr. President," Dr. i:3karvan. Behold the heights attained
by the "representative" of the Slovak nation! He could
tell young skarvan "how the Democratic Party stood on
the issue" but he could not tell it to Benes!
That really was a miserable and pitiful situation to
be in. It shows how Dr. Benes, the representative of the
Czecho-Slovak Republic, regards and values Dr. Lettrich,
the representative of the Slovak nation.
How different things were when Slovakia was represented by the Slovak autonomists! At that time president
Dr. Emil Ha.cha set in Benes's place in the Prague Castle.
Slovakia had two prime ministers, first Dr. Joseph Tiso,
and then Karol Sidor. When Dr. Tiso or Sidor in Bratislava
wanted to talk with president Ha.cha in Prague, they lifted
the telephone receiver and forthwith had president Ha.cha
on the other end of the telephone. There were no "personal
secretaries" in between. The representatives of Slovakia
spoke directly and without delay with the representative
of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. We read in the proceedings
of the Tiso trial that Dr. Tiso, as late as March 13, 1939,
called Dr. Ha.cha from Berlin and spoke to him over the
telephone personally.
And here Lettrich calls president Benes five times,
who does not answer him once, but leaves that matter
to his personal secretary, Dr. skarvan . . .
SLOVAKIA
47
DECREES MADE TO KILL
Who, then, is responsible for the death of president
Dr. Tiso?
Blame it on the paragraphs, the decrees of the Slovak
National Council. And who wrote those paragraphs? Dr.
Lettrich and all the members of the SNC, therefore both
the Democrats and the Communists who voted for them.
These paragraphs were compiled to kill and not to
protect Slovak lives. How many Slovaks already paid with
their lives and how many hundreds of years of imprisonment were meted out to Slovaks on the basis of these
paragraphs!? That, all of that, is the merit of the present
representatives of Slovakia who wrote, accepted and voted
for these paragraphs.
Added to all of this, they themselves surrendered the
right to grant mercy to those who shall be condemned on
the basis of these, their paragraphs.
When it became clear that Dr. Tiso would be tried,
a new Prague Agreement was quickly concluded on April
11,1946. Its first article, point b) says:
"The President of the Republic (Dr. Benes ) grants
mercy even in Slovakia and that even in matters pertaining
to the people's courts and the National Court."
Dr. Martin Kvetko, in his book "Agreements" (issued
in 1947 in Bratislava ) says the following about that paragraph on page 57:
"Up to the time of this agreement-i. e. up to April
11, 1946-appeals of the convicted were decided by the
presidency of the Slovak National Council. By the agreement the authority is correctly ( ! ! ) transferred to the
President, so that even in this case the validity of the
Constitution be renewed as the basis of state unity."
So the gentlemen of the SNC were renewing "the
validity of the Constitution" of 1920 that was centralistic
and anti-Slovak; they were making "the foundation of
state unity," so they surrendered, in the interests of Benes,
the right to grant mercy to convicted Slovaks, and so they
themselves destroyed the legal balSis, on the strength of
which, up to April 11 , 1946, they could save the life of
Dr. Tiso and the lives of so many other Slovaks without
Benes and without the central Government, nay even
against the will of Benes and against the will of the central
Government!
(April, 1947 )
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Who Killed Dr. Tiso?
Description
An account of the resource
Karol Sidor, writing as Paul Kotva
Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972
pp. 43-47
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Sidor, Karol, 1901-1953
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1972
LCNAF
-
https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/9c5a91b4d81ccee7ea296689cadfafca.pdf
a3cf960c15ff0b7080d4617154213bf3
PDF Text
Text
48
SLOVAK.IA
Priest, Teacher,
President and National Hero
Dr. Joseph Tiso, war-time president of the Slovak
Republic, was born October 13, 1887, in Vel'ka Bytca,
Slovakia. After completing his elementary training, he
studied in zilina and Nitra, then completed his theological
studies in Vienna. He was ordained priest in 1910 and
a year later attained the degree of Doctor of Theology.
Father Tiso served as chaplain in Oscadnica, Rajec
and Banovce. In 1914 he served in the army as field
chaplain and in 1915 was named spiritual director of the
seminary at Nitra and professor of religion at the college
and high school there. In 1918 he was appointed professor
of theology. In 1921, he was honored by the Holy Father
with the title of Monsignor.
Dr. Joseph Tiso was very active as an organizer and
writer. He was imprisoned twice by the government for
"anti-state" activities, the general term for anything that
did not coincide with the political ideology of the government. While incarcerated Dr. Tiso tranlated several apologetic works into Slovak. Father Tiso was truly a man of
his people and for his people. He strained every effort
to elevate them spiritually and materially.
In 1924 Dr. Joseph Tiso became pastor of the church
at Banovce and served the spiritual and temporal needs
of the people there until he was imprisoned in 1945. As
a member of Hlinka's People's Party, he was elected to
parliament in 1925 and in 1927 was appointed Minister of
Health and Physical Culture by the Masaryk regime.
Dr . Tiso visited America only once; that was in 1937
when he came as a member of a delegation of the Society
of St. Adalbert, Slovakia's greatest Catholic publishing
house.
When Slovakia was granted autonomy on October 6,
1938, the Prague government named Dr. Tiso premier of
the autonomous Slovak government. The following year,
when Czecho-Slovakia collapsed completely, the Slovak
�SLOVAKIA
49
parliament declared the independence of Slovakia on March
14. The parliament elected Dr. Joseph Tiso president of
the independent Slovak Republic on October 26, 1939.
Under Tiso's guidance Slovakia fared quite well even
during the war years. He saved whatever he could for his
nation. Even his political enemies admit that. When the
wild Red armies tore toward Bratislava, Dr. Joseph Tiso
and the Slovak government withdrew to Kremsmtinster.
Austria, where they formally surrendered to the U.S. Army.
At the insistence of the provisional Czecho-Slovak government, the U. S Department of State ordered the U.S. Army
authorities in Austria to surrender Dr. Tiso and his group
to the Czecho-Slovak War Crimes Commission. In November 1945 Dr. Tiso and members of the Slovak government
were delivered to Czecho-Slovak authorities though their
status was never investigated by the U. S. authorities.
From Prague Dr. Tiso and several of his group were
sent to Bratislava to stand trial before the Slovak National
Court. The trial began December 2, 1946, and ended March
14, 1947. Sentence was pronounced by the Court on April
15, and Father Tiso, reciting the rosary out loud, was led
to the gallows at 5.30 A.M. on April 18, 1947; he was
pronounced dead seven minutes later. Slovaks the world
over agree with Father Tiso's aged mother: Dr. Tiso died
a martyr for the cause of his people and his Church.
Bratislav a. It has been noted that representatives of foreign
news agencies who "covered" the first days of the trial left Bratislava
about ten days ago and r eturned to Prague where they obtained
information on the progress of the trial from second-hand sources. In
view of these conditions it appears doubtful to observers personally
present at the trial whether foreign public opinion is being enabled
to gain an authentic and objective view of the defense presented by
Dr. Tiso against the 113 charges in the 212-page indictment. - J an
Mauthner Special Correspondent, N.C.W.C. News Service, January 1.
1947.
"Dr. Tiso died for his Church and his nation. He always did and
ever shall belong to us. We bow our heads to his memory and pray for
his soul that his martyr's death encourage us to greater sacrifices for
genuine freedom according to the Four Freedoms and the Atlantic
Charter. " - Msgr. S. J . Krasula, New York City, April 30, 1947.
�
48
SLOVAK.IA
Priest, Teacher,
President and National Hero
Dr. Joseph Tiso, war-time president of the Slovak
Republic, was born October 13, 1887, in Vel'ka Bytca,
Slovakia. After completing his elementary training, he
studied in zilina and Nitra, then completed his theological
studies in Vienna. He was ordained priest in 1910 and
a year later attained the degree of Doctor of Theology.
Father Tiso served as chaplain in Oscadnica, Rajec
and Banovce. In 1914 he served in the army as field
chaplain and in 1915 was named spiritual director of the
seminary at Nitra and professor of religion at the college
and high school there. In 1918 he was appointed professor
of theology. In 1921, he was honored by the Holy Father
with the title of Monsignor.
Dr. Joseph Tiso was very active as an organizer and
writer. He was imprisoned twice by the government for
"anti-state" activities, the general term for anything that
did not coincide with the political ideology of the government. While incarcerated Dr. Tiso tranlated several apologetic works into Slovak. Father Tiso was truly a man of
his people and for his people. He strained every effort
to elevate them spiritually and materially.
In 1924 Dr. Joseph Tiso became pastor of the church
at Banovce and served the spiritual and temporal needs
of the people there until he was imprisoned in 1945. As
a member of Hlinka's People's Party, he was elected to
parliament in 1925 and in 1927 was appointed Minister of
Health and Physical Culture by the Masaryk regime.
Dr . Tiso visited America only once; that was in 1937
when he came as a member of a delegation of the Society
of St. Adalbert, Slovakia's greatest Catholic publishing
house.
When Slovakia was granted autonomy on October 6,
1938, the Prague government named Dr. Tiso premier of
the autonomous Slovak government. The following year,
when Czecho-Slovakia collapsed completely, the Slovak
�SLOVAKIA
49
parliament declared the independence of Slovakia on March
14. The parliament elected Dr. Joseph Tiso president of
the independent Slovak Republic on October 26, 1939.
Under Tiso's guidance Slovakia fared quite well even
during the war years. He saved whatever he could for his
nation. Even his political enemies admit that. When the
wild Red armies tore toward Bratislava, Dr. Joseph Tiso
and the Slovak government withdrew to Kremsmtinster.
Austria, where they formally surrendered to the U.S. Army.
At the insistence of the provisional Czecho-Slovak government, the U. S Department of State ordered the U.S. Army
authorities in Austria to surrender Dr. Tiso and his group
to the Czecho-Slovak War Crimes Commission. In November 1945 Dr. Tiso and members of the Slovak government
were delivered to Czecho-Slovak authorities though their
status was never investigated by the U. S. authorities.
From Prague Dr. Tiso and several of his group were
sent to Bratislava to stand trial before the Slovak National
Court. The trial began December 2, 1946, and ended March
14, 1947. Sentence was pronounced by the Court on April
15, and Father Tiso, reciting the rosary out loud, was led
to the gallows at 5.30 A.M. on April 18, 1947; he was
pronounced dead seven minutes later. Slovaks the world
over agree with Father Tiso's aged mother: Dr. Tiso died
a martyr for the cause of his people and his Church.
Bratislav a. It has been noted that representatives of foreign
news agencies who "covered" the first days of the trial left Bratislava
about ten days ago and r eturned to Prague where they obtained
information on the progress of the trial from second-hand sources. In
view of these conditions it appears doubtful to observers personally
present at the trial whether foreign public opinion is being enabled
to gain an authentic and objective view of the defense presented by
Dr. Tiso against the 113 charges in the 212-page indictment. - J an
Mauthner Special Correspondent, N.C.W.C. News Service, January 1.
1947.
"Dr. Tiso died for his Church and his nation. He always did and
ever shall belong to us. We bow our heads to his memory and pray for
his soul that his martyr's death encourage us to greater sacrifices for
genuine freedom according to the Four Freedoms and the Atlantic
Charter. " - Msgr. S. J . Krasula, New York City, April 30, 1947.
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
1972, Vol. 22
Description
An account of the resource
Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972.
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
The Slovak League of America
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1972
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Text
Any textual data included in the document
48
SLOVAK.IA
Priest, Teacher,
President and National Hero
Dr. Joseph Tiso, war-time president of the Slovak
Republic, was born October 13, 1887, in Vel'ka Bytca,
Slovakia. After completing his elementary training, he
studied in zilina and Nitra, then completed his theological
studies in Vienna. He was ordained priest in 1910 and
a year later attained the degree of Doctor of Theology.
Father Tiso served as chaplain in Oscadnica, Rajec
and Banovce. In 1914 he served in the army as field
chaplain and in 1915 was named spiritual director of the
seminary at Nitra and professor of religion at the college
and high school there. In 1918 he was appointed professor
of theology. In 1921, he was honored by the Holy Father
with the title of Monsignor.
Dr. Joseph Tiso was very active as an organizer and
writer. He was imprisoned twice by the government for
"anti-state" activities, the general term for anything that
did not coincide with the political ideology of the government. While incarcerated Dr. Tiso tranlated several apologetic works into Slovak. Father Tiso was truly a man of
his people and for his people. He strained every effort
to elevate them spiritually and materially.
In 1924 Dr. Joseph Tiso became pastor of the church
at Banovce and served the spiritual and temporal needs
of the people there until he was imprisoned in 1945. As
a member of Hlinka's People's Party, he was elected to
parliament in 1925 and in 1927 was appointed Minister of
Health and Physical Culture by the Masaryk regime.
Dr . Tiso visited America only once; that was in 1937
when he came as a member of a delegation of the Society
of St. Adalbert, Slovakia's greatest Catholic publishing
house.
When Slovakia was granted autonomy on October 6,
1938, the Prague government named Dr. Tiso premier of
the autonomous Slovak government. The following year,
when Czecho-Slovakia collapsed completely, the Slovak
SLOVAKIA
49
parliament declared the independence of Slovakia on March
14. The parliament elected Dr. Joseph Tiso president of
the independent Slovak Republic on October 26, 1939.
Under Tiso's guidance Slovakia fared quite well even
during the war years. He saved whatever he could for his
nation. Even his political enemies admit that. When the
wild Red armies tore toward Bratislava, Dr. Joseph Tiso
and the Slovak government withdrew to Kremsmtinster.
Austria, where they formally surrendered to the U.S. Army.
At the insistence of the provisional Czecho-Slovak government, the U. S Department of State ordered the U.S. Army
authorities in Austria to surrender Dr. Tiso and his group
to the Czecho-Slovak War Crimes Commission. In November 1945 Dr. Tiso and members of the Slovak government
were delivered to Czecho-Slovak authorities though their
status was never investigated by the U. S. authorities.
From Prague Dr. Tiso and several of his group were
sent to Bratislava to stand trial before the Slovak National
Court. The trial began December 2, 1946, and ended March
14, 1947. Sentence was pronounced by the Court on April
15, and Father Tiso, reciting the rosary out loud, was led
to the gallows at 5.30 A.M. on April 18, 1947; he was
pronounced dead seven minutes later. Slovaks the world
over agree with Father Tiso's aged mother: Dr. Tiso died
a martyr for the cause of his people and his Church.
Bratislav a. It has been noted that representatives of foreign
news agencies who "covered" the first days of the trial left Bratislava
about ten days ago and r eturned to Prague where they obtained
information on the progress of the trial from second-hand sources. In
view of these conditions it appears doubtful to observers personally
present at the trial whether foreign public opinion is being enabled
to gain an authentic and objective view of the defense presented by
Dr. Tiso against the 113 charges in the 212-page indictment. - J an
Mauthner Special Correspondent, N.C.W.C. News Service, January 1.
1947.
"Dr. Tiso died for his Church and his nation. He always did and
ever shall belong to us. We bow our heads to his memory and pray for
his soul that his martyr's death encourage us to greater sacrifices for
genuine freedom according to the Four Freedoms and the Atlantic
Charter. " - Msgr. S. J . Krasula, New York City, April 30, 1947.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Priest, Teacher, President and National Hero
Description
An account of the resource
Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972
pp. 48-49
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1972
-
https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/2747f933a62a7f150798c00cc4cb29e5.pdf
107816a44fd98f85db66c1f289bd1ab9
PDF Text
Text
50
SLOVAKIA
Dr. Jozef Tiso
His Political Creed
(EXCERPT FROM HIS DEFENSE SPEECH PRESENTED ON MARCH 17, 1947 IN THE POLITICAL TRIAL
CONDUCTED BY THE· SO-CALLED SLOVAK NATIONAL
COURT IN BRATISLAVA.)
My political involvement cannot be examined or judged
by the usual norms of political critique because essentially
it was not governed by typically prevalent political techniques. I undertake this representation of the motivation
and impelling force that prompted my political involvement
because as a Catholic priest I feel bound to this formal
deposition of testimony not only by the circumstance of
my clerical status but also out of regard for a universal
Christian outlook. Both of these considerations are cherished as top-ranking principles in my political life, but under
some spurious forms of evaluation, my political endeavors
could easily be fixed in a very misleading light.
The estimable attitude with which the Slovak Catholic
clergy is regarded and even more importantly, the exalted
position of a universal Christian outlook rightfully expect
that I shall make a public statement specifically directed
to those who may very likely conclude that in my person
they will also humiliate or confound those intrinsic values
that always reside above and beyond the person of an
individual; in this case, those values that exceed my very
person or individual self. When I appeal or draw attention
to the reality of my priestly rank and when I testify that
all my political activity was guided solely by Christian
principles which are always consonant with sound policy
making in public affairs whether the active agent be a priest
or a lay Christian statesman, I do so with no intent or need
to extenuate a fault or disguise a failing.
Just as I reprehend denying a priest the right to
function in politics simply because of the fact that he is
a priest, so do I not condone any theorizing that a priest's
�SLOVAKIA .
51
responsibility in public affairs is other than that of any
accountable citizen, for after all, that is just what a priest
is-a responsible and accountable citizen who is entitled
to all the rights of a citizen and is bound by the same
sacred obligations and duties that bind every citizen in
the land.
My reference to the fact that I am a priest sterns from
one desire only: let it ever be kept in mind that I engaged
in politics as a priest active in politics and for that reason
it is imperative that my position and my participation in
politics at all times be grasped and assessed as a priest's
conscious involvement. Consequently, there must be imputed to my public life that specific type of motivation
that is invariably associated with the character of a priest
committed to public interests and civic obligation. Open
reference to my priestly status is, then, eminently desirable
in order to open the way to the clear and only proper and
authentic mode of understanding my part in politics. On
the other hand, I am thoroughly convinced that a correct
appraisal of my political career can never be made by
anyone who does not first of all bring attention to bear
this special priestly feature of mine, by anyone who does
not admit the worthiness of priestly motivation on my
part-these attributes ( especially when they are associated
with one's public condu~t in matters of state) which can
contribute clarification for a line of conduct that otherwise
can be construed as incomprehensible or even less than
favorable when judged in the light of the average scale of
norms, and can focus it into a clearly understandable and
acceptable program of responsible action.
The life of a goal-conscious individual-and do pardon
my saying without any smacking of arrogance or conceit
that I consider myself such a one; I assert that I am
a goal-conscious person because I know just what it is
that I want-the life of such a one is much like a work
of art executed with a definite point of view in mind.
a given sighting angle for valid critical evaluation that
will assure its total appreciation. If a specific work lacks
this feature, we can stand before it as before a charmed
castle to which we hold no key. There are artistic creations
upon which we can look from several varying angles,
estimate their merits with critical eye, and yet fail to
appreciate them justly and honestly unless we approach
�52
SLOVAKIA
them from their given point of vantage. This kind of talisman for an unbiased understanding of my public life and
activities is my priestly character with all its intrinsic
dynamics and principles which have been appointed by the
determinants of Christian doctrine on behalf of public
service and public servants.
It follows very naturally then, that one does not apply
the same norms in evaluating the merits of a public
minister or a politician who has never subscribed to these
tenets. But the fact that such circumstances must be taken
into account in judging a politician who does profess this
adherence and evidences it in his conduct, this is an indispensable ingredient to that sense of objectivity on which
every public court of justice prides itself. And this situation
prevails even in cases where the law itself does not concur
with given motivating factors or identity with the principles
that enter into a specific case. Nevertheless, in the juridical
trial of the accused, these circumstances must of necessity
be taken into consideration and they must be examined
as the intention which influenced and helped to coordinate
the motives and the endeavors of the accused. Otherwise
a commitment which is not marked with some form of
self-interest or some element of redounding glory remains
forever incomprehensible or forever doomed to false interpretation of some kind. This, of course, is wholly
inadmissible in a totally objective approach to truth.
My politics was politics of a unique kind precisely
because it was undertaken by an individual who is a priest.
All my life's training and preparation was for a career
in the priesthood and not in politics. The goal of all my
schooling-formal schooling as well as self-education-was
directed to spiritual leadership. I dedicated myself to serve
God, the Church and the people of whom I was born and
among whom I hoped to bring my priestly vocation to
fruition. The ringing principles: For God and Nation!
With the people and for the people! were no hollow slogans
that I had later acquired somehow, absorbed by magnetic
acclaim, and appropriated as guiding mottoes in my life.
They are and they have ever been universally valid fundamentals. Only by and through these concepts could I have
hoped to attain the sublime ultimate objective of all my
life: The glory of God first and foremost, and then the
common good of the people.
�SLOVAKIA
53
This outlook and focus of perspectives in my life was in
no way conditioned by demagoguery or a political platform
of any kind; it was rooted in my very life's commitment
and in my pastoral ethics which mandates my identification
with the faithful of my flock together with a complete
negation of all self-interest and vain concerns. The logical
sequel to such ministerial canons culminates in the moral
conviction to represent the valid interests and needs of
the people, to further what is of benefit for the people
in general, and to support their common welfare. These
are the basics which formulated the patent guidelines of
all my priestly functioning, my official ministry which was
never circumscribed merely to aspects of immediate church
and school matters but which, by the ramification of its
social and organizational commitments and as concomitant
of these,. extended generally into the cultural, social and
economic life of my people.
I did, of course, further this rule of life theoretically
also, acting in my capacity as educator and formation
director of a younger priestly generation. In this office
I sought to imbue every young cleric who came within
the sphere of my influence with this ideal: With the people
and on behalf of the people!
Later on, in 1918, when the world of politics unmistakably summoned me into active participation, I further
elaborated my philosophy of life on the basis of this
fundamental principle and I oriented all my political
involvement toward it. In this frame of mind and with
this sense of dedication, I undertook a role in political
service and this principle alone characterized my contribution to the building of the Czecho-Slovak republic. Here
again it was concern for the people that urged me on, for
by the very dictates of the natural law I reasoned that it
will be far better for the Slovak people to co-exist in
a federated union with the Czech brother-nation rather
than to become allied in a foreign state with a non-Slavic
nation, and I moved toward mature diplomatic functioning,
especially after the Czechs repudiated any implementing
of the Pittsburgh Agreement.
After the harsh reality of the first experiences of
disenchantment with this arrangement and the increasingly
corrupt disregard of the Slovak people as public and state
positions were being filled, the more the tempo of political
�54
SLOVAKIA
activity mounted, the more clearly did I delineate my own
course of action in accord with sound norms of Christian
ethics and the more readily did I gain acquaintance with
state jurisprudence . Let no one be taken aback on realizing
that I had had no formal academic schooling in law or diplomacy. I managed to compensate for this lack by relying
on applicable theses from Christian doctrine-a practice
which was very effective and rewarding. And it was a
thoroughly correct procedure, for Christian truth is a fount
of principles for public life, all drawn from that same
natural law on which solid juristic political science is also
founded . On the other hand, too, Christian doctrine with
its tenets from the natural law, all precisely formulated,
afforded me wholly reliable foundations for outlining and
coordinating my line of conduct in my service on behalf
of the Slovak state and its rights as well as for its welfare
and progress. Christian doctrine advoc~tes that well-recognized hierarchy of values governing right order in
matters of natural vital rank : the individual, the family,
the nation.
God has endowed all three with distinctive individuality
and freedom so that each of these entities might within
itself and for itself put its energies to good use in order
to advance its own development. The duty not only to
preserve intact the individuality and freedom of these three
but even to secure for each whatever help may be needed
that they might attain their life's objective devolves upon
them as well as upon the public powers or authorities.
Consequently , when Christian teaching develops the principles, rights and duties of these three agents, it likewise
establishes norms for the discharge of public power whose
responsibility it is to promote the development of all three
agents rather than to suppress them in any way.
It is from these teachings of Christian doctrine that
I have drawn enlightenmen t on the true meaning of various
elements in juridical terminology; e. g., the nation, the
state, autonomy, concern for the whole; the concern of
an individual or of a part, as well as sanctioned means
and methods for realizing these principles-a ll this being
both morally and politically commendable . Much of my
thinking was consistently devoted to this topic and on July
5, 1939, I even chose it as the central theme of an address
which I presented at the mass meeting of Slovak Catholic
�SLOVAKIA
55
students' organization. And the more deeply I reached
into the treasure store of Christian teaching on this score.
the more satisfactory did I grasp the authentic concept
of the words: nation, state, private and public interests ,
etc.
With these developments I all the more tenaciously
adhered to the outlined program for autonomy, for in it
I saw clear fulfillment of the natural law. I perceived in it
as well the lasting guarantee of peaceful coexistence on
the part of the Czechs and the Slovaks within the totality
of one state largely because this program which encompassed self-determination was intended to guarantee to the
Slovak nation its own national individuality, its proper
identity and its free right to regulate its life so that its
cultural, social and economic evolvement would be in no
way impeded by anyone or anything.
The scope of Christian teaching, then, was for me not
only an interpreter of the natural law but through its
specialized directives for public affairs it became as well
an effective moderating factor in my political endeavors,
guiding me at all times to act with due regard for presciptions fixed by natural law. So it is no personal credit
of mine that I advocated that type of political involvement
that was characterized as moderate autonomous politics,
for this way was distinctly marked out for me by Christian
thought and principle under whose influence I was wholesomely indoctrinated to put the interests of the wholethat is, the interest of the entire nation-before any other
less universal interest, for the general good can be effective
only when the interests of the entire nation suffer no
impairment of any kind.
I chose to adopt a branch of political science founded
on such principles, motivated as I was, by no personal
interest or self-seeking, not looking for return in power
or glory but rather endeavoring in every undertaking to
attain and secure the general welfare of the Slovak nation.
Working from the key points of an autonomy program,
we set ourselves to formulate a state organism or structure
of the kind which Christian principles regard as an
instrument in the hands of a nation, a force under whose
aegis it may work out its ultimate welfare and progress.
It was this kind of distinctively Christian-founded politics
�56
SLOVAKIA
that I had in view both on March 14, 1939 and throughout
the years of Slovak independent statehood.
A change was brought about in the situation as the
nation lived its life, moving from one segment of time to
another. It was not our endeavors or doings that brought
about crises or changes; the principles of natural claims
or rights-or strictly speaking, the principles of Christian
truth-remained unalterable and it was our bounden duty
and the burden of our political position to make these
norms very much alive and effective in every situation as
it developed. We did not create the situation but we were
conscience-charged on every occasion as it presented itself
to us, to represent and to champion those immutable
principles which are destined to come to the fore in the
interests of a nation.
Today it is this aspect of politics that stands before
this legal bench, embodied in my person, though I am
improperly charged, for politics is entirely out of place
before this tribunal, especially that category of political
activity to which I was dedicated in my public life.
Translated by
Sister M. Constance Yakubov , SS.C.M.
Danville, Pennsylvania
"Monsignor Tiso's execution was a travesty of justice. The fact that
he could have remained president of the Slovak nation if he had only
bent his knee to the communist tyrant makes him a martyr of the
cause of freedom and religion. Although the Slovaks have suffered
much from their political oppressors for centuries, this is the greatest
crime against them in their historic struggle for national freedom. His
tragic death cannot help but inspire SlovalG for centuries to come to
defend their God-given political and religious rights."-Abbot Theodor e
Kojis, O.S.B., Cleveland, Ohio, April 30, 1947.
"Eduard Bene~, murderer of the freedom of the Slovak nation,
kJ.lled a g,ood man, a zealous priest of Christ, a loyal Slovak patriot, the
first president of the Slovak Republic elected by the Slovak nation.
The crime of murderer Benes is worse, uglier and more wicked than
~e crime of Cain." - Peter Pridavok, President Slovak National
Gouncil, London, England, April 30, 1947.
�
50
SLOVAKIA
Dr. Jozef Tiso
His Political Creed
(EXCERPT FROM HIS DEFENSE SPEECH PRESENTED ON MARCH 17, 1947 IN THE POLITICAL TRIAL
CONDUCTED BY THE· SO-CALLED SLOVAK NATIONAL
COURT IN BRATISLAVA.)
My political involvement cannot be examined or judged
by the usual norms of political critique because essentially
it was not governed by typically prevalent political techniques. I undertake this representation of the motivation
and impelling force that prompted my political involvement
because as a Catholic priest I feel bound to this formal
deposition of testimony not only by the circumstance of
my clerical status but also out of regard for a universal
Christian outlook. Both of these considerations are cherished as top-ranking principles in my political life, but under
some spurious forms of evaluation, my political endeavors
could easily be fixed in a very misleading light.
The estimable attitude with which the Slovak Catholic
clergy is regarded and even more importantly, the exalted
position of a universal Christian outlook rightfully expect
that I shall make a public statement specifically directed
to those who may very likely conclude that in my person
they will also humiliate or confound those intrinsic values
that always reside above and beyond the person of an
individual; in this case, those values that exceed my very
person or individual self. When I appeal or draw attention
to the reality of my priestly rank and when I testify that
all my political activity was guided solely by Christian
principles which are always consonant with sound policy
making in public affairs whether the active agent be a priest
or a lay Christian statesman, I do so with no intent or need
to extenuate a fault or disguise a failing.
Just as I reprehend denying a priest the right to
function in politics simply because of the fact that he is
a priest, so do I not condone any theorizing that a priest's
�SLOVAKIA .
51
responsibility in public affairs is other than that of any
accountable citizen, for after all, that is just what a priest
is-a responsible and accountable citizen who is entitled
to all the rights of a citizen and is bound by the same
sacred obligations and duties that bind every citizen in
the land.
My reference to the fact that I am a priest sterns from
one desire only: let it ever be kept in mind that I engaged
in politics as a priest active in politics and for that reason
it is imperative that my position and my participation in
politics at all times be grasped and assessed as a priest's
conscious involvement. Consequently, there must be imputed to my public life that specific type of motivation
that is invariably associated with the character of a priest
committed to public interests and civic obligation. Open
reference to my priestly status is, then, eminently desirable
in order to open the way to the clear and only proper and
authentic mode of understanding my part in politics. On
the other hand, I am thoroughly convinced that a correct
appraisal of my political career can never be made by
anyone who does not first of all bring attention to bear
this special priestly feature of mine, by anyone who does
not admit the worthiness of priestly motivation on my
part-these attributes ( especially when they are associated
with one's public condu~t in matters of state) which can
contribute clarification for a line of conduct that otherwise
can be construed as incomprehensible or even less than
favorable when judged in the light of the average scale of
norms, and can focus it into a clearly understandable and
acceptable program of responsible action.
The life of a goal-conscious individual-and do pardon
my saying without any smacking of arrogance or conceit
that I consider myself such a one; I assert that I am
a goal-conscious person because I know just what it is
that I want-the life of such a one is much like a work
of art executed with a definite point of view in mind.
a given sighting angle for valid critical evaluation that
will assure its total appreciation. If a specific work lacks
this feature, we can stand before it as before a charmed
castle to which we hold no key. There are artistic creations
upon which we can look from several varying angles,
estimate their merits with critical eye, and yet fail to
appreciate them justly and honestly unless we approach
�52
SLOVAKIA
them from their given point of vantage. This kind of talisman for an unbiased understanding of my public life and
activities is my priestly character with all its intrinsic
dynamics and principles which have been appointed by the
determinants of Christian doctrine on behalf of public
service and public servants.
It follows very naturally then, that one does not apply
the same norms in evaluating the merits of a public
minister or a politician who has never subscribed to these
tenets. But the fact that such circumstances must be taken
into account in judging a politician who does profess this
adherence and evidences it in his conduct, this is an indispensable ingredient to that sense of objectivity on which
every public court of justice prides itself. And this situation
prevails even in cases where the law itself does not concur
with given motivating factors or identity with the principles
that enter into a specific case. Nevertheless, in the juridical
trial of the accused, these circumstances must of necessity
be taken into consideration and they must be examined
as the intention which influenced and helped to coordinate
the motives and the endeavors of the accused. Otherwise
a commitment which is not marked with some form of
self-interest or some element of redounding glory remains
forever incomprehensible or forever doomed to false interpretation of some kind. This, of course, is wholly
inadmissible in a totally objective approach to truth.
My politics was politics of a unique kind precisely
because it was undertaken by an individual who is a priest.
All my life's training and preparation was for a career
in the priesthood and not in politics. The goal of all my
schooling-formal schooling as well as self-education-was
directed to spiritual leadership. I dedicated myself to serve
God, the Church and the people of whom I was born and
among whom I hoped to bring my priestly vocation to
fruition. The ringing principles: For God and Nation!
With the people and for the people! were no hollow slogans
that I had later acquired somehow, absorbed by magnetic
acclaim, and appropriated as guiding mottoes in my life.
They are and they have ever been universally valid fundamentals. Only by and through these concepts could I have
hoped to attain the sublime ultimate objective of all my
life: The glory of God first and foremost, and then the
common good of the people.
�SLOVAKIA
53
This outlook and focus of perspectives in my life was in
no way conditioned by demagoguery or a political platform
of any kind; it was rooted in my very life's commitment
and in my pastoral ethics which mandates my identification
with the faithful of my flock together with a complete
negation of all self-interest and vain concerns. The logical
sequel to such ministerial canons culminates in the moral
conviction to represent the valid interests and needs of
the people, to further what is of benefit for the people
in general, and to support their common welfare. These
are the basics which formulated the patent guidelines of
all my priestly functioning, my official ministry which was
never circumscribed merely to aspects of immediate church
and school matters but which, by the ramification of its
social and organizational commitments and as concomitant
of these,. extended generally into the cultural, social and
economic life of my people.
I did, of course, further this rule of life theoretically
also, acting in my capacity as educator and formation
director of a younger priestly generation. In this office
I sought to imbue every young cleric who came within
the sphere of my influence with this ideal: With the people
and on behalf of the people!
Later on, in 1918, when the world of politics unmistakably summoned me into active participation, I further
elaborated my philosophy of life on the basis of this
fundamental principle and I oriented all my political
involvement toward it. In this frame of mind and with
this sense of dedication, I undertook a role in political
service and this principle alone characterized my contribution to the building of the Czecho-Slovak republic. Here
again it was concern for the people that urged me on, for
by the very dictates of the natural law I reasoned that it
will be far better for the Slovak people to co-exist in
a federated union with the Czech brother-nation rather
than to become allied in a foreign state with a non-Slavic
nation, and I moved toward mature diplomatic functioning,
especially after the Czechs repudiated any implementing
of the Pittsburgh Agreement.
After the harsh reality of the first experiences of
disenchantment with this arrangement and the increasingly
corrupt disregard of the Slovak people as public and state
positions were being filled, the more the tempo of political
�54
SLOVAKIA
activity mounted, the more clearly did I delineate my own
course of action in accord with sound norms of Christian
ethics and the more readily did I gain acquaintance with
state jurisprudence . Let no one be taken aback on realizing
that I had had no formal academic schooling in law or diplomacy. I managed to compensate for this lack by relying
on applicable theses from Christian doctrine-a practice
which was very effective and rewarding. And it was a
thoroughly correct procedure, for Christian truth is a fount
of principles for public life, all drawn from that same
natural law on which solid juristic political science is also
founded . On the other hand, too, Christian doctrine with
its tenets from the natural law, all precisely formulated,
afforded me wholly reliable foundations for outlining and
coordinating my line of conduct in my service on behalf
of the Slovak state and its rights as well as for its welfare
and progress. Christian doctrine advoc~tes that well-recognized hierarchy of values governing right order in
matters of natural vital rank : the individual, the family,
the nation.
God has endowed all three with distinctive individuality
and freedom so that each of these entities might within
itself and for itself put its energies to good use in order
to advance its own development. The duty not only to
preserve intact the individuality and freedom of these three
but even to secure for each whatever help may be needed
that they might attain their life's objective devolves upon
them as well as upon the public powers or authorities.
Consequently , when Christian teaching develops the principles, rights and duties of these three agents, it likewise
establishes norms for the discharge of public power whose
responsibility it is to promote the development of all three
agents rather than to suppress them in any way.
It is from these teachings of Christian doctrine that
I have drawn enlightenmen t on the true meaning of various
elements in juridical terminology; e. g., the nation, the
state, autonomy, concern for the whole; the concern of
an individual or of a part, as well as sanctioned means
and methods for realizing these principles-a ll this being
both morally and politically commendable . Much of my
thinking was consistently devoted to this topic and on July
5, 1939, I even chose it as the central theme of an address
which I presented at the mass meeting of Slovak Catholic
�SLOVAKIA
55
students' organization. And the more deeply I reached
into the treasure store of Christian teaching on this score.
the more satisfactory did I grasp the authentic concept
of the words: nation, state, private and public interests ,
etc.
With these developments I all the more tenaciously
adhered to the outlined program for autonomy, for in it
I saw clear fulfillment of the natural law. I perceived in it
as well the lasting guarantee of peaceful coexistence on
the part of the Czechs and the Slovaks within the totality
of one state largely because this program which encompassed self-determination was intended to guarantee to the
Slovak nation its own national individuality, its proper
identity and its free right to regulate its life so that its
cultural, social and economic evolvement would be in no
way impeded by anyone or anything.
The scope of Christian teaching, then, was for me not
only an interpreter of the natural law but through its
specialized directives for public affairs it became as well
an effective moderating factor in my political endeavors,
guiding me at all times to act with due regard for presciptions fixed by natural law. So it is no personal credit
of mine that I advocated that type of political involvement
that was characterized as moderate autonomous politics,
for this way was distinctly marked out for me by Christian
thought and principle under whose influence I was wholesomely indoctrinated to put the interests of the wholethat is, the interest of the entire nation-before any other
less universal interest, for the general good can be effective
only when the interests of the entire nation suffer no
impairment of any kind.
I chose to adopt a branch of political science founded
on such principles, motivated as I was, by no personal
interest or self-seeking, not looking for return in power
or glory but rather endeavoring in every undertaking to
attain and secure the general welfare of the Slovak nation.
Working from the key points of an autonomy program,
we set ourselves to formulate a state organism or structure
of the kind which Christian principles regard as an
instrument in the hands of a nation, a force under whose
aegis it may work out its ultimate welfare and progress.
It was this kind of distinctively Christian-founded politics
�56
SLOVAKIA
that I had in view both on March 14, 1939 and throughout
the years of Slovak independent statehood.
A change was brought about in the situation as the
nation lived its life, moving from one segment of time to
another. It was not our endeavors or doings that brought
about crises or changes; the principles of natural claims
or rights-or strictly speaking, the principles of Christian
truth-remained unalterable and it was our bounden duty
and the burden of our political position to make these
norms very much alive and effective in every situation as
it developed. We did not create the situation but we were
conscience-charged on every occasion as it presented itself
to us, to represent and to champion those immutable
principles which are destined to come to the fore in the
interests of a nation.
Today it is this aspect of politics that stands before
this legal bench, embodied in my person, though I am
improperly charged, for politics is entirely out of place
before this tribunal, especially that category of political
activity to which I was dedicated in my public life.
Translated by
Sister M. Constance Yakubov , SS.C.M.
Danville, Pennsylvania
"Monsignor Tiso's execution was a travesty of justice. The fact that
he could have remained president of the Slovak nation if he had only
bent his knee to the communist tyrant makes him a martyr of the
cause of freedom and religion. Although the Slovaks have suffered
much from their political oppressors for centuries, this is the greatest
crime against them in their historic struggle for national freedom. His
tragic death cannot help but inspire SlovalG for centuries to come to
defend their God-given political and religious rights."-Abbot Theodor e
Kojis, O.S.B., Cleveland, Ohio, April 30, 1947.
"Eduard Bene~, murderer of the freedom of the Slovak nation,
kJ.lled a g,ood man, a zealous priest of Christ, a loyal Slovak patriot, the
first president of the Slovak Republic elected by the Slovak nation.
The crime of murderer Benes is worse, uglier and more wicked than
~e crime of Cain." - Peter Pridavok, President Slovak National
Gouncil, London, England, April 30, 1947.
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
1972, Vol. 22
Description
An account of the resource
Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972.
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
The Slovak League of America
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1972
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Text
Any textual data included in the document
50
SLOVAKIA
Dr. Jozef Tiso
His Political Creed
(EXCERPT FROM HIS DEFENSE SPEECH PRESENTED ON MARCH 17, 1947 IN THE POLITICAL TRIAL
CONDUCTED BY THE· SO-CALLED SLOVAK NATIONAL
COURT IN BRATISLAVA.)
My political involvement cannot be examined or judged
by the usual norms of political critique because essentially
it was not governed by typically prevalent political techniques. I undertake this representation of the motivation
and impelling force that prompted my political involvement
because as a Catholic priest I feel bound to this formal
deposition of testimony not only by the circumstance of
my clerical status but also out of regard for a universal
Christian outlook. Both of these considerations are cherished as top-ranking principles in my political life, but under
some spurious forms of evaluation, my political endeavors
could easily be fixed in a very misleading light.
The estimable attitude with which the Slovak Catholic
clergy is regarded and even more importantly, the exalted
position of a universal Christian outlook rightfully expect
that I shall make a public statement specifically directed
to those who may very likely conclude that in my person
they will also humiliate or confound those intrinsic values
that always reside above and beyond the person of an
individual; in this case, those values that exceed my very
person or individual self. When I appeal or draw attention
to the reality of my priestly rank and when I testify that
all my political activity was guided solely by Christian
principles which are always consonant with sound policy
making in public affairs whether the active agent be a priest
or a lay Christian statesman, I do so with no intent or need
to extenuate a fault or disguise a failing.
Just as I reprehend denying a priest the right to
function in politics simply because of the fact that he is
a priest, so do I not condone any theorizing that a priest's
SLOVAKIA .
51
responsibility in public affairs is other than that of any
accountable citizen, for after all, that is just what a priest
is-a responsible and accountable citizen who is entitled
to all the rights of a citizen and is bound by the same
sacred obligations and duties that bind every citizen in
the land.
My reference to the fact that I am a priest sterns from
one desire only: let it ever be kept in mind that I engaged
in politics as a priest active in politics and for that reason
it is imperative that my position and my participation in
politics at all times be grasped and assessed as a priest's
conscious involvement. Consequently, there must be imputed to my public life that specific type of motivation
that is invariably associated with the character of a priest
committed to public interests and civic obligation. Open
reference to my priestly status is, then, eminently desirable
in order to open the way to the clear and only proper and
authentic mode of understanding my part in politics. On
the other hand, I am thoroughly convinced that a correct
appraisal of my political career can never be made by
anyone who does not first of all bring attention to bear
this special priestly feature of mine, by anyone who does
not admit the worthiness of priestly motivation on my
part-these attributes ( especially when they are associated
with one's public condu~t in matters of state) which can
contribute clarification for a line of conduct that otherwise
can be construed as incomprehensible or even less than
favorable when judged in the light of the average scale of
norms, and can focus it into a clearly understandable and
acceptable program of responsible action.
The life of a goal-conscious individual-and do pardon
my saying without any smacking of arrogance or conceit
that I consider myself such a one; I assert that I am
a goal-conscious person because I know just what it is
that I want-the life of such a one is much like a work
of art executed with a definite point of view in mind.
a given sighting angle for valid critical evaluation that
will assure its total appreciation. If a specific work lacks
this feature, we can stand before it as before a charmed
castle to which we hold no key. There are artistic creations
upon which we can look from several varying angles,
estimate their merits with critical eye, and yet fail to
appreciate them justly and honestly unless we approach
52
SLOVAKIA
them from their given point of vantage. This kind of talisman for an unbiased understanding of my public life and
activities is my priestly character with all its intrinsic
dynamics and principles which have been appointed by the
determinants of Christian doctrine on behalf of public
service and public servants.
It follows very naturally then, that one does not apply
the same norms in evaluating the merits of a public
minister or a politician who has never subscribed to these
tenets. But the fact that such circumstances must be taken
into account in judging a politician who does profess this
adherence and evidences it in his conduct, this is an indispensable ingredient to that sense of objectivity on which
every public court of justice prides itself. And this situation
prevails even in cases where the law itself does not concur
with given motivating factors or identity with the principles
that enter into a specific case. Nevertheless, in the juridical
trial of the accused, these circumstances must of necessity
be taken into consideration and they must be examined
as the intention which influenced and helped to coordinate
the motives and the endeavors of the accused. Otherwise
a commitment which is not marked with some form of
self-interest or some element of redounding glory remains
forever incomprehensible or forever doomed to false interpretation of some kind. This, of course, is wholly
inadmissible in a totally objective approach to truth.
My politics was politics of a unique kind precisely
because it was undertaken by an individual who is a priest.
All my life's training and preparation was for a career
in the priesthood and not in politics. The goal of all my
schooling-formal schooling as well as self-education-was
directed to spiritual leadership. I dedicated myself to serve
God, the Church and the people of whom I was born and
among whom I hoped to bring my priestly vocation to
fruition. The ringing principles: For God and Nation!
With the people and for the people! were no hollow slogans
that I had later acquired somehow, absorbed by magnetic
acclaim, and appropriated as guiding mottoes in my life.
They are and they have ever been universally valid fundamentals. Only by and through these concepts could I have
hoped to attain the sublime ultimate objective of all my
life: The glory of God first and foremost, and then the
common good of the people.
SLOVAKIA
53
This outlook and focus of perspectives in my life was in
no way conditioned by demagoguery or a political platform
of any kind; it was rooted in my very life's commitment
and in my pastoral ethics which mandates my identification
with the faithful of my flock together with a complete
negation of all self-interest and vain concerns. The logical
sequel to such ministerial canons culminates in the moral
conviction to represent the valid interests and needs of
the people, to further what is of benefit for the people
in general, and to support their common welfare. These
are the basics which formulated the patent guidelines of
all my priestly functioning, my official ministry which was
never circumscribed merely to aspects of immediate church
and school matters but which, by the ramification of its
social and organizational commitments and as concomitant
of these,. extended generally into the cultural, social and
economic life of my people.
I did, of course, further this rule of life theoretically
also, acting in my capacity as educator and formation
director of a younger priestly generation. In this office
I sought to imbue every young cleric who came within
the sphere of my influence with this ideal: With the people
and on behalf of the people!
Later on, in 1918, when the world of politics unmistakably summoned me into active participation, I further
elaborated my philosophy of life on the basis of this
fundamental principle and I oriented all my political
involvement toward it. In this frame of mind and with
this sense of dedication, I undertook a role in political
service and this principle alone characterized my contribution to the building of the Czecho-Slovak republic. Here
again it was concern for the people that urged me on, for
by the very dictates of the natural law I reasoned that it
will be far better for the Slovak people to co-exist in
a federated union with the Czech brother-nation rather
than to become allied in a foreign state with a non-Slavic
nation, and I moved toward mature diplomatic functioning,
especially after the Czechs repudiated any implementing
of the Pittsburgh Agreement.
After the harsh reality of the first experiences of
disenchantment with this arrangement and the increasingly
corrupt disregard of the Slovak people as public and state
positions were being filled, the more the tempo of political
54
SLOVAKIA
activity mounted, the more clearly did I delineate my own
course of action in accord with sound norms of Christian
ethics and the more readily did I gain acquaintance with
state jurisprudence . Let no one be taken aback on realizing
that I had had no formal academic schooling in law or diplomacy. I managed to compensate for this lack by relying
on applicable theses from Christian doctrine-a practice
which was very effective and rewarding. And it was a
thoroughly correct procedure, for Christian truth is a fount
of principles for public life, all drawn from that same
natural law on which solid juristic political science is also
founded . On the other hand, too, Christian doctrine with
its tenets from the natural law, all precisely formulated,
afforded me wholly reliable foundations for outlining and
coordinating my line of conduct in my service on behalf
of the Slovak state and its rights as well as for its welfare
and progress. Christian doctrine advoc~tes that well-recognized hierarchy of values governing right order in
matters of natural vital rank : the individual, the family,
the nation.
God has endowed all three with distinctive individuality
and freedom so that each of these entities might within
itself and for itself put its energies to good use in order
to advance its own development. The duty not only to
preserve intact the individuality and freedom of these three
but even to secure for each whatever help may be needed
that they might attain their life's objective devolves upon
them as well as upon the public powers or authorities.
Consequently , when Christian teaching develops the principles, rights and duties of these three agents, it likewise
establishes norms for the discharge of public power whose
responsibility it is to promote the development of all three
agents rather than to suppress them in any way.
It is from these teachings of Christian doctrine that
I have drawn enlightenmen t on the true meaning of various
elements in juridical terminology; e. g., the nation, the
state, autonomy, concern for the whole; the concern of
an individual or of a part, as well as sanctioned means
and methods for realizing these principles-a ll this being
both morally and politically commendable . Much of my
thinking was consistently devoted to this topic and on July
5, 1939, I even chose it as the central theme of an address
which I presented at the mass meeting of Slovak Catholic
SLOVAKIA
55
students' organization. And the more deeply I reached
into the treasure store of Christian teaching on this score.
the more satisfactory did I grasp the authentic concept
of the words: nation, state, private and public interests ,
etc.
With these developments I all the more tenaciously
adhered to the outlined program for autonomy, for in it
I saw clear fulfillment of the natural law. I perceived in it
as well the lasting guarantee of peaceful coexistence on
the part of the Czechs and the Slovaks within the totality
of one state largely because this program which encompassed self-determination was intended to guarantee to the
Slovak nation its own national individuality, its proper
identity and its free right to regulate its life so that its
cultural, social and economic evolvement would be in no
way impeded by anyone or anything.
The scope of Christian teaching, then, was for me not
only an interpreter of the natural law but through its
specialized directives for public affairs it became as well
an effective moderating factor in my political endeavors,
guiding me at all times to act with due regard for presciptions fixed by natural law. So it is no personal credit
of mine that I advocated that type of political involvement
that was characterized as moderate autonomous politics,
for this way was distinctly marked out for me by Christian
thought and principle under whose influence I was wholesomely indoctrinated to put the interests of the wholethat is, the interest of the entire nation-before any other
less universal interest, for the general good can be effective
only when the interests of the entire nation suffer no
impairment of any kind.
I chose to adopt a branch of political science founded
on such principles, motivated as I was, by no personal
interest or self-seeking, not looking for return in power
or glory but rather endeavoring in every undertaking to
attain and secure the general welfare of the Slovak nation.
Working from the key points of an autonomy program,
we set ourselves to formulate a state organism or structure
of the kind which Christian principles regard as an
instrument in the hands of a nation, a force under whose
aegis it may work out its ultimate welfare and progress.
It was this kind of distinctively Christian-founded politics
56
SLOVAKIA
that I had in view both on March 14, 1939 and throughout
the years of Slovak independent statehood.
A change was brought about in the situation as the
nation lived its life, moving from one segment of time to
another. It was not our endeavors or doings that brought
about crises or changes; the principles of natural claims
or rights-or strictly speaking, the principles of Christian
truth-remained unalterable and it was our bounden duty
and the burden of our political position to make these
norms very much alive and effective in every situation as
it developed. We did not create the situation but we were
conscience-charged on every occasion as it presented itself
to us, to represent and to champion those immutable
principles which are destined to come to the fore in the
interests of a nation.
Today it is this aspect of politics that stands before
this legal bench, embodied in my person, though I am
improperly charged, for politics is entirely out of place
before this tribunal, especially that category of political
activity to which I was dedicated in my public life.
Translated by
Sister M. Constance Yakubov , SS.C.M.
Danville, Pennsylvania
"Monsignor Tiso's execution was a travesty of justice. The fact that
he could have remained president of the Slovak nation if he had only
bent his knee to the communist tyrant makes him a martyr of the
cause of freedom and religion. Although the Slovaks have suffered
much from their political oppressors for centuries, this is the greatest
crime against them in their historic struggle for national freedom. His
tragic death cannot help but inspire SlovalG for centuries to come to
defend their God-given political and religious rights."-Abbot Theodor e
Kojis, O.S.B., Cleveland, Ohio, April 30, 1947.
"Eduard Bene~, murderer of the freedom of the Slovak nation,
kJ.lled a g,ood man, a zealous priest of Christ, a loyal Slovak patriot, the
first president of the Slovak Republic elected by the Slovak nation.
The crime of murderer Benes is worse, uglier and more wicked than
~e crime of Cain." - Peter Pridavok, President Slovak National
Gouncil, London, England, April 30, 1947.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Dr. Jozef Tiso - His Political Creed
Description
An account of the resource
trans. Sister M. Constance Yakubov, SS.C.M.
Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972
pp. 50-56
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Yakubov, Sister M. Constance, SS.C.M.
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1972
name
-
https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/e09c413c8ec993b1f87997223d7f3734.pdf
af7d988263d437dd4ebed5d111b657bd
PDF Text
Text
SLOVAKIA
57
IN HIS 70TH YEAR
Dr. Peter P. Hletko Most
Elite of American Slovaks
By Joseph C. Krajsa
In the course of the history of a people or a nation
come individual men, who by the force of their personalities
and their endeavors shape and determine the form and
direction of the church, their people, their nation and their
country.
These are men who are dreamers and some who are
doers. But the great ones are those who are both--dreamers
and doers. They are the one who set alight their hope and
hearts upon the heights they seek to scale. They are the
ones who light bright fires of their aspirations and give
heart and direction to those who follow .
Dr. Peter P. Hletko, in his 70th year, is such a man!
Peter Paul Hletko, M. D., physician-surgeon, now semiretired, was born June 26, 1902 in Chicago, Illinois, the son
of Martin and Catherine Hargas Hletko. His home is in
Warrenville, Illinois and his office is at 2740 W. 55th Street,
Chicago. In 1938 he married Anna E. Remijas.
EDUCATION
Hletko received his elementary education at Saint
Michael's School (1908-1915), Chicago. He attended St.
Procopius Academy (1915-1919), Lisle, Illinois, and St.
Procopius College (1919-1921 ) . He attended De Paul University in Chicago from 1921 to 1923 and received his Bachelor
of Science in Chemistry. In 1927 he received his Medical
Degree (M. D.) from Loyola University, Chicago.
PROFESSIONAL
Dr. Hletko served on the resident staff of Cook County
Hospital, Chicago from 1927 to 1928. Besides his private
practice, he was an instructor in clinical neurology a t
Loyola University Medical School from 1931 to 1935.
�58
SLOVAK.IA
He served as medical examiner of many insurance
companies. From 1934 to 1939 he served as Supreme
Medical Examiner for the National Slovak Society and he
serves in this capacity today. From 1927 to 1964 he served
as Supreme Medical Examiner of the Slovak Catholic
Sokol and today is Honorary Medical Examiner for the
Society.
Dr. Hletko is a member of the American Medical
Association; Illinois Medical Association; Chicago Medical
Association; and Medical Examiner of Municipal Court and
Law Department Benefit and Pension Fund, Chicago, ( 19361961).
CIVIC AND CULTURAL
In 1938 Dr. Hletko led a Slovak League of America
delegation to Czecho-Slovakia in behalf of gaining recognition of the Pittsburgh Pact. Over 100,000 Slovaks gathered
in Bratislava, the capitol of Slovakia, as he and Msgr.
Andrew Hlinka unveiled the original of the Pittsburgh
Pact-an agreement that was to guarantee autonomy for
the Slovak nation.
The vast crowd roared: "Hlinka, Hletko daju vsetko"
( Hlinka and Hletko will give everything!).
The rest of his services for the Slovak people in a span
of more than four decades reads like a special "Who's Who":
President of the Slovak League of America (1935-1939) and
( 1963-64); Honorary President and Member of the Executive Committee of the Slovak League of America ( 1938-);
Vice President of the Slovak Catholic Federation of America ( 1934) ; Supreme Officer of the Slovak Catholic
Sokol and the National Slovak Society; a Member of the
Executive Committee of the Slovak Catholic Sokol; organizer and first President of 'Club Furdek' - ( a Catholic
Slovak Cultural Society, Chicago, 1929); and President of
the Gage Park Savings and Loan Association, Chicago,
since 1935.
AUTHOR-JOURN ALIST
Today, Dr. Hletko has a vast collection of manuscripts,
documentary material, books, complete volumes of publications, newspapers, and annuals. To many of these he
was a contributor, a columnist, editor, or author. The
�SLOVAKIA
59
Dr. Peter P. Hletko ( second from the right ) with Ms~:ir- A·ndrew Hlinka
(at Hletko's right ) , leader oif the S l ovak Popu li st Party , and Karol
SidOf' (right), former Premier of Slovakia, at the 1938 event in Bratislava
when the delegati'on of the Slova~ League of .America c-ame to Slovakia
with the origi-nal of the Pittsburgh Pac:t.
following is a list of Dr. Hletko's literary efforts: Author:
"The Slovaks and the Pittsburgh Pact" (1934 ) ; wrote
"Iskry"-a reprint of satiro-comic column in the Osadne
Hlasy ( Slovak Parish News, 1931); edited the "Slovak Catholic Sokol Cook Book", 1964; was a contributing editor
of Osadne Hlasy (Chicago Parish News, 1927-1963 ); editor
of "Jaro" (Spring), English supplement to JEDNOTA.
official publication of the First Catholic Slovak Union,
1927-1936; eclitor of "Chicagsky Dennik" (Chicago Slovak
Daily News, 1926-1927 ); presently serves as the Chairman
of the Literary Committee of the National Slovak Society;
and is President of the Slovak Newspapermen's Association
in America.
In honor of his 70th birthday, the Slovak League of
America labeled 1972 "Dr. Peter Hletko Year" and designated a special award to him at the Slovak League of America
Congress in Chicago in the spring of this year.
REFERENCES
Slovakia 1965, Published by the Slovak League of America, Middletown,
Pennsylvania.
" Slovaci a ich zivot", Jedtnota, 3/ 17/ 1971, p. 11, by Dr. Joseph Pauco.
�
SLOVAKIA
57
IN HIS 70TH YEAR
Dr. Peter P. Hletko Most
Elite of American Slovaks
By Joseph C. Krajsa
In the course of the history of a people or a nation
come individual men, who by the force of their personalities
and their endeavors shape and determine the form and
direction of the church, their people, their nation and their
country.
These are men who are dreamers and some who are
doers. But the great ones are those who are both--dreamers
and doers. They are the one who set alight their hope and
hearts upon the heights they seek to scale. They are the
ones who light bright fires of their aspirations and give
heart and direction to those who follow .
Dr. Peter P. Hletko, in his 70th year, is such a man!
Peter Paul Hletko, M. D., physician-surgeon, now semiretired, was born June 26, 1902 in Chicago, Illinois, the son
of Martin and Catherine Hargas Hletko. His home is in
Warrenville, Illinois and his office is at 2740 W. 55th Street,
Chicago. In 1938 he married Anna E. Remijas.
EDUCATION
Hletko received his elementary education at Saint
Michael's School (1908-1915), Chicago. He attended St.
Procopius Academy (1915-1919), Lisle, Illinois, and St.
Procopius College (1919-1921 ) . He attended De Paul University in Chicago from 1921 to 1923 and received his Bachelor
of Science in Chemistry. In 1927 he received his Medical
Degree (M. D.) from Loyola University, Chicago.
PROFESSIONAL
Dr. Hletko served on the resident staff of Cook County
Hospital, Chicago from 1927 to 1928. Besides his private
practice, he was an instructor in clinical neurology a t
Loyola University Medical School from 1931 to 1935.
�58
SLOVAK.IA
He served as medical examiner of many insurance
companies. From 1934 to 1939 he served as Supreme
Medical Examiner for the National Slovak Society and he
serves in this capacity today. From 1927 to 1964 he served
as Supreme Medical Examiner of the Slovak Catholic
Sokol and today is Honorary Medical Examiner for the
Society.
Dr. Hletko is a member of the American Medical
Association; Illinois Medical Association; Chicago Medical
Association; and Medical Examiner of Municipal Court and
Law Department Benefit and Pension Fund, Chicago, ( 19361961).
CIVIC AND CULTURAL
In 1938 Dr. Hletko led a Slovak League of America
delegation to Czecho-Slovakia in behalf of gaining recognition of the Pittsburgh Pact. Over 100,000 Slovaks gathered
in Bratislava, the capitol of Slovakia, as he and Msgr.
Andrew Hlinka unveiled the original of the Pittsburgh
Pact-an agreement that was to guarantee autonomy for
the Slovak nation.
The vast crowd roared: "Hlinka, Hletko daju vsetko"
( Hlinka and Hletko will give everything!).
The rest of his services for the Slovak people in a span
of more than four decades reads like a special "Who's Who":
President of the Slovak League of America (1935-1939) and
( 1963-64); Honorary President and Member of the Executive Committee of the Slovak League of America ( 1938-);
Vice President of the Slovak Catholic Federation of America ( 1934) ; Supreme Officer of the Slovak Catholic
Sokol and the National Slovak Society; a Member of the
Executive Committee of the Slovak Catholic Sokol; organizer and first President of 'Club Furdek' - ( a Catholic
Slovak Cultural Society, Chicago, 1929); and President of
the Gage Park Savings and Loan Association, Chicago,
since 1935.
AUTHOR-JOURN ALIST
Today, Dr. Hletko has a vast collection of manuscripts,
documentary material, books, complete volumes of publications, newspapers, and annuals. To many of these he
was a contributor, a columnist, editor, or author. The
�SLOVAKIA
59
Dr. Peter P. Hletko ( second from the right ) with Ms~:ir- A·ndrew Hlinka
(at Hletko's right ) , leader oif the S l ovak Popu li st Party , and Karol
SidOf' (right), former Premier of Slovakia, at the 1938 event in Bratislava
when the delegati'on of the Slova~ League of .America c-ame to Slovakia
with the origi-nal of the Pittsburgh Pac:t.
following is a list of Dr. Hletko's literary efforts: Author:
"The Slovaks and the Pittsburgh Pact" (1934 ) ; wrote
"Iskry"-a reprint of satiro-comic column in the Osadne
Hlasy ( Slovak Parish News, 1931); edited the "Slovak Catholic Sokol Cook Book", 1964; was a contributing editor
of Osadne Hlasy (Chicago Parish News, 1927-1963 ); editor
of "Jaro" (Spring), English supplement to JEDNOTA.
official publication of the First Catholic Slovak Union,
1927-1936; eclitor of "Chicagsky Dennik" (Chicago Slovak
Daily News, 1926-1927 ); presently serves as the Chairman
of the Literary Committee of the National Slovak Society;
and is President of the Slovak Newspapermen's Association
in America.
In honor of his 70th birthday, the Slovak League of
America labeled 1972 "Dr. Peter Hletko Year" and designated a special award to him at the Slovak League of America
Congress in Chicago in the spring of this year.
REFERENCES
Slovakia 1965, Published by the Slovak League of America, Middletown,
Pennsylvania.
" Slovaci a ich zivot", Jedtnota, 3/ 17/ 1971, p. 11, by Dr. Joseph Pauco.
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
1972, Vol. 22
Description
An account of the resource
Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972.
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
The Slovak League of America
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1972
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Text
Any textual data included in the document
SLOVAKIA
57
IN HIS 70TH YEAR
Dr. Peter P. Hletko Most
Elite of American Slovaks
By Joseph C. Krajsa
In the course of the history of a people or a nation
come individual men, who by the force of their personalities
and their endeavors shape and determine the form and
direction of the church, their people, their nation and their
country.
These are men who are dreamers and some who are
doers. But the great ones are those who are both--dreamers
and doers. They are the one who set alight their hope and
hearts upon the heights they seek to scale. They are the
ones who light bright fires of their aspirations and give
heart and direction to those who follow .
Dr. Peter P. Hletko, in his 70th year, is such a man!
Peter Paul Hletko, M. D., physician-surgeon, now semiretired, was born June 26, 1902 in Chicago, Illinois, the son
of Martin and Catherine Hargas Hletko. His home is in
Warrenville, Illinois and his office is at 2740 W. 55th Street,
Chicago. In 1938 he married Anna E. Remijas.
EDUCATION
Hletko received his elementary education at Saint
Michael's School (1908-1915), Chicago. He attended St.
Procopius Academy (1915-1919), Lisle, Illinois, and St.
Procopius College (1919-1921 ) . He attended De Paul University in Chicago from 1921 to 1923 and received his Bachelor
of Science in Chemistry. In 1927 he received his Medical
Degree (M. D.) from Loyola University, Chicago.
PROFESSIONAL
Dr. Hletko served on the resident staff of Cook County
Hospital, Chicago from 1927 to 1928. Besides his private
practice, he was an instructor in clinical neurology a t
Loyola University Medical School from 1931 to 1935.
58
SLOVAK.IA
He served as medical examiner of many insurance
companies. From 1934 to 1939 he served as Supreme
Medical Examiner for the National Slovak Society and he
serves in this capacity today. From 1927 to 1964 he served
as Supreme Medical Examiner of the Slovak Catholic
Sokol and today is Honorary Medical Examiner for the
Society.
Dr. Hletko is a member of the American Medical
Association; Illinois Medical Association; Chicago Medical
Association; and Medical Examiner of Municipal Court and
Law Department Benefit and Pension Fund, Chicago, ( 19361961).
CIVIC AND CULTURAL
In 1938 Dr. Hletko led a Slovak League of America
delegation to Czecho-Slovakia in behalf of gaining recognition of the Pittsburgh Pact. Over 100,000 Slovaks gathered
in Bratislava, the capitol of Slovakia, as he and Msgr.
Andrew Hlinka unveiled the original of the Pittsburgh
Pact-an agreement that was to guarantee autonomy for
the Slovak nation.
The vast crowd roared: "Hlinka, Hletko daju vsetko"
( Hlinka and Hletko will give everything!).
The rest of his services for the Slovak people in a span
of more than four decades reads like a special "Who's Who":
President of the Slovak League of America (1935-1939) and
( 1963-64); Honorary President and Member of the Executive Committee of the Slovak League of America ( 1938-);
Vice President of the Slovak Catholic Federation of America ( 1934) ; Supreme Officer of the Slovak Catholic
Sokol and the National Slovak Society; a Member of the
Executive Committee of the Slovak Catholic Sokol; organizer and first President of 'Club Furdek' - ( a Catholic
Slovak Cultural Society, Chicago, 1929); and President of
the Gage Park Savings and Loan Association, Chicago,
since 1935.
AUTHOR-JOURN ALIST
Today, Dr. Hletko has a vast collection of manuscripts,
documentary material, books, complete volumes of publications, newspapers, and annuals. To many of these he
was a contributor, a columnist, editor, or author. The
SLOVAKIA
59
Dr. Peter P. Hletko ( second from the right ) with Ms~:ir- A·ndrew Hlinka
(at Hletko's right ) , leader oif the S l ovak Popu li st Party , and Karol
SidOf' (right), former Premier of Slovakia, at the 1938 event in Bratislava
when the delegati'on of the Slova~ League of .America c-ame to Slovakia
with the origi-nal of the Pittsburgh Pac:t.
following is a list of Dr. Hletko's literary efforts: Author:
"The Slovaks and the Pittsburgh Pact" (1934 ) ; wrote
"Iskry"-a reprint of satiro-comic column in the Osadne
Hlasy ( Slovak Parish News, 1931); edited the "Slovak Catholic Sokol Cook Book", 1964; was a contributing editor
of Osadne Hlasy (Chicago Parish News, 1927-1963 ); editor
of "Jaro" (Spring), English supplement to JEDNOTA.
official publication of the First Catholic Slovak Union,
1927-1936; eclitor of "Chicagsky Dennik" (Chicago Slovak
Daily News, 1926-1927 ); presently serves as the Chairman
of the Literary Committee of the National Slovak Society;
and is President of the Slovak Newspapermen's Association
in America.
In honor of his 70th birthday, the Slovak League of
America labeled 1972 "Dr. Peter Hletko Year" and designated a special award to him at the Slovak League of America
Congress in Chicago in the spring of this year.
REFERENCES
Slovakia 1965, Published by the Slovak League of America, Middletown,
Pennsylvania.
" Slovaci a ich zivot", Jedtnota, 3/ 17/ 1971, p. 11, by Dr. Joseph Pauco.
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Dr. Peter P. Hletko Most Elite of American Slovaks
Description
An account of the resource
Joseph C. Krajsa
Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972
pp. 57-59
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1972
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60
SLOVAK.IA
Prof. Stanislav Meciar
(1910-1971)-ln Memoriam
With a group of writers and poets who left Slovakia
before the advancing Soviet armies in 1945, with the
intention to fight for Slovak freedom and independence
in the West, there were also literary critics and literary
historians with established reputations. Among them, Prof.
Stanislav Meciar, born on March 21, 1910, in Prievidza,
was one of the most outstanding. His untimely death on
November 23, 1971, in Buenos Aires , Argentina, has been .
therefore, regretted with great sorrow everywhere in the
free world where Slovaks live.
In Stanislav Meciar, Slovak literary history and criticism had a well educated, eclectic literary critic, essayist
and evaluator of Slovak cultural life. Meciar studied at
the Universities of Bratislava, Prague, Leipzig and Warsaw,
specializing in Slavic and German literatures and philology.
Equipped with a solid academic preparation and a strong
ambition to elevate Slovak literary and cultural life to
European standards, he occupied during the War the
prestigious position of the editor of Slovenske Pohl'ady
and made it a tribune of intellectual ferment and struggle
for national goals. His patriotism and nationalistic fervor
marked not only the contents of Slovenske Pohl'ady but
also his whole literary work.
Like many other writers and literary critics, Meciar
appeared on the literary scene first as a writer of literary
comments, book reviews, short novels and verses. Subsequently he moved into the field of comparative literature
and translations from Slavic, especially Polish, poetry and
prose. By 1936 he emerged as a literary critic and aesthete
with a solid knowledge of Slovak literature always bearing
in mind specific hlstorical and cultural development of
the Slovak people. His published works : Poetry and L i f e
(1936 ); Unknown Verses of Janka Kral' (1938 ) ; Hviezdoslav's Forester's Wife (1939), and Beniak's Zofia (1941 )
proved that Meciar was a mature, erudite literary critic
who applied scholarly methods in his evaluation of Slovak
literature.
�SLOVAKIA
61
On the basis of these literary works and Meciar's
academic background, the President of the Slovak Republic
nominated him in 1944 Professor at the University of
Bratislava. The Soviet occupation of Slovakia prevented
him, however, from contributing to Slovak scholarship
at university level.
Meciar's patriotism and nationalistic fervor grew even
stronger in exile which can be easily understood if one
takes into account that Slovaks, after a few years of
independent cultural development, had to see their dreams
of independence crashed and their traditional values destroyed by Communism imposed upon them from outside.
He became an "ecrivain engage" opposed to any compromise in the Slovak national struggle. From 1949 to 1952
he edited the most nationalistic of all Slovak periodicals
abroad Slovenskd Republika, a series of books "Slovenskd
slobodnd kultura" (Slovak Free Culture, 1951-60) and
Letopisy (Archives, 1963), the latter published by the
Zahranicnd Matica Slovenskd which was organized in
Buenos Aires by J. C. Hronsky with Meciar as secretary.
Besides his many contributions to Slovak emigre
newspapers on cultural and political matters, Meciar did
not fail, however, to continue his scholarly work. His
main literary achievement in exile has been two volume
work on Martin Kukucin (Kukucin zivy, Buenos Aires,
1958-1960), the best Slovak novelist of the period of realism
in Slovak literature, who also spent his life outside of his
native country and died in Argentina. In the literary
journals and almanacs (Most, Almanach Slovdka v Amerike, and in the symposium Vo Vyhnanstve), Meciar published essays on Slovak culture, on the leading Slovak
post-war novelist Milo Urban, and on the most outstanding
Slovak poets, Jan Holly and P. 0. Hviezdoslav.
An intellectual with a proud national consciousness and
dedicated to the struggle for freedom of the Slovak people,
Meciar never hesitated to display his uncompromising
attitude towards the foes of the Slovak striving for a free
and independent cultural and political development. His
death created a gap in the ranks of Slovak intellectuals
abroad which will be very hard to fill. Slovak culture lost
in Prof. Meciar a proud representative of a generation
which helped the dream of Slovak independence to come
true.
J. M. Ki rs c h b au m
�
60
SLOVAK.IA
Prof. Stanislav Meciar
(1910-1971)-ln Memoriam
With a group of writers and poets who left Slovakia
before the advancing Soviet armies in 1945, with the
intention to fight for Slovak freedom and independence
in the West, there were also literary critics and literary
historians with established reputations. Among them, Prof.
Stanislav Meciar, born on March 21, 1910, in Prievidza,
was one of the most outstanding. His untimely death on
November 23, 1971, in Buenos Aires , Argentina, has been .
therefore, regretted with great sorrow everywhere in the
free world where Slovaks live.
In Stanislav Meciar, Slovak literary history and criticism had a well educated, eclectic literary critic, essayist
and evaluator of Slovak cultural life. Meciar studied at
the Universities of Bratislava, Prague, Leipzig and Warsaw,
specializing in Slavic and German literatures and philology.
Equipped with a solid academic preparation and a strong
ambition to elevate Slovak literary and cultural life to
European standards, he occupied during the War the
prestigious position of the editor of Slovenske Pohl'ady
and made it a tribune of intellectual ferment and struggle
for national goals. His patriotism and nationalistic fervor
marked not only the contents of Slovenske Pohl'ady but
also his whole literary work.
Like many other writers and literary critics, Meciar
appeared on the literary scene first as a writer of literary
comments, book reviews, short novels and verses. Subsequently he moved into the field of comparative literature
and translations from Slavic, especially Polish, poetry and
prose. By 1936 he emerged as a literary critic and aesthete
with a solid knowledge of Slovak literature always bearing
in mind specific hlstorical and cultural development of
the Slovak people. His published works : Poetry and L i f e
(1936 ); Unknown Verses of Janka Kral' (1938 ) ; Hviezdoslav's Forester's Wife (1939), and Beniak's Zofia (1941 )
proved that Meciar was a mature, erudite literary critic
who applied scholarly methods in his evaluation of Slovak
literature.
�SLOVAKIA
61
On the basis of these literary works and Meciar's
academic background, the President of the Slovak Republic
nominated him in 1944 Professor at the University of
Bratislava. The Soviet occupation of Slovakia prevented
him, however, from contributing to Slovak scholarship
at university level.
Meciar's patriotism and nationalistic fervor grew even
stronger in exile which can be easily understood if one
takes into account that Slovaks, after a few years of
independent cultural development, had to see their dreams
of independence crashed and their traditional values destroyed by Communism imposed upon them from outside.
He became an "ecrivain engage" opposed to any compromise in the Slovak national struggle. From 1949 to 1952
he edited the most nationalistic of all Slovak periodicals
abroad Slovenskd Republika, a series of books "Slovenskd
slobodnd kultura" (Slovak Free Culture, 1951-60) and
Letopisy (Archives, 1963), the latter published by the
Zahranicnd Matica Slovenskd which was organized in
Buenos Aires by J. C. Hronsky with Meciar as secretary.
Besides his many contributions to Slovak emigre
newspapers on cultural and political matters, Meciar did
not fail, however, to continue his scholarly work. His
main literary achievement in exile has been two volume
work on Martin Kukucin (Kukucin zivy, Buenos Aires,
1958-1960), the best Slovak novelist of the period of realism
in Slovak literature, who also spent his life outside of his
native country and died in Argentina. In the literary
journals and almanacs (Most, Almanach Slovdka v Amerike, and in the symposium Vo Vyhnanstve), Meciar published essays on Slovak culture, on the leading Slovak
post-war novelist Milo Urban, and on the most outstanding
Slovak poets, Jan Holly and P. 0. Hviezdoslav.
An intellectual with a proud national consciousness and
dedicated to the struggle for freedom of the Slovak people,
Meciar never hesitated to display his uncompromising
attitude towards the foes of the Slovak striving for a free
and independent cultural and political development. His
death created a gap in the ranks of Slovak intellectuals
abroad which will be very hard to fill. Slovak culture lost
in Prof. Meciar a proud representative of a generation
which helped the dream of Slovak independence to come
true.
J. M. Ki rs c h b au m
�
Dublin Core
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Title
A name given to the resource
1972, Vol. 22
Description
An account of the resource
Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972.
Publisher
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The Slovak League of America
Date
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1972
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60
SLOVAK.IA
Prof. Stanislav Meciar
(1910-1971)-ln Memoriam
With a group of writers and poets who left Slovakia
before the advancing Soviet armies in 1945, with the
intention to fight for Slovak freedom and independence
in the West, there were also literary critics and literary
historians with established reputations. Among them, Prof.
Stanislav Meciar, born on March 21, 1910, in Prievidza,
was one of the most outstanding. His untimely death on
November 23, 1971, in Buenos Aires , Argentina, has been .
therefore, regretted with great sorrow everywhere in the
free world where Slovaks live.
In Stanislav Meciar, Slovak literary history and criticism had a well educated, eclectic literary critic, essayist
and evaluator of Slovak cultural life. Meciar studied at
the Universities of Bratislava, Prague, Leipzig and Warsaw,
specializing in Slavic and German literatures and philology.
Equipped with a solid academic preparation and a strong
ambition to elevate Slovak literary and cultural life to
European standards, he occupied during the War the
prestigious position of the editor of Slovenske Pohl'ady
and made it a tribune of intellectual ferment and struggle
for national goals. His patriotism and nationalistic fervor
marked not only the contents of Slovenske Pohl'ady but
also his whole literary work.
Like many other writers and literary critics, Meciar
appeared on the literary scene first as a writer of literary
comments, book reviews, short novels and verses. Subsequently he moved into the field of comparative literature
and translations from Slavic, especially Polish, poetry and
prose. By 1936 he emerged as a literary critic and aesthete
with a solid knowledge of Slovak literature always bearing
in mind specific hlstorical and cultural development of
the Slovak people. His published works : Poetry and L i f e
(1936 ); Unknown Verses of Janka Kral' (1938 ) ; Hviezdoslav's Forester's Wife (1939), and Beniak's Zofia (1941 )
proved that Meciar was a mature, erudite literary critic
who applied scholarly methods in his evaluation of Slovak
literature.
SLOVAKIA
61
On the basis of these literary works and Meciar's
academic background, the President of the Slovak Republic
nominated him in 1944 Professor at the University of
Bratislava. The Soviet occupation of Slovakia prevented
him, however, from contributing to Slovak scholarship
at university level.
Meciar's patriotism and nationalistic fervor grew even
stronger in exile which can be easily understood if one
takes into account that Slovaks, after a few years of
independent cultural development, had to see their dreams
of independence crashed and their traditional values destroyed by Communism imposed upon them from outside.
He became an "ecrivain engage" opposed to any compromise in the Slovak national struggle. From 1949 to 1952
he edited the most nationalistic of all Slovak periodicals
abroad Slovenskd Republika, a series of books "Slovenskd
slobodnd kultura" (Slovak Free Culture, 1951-60) and
Letopisy (Archives, 1963), the latter published by the
Zahranicnd Matica Slovenskd which was organized in
Buenos Aires by J. C. Hronsky with Meciar as secretary.
Besides his many contributions to Slovak emigre
newspapers on cultural and political matters, Meciar did
not fail, however, to continue his scholarly work. His
main literary achievement in exile has been two volume
work on Martin Kukucin (Kukucin zivy, Buenos Aires,
1958-1960), the best Slovak novelist of the period of realism
in Slovak literature, who also spent his life outside of his
native country and died in Argentina. In the literary
journals and almanacs (Most, Almanach Slovdka v Amerike, and in the symposium Vo Vyhnanstve), Meciar published essays on Slovak culture, on the leading Slovak
post-war novelist Milo Urban, and on the most outstanding
Slovak poets, Jan Holly and P. 0. Hviezdoslav.
An intellectual with a proud national consciousness and
dedicated to the struggle for freedom of the Slovak people,
Meciar never hesitated to display his uncompromising
attitude towards the foes of the Slovak striving for a free
and independent cultural and political development. His
death created a gap in the ranks of Slovak intellectuals
abroad which will be very hard to fill. Slovak culture lost
in Prof. Meciar a proud representative of a generation
which helped the dream of Slovak independence to come
true.
J. M. Ki rs c h b au m
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Prof. Stanislav Mečiar (1910-1971) - In Memoriam
Description
An account of the resource
J. M. Kirschbaum
Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972
pp. 60-61
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Kirschbaum, Jozef M., 1913-2001
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1972
SNK
-
https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/3a3b70e418e8fecabcbff543a4ab1131.pdf
a1c42c72d6453d5e5b376d901fd1430c
PDF Text
Text
62
SLOVAKIA
Michael Novak on White Ethnics
As a reader of Michael Novak's books, author and
scholar of Slovak origin, I had great pleasure in finding
his article "White Ethnic" in the September 1971 issue of
Harper's Magazine. There is wit, clarity and accuracy in it.
It is delightful to see that someone can properly express
the feeling of ethnics and immigrants in America who do
not always find it easy to adjust themselves to. what is
being offered to them as the American way of life.
Even though I have spent the longest span of my
mature age here, as an American citizen I am only a "teenager". Since my arrival in 1952, I have never ceased
admiring the American federal system whose example
might have solved the political problem of Central Europe
where I was born. Yet, the human aspect of American life
has been more puzzling. Technology and marketable values
seem to have priority over human values. The abrupt
homogeneization of society of diverse origins and civilizations implies as uprootal of individuals. Many Americans
of non-Anglo-Saxon descent suffer from historical amnesia.
They lack a larger trajectory, the wings which sustain
human beings on their flight and add an important dimension to human life.
The ethnics who came to America with strong religious
background, like Poles, Slovaks, Lithuanians, etc., have
found in religion a stabilizing factor of highest importance.
Many white nativists who were reprived of those roots
are slipping to the level of civil unconsciousness. They use
drugs, regale themselves with pornography, indulge in
swinging parties, draft card burning, and riots.
The official doctrine which has relegated religion as
an entirely private affair to a negligible corner of human
endeavor, contributes without doubt to the state of restlessness, to the philosophy of nothingness that seems to
have so much influenced the younger generation. This is
all the more serious that the questionable writings of some
fashionable, but ultramontane apostles, such as Jean Paul
�SLOVAKIA
63
Sartre and Herbert Marcuse, will have an adverse effect
on the future not only of that generation, but on the future
of the country. However great and economically powerful
the United States may be, it can ignore higher values
and motivations only to its own detriment. We do not
live on an exclusive planet. We are being exposed to the
hostility and pressure of other, less liberal, systems. Consequently, those groups which stick to their traditional
values, including religion, are more in agreement with
the basic interests of the country than those which prefer
to swim with the stream.
A disturbing indifference to values is visible in some
other fields. Pragmatism, that allegedly "typical" American
philosophy, frequently allows our policy-makers to do with
the right hand something different from what they try
to do with their left hand. Examples? Our attitude to
Pakistan. While we have been sending armaments to West
Pakistan, we indulge in charities toward Bangladesh.
Our Social Science is dominated by the school of
"causalists". However, while causality a.s a method interpreting the interdependence of phenomena is proper in
Natural Science, it is false in Social Science which since
Aristotle and St. Thomas Aquinas has been the proper
realm of teleology, i.e., of objectives and means. The lack
of higher goals, metaphysical, international or simply
national, is undoubtedly a result of this improper methodology.
Legal Science in America is the guarded domain of
the sociological school trying to explain criminality as
a consequence of environmental conditions. Thus, the law
has been losing its normative character. Not so much
intentions, but statistics determine judicial sentences. More
frequent crimes are being accepted as a sort of national
fatality. Whereas in our economic system inflationary
trends are being curbed by a higher interest-rate, inflationary trend in criminality are being acted by a more moderate
sentencing. Who can see any logic in that? The freedom
of judges under the common law system is excessive and,
therefore arbitrary. The sentencing of Martin Luther King's
assassin to 99 years in prison throws a doubt on the seriousness of our justice. The United States whose population
�SLOVAKIA
64
is of various origins and cultures should have abandoned
the common law many decades ago. This country needs
codification more than an increase in the number of policemen. The second amendment to the Constitution, passed
under different circumstances and allowing the individual
to be judge in his own cause, is absolete. We need,
consequently, to overcome the incipient "state of nature"
by stricter, codified rules that would deter potential
criminals. The law would then play its preventive and
dissuasive role.
The existing problem of ethnicity in America requires
restatement of our philosophy and revision of our practices.
Ethnic federalism would bring an improvement. Something
has to be done to enhance the standing of some forgotten
ethnic grounds; to put them on an equal footing with
others; to render human dignity to them. "The Ethnic
Heritage Studies Centers Act" of 1971, just passed by the
Senate, may perhaps bring some remedy to the present
situation.
Washington, D. C.
Prof. Joseph A . Mikus ' M .C.L.,J.D.
Slovak Martyrs
Father Anton salat lectured and wrote against the
Communists. Consequently, the partisans caught him in
the first week of the "uprising" in August 1944, at the
rectory of Hajniky, and led him to the bridge on the River
Hron. Father salat begged permission at least to go to
confession, but his request was denied. The partisans shot
him, took his gold watch and gold teeth, and cast the body
into the Hron.
Father Seda, in Liptov, suffered an even more agonizing
death. The Communists, while he was still alive, cut belts
of hide from his back, cut his privates, and left him to
die a slow and inhuman death.
�
62
SLOVAKIA
Michael Novak on White Ethnics
As a reader of Michael Novak's books, author and
scholar of Slovak origin, I had great pleasure in finding
his article "White Ethnic" in the September 1971 issue of
Harper's Magazine. There is wit, clarity and accuracy in it.
It is delightful to see that someone can properly express
the feeling of ethnics and immigrants in America who do
not always find it easy to adjust themselves to. what is
being offered to them as the American way of life.
Even though I have spent the longest span of my
mature age here, as an American citizen I am only a "teenager". Since my arrival in 1952, I have never ceased
admiring the American federal system whose example
might have solved the political problem of Central Europe
where I was born. Yet, the human aspect of American life
has been more puzzling. Technology and marketable values
seem to have priority over human values. The abrupt
homogeneization of society of diverse origins and civilizations implies as uprootal of individuals. Many Americans
of non-Anglo-Saxon descent suffer from historical amnesia.
They lack a larger trajectory, the wings which sustain
human beings on their flight and add an important dimension to human life.
The ethnics who came to America with strong religious
background, like Poles, Slovaks, Lithuanians, etc., have
found in religion a stabilizing factor of highest importance.
Many white nativists who were reprived of those roots
are slipping to the level of civil unconsciousness. They use
drugs, regale themselves with pornography, indulge in
swinging parties, draft card burning, and riots.
The official doctrine which has relegated religion as
an entirely private affair to a negligible corner of human
endeavor, contributes without doubt to the state of restlessness, to the philosophy of nothingness that seems to
have so much influenced the younger generation. This is
all the more serious that the questionable writings of some
fashionable, but ultramontane apostles, such as Jean Paul
�SLOVAKIA
63
Sartre and Herbert Marcuse, will have an adverse effect
on the future not only of that generation, but on the future
of the country. However great and economically powerful
the United States may be, it can ignore higher values
and motivations only to its own detriment. We do not
live on an exclusive planet. We are being exposed to the
hostility and pressure of other, less liberal, systems. Consequently, those groups which stick to their traditional
values, including religion, are more in agreement with
the basic interests of the country than those which prefer
to swim with the stream.
A disturbing indifference to values is visible in some
other fields. Pragmatism, that allegedly "typical" American
philosophy, frequently allows our policy-makers to do with
the right hand something different from what they try
to do with their left hand. Examples? Our attitude to
Pakistan. While we have been sending armaments to West
Pakistan, we indulge in charities toward Bangladesh.
Our Social Science is dominated by the school of
"causalists". However, while causality a.s a method interpreting the interdependence of phenomena is proper in
Natural Science, it is false in Social Science which since
Aristotle and St. Thomas Aquinas has been the proper
realm of teleology, i.e., of objectives and means. The lack
of higher goals, metaphysical, international or simply
national, is undoubtedly a result of this improper methodology.
Legal Science in America is the guarded domain of
the sociological school trying to explain criminality as
a consequence of environmental conditions. Thus, the law
has been losing its normative character. Not so much
intentions, but statistics determine judicial sentences. More
frequent crimes are being accepted as a sort of national
fatality. Whereas in our economic system inflationary
trends are being curbed by a higher interest-rate, inflationary trend in criminality are being acted by a more moderate
sentencing. Who can see any logic in that? The freedom
of judges under the common law system is excessive and,
therefore arbitrary. The sentencing of Martin Luther King's
assassin to 99 years in prison throws a doubt on the seriousness of our justice. The United States whose population
�SLOVAKIA
64
is of various origins and cultures should have abandoned
the common law many decades ago. This country needs
codification more than an increase in the number of policemen. The second amendment to the Constitution, passed
under different circumstances and allowing the individual
to be judge in his own cause, is absolete. We need,
consequently, to overcome the incipient "state of nature"
by stricter, codified rules that would deter potential
criminals. The law would then play its preventive and
dissuasive role.
The existing problem of ethnicity in America requires
restatement of our philosophy and revision of our practices.
Ethnic federalism would bring an improvement. Something
has to be done to enhance the standing of some forgotten
ethnic grounds; to put them on an equal footing with
others; to render human dignity to them. "The Ethnic
Heritage Studies Centers Act" of 1971, just passed by the
Senate, may perhaps bring some remedy to the present
situation.
Washington, D. C.
Prof. Joseph A . Mikus ' M .C.L.,J.D.
Slovak Martyrs
Father Anton salat lectured and wrote against the
Communists. Consequently, the partisans caught him in
the first week of the "uprising" in August 1944, at the
rectory of Hajniky, and led him to the bridge on the River
Hron. Father salat begged permission at least to go to
confession, but his request was denied. The partisans shot
him, took his gold watch and gold teeth, and cast the body
into the Hron.
Father Seda, in Liptov, suffered an even more agonizing
death. The Communists, while he was still alive, cut belts
of hide from his back, cut his privates, and left him to
die a slow and inhuman death.
�
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Title
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1972, Vol. 22
Description
An account of the resource
Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972.
Publisher
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The Slovak League of America
Date
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1972
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62
SLOVAKIA
Michael Novak on White Ethnics
As a reader of Michael Novak's books, author and
scholar of Slovak origin, I had great pleasure in finding
his article "White Ethnic" in the September 1971 issue of
Harper's Magazine. There is wit, clarity and accuracy in it.
It is delightful to see that someone can properly express
the feeling of ethnics and immigrants in America who do
not always find it easy to adjust themselves to. what is
being offered to them as the American way of life.
Even though I have spent the longest span of my
mature age here, as an American citizen I am only a "teenager". Since my arrival in 1952, I have never ceased
admiring the American federal system whose example
might have solved the political problem of Central Europe
where I was born. Yet, the human aspect of American life
has been more puzzling. Technology and marketable values
seem to have priority over human values. The abrupt
homogeneization of society of diverse origins and civilizations implies as uprootal of individuals. Many Americans
of non-Anglo-Saxon descent suffer from historical amnesia.
They lack a larger trajectory, the wings which sustain
human beings on their flight and add an important dimension to human life.
The ethnics who came to America with strong religious
background, like Poles, Slovaks, Lithuanians, etc., have
found in religion a stabilizing factor of highest importance.
Many white nativists who were reprived of those roots
are slipping to the level of civil unconsciousness. They use
drugs, regale themselves with pornography, indulge in
swinging parties, draft card burning, and riots.
The official doctrine which has relegated religion as
an entirely private affair to a negligible corner of human
endeavor, contributes without doubt to the state of restlessness, to the philosophy of nothingness that seems to
have so much influenced the younger generation. This is
all the more serious that the questionable writings of some
fashionable, but ultramontane apostles, such as Jean Paul
SLOVAKIA
63
Sartre and Herbert Marcuse, will have an adverse effect
on the future not only of that generation, but on the future
of the country. However great and economically powerful
the United States may be, it can ignore higher values
and motivations only to its own detriment. We do not
live on an exclusive planet. We are being exposed to the
hostility and pressure of other, less liberal, systems. Consequently, those groups which stick to their traditional
values, including religion, are more in agreement with
the basic interests of the country than those which prefer
to swim with the stream.
A disturbing indifference to values is visible in some
other fields. Pragmatism, that allegedly "typical" American
philosophy, frequently allows our policy-makers to do with
the right hand something different from what they try
to do with their left hand. Examples? Our attitude to
Pakistan. While we have been sending armaments to West
Pakistan, we indulge in charities toward Bangladesh.
Our Social Science is dominated by the school of
"causalists". However, while causality a.s a method interpreting the interdependence of phenomena is proper in
Natural Science, it is false in Social Science which since
Aristotle and St. Thomas Aquinas has been the proper
realm of teleology, i.e., of objectives and means. The lack
of higher goals, metaphysical, international or simply
national, is undoubtedly a result of this improper methodology.
Legal Science in America is the guarded domain of
the sociological school trying to explain criminality as
a consequence of environmental conditions. Thus, the law
has been losing its normative character. Not so much
intentions, but statistics determine judicial sentences. More
frequent crimes are being accepted as a sort of national
fatality. Whereas in our economic system inflationary
trends are being curbed by a higher interest-rate, inflationary trend in criminality are being acted by a more moderate
sentencing. Who can see any logic in that? The freedom
of judges under the common law system is excessive and,
therefore arbitrary. The sentencing of Martin Luther King's
assassin to 99 years in prison throws a doubt on the seriousness of our justice. The United States whose population
SLOVAKIA
64
is of various origins and cultures should have abandoned
the common law many decades ago. This country needs
codification more than an increase in the number of policemen. The second amendment to the Constitution, passed
under different circumstances and allowing the individual
to be judge in his own cause, is absolete. We need,
consequently, to overcome the incipient "state of nature"
by stricter, codified rules that would deter potential
criminals. The law would then play its preventive and
dissuasive role.
The existing problem of ethnicity in America requires
restatement of our philosophy and revision of our practices.
Ethnic federalism would bring an improvement. Something
has to be done to enhance the standing of some forgotten
ethnic grounds; to put them on an equal footing with
others; to render human dignity to them. "The Ethnic
Heritage Studies Centers Act" of 1971, just passed by the
Senate, may perhaps bring some remedy to the present
situation.
Washington, D. C.
Prof. Joseph A . Mikus ' M .C.L.,J.D.
Slovak Martyrs
Father Anton salat lectured and wrote against the
Communists. Consequently, the partisans caught him in
the first week of the "uprising" in August 1944, at the
rectory of Hajniky, and led him to the bridge on the River
Hron. Father salat begged permission at least to go to
confession, but his request was denied. The partisans shot
him, took his gold watch and gold teeth, and cast the body
into the Hron.
Father Seda, in Liptov, suffered an even more agonizing
death. The Communists, while he was still alive, cut belts
of hide from his back, cut his privates, and left him to
die a slow and inhuman death.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Michael Novak on White Ethnics
Description
An account of the resource
Prof. Joseph A. Mikus, M.C.L., J.D.
also: Slovak Martyrs, Fr. Anton Šalát
Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972
pp. 62-64
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Mikuš, Joseph A., 1909-2005
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1972
LCNAF
-
https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/215285e5c6ce7625141c324686d0b91c.pdf
08d3cb514f45501653b2b41544812895
PDF Text
Text
SLOVAKIA
65
British Attitude Towards
Independent Slovakia in 19 3 9
I.
In Munich, in September 1938, the Western Powers
abandoned Central and Eastern Europe to Germany (in
the same manner as they were to abandon her in Yalta
and Potsdam in 1944-5 to Soviet Russia) and the small
countries of this region were compelled to do their best
to accommodate themselves to this new change in the
balance of power. Mr. Churchill (as he was then) stated
this fact quite eloquently in his speech to the House of
Commons on October 5th, 1939: "It must now be accepted
that all the countries of Central and Eastern Europe will
make the best terms they can with the triumphant Nazi
power."
There is always some good which comes from every
catastrophe. The Slovaks - though victims of the territorial aggrandizement of their neighbors (Hungary, Poland
and Germany) - succeeded in the post-Munich period in
their 20-year struggle for autonomy which was proclaimed
on October 6th, 1938. By asserting their national identity
through their own government and their own Diet the
Slovaks finally overcame the arrogant and dangerous
theory of a unitary "Czechoslovak" nation. The centralized
pre-Munich Czechoslovakia became the federated state
(hyphenated Czecho-Slovakia) of two equal nations. The
Czechs had to admit the futility of their misplaced megalomania: they recognized the Slovaks as a separate nation,
their language as a separate language.
The rest of the world took notice of both the external
and the internal changes which befell Czecho-Slovakia. The
old myths, fostered and sustained by clever Czech propaganda, were demolished and a more sober political
thinking was setting in. It was interesting and quite
refreshing to read in the British press (in an article by
G. B. Shaw at that) about "the entirely imaginary race
called Czechoslovaks'',1 because that's what "Czechoslo-
�66
SLOVAKIA
vaks" in fact were: a figment of political imagination aimed
at the absorption of the Slovak nation into the Czech
nation.
The subsequent events - which are now judged as
the prologue to World War II - were in their day
accepted as inevitable facts of life. After Munich Hitler's
supremacy over Central Europe was unchallenged, his
expansionist moves - even if occasionally condemned
and disapproved of - were tacitly and implicitly acquiesced in. Even the disintegration of Czecho-Slovakia
and the emergence of an independent Slovak state did not
produce that wave of indignation and outrage with which
it was to be treated later. The leader article in the "Daily
Express" on March 15th , 1939 summed up the general
sentiments in the following words :
"Why are our heads cooler ( than they were a year
ago - F . V.) ? Not because our hearts are hardened.
Not because we have no sympathy with the Czechs.
No. But we are not shocked by stale news. Munich
decided that Germany was the boss in Eastern Europe." 2
In this frame of mind did the British people at large
and the British Government view the new situation.
II.
The British foreign policy approach towards the new
territorial and political rearrangement followed two distinct lines. Though reluctant to recognize the German
" Protektorat " over Bohemia and Moravia, they saw the
position of Slovakia in a different and more acceptable
light.3 In a memorandum dated April 17th, 1939 the Foreign
Office Central Europe expert, R. M. Makins, summarized
the result of long deliberations which led to the following
conclusions:
"The position of Slovakia is different from that
of Bohemia and Moravia and a number of practical
questions have rendered it advisable for us to regularise the position of our Consul at Bratislava and to
give the new state de facto recognition." 4
Shortly afterwards on May 4th, 1939 the British Consul
in Bratislava notified the Slovak Foreign Minister (Dr. F.
�SLOVAKIA
67
nurcansky) that the British Government had decided to
grant the Slovak state a de facto recognition. The act of
recognition was followed by the opening of a Slovak
Consulate-General in London with Milan P. Harminc in
charge. 5
This happy and promising development was suddenly
arrested by the outbreak of the Second World War, in
September 1939. Because of Slovakia's geographical position and treaty relations she had with her protecting power,
Germany, Slovakia herself became marginally involved in
the German attack on Poland. The situation was further
aggravated by the defection of the Slovak Minister in
Warsaw, L. Szatmary, and the Slovak Consul in London,
M. Harminc. Both issued indignant proclamations - as it
happened quite incorrect - alleging that Slovakia was
occupied by German troops and deprived of every vestige
of national independence.6 At the same time the Czech
emigres in the West, led by ex-President Benes, launched
their propaganda campaign for the restoration of CzechoSlovakia in its pre-Munich form.
The Slovak cause in the West was at a great disadvantage. There was no one to defend it and the lies
and intrigues of the adversaries of Slovak independence
could go on almost unhindered.
Yet it must be said in all fairness that the British
attitude towards Slovakia was marked by a measure of
consideration and understanding of which the Slovaks were
only too infrequently the recipients. The British viewed
the position of Slovakia with sensitive appreciation for
the problems of a small country in the shadow of a great
power. The allegations of emigre politicians - both Czechs
and Slovaks - were taken with more than the proverbial
grain of salt and were frequently checked against the
opinions of knowledgeable experts and men-on-the-spot
such as former British Consul in Bratislava Mr. P. Pares.
In the British Consul the Slovaks had a severe critic
but at the same time a sincere, shrewd and sympathetic
observer. His deep knowledge of Slovak affairs enabled
him to evaluate the moves and actions of the Slovak
Government in their overall context. Already in May 1939
he had pointed out the difficult dilemma facing the Slovak
leaders and their efforts to find a solution to their prob-
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SLOVAKIA
lems. Having heard rumors about their clandestine approaches to the Slovak emigres in the West (particularly
towards Dr. s. Osusky in Paris), he wrote:
"The object of these manoeuvres seems to be to
maintain contact with the Western powers whilst
pursuing a policy of cooperating with the Germans
for as long as is necessary - in other words, the
policy of the Czechs before and during the Great War.
The Slovaks are growing very apprehensive now about
the possibility of war. They do not expect Germany
to win, but realize that they are powerless to refuse
anything she might ask in the event of war. So they
are trying to ensure the good will of the Western
powers in advance by secretly approving the plans
of the exiles." 7
III.
Two days before Britain entered the Second World
War the British Foreign Ministry issued an internal memorandum entitled "Our Attitude towards Czechs and Slovaks
in Time of War." With respect to Slovaks (in spite of some
unflattering remarks about their leadership ) the memorandum stated:
"However true it may be that the final defection
of the Slovaks last March was the result of German
machination and menace and that the present Slovak
Government is acting under force majeure in allowing
Slovakia to be used as an assembly ground for the
German attack on Poland, nevertheless the fact remains that the union of Czechs and Slovaks was not a
success and it would be rash to act on the presumption
that the Slovaks are now anxious to restore it ... By
proclaiming the restoration of Czecho-Slovakia as a
war aim, we should be assuming that the Slovaks had
repented of their errors and were eager for the reunion
with the Czechs. That may be so, but there are yet
insufficient grounds for assurance on the point and
we should not take at their face value any statements
of Slovak emigres on the subject." 8
With regard to ex-President Benes the memorandum
had this to say:
"The question then arises what recognition we
�SLOVAKIA
69
should give to Dr. Benes, if, as is only too likely, he
proclaims himself leader of the Czechoslovaks.
The question is not an easy one. In the first place
it must be admitted that he is far and away the most
outstanding Czech figure in the world. His supporters
say that Czechs and Slovaks both at home and abroad
are now unanimously behind him. So far as those
resident abroad are concerned he might be able to
produce some adequate proof, but no proof could
possibly be forthcoming from those resident in their
own countries. All that can be said is that he was not
a popular figure in large circles in Slovakia during
his presidency, and that the Czechs who assumed
power in the Protectorate after his departure made no
secret of their condemnation of him and his policy.
It may be that they have now changed their minds,
but it is difficult to see what proof can be had of the
fact, and it is after all the Czechs in the Protectorate
and not the emigres who matter most.
A further consideration is that Dr . Benes is personally abhorrent in several other states, particularly in
Poland and Hungary.
All these considerations suggest that we should be
wise to walk warily about any official recognition of
Dr. Benes, whether as leader of the Czechs or the
Czechoslovaks, though in view of his outstanding
position we should presumably have no option but to
accept him as their de facto spokesman". 9
As the memorandum anticipated Benes spoke out on
the very day Britain entered the armed conflict. On September 3rd he wired the following telegram to the British
Prime Minister N. Chamberlain:
"At this moment in which the British people are
obliged to wage a war imposed upon Poland, Great
Britain and France by Nazi Germany I wish to express
to Your Excellency with the deep and inalterable
feeling of sympathy the desire and the decision of
the Czechs and Slovaks to join without hesitation
your people in this struggle for a free Europe. Our
country is invaded and occupied by armed forces of
Nazism and the whole nation is suffering under inhuman terror and oppression, its forces, however, both
�70
SLOVAKIA
moral and physical remain intact. We Czechoslovak
citizens consider ourselves as being also in war with
the German military forces and we shall march with
your people till the final victory and the liberation
of our fatherland.
Edward Benes,
former President of Czechoslovakia." 10
This telegram was carefully studied by its British
recipients for hidden claims and pretensions. None was
found, but it was noted that Benes spoke on behalf of
"the Czechs and the Slovaks" as well as "Czechoslovak
citizens". The reply (which was despatched with a six-day
delay) carefully avoided any reference to either Slovaks
or "Czechoslovaks" and with a studied deliberation indicated to Benes the attitude of the British Government
towards him and indirectly toward Slovakia also. It read :
" I gratefully acknowledge Your Excellency's generous message of sympathy and support in this grave
hour. The sufferings of the Czech nation are not
forgotten and we look forwards through the triumph
of the principles for which we have taken up arms
to the release of the Czech people from foreign
domination.
Neville Chamberlain." 11
This public exchange of telegrams was to demonstrate
urbi et orbi that the British Government did not recognize
Benes's claim to speak on behalf of the Slovaks nor were
they particularly keen to restore Czecho-Slovakia. This was
made explicitly clear in an explanatory letter of September
26th, 1939, sent to the Britiish Minister in Budapest (Mr.
0. St. C. O'Malley) by Sir Orme Sargent who wrote:
" ... we are taking care to avoid committing ourselves to anything in the nature of a reconstitution of
the old Czecho-Slovak state.
In confirmation of this I would draw your attention to the answer, of which I enclose a copy, sel'lt
by the Prime Minister on the 9th September to Benes's
message of sympathy and support. The Prime Minister
was careful to speak only of the future of the Czech
people." 12
�SLOVAKIA
71
IV.
This public rebuke to Dr. Benes reactivated another
emigre politician, Dr. Milan Hodza, former Prime Minister
of Czecho-Slovakia and a bitter antagonist of Dr. Benes.
M. Hodza was a Slovak by birth. In his political outlook
he was inconsistent and in his political actions unpredictable. Immediately after 1918 he was an ardent exponent
of "Czechoslovak unity" and an active opponent of the
Slovak autonomists ( whom he used to mock that they did
not know the difference between "autonomy" and "automobile") .13 But gradually he realized the futile emptiness
of the Czech centralist policies and advocated some
measure of autonomy for Slovakia. In the summer of 1938
his proposals were almost identical with those of Andrej
Hlinka. 14 But Benes put a stop to Hodza's autonomist plans
and schemes and forbade him any further steps in this
direction. At the height of the Munich crisis Benes made
Hodza a convenient scapegoat for previous Czech mistakes
and omissions and on September 22nd, 1938 forced him
and his government to resign.
Physically and mentally broken M. Hodza retired to
France and then to Switzerland. It seemed that he had
left politics for good. Unlike Benes he made no pronouncements issued no proclamations when Hitler dismembered
Czecho-Slovakia. In the summer of 1939 he moved to
London. Here he very quickly realized that official British
circles considered the Czecho-Slovak interwar experiment
as a mistake which they would be loath to repeat. The
exchange of telegrams between Benes and Chamberlain
indicated to him very plainly that the British viewed
Slovakia not as a political accident but as a permanent
feature of the Central European scene.
In 1938-9 the British policy-makers realized that the
Versailles settlement imposed on Central Europe in 1919
was not satisfactory and created as many new problems
as it was supposed to solve. Consequently they were
unwilling to advocate any schemes which took no notice
of past mistakes. In effect it meant that the Slovaks
were not to be forced into any union with the Czechs
against their will. The British official circles did their
best to clear up the terminological confusion concerning
such expressions as Czechs, Slovaks, Czechoslovaks, Czecho-
�72
SLOVAKIA
Slovaks, nation, people, etc. It is interesting to note that
even Mr. Churchill - a tough and consistent opponent
of Munich - carefully chose his nouns and adjectives in
his speech of November 12th, 1939, when he spoke of "the
Polish, Czech and Slovak people". In his original draft
he mentioned "the Polish and Czechoslovak nations", but
on the advice of a Foreign Office official he accepted the
more correct and less offensive terminology .15
V.
At the outbreak of World War II the British considered
it important to clarify their attitude towards Slovakia.
In a message sent to Budapest on September 14th, 1939
we read:
"Notification has been issued that Slovakia is to
be regarded as territory in German occupation. Effect
of this is that Slovakia will be treated as enemy
territory for purpose of trading with the enemy, etc.,
but state of war does not exist between the United
Kingdom and Slovakia and Slovaks are not at present
to be regarded as enemy nationals in the United Kingdom." 16
But contrary to what was asserted by the defecting
Slovak diplomats, Szatmary and Harminc, and apparently
believed by the British, Slovakia was not occupied by
German troops. Unfortunately after the recall of the British
Consul from Bratislava and the defection of the Slovak
Consul in London there were no channels of communication between Britain and Slovakia to find out what
really went on. On the other hand the enemies of
Slovakia and the emigre pretenders of "the oppressed
Slovak people" had their field day. By intrigues, half-truths
and outright lies they tried to blacken the Slovak record
and discredit the idea of Slovak independence.
Initially the British Foreign Office did not accept these
emigre confidences at face value but passed them for
comment to the British Consul P. Pares. Pares' comments
and corrections (from Budapest where he had resided
from September 1939) are most remarkable documents
because it was not often that the Slovak cause found
a judicious and objective commentator in a complete
foreigner.
�SLOVAKIA
73
The type of material forwarded to Mr. Pares for
comment consisted mainly of "Weekly summaries" issued
by the Political Intelligence Department. The information
was collected mainly by R. H. Bruce Lockhart who was
a willing and polite listener to many emigre accounts,
stories, etc. 17 As a long-standing friend of Jan Masaryk18 and
Dr. Benes Bruce Lockhart did more than anybody else
towards the promotion of the Czech (i. e. anti-Slovak)
interests and towards the acceptance of Dr. Benes as the
spokesman for all the "Czechoslovaks". Bruce Lockhart
acted in good faith and with sincere conviction but there
is no doubt that his credulity was taken for a ride and
his official position exploited. Dr. J . Smutny, Benes's
secretary and his closest collaborator in London, wrote
quite frankly (in March 1940):
"Benes is unwilling to participate in the Czech
emigre activities except as some sort of 'President' ...
As a practical politician he knows that it is not enough
for him alone to be of this opinion, but this opinion
must be shared by others too. The British Government
in particular must accept this view. For this reason
every person who comes from the Protectorate and
says that the nation stands behind Benes, is carefully
put into contact with British circles to give them
authentic confirmation. He (the new arrival) does not
know about this game, it is all done very cleverly.
Every written or verbal message which states the same
(i.e. that the nation stands behind Benes) is passed on
to the Foreign Office through Mr. Bruce Lockhart." 19
Material "passed on to the Foreign Office through Mr.
Bruce Lockhart" formed then the bulk of these "Weekly
summaries". But apart from Benes and his hard working
staff of informants there were also other intelligence
harbingers, such as M. Hodza. Milan Hodza tried his
utmost to cast himself in the role of the sole and rightful
spokesman for the Slovaks.
Benes and Hodza did not see eye to eye with each other
but they were of one mind when it came to denouncing
and condemning everything which had happened in Slovakia since their inglorious exit.
The "Summaries" regularly reported about "the grow-
�74
SLOVAKIA
ing disillusionment of Slovaks with their 'autonomy'".
The British Consul (P. Pares) in his comments refutes
this allegation. He points out that the informants and their
sources represent but a small discontented group and their
views are at variance with those of the majority. And then
he singles out an important fact:
"The use of the term 'disillusionment' is in itself
misleading since from the moment when independence
was declared the Slovaks never had any illusions about
the difficulties and risks of their situation as a nation
of two million people in the centre of Europe. Popular
enthusiasm for the declaration of independence was
noticeably lacking last March and if there had been
any it would have been quickly dispelled by the small
war with Hungary which immediately followed. One
solid cause for satisfaction still remains in spite of
Slovakia's need for dependence on one or other of
the stronger neighbouring nations and that is the fact
that after one thousand years the internal political
administration has at last passed exclusively into the
hands of Slovaks. Economic and political dependence
on either Germany, the Czechs or Hungary is inevitable
so long as Slovakia remains an independent state but
the right of full self-administration is a pure gain
which is entirely due to the establishment of the Re-public ( of Slovakia) and goes far towards reconciling
the Slovaks with the drawbacks of their political
position." 20
The "Summaries" invariably harped upon reduced
living standards in Slovakia since March 1939. Mr. Pares
again was able to point out that the standard of living
of the peasantry had not been reduced, while there were
"solid (economic) gains of the majority of the middle
class". He also refuted the false claims regarding the
remittance of the Slovak workers' savings from Germany.
Where the Czech-inspired "Summaries" report "that
most members of the (Slovak) Government are looked
upon as gangsters", Mr. Pares jumps to their defence:
"Of the seven ministers, three, namely M. Stano,
M. Sivak and M. Pruzinsky are Czechophil moderates
belonging to the Hlinka party (M. Sivak was head of
�SLOVAKIA
75
the government installed by the Czechs on March 9th
when Dr. Tiso was deposed) and all three were members of M. Sidor's Czechophil government which succeeded Sivak's. Of the other three, two (Fritz and
Medricky) occupy minor posts, and Dr. Durcansky has
travelled far politically since the days when he broadcast against the Czechs over the Vienna wireless.21 All
these facts are very well known to Slovaks and it is
inconceivable that they should hold the view ascribed
to them in the Summary. The general attitude towards
Dr. Tuka, the present Prime Minister, is indeed hostile
but there is no reason to suppose that this unpopularity
extends to the members of his cabinet."
Drawing on his local knowledge of the Slovak scene
Mr. Pares makes penetrating observations about the end
of the Protestant predominance in Slovak political and
public affairs:
"The Protestant predominance of 1918 has gone
for ever and it is useless to seek any sort of accord
between Slovaks and Czechs which was opposed to
the wishes of the Slovak Catholics. Yet there are no
signs that the Czecho-Slovak National Council (i. e.
Committee established on November 17th, 1939 in
Paris ) has made any progress towards winning over
their (i.e. Catholic ) support up to the present."
Commenting on the composition of the Czecho-Slovak
National Committee,22 Mr. Pares expresses his doubts about
the credentials of the three Slovak representatives on this
body. He writes that the creators of this Committee either
neglected to take into account the Catholic majority "or
have been unsuccessful in their negotiations with the
Catholic leaders." And he continues:
"The three Slovak members of the Committee are
not only Protestants but have not and never have had
any political following. M. Osusky and M. Slavik are
career diplomats and have lived for a long time abroad,
whilst General Viest is a professional soldier. Though
there is evidence to show that they are regarded with
sympathy by the Slovak Protestants, it seem doubtful
whether they can really claim to represent the political
views of the whole Slovak people."
�76
SLOVAKIA
VI.
Early in November 1939 the British Consul in Slovakia
(Mr. P. Pares) was asked to comment on a memorandum
submitted earlier by B. H. Bruce Lockhart and referring
to discussions Mr. Bruce Lockhart had with Dr. Hodfa.
In this conversation Hodfa stated that the Slovak population was almost unanimously behind him. He advocated
a federalist solution for Slovakia which would keep the
Czechs and Slovaks in one state but would grant the
Slovaks that degree of autonomy which was secured by
the zilina Agreement of October 6th, 1938.23 Hodfa told
Bruce Lockhart that independence was virtually forced on
the Slovaks and that there was an overwhelming desire
for the return to old Czecho-Slovakia. 24 Mr. Pares disagreed
with this view almost completely and gave a remarkably
accurate interpretation of what had actually happened in
March 1939. He mentions the real fears among Slovak
politicians "at the end of February 1939 that the Czechs
might soon take some opportunity of setting aside the
spirit if not the letter of the Slovak autonomy law of
October 1938".
"Later these fears proved to be justified - writes
Mr. Pares - when the Czech Government carried out
its coup d 'e tat in Slovakia on March 9th. The effect
of this coup was that, at the moment when Dr. Tiso
was notified in Berlin that unless Slovakia declared
her independence she would be divided between Hungary and Poland after Germany had taken what she
needed, the Slovaks were in no mood to risk anything
for the sake of the Czechs and therefore agreed to
the German demand.
Thus the opinion of the majority of people in
Slovakia at the time of the declaration of independence
was dominated by two main ideas: satisfaction at
being rid at least of the Czech bugbear and relief at
having saved the Slovak people from a partition which
might have led to its complete disappearance as a
nation." 25
The claims that the Slovaks were dissatisfied with their
state are contradicted by the British Consul who sees the
situation in its real and realistic context:
�SLOVAKIA
77
"There are . . . good reasons why the Slovaks should
be satisfied with this situation despite its drawbacks.
Germany's authority is not excercised entirely without
regard for Slovak feelings or interests. For instance,
the new German Minister who arrived recently is far
better liked than his predecessor ( who was removed
at Dr. Durcansky's request). . . The conclusion of
trade agreements with Poland, Germany, Italy, Yugoslavia and other countries during the summer ( of 1939)
has assured the necessary supply of commodities such
as coal, textiles, fruit, lard, coffee, etc. and the exchange
of goods with the Protectorate which constituted fourfifths of Slovakia's total export trade was proceeding
almost up to the outbreak of war."
Mr. Pares also disputes the claims about the German
occupation of Slovakia and the allegations of the arrogant
behavior of the German soldiers towards native people:
"The relations between the Slovak population and
the German troops of occupation in the small strip
of territory which constituted the military zone, were
described to me as excellent by an impartial and
reliable American observer as late as the beginning
of August. So far as I know German soldiers - except
for some deputations of officers who toured the country
examining strategic roads, railways and the possibility
of requisitioning local supplies - did not move outside
the military zone until late in August."
The British Consul ridicules the suggestions of M.
Hodza that "the Slovak Government functions at the bidding of its German masters and with the support of German
bayonets" and that "the Slovaks who are not prepared
to accept German money have resigned from their posts" .
Mr. Pares comments: "This sort of charge sounds like
the kind of generalized accusations which one hears rather
frequently from a Central European when he is speaking
about his political opponents."
In one respect, however, Mr. Pares agrees with the
emigre informants: concerning the pro-Czech sentiments
among the officers of the Slovak army. And here he makes
an astute and surprisingly accurate prediction:
"These (pro-Czech) sympathies can be discounted
�78
SLOVAKIA
for the present, and only when the time comes, and
Germany's hold over the Czechs and Slovaks weakens,
will this factor assume a real political importance."
VII.
At the end of 1939 there was already a noticeable shift
in the British attitude towards the Slovaks. The earlier
signs of a favorable disposition towards Slovakia were
gradually corroded away by a conjoint action of three
mutually interrelated factors:
(i) The continuous stream of vicious anti-Slovak propaganda emanating from the Czech emigre groups around
Dr. Benes.
(ii) A powerful pro-Czech lobby among British parliamentarians, politicians and influential public figures.
(iii) The contagious example of France where on October 2nd, 1939 a military agreement was concluded between
the French Government and Minister Dr. E:';. Osusky who
signed the agreement "on behalf of the provisional government of the Czecho-Slovak Republic". This act was followed
on November 15th, 1939 by the French recognition of the
Czecho-Slovak National Committee "as qualified to represent the Czecho-Slovak people and in particular to
execute the agreement of October 2nd."
Invoking the French precedent Dr. Benes was pressing
hard for a similar concession from the British. After
a prolonged negotiation he obtained on December 20th,
1939 British recognition of the Czecho-Slovak National
Committee "as qualified to represent the Czecho-Slovak
people". At the same time, however, it was made very
plain to Dr. Benes and all concerned that "no commitments
were made at this stage regarding the future of the former
territories of the Czecho-Slovak Republic." 26
The fall of France in summer 1940 considerably
strengthened Benes's position in London where his Committee was eventually recognized as "the provisional
government" (on July 21st, 1940). From this time on if the
British attitude towards the Czechs showed some restraint,
it was not for the sake of the Slovaks but primarily out of
consideration for the feelings of the Poles and Hungarians
who too were against the restoration of the pre-Munich
Czecho-Slovakia and against Dr. Benes personally.
In December 1940 Viscount Halifax left the position
�SLOVAKIA
79
of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and his place
was taken by Mr. Anthony Eden (now Earl of Avon) . Mr.
Eden was a close personal friend of Jan Masaryk and Dr.
Benes and was known as an outspoken antagonist of the
whole appeasement policies of the Chamberlain Government. With him a new spirit-highly favorable to Czech
political aspirations and ambitions-moved into the corridors of the Foreign Ministry.
As the hatred and abhorrence of Hitler and his Nazism
grew, so did the sympathy towards the Czechs, and the
Czech emigres were quick and clever to exploit it fully. No
one is going to dispute the fact that the Czechs were victims
of the Munich decision, but one is taken aback by the
agility with which they made themselves into poor innocent
victims of Munich which they certainly were not. By
branding the Munich Agreement a 'dictate' they were
making dictators not only of Germany and Italy but also
of France and Britain. By transferring these semantics
into practical politics they shifted their blame for Munich
and all the subsequent events on others, including the
Western allies.
The simple truth is that in the autumn of 1938 the
Czech accepted the Munich Agreement with nothing more
than a verbal protest when they could and should have
opposed Hitler with arms. But by 1940-41 they were able
to elevate their shameless capitulation into an act of supreme heroism and noble sacrifice, for which the Western
powers owed them a living - Czech style. So one-sided
and uncritical was the British support of Benes and his
policies that they actively assisted him in the elimination
of his political opponents (who had equally impressive
records of both democratic tradition and anti-Nazi fighting
as Benes himself) such as the Slovaks s. Osusky and M.
Hodza, Czechs as L. Prchala, Sudeten Germans as W. Jaksch
and many more less-known but not less meritorious antiNazis. In July 1943 Benes's secretary, J . Smutny, wrote
with an air of victorious satisfaction:
"Morally the greatest success of Dr. Benes lies in
the fact that he managed to change Munich and our
decision not to fight there and then into a victory of
Czechoslovak moral strength and foresight; he was
able to throw at the heads of our present allies the
responsibility for OUR decision . . ." 27
�80
SLOVAKIA
In the light of all this it is not difficult to see
Dr. Benes succeeded in making Slovak leaders willing
accomplices and in convincing the Western powers
the Slovak nation desired nothing more than reunion
the Czechs and himself as their president.
F. V
how
Nazi
that
with
n u k, Australia
FOOTNOTES
1) "Daily Herald", March 3rd, 1939.
2) "Daily Express", March 15th, 1939, p. 12.
3) F. Vnuk, British Recognition of Independent Slovakia in 1939, in
"Slovak Studies (Historica)", Vol. VIII, (Rome, in press).
4) The Foreign Office Archives, Political Correspondence (CzechoSlovakia) 1939-40, No. 371 / 22898/Doc. 17. In following references
only volume and document numbers will be given (e. g 22896/ 47) .
5) Dr. J . M. Kirschbaum, Postoj Vel' kej Britanie k Slovenskej Republike, in "Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike" (Middletown,
Pa., 1960) , pp. 63-71.
6) The proclamation handed by Dr. L. Szatmary to the Polish Foreign
Ministry and subsequently released to the press on September 2nd ,
1939 reads:
"In the name of the Slovak people and its representatives
who, under the pressure of the Third Reich, have been reduced
to silence and have been reproached for penetrations exclusively
in the interest of Germany, I protest as the representative of the
State of Slovakia in Poland against the brutal disarmament of
the Slovak army, against the arbitrary occupation of Slovakia by
the troops of the Third Reich, against the use of Slovakia as
a base for warlike action against the brotherly Polish people.
"The Slovak people, whether they be at home or abroad, will
never submit to the violence of the Third Reich.
"It associates itself with armed resistance against the aggressor to regain the freedom in collaboration with the civilized
nations of the world, and in order that it may freely decide its
own destiny.
"I would be very obliged to your Excellency if the Polish
Government would please acknowledge my present communication
and if it would support by all its resources and those of its Allies
the fight of the Slovak people to save its national honour and
fatherland as well as to win true independence."
Mr. Harminc's proclamation, published in the British press on September 24th, 1939 has the following to say:
"The whole of Slovakia is occupied by Nazi armed forces. The
voice of the Slovak people has been temporarily silenced by
the ruthless abrogation of all treaties and agreements.
"In the name of Slovakia I solemnly protest against this shameful betrayal, and declare that the aims and ideals of Great
Britain and France are identical with those of my sorely-tried
people.
Milan Harminc
�SLOVAKIA
7)
8)
9)
10)
11)
12)
13)
14)
15)
16)
17)
18)
81
22803/ 338-9
22899/ 14-15
22899/ 17-18
"The Times" (London), Sepember 5th, 1939.
"The Times" (London), September 11th, 1939.
22899/ 191-3
To which a Slovak journalist and politician, J . Mudroii, provided
the following repartee: "Oh yes, they do know, Mr. Hodui. The
automobile is a mechanical instrument which enables the Czechs
to move into Slovakia, autonomy is a political instrument which
will make them move out of Slovakia." ("Slovak", February 22nd ,
1920) .
Dr. Michal Mudry, Milan Hodza v Amerike, Chicago, Ill. , 1949, p. 58.
22900/ 27
22900/ 273
Mr. R. H. Bruce Lockhart gives an interesting account of his work
at the Political Intelligence Department in his book, Comes the
Reckoning, (London, 1947).
He is the author of a sympathetic biographical sketch, Jan Masaryk:
a personal memoir, (London, 1951).
19) "Acta Occiipationis Bohemiae et Moraviae", Vol. I. (Pra ha, 1966 ),
p. 92.
20) This and the following quotations are taken from a memorandum
24290/79-84 which is reprinted in full in Appendix III.
21) In this memorandum Mr. Pares mentions only six out of seven
ministers who ,c omprised the Slovak Government. The seventh man,
who is left out, is General F. Catlos, the Minister of National
Defense.
22) This Czecho-Slovak National Committee consisted of eight members :
iDr. E. Benes, Dr. J . Sramek, Gen. S. Ingr, Dr. E. Outrata, Dr. H.
Ripka, Dr. S. Osusky, Dr. J . Slavik, Gen. R. Viest. The last three
members were Slovaks, but they were pitifully unrepresentative of
the Slovak nation. Not only were they all Protestants - as Mr.
Pares points out - but one of them, J. Slavik, summed up his
nationalist sentiments in a self-revealing phrase: 'I am an unhyphenated Czechoslovak. "
23) In the West M. Hodza liked to put himself forward as a great and
dedicated federalist. In 1941 he even published in London a book.
" Federation in Central Europe." But a sad fact remains that back
home, when he was the second most powerful politician in CzechoSlovakia, he did not try hard enough to implement his federalist
ideas within the Czecho-Slovak framework.
24) Dr. Hodfa was asked to put his views down in writing. He did so
and his memorandum (22900/ 66-70) is reproduced in full in Appendix I.
25) Mr. Pares' commentaries on Hodfa's accounts of the situation in
Slovakia can be found in 22900/74-81 and are given in full in
Appendix II. This and the following four quotations are taken from
Mr. Pares' comments.
�SLOVAKIA
82
26 ) 24288/ 60
27 ) Acta occu.pationis Bohemiae et Moraviae, Vol. I., (Praha, 1966), p.
222.
Appendix I.
MEMORANDUM BY DR. HODZA
ON THE SITUATION IN SLOVAKIA
In October 1939 Dr. Milan Hod.fa, former Prime Minister of Czecho-Slovakia, had a lengthy discussion about the
political situation in Slovakia with Mr. Robert H. Bruce
Lockhart of the British Foreign Office. The summary of
this discussion was passed for comment to the former
British Consul in Bratislava (Mr. Peter Pares) while Dr.
Hodza was requested to put his view:s on paper in the
form of a memorandum. In his written submission, handed
to Mr. Bruce Lockhart on November 14th 1939, Dr. Hodza
was less outspoken especially in his references to Dr.
Benes. Even so his memorandum is an unusual document
of some historical interest, particularly in its allegation
- hitherto not mentioned anywhere - about the new
political balance in Slovakia in the autumn of 1939. Dr.
Hodza claims here the allegiance of 30 out of 49 Slovak
deputies elected in 1935 (and including K. Sidor and M.
Sokol). But one has to be sceptical about his mathematics .
Hodza's memorandum was prefaced by a letter of Mr.
Bruce Lockhart:
My dear Roberts,
I send you herewith a memorandum which has been given me
by Dr. Hodza. It gives a picture of the alleged political line-up
among l!he Slovaks. You will see that, as I predicted, the old
gentleman has been careful not to put his anti-Benes and antiCzech sentiments on paper.
R. H. Bruce Lockhart
Yours sincerely,
MEMORANDUM BY DR. HOD2A
The position in Slovakia is now becoming clearer.
Except for a small opportunist minority, Slovakia has never wished
for separation from Bohemia and Moravia, and even the Slovak Parliament, elected in the Nazi fashion in December 1938, refused to adopt
a resolution to pronounce complete separation from them. This resolution, which at the same time called upon Germany for protection, was
only passed after Dr. Tiso and his four friends, who had the full
support of the German S . S. and S. A., had declared that, if i,t were
not accepted, Slovakia would be occupied by German troops.
Up to last August Germany treated Slovakia very tactfully,
not only politically but also commercially, so that even the moderate
Federalists agreed that there were many advantages in being an
�SLOVAK.IA
83
independent country. It was not until the preparations for war were
begun in July that the situation suddenly changed, and it became
obvious that Germany regarded the Slovak Government merely as
a means for forcing upon Slovakia any measure, no matter how un popular. The declaration of war finally opened Slovak eyes.
The present political position in Slovakia is as follows: After the cession of territory to Hungary there remained forty-nine
of the sixty-four Slovak seats in the former Parliament. After the last
free elections twenty-six of these were held by the parties led by Dr.
Hodza ( 15), Dr. Sokol, President of the Slovak Parliament and a leader
of the Catholic Federalist Group , (8) , and Dr. Jan Pauliny-Toth, leade r
of the Federalist Slovak National Party, (2) .
On October 3 Dr. Pauliny came to Paris and offered Dr. Hodza the
co-operation of his party and of Dr. Sokol and his Catholic Federalists
in the reconstitution of the Czechoslovak Republic on a federal basis.
In the present ciTcumstances, of course, the co-operation of these groups
must be secret.
On October 10 a special envoy arrived in Paris with a similar
message from M. Sidor, another Catholic Federalist and a former
advocate of co-operation with the Germans. He had to resign from the
Slovak Government soon after March 10, when he had opposed the
German effort to establish a separate Slovakia instead of a federal
Republic. His party consists of four deputies.
It is thus clear that out of a total of forty-nine, thirty former
Slovak deputies are in favour of a federal Republic.
The nineteen remaining deputies are: i) six members of the Catholic Federalist Party who possibly
still recognise Dr. Tiso as their leader;
ii) five Socialist deputies, who although differing from the
majority in preferring the restitution of the former semi-centralized
Government to the establishment of federal methods, also support
the Republic;
iii) seven Slovak Communist deputies, two of whose leaders
are now in Paris, and who are also in favour of the federal system :
and
iv) one Hungarian deputy, whose views are not known.
II.
At a meeting in Paris on October 12, representatives of the thirty
deputies decided that the federal Republic should, from the international
point of view, be a single political entity. Thus there would be one
Head of the Federal State and a central Parliament and Government,
with powers over foreign policy, the army, economic reconstruction,
communications, and international trade and finance. Local parliaments
and local governments would be in charge of education, public works,
social welfare, hygiene, housing, interior administration and the police,
and, in fact, of all economic problems not dealt with by the central
Government and Parliament (agriculture, industry, trade, etc. ).
It is desirable that federalisation should not only be the programme
of the Slovak majority, but also of the Czechs abroad. If, however, the
latter refuse to adopt it, this need not prevent co-operation between
the Czechs and Slovaks abroad. The Slovak majority are convinced that
in the restored Republic there will always be a Czecho-Slovak majority
�84
SLOVAKIA
in favour of a federal structure, as was the case in October 1938. The
Slovak majority therefore offers to co-operate with the Czechs. There
is no doubt about the importance of this collaboration. Geographically
Slovakia is of the g reatest importance to Bohemia and Moravia, since
it connects them with Central and Danubian Europe. Without this
connection they would always be the helpless victims of the German
pincers. This co-operation is equally important to Slovaks, as so-called
i ndependence would always be fraught with danger for her.
Co-operation between the Czech and Slovak representatives in the
action abroad has now a quite special importance, as the Czechoslovak
army which is to be formed in France will comprise 55, if not 60 %
of Slovak agricultural labourers and industrial workers domiciled in
France for years.
III.
The Slovak political representatives have always been unanimous
in their conviction that the Czechoslovak Republic will at all times be
obliged to work in very close co-operation with Poland and the neighbouring Danubian countries. The Slovaks visualise the future structure
of central Europe as a confederation of sovereign states prepared to
sacrifice complete sovereignty sufficiently to guarantee them independe nce and security.
The basis of this scheme for federalisation may be found partly in
pre vious Home Rule schemes of the Slovak Federalists and partly in
a scheme which Dr. Hodza, then Prime Minister of Czechoslovakia, put
forward in Ma y and June 1938. This scheme, finally adopted by several
leaders of the parliamentary majority, aimed at the setting up of a local
Pa rliament and Government for Slovakia within the framework of
a general reconstruction of the Czechoslovak political system.
Up to •the end of August, some of the leading officers in the Slovak
Army kept in touch with Dr. Benes and some with Dr. Hodza , through
the medium of special envoys. Thus the overwhelming majority of the
Slovak arm y maintained their Czechoslovak orientation. Among those
abroad the former Inspector of the Slovak Army, General Viest, is
a non-political soldier. The former chief of the Slovak Air Force, Major
Ambrus, is, together with the vast majority of his brother-officers, in
favour of Czeoho-Slovak federalism .
The minutes attached to Hodza's memorandum(signed
by Mr. Roberts) are of some importance as they show
what kind of credibility rating Dr. Hodza enjoyed with
the British Foreign Office. Mr. Roberts writes:
"Dr. Hodza is not only an emigre but he was never
really popular in Slovakia, where he was considered
to be too closely associated with the Czech Central
Government at Prague. This memorandum also clearly
shows that he is still thinking in terms of the old
political parties which - as Mr. Lockhart has assured
me - are now completely discredited.
I therefore think that we should not accept Dr.
Hodza's views too readily ... "
�SLOVAKIA
85
Appendix 11.
Comments by Mr. P. Pares on the Bruce Lockhart
account of discussions with Dr. M. Hodza. The comments
were written at the British Legation in Budapest, where
Mr. Pares stayed after his recall from Bratislava in September 1939. In the covering letter the Briti!sh Minister to
Hungary (Mr. O'Malley) wrote to Mr. I. Kirkpatrick in
London:
Dear Kirkpatrick,
With reference to your letter of October 19 C 16390/ 12 I enclose
a memorandum by Pares commenting on Lockhart's memorandum .
As I have not been much in Slovakia I will not add any
remarks of my own except to say that on almost every point of
which I have any knowledge I must venture to differ from
Lockhart.
Another golden age for emigres of all descriptions is I suppose
about to dawn. It is a pity. Their political views are rarely sound.
MEMORANDUM
The conclusions reached in the memorandum seem to be on the
whole over-simplified. The line of argument appears to be that because
the independence of Slovakia was dictated by Germany and because
German control of the country has increased since the Slovak State
came into existence, the present Slovak government has become unpopular and the majority of Slovaks now wish for a restoration of
the Czecho-Slovak Republic.
This is perhaps the impression which might be derived from
contacts restricted to Slovak emigres, such as General Viest, whose
name is mentioned several times in the memorandum. Incidentally
General Viest was on the retired list last March and at the time of
my arrival in Bratislava during December 1938, the opinion of him
in centralist "Czechoslovak" circles there was that he was a mediocrity
in spite of the fact that he enjoyed the distinction of being the only
Slovak general in the Czechoslovak army.
But this interpretation of developments in Slovakia does not place
sufficient emphasis on the growing apprehension felt by Dr. Tiso's
autonomous Slovak provincial government at the end of February 1939,
that the Czechs might soon take some opportunity of setting aside the
spirit if not the letter of the Slovak autonomy law of October 1938.
Dr. Tiso's opening speech at the first working session of the Slovak
Diet in the middle of February made known these feelings quite
clearly. Later they were proved to be justified when the Czech government carried out its coup d'etat in Slovakia on March 9. The effect of
this coup was that, ait the moment when Dr. Tiso was notified in Berlin
that unless Slovakia declared her independence she would be divided
between Hungary and Poland after Germany had taken what she needed ,
the Slovaks were in no mood to risk anything for the sake of the Czechs
and therefore agreed to the German demand.
Thus the opinion of the majority of people in Slovakia at the time
of the declaration of independence was dominated by two main ideas,
�86
SLOVAKJA
satisfaction at being rid at last of the Czech bugbear and relief at
having saved the Slovak people from a partition which might have led
to its complete disappearence as a nation. Nobody had any illusion
about the difficulties and dangers of the situation and there were
hardly any public displays of enthusiasm. The attitude of the middle
classes and intelligentsia was either depressed or optimistic. In the
first Slovak cabinet constituted afiter March 14, the names of M. Sidor
and those of M. Stano and M. Pruzinsky, members of M. Sidor's former
provincial government, were included and even that of Sivak, the head
of the government installed by Prague after its military coup of March
9. This indicates clearly that the new government was a concentration
of all the national political groups and did not represent only the
successful pro-German group which ·had carried out the revolution.
These points are all worth mentioning because they show that
the Slovak people as a whole and their leaders even in March had
no illusions about the position. Nothing appears to have occurred since
then which could cause any alteration in their estimate of their position
or their attitude toward the government of Dr. Tiso.
There are on the other hand good reasons why the Slovaks should
be satisfied with this situation despite its drawbacks. Germany's
authority is not exercised entirely without regard for Slovak feelings
or interests. For instance the new German Minister who arrived recently
is far better liked than his predecessor (who was removed •a t Dr_
Durcansky's request) and does not make a habit of making frequent
peremptory demarches on all manner of non-essential subjects and
without the instructions of his government. The conclusion of trade
agreements with Poland, Germany, Italy, Yugoslavia and other countries
during the summer has assured the necessary supply of commodities
such as coal, textiles, fruit, lard, coffee, etc., and the exchange of goods
with the Protectorate which constituted four-fifths of Slovakia's total
export trade, was proceeding almost normally up to the outbreak of
war. The only economic problems of importance were the accumulation
on a relatively large scale of frozen credits in Germany (500 million
ct-owns) * and the Protectorate (200 million crowns)* due to the difficulty
of obtaining manufactured goods in exchange for deliveries from
Slovakia.
The midle-classes are now satisfied because employment in Government offices has been opened to them on a large scale. The peasants
in Eastern Slovakia have also been conciliated by increased prices for
their grain this year and by the prospect of cheaper freight rates for
their produce when the construction of the new railway line through
Vranov in East Slovakia has been completed.
A typical instance of German methods of exploitation in Slovakia
is pmvided by the agreement reached between the Slovak and German
governments regarding the construction of strategic roads. The Slovak
programme was planned to cost 60 million crowns and was to last for
two years. The Germans estimated that the cost would be doubled if
the work were carried out in three months ,as they wanted, and therefore agreed with ,the Slovaks to give the contracts to German firms
who would receive the difference between the Slovak estimate and the
• Up to the end of August
�SLOVAKIA
87
German estimate in Reichsmarks from the German Government. The
labor and also such raw materials as could be supplied by Slovakia
were paid for in Slovak currency whilst the machinery and tar were
provided by the German contractors and paid for in Germany.
The relations between the Slovaik population and the German
troops of occupation in the small strip of territory which constituted
the military zone, were described to me as excellent by an impartial
and reliable American observer as late as the beginning of August.
So far as I know German soldiers - except for some deputations of
officers who toured the country examining strategic roads, railways
and the possibility of requisitioning local supplies - did not move
outside the military zone until late in August. When I visited the
district of Orava on the Polish frontier, in the middle of May, I stayed
with Slovaks and ·h eard no talk of German soldiers in the neighbourhood, though the Orava area lies next door to the Jablunkau district
(which was in the military zone) and was actually used by German
troops for their advance into Poland in September.
The description in the memorandum of the "so-called autonomous
government exercising its functions solely at the bidding of its German
masters and with the support of German bayonets" does not tally with
the account of the state of affairs given above. Nor is it correct, in my
experience, •that the Slovaks who are not ,p repared to accept German
money have resigned from their posts. I knew very many hard-working
and honest officials whilst I was in Bratislava, not one of whom ever
received any German money, to judge by their manner of living, or
seemed likely to have accepted it, if it had been offered. This sort of
charge sounds like the kind of generalized accusation which one hears
rather frequently from a Central European when he is speaking about
his political opponents.
The political administration in Slovakia, though based on authoritarian models was generally reputed to be less stringent than in
Germany owing to the easy-going temperament of the Slovaks. Dr.
Pauliny Toth, the Slovak Nationalist leader whose name is mentioned
in the memorandum, spent some weeks in the detention camp for
political prisoners in Ilava and can testify that conditions there are
Jess severe than they are said to be in Dachau or other German camps.
The delay of punishing the mutinous Slovak regiments last September is another proof of the German willingness to yield to Slovak
feelings on questions in which these feelings are really roused and
do not conflict with any essential German interest.
After the Hlinka party the most powerful single political factor
in the Slovak state is perhaps the army and it is definitely "Czechoslovak" in sentiment. This is intelligible since the policy of the CzechoSlovak republic was to use the system of compulsory military service
as a means of cementing the union between the two halves of the
country which, although closely related from a linguistic point of view,
had had no common tradition for a thousand years. In pursuit of this
policy Slovak soldiers were sent to serve in Bohemia and Moravia and
Czech soldiers were given a taste of the primitive conditions on the
Slovak and Ruthenian borders. It is natural therefore that the Czechoslovak tradition should still be strong in the Slovak army. These
�88
SLOVAKIA
sympathies can be discounted for the present, and only when the time
comes, and Germany's hold over the Czechs and Slo•v aks weakens, will
this factor assume a real political importance.
Summing up, I should say that the situation in Slovakia has not
changed very much since the beginning of the country's existence as
an independent state and that with the exception of the army, and
some of the Lutherans, the people are not violently discontented with
German control. They never had many illusions about their international
position and after all the country enjoys a fair measure of autonomy
with full self-administration. The attitude of the Slovak intelligentsia
is on the whole one of passive disap:proV1al but not of active revolt,
with the exception of a section of the Lutheran community, which was
the great source of strength of the former centralists or "Czechoslovaks"
and has suffered with their eclipse. In this case it is sectarian feeling
rather than loss of political power which created bitter antagonism
to the existing government of Catholic priests.
So :fiar as I know the political influence of the Catholic priests has
not diminished and I have never heard of anything which proved that
they were opposed to Dr. Tiso's government.
'Dhe Slovaks are still rather suspicious of the Czechs but are
beginning to see from experience that they are no worse than any other
of their neighbours and also to realize that the Czech regime brought
considerable benefits to the country. This is certainly a positive development, but it is a long way from this to a desire for the restoration
of the Czecho-Slovak State.
In my opinion the restoration depends almost entirely on the
manner in which the present Czech leaders set about conciliating the
proper quarters in Slovakia. By this I mean the rather bigoted Catholic
element embodied in the Hlinka Party and not the arrogant Lutheran
minority who were formerly the Czechs' supporters and proteges. The
conditions for such an attempt are not unfavourable now but a beginning
must be made soon or it may be too late. Political revenge will have
to be foregone and much patience and tole:riance will be required on
the Czech side.
It may be asked why, if the majority of Slovaks are satisfied with
their independence thus far, should they be ready to help restore the
Czecho-Slovak republic. The answer is that they are aware of the
dangers which surround them and might therefore be prepared on
certain terms to accept union with the .Czechs as a stronger Slav power.
Proof of this uneasiness is to be found in the rather maladroit advances
of Dr. Durcansky to the Slovak emig:rants in Paris during the summer.
More than once I have observed that Slovak officials are perturbed
by the fear that Slovakia may find herself on the wrong side at the
end of the war and they therefore attempt to ingratiate themselves
simultaneously with Germany and with the representatives of the
Wes tern powers.
The entry of Russia on the Central European scene has introduced
a new factor. It is not out of the question that if the Czechs do not
come to terms with the Slovaks. quickly, the situation may change so
that the rapprochement would no longer be considered desirable by
the Slovaks.
P. Pares
�SLOVAKIA
89
Appendix Ill.
MEMORANDUM OF MR. P. PARES
ON "WEEKLY SUMMARIES" NO. 10.
(These "Weekly Summaries" were surveys of politically significant events in the Protectorate and Slovakia
prepared by the Political Intelligence Department of the
British Foreign Office and based on information obtained
from Czech and Slovak emigres, recent arrivals, press and
radio news, etc. In this memorandum Mr. Pares refutes
much of the emigre information as biased and unreliable.)
Almost every issue of the Weekly Summary has contained reference
to the griowing disillusionment of Slovaks with their "autonomy"
( presumably Slovak independence is meant) yet this tendency is not
confirmed by the information available here. It must be admitted
however that members of the Legation staff have not had opportunities
of making contact with Slovaks during the last six weeks owing to
Slovaks' fears of falling under the suspicion of the Gestapo. A possible
explanation of this differences is that many of the reports reaching
London directly may come through the Slovak political emigrants who
are nearly all Protestants and not only are opposed to the present
Slovak regime themselves but draw their information from Protestant
sources in Slovakia which are also in bitter opposition. The number
of Catholic Slovaks who have been obliged to go into exile is very
small for the obvious reason that the revolution of October 1938 brought
the Catholic majority into ;p ower.
The use of the term "disillusionment" is in itself misleading since
from the moment when independence was declared the Slovaks never
had any illusions about the difficulties and risks of their situation as
a nation of two million ipeople in the centre of Europe. Popular
enthusiasm for the declaratiion of independence was noticeably lacking
last March and if ,t here had been ,a ny it would have been quickly
dispelled by the small war with Hungary which immediately followed.
One solid cause for satisfaction still remains in spite of Slovakia's need
for dependence on one or other of the stronger neighbouring nations
and that is the fact that after one thousand years the internal political
administi,ation has at last passed exclusively into the hands of Slovaks.
Economic and political dependence on either Germany, the Czechs or
Hungary is inevitable so long as Slovakia remains an independent state
but the right of full self-administration is a pure gain which is entirely
due to the establishment of the Republic and goes far towards reconciling the Slovaks with the drawbacks of their political position.
It is doubtful whether, as the Summary of December 5 (No. 10)
suggests, the general standard of living has been reduced. During the
summer cost of living bonuses were paid to workers whilst employment
and conditions of pay among the "white collar" cl.ass appeared to have
improved. The standard of living of the Slovak peasant has always
been near the minimum necessary for existence and there have been
no signs so far thait it has been reduced. On the contrary prices fixed
by the grain monopoly this season were in some districts better than
these offered last year under the Czecho-Slovak republic. Among the
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SLOVAKIA
middle class there has been a large transference of wealth due to the
laws against Jews and the discriminatory practices against Czechs.
Government service has been opened to the Slovak middle class and
what this means may be inferred from the fact that even at the end
of December 1938 when many Czechs had already returned to Bohemia
there were still 36,000 of them in government employment in Slovakia.
Slovaks were now also able to assert their predominance in the profession such as the Jaw, medicine etc. Thus there is little reason why
the average member of the Slovak middle class should complain. If
anybody has suffered through the recent changes it is the comparatively
small body of well-to-do landowners and businessmen who have sold
large quantities of goods to Germany, and the Protectorate, without being
able to get their money owing to Germany's inability to pay cash for
what she buys. But the losses of these people are insignificant compared
with the solid gains of the majority of the middle class.
The statement contained in Summary No. 10 rega1·ding the remittance of Slovak workers' sa vings from Germany is incorrect. According
to a recent official announcement the Slovak National Bank has alread y
advanced over 90 million crowns to the relatives of Slovak workers
employed in Germany and although this arrangement has only shifted
the burden of inconvenience from the Slovak workers to the Bank, the
former are presumably quite satisfied with it. Only in a few cases have
workmen returning from Germany attempted to disregard the regulation
by bringing their earnings with them instead of depositing them to
a German bank, but so far as I know the Slovak National Bank has
been able to smooth out the difficulties which have arisen in their way.
There appears to be some exaggeration in the opinion ( page 5 of
No. 10 ) that most members of the government are looked upon as
gangsters. Of the seven ministers, three, namely M. Stano, M. Sivak
and M. Pruzinsky are Czechophil moderates belonging to the Hlinka
party (M. Sivak was head of the government installed by the Czechs
on March 9 when Dr. Tiso was deposed) and all three were members
of M. Sidor's Czechophil government which succeeded Sivak's. Of the
other three two occupy minor posts and Dr. Durcansky has travelled
far politically since the days when he broadcast against the Czechs
over the Viennese wireless. All these facts are very well known to
Slovaks and it is inconceivable that they should hold the view ascribed
to them in the Summary. The general attitude towards Dr. Tuka, the
present Prime Minister, is indeed hostile but there is no reason to
suppose that his unpopularity extends to the members of his cabinet.
The Summaries do not offer any precise infonnation regarding the
attitude of the Slovaks to the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Paris
but on page 5 of No. 10 appears the statement that "were Slovakia free
to exercise her choice, there is little doubt that a combination of forces
headed by Dr. Hodza and M. Sidor, backed by a small but influential
Protestant autonomy party, would command the votes of the vast
majority of Slovakia."
It is quite true that such a combination would be overwhelming.
It is equally true that the support of some of the Catholic leaders of
the Hlinka party must be enlisted by the Czecho-Slovak National Council
before it can fully establish its claim to represent the Slovak people.
The Protestants in Slovakia do not number more than 300,000 and
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SLOVAKIA
though the influence of their community in the economic and cultural
life of Slovakia is out of all proportion to the total number of its
members, the growing self-consciousness and power of one and a half
million Catholics now make the most imrpo:rtant political factor in the
Slovak State. The Protestant predominance of 1918 has gone for ever
and it is useless to seek any sort of accord between Slovaks and Czechs
which was opposed to the wishes of the Slovak Catholics. Yet there are
no signs that the Czecho-Slov,a k National Council has made any progress
towards winning over their support up to the present.
The composition of the present National Council seems to show
that its creators have either neglected ·t his point or have been unsuccessful in their negotiations with the Catholic leaders. The three
Slovak members of the Council are not only Protestants but have not
and never have had any ,p olitical following. M. Osusky and M . Slavik
are career diplomats and have lived for a long time abroad whilst
General Viest is a professional soldier. Though there is evidence to
show that they are regarded with sympathy by the Slovak Protestants,
it seems doubtful whether they can really claim to represent the
political views of the whole Slovak people.
The real political leader of ,t he Slovaks is M. Sidor. He is a good
political orator and a good writer on national-political subjects; but
his pre-eminence among the Slovak Catholic leaders is assured not
only by his personality but by the fact that he stood extremely close
to Father Hlinka and is said to be his political heir. The demonstrations
in his favour, which continue to occur from time to time although they
embarrass him and are dangerous for his supporters, are the best proof
of his great popularity. He has remained loyal to the government but
is definitely dissatisfied with the present German domination which
has forced him and his closest friends to abandon temrporarily their
political activities. If a moment ever came when it would be safe for
Slovakia to abandon her policy of subservience to Germany, it would be
he who would assume the political leadership rather then anyone else.
It is therefore •interesting that, according to information derived
from one of his personal friends, until recently at least the CzechoSlovak leaders in Paris had been unable to reach any agreement with
him. He received friendly overtures from M. Osusky last summer to
which he did not reply since (in his words) "he was unwilling to go
the road to Canossa." One envoy coming to him from Dr. Hodza early
in October was detained by the Hungarian police in Hungary and
failed to arrive. Up to this time M. Sidor was not even convinced of
the necessity for reviving a federal Czecho-Slovak State, although he
was not in principle opposed to it. His precise attitude appeared to be
that he preferred the existing state of affairs but would accerpt a federal
solution if that was the pdlicy adopted by the Western Powers.
So far as is known here then it cannot be said that great progress
has been made up to the present ,t owards a solution of the problem
of the future relations between Czechs and Slovaks. But if collaboration
could be arranged between Dr. Hodza and the Czecho-Slovak National
Council on the one hand and M. Sidor and the anti-German group of
the Hlinkas paiity on the other, there would be good prospects of
arranging a settlement which would be lasting and satisfactory to both
p_ Pares
sides.
1
�
SLOVAKIA
65
British Attitude Towards
Independent Slovakia in 19 3 9
I.
In Munich, in September 1938, the Western Powers
abandoned Central and Eastern Europe to Germany (in
the same manner as they were to abandon her in Yalta
and Potsdam in 1944-5 to Soviet Russia) and the small
countries of this region were compelled to do their best
to accommodate themselves to this new change in the
balance of power. Mr. Churchill (as he was then) stated
this fact quite eloquently in his speech to the House of
Commons on October 5th, 1939: "It must now be accepted
that all the countries of Central and Eastern Europe will
make the best terms they can with the triumphant Nazi
power."
There is always some good which comes from every
catastrophe. The Slovaks - though victims of the territorial aggrandizement of their neighbors (Hungary, Poland
and Germany) - succeeded in the post-Munich period in
their 20-year struggle for autonomy which was proclaimed
on October 6th, 1938. By asserting their national identity
through their own government and their own Diet the
Slovaks finally overcame the arrogant and dangerous
theory of a unitary "Czechoslovak" nation. The centralized
pre-Munich Czechoslovakia became the federated state
(hyphenated Czecho-Slovakia) of two equal nations. The
Czechs had to admit the futility of their misplaced megalomania: they recognized the Slovaks as a separate nation,
their language as a separate language.
The rest of the world took notice of both the external
and the internal changes which befell Czecho-Slovakia. The
old myths, fostered and sustained by clever Czech propaganda, were demolished and a more sober political
thinking was setting in. It was interesting and quite
refreshing to read in the British press (in an article by
G. B. Shaw at that) about "the entirely imaginary race
called Czechoslovaks'',1 because that's what "Czechoslo-
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SLOVAKIA
vaks" in fact were: a figment of political imagination aimed
at the absorption of the Slovak nation into the Czech
nation.
The subsequent events - which are now judged as
the prologue to World War II - were in their day
accepted as inevitable facts of life. After Munich Hitler's
supremacy over Central Europe was unchallenged, his
expansionist moves - even if occasionally condemned
and disapproved of - were tacitly and implicitly acquiesced in. Even the disintegration of Czecho-Slovakia
and the emergence of an independent Slovak state did not
produce that wave of indignation and outrage with which
it was to be treated later. The leader article in the "Daily
Express" on March 15th , 1939 summed up the general
sentiments in the following words :
"Why are our heads cooler ( than they were a year
ago - F . V.) ? Not because our hearts are hardened.
Not because we have no sympathy with the Czechs.
No. But we are not shocked by stale news. Munich
decided that Germany was the boss in Eastern Europe." 2
In this frame of mind did the British people at large
and the British Government view the new situation.
II.
The British foreign policy approach towards the new
territorial and political rearrangement followed two distinct lines. Though reluctant to recognize the German
" Protektorat " over Bohemia and Moravia, they saw the
position of Slovakia in a different and more acceptable
light.3 In a memorandum dated April 17th, 1939 the Foreign
Office Central Europe expert, R. M. Makins, summarized
the result of long deliberations which led to the following
conclusions:
"The position of Slovakia is different from that
of Bohemia and Moravia and a number of practical
questions have rendered it advisable for us to regularise the position of our Consul at Bratislava and to
give the new state de facto recognition." 4
Shortly afterwards on May 4th, 1939 the British Consul
in Bratislava notified the Slovak Foreign Minister (Dr. F.
�SLOVAKIA
67
nurcansky) that the British Government had decided to
grant the Slovak state a de facto recognition. The act of
recognition was followed by the opening of a Slovak
Consulate-General in London with Milan P. Harminc in
charge. 5
This happy and promising development was suddenly
arrested by the outbreak of the Second World War, in
September 1939. Because of Slovakia's geographical position and treaty relations she had with her protecting power,
Germany, Slovakia herself became marginally involved in
the German attack on Poland. The situation was further
aggravated by the defection of the Slovak Minister in
Warsaw, L. Szatmary, and the Slovak Consul in London,
M. Harminc. Both issued indignant proclamations - as it
happened quite incorrect - alleging that Slovakia was
occupied by German troops and deprived of every vestige
of national independence.6 At the same time the Czech
emigres in the West, led by ex-President Benes, launched
their propaganda campaign for the restoration of CzechoSlovakia in its pre-Munich form.
The Slovak cause in the West was at a great disadvantage. There was no one to defend it and the lies
and intrigues of the adversaries of Slovak independence
could go on almost unhindered.
Yet it must be said in all fairness that the British
attitude towards Slovakia was marked by a measure of
consideration and understanding of which the Slovaks were
only too infrequently the recipients. The British viewed
the position of Slovakia with sensitive appreciation for
the problems of a small country in the shadow of a great
power. The allegations of emigre politicians - both Czechs
and Slovaks - were taken with more than the proverbial
grain of salt and were frequently checked against the
opinions of knowledgeable experts and men-on-the-spot
such as former British Consul in Bratislava Mr. P. Pares.
In the British Consul the Slovaks had a severe critic
but at the same time a sincere, shrewd and sympathetic
observer. His deep knowledge of Slovak affairs enabled
him to evaluate the moves and actions of the Slovak
Government in their overall context. Already in May 1939
he had pointed out the difficult dilemma facing the Slovak
leaders and their efforts to find a solution to their prob-
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SLOVAKIA
lems. Having heard rumors about their clandestine approaches to the Slovak emigres in the West (particularly
towards Dr. s. Osusky in Paris), he wrote:
"The object of these manoeuvres seems to be to
maintain contact with the Western powers whilst
pursuing a policy of cooperating with the Germans
for as long as is necessary - in other words, the
policy of the Czechs before and during the Great War.
The Slovaks are growing very apprehensive now about
the possibility of war. They do not expect Germany
to win, but realize that they are powerless to refuse
anything she might ask in the event of war. So they
are trying to ensure the good will of the Western
powers in advance by secretly approving the plans
of the exiles." 7
III.
Two days before Britain entered the Second World
War the British Foreign Ministry issued an internal memorandum entitled "Our Attitude towards Czechs and Slovaks
in Time of War." With respect to Slovaks (in spite of some
unflattering remarks about their leadership ) the memorandum stated:
"However true it may be that the final defection
of the Slovaks last March was the result of German
machination and menace and that the present Slovak
Government is acting under force majeure in allowing
Slovakia to be used as an assembly ground for the
German attack on Poland, nevertheless the fact remains that the union of Czechs and Slovaks was not a
success and it would be rash to act on the presumption
that the Slovaks are now anxious to restore it ... By
proclaiming the restoration of Czecho-Slovakia as a
war aim, we should be assuming that the Slovaks had
repented of their errors and were eager for the reunion
with the Czechs. That may be so, but there are yet
insufficient grounds for assurance on the point and
we should not take at their face value any statements
of Slovak emigres on the subject." 8
With regard to ex-President Benes the memorandum
had this to say:
"The question then arises what recognition we
�SLOVAKIA
69
should give to Dr. Benes, if, as is only too likely, he
proclaims himself leader of the Czechoslovaks.
The question is not an easy one. In the first place
it must be admitted that he is far and away the most
outstanding Czech figure in the world. His supporters
say that Czechs and Slovaks both at home and abroad
are now unanimously behind him. So far as those
resident abroad are concerned he might be able to
produce some adequate proof, but no proof could
possibly be forthcoming from those resident in their
own countries. All that can be said is that he was not
a popular figure in large circles in Slovakia during
his presidency, and that the Czechs who assumed
power in the Protectorate after his departure made no
secret of their condemnation of him and his policy.
It may be that they have now changed their minds,
but it is difficult to see what proof can be had of the
fact, and it is after all the Czechs in the Protectorate
and not the emigres who matter most.
A further consideration is that Dr . Benes is personally abhorrent in several other states, particularly in
Poland and Hungary.
All these considerations suggest that we should be
wise to walk warily about any official recognition of
Dr. Benes, whether as leader of the Czechs or the
Czechoslovaks, though in view of his outstanding
position we should presumably have no option but to
accept him as their de facto spokesman". 9
As the memorandum anticipated Benes spoke out on
the very day Britain entered the armed conflict. On September 3rd he wired the following telegram to the British
Prime Minister N. Chamberlain:
"At this moment in which the British people are
obliged to wage a war imposed upon Poland, Great
Britain and France by Nazi Germany I wish to express
to Your Excellency with the deep and inalterable
feeling of sympathy the desire and the decision of
the Czechs and Slovaks to join without hesitation
your people in this struggle for a free Europe. Our
country is invaded and occupied by armed forces of
Nazism and the whole nation is suffering under inhuman terror and oppression, its forces, however, both
�70
SLOVAKIA
moral and physical remain intact. We Czechoslovak
citizens consider ourselves as being also in war with
the German military forces and we shall march with
your people till the final victory and the liberation
of our fatherland.
Edward Benes,
former President of Czechoslovakia." 10
This telegram was carefully studied by its British
recipients for hidden claims and pretensions. None was
found, but it was noted that Benes spoke on behalf of
"the Czechs and the Slovaks" as well as "Czechoslovak
citizens". The reply (which was despatched with a six-day
delay) carefully avoided any reference to either Slovaks
or "Czechoslovaks" and with a studied deliberation indicated to Benes the attitude of the British Government
towards him and indirectly toward Slovakia also. It read :
" I gratefully acknowledge Your Excellency's generous message of sympathy and support in this grave
hour. The sufferings of the Czech nation are not
forgotten and we look forwards through the triumph
of the principles for which we have taken up arms
to the release of the Czech people from foreign
domination.
Neville Chamberlain." 11
This public exchange of telegrams was to demonstrate
urbi et orbi that the British Government did not recognize
Benes's claim to speak on behalf of the Slovaks nor were
they particularly keen to restore Czecho-Slovakia. This was
made explicitly clear in an explanatory letter of September
26th, 1939, sent to the Britiish Minister in Budapest (Mr.
0. St. C. O'Malley) by Sir Orme Sargent who wrote:
" ... we are taking care to avoid committing ourselves to anything in the nature of a reconstitution of
the old Czecho-Slovak state.
In confirmation of this I would draw your attention to the answer, of which I enclose a copy, sel'lt
by the Prime Minister on the 9th September to Benes's
message of sympathy and support. The Prime Minister
was careful to speak only of the future of the Czech
people." 12
�SLOVAKIA
71
IV.
This public rebuke to Dr. Benes reactivated another
emigre politician, Dr. Milan Hodza, former Prime Minister
of Czecho-Slovakia and a bitter antagonist of Dr. Benes.
M. Hodza was a Slovak by birth. In his political outlook
he was inconsistent and in his political actions unpredictable. Immediately after 1918 he was an ardent exponent
of "Czechoslovak unity" and an active opponent of the
Slovak autonomists ( whom he used to mock that they did
not know the difference between "autonomy" and "automobile") .13 But gradually he realized the futile emptiness
of the Czech centralist policies and advocated some
measure of autonomy for Slovakia. In the summer of 1938
his proposals were almost identical with those of Andrej
Hlinka. 14 But Benes put a stop to Hodza's autonomist plans
and schemes and forbade him any further steps in this
direction. At the height of the Munich crisis Benes made
Hodza a convenient scapegoat for previous Czech mistakes
and omissions and on September 22nd, 1938 forced him
and his government to resign.
Physically and mentally broken M. Hodza retired to
France and then to Switzerland. It seemed that he had
left politics for good. Unlike Benes he made no pronouncements issued no proclamations when Hitler dismembered
Czecho-Slovakia. In the summer of 1939 he moved to
London. Here he very quickly realized that official British
circles considered the Czecho-Slovak interwar experiment
as a mistake which they would be loath to repeat. The
exchange of telegrams between Benes and Chamberlain
indicated to him very plainly that the British viewed
Slovakia not as a political accident but as a permanent
feature of the Central European scene.
In 1938-9 the British policy-makers realized that the
Versailles settlement imposed on Central Europe in 1919
was not satisfactory and created as many new problems
as it was supposed to solve. Consequently they were
unwilling to advocate any schemes which took no notice
of past mistakes. In effect it meant that the Slovaks
were not to be forced into any union with the Czechs
against their will. The British official circles did their
best to clear up the terminological confusion concerning
such expressions as Czechs, Slovaks, Czechoslovaks, Czecho-
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SLOVAKIA
Slovaks, nation, people, etc. It is interesting to note that
even Mr. Churchill - a tough and consistent opponent
of Munich - carefully chose his nouns and adjectives in
his speech of November 12th, 1939, when he spoke of "the
Polish, Czech and Slovak people". In his original draft
he mentioned "the Polish and Czechoslovak nations", but
on the advice of a Foreign Office official he accepted the
more correct and less offensive terminology .15
V.
At the outbreak of World War II the British considered
it important to clarify their attitude towards Slovakia.
In a message sent to Budapest on September 14th, 1939
we read:
"Notification has been issued that Slovakia is to
be regarded as territory in German occupation. Effect
of this is that Slovakia will be treated as enemy
territory for purpose of trading with the enemy, etc.,
but state of war does not exist between the United
Kingdom and Slovakia and Slovaks are not at present
to be regarded as enemy nationals in the United Kingdom." 16
But contrary to what was asserted by the defecting
Slovak diplomats, Szatmary and Harminc, and apparently
believed by the British, Slovakia was not occupied by
German troops. Unfortunately after the recall of the British
Consul from Bratislava and the defection of the Slovak
Consul in London there were no channels of communication between Britain and Slovakia to find out what
really went on. On the other hand the enemies of
Slovakia and the emigre pretenders of "the oppressed
Slovak people" had their field day. By intrigues, half-truths
and outright lies they tried to blacken the Slovak record
and discredit the idea of Slovak independence.
Initially the British Foreign Office did not accept these
emigre confidences at face value but passed them for
comment to the British Consul P. Pares. Pares' comments
and corrections (from Budapest where he had resided
from September 1939) are most remarkable documents
because it was not often that the Slovak cause found
a judicious and objective commentator in a complete
foreigner.
�SLOVAKIA
73
The type of material forwarded to Mr. Pares for
comment consisted mainly of "Weekly summaries" issued
by the Political Intelligence Department. The information
was collected mainly by R. H. Bruce Lockhart who was
a willing and polite listener to many emigre accounts,
stories, etc. 17 As a long-standing friend of Jan Masaryk18 and
Dr. Benes Bruce Lockhart did more than anybody else
towards the promotion of the Czech (i. e. anti-Slovak)
interests and towards the acceptance of Dr. Benes as the
spokesman for all the "Czechoslovaks". Bruce Lockhart
acted in good faith and with sincere conviction but there
is no doubt that his credulity was taken for a ride and
his official position exploited. Dr. J . Smutny, Benes's
secretary and his closest collaborator in London, wrote
quite frankly (in March 1940):
"Benes is unwilling to participate in the Czech
emigre activities except as some sort of 'President' ...
As a practical politician he knows that it is not enough
for him alone to be of this opinion, but this opinion
must be shared by others too. The British Government
in particular must accept this view. For this reason
every person who comes from the Protectorate and
says that the nation stands behind Benes, is carefully
put into contact with British circles to give them
authentic confirmation. He (the new arrival) does not
know about this game, it is all done very cleverly.
Every written or verbal message which states the same
(i.e. that the nation stands behind Benes) is passed on
to the Foreign Office through Mr. Bruce Lockhart." 19
Material "passed on to the Foreign Office through Mr.
Bruce Lockhart" formed then the bulk of these "Weekly
summaries". But apart from Benes and his hard working
staff of informants there were also other intelligence
harbingers, such as M. Hodza. Milan Hodza tried his
utmost to cast himself in the role of the sole and rightful
spokesman for the Slovaks.
Benes and Hodza did not see eye to eye with each other
but they were of one mind when it came to denouncing
and condemning everything which had happened in Slovakia since their inglorious exit.
The "Summaries" regularly reported about "the grow-
�74
SLOVAKIA
ing disillusionment of Slovaks with their 'autonomy'".
The British Consul (P. Pares) in his comments refutes
this allegation. He points out that the informants and their
sources represent but a small discontented group and their
views are at variance with those of the majority. And then
he singles out an important fact:
"The use of the term 'disillusionment' is in itself
misleading since from the moment when independence
was declared the Slovaks never had any illusions about
the difficulties and risks of their situation as a nation
of two million people in the centre of Europe. Popular
enthusiasm for the declaration of independence was
noticeably lacking last March and if there had been
any it would have been quickly dispelled by the small
war with Hungary which immediately followed. One
solid cause for satisfaction still remains in spite of
Slovakia's need for dependence on one or other of
the stronger neighbouring nations and that is the fact
that after one thousand years the internal political
administration has at last passed exclusively into the
hands of Slovaks. Economic and political dependence
on either Germany, the Czechs or Hungary is inevitable
so long as Slovakia remains an independent state but
the right of full self-administration is a pure gain
which is entirely due to the establishment of the Re-public ( of Slovakia) and goes far towards reconciling
the Slovaks with the drawbacks of their political
position." 20
The "Summaries" invariably harped upon reduced
living standards in Slovakia since March 1939. Mr. Pares
again was able to point out that the standard of living
of the peasantry had not been reduced, while there were
"solid (economic) gains of the majority of the middle
class". He also refuted the false claims regarding the
remittance of the Slovak workers' savings from Germany.
Where the Czech-inspired "Summaries" report "that
most members of the (Slovak) Government are looked
upon as gangsters", Mr. Pares jumps to their defence:
"Of the seven ministers, three, namely M. Stano,
M. Sivak and M. Pruzinsky are Czechophil moderates
belonging to the Hlinka party (M. Sivak was head of
�SLOVAKIA
75
the government installed by the Czechs on March 9th
when Dr. Tiso was deposed) and all three were members of M. Sidor's Czechophil government which succeeded Sivak's. Of the other three, two (Fritz and
Medricky) occupy minor posts, and Dr. Durcansky has
travelled far politically since the days when he broadcast against the Czechs over the Vienna wireless.21 All
these facts are very well known to Slovaks and it is
inconceivable that they should hold the view ascribed
to them in the Summary. The general attitude towards
Dr. Tuka, the present Prime Minister, is indeed hostile
but there is no reason to suppose that this unpopularity
extends to the members of his cabinet."
Drawing on his local knowledge of the Slovak scene
Mr. Pares makes penetrating observations about the end
of the Protestant predominance in Slovak political and
public affairs:
"The Protestant predominance of 1918 has gone
for ever and it is useless to seek any sort of accord
between Slovaks and Czechs which was opposed to
the wishes of the Slovak Catholics. Yet there are no
signs that the Czecho-Slovak National Council (i. e.
Committee established on November 17th, 1939 in
Paris ) has made any progress towards winning over
their (i.e. Catholic ) support up to the present."
Commenting on the composition of the Czecho-Slovak
National Committee,22 Mr. Pares expresses his doubts about
the credentials of the three Slovak representatives on this
body. He writes that the creators of this Committee either
neglected to take into account the Catholic majority "or
have been unsuccessful in their negotiations with the
Catholic leaders." And he continues:
"The three Slovak members of the Committee are
not only Protestants but have not and never have had
any political following. M. Osusky and M. Slavik are
career diplomats and have lived for a long time abroad,
whilst General Viest is a professional soldier. Though
there is evidence to show that they are regarded with
sympathy by the Slovak Protestants, it seem doubtful
whether they can really claim to represent the political
views of the whole Slovak people."
�76
SLOVAKIA
VI.
Early in November 1939 the British Consul in Slovakia
(Mr. P. Pares) was asked to comment on a memorandum
submitted earlier by B. H. Bruce Lockhart and referring
to discussions Mr. Bruce Lockhart had with Dr. Hodfa.
In this conversation Hodfa stated that the Slovak population was almost unanimously behind him. He advocated
a federalist solution for Slovakia which would keep the
Czechs and Slovaks in one state but would grant the
Slovaks that degree of autonomy which was secured by
the zilina Agreement of October 6th, 1938.23 Hodfa told
Bruce Lockhart that independence was virtually forced on
the Slovaks and that there was an overwhelming desire
for the return to old Czecho-Slovakia. 24 Mr. Pares disagreed
with this view almost completely and gave a remarkably
accurate interpretation of what had actually happened in
March 1939. He mentions the real fears among Slovak
politicians "at the end of February 1939 that the Czechs
might soon take some opportunity of setting aside the
spirit if not the letter of the Slovak autonomy law of
October 1938".
"Later these fears proved to be justified - writes
Mr. Pares - when the Czech Government carried out
its coup d 'e tat in Slovakia on March 9th. The effect
of this coup was that, at the moment when Dr. Tiso
was notified in Berlin that unless Slovakia declared
her independence she would be divided between Hungary and Poland after Germany had taken what she
needed, the Slovaks were in no mood to risk anything
for the sake of the Czechs and therefore agreed to
the German demand.
Thus the opinion of the majority of people in
Slovakia at the time of the declaration of independence
was dominated by two main ideas: satisfaction at
being rid at least of the Czech bugbear and relief at
having saved the Slovak people from a partition which
might have led to its complete disappearance as a
nation." 25
The claims that the Slovaks were dissatisfied with their
state are contradicted by the British Consul who sees the
situation in its real and realistic context:
�SLOVAKIA
77
"There are . . . good reasons why the Slovaks should
be satisfied with this situation despite its drawbacks.
Germany's authority is not excercised entirely without
regard for Slovak feelings or interests. For instance,
the new German Minister who arrived recently is far
better liked than his predecessor ( who was removed
at Dr. Durcansky's request). . . The conclusion of
trade agreements with Poland, Germany, Italy, Yugoslavia and other countries during the summer ( of 1939)
has assured the necessary supply of commodities such
as coal, textiles, fruit, lard, coffee, etc. and the exchange
of goods with the Protectorate which constituted fourfifths of Slovakia's total export trade was proceeding
almost up to the outbreak of war."
Mr. Pares also disputes the claims about the German
occupation of Slovakia and the allegations of the arrogant
behavior of the German soldiers towards native people:
"The relations between the Slovak population and
the German troops of occupation in the small strip
of territory which constituted the military zone, were
described to me as excellent by an impartial and
reliable American observer as late as the beginning
of August. So far as I know German soldiers - except
for some deputations of officers who toured the country
examining strategic roads, railways and the possibility
of requisitioning local supplies - did not move outside
the military zone until late in August."
The British Consul ridicules the suggestions of M.
Hodza that "the Slovak Government functions at the bidding of its German masters and with the support of German
bayonets" and that "the Slovaks who are not prepared
to accept German money have resigned from their posts" .
Mr. Pares comments: "This sort of charge sounds like
the kind of generalized accusations which one hears rather
frequently from a Central European when he is speaking
about his political opponents."
In one respect, however, Mr. Pares agrees with the
emigre informants: concerning the pro-Czech sentiments
among the officers of the Slovak army. And here he makes
an astute and surprisingly accurate prediction:
"These (pro-Czech) sympathies can be discounted
�78
SLOVAKIA
for the present, and only when the time comes, and
Germany's hold over the Czechs and Slovaks weakens,
will this factor assume a real political importance."
VII.
At the end of 1939 there was already a noticeable shift
in the British attitude towards the Slovaks. The earlier
signs of a favorable disposition towards Slovakia were
gradually corroded away by a conjoint action of three
mutually interrelated factors:
(i) The continuous stream of vicious anti-Slovak propaganda emanating from the Czech emigre groups around
Dr. Benes.
(ii) A powerful pro-Czech lobby among British parliamentarians, politicians and influential public figures.
(iii) The contagious example of France where on October 2nd, 1939 a military agreement was concluded between
the French Government and Minister Dr. E:';. Osusky who
signed the agreement "on behalf of the provisional government of the Czecho-Slovak Republic". This act was followed
on November 15th, 1939 by the French recognition of the
Czecho-Slovak National Committee "as qualified to represent the Czecho-Slovak people and in particular to
execute the agreement of October 2nd."
Invoking the French precedent Dr. Benes was pressing
hard for a similar concession from the British. After
a prolonged negotiation he obtained on December 20th,
1939 British recognition of the Czecho-Slovak National
Committee "as qualified to represent the Czecho-Slovak
people". At the same time, however, it was made very
plain to Dr. Benes and all concerned that "no commitments
were made at this stage regarding the future of the former
territories of the Czecho-Slovak Republic." 26
The fall of France in summer 1940 considerably
strengthened Benes's position in London where his Committee was eventually recognized as "the provisional
government" (on July 21st, 1940). From this time on if the
British attitude towards the Czechs showed some restraint,
it was not for the sake of the Slovaks but primarily out of
consideration for the feelings of the Poles and Hungarians
who too were against the restoration of the pre-Munich
Czecho-Slovakia and against Dr. Benes personally.
In December 1940 Viscount Halifax left the position
�SLOVAKIA
79
of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and his place
was taken by Mr. Anthony Eden (now Earl of Avon) . Mr.
Eden was a close personal friend of Jan Masaryk and Dr.
Benes and was known as an outspoken antagonist of the
whole appeasement policies of the Chamberlain Government. With him a new spirit-highly favorable to Czech
political aspirations and ambitions-moved into the corridors of the Foreign Ministry.
As the hatred and abhorrence of Hitler and his Nazism
grew, so did the sympathy towards the Czechs, and the
Czech emigres were quick and clever to exploit it fully. No
one is going to dispute the fact that the Czechs were victims
of the Munich decision, but one is taken aback by the
agility with which they made themselves into poor innocent
victims of Munich which they certainly were not. By
branding the Munich Agreement a 'dictate' they were
making dictators not only of Germany and Italy but also
of France and Britain. By transferring these semantics
into practical politics they shifted their blame for Munich
and all the subsequent events on others, including the
Western allies.
The simple truth is that in the autumn of 1938 the
Czech accepted the Munich Agreement with nothing more
than a verbal protest when they could and should have
opposed Hitler with arms. But by 1940-41 they were able
to elevate their shameless capitulation into an act of supreme heroism and noble sacrifice, for which the Western
powers owed them a living - Czech style. So one-sided
and uncritical was the British support of Benes and his
policies that they actively assisted him in the elimination
of his political opponents (who had equally impressive
records of both democratic tradition and anti-Nazi fighting
as Benes himself) such as the Slovaks s. Osusky and M.
Hodza, Czechs as L. Prchala, Sudeten Germans as W. Jaksch
and many more less-known but not less meritorious antiNazis. In July 1943 Benes's secretary, J . Smutny, wrote
with an air of victorious satisfaction:
"Morally the greatest success of Dr. Benes lies in
the fact that he managed to change Munich and our
decision not to fight there and then into a victory of
Czechoslovak moral strength and foresight; he was
able to throw at the heads of our present allies the
responsibility for OUR decision . . ." 27
�80
SLOVAKIA
In the light of all this it is not difficult to see
Dr. Benes succeeded in making Slovak leaders willing
accomplices and in convincing the Western powers
the Slovak nation desired nothing more than reunion
the Czechs and himself as their president.
F. V
how
Nazi
that
with
n u k, Australia
FOOTNOTES
1) "Daily Herald", March 3rd, 1939.
2) "Daily Express", March 15th, 1939, p. 12.
3) F. Vnuk, British Recognition of Independent Slovakia in 1939, in
"Slovak Studies (Historica)", Vol. VIII, (Rome, in press).
4) The Foreign Office Archives, Political Correspondence (CzechoSlovakia) 1939-40, No. 371 / 22898/Doc. 17. In following references
only volume and document numbers will be given (e. g 22896/ 47) .
5) Dr. J . M. Kirschbaum, Postoj Vel' kej Britanie k Slovenskej Republike, in "Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike" (Middletown,
Pa., 1960) , pp. 63-71.
6) The proclamation handed by Dr. L. Szatmary to the Polish Foreign
Ministry and subsequently released to the press on September 2nd ,
1939 reads:
"In the name of the Slovak people and its representatives
who, under the pressure of the Third Reich, have been reduced
to silence and have been reproached for penetrations exclusively
in the interest of Germany, I protest as the representative of the
State of Slovakia in Poland against the brutal disarmament of
the Slovak army, against the arbitrary occupation of Slovakia by
the troops of the Third Reich, against the use of Slovakia as
a base for warlike action against the brotherly Polish people.
"The Slovak people, whether they be at home or abroad, will
never submit to the violence of the Third Reich.
"It associates itself with armed resistance against the aggressor to regain the freedom in collaboration with the civilized
nations of the world, and in order that it may freely decide its
own destiny.
"I would be very obliged to your Excellency if the Polish
Government would please acknowledge my present communication
and if it would support by all its resources and those of its Allies
the fight of the Slovak people to save its national honour and
fatherland as well as to win true independence."
Mr. Harminc's proclamation, published in the British press on September 24th, 1939 has the following to say:
"The whole of Slovakia is occupied by Nazi armed forces. The
voice of the Slovak people has been temporarily silenced by
the ruthless abrogation of all treaties and agreements.
"In the name of Slovakia I solemnly protest against this shameful betrayal, and declare that the aims and ideals of Great
Britain and France are identical with those of my sorely-tried
people.
Milan Harminc
�SLOVAKIA
7)
8)
9)
10)
11)
12)
13)
14)
15)
16)
17)
18)
81
22803/ 338-9
22899/ 14-15
22899/ 17-18
"The Times" (London), Sepember 5th, 1939.
"The Times" (London), September 11th, 1939.
22899/ 191-3
To which a Slovak journalist and politician, J . Mudroii, provided
the following repartee: "Oh yes, they do know, Mr. Hodui. The
automobile is a mechanical instrument which enables the Czechs
to move into Slovakia, autonomy is a political instrument which
will make them move out of Slovakia." ("Slovak", February 22nd ,
1920) .
Dr. Michal Mudry, Milan Hodza v Amerike, Chicago, Ill. , 1949, p. 58.
22900/ 27
22900/ 273
Mr. R. H. Bruce Lockhart gives an interesting account of his work
at the Political Intelligence Department in his book, Comes the
Reckoning, (London, 1947).
He is the author of a sympathetic biographical sketch, Jan Masaryk:
a personal memoir, (London, 1951).
19) "Acta Occiipationis Bohemiae et Moraviae", Vol. I. (Pra ha, 1966 ),
p. 92.
20) This and the following quotations are taken from a memorandum
24290/79-84 which is reprinted in full in Appendix III.
21) In this memorandum Mr. Pares mentions only six out of seven
ministers who ,c omprised the Slovak Government. The seventh man,
who is left out, is General F. Catlos, the Minister of National
Defense.
22) This Czecho-Slovak National Committee consisted of eight members :
iDr. E. Benes, Dr. J . Sramek, Gen. S. Ingr, Dr. E. Outrata, Dr. H.
Ripka, Dr. S. Osusky, Dr. J . Slavik, Gen. R. Viest. The last three
members were Slovaks, but they were pitifully unrepresentative of
the Slovak nation. Not only were they all Protestants - as Mr.
Pares points out - but one of them, J. Slavik, summed up his
nationalist sentiments in a self-revealing phrase: 'I am an unhyphenated Czechoslovak. "
23) In the West M. Hodza liked to put himself forward as a great and
dedicated federalist. In 1941 he even published in London a book.
" Federation in Central Europe." But a sad fact remains that back
home, when he was the second most powerful politician in CzechoSlovakia, he did not try hard enough to implement his federalist
ideas within the Czecho-Slovak framework.
24) Dr. Hodfa was asked to put his views down in writing. He did so
and his memorandum (22900/ 66-70) is reproduced in full in Appendix I.
25) Mr. Pares' commentaries on Hodfa's accounts of the situation in
Slovakia can be found in 22900/74-81 and are given in full in
Appendix II. This and the following four quotations are taken from
Mr. Pares' comments.
�SLOVAKIA
82
26 ) 24288/ 60
27 ) Acta occu.pationis Bohemiae et Moraviae, Vol. I., (Praha, 1966), p.
222.
Appendix I.
MEMORANDUM BY DR. HODZA
ON THE SITUATION IN SLOVAKIA
In October 1939 Dr. Milan Hod.fa, former Prime Minister of Czecho-Slovakia, had a lengthy discussion about the
political situation in Slovakia with Mr. Robert H. Bruce
Lockhart of the British Foreign Office. The summary of
this discussion was passed for comment to the former
British Consul in Bratislava (Mr. Peter Pares) while Dr.
Hodza was requested to put his view:s on paper in the
form of a memorandum. In his written submission, handed
to Mr. Bruce Lockhart on November 14th 1939, Dr. Hodza
was less outspoken especially in his references to Dr.
Benes. Even so his memorandum is an unusual document
of some historical interest, particularly in its allegation
- hitherto not mentioned anywhere - about the new
political balance in Slovakia in the autumn of 1939. Dr.
Hodza claims here the allegiance of 30 out of 49 Slovak
deputies elected in 1935 (and including K. Sidor and M.
Sokol). But one has to be sceptical about his mathematics .
Hodza's memorandum was prefaced by a letter of Mr.
Bruce Lockhart:
My dear Roberts,
I send you herewith a memorandum which has been given me
by Dr. Hodza. It gives a picture of the alleged political line-up
among l!he Slovaks. You will see that, as I predicted, the old
gentleman has been careful not to put his anti-Benes and antiCzech sentiments on paper.
R. H. Bruce Lockhart
Yours sincerely,
MEMORANDUM BY DR. HOD2A
The position in Slovakia is now becoming clearer.
Except for a small opportunist minority, Slovakia has never wished
for separation from Bohemia and Moravia, and even the Slovak Parliament, elected in the Nazi fashion in December 1938, refused to adopt
a resolution to pronounce complete separation from them. This resolution, which at the same time called upon Germany for protection, was
only passed after Dr. Tiso and his four friends, who had the full
support of the German S . S. and S. A., had declared that, if i,t were
not accepted, Slovakia would be occupied by German troops.
Up to last August Germany treated Slovakia very tactfully,
not only politically but also commercially, so that even the moderate
Federalists agreed that there were many advantages in being an
�SLOVAK.IA
83
independent country. It was not until the preparations for war were
begun in July that the situation suddenly changed, and it became
obvious that Germany regarded the Slovak Government merely as
a means for forcing upon Slovakia any measure, no matter how un popular. The declaration of war finally opened Slovak eyes.
The present political position in Slovakia is as follows: After the cession of territory to Hungary there remained forty-nine
of the sixty-four Slovak seats in the former Parliament. After the last
free elections twenty-six of these were held by the parties led by Dr.
Hodza ( 15), Dr. Sokol, President of the Slovak Parliament and a leader
of the Catholic Federalist Group , (8) , and Dr. Jan Pauliny-Toth, leade r
of the Federalist Slovak National Party, (2) .
On October 3 Dr. Pauliny came to Paris and offered Dr. Hodza the
co-operation of his party and of Dr. Sokol and his Catholic Federalists
in the reconstitution of the Czechoslovak Republic on a federal basis.
In the present ciTcumstances, of course, the co-operation of these groups
must be secret.
On October 10 a special envoy arrived in Paris with a similar
message from M. Sidor, another Catholic Federalist and a former
advocate of co-operation with the Germans. He had to resign from the
Slovak Government soon after March 10, when he had opposed the
German effort to establish a separate Slovakia instead of a federal
Republic. His party consists of four deputies.
It is thus clear that out of a total of forty-nine, thirty former
Slovak deputies are in favour of a federal Republic.
The nineteen remaining deputies are: i) six members of the Catholic Federalist Party who possibly
still recognise Dr. Tiso as their leader;
ii) five Socialist deputies, who although differing from the
majority in preferring the restitution of the former semi-centralized
Government to the establishment of federal methods, also support
the Republic;
iii) seven Slovak Communist deputies, two of whose leaders
are now in Paris, and who are also in favour of the federal system :
and
iv) one Hungarian deputy, whose views are not known.
II.
At a meeting in Paris on October 12, representatives of the thirty
deputies decided that the federal Republic should, from the international
point of view, be a single political entity. Thus there would be one
Head of the Federal State and a central Parliament and Government,
with powers over foreign policy, the army, economic reconstruction,
communications, and international trade and finance. Local parliaments
and local governments would be in charge of education, public works,
social welfare, hygiene, housing, interior administration and the police,
and, in fact, of all economic problems not dealt with by the central
Government and Parliament (agriculture, industry, trade, etc. ).
It is desirable that federalisation should not only be the programme
of the Slovak majority, but also of the Czechs abroad. If, however, the
latter refuse to adopt it, this need not prevent co-operation between
the Czechs and Slovaks abroad. The Slovak majority are convinced that
in the restored Republic there will always be a Czecho-Slovak majority
�84
SLOVAKIA
in favour of a federal structure, as was the case in October 1938. The
Slovak majority therefore offers to co-operate with the Czechs. There
is no doubt about the importance of this collaboration. Geographically
Slovakia is of the g reatest importance to Bohemia and Moravia, since
it connects them with Central and Danubian Europe. Without this
connection they would always be the helpless victims of the German
pincers. This co-operation is equally important to Slovaks, as so-called
i ndependence would always be fraught with danger for her.
Co-operation between the Czech and Slovak representatives in the
action abroad has now a quite special importance, as the Czechoslovak
army which is to be formed in France will comprise 55, if not 60 %
of Slovak agricultural labourers and industrial workers domiciled in
France for years.
III.
The Slovak political representatives have always been unanimous
in their conviction that the Czechoslovak Republic will at all times be
obliged to work in very close co-operation with Poland and the neighbouring Danubian countries. The Slovaks visualise the future structure
of central Europe as a confederation of sovereign states prepared to
sacrifice complete sovereignty sufficiently to guarantee them independe nce and security.
The basis of this scheme for federalisation may be found partly in
pre vious Home Rule schemes of the Slovak Federalists and partly in
a scheme which Dr. Hodza, then Prime Minister of Czechoslovakia, put
forward in Ma y and June 1938. This scheme, finally adopted by several
leaders of the parliamentary majority, aimed at the setting up of a local
Pa rliament and Government for Slovakia within the framework of
a general reconstruction of the Czechoslovak political system.
Up to •the end of August, some of the leading officers in the Slovak
Army kept in touch with Dr. Benes and some with Dr. Hodza , through
the medium of special envoys. Thus the overwhelming majority of the
Slovak arm y maintained their Czechoslovak orientation. Among those
abroad the former Inspector of the Slovak Army, General Viest, is
a non-political soldier. The former chief of the Slovak Air Force, Major
Ambrus, is, together with the vast majority of his brother-officers, in
favour of Czeoho-Slovak federalism .
The minutes attached to Hodza's memorandum(signed
by Mr. Roberts) are of some importance as they show
what kind of credibility rating Dr. Hodza enjoyed with
the British Foreign Office. Mr. Roberts writes:
"Dr. Hodza is not only an emigre but he was never
really popular in Slovakia, where he was considered
to be too closely associated with the Czech Central
Government at Prague. This memorandum also clearly
shows that he is still thinking in terms of the old
political parties which - as Mr. Lockhart has assured
me - are now completely discredited.
I therefore think that we should not accept Dr.
Hodza's views too readily ... "
�SLOVAKIA
85
Appendix 11.
Comments by Mr. P. Pares on the Bruce Lockhart
account of discussions with Dr. M. Hodza. The comments
were written at the British Legation in Budapest, where
Mr. Pares stayed after his recall from Bratislava in September 1939. In the covering letter the Briti!sh Minister to
Hungary (Mr. O'Malley) wrote to Mr. I. Kirkpatrick in
London:
Dear Kirkpatrick,
With reference to your letter of October 19 C 16390/ 12 I enclose
a memorandum by Pares commenting on Lockhart's memorandum .
As I have not been much in Slovakia I will not add any
remarks of my own except to say that on almost every point of
which I have any knowledge I must venture to differ from
Lockhart.
Another golden age for emigres of all descriptions is I suppose
about to dawn. It is a pity. Their political views are rarely sound.
MEMORANDUM
The conclusions reached in the memorandum seem to be on the
whole over-simplified. The line of argument appears to be that because
the independence of Slovakia was dictated by Germany and because
German control of the country has increased since the Slovak State
came into existence, the present Slovak government has become unpopular and the majority of Slovaks now wish for a restoration of
the Czecho-Slovak Republic.
This is perhaps the impression which might be derived from
contacts restricted to Slovak emigres, such as General Viest, whose
name is mentioned several times in the memorandum. Incidentally
General Viest was on the retired list last March and at the time of
my arrival in Bratislava during December 1938, the opinion of him
in centralist "Czechoslovak" circles there was that he was a mediocrity
in spite of the fact that he enjoyed the distinction of being the only
Slovak general in the Czechoslovak army.
But this interpretation of developments in Slovakia does not place
sufficient emphasis on the growing apprehension felt by Dr. Tiso's
autonomous Slovak provincial government at the end of February 1939,
that the Czechs might soon take some opportunity of setting aside the
spirit if not the letter of the Slovak autonomy law of October 1938.
Dr. Tiso's opening speech at the first working session of the Slovak
Diet in the middle of February made known these feelings quite
clearly. Later they were proved to be justified when the Czech government carried out its coup d'etat in Slovakia on March 9. The effect of
this coup was that, ait the moment when Dr. Tiso was notified in Berlin
that unless Slovakia declared her independence she would be divided
between Hungary and Poland after Germany had taken what she needed ,
the Slovaks were in no mood to risk anything for the sake of the Czechs
and therefore agreed to the German demand.
Thus the opinion of the majority of people in Slovakia at the time
of the declaration of independence was dominated by two main ideas,
�86
SLOVAKJA
satisfaction at being rid at last of the Czech bugbear and relief at
having saved the Slovak people from a partition which might have led
to its complete disappearence as a nation. Nobody had any illusion
about the difficulties and dangers of the situation and there were
hardly any public displays of enthusiasm. The attitude of the middle
classes and intelligentsia was either depressed or optimistic. In the
first Slovak cabinet constituted afiter March 14, the names of M. Sidor
and those of M. Stano and M. Pruzinsky, members of M. Sidor's former
provincial government, were included and even that of Sivak, the head
of the government installed by Prague after its military coup of March
9. This indicates clearly that the new government was a concentration
of all the national political groups and did not represent only the
successful pro-German group which ·had carried out the revolution.
These points are all worth mentioning because they show that
the Slovak people as a whole and their leaders even in March had
no illusions about the position. Nothing appears to have occurred since
then which could cause any alteration in their estimate of their position
or their attitude toward the government of Dr. Tiso.
There are on the other hand good reasons why the Slovaks should
be satisfied with this situation despite its drawbacks. Germany's
authority is not exercised entirely without regard for Slovak feelings
or interests. For instance the new German Minister who arrived recently
is far better liked than his predecessor (who was removed •a t Dr_
Durcansky's request) and does not make a habit of making frequent
peremptory demarches on all manner of non-essential subjects and
without the instructions of his government. The conclusion of trade
agreements with Poland, Germany, Italy, Yugoslavia and other countries
during the summer has assured the necessary supply of commodities
such as coal, textiles, fruit, lard, coffee, etc., and the exchange of goods
with the Protectorate which constituted four-fifths of Slovakia's total
export trade, was proceeding almost normally up to the outbreak of
war. The only economic problems of importance were the accumulation
on a relatively large scale of frozen credits in Germany (500 million
ct-owns) * and the Protectorate (200 million crowns)* due to the difficulty
of obtaining manufactured goods in exchange for deliveries from
Slovakia.
The midle-classes are now satisfied because employment in Government offices has been opened to them on a large scale. The peasants
in Eastern Slovakia have also been conciliated by increased prices for
their grain this year and by the prospect of cheaper freight rates for
their produce when the construction of the new railway line through
Vranov in East Slovakia has been completed.
A typical instance of German methods of exploitation in Slovakia
is pmvided by the agreement reached between the Slovak and German
governments regarding the construction of strategic roads. The Slovak
programme was planned to cost 60 million crowns and was to last for
two years. The Germans estimated that the cost would be doubled if
the work were carried out in three months ,as they wanted, and therefore agreed with ,the Slovaks to give the contracts to German firms
who would receive the difference between the Slovak estimate and the
• Up to the end of August
�SLOVAKIA
87
German estimate in Reichsmarks from the German Government. The
labor and also such raw materials as could be supplied by Slovakia
were paid for in Slovak currency whilst the machinery and tar were
provided by the German contractors and paid for in Germany.
The relations between the Slovaik population and the German
troops of occupation in the small strip of territory which constituted
the military zone, were described to me as excellent by an impartial
and reliable American observer as late as the beginning of August.
So far as I know German soldiers - except for some deputations of
officers who toured the country examining strategic roads, railways
and the possibility of requisitioning local supplies - did not move
outside the military zone until late in August. When I visited the
district of Orava on the Polish frontier, in the middle of May, I stayed
with Slovaks and ·h eard no talk of German soldiers in the neighbourhood, though the Orava area lies next door to the Jablunkau district
(which was in the military zone) and was actually used by German
troops for their advance into Poland in September.
The description in the memorandum of the "so-called autonomous
government exercising its functions solely at the bidding of its German
masters and with the support of German bayonets" does not tally with
the account of the state of affairs given above. Nor is it correct, in my
experience, •that the Slovaks who are not ,p repared to accept German
money have resigned from their posts. I knew very many hard-working
and honest officials whilst I was in Bratislava, not one of whom ever
received any German money, to judge by their manner of living, or
seemed likely to have accepted it, if it had been offered. This sort of
charge sounds like the kind of generalized accusation which one hears
rather frequently from a Central European when he is speaking about
his political opponents.
The political administration in Slovakia, though based on authoritarian models was generally reputed to be less stringent than in
Germany owing to the easy-going temperament of the Slovaks. Dr.
Pauliny Toth, the Slovak Nationalist leader whose name is mentioned
in the memorandum, spent some weeks in the detention camp for
political prisoners in Ilava and can testify that conditions there are
Jess severe than they are said to be in Dachau or other German camps.
The delay of punishing the mutinous Slovak regiments last September is another proof of the German willingness to yield to Slovak
feelings on questions in which these feelings are really roused and
do not conflict with any essential German interest.
After the Hlinka party the most powerful single political factor
in the Slovak state is perhaps the army and it is definitely "Czechoslovak" in sentiment. This is intelligible since the policy of the CzechoSlovak republic was to use the system of compulsory military service
as a means of cementing the union between the two halves of the
country which, although closely related from a linguistic point of view,
had had no common tradition for a thousand years. In pursuit of this
policy Slovak soldiers were sent to serve in Bohemia and Moravia and
Czech soldiers were given a taste of the primitive conditions on the
Slovak and Ruthenian borders. It is natural therefore that the Czechoslovak tradition should still be strong in the Slovak army. These
�88
SLOVAKIA
sympathies can be discounted for the present, and only when the time
comes, and Germany's hold over the Czechs and Slo•v aks weakens, will
this factor assume a real political importance.
Summing up, I should say that the situation in Slovakia has not
changed very much since the beginning of the country's existence as
an independent state and that with the exception of the army, and
some of the Lutherans, the people are not violently discontented with
German control. They never had many illusions about their international
position and after all the country enjoys a fair measure of autonomy
with full self-administration. The attitude of the Slovak intelligentsia
is on the whole one of passive disap:proV1al but not of active revolt,
with the exception of a section of the Lutheran community, which was
the great source of strength of the former centralists or "Czechoslovaks"
and has suffered with their eclipse. In this case it is sectarian feeling
rather than loss of political power which created bitter antagonism
to the existing government of Catholic priests.
So :fiar as I know the political influence of the Catholic priests has
not diminished and I have never heard of anything which proved that
they were opposed to Dr. Tiso's government.
'Dhe Slovaks are still rather suspicious of the Czechs but are
beginning to see from experience that they are no worse than any other
of their neighbours and also to realize that the Czech regime brought
considerable benefits to the country. This is certainly a positive development, but it is a long way from this to a desire for the restoration
of the Czecho-Slovak State.
In my opinion the restoration depends almost entirely on the
manner in which the present Czech leaders set about conciliating the
proper quarters in Slovakia. By this I mean the rather bigoted Catholic
element embodied in the Hlinka Party and not the arrogant Lutheran
minority who were formerly the Czechs' supporters and proteges. The
conditions for such an attempt are not unfavourable now but a beginning
must be made soon or it may be too late. Political revenge will have
to be foregone and much patience and tole:riance will be required on
the Czech side.
It may be asked why, if the majority of Slovaks are satisfied with
their independence thus far, should they be ready to help restore the
Czecho-Slovak republic. The answer is that they are aware of the
dangers which surround them and might therefore be prepared on
certain terms to accept union with the .Czechs as a stronger Slav power.
Proof of this uneasiness is to be found in the rather maladroit advances
of Dr. Durcansky to the Slovak emig:rants in Paris during the summer.
More than once I have observed that Slovak officials are perturbed
by the fear that Slovakia may find herself on the wrong side at the
end of the war and they therefore attempt to ingratiate themselves
simultaneously with Germany and with the representatives of the
Wes tern powers.
The entry of Russia on the Central European scene has introduced
a new factor. It is not out of the question that if the Czechs do not
come to terms with the Slovaks. quickly, the situation may change so
that the rapprochement would no longer be considered desirable by
the Slovaks.
P. Pares
�SLOVAKIA
89
Appendix Ill.
MEMORANDUM OF MR. P. PARES
ON "WEEKLY SUMMARIES" NO. 10.
(These "Weekly Summaries" were surveys of politically significant events in the Protectorate and Slovakia
prepared by the Political Intelligence Department of the
British Foreign Office and based on information obtained
from Czech and Slovak emigres, recent arrivals, press and
radio news, etc. In this memorandum Mr. Pares refutes
much of the emigre information as biased and unreliable.)
Almost every issue of the Weekly Summary has contained reference
to the griowing disillusionment of Slovaks with their "autonomy"
( presumably Slovak independence is meant) yet this tendency is not
confirmed by the information available here. It must be admitted
however that members of the Legation staff have not had opportunities
of making contact with Slovaks during the last six weeks owing to
Slovaks' fears of falling under the suspicion of the Gestapo. A possible
explanation of this differences is that many of the reports reaching
London directly may come through the Slovak political emigrants who
are nearly all Protestants and not only are opposed to the present
Slovak regime themselves but draw their information from Protestant
sources in Slovakia which are also in bitter opposition. The number
of Catholic Slovaks who have been obliged to go into exile is very
small for the obvious reason that the revolution of October 1938 brought
the Catholic majority into ;p ower.
The use of the term "disillusionment" is in itself misleading since
from the moment when independence was declared the Slovaks never
had any illusions about the difficulties and risks of their situation as
a nation of two million ipeople in the centre of Europe. Popular
enthusiasm for the declaratiion of independence was noticeably lacking
last March and if ,t here had been ,a ny it would have been quickly
dispelled by the small war with Hungary which immediately followed.
One solid cause for satisfaction still remains in spite of Slovakia's need
for dependence on one or other of the stronger neighbouring nations
and that is the fact that after one thousand years the internal political
administi,ation has at last passed exclusively into the hands of Slovaks.
Economic and political dependence on either Germany, the Czechs or
Hungary is inevitable so long as Slovakia remains an independent state
but the right of full self-administration is a pure gain which is entirely
due to the establishment of the Republic and goes far towards reconciling the Slovaks with the drawbacks of their political position.
It is doubtful whether, as the Summary of December 5 (No. 10)
suggests, the general standard of living has been reduced. During the
summer cost of living bonuses were paid to workers whilst employment
and conditions of pay among the "white collar" cl.ass appeared to have
improved. The standard of living of the Slovak peasant has always
been near the minimum necessary for existence and there have been
no signs so far thait it has been reduced. On the contrary prices fixed
by the grain monopoly this season were in some districts better than
these offered last year under the Czecho-Slovak republic. Among the
�90
SLOVAKIA
middle class there has been a large transference of wealth due to the
laws against Jews and the discriminatory practices against Czechs.
Government service has been opened to the Slovak middle class and
what this means may be inferred from the fact that even at the end
of December 1938 when many Czechs had already returned to Bohemia
there were still 36,000 of them in government employment in Slovakia.
Slovaks were now also able to assert their predominance in the profession such as the Jaw, medicine etc. Thus there is little reason why
the average member of the Slovak middle class should complain. If
anybody has suffered through the recent changes it is the comparatively
small body of well-to-do landowners and businessmen who have sold
large quantities of goods to Germany, and the Protectorate, without being
able to get their money owing to Germany's inability to pay cash for
what she buys. But the losses of these people are insignificant compared
with the solid gains of the majority of the middle class.
The statement contained in Summary No. 10 rega1·ding the remittance of Slovak workers' sa vings from Germany is incorrect. According
to a recent official announcement the Slovak National Bank has alread y
advanced over 90 million crowns to the relatives of Slovak workers
employed in Germany and although this arrangement has only shifted
the burden of inconvenience from the Slovak workers to the Bank, the
former are presumably quite satisfied with it. Only in a few cases have
workmen returning from Germany attempted to disregard the regulation
by bringing their earnings with them instead of depositing them to
a German bank, but so far as I know the Slovak National Bank has
been able to smooth out the difficulties which have arisen in their way.
There appears to be some exaggeration in the opinion ( page 5 of
No. 10 ) that most members of the government are looked upon as
gangsters. Of the seven ministers, three, namely M. Stano, M. Sivak
and M. Pruzinsky are Czechophil moderates belonging to the Hlinka
party (M. Sivak was head of the government installed by the Czechs
on March 9 when Dr. Tiso was deposed) and all three were members
of M. Sidor's Czechophil government which succeeded Sivak's. Of the
other three two occupy minor posts and Dr. Durcansky has travelled
far politically since the days when he broadcast against the Czechs
over the Viennese wireless. All these facts are very well known to
Slovaks and it is inconceivable that they should hold the view ascribed
to them in the Summary. The general attitude towards Dr. Tuka, the
present Prime Minister, is indeed hostile but there is no reason to
suppose that his unpopularity extends to the members of his cabinet.
The Summaries do not offer any precise infonnation regarding the
attitude of the Slovaks to the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Paris
but on page 5 of No. 10 appears the statement that "were Slovakia free
to exercise her choice, there is little doubt that a combination of forces
headed by Dr. Hodza and M. Sidor, backed by a small but influential
Protestant autonomy party, would command the votes of the vast
majority of Slovakia."
It is quite true that such a combination would be overwhelming.
It is equally true that the support of some of the Catholic leaders of
the Hlinka party must be enlisted by the Czecho-Slovak National Council
before it can fully establish its claim to represent the Slovak people.
The Protestants in Slovakia do not number more than 300,000 and
�91
SLOVAKIA
though the influence of their community in the economic and cultural
life of Slovakia is out of all proportion to the total number of its
members, the growing self-consciousness and power of one and a half
million Catholics now make the most imrpo:rtant political factor in the
Slovak State. The Protestant predominance of 1918 has gone for ever
and it is useless to seek any sort of accord between Slovaks and Czechs
which was opposed to the wishes of the Slovak Catholics. Yet there are
no signs that the Czecho-Slov,a k National Council has made any progress
towards winning over their support up to the present.
The composition of the present National Council seems to show
that its creators have either neglected ·t his point or have been unsuccessful in their negotiations with the Catholic leaders. The three
Slovak members of the Council are not only Protestants but have not
and never have had any ,p olitical following. M. Osusky and M . Slavik
are career diplomats and have lived for a long time abroad whilst
General Viest is a professional soldier. Though there is evidence to
show that they are regarded with sympathy by the Slovak Protestants,
it seems doubtful whether they can really claim to represent the
political views of the whole Slovak people.
The real political leader of ,t he Slovaks is M. Sidor. He is a good
political orator and a good writer on national-political subjects; but
his pre-eminence among the Slovak Catholic leaders is assured not
only by his personality but by the fact that he stood extremely close
to Father Hlinka and is said to be his political heir. The demonstrations
in his favour, which continue to occur from time to time although they
embarrass him and are dangerous for his supporters, are the best proof
of his great popularity. He has remained loyal to the government but
is definitely dissatisfied with the present German domination which
has forced him and his closest friends to abandon temrporarily their
political activities. If a moment ever came when it would be safe for
Slovakia to abandon her policy of subservience to Germany, it would be
he who would assume the political leadership rather then anyone else.
It is therefore •interesting that, according to information derived
from one of his personal friends, until recently at least the CzechoSlovak leaders in Paris had been unable to reach any agreement with
him. He received friendly overtures from M. Osusky last summer to
which he did not reply since (in his words) "he was unwilling to go
the road to Canossa." One envoy coming to him from Dr. Hodza early
in October was detained by the Hungarian police in Hungary and
failed to arrive. Up to this time M. Sidor was not even convinced of
the necessity for reviving a federal Czecho-Slovak State, although he
was not in principle opposed to it. His precise attitude appeared to be
that he preferred the existing state of affairs but would accerpt a federal
solution if that was the pdlicy adopted by the Western Powers.
So far as is known here then it cannot be said that great progress
has been made up to the present ,t owards a solution of the problem
of the future relations between Czechs and Slovaks. But if collaboration
could be arranged between Dr. Hodza and the Czecho-Slovak National
Council on the one hand and M. Sidor and the anti-German group of
the Hlinkas paiity on the other, there would be good prospects of
arranging a settlement which would be lasting and satisfactory to both
p_ Pares
sides.
1
�
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1972, Vol. 22
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Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972.
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1972
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SLOVAKIA
65
British Attitude Towards
Independent Slovakia in 19 3 9
I.
In Munich, in September 1938, the Western Powers
abandoned Central and Eastern Europe to Germany (in
the same manner as they were to abandon her in Yalta
and Potsdam in 1944-5 to Soviet Russia) and the small
countries of this region were compelled to do their best
to accommodate themselves to this new change in the
balance of power. Mr. Churchill (as he was then) stated
this fact quite eloquently in his speech to the House of
Commons on October 5th, 1939: "It must now be accepted
that all the countries of Central and Eastern Europe will
make the best terms they can with the triumphant Nazi
power."
There is always some good which comes from every
catastrophe. The Slovaks - though victims of the territorial aggrandizement of their neighbors (Hungary, Poland
and Germany) - succeeded in the post-Munich period in
their 20-year struggle for autonomy which was proclaimed
on October 6th, 1938. By asserting their national identity
through their own government and their own Diet the
Slovaks finally overcame the arrogant and dangerous
theory of a unitary "Czechoslovak" nation. The centralized
pre-Munich Czechoslovakia became the federated state
(hyphenated Czecho-Slovakia) of two equal nations. The
Czechs had to admit the futility of their misplaced megalomania: they recognized the Slovaks as a separate nation,
their language as a separate language.
The rest of the world took notice of both the external
and the internal changes which befell Czecho-Slovakia. The
old myths, fostered and sustained by clever Czech propaganda, were demolished and a more sober political
thinking was setting in. It was interesting and quite
refreshing to read in the British press (in an article by
G. B. Shaw at that) about "the entirely imaginary race
called Czechoslovaks'',1 because that's what "Czechoslo-
66
SLOVAKIA
vaks" in fact were: a figment of political imagination aimed
at the absorption of the Slovak nation into the Czech
nation.
The subsequent events - which are now judged as
the prologue to World War II - were in their day
accepted as inevitable facts of life. After Munich Hitler's
supremacy over Central Europe was unchallenged, his
expansionist moves - even if occasionally condemned
and disapproved of - were tacitly and implicitly acquiesced in. Even the disintegration of Czecho-Slovakia
and the emergence of an independent Slovak state did not
produce that wave of indignation and outrage with which
it was to be treated later. The leader article in the "Daily
Express" on March 15th , 1939 summed up the general
sentiments in the following words :
"Why are our heads cooler ( than they were a year
ago - F . V.) ? Not because our hearts are hardened.
Not because we have no sympathy with the Czechs.
No. But we are not shocked by stale news. Munich
decided that Germany was the boss in Eastern Europe." 2
In this frame of mind did the British people at large
and the British Government view the new situation.
II.
The British foreign policy approach towards the new
territorial and political rearrangement followed two distinct lines. Though reluctant to recognize the German
" Protektorat " over Bohemia and Moravia, they saw the
position of Slovakia in a different and more acceptable
light.3 In a memorandum dated April 17th, 1939 the Foreign
Office Central Europe expert, R. M. Makins, summarized
the result of long deliberations which led to the following
conclusions:
"The position of Slovakia is different from that
of Bohemia and Moravia and a number of practical
questions have rendered it advisable for us to regularise the position of our Consul at Bratislava and to
give the new state de facto recognition." 4
Shortly afterwards on May 4th, 1939 the British Consul
in Bratislava notified the Slovak Foreign Minister (Dr. F.
SLOVAKIA
67
nurcansky) that the British Government had decided to
grant the Slovak state a de facto recognition. The act of
recognition was followed by the opening of a Slovak
Consulate-General in London with Milan P. Harminc in
charge. 5
This happy and promising development was suddenly
arrested by the outbreak of the Second World War, in
September 1939. Because of Slovakia's geographical position and treaty relations she had with her protecting power,
Germany, Slovakia herself became marginally involved in
the German attack on Poland. The situation was further
aggravated by the defection of the Slovak Minister in
Warsaw, L. Szatmary, and the Slovak Consul in London,
M. Harminc. Both issued indignant proclamations - as it
happened quite incorrect - alleging that Slovakia was
occupied by German troops and deprived of every vestige
of national independence.6 At the same time the Czech
emigres in the West, led by ex-President Benes, launched
their propaganda campaign for the restoration of CzechoSlovakia in its pre-Munich form.
The Slovak cause in the West was at a great disadvantage. There was no one to defend it and the lies
and intrigues of the adversaries of Slovak independence
could go on almost unhindered.
Yet it must be said in all fairness that the British
attitude towards Slovakia was marked by a measure of
consideration and understanding of which the Slovaks were
only too infrequently the recipients. The British viewed
the position of Slovakia with sensitive appreciation for
the problems of a small country in the shadow of a great
power. The allegations of emigre politicians - both Czechs
and Slovaks - were taken with more than the proverbial
grain of salt and were frequently checked against the
opinions of knowledgeable experts and men-on-the-spot
such as former British Consul in Bratislava Mr. P. Pares.
In the British Consul the Slovaks had a severe critic
but at the same time a sincere, shrewd and sympathetic
observer. His deep knowledge of Slovak affairs enabled
him to evaluate the moves and actions of the Slovak
Government in their overall context. Already in May 1939
he had pointed out the difficult dilemma facing the Slovak
leaders and their efforts to find a solution to their prob-
68
SLOVAKIA
lems. Having heard rumors about their clandestine approaches to the Slovak emigres in the West (particularly
towards Dr. s. Osusky in Paris), he wrote:
"The object of these manoeuvres seems to be to
maintain contact with the Western powers whilst
pursuing a policy of cooperating with the Germans
for as long as is necessary - in other words, the
policy of the Czechs before and during the Great War.
The Slovaks are growing very apprehensive now about
the possibility of war. They do not expect Germany
to win, but realize that they are powerless to refuse
anything she might ask in the event of war. So they
are trying to ensure the good will of the Western
powers in advance by secretly approving the plans
of the exiles." 7
III.
Two days before Britain entered the Second World
War the British Foreign Ministry issued an internal memorandum entitled "Our Attitude towards Czechs and Slovaks
in Time of War." With respect to Slovaks (in spite of some
unflattering remarks about their leadership ) the memorandum stated:
"However true it may be that the final defection
of the Slovaks last March was the result of German
machination and menace and that the present Slovak
Government is acting under force majeure in allowing
Slovakia to be used as an assembly ground for the
German attack on Poland, nevertheless the fact remains that the union of Czechs and Slovaks was not a
success and it would be rash to act on the presumption
that the Slovaks are now anxious to restore it ... By
proclaiming the restoration of Czecho-Slovakia as a
war aim, we should be assuming that the Slovaks had
repented of their errors and were eager for the reunion
with the Czechs. That may be so, but there are yet
insufficient grounds for assurance on the point and
we should not take at their face value any statements
of Slovak emigres on the subject." 8
With regard to ex-President Benes the memorandum
had this to say:
"The question then arises what recognition we
SLOVAKIA
69
should give to Dr. Benes, if, as is only too likely, he
proclaims himself leader of the Czechoslovaks.
The question is not an easy one. In the first place
it must be admitted that he is far and away the most
outstanding Czech figure in the world. His supporters
say that Czechs and Slovaks both at home and abroad
are now unanimously behind him. So far as those
resident abroad are concerned he might be able to
produce some adequate proof, but no proof could
possibly be forthcoming from those resident in their
own countries. All that can be said is that he was not
a popular figure in large circles in Slovakia during
his presidency, and that the Czechs who assumed
power in the Protectorate after his departure made no
secret of their condemnation of him and his policy.
It may be that they have now changed their minds,
but it is difficult to see what proof can be had of the
fact, and it is after all the Czechs in the Protectorate
and not the emigres who matter most.
A further consideration is that Dr . Benes is personally abhorrent in several other states, particularly in
Poland and Hungary.
All these considerations suggest that we should be
wise to walk warily about any official recognition of
Dr. Benes, whether as leader of the Czechs or the
Czechoslovaks, though in view of his outstanding
position we should presumably have no option but to
accept him as their de facto spokesman". 9
As the memorandum anticipated Benes spoke out on
the very day Britain entered the armed conflict. On September 3rd he wired the following telegram to the British
Prime Minister N. Chamberlain:
"At this moment in which the British people are
obliged to wage a war imposed upon Poland, Great
Britain and France by Nazi Germany I wish to express
to Your Excellency with the deep and inalterable
feeling of sympathy the desire and the decision of
the Czechs and Slovaks to join without hesitation
your people in this struggle for a free Europe. Our
country is invaded and occupied by armed forces of
Nazism and the whole nation is suffering under inhuman terror and oppression, its forces, however, both
70
SLOVAKIA
moral and physical remain intact. We Czechoslovak
citizens consider ourselves as being also in war with
the German military forces and we shall march with
your people till the final victory and the liberation
of our fatherland.
Edward Benes,
former President of Czechoslovakia." 10
This telegram was carefully studied by its British
recipients for hidden claims and pretensions. None was
found, but it was noted that Benes spoke on behalf of
"the Czechs and the Slovaks" as well as "Czechoslovak
citizens". The reply (which was despatched with a six-day
delay) carefully avoided any reference to either Slovaks
or "Czechoslovaks" and with a studied deliberation indicated to Benes the attitude of the British Government
towards him and indirectly toward Slovakia also. It read :
" I gratefully acknowledge Your Excellency's generous message of sympathy and support in this grave
hour. The sufferings of the Czech nation are not
forgotten and we look forwards through the triumph
of the principles for which we have taken up arms
to the release of the Czech people from foreign
domination.
Neville Chamberlain." 11
This public exchange of telegrams was to demonstrate
urbi et orbi that the British Government did not recognize
Benes's claim to speak on behalf of the Slovaks nor were
they particularly keen to restore Czecho-Slovakia. This was
made explicitly clear in an explanatory letter of September
26th, 1939, sent to the Britiish Minister in Budapest (Mr.
0. St. C. O'Malley) by Sir Orme Sargent who wrote:
" ... we are taking care to avoid committing ourselves to anything in the nature of a reconstitution of
the old Czecho-Slovak state.
In confirmation of this I would draw your attention to the answer, of which I enclose a copy, sel'lt
by the Prime Minister on the 9th September to Benes's
message of sympathy and support. The Prime Minister
was careful to speak only of the future of the Czech
people." 12
SLOVAKIA
71
IV.
This public rebuke to Dr. Benes reactivated another
emigre politician, Dr. Milan Hodza, former Prime Minister
of Czecho-Slovakia and a bitter antagonist of Dr. Benes.
M. Hodza was a Slovak by birth. In his political outlook
he was inconsistent and in his political actions unpredictable. Immediately after 1918 he was an ardent exponent
of "Czechoslovak unity" and an active opponent of the
Slovak autonomists ( whom he used to mock that they did
not know the difference between "autonomy" and "automobile") .13 But gradually he realized the futile emptiness
of the Czech centralist policies and advocated some
measure of autonomy for Slovakia. In the summer of 1938
his proposals were almost identical with those of Andrej
Hlinka. 14 But Benes put a stop to Hodza's autonomist plans
and schemes and forbade him any further steps in this
direction. At the height of the Munich crisis Benes made
Hodza a convenient scapegoat for previous Czech mistakes
and omissions and on September 22nd, 1938 forced him
and his government to resign.
Physically and mentally broken M. Hodza retired to
France and then to Switzerland. It seemed that he had
left politics for good. Unlike Benes he made no pronouncements issued no proclamations when Hitler dismembered
Czecho-Slovakia. In the summer of 1939 he moved to
London. Here he very quickly realized that official British
circles considered the Czecho-Slovak interwar experiment
as a mistake which they would be loath to repeat. The
exchange of telegrams between Benes and Chamberlain
indicated to him very plainly that the British viewed
Slovakia not as a political accident but as a permanent
feature of the Central European scene.
In 1938-9 the British policy-makers realized that the
Versailles settlement imposed on Central Europe in 1919
was not satisfactory and created as many new problems
as it was supposed to solve. Consequently they were
unwilling to advocate any schemes which took no notice
of past mistakes. In effect it meant that the Slovaks
were not to be forced into any union with the Czechs
against their will. The British official circles did their
best to clear up the terminological confusion concerning
such expressions as Czechs, Slovaks, Czechoslovaks, Czecho-
72
SLOVAKIA
Slovaks, nation, people, etc. It is interesting to note that
even Mr. Churchill - a tough and consistent opponent
of Munich - carefully chose his nouns and adjectives in
his speech of November 12th, 1939, when he spoke of "the
Polish, Czech and Slovak people". In his original draft
he mentioned "the Polish and Czechoslovak nations", but
on the advice of a Foreign Office official he accepted the
more correct and less offensive terminology .15
V.
At the outbreak of World War II the British considered
it important to clarify their attitude towards Slovakia.
In a message sent to Budapest on September 14th, 1939
we read:
"Notification has been issued that Slovakia is to
be regarded as territory in German occupation. Effect
of this is that Slovakia will be treated as enemy
territory for purpose of trading with the enemy, etc.,
but state of war does not exist between the United
Kingdom and Slovakia and Slovaks are not at present
to be regarded as enemy nationals in the United Kingdom." 16
But contrary to what was asserted by the defecting
Slovak diplomats, Szatmary and Harminc, and apparently
believed by the British, Slovakia was not occupied by
German troops. Unfortunately after the recall of the British
Consul from Bratislava and the defection of the Slovak
Consul in London there were no channels of communication between Britain and Slovakia to find out what
really went on. On the other hand the enemies of
Slovakia and the emigre pretenders of "the oppressed
Slovak people" had their field day. By intrigues, half-truths
and outright lies they tried to blacken the Slovak record
and discredit the idea of Slovak independence.
Initially the British Foreign Office did not accept these
emigre confidences at face value but passed them for
comment to the British Consul P. Pares. Pares' comments
and corrections (from Budapest where he had resided
from September 1939) are most remarkable documents
because it was not often that the Slovak cause found
a judicious and objective commentator in a complete
foreigner.
SLOVAKIA
73
The type of material forwarded to Mr. Pares for
comment consisted mainly of "Weekly summaries" issued
by the Political Intelligence Department. The information
was collected mainly by R. H. Bruce Lockhart who was
a willing and polite listener to many emigre accounts,
stories, etc. 17 As a long-standing friend of Jan Masaryk18 and
Dr. Benes Bruce Lockhart did more than anybody else
towards the promotion of the Czech (i. e. anti-Slovak)
interests and towards the acceptance of Dr. Benes as the
spokesman for all the "Czechoslovaks". Bruce Lockhart
acted in good faith and with sincere conviction but there
is no doubt that his credulity was taken for a ride and
his official position exploited. Dr. J . Smutny, Benes's
secretary and his closest collaborator in London, wrote
quite frankly (in March 1940):
"Benes is unwilling to participate in the Czech
emigre activities except as some sort of 'President' ...
As a practical politician he knows that it is not enough
for him alone to be of this opinion, but this opinion
must be shared by others too. The British Government
in particular must accept this view. For this reason
every person who comes from the Protectorate and
says that the nation stands behind Benes, is carefully
put into contact with British circles to give them
authentic confirmation. He (the new arrival) does not
know about this game, it is all done very cleverly.
Every written or verbal message which states the same
(i.e. that the nation stands behind Benes) is passed on
to the Foreign Office through Mr. Bruce Lockhart." 19
Material "passed on to the Foreign Office through Mr.
Bruce Lockhart" formed then the bulk of these "Weekly
summaries". But apart from Benes and his hard working
staff of informants there were also other intelligence
harbingers, such as M. Hodza. Milan Hodza tried his
utmost to cast himself in the role of the sole and rightful
spokesman for the Slovaks.
Benes and Hodza did not see eye to eye with each other
but they were of one mind when it came to denouncing
and condemning everything which had happened in Slovakia since their inglorious exit.
The "Summaries" regularly reported about "the grow-
74
SLOVAKIA
ing disillusionment of Slovaks with their 'autonomy'".
The British Consul (P. Pares) in his comments refutes
this allegation. He points out that the informants and their
sources represent but a small discontented group and their
views are at variance with those of the majority. And then
he singles out an important fact:
"The use of the term 'disillusionment' is in itself
misleading since from the moment when independence
was declared the Slovaks never had any illusions about
the difficulties and risks of their situation as a nation
of two million people in the centre of Europe. Popular
enthusiasm for the declaration of independence was
noticeably lacking last March and if there had been
any it would have been quickly dispelled by the small
war with Hungary which immediately followed. One
solid cause for satisfaction still remains in spite of
Slovakia's need for dependence on one or other of
the stronger neighbouring nations and that is the fact
that after one thousand years the internal political
administration has at last passed exclusively into the
hands of Slovaks. Economic and political dependence
on either Germany, the Czechs or Hungary is inevitable
so long as Slovakia remains an independent state but
the right of full self-administration is a pure gain
which is entirely due to the establishment of the Re-public ( of Slovakia) and goes far towards reconciling
the Slovaks with the drawbacks of their political
position." 20
The "Summaries" invariably harped upon reduced
living standards in Slovakia since March 1939. Mr. Pares
again was able to point out that the standard of living
of the peasantry had not been reduced, while there were
"solid (economic) gains of the majority of the middle
class". He also refuted the false claims regarding the
remittance of the Slovak workers' savings from Germany.
Where the Czech-inspired "Summaries" report "that
most members of the (Slovak) Government are looked
upon as gangsters", Mr. Pares jumps to their defence:
"Of the seven ministers, three, namely M. Stano,
M. Sivak and M. Pruzinsky are Czechophil moderates
belonging to the Hlinka party (M. Sivak was head of
SLOVAKIA
75
the government installed by the Czechs on March 9th
when Dr. Tiso was deposed) and all three were members of M. Sidor's Czechophil government which succeeded Sivak's. Of the other three, two (Fritz and
Medricky) occupy minor posts, and Dr. Durcansky has
travelled far politically since the days when he broadcast against the Czechs over the Vienna wireless.21 All
these facts are very well known to Slovaks and it is
inconceivable that they should hold the view ascribed
to them in the Summary. The general attitude towards
Dr. Tuka, the present Prime Minister, is indeed hostile
but there is no reason to suppose that this unpopularity
extends to the members of his cabinet."
Drawing on his local knowledge of the Slovak scene
Mr. Pares makes penetrating observations about the end
of the Protestant predominance in Slovak political and
public affairs:
"The Protestant predominance of 1918 has gone
for ever and it is useless to seek any sort of accord
between Slovaks and Czechs which was opposed to
the wishes of the Slovak Catholics. Yet there are no
signs that the Czecho-Slovak National Council (i. e.
Committee established on November 17th, 1939 in
Paris ) has made any progress towards winning over
their (i.e. Catholic ) support up to the present."
Commenting on the composition of the Czecho-Slovak
National Committee,22 Mr. Pares expresses his doubts about
the credentials of the three Slovak representatives on this
body. He writes that the creators of this Committee either
neglected to take into account the Catholic majority "or
have been unsuccessful in their negotiations with the
Catholic leaders." And he continues:
"The three Slovak members of the Committee are
not only Protestants but have not and never have had
any political following. M. Osusky and M. Slavik are
career diplomats and have lived for a long time abroad,
whilst General Viest is a professional soldier. Though
there is evidence to show that they are regarded with
sympathy by the Slovak Protestants, it seem doubtful
whether they can really claim to represent the political
views of the whole Slovak people."
76
SLOVAKIA
VI.
Early in November 1939 the British Consul in Slovakia
(Mr. P. Pares) was asked to comment on a memorandum
submitted earlier by B. H. Bruce Lockhart and referring
to discussions Mr. Bruce Lockhart had with Dr. Hodfa.
In this conversation Hodfa stated that the Slovak population was almost unanimously behind him. He advocated
a federalist solution for Slovakia which would keep the
Czechs and Slovaks in one state but would grant the
Slovaks that degree of autonomy which was secured by
the zilina Agreement of October 6th, 1938.23 Hodfa told
Bruce Lockhart that independence was virtually forced on
the Slovaks and that there was an overwhelming desire
for the return to old Czecho-Slovakia. 24 Mr. Pares disagreed
with this view almost completely and gave a remarkably
accurate interpretation of what had actually happened in
March 1939. He mentions the real fears among Slovak
politicians "at the end of February 1939 that the Czechs
might soon take some opportunity of setting aside the
spirit if not the letter of the Slovak autonomy law of
October 1938".
"Later these fears proved to be justified - writes
Mr. Pares - when the Czech Government carried out
its coup d 'e tat in Slovakia on March 9th. The effect
of this coup was that, at the moment when Dr. Tiso
was notified in Berlin that unless Slovakia declared
her independence she would be divided between Hungary and Poland after Germany had taken what she
needed, the Slovaks were in no mood to risk anything
for the sake of the Czechs and therefore agreed to
the German demand.
Thus the opinion of the majority of people in
Slovakia at the time of the declaration of independence
was dominated by two main ideas: satisfaction at
being rid at least of the Czech bugbear and relief at
having saved the Slovak people from a partition which
might have led to its complete disappearance as a
nation." 25
The claims that the Slovaks were dissatisfied with their
state are contradicted by the British Consul who sees the
situation in its real and realistic context:
SLOVAKIA
77
"There are . . . good reasons why the Slovaks should
be satisfied with this situation despite its drawbacks.
Germany's authority is not excercised entirely without
regard for Slovak feelings or interests. For instance,
the new German Minister who arrived recently is far
better liked than his predecessor ( who was removed
at Dr. Durcansky's request). . . The conclusion of
trade agreements with Poland, Germany, Italy, Yugoslavia and other countries during the summer ( of 1939)
has assured the necessary supply of commodities such
as coal, textiles, fruit, lard, coffee, etc. and the exchange
of goods with the Protectorate which constituted fourfifths of Slovakia's total export trade was proceeding
almost up to the outbreak of war."
Mr. Pares also disputes the claims about the German
occupation of Slovakia and the allegations of the arrogant
behavior of the German soldiers towards native people:
"The relations between the Slovak population and
the German troops of occupation in the small strip
of territory which constituted the military zone, were
described to me as excellent by an impartial and
reliable American observer as late as the beginning
of August. So far as I know German soldiers - except
for some deputations of officers who toured the country
examining strategic roads, railways and the possibility
of requisitioning local supplies - did not move outside
the military zone until late in August."
The British Consul ridicules the suggestions of M.
Hodza that "the Slovak Government functions at the bidding of its German masters and with the support of German
bayonets" and that "the Slovaks who are not prepared
to accept German money have resigned from their posts" .
Mr. Pares comments: "This sort of charge sounds like
the kind of generalized accusations which one hears rather
frequently from a Central European when he is speaking
about his political opponents."
In one respect, however, Mr. Pares agrees with the
emigre informants: concerning the pro-Czech sentiments
among the officers of the Slovak army. And here he makes
an astute and surprisingly accurate prediction:
"These (pro-Czech) sympathies can be discounted
78
SLOVAKIA
for the present, and only when the time comes, and
Germany's hold over the Czechs and Slovaks weakens,
will this factor assume a real political importance."
VII.
At the end of 1939 there was already a noticeable shift
in the British attitude towards the Slovaks. The earlier
signs of a favorable disposition towards Slovakia were
gradually corroded away by a conjoint action of three
mutually interrelated factors:
(i) The continuous stream of vicious anti-Slovak propaganda emanating from the Czech emigre groups around
Dr. Benes.
(ii) A powerful pro-Czech lobby among British parliamentarians, politicians and influential public figures.
(iii) The contagious example of France where on October 2nd, 1939 a military agreement was concluded between
the French Government and Minister Dr. E:';. Osusky who
signed the agreement "on behalf of the provisional government of the Czecho-Slovak Republic". This act was followed
on November 15th, 1939 by the French recognition of the
Czecho-Slovak National Committee "as qualified to represent the Czecho-Slovak people and in particular to
execute the agreement of October 2nd."
Invoking the French precedent Dr. Benes was pressing
hard for a similar concession from the British. After
a prolonged negotiation he obtained on December 20th,
1939 British recognition of the Czecho-Slovak National
Committee "as qualified to represent the Czecho-Slovak
people". At the same time, however, it was made very
plain to Dr. Benes and all concerned that "no commitments
were made at this stage regarding the future of the former
territories of the Czecho-Slovak Republic." 26
The fall of France in summer 1940 considerably
strengthened Benes's position in London where his Committee was eventually recognized as "the provisional
government" (on July 21st, 1940). From this time on if the
British attitude towards the Czechs showed some restraint,
it was not for the sake of the Slovaks but primarily out of
consideration for the feelings of the Poles and Hungarians
who too were against the restoration of the pre-Munich
Czecho-Slovakia and against Dr. Benes personally.
In December 1940 Viscount Halifax left the position
SLOVAKIA
79
of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and his place
was taken by Mr. Anthony Eden (now Earl of Avon) . Mr.
Eden was a close personal friend of Jan Masaryk and Dr.
Benes and was known as an outspoken antagonist of the
whole appeasement policies of the Chamberlain Government. With him a new spirit-highly favorable to Czech
political aspirations and ambitions-moved into the corridors of the Foreign Ministry.
As the hatred and abhorrence of Hitler and his Nazism
grew, so did the sympathy towards the Czechs, and the
Czech emigres were quick and clever to exploit it fully. No
one is going to dispute the fact that the Czechs were victims
of the Munich decision, but one is taken aback by the
agility with which they made themselves into poor innocent
victims of Munich which they certainly were not. By
branding the Munich Agreement a 'dictate' they were
making dictators not only of Germany and Italy but also
of France and Britain. By transferring these semantics
into practical politics they shifted their blame for Munich
and all the subsequent events on others, including the
Western allies.
The simple truth is that in the autumn of 1938 the
Czech accepted the Munich Agreement with nothing more
than a verbal protest when they could and should have
opposed Hitler with arms. But by 1940-41 they were able
to elevate their shameless capitulation into an act of supreme heroism and noble sacrifice, for which the Western
powers owed them a living - Czech style. So one-sided
and uncritical was the British support of Benes and his
policies that they actively assisted him in the elimination
of his political opponents (who had equally impressive
records of both democratic tradition and anti-Nazi fighting
as Benes himself) such as the Slovaks s. Osusky and M.
Hodza, Czechs as L. Prchala, Sudeten Germans as W. Jaksch
and many more less-known but not less meritorious antiNazis. In July 1943 Benes's secretary, J . Smutny, wrote
with an air of victorious satisfaction:
"Morally the greatest success of Dr. Benes lies in
the fact that he managed to change Munich and our
decision not to fight there and then into a victory of
Czechoslovak moral strength and foresight; he was
able to throw at the heads of our present allies the
responsibility for OUR decision . . ." 27
80
SLOVAKIA
In the light of all this it is not difficult to see
Dr. Benes succeeded in making Slovak leaders willing
accomplices and in convincing the Western powers
the Slovak nation desired nothing more than reunion
the Czechs and himself as their president.
F. V
how
Nazi
that
with
n u k, Australia
FOOTNOTES
1) "Daily Herald", March 3rd, 1939.
2) "Daily Express", March 15th, 1939, p. 12.
3) F. Vnuk, British Recognition of Independent Slovakia in 1939, in
"Slovak Studies (Historica)", Vol. VIII, (Rome, in press).
4) The Foreign Office Archives, Political Correspondence (CzechoSlovakia) 1939-40, No. 371 / 22898/Doc. 17. In following references
only volume and document numbers will be given (e. g 22896/ 47) .
5) Dr. J . M. Kirschbaum, Postoj Vel' kej Britanie k Slovenskej Republike, in "Literarny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike" (Middletown,
Pa., 1960) , pp. 63-71.
6) The proclamation handed by Dr. L. Szatmary to the Polish Foreign
Ministry and subsequently released to the press on September 2nd ,
1939 reads:
"In the name of the Slovak people and its representatives
who, under the pressure of the Third Reich, have been reduced
to silence and have been reproached for penetrations exclusively
in the interest of Germany, I protest as the representative of the
State of Slovakia in Poland against the brutal disarmament of
the Slovak army, against the arbitrary occupation of Slovakia by
the troops of the Third Reich, against the use of Slovakia as
a base for warlike action against the brotherly Polish people.
"The Slovak people, whether they be at home or abroad, will
never submit to the violence of the Third Reich.
"It associates itself with armed resistance against the aggressor to regain the freedom in collaboration with the civilized
nations of the world, and in order that it may freely decide its
own destiny.
"I would be very obliged to your Excellency if the Polish
Government would please acknowledge my present communication
and if it would support by all its resources and those of its Allies
the fight of the Slovak people to save its national honour and
fatherland as well as to win true independence."
Mr. Harminc's proclamation, published in the British press on September 24th, 1939 has the following to say:
"The whole of Slovakia is occupied by Nazi armed forces. The
voice of the Slovak people has been temporarily silenced by
the ruthless abrogation of all treaties and agreements.
"In the name of Slovakia I solemnly protest against this shameful betrayal, and declare that the aims and ideals of Great
Britain and France are identical with those of my sorely-tried
people.
Milan Harminc
SLOVAKIA
7)
8)
9)
10)
11)
12)
13)
14)
15)
16)
17)
18)
81
22803/ 338-9
22899/ 14-15
22899/ 17-18
"The Times" (London), Sepember 5th, 1939.
"The Times" (London), September 11th, 1939.
22899/ 191-3
To which a Slovak journalist and politician, J . Mudroii, provided
the following repartee: "Oh yes, they do know, Mr. Hodui. The
automobile is a mechanical instrument which enables the Czechs
to move into Slovakia, autonomy is a political instrument which
will make them move out of Slovakia." ("Slovak", February 22nd ,
1920) .
Dr. Michal Mudry, Milan Hodza v Amerike, Chicago, Ill. , 1949, p. 58.
22900/ 27
22900/ 273
Mr. R. H. Bruce Lockhart gives an interesting account of his work
at the Political Intelligence Department in his book, Comes the
Reckoning, (London, 1947).
He is the author of a sympathetic biographical sketch, Jan Masaryk:
a personal memoir, (London, 1951).
19) "Acta Occiipationis Bohemiae et Moraviae", Vol. I. (Pra ha, 1966 ),
p. 92.
20) This and the following quotations are taken from a memorandum
24290/79-84 which is reprinted in full in Appendix III.
21) In this memorandum Mr. Pares mentions only six out of seven
ministers who ,c omprised the Slovak Government. The seventh man,
who is left out, is General F. Catlos, the Minister of National
Defense.
22) This Czecho-Slovak National Committee consisted of eight members :
iDr. E. Benes, Dr. J . Sramek, Gen. S. Ingr, Dr. E. Outrata, Dr. H.
Ripka, Dr. S. Osusky, Dr. J . Slavik, Gen. R. Viest. The last three
members were Slovaks, but they were pitifully unrepresentative of
the Slovak nation. Not only were they all Protestants - as Mr.
Pares points out - but one of them, J. Slavik, summed up his
nationalist sentiments in a self-revealing phrase: 'I am an unhyphenated Czechoslovak. "
23) In the West M. Hodza liked to put himself forward as a great and
dedicated federalist. In 1941 he even published in London a book.
" Federation in Central Europe." But a sad fact remains that back
home, when he was the second most powerful politician in CzechoSlovakia, he did not try hard enough to implement his federalist
ideas within the Czecho-Slovak framework.
24) Dr. Hodfa was asked to put his views down in writing. He did so
and his memorandum (22900/ 66-70) is reproduced in full in Appendix I.
25) Mr. Pares' commentaries on Hodfa's accounts of the situation in
Slovakia can be found in 22900/74-81 and are given in full in
Appendix II. This and the following four quotations are taken from
Mr. Pares' comments.
SLOVAKIA
82
26 ) 24288/ 60
27 ) Acta occu.pationis Bohemiae et Moraviae, Vol. I., (Praha, 1966), p.
222.
Appendix I.
MEMORANDUM BY DR. HODZA
ON THE SITUATION IN SLOVAKIA
In October 1939 Dr. Milan Hod.fa, former Prime Minister of Czecho-Slovakia, had a lengthy discussion about the
political situation in Slovakia with Mr. Robert H. Bruce
Lockhart of the British Foreign Office. The summary of
this discussion was passed for comment to the former
British Consul in Bratislava (Mr. Peter Pares) while Dr.
Hodza was requested to put his view:s on paper in the
form of a memorandum. In his written submission, handed
to Mr. Bruce Lockhart on November 14th 1939, Dr. Hodza
was less outspoken especially in his references to Dr.
Benes. Even so his memorandum is an unusual document
of some historical interest, particularly in its allegation
- hitherto not mentioned anywhere - about the new
political balance in Slovakia in the autumn of 1939. Dr.
Hodza claims here the allegiance of 30 out of 49 Slovak
deputies elected in 1935 (and including K. Sidor and M.
Sokol). But one has to be sceptical about his mathematics .
Hodza's memorandum was prefaced by a letter of Mr.
Bruce Lockhart:
My dear Roberts,
I send you herewith a memorandum which has been given me
by Dr. Hodza. It gives a picture of the alleged political line-up
among l!he Slovaks. You will see that, as I predicted, the old
gentleman has been careful not to put his anti-Benes and antiCzech sentiments on paper.
R. H. Bruce Lockhart
Yours sincerely,
MEMORANDUM BY DR. HOD2A
The position in Slovakia is now becoming clearer.
Except for a small opportunist minority, Slovakia has never wished
for separation from Bohemia and Moravia, and even the Slovak Parliament, elected in the Nazi fashion in December 1938, refused to adopt
a resolution to pronounce complete separation from them. This resolution, which at the same time called upon Germany for protection, was
only passed after Dr. Tiso and his four friends, who had the full
support of the German S . S. and S. A., had declared that, if i,t were
not accepted, Slovakia would be occupied by German troops.
Up to last August Germany treated Slovakia very tactfully,
not only politically but also commercially, so that even the moderate
Federalists agreed that there were many advantages in being an
SLOVAK.IA
83
independent country. It was not until the preparations for war were
begun in July that the situation suddenly changed, and it became
obvious that Germany regarded the Slovak Government merely as
a means for forcing upon Slovakia any measure, no matter how un popular. The declaration of war finally opened Slovak eyes.
The present political position in Slovakia is as follows: After the cession of territory to Hungary there remained forty-nine
of the sixty-four Slovak seats in the former Parliament. After the last
free elections twenty-six of these were held by the parties led by Dr.
Hodza ( 15), Dr. Sokol, President of the Slovak Parliament and a leader
of the Catholic Federalist Group , (8) , and Dr. Jan Pauliny-Toth, leade r
of the Federalist Slovak National Party, (2) .
On October 3 Dr. Pauliny came to Paris and offered Dr. Hodza the
co-operation of his party and of Dr. Sokol and his Catholic Federalists
in the reconstitution of the Czechoslovak Republic on a federal basis.
In the present ciTcumstances, of course, the co-operation of these groups
must be secret.
On October 10 a special envoy arrived in Paris with a similar
message from M. Sidor, another Catholic Federalist and a former
advocate of co-operation with the Germans. He had to resign from the
Slovak Government soon after March 10, when he had opposed the
German effort to establish a separate Slovakia instead of a federal
Republic. His party consists of four deputies.
It is thus clear that out of a total of forty-nine, thirty former
Slovak deputies are in favour of a federal Republic.
The nineteen remaining deputies are: i) six members of the Catholic Federalist Party who possibly
still recognise Dr. Tiso as their leader;
ii) five Socialist deputies, who although differing from the
majority in preferring the restitution of the former semi-centralized
Government to the establishment of federal methods, also support
the Republic;
iii) seven Slovak Communist deputies, two of whose leaders
are now in Paris, and who are also in favour of the federal system :
and
iv) one Hungarian deputy, whose views are not known.
II.
At a meeting in Paris on October 12, representatives of the thirty
deputies decided that the federal Republic should, from the international
point of view, be a single political entity. Thus there would be one
Head of the Federal State and a central Parliament and Government,
with powers over foreign policy, the army, economic reconstruction,
communications, and international trade and finance. Local parliaments
and local governments would be in charge of education, public works,
social welfare, hygiene, housing, interior administration and the police,
and, in fact, of all economic problems not dealt with by the central
Government and Parliament (agriculture, industry, trade, etc. ).
It is desirable that federalisation should not only be the programme
of the Slovak majority, but also of the Czechs abroad. If, however, the
latter refuse to adopt it, this need not prevent co-operation between
the Czechs and Slovaks abroad. The Slovak majority are convinced that
in the restored Republic there will always be a Czecho-Slovak majority
84
SLOVAKIA
in favour of a federal structure, as was the case in October 1938. The
Slovak majority therefore offers to co-operate with the Czechs. There
is no doubt about the importance of this collaboration. Geographically
Slovakia is of the g reatest importance to Bohemia and Moravia, since
it connects them with Central and Danubian Europe. Without this
connection they would always be the helpless victims of the German
pincers. This co-operation is equally important to Slovaks, as so-called
i ndependence would always be fraught with danger for her.
Co-operation between the Czech and Slovak representatives in the
action abroad has now a quite special importance, as the Czechoslovak
army which is to be formed in France will comprise 55, if not 60 %
of Slovak agricultural labourers and industrial workers domiciled in
France for years.
III.
The Slovak political representatives have always been unanimous
in their conviction that the Czechoslovak Republic will at all times be
obliged to work in very close co-operation with Poland and the neighbouring Danubian countries. The Slovaks visualise the future structure
of central Europe as a confederation of sovereign states prepared to
sacrifice complete sovereignty sufficiently to guarantee them independe nce and security.
The basis of this scheme for federalisation may be found partly in
pre vious Home Rule schemes of the Slovak Federalists and partly in
a scheme which Dr. Hodza, then Prime Minister of Czechoslovakia, put
forward in Ma y and June 1938. This scheme, finally adopted by several
leaders of the parliamentary majority, aimed at the setting up of a local
Pa rliament and Government for Slovakia within the framework of
a general reconstruction of the Czechoslovak political system.
Up to •the end of August, some of the leading officers in the Slovak
Army kept in touch with Dr. Benes and some with Dr. Hodza , through
the medium of special envoys. Thus the overwhelming majority of the
Slovak arm y maintained their Czechoslovak orientation. Among those
abroad the former Inspector of the Slovak Army, General Viest, is
a non-political soldier. The former chief of the Slovak Air Force, Major
Ambrus, is, together with the vast majority of his brother-officers, in
favour of Czeoho-Slovak federalism .
The minutes attached to Hodza's memorandum(signed
by Mr. Roberts) are of some importance as they show
what kind of credibility rating Dr. Hodza enjoyed with
the British Foreign Office. Mr. Roberts writes:
"Dr. Hodza is not only an emigre but he was never
really popular in Slovakia, where he was considered
to be too closely associated with the Czech Central
Government at Prague. This memorandum also clearly
shows that he is still thinking in terms of the old
political parties which - as Mr. Lockhart has assured
me - are now completely discredited.
I therefore think that we should not accept Dr.
Hodza's views too readily ... "
SLOVAKIA
85
Appendix 11.
Comments by Mr. P. Pares on the Bruce Lockhart
account of discussions with Dr. M. Hodza. The comments
were written at the British Legation in Budapest, where
Mr. Pares stayed after his recall from Bratislava in September 1939. In the covering letter the Briti!sh Minister to
Hungary (Mr. O'Malley) wrote to Mr. I. Kirkpatrick in
London:
Dear Kirkpatrick,
With reference to your letter of October 19 C 16390/ 12 I enclose
a memorandum by Pares commenting on Lockhart's memorandum .
As I have not been much in Slovakia I will not add any
remarks of my own except to say that on almost every point of
which I have any knowledge I must venture to differ from
Lockhart.
Another golden age for emigres of all descriptions is I suppose
about to dawn. It is a pity. Their political views are rarely sound.
MEMORANDUM
The conclusions reached in the memorandum seem to be on the
whole over-simplified. The line of argument appears to be that because
the independence of Slovakia was dictated by Germany and because
German control of the country has increased since the Slovak State
came into existence, the present Slovak government has become unpopular and the majority of Slovaks now wish for a restoration of
the Czecho-Slovak Republic.
This is perhaps the impression which might be derived from
contacts restricted to Slovak emigres, such as General Viest, whose
name is mentioned several times in the memorandum. Incidentally
General Viest was on the retired list last March and at the time of
my arrival in Bratislava during December 1938, the opinion of him
in centralist "Czechoslovak" circles there was that he was a mediocrity
in spite of the fact that he enjoyed the distinction of being the only
Slovak general in the Czechoslovak army.
But this interpretation of developments in Slovakia does not place
sufficient emphasis on the growing apprehension felt by Dr. Tiso's
autonomous Slovak provincial government at the end of February 1939,
that the Czechs might soon take some opportunity of setting aside the
spirit if not the letter of the Slovak autonomy law of October 1938.
Dr. Tiso's opening speech at the first working session of the Slovak
Diet in the middle of February made known these feelings quite
clearly. Later they were proved to be justified when the Czech government carried out its coup d'etat in Slovakia on March 9. The effect of
this coup was that, ait the moment when Dr. Tiso was notified in Berlin
that unless Slovakia declared her independence she would be divided
between Hungary and Poland after Germany had taken what she needed ,
the Slovaks were in no mood to risk anything for the sake of the Czechs
and therefore agreed to the German demand.
Thus the opinion of the majority of people in Slovakia at the time
of the declaration of independence was dominated by two main ideas,
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SLOVAKJA
satisfaction at being rid at last of the Czech bugbear and relief at
having saved the Slovak people from a partition which might have led
to its complete disappearence as a nation. Nobody had any illusion
about the difficulties and dangers of the situation and there were
hardly any public displays of enthusiasm. The attitude of the middle
classes and intelligentsia was either depressed or optimistic. In the
first Slovak cabinet constituted afiter March 14, the names of M. Sidor
and those of M. Stano and M. Pruzinsky, members of M. Sidor's former
provincial government, were included and even that of Sivak, the head
of the government installed by Prague after its military coup of March
9. This indicates clearly that the new government was a concentration
of all the national political groups and did not represent only the
successful pro-German group which ·had carried out the revolution.
These points are all worth mentioning because they show that
the Slovak people as a whole and their leaders even in March had
no illusions about the position. Nothing appears to have occurred since
then which could cause any alteration in their estimate of their position
or their attitude toward the government of Dr. Tiso.
There are on the other hand good reasons why the Slovaks should
be satisfied with this situation despite its drawbacks. Germany's
authority is not exercised entirely without regard for Slovak feelings
or interests. For instance the new German Minister who arrived recently
is far better liked than his predecessor (who was removed •a t Dr_
Durcansky's request) and does not make a habit of making frequent
peremptory demarches on all manner of non-essential subjects and
without the instructions of his government. The conclusion of trade
agreements with Poland, Germany, Italy, Yugoslavia and other countries
during the summer has assured the necessary supply of commodities
such as coal, textiles, fruit, lard, coffee, etc., and the exchange of goods
with the Protectorate which constituted four-fifths of Slovakia's total
export trade, was proceeding almost normally up to the outbreak of
war. The only economic problems of importance were the accumulation
on a relatively large scale of frozen credits in Germany (500 million
ct-owns) * and the Protectorate (200 million crowns)* due to the difficulty
of obtaining manufactured goods in exchange for deliveries from
Slovakia.
The midle-classes are now satisfied because employment in Government offices has been opened to them on a large scale. The peasants
in Eastern Slovakia have also been conciliated by increased prices for
their grain this year and by the prospect of cheaper freight rates for
their produce when the construction of the new railway line through
Vranov in East Slovakia has been completed.
A typical instance of German methods of exploitation in Slovakia
is pmvided by the agreement reached between the Slovak and German
governments regarding the construction of strategic roads. The Slovak
programme was planned to cost 60 million crowns and was to last for
two years. The Germans estimated that the cost would be doubled if
the work were carried out in three months ,as they wanted, and therefore agreed with ,the Slovaks to give the contracts to German firms
who would receive the difference between the Slovak estimate and the
• Up to the end of August
SLOVAKIA
87
German estimate in Reichsmarks from the German Government. The
labor and also such raw materials as could be supplied by Slovakia
were paid for in Slovak currency whilst the machinery and tar were
provided by the German contractors and paid for in Germany.
The relations between the Slovaik population and the German
troops of occupation in the small strip of territory which constituted
the military zone, were described to me as excellent by an impartial
and reliable American observer as late as the beginning of August.
So far as I know German soldiers - except for some deputations of
officers who toured the country examining strategic roads, railways
and the possibility of requisitioning local supplies - did not move
outside the military zone until late in August. When I visited the
district of Orava on the Polish frontier, in the middle of May, I stayed
with Slovaks and ·h eard no talk of German soldiers in the neighbourhood, though the Orava area lies next door to the Jablunkau district
(which was in the military zone) and was actually used by German
troops for their advance into Poland in September.
The description in the memorandum of the "so-called autonomous
government exercising its functions solely at the bidding of its German
masters and with the support of German bayonets" does not tally with
the account of the state of affairs given above. Nor is it correct, in my
experience, •that the Slovaks who are not ,p repared to accept German
money have resigned from their posts. I knew very many hard-working
and honest officials whilst I was in Bratislava, not one of whom ever
received any German money, to judge by their manner of living, or
seemed likely to have accepted it, if it had been offered. This sort of
charge sounds like the kind of generalized accusation which one hears
rather frequently from a Central European when he is speaking about
his political opponents.
The political administration in Slovakia, though based on authoritarian models was generally reputed to be less stringent than in
Germany owing to the easy-going temperament of the Slovaks. Dr.
Pauliny Toth, the Slovak Nationalist leader whose name is mentioned
in the memorandum, spent some weeks in the detention camp for
political prisoners in Ilava and can testify that conditions there are
Jess severe than they are said to be in Dachau or other German camps.
The delay of punishing the mutinous Slovak regiments last September is another proof of the German willingness to yield to Slovak
feelings on questions in which these feelings are really roused and
do not conflict with any essential German interest.
After the Hlinka party the most powerful single political factor
in the Slovak state is perhaps the army and it is definitely "Czechoslovak" in sentiment. This is intelligible since the policy of the CzechoSlovak republic was to use the system of compulsory military service
as a means of cementing the union between the two halves of the
country which, although closely related from a linguistic point of view,
had had no common tradition for a thousand years. In pursuit of this
policy Slovak soldiers were sent to serve in Bohemia and Moravia and
Czech soldiers were given a taste of the primitive conditions on the
Slovak and Ruthenian borders. It is natural therefore that the Czechoslovak tradition should still be strong in the Slovak army. These
88
SLOVAKIA
sympathies can be discounted for the present, and only when the time
comes, and Germany's hold over the Czechs and Slo•v aks weakens, will
this factor assume a real political importance.
Summing up, I should say that the situation in Slovakia has not
changed very much since the beginning of the country's existence as
an independent state and that with the exception of the army, and
some of the Lutherans, the people are not violently discontented with
German control. They never had many illusions about their international
position and after all the country enjoys a fair measure of autonomy
with full self-administration. The attitude of the Slovak intelligentsia
is on the whole one of passive disap:proV1al but not of active revolt,
with the exception of a section of the Lutheran community, which was
the great source of strength of the former centralists or "Czechoslovaks"
and has suffered with their eclipse. In this case it is sectarian feeling
rather than loss of political power which created bitter antagonism
to the existing government of Catholic priests.
So :fiar as I know the political influence of the Catholic priests has
not diminished and I have never heard of anything which proved that
they were opposed to Dr. Tiso's government.
'Dhe Slovaks are still rather suspicious of the Czechs but are
beginning to see from experience that they are no worse than any other
of their neighbours and also to realize that the Czech regime brought
considerable benefits to the country. This is certainly a positive development, but it is a long way from this to a desire for the restoration
of the Czecho-Slovak State.
In my opinion the restoration depends almost entirely on the
manner in which the present Czech leaders set about conciliating the
proper quarters in Slovakia. By this I mean the rather bigoted Catholic
element embodied in the Hlinka Party and not the arrogant Lutheran
minority who were formerly the Czechs' supporters and proteges. The
conditions for such an attempt are not unfavourable now but a beginning
must be made soon or it may be too late. Political revenge will have
to be foregone and much patience and tole:riance will be required on
the Czech side.
It may be asked why, if the majority of Slovaks are satisfied with
their independence thus far, should they be ready to help restore the
Czecho-Slovak republic. The answer is that they are aware of the
dangers which surround them and might therefore be prepared on
certain terms to accept union with the .Czechs as a stronger Slav power.
Proof of this uneasiness is to be found in the rather maladroit advances
of Dr. Durcansky to the Slovak emig:rants in Paris during the summer.
More than once I have observed that Slovak officials are perturbed
by the fear that Slovakia may find herself on the wrong side at the
end of the war and they therefore attempt to ingratiate themselves
simultaneously with Germany and with the representatives of the
Wes tern powers.
The entry of Russia on the Central European scene has introduced
a new factor. It is not out of the question that if the Czechs do not
come to terms with the Slovaks. quickly, the situation may change so
that the rapprochement would no longer be considered desirable by
the Slovaks.
P. Pares
SLOVAKIA
89
Appendix Ill.
MEMORANDUM OF MR. P. PARES
ON "WEEKLY SUMMARIES" NO. 10.
(These "Weekly Summaries" were surveys of politically significant events in the Protectorate and Slovakia
prepared by the Political Intelligence Department of the
British Foreign Office and based on information obtained
from Czech and Slovak emigres, recent arrivals, press and
radio news, etc. In this memorandum Mr. Pares refutes
much of the emigre information as biased and unreliable.)
Almost every issue of the Weekly Summary has contained reference
to the griowing disillusionment of Slovaks with their "autonomy"
( presumably Slovak independence is meant) yet this tendency is not
confirmed by the information available here. It must be admitted
however that members of the Legation staff have not had opportunities
of making contact with Slovaks during the last six weeks owing to
Slovaks' fears of falling under the suspicion of the Gestapo. A possible
explanation of this differences is that many of the reports reaching
London directly may come through the Slovak political emigrants who
are nearly all Protestants and not only are opposed to the present
Slovak regime themselves but draw their information from Protestant
sources in Slovakia which are also in bitter opposition. The number
of Catholic Slovaks who have been obliged to go into exile is very
small for the obvious reason that the revolution of October 1938 brought
the Catholic majority into ;p ower.
The use of the term "disillusionment" is in itself misleading since
from the moment when independence was declared the Slovaks never
had any illusions about the difficulties and risks of their situation as
a nation of two million ipeople in the centre of Europe. Popular
enthusiasm for the declaratiion of independence was noticeably lacking
last March and if ,t here had been ,a ny it would have been quickly
dispelled by the small war with Hungary which immediately followed.
One solid cause for satisfaction still remains in spite of Slovakia's need
for dependence on one or other of the stronger neighbouring nations
and that is the fact that after one thousand years the internal political
administi,ation has at last passed exclusively into the hands of Slovaks.
Economic and political dependence on either Germany, the Czechs or
Hungary is inevitable so long as Slovakia remains an independent state
but the right of full self-administration is a pure gain which is entirely
due to the establishment of the Republic and goes far towards reconciling the Slovaks with the drawbacks of their political position.
It is doubtful whether, as the Summary of December 5 (No. 10)
suggests, the general standard of living has been reduced. During the
summer cost of living bonuses were paid to workers whilst employment
and conditions of pay among the "white collar" cl.ass appeared to have
improved. The standard of living of the Slovak peasant has always
been near the minimum necessary for existence and there have been
no signs so far thait it has been reduced. On the contrary prices fixed
by the grain monopoly this season were in some districts better than
these offered last year under the Czecho-Slovak republic. Among the
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SLOVAKIA
middle class there has been a large transference of wealth due to the
laws against Jews and the discriminatory practices against Czechs.
Government service has been opened to the Slovak middle class and
what this means may be inferred from the fact that even at the end
of December 1938 when many Czechs had already returned to Bohemia
there were still 36,000 of them in government employment in Slovakia.
Slovaks were now also able to assert their predominance in the profession such as the Jaw, medicine etc. Thus there is little reason why
the average member of the Slovak middle class should complain. If
anybody has suffered through the recent changes it is the comparatively
small body of well-to-do landowners and businessmen who have sold
large quantities of goods to Germany, and the Protectorate, without being
able to get their money owing to Germany's inability to pay cash for
what she buys. But the losses of these people are insignificant compared
with the solid gains of the majority of the middle class.
The statement contained in Summary No. 10 rega1·ding the remittance of Slovak workers' sa vings from Germany is incorrect. According
to a recent official announcement the Slovak National Bank has alread y
advanced over 90 million crowns to the relatives of Slovak workers
employed in Germany and although this arrangement has only shifted
the burden of inconvenience from the Slovak workers to the Bank, the
former are presumably quite satisfied with it. Only in a few cases have
workmen returning from Germany attempted to disregard the regulation
by bringing their earnings with them instead of depositing them to
a German bank, but so far as I know the Slovak National Bank has
been able to smooth out the difficulties which have arisen in their way.
There appears to be some exaggeration in the opinion ( page 5 of
No. 10 ) that most members of the government are looked upon as
gangsters. Of the seven ministers, three, namely M. Stano, M. Sivak
and M. Pruzinsky are Czechophil moderates belonging to the Hlinka
party (M. Sivak was head of the government installed by the Czechs
on March 9 when Dr. Tiso was deposed) and all three were members
of M. Sidor's Czechophil government which succeeded Sivak's. Of the
other three two occupy minor posts and Dr. Durcansky has travelled
far politically since the days when he broadcast against the Czechs
over the Viennese wireless. All these facts are very well known to
Slovaks and it is inconceivable that they should hold the view ascribed
to them in the Summary. The general attitude towards Dr. Tuka, the
present Prime Minister, is indeed hostile but there is no reason to
suppose that his unpopularity extends to the members of his cabinet.
The Summaries do not offer any precise infonnation regarding the
attitude of the Slovaks to the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Paris
but on page 5 of No. 10 appears the statement that "were Slovakia free
to exercise her choice, there is little doubt that a combination of forces
headed by Dr. Hodza and M. Sidor, backed by a small but influential
Protestant autonomy party, would command the votes of the vast
majority of Slovakia."
It is quite true that such a combination would be overwhelming.
It is equally true that the support of some of the Catholic leaders of
the Hlinka party must be enlisted by the Czecho-Slovak National Council
before it can fully establish its claim to represent the Slovak people.
The Protestants in Slovakia do not number more than 300,000 and
91
SLOVAKIA
though the influence of their community in the economic and cultural
life of Slovakia is out of all proportion to the total number of its
members, the growing self-consciousness and power of one and a half
million Catholics now make the most imrpo:rtant political factor in the
Slovak State. The Protestant predominance of 1918 has gone for ever
and it is useless to seek any sort of accord between Slovaks and Czechs
which was opposed to the wishes of the Slovak Catholics. Yet there are
no signs that the Czecho-Slov,a k National Council has made any progress
towards winning over their support up to the present.
The composition of the present National Council seems to show
that its creators have either neglected ·t his point or have been unsuccessful in their negotiations with the Catholic leaders. The three
Slovak members of the Council are not only Protestants but have not
and never have had any ,p olitical following. M. Osusky and M . Slavik
are career diplomats and have lived for a long time abroad whilst
General Viest is a professional soldier. Though there is evidence to
show that they are regarded with sympathy by the Slovak Protestants,
it seems doubtful whether they can really claim to represent the
political views of the whole Slovak people.
The real political leader of ,t he Slovaks is M. Sidor. He is a good
political orator and a good writer on national-political subjects; but
his pre-eminence among the Slovak Catholic leaders is assured not
only by his personality but by the fact that he stood extremely close
to Father Hlinka and is said to be his political heir. The demonstrations
in his favour, which continue to occur from time to time although they
embarrass him and are dangerous for his supporters, are the best proof
of his great popularity. He has remained loyal to the government but
is definitely dissatisfied with the present German domination which
has forced him and his closest friends to abandon temrporarily their
political activities. If a moment ever came when it would be safe for
Slovakia to abandon her policy of subservience to Germany, it would be
he who would assume the political leadership rather then anyone else.
It is therefore •interesting that, according to information derived
from one of his personal friends, until recently at least the CzechoSlovak leaders in Paris had been unable to reach any agreement with
him. He received friendly overtures from M. Osusky last summer to
which he did not reply since (in his words) "he was unwilling to go
the road to Canossa." One envoy coming to him from Dr. Hodza early
in October was detained by the Hungarian police in Hungary and
failed to arrive. Up to this time M. Sidor was not even convinced of
the necessity for reviving a federal Czecho-Slovak State, although he
was not in principle opposed to it. His precise attitude appeared to be
that he preferred the existing state of affairs but would accerpt a federal
solution if that was the pdlicy adopted by the Western Powers.
So far as is known here then it cannot be said that great progress
has been made up to the present ,t owards a solution of the problem
of the future relations between Czechs and Slovaks. But if collaboration
could be arranged between Dr. Hodza and the Czecho-Slovak National
Council on the one hand and M. Sidor and the anti-German group of
the Hlinkas paiity on the other, there would be good prospects of
arranging a settlement which would be lasting and satisfactory to both
p_ Pares
sides.
1
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Title
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British Attitude Towards Independent Slovakia in 1939
Description
An account of the resource
F. Vnuk
Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972
pp. 65-91
Creator
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Vnuk, František, 1926-
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1972
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92
SLOVAKIA
The Slovak Benedictines Review
50 Years in Cleveland, Ohio
(1922-1972)
By Joseph Pa u co, Ph.D.
Cleveland has been the home of the Slovak Benedictines, who came to the city from St. Procopius Abbey,
Lisle, Illinois, with the blessing of Abbot Valentine Kohlbeck, O.S.B. and his community at the invitation of Bishop
Joseph Schrembs, D. D., for a full half century.
The official day of their coming is February 2, 1922,
when Father Stanislaus Gmuca, O.S.B. offered up the first
Mass at St. Andrew's parish church at East 51st Street
and Superior Avenue. The Slovak parish had been relinquished to the monks of St. Benedict earlier by Father
John Liscinsky at the request of Bishop Schrembs. Father
Stanislaus was named prior of the newly-established
dependent priory soon afterwards by his Abbot.
Father Matthew Jankola was instrumental in sending
several Slovak young men to the Czech abbey of Saint
Procopius in Lisle, Ill. in 1903. His hope that at least some
of them would become Benedictines was realized when
John Vaniscak was given the name 'Gregory' upon entering
the Order of St. Benedict. Father Gregory was destined
to become the founder of the Slovak Benedictine monastery
in Cleveland, Ohio.
Rev. Clement Hrtanek, president of the Slovak Catholic
Federation of America, and Rev. Stefan Kocis, the secretary,
encouraged Father Vaniscak to establish a Slovak Benedictine foundation. This became a reality in the fall of
1921 when Bishop Schrembs, D. D., a graduate of St.
Vincent's College and Abbey Seminary in Latrobe, Pa.,
extended a formal invitation to the Slovak Benedictines
to come to Cleveland.
Bishop Schrembs, a friend and benefactor of the
Slovaks, could always be counted on to appear at their
important functions. Moreover, his greetings, invariably
�SLOVAKIA
93
in their native language, were greatly appreciated by Slovak
audiences and congregations throughout the country.
Father Gregory Vaniscak, O.S.B., who had been appointed pastor of St. Michael's Slovak parish in Chicago
soon after his ordination in the early summer of 1914,
remained as pastor of the large parish until the fall of
1929 when the St. Andrew Svorad dependent priory received
independent status from the Holy See. The pioneer community immediately elected him as canonical prior. Father
Gregory established his headquarters at the new site at
10510 Buckeye Road. The property was acquired from the
Notre Dame Sisters at a cost of $125,000. The entire sum
for the 15-acre tract and old building was furnished by
the Slovak Educational Foundation headed by Michael
Bosak, Sr., outstanding Slovak banker in Scranton, Pa.
Meanwhile, in the summer of 1927 Father George Luba,
O.S .B. was sent by Abbot Kohlbeck to organize a high
school for boys at the priory of St. Andrew's . The versatile
young priest as first principal welcomed a total of 27 boys
on the opening day of Benedictine High School on September 8, 1927. Two years later when the new property was
purchased the school was transfered to the East Side.
The old but tenable 4-story structure at 10510 Buckeye
Road was divided equally between the priory and the
school; the third and fourth floors for the residence of the
Religious members while the first and second floors were
used for classrooms.
During the early summer of 1934 the priory was
elevated to abbey status and Father Stanislaus Gmuca was
elected as the first abbot of St. Andrew Svorad Benedictine
Abbey on August 8, 1934. The blessing of the new Abbot
on October 2, 1934, was attended by a dozen abbots and
five bishops, several hundred clergy and more than two
thousand laity at St. John's Cathedral.
As pastor and prior of the dependent priory of St.
Andrew's, Father Stanislaus built the unique Spanish-style
new Church in 1926. In 1940 as Abbot of St. Andrew's
Abbey he directed the construction of the new Benedictine
High School building at 2900 East Boulevard. This forward
step was destiped to increase the school enrollment from
150 to more than 1,200 in six years.
Abbot Theodore Kojis, 0. S. B., who succeeded Abbot
�94
SLOVAKIA
Gmuca in 1946, completed the north and south wings of
the high school, added a machine shop, aeronautical depart-ment, science building, a new cafeteria, auditorium and
modem gymnasium, and supervised the building of the
new Abbey building during the tenure of twenty years in
office. In 1953, the year after the new Abbey was completed,
Father Leo Rehak, O.S.B., pastor of St. Benedict's abbey
church, saw Archbishop Edward Hoban, D. D. dedicate the
beautiful new edifice.
One of the highlights of Abbot Kojis' administration
was the grant of $50,000 in 1960 to establish a Slovak
religious and cultural center in Rome. This donation by
the Slovak Benedictine community in Cleveland spurred
a nationwide campaign that netted more than a half million
dollars (mostly donated by American Slovaks) for the
project known as the Slovak SS. Cyril and Methodius
Institute which sponsors a seminary, publishes religious
books and acts as a center for Slovak tourists from all
over the world.
Abbot Jerome Koval, O.S.B., successor to Abbot Kojis
in the spring of 1966, has guided the Abbey in the spirit
of the founder and his pioneer community along the guidelines of the spiritual renewal of Vatican II. Abbot Koval
is a member of many Slovak and non-Slovak Catholic
organizations and is always in great demand as a homilist
and after-dinner speaker everywhere.
The abbey, in addition to administering Benedictine
High School in which the majority of the faculty members
are Religious, also furnishes pastoral aid on weekends
the year round to many parishes in the diocese. Outside
the diocese of Cleveland, the Abbey Fathers have charge
of parishes in Illinois, Wisconsin and Michigan. One of the
members has been an army chaplain for ten years and
three priest have assignments as chaplains at various
institutions and one priest is a seminary professor. Both
Abbot Stanislaus and Abbot Theodore are still active doing
parish work regularly.
The Ave Maria monthly religious publication in the
Slovak language has been edited by the Slovak Benedictines
for more than forty-two years. Editors in the past were:
Father Gregory Vaniscak, Father Paschal Kavulic and
Father George Luba, O.S.B. The present editors are Father
�SLOVAKIA
95
Andrew Pier, O.S.B. and Dr. Karol Strmen. Brother Alfred
Nasticky, O.S.B. is the business manager. Subscribers are
listed from all over the world. The only countries which
will not admit the magazine are communist-ruled countries,
including Slovakia.
Precisely twenty years ago this summer the Slovak
Institute was founded at the Abbey by Abbot Theodore
Kojis, O.S.B . Charter members were: Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, Rev. Mikulas Sprinc, Dr. Karol Strmen, Dr. Joseph
Cincik, and Rev. Andrew Pier, O.S.B. The ruling abbot of
St. Andrew's Abbey is ex officio the president, and he
appoints the director. Dr. Francis Hrusovsky was the first
director until his death on September 9, 1956. Konstantin
Culen served for two full years as his successor and Rev.
Andrew Pier O.S.B. has been director since 1958. The
Slovak Institute library contains several thousand volumes
on Slovak literature, history, etc. The Most, cultural quarterly edited the past eighteen years by Father Mikulas
Sprinc, is a Slovak Institute publication.
Cleveland's "Slovenske Noviny-Slovak News" (19491959) spanned a decade under the sponsorship of St.
Andrew's Abbey and various Slovak organizations in the
city. The Slovak weekly (3 pages in Slovak and 1 page in
English) finally ceased publication because of lack of funds
despite the fact that the Abbey had furnished both the
office and the editorial staff for the entire ten years. The
editors were: Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, 1949-1952, Dr. Karol
Strmen, 1952-1959 for the Slovak section and Rev. Bernard
Slimak, O.S.B. (1949 ) and Rev. Andrew Pier, O.S.B. (19491959) for the English section.
At one time several Fathers conducted Slovak Missions
in various parts of the country. Novenas and Forty Hour
devotions, as well as Triduums and pilgrimages were on
their schedule. The following priests shared this apostolate:
Father George Luba, Wendelin Kravec, Paschal Kavulic,
Theodore Kojis, Benedict Dobrancin, Sylvester Prise, Francis Durkac, Jerome Koval, Florian Hudac and Matthew
Bonk, O.S.B .
Among distinguished guests at the Abbey through
the years were the following: The Matica Slovenska (Slovak
Institute) delegation from Turciansky Sv. Martin from
Slovakia in 1935. The members were: J . C. Hronsky,
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SLOVAKIA
leading Slovak novelist, Konstantin Culen, foremost Slovak
journalist, Dr. Jozef Cincik, artist and architectual consultant, K . Plicka, ace photographer .
The Spolok sv. Vojtecha delegation from Trnava,
Slovakia, in 1937. The members were: Dr. Jozef Tiso (later
President of the Slovak Republic), Msgr. Postenyi, Msgr.
Korper, Msgr. Caban and Father Mondok.
Both of these delegations donated valuable works on
Slovak literature and history to the Abbey library, now
in the Slovak Institute library.
Abbot Primate Kaelin came from Rome in 1952 to
participate in the dedication of the new Abbey building.
The General Chapter of the Benedictine Abbots was
held at the Abbey in 1953 after the blessing of the new
abbey church of St. Benedict.
Among famous Slovak authors associated with the
Abbey were: Philip A. Hrobak (teacher at Benedictine High
School for eight years), author of a Slovak dictionary and
Slovak Lessons series. J. J. Konus (spent some time in
research at the Abbey library), author of several Slovak
dictionaries and a grammar. Father Gregory Vaniscak,
O.S.B. was the author of a Slovak grammar and translation
of the Holy Rule into Slovak. Abbot Stanislaus Gmuca,
O.S.B. was the author of a Slovak grammar.
For the past quarter of a century the Slovak Institute
cooperates with the Cleveland Slovak Radio Club in arranging a speaker's program for its Slovak Hour every
Sunday.
Aside from their spiritual and educational work the
Benedictines in Cleveland are widely known for the prowess
of the Bengals in scholastic athletic circles. Benedictine
High School has produced city football, basketball, baseball, bowling, tennis and golf championship s and won
a state football crown in 1957. In the past quarter of
a century Benedictine football teams won eleven city titles.
two co-titles and lost only 4 times. In baseball the Bengals
have won almost a score city titles, two city crowns in
basketball, two in golf, two in tennis and two in bowling.
The latest sport is hockey and in the past four years the
team has won two city titles. The CYO has used the facilities
of the Bengal's gym each year at no charge since 1940.
�SLOVAKIA
97
At the very beginning the contributions for the foundation of Benedictine education came exclusively from
the Slovaks, from individuals and our organizations. The
Jednota, First Catholic Slovak Union, has been in the
forefront of the Slovak fraternals that have supported
the Slovak Benedictines with donations approved by the
delegates at various conventions. Others like the First
Catholic Slovak Ladies Association, the Slovak Catholic
Sokol, Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, the Ladies
Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union and several others
have at various times made contributions to the Abbey.
The most consistent supporter to the Slovak Benedictines
for their high school has been the Benedictine Dads Club
which has contributed more than $500,000 the past twentyseven years.
At present the membership is approximately 70 ( 46
priest, 13 Brothers, 3 novices and a growing number of
postulants) . The death of 15 priests in the service of God
and the community the past 30 years has been a great loss
to the Abbey but new vocations are beginning to come
in increasing numbers.
Perhaps some day St. Andrew's Abbey will send missionary monks to Slovakia to renew Benedictine monastic
foundations that once flourished there during the middle
ages. The last Benedictine monastery was closed by imperial edict of Joseph II of Austria-Hungary at the end
of the eighteenth century.
LIT ERA T U R E
Frantisek Hrusovsky, Ph.D.: Slovenske re hole v Amerike. Cleveland ,
Ohio, 1955.
Slovenski benediktini. Kalendar J edno ta, Middletown , Pa. 1928; p p.
103-109.
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to
American Democracy, the American way of life, and encourages Americans of Slovak descent to be loyal and
alert citizens of America; it urges and aids Slovak emigrants to become U. S. citizens by publishing appropriate
manuals and brochures in Slovak and English.
�
92
SLOVAKIA
The Slovak Benedictines Review
50 Years in Cleveland, Ohio
(1922-1972)
By Joseph Pa u co, Ph.D.
Cleveland has been the home of the Slovak Benedictines, who came to the city from St. Procopius Abbey,
Lisle, Illinois, with the blessing of Abbot Valentine Kohlbeck, O.S.B. and his community at the invitation of Bishop
Joseph Schrembs, D. D., for a full half century.
The official day of their coming is February 2, 1922,
when Father Stanislaus Gmuca, O.S.B. offered up the first
Mass at St. Andrew's parish church at East 51st Street
and Superior Avenue. The Slovak parish had been relinquished to the monks of St. Benedict earlier by Father
John Liscinsky at the request of Bishop Schrembs. Father
Stanislaus was named prior of the newly-established
dependent priory soon afterwards by his Abbot.
Father Matthew Jankola was instrumental in sending
several Slovak young men to the Czech abbey of Saint
Procopius in Lisle, Ill. in 1903. His hope that at least some
of them would become Benedictines was realized when
John Vaniscak was given the name 'Gregory' upon entering
the Order of St. Benedict. Father Gregory was destined
to become the founder of the Slovak Benedictine monastery
in Cleveland, Ohio.
Rev. Clement Hrtanek, president of the Slovak Catholic
Federation of America, and Rev. Stefan Kocis, the secretary,
encouraged Father Vaniscak to establish a Slovak Benedictine foundation. This became a reality in the fall of
1921 when Bishop Schrembs, D. D., a graduate of St.
Vincent's College and Abbey Seminary in Latrobe, Pa.,
extended a formal invitation to the Slovak Benedictines
to come to Cleveland.
Bishop Schrembs, a friend and benefactor of the
Slovaks, could always be counted on to appear at their
important functions. Moreover, his greetings, invariably
�SLOVAKIA
93
in their native language, were greatly appreciated by Slovak
audiences and congregations throughout the country.
Father Gregory Vaniscak, O.S.B., who had been appointed pastor of St. Michael's Slovak parish in Chicago
soon after his ordination in the early summer of 1914,
remained as pastor of the large parish until the fall of
1929 when the St. Andrew Svorad dependent priory received
independent status from the Holy See. The pioneer community immediately elected him as canonical prior. Father
Gregory established his headquarters at the new site at
10510 Buckeye Road. The property was acquired from the
Notre Dame Sisters at a cost of $125,000. The entire sum
for the 15-acre tract and old building was furnished by
the Slovak Educational Foundation headed by Michael
Bosak, Sr., outstanding Slovak banker in Scranton, Pa.
Meanwhile, in the summer of 1927 Father George Luba,
O.S .B. was sent by Abbot Kohlbeck to organize a high
school for boys at the priory of St. Andrew's . The versatile
young priest as first principal welcomed a total of 27 boys
on the opening day of Benedictine High School on September 8, 1927. Two years later when the new property was
purchased the school was transfered to the East Side.
The old but tenable 4-story structure at 10510 Buckeye
Road was divided equally between the priory and the
school; the third and fourth floors for the residence of the
Religious members while the first and second floors were
used for classrooms.
During the early summer of 1934 the priory was
elevated to abbey status and Father Stanislaus Gmuca was
elected as the first abbot of St. Andrew Svorad Benedictine
Abbey on August 8, 1934. The blessing of the new Abbot
on October 2, 1934, was attended by a dozen abbots and
five bishops, several hundred clergy and more than two
thousand laity at St. John's Cathedral.
As pastor and prior of the dependent priory of St.
Andrew's, Father Stanislaus built the unique Spanish-style
new Church in 1926. In 1940 as Abbot of St. Andrew's
Abbey he directed the construction of the new Benedictine
High School building at 2900 East Boulevard. This forward
step was destiped to increase the school enrollment from
150 to more than 1,200 in six years.
Abbot Theodore Kojis, 0. S. B., who succeeded Abbot
�94
SLOVAKIA
Gmuca in 1946, completed the north and south wings of
the high school, added a machine shop, aeronautical depart-ment, science building, a new cafeteria, auditorium and
modem gymnasium, and supervised the building of the
new Abbey building during the tenure of twenty years in
office. In 1953, the year after the new Abbey was completed,
Father Leo Rehak, O.S.B., pastor of St. Benedict's abbey
church, saw Archbishop Edward Hoban, D. D. dedicate the
beautiful new edifice.
One of the highlights of Abbot Kojis' administration
was the grant of $50,000 in 1960 to establish a Slovak
religious and cultural center in Rome. This donation by
the Slovak Benedictine community in Cleveland spurred
a nationwide campaign that netted more than a half million
dollars (mostly donated by American Slovaks) for the
project known as the Slovak SS. Cyril and Methodius
Institute which sponsors a seminary, publishes religious
books and acts as a center for Slovak tourists from all
over the world.
Abbot Jerome Koval, O.S.B., successor to Abbot Kojis
in the spring of 1966, has guided the Abbey in the spirit
of the founder and his pioneer community along the guidelines of the spiritual renewal of Vatican II. Abbot Koval
is a member of many Slovak and non-Slovak Catholic
organizations and is always in great demand as a homilist
and after-dinner speaker everywhere.
The abbey, in addition to administering Benedictine
High School in which the majority of the faculty members
are Religious, also furnishes pastoral aid on weekends
the year round to many parishes in the diocese. Outside
the diocese of Cleveland, the Abbey Fathers have charge
of parishes in Illinois, Wisconsin and Michigan. One of the
members has been an army chaplain for ten years and
three priest have assignments as chaplains at various
institutions and one priest is a seminary professor. Both
Abbot Stanislaus and Abbot Theodore are still active doing
parish work regularly.
The Ave Maria monthly religious publication in the
Slovak language has been edited by the Slovak Benedictines
for more than forty-two years. Editors in the past were:
Father Gregory Vaniscak, Father Paschal Kavulic and
Father George Luba, O.S.B. The present editors are Father
�SLOVAKIA
95
Andrew Pier, O.S.B. and Dr. Karol Strmen. Brother Alfred
Nasticky, O.S.B. is the business manager. Subscribers are
listed from all over the world. The only countries which
will not admit the magazine are communist-ruled countries,
including Slovakia.
Precisely twenty years ago this summer the Slovak
Institute was founded at the Abbey by Abbot Theodore
Kojis, O.S.B . Charter members were: Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, Rev. Mikulas Sprinc, Dr. Karol Strmen, Dr. Joseph
Cincik, and Rev. Andrew Pier, O.S.B. The ruling abbot of
St. Andrew's Abbey is ex officio the president, and he
appoints the director. Dr. Francis Hrusovsky was the first
director until his death on September 9, 1956. Konstantin
Culen served for two full years as his successor and Rev.
Andrew Pier O.S.B. has been director since 1958. The
Slovak Institute library contains several thousand volumes
on Slovak literature, history, etc. The Most, cultural quarterly edited the past eighteen years by Father Mikulas
Sprinc, is a Slovak Institute publication.
Cleveland's "Slovenske Noviny-Slovak News" (19491959) spanned a decade under the sponsorship of St.
Andrew's Abbey and various Slovak organizations in the
city. The Slovak weekly (3 pages in Slovak and 1 page in
English) finally ceased publication because of lack of funds
despite the fact that the Abbey had furnished both the
office and the editorial staff for the entire ten years. The
editors were: Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, 1949-1952, Dr. Karol
Strmen, 1952-1959 for the Slovak section and Rev. Bernard
Slimak, O.S.B. (1949 ) and Rev. Andrew Pier, O.S.B. (19491959) for the English section.
At one time several Fathers conducted Slovak Missions
in various parts of the country. Novenas and Forty Hour
devotions, as well as Triduums and pilgrimages were on
their schedule. The following priests shared this apostolate:
Father George Luba, Wendelin Kravec, Paschal Kavulic,
Theodore Kojis, Benedict Dobrancin, Sylvester Prise, Francis Durkac, Jerome Koval, Florian Hudac and Matthew
Bonk, O.S.B .
Among distinguished guests at the Abbey through
the years were the following: The Matica Slovenska (Slovak
Institute) delegation from Turciansky Sv. Martin from
Slovakia in 1935. The members were: J . C. Hronsky,
�96
SLOVAKIA
leading Slovak novelist, Konstantin Culen, foremost Slovak
journalist, Dr. Jozef Cincik, artist and architectual consultant, K . Plicka, ace photographer .
The Spolok sv. Vojtecha delegation from Trnava,
Slovakia, in 1937. The members were: Dr. Jozef Tiso (later
President of the Slovak Republic), Msgr. Postenyi, Msgr.
Korper, Msgr. Caban and Father Mondok.
Both of these delegations donated valuable works on
Slovak literature and history to the Abbey library, now
in the Slovak Institute library.
Abbot Primate Kaelin came from Rome in 1952 to
participate in the dedication of the new Abbey building.
The General Chapter of the Benedictine Abbots was
held at the Abbey in 1953 after the blessing of the new
abbey church of St. Benedict.
Among famous Slovak authors associated with the
Abbey were: Philip A. Hrobak (teacher at Benedictine High
School for eight years), author of a Slovak dictionary and
Slovak Lessons series. J. J. Konus (spent some time in
research at the Abbey library), author of several Slovak
dictionaries and a grammar. Father Gregory Vaniscak,
O.S.B. was the author of a Slovak grammar and translation
of the Holy Rule into Slovak. Abbot Stanislaus Gmuca,
O.S.B. was the author of a Slovak grammar.
For the past quarter of a century the Slovak Institute
cooperates with the Cleveland Slovak Radio Club in arranging a speaker's program for its Slovak Hour every
Sunday.
Aside from their spiritual and educational work the
Benedictines in Cleveland are widely known for the prowess
of the Bengals in scholastic athletic circles. Benedictine
High School has produced city football, basketball, baseball, bowling, tennis and golf championship s and won
a state football crown in 1957. In the past quarter of
a century Benedictine football teams won eleven city titles.
two co-titles and lost only 4 times. In baseball the Bengals
have won almost a score city titles, two city crowns in
basketball, two in golf, two in tennis and two in bowling.
The latest sport is hockey and in the past four years the
team has won two city titles. The CYO has used the facilities
of the Bengal's gym each year at no charge since 1940.
�SLOVAKIA
97
At the very beginning the contributions for the foundation of Benedictine education came exclusively from
the Slovaks, from individuals and our organizations. The
Jednota, First Catholic Slovak Union, has been in the
forefront of the Slovak fraternals that have supported
the Slovak Benedictines with donations approved by the
delegates at various conventions. Others like the First
Catholic Slovak Ladies Association, the Slovak Catholic
Sokol, Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, the Ladies
Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union and several others
have at various times made contributions to the Abbey.
The most consistent supporter to the Slovak Benedictines
for their high school has been the Benedictine Dads Club
which has contributed more than $500,000 the past twentyseven years.
At present the membership is approximately 70 ( 46
priest, 13 Brothers, 3 novices and a growing number of
postulants) . The death of 15 priests in the service of God
and the community the past 30 years has been a great loss
to the Abbey but new vocations are beginning to come
in increasing numbers.
Perhaps some day St. Andrew's Abbey will send missionary monks to Slovakia to renew Benedictine monastic
foundations that once flourished there during the middle
ages. The last Benedictine monastery was closed by imperial edict of Joseph II of Austria-Hungary at the end
of the eighteenth century.
LIT ERA T U R E
Frantisek Hrusovsky, Ph.D.: Slovenske re hole v Amerike. Cleveland ,
Ohio, 1955.
Slovenski benediktini. Kalendar J edno ta, Middletown , Pa. 1928; p p.
103-109.
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to
American Democracy, the American way of life, and encourages Americans of Slovak descent to be loyal and
alert citizens of America; it urges and aids Slovak emigrants to become U. S. citizens by publishing appropriate
manuals and brochures in Slovak and English.
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
1972, Vol. 22
Description
An account of the resource
Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972.
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
The Slovak League of America
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1972
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Text
Any textual data included in the document
92
SLOVAKIA
The Slovak Benedictines Review
50 Years in Cleveland, Ohio
(1922-1972)
By Joseph Pa u co, Ph.D.
Cleveland has been the home of the Slovak Benedictines, who came to the city from St. Procopius Abbey,
Lisle, Illinois, with the blessing of Abbot Valentine Kohlbeck, O.S.B. and his community at the invitation of Bishop
Joseph Schrembs, D. D., for a full half century.
The official day of their coming is February 2, 1922,
when Father Stanislaus Gmuca, O.S.B. offered up the first
Mass at St. Andrew's parish church at East 51st Street
and Superior Avenue. The Slovak parish had been relinquished to the monks of St. Benedict earlier by Father
John Liscinsky at the request of Bishop Schrembs. Father
Stanislaus was named prior of the newly-established
dependent priory soon afterwards by his Abbot.
Father Matthew Jankola was instrumental in sending
several Slovak young men to the Czech abbey of Saint
Procopius in Lisle, Ill. in 1903. His hope that at least some
of them would become Benedictines was realized when
John Vaniscak was given the name 'Gregory' upon entering
the Order of St. Benedict. Father Gregory was destined
to become the founder of the Slovak Benedictine monastery
in Cleveland, Ohio.
Rev. Clement Hrtanek, president of the Slovak Catholic
Federation of America, and Rev. Stefan Kocis, the secretary,
encouraged Father Vaniscak to establish a Slovak Benedictine foundation. This became a reality in the fall of
1921 when Bishop Schrembs, D. D., a graduate of St.
Vincent's College and Abbey Seminary in Latrobe, Pa.,
extended a formal invitation to the Slovak Benedictines
to come to Cleveland.
Bishop Schrembs, a friend and benefactor of the
Slovaks, could always be counted on to appear at their
important functions. Moreover, his greetings, invariably
SLOVAKIA
93
in their native language, were greatly appreciated by Slovak
audiences and congregations throughout the country.
Father Gregory Vaniscak, O.S.B., who had been appointed pastor of St. Michael's Slovak parish in Chicago
soon after his ordination in the early summer of 1914,
remained as pastor of the large parish until the fall of
1929 when the St. Andrew Svorad dependent priory received
independent status from the Holy See. The pioneer community immediately elected him as canonical prior. Father
Gregory established his headquarters at the new site at
10510 Buckeye Road. The property was acquired from the
Notre Dame Sisters at a cost of $125,000. The entire sum
for the 15-acre tract and old building was furnished by
the Slovak Educational Foundation headed by Michael
Bosak, Sr., outstanding Slovak banker in Scranton, Pa.
Meanwhile, in the summer of 1927 Father George Luba,
O.S .B. was sent by Abbot Kohlbeck to organize a high
school for boys at the priory of St. Andrew's . The versatile
young priest as first principal welcomed a total of 27 boys
on the opening day of Benedictine High School on September 8, 1927. Two years later when the new property was
purchased the school was transfered to the East Side.
The old but tenable 4-story structure at 10510 Buckeye
Road was divided equally between the priory and the
school; the third and fourth floors for the residence of the
Religious members while the first and second floors were
used for classrooms.
During the early summer of 1934 the priory was
elevated to abbey status and Father Stanislaus Gmuca was
elected as the first abbot of St. Andrew Svorad Benedictine
Abbey on August 8, 1934. The blessing of the new Abbot
on October 2, 1934, was attended by a dozen abbots and
five bishops, several hundred clergy and more than two
thousand laity at St. John's Cathedral.
As pastor and prior of the dependent priory of St.
Andrew's, Father Stanislaus built the unique Spanish-style
new Church in 1926. In 1940 as Abbot of St. Andrew's
Abbey he directed the construction of the new Benedictine
High School building at 2900 East Boulevard. This forward
step was destiped to increase the school enrollment from
150 to more than 1,200 in six years.
Abbot Theodore Kojis, 0. S. B., who succeeded Abbot
94
SLOVAKIA
Gmuca in 1946, completed the north and south wings of
the high school, added a machine shop, aeronautical depart-ment, science building, a new cafeteria, auditorium and
modem gymnasium, and supervised the building of the
new Abbey building during the tenure of twenty years in
office. In 1953, the year after the new Abbey was completed,
Father Leo Rehak, O.S.B., pastor of St. Benedict's abbey
church, saw Archbishop Edward Hoban, D. D. dedicate the
beautiful new edifice.
One of the highlights of Abbot Kojis' administration
was the grant of $50,000 in 1960 to establish a Slovak
religious and cultural center in Rome. This donation by
the Slovak Benedictine community in Cleveland spurred
a nationwide campaign that netted more than a half million
dollars (mostly donated by American Slovaks) for the
project known as the Slovak SS. Cyril and Methodius
Institute which sponsors a seminary, publishes religious
books and acts as a center for Slovak tourists from all
over the world.
Abbot Jerome Koval, O.S.B., successor to Abbot Kojis
in the spring of 1966, has guided the Abbey in the spirit
of the founder and his pioneer community along the guidelines of the spiritual renewal of Vatican II. Abbot Koval
is a member of many Slovak and non-Slovak Catholic
organizations and is always in great demand as a homilist
and after-dinner speaker everywhere.
The abbey, in addition to administering Benedictine
High School in which the majority of the faculty members
are Religious, also furnishes pastoral aid on weekends
the year round to many parishes in the diocese. Outside
the diocese of Cleveland, the Abbey Fathers have charge
of parishes in Illinois, Wisconsin and Michigan. One of the
members has been an army chaplain for ten years and
three priest have assignments as chaplains at various
institutions and one priest is a seminary professor. Both
Abbot Stanislaus and Abbot Theodore are still active doing
parish work regularly.
The Ave Maria monthly religious publication in the
Slovak language has been edited by the Slovak Benedictines
for more than forty-two years. Editors in the past were:
Father Gregory Vaniscak, Father Paschal Kavulic and
Father George Luba, O.S.B. The present editors are Father
SLOVAKIA
95
Andrew Pier, O.S.B. and Dr. Karol Strmen. Brother Alfred
Nasticky, O.S.B. is the business manager. Subscribers are
listed from all over the world. The only countries which
will not admit the magazine are communist-ruled countries,
including Slovakia.
Precisely twenty years ago this summer the Slovak
Institute was founded at the Abbey by Abbot Theodore
Kojis, O.S.B . Charter members were: Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, Rev. Mikulas Sprinc, Dr. Karol Strmen, Dr. Joseph
Cincik, and Rev. Andrew Pier, O.S.B. The ruling abbot of
St. Andrew's Abbey is ex officio the president, and he
appoints the director. Dr. Francis Hrusovsky was the first
director until his death on September 9, 1956. Konstantin
Culen served for two full years as his successor and Rev.
Andrew Pier O.S.B. has been director since 1958. The
Slovak Institute library contains several thousand volumes
on Slovak literature, history, etc. The Most, cultural quarterly edited the past eighteen years by Father Mikulas
Sprinc, is a Slovak Institute publication.
Cleveland's "Slovenske Noviny-Slovak News" (19491959) spanned a decade under the sponsorship of St.
Andrew's Abbey and various Slovak organizations in the
city. The Slovak weekly (3 pages in Slovak and 1 page in
English) finally ceased publication because of lack of funds
despite the fact that the Abbey had furnished both the
office and the editorial staff for the entire ten years. The
editors were: Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, 1949-1952, Dr. Karol
Strmen, 1952-1959 for the Slovak section and Rev. Bernard
Slimak, O.S.B. (1949 ) and Rev. Andrew Pier, O.S.B. (19491959) for the English section.
At one time several Fathers conducted Slovak Missions
in various parts of the country. Novenas and Forty Hour
devotions, as well as Triduums and pilgrimages were on
their schedule. The following priests shared this apostolate:
Father George Luba, Wendelin Kravec, Paschal Kavulic,
Theodore Kojis, Benedict Dobrancin, Sylvester Prise, Francis Durkac, Jerome Koval, Florian Hudac and Matthew
Bonk, O.S.B .
Among distinguished guests at the Abbey through
the years were the following: The Matica Slovenska (Slovak
Institute) delegation from Turciansky Sv. Martin from
Slovakia in 1935. The members were: J . C. Hronsky,
96
SLOVAKIA
leading Slovak novelist, Konstantin Culen, foremost Slovak
journalist, Dr. Jozef Cincik, artist and architectual consultant, K . Plicka, ace photographer .
The Spolok sv. Vojtecha delegation from Trnava,
Slovakia, in 1937. The members were: Dr. Jozef Tiso (later
President of the Slovak Republic), Msgr. Postenyi, Msgr.
Korper, Msgr. Caban and Father Mondok.
Both of these delegations donated valuable works on
Slovak literature and history to the Abbey library, now
in the Slovak Institute library.
Abbot Primate Kaelin came from Rome in 1952 to
participate in the dedication of the new Abbey building.
The General Chapter of the Benedictine Abbots was
held at the Abbey in 1953 after the blessing of the new
abbey church of St. Benedict.
Among famous Slovak authors associated with the
Abbey were: Philip A. Hrobak (teacher at Benedictine High
School for eight years), author of a Slovak dictionary and
Slovak Lessons series. J. J. Konus (spent some time in
research at the Abbey library), author of several Slovak
dictionaries and a grammar. Father Gregory Vaniscak,
O.S.B. was the author of a Slovak grammar and translation
of the Holy Rule into Slovak. Abbot Stanislaus Gmuca,
O.S.B. was the author of a Slovak grammar.
For the past quarter of a century the Slovak Institute
cooperates with the Cleveland Slovak Radio Club in arranging a speaker's program for its Slovak Hour every
Sunday.
Aside from their spiritual and educational work the
Benedictines in Cleveland are widely known for the prowess
of the Bengals in scholastic athletic circles. Benedictine
High School has produced city football, basketball, baseball, bowling, tennis and golf championship s and won
a state football crown in 1957. In the past quarter of
a century Benedictine football teams won eleven city titles.
two co-titles and lost only 4 times. In baseball the Bengals
have won almost a score city titles, two city crowns in
basketball, two in golf, two in tennis and two in bowling.
The latest sport is hockey and in the past four years the
team has won two city titles. The CYO has used the facilities
of the Bengal's gym each year at no charge since 1940.
SLOVAKIA
97
At the very beginning the contributions for the foundation of Benedictine education came exclusively from
the Slovaks, from individuals and our organizations. The
Jednota, First Catholic Slovak Union, has been in the
forefront of the Slovak fraternals that have supported
the Slovak Benedictines with donations approved by the
delegates at various conventions. Others like the First
Catholic Slovak Ladies Association, the Slovak Catholic
Sokol, Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union, the Ladies
Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union and several others
have at various times made contributions to the Abbey.
The most consistent supporter to the Slovak Benedictines
for their high school has been the Benedictine Dads Club
which has contributed more than $500,000 the past twentyseven years.
At present the membership is approximately 70 ( 46
priest, 13 Brothers, 3 novices and a growing number of
postulants) . The death of 15 priests in the service of God
and the community the past 30 years has been a great loss
to the Abbey but new vocations are beginning to come
in increasing numbers.
Perhaps some day St. Andrew's Abbey will send missionary monks to Slovakia to renew Benedictine monastic
foundations that once flourished there during the middle
ages. The last Benedictine monastery was closed by imperial edict of Joseph II of Austria-Hungary at the end
of the eighteenth century.
LIT ERA T U R E
Frantisek Hrusovsky, Ph.D.: Slovenske re hole v Amerike. Cleveland ,
Ohio, 1955.
Slovenski benediktini. Kalendar J edno ta, Middletown , Pa. 1928; p p.
103-109.
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to
American Democracy, the American way of life, and encourages Americans of Slovak descent to be loyal and
alert citizens of America; it urges and aids Slovak emigrants to become U. S. citizens by publishing appropriate
manuals and brochures in Slovak and English.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The Slovak Benedictines Review 50 Years in Cleveland, Ohio (1922-1972)
Description
An account of the resource
Joseph Paučo, Ph.D.
Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972
pp. 92-97
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Paučo, Jozef, 1914-1975
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1972
SNK
-
https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/8071ba5523ab887312dd16e8dbc89dbb.pdf
275d0b991ec2daf93713b41d78eda43a
PDF Text
Text
98
SLOVAKIA
The Cult of SS. Cyril and
Methodius Amongst the Slovaks
Ln U.S.A. and Canada*
* This essay w as prepare d by t he late Konstan tin culen i n 1962 for
a symposium or ganized and edited by Prof. J. M . K i rschbaum for the
11th cent ennary of the arrival of SS. Cyril and Methodius among t he
ancest ors of Slov aks. T he essays co llected and edit ed or translated by
J. M. K i r sc h baum appeared in SLOVAK STUDT ES, CYRILLO-METH ODIANA, V ol. 3, (Rome, 1963). Culen's essay was not yet tr anslated and
therefore not published.
I n view of the valuable information and in order to complet e the
history of the CyriUo-Methodia n tradition among Sl ov aks, we are grat efiil to Dr. Kirschbaum for preserving the manuscript and his adaptation
for an English piiblication .
By K . C u len
THE INFLUENCE OF AMERICAN IRISH
ON AMERICAN SLOVAKS
The migration of Slovaks to the U.S.A. had many traits
similar to those of the migration of the Irish. It was the
catastrophic potato crop failure which caused the first
man emigration of the Irish to the U.S.A. And we come
across a similar cause of emigration of the Slovaks. The
Slovak statistician Dr. Emil Stodola noted that each poor
p otato crop in Slovakia was followed by rising emigration
to the U.S .A. There were other similarities between the
Irish and the Slovak migrations. The oppression of the Irish
dates even further back in history than the Slovak one and
is many sided. The political oppression started in Slovakia
at the end of the 18th century and culminated befor the
First World War. The Irish were oppressed due to their
religion and suffered culturally and economically and therefore their resistance was stronger and more passionate
than that of the Slovaks. In Ireland the oppression affected
all the classes but in Slovakia the intelligentsia suffered
most.
The difference comes to light when we compare the
cult of S t . Patrick to the cult of SS. Cyril and Methodius .
�SLOVAKIA
99
St. Patrick is a national saint and is known and revered
by all the Irish. SS. Cyril and Methodius were not known
to the same extent amongst Slovaks. The population in
general had only a vague knowledge of them. But the
Slovak intelligentsia had even a deeper devotion to them
than the Irish to St. Patrick. Therefore the cult of the
SS. Cyril and Methodius in the U.S.A. was not a cult
brought over by the masses as in the case of St. Patrick,
but it was a cult especially nurtured by nationally conscious immigrants, nurtured to an extent that would not
have been possible in Slovakia. Generally speaking, the
Slovak immigrants became aware, in their new countries,
of a need for a national saint and this became evident
to them on such days as the feast of St. Patrick, with its
festivities attracting not only the Irish but also numerous
names of other nationalities.
In older Slovak papers we frequently see articles about
large groups of Slovaks participating in the festivities of
St. Patrick. In one case the writer claimed that Slovaks
outnumbered the Irish. No wonder these Slovaks asked"Who would correspond to St. Patrick in our national life? "
They frequently raised this question in the Slovak press
and of course the only answer they could obtain was-SS .
Cyril and Methodius. It was this background which helped
to spread the cult of SS. Cyril and Methodius between the
Slovak names in the U.S .A.
It should be noted in this connection, that SS . Cyril
and Methodius completed amongst the Slovaks the missionary work which prior to them was already initiated by
Bavarian and Irish missionaries, the first Christian missionaries in the Danube area. 1
THE INFLUENCE OF THE CULT OF ST. PATRICK
ON THE CULT OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS
In the very early Slovak papers in the U.S.A. appeared
dozens of articles, some short and some extensive enough,
for serial publication, describing the work of SS. Cyril and
Methodius amongst the Slovak ancestors. American Slovaks who were scattered amongst the Irish saw in the SS.
Cyril and Methodius their St. Patrick. The Slovak papers
exhorted them to venerate them just as the Irish revered
St. Patrick.
It is interesting to ask the question, how much did
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SLOVAKIA
the American Slovaks know about SS. Cyril and Methodius?
Not a great deal. Most often they learned about them
them from the excellent and well known prayer book of
Rev. Andrej Radlinsky "Nabozne Vylevy." This prayer
book contained a color picture of the Saints, their brief
history and their prayers. Rev. Radlinsky succeeded in
doing this to spread the cult of SS. Cyril and Methodius.
Later on when a small prayer book was published in the
U.S.A., the bishop of Spis, Parvy, put it on the Index for
no reason other than that it contained a prayer to SS.
Cyril and Methodius. Thus while Pope Leo XIII issued
an encyclical highly extoling the missionary work of these
two Saints, a Magyar bishop with his seat in Catholic
Slovakia put the prayer book on the Index as he mistrusted
these Saints because of their panslavistic learnings.
The large groups of Slovak immigrants in the U.S.A.
had for the first time an opportunity to learn more about
the missionary work of those Apostles, as well as about
their cultural and linguistic work. But at the moment
when the cult of these Apostles began to spread, a group
of Catholic priests rose against it even in the U.S .A. and
according to the spirit which was taught to them in the
seminaries in the old country prepared the road-blocks
to this cult. At the head of the group were Kossalko, Denes
and Haitinger. In the papers edited by them they vituperated both Saints in the same manner as did the Magyar
Catholic periodical "Katolikus Szemle" (Catholic Review)
in the year 1893 in an article "Slavonic Christianity in our
territories before their occupation". St. Methodius was
denounced here as a panslavistic chauvinist, a forerunner
of the schism and a very untrustworthy personality. The
author of the article applied the modern Magyar approach
and the chauvinistic terminology to the period prior to
900 when the national questions were of very minor
importance.2
The pupils of this chauvinistic school working in the
U.S .A. could find nothing worthy to say about these Saints
and made them subjects of the intrigues of the Hungarian
premier Koloman Tisza and of his successors. Their success
was, however, small as they were unpopular priests and
their arguments were without any force against the well
documented work of their opponents.
�SLOVAKIA
101
THE FIRST CHURCH DEDICATED
TO SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS
The first church dedicated to SS. Cyril and Methodius
in the U.S .A. was a small wooden church built by two
Czech Societies: the Society of St. Wenceslas and the
Society of St. Ludmila in New York.
These two societies were founded in 1874 with the
purpose of building the first church for the growing Czech
colony in New York, in the block between the 1st and 10th
streets and between the Avenues B-D, where the Czechs
were intermingled with the Poles. The Plan for the building
of the church received a new impetus when Rev. A. V.
Vacula came to New York from Baltimore, Md. He was
born on the 15th of August 1845, in Osek, near Olomouc,
in Moravia. He studied in Kromeriz, at the University of
Vienna and at Louvain, Belgium. Here the American
bishops established a seminary into which they accepted
students from the whole of Europe, to prepare them for
work in the ethnic settlements in the U.S.A. Vacula was
accepted as the future priest of the Czech settlement in
Baltimore, Md. Immediately after his consecration in 1870
he left for the U.S.A. and from the beginning of December
he served in the parish of St. Wenceslas, Baltimore, Md.
As the Czech Catholics of New York could not make
progress with their plan, they invited into this parish Rev.
Vacula, who arrived in 1875 and started his work with
great enthusiasm. He immediately bought the land and
the building, Number 316 E. 4th Street for $12,000.00, then
enlarged the building for an outlay of an additional
$6,000.00 and on the 1st of December 1875 the Vicar General
of New York consecrated the Church in the name of SS.
Cyril and Methodius. 3
This was the first church in the U.S.A. to be named
after SS. Cyril and Methodius. And it appeared very appropriate that behind this achievement was a priest from
Moravia. Out of all Slavic countries, in Moravia the cult
of SS. Cyril and Methodius was the deeepest, most widely
spread and most popular. In no other Slavic country were
the names SS. Cyril and Methodius given so often at
baptism as in Moravia. The Cyrillo-Methodian cult spread
from the Moravian Velehrad in all directions and the
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SLOVAKIA
Slovaks made frequent pilgrimages there as to a source
of spiritual strength.
The New York church dedicated to SS. Cyril and
Methoqius was the first catholic church which was also
attended by "the first Slovak immigrants in that city. When
later this church was closed, they went to the Irish church
of St. Brigitte or to the nearest German or Polish churches
until in 1894 they built the first Slovak Catholic church
dedicated to St. Elizabeth of Hungary. This church was
built in the same street where earlier had been the church
of SS. Cyril and Methodius.
Similarly as amongst the Slovaks, the Cyrillo-Methodian
cult was as widely spread amongst the Czechs, especially
in those districts where also Moravians were settled. After
the first Cyrillo-Methodian church in New York, which
soon closed, there were another 15 churches built in the
U.S.A., namely in:
Bannister, Mich.; Kansas City, Kansas; Chicago, Ill.;
Platoma, Texas; Clarkson, Nebraska; Corpus Christi, Tex.;
Doman, Texas; Dubina, Texas; East St. Louis, Illinois;
Granger, Texas; North Judson, Indiana; Plasi (Prague),
Nebraska; Shiner, Texas ; Tanton, Michigan; Vodnary,
Dakota.
Besides the Slovaks and the Czechs the Cyrillo-Methodian churches were mainly built by Slovenes, Croatians and
·
Poles.
THE UNFULFILLED PLAN OF A NEW CHURCH
OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS IN NEW YORK
The next church in New York which was to bear the
name of SS. Cyril and Methodius was the church originally
dedicated to St. John Nepomucene. That this plan did not
succeed was due mainly to the bitter struggles between
the nationally conscious Slovaks and the Magyarones.
The consecration of the first Slovak Catholic Church
took place in 1894. This was the church of St. Elizabeth
of Hungary. It was around this church that the struggle
between the Slovaks and the Magyars and Magyar sympathizers developed. The night before the consecration the
"Magyarones" removed from the corner stone the plaque
bearing the text written in literary Slovak: "Rim. Kat.
Kostal Sv. Alzbety, Vystavany R. 1892". Instead of this they
�SLOVAKIA
103
placed there plaque with a text in Eastern-Slovak dialect :
" Uherszko Szlovenszki Kat. Koscel Szv. Elizabethy Uherszkej, Visztav. R. 1892."
This arnmounted to a declaration of war. The Slovaks
refused to support a Church with a name written in a
distorted Slovak language and in foreign, non-Slovak
orthography. This battle lasted for over a year until finally
Archbishop Corrigan wrote to Slovakia inquiring which
version was correct. When he received the reply he had
the plaque changed as he considered that what was
orthographically incorrect, was of poor taste and unfitting
for a house of God. The Slovaks were jubilant but not
for long as the Archbishop was approached by a delegation
led by a Magyar lawyer Czukor (Jewish by religion) who
persuaded the Archbishop that this struggle was between
the Eastern Orthodox Panslavistic Church and between
Catholicism. The Magyars were the true catholics, a European nation, but the Slovaks were Panslavs, Russofiles
and sympathizers with the Eastern-Orthodoxy. Should this
movement gain power it would dominate the Danubian
Basin and soon it would undermine even the See. of St.
Peter. The Cyrillo-Methodian cult which they spread is
an Eastern-Orthodox religion. The archbishop believed
these arguments and the following day he ordered to put
back the plaque with the text in the Eastern dialect. The
local priest, Rev. Polakovic, protested but the Archbishop
rebuked him and informed him he had to look for a new
parish outside of his diocese. This naturally caused a great
disappointment amongst the Slovaks. A delegation of
Slovaks informed the Archbishop that they would not
attend this church and would not support it but would
built a new Slovak Church. The Archbishop approved the
plans for the new Church. The Slovaks started to work
with enthusiasm and in a few weeks they transformed
an old building into a new church which stood only one
block away on the same street. It was planned that this
church would bear the name of SS. Cyril and Methodius,
this had been already announced in the papers and the
donations for the building paid and it was accepted under
this name.4
But this plan did not materialize. The Archbishop
appointed here a Czech priest, Rev. simonik, who under
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SLOVAKIA
the pressure from the Archbishop gave the church the name
of St. John Nepomuce ne.
This was the first but also the last time that the
names of SS. Cyril and Methodius were in the disfavor
of an American Bishop.
THE OLDEST CATHOLIC CHURCHE S WITH PATRON
SAINTS SS. CYRIL AND METHODI US
The sudden expansion of the Cyrillo-Me thodian cult
on the American continent was described by Rev. Jozef
Martincek as follows:
"As soon as the Slovak immigrant s settled in the U.S.A.
and began to form their parishes and to build their
churches, the Cyrillo-Me thodian flame, which appeared for
almost extinguishe d, suddenly rekindled in the hearts of
our compatriot s. They almost competed with each other
in their Cyrillo-Me thodian zeal to build and dedicate
churches to them and there is hardly any Slovak church
in the U.S.A. where their picture or their statue would
not be given a distinguish ed place." 5
The Cyrillo-Me thodian cult spread in the U.S.A. due
to the expanding Slovak periodicals and papers, due to
the work of the patriotic Slovak priest and to a great
extent also as a result of a protest against the Magyar
persecutio n at home. The popularity which the cult gained
in the U.S.A. was inconceiva ble in Slovakia of that time.
The first Slovak Catholic Church dedicated to SS.
Cyril and Methodius was built in 1891 in Minneapol is, Minn.
The initiative came from the local Society of SS. Cyril and
Methodius which was founded in 1888 as the first society
on the American soil called after these Saints.
In the same year another church bearing the name
of SS. Cyril and Methodius was opened in Bethlehem , Pa.
The founder of this church was Rev. Heinen, a missionary
of German origin. He was originally an officer in the
German Army but later on he changed the uniform for
a priestly garb and after completing his theological studies
he came to the U.S.A. and worked as a missionary mainly
amongst the Slavic immigrant s in Pennsylvan ia. His assistant in missionary work ( which he directed from Mau
Chung, Pa.) was Rev. Vlossak, a Slovak priest, and it was
due to his influence that the church in Bethlehem , Pa.,
was given the name of SS. Cyril and Methodius .6
�SLOVAKIA
105
THE LIST OF THE SLOVAK CHURCHES
OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS IN THE U.S.A.
This example was followed by others and the following
list shows chronologically the founding of the churches
dedicated to the SS. Cyril and Methodius in different parts
of the U.S.A. the brackets show the diocese to which the
parish belonged. 7
1891. Minneapolis, Minn. (St. Paul, Minn. )
1891. Bethlehem, Pa. (Philadelphia, Pa.)
1893. Reading, Pa. (Philadelphia, Pa.)
1895. Brookside, Ala. (Mobile, Ala. )
1898. Haverstraw, N. Y. (New York, N. Y.)
1898. Youngstown, 0. (Youngstown, 0.)
1900. Kingston, Pa. (Scranton, Pa.)
1900. Stockett, Mont. (Great Falls, Mont.)
1900. Joliet, Ill. (Joliet, Ill.)
1900. Stuttgart, Ark. (Little Rock, Ark. )
1901. Edwardsville, Pa.
1902. Charleroi, Pa. (Pittsburgh, Pa. )
1903. Binghamton, N. Y. (Syracuse, N . Y.)
1903. Lakewood, Ohio (Cleveland, Ohio )
1904. Winburne, Pa. (Erie, Pa.)
1905. Lebanon, Pa. (Harrisburg, Pa.)
1905. Windber, Pa. (Altoona, Pa.)
1906. Kansas City, Kans. (Kansas City Kans.)
1906. Barberton, Ohio
1906. Boonton, N. J. (Paterson, N. J.)
1907 . Bridgeport, Conn. (Hartford, Conn.)
1911. East St. Louis, Ill. (Belleville, Ill.)
1911. Fairchance, Pa. (Greensburg, Pa.)
1911. Superior, Wis. (Superior, Wis.)
1912. Rock Spring, Wyoming
1913. Clifton, N . J. (Paterson, N. J.)
1913. Sugar Creek, Mo.
1913. Schenectady, N . Y. (Albany, N . Y.)
1914. Chicago, Ill. (Chicago, Ill.)
1916. New Brighton, Pa. (Pittsburgh, Pa. )
1918. Detroit, Mich. (Detroit, Mich.)
1920. Coaldale, Pa. (Philadelphia, Pa.)
1923. Lisbon Falls, Maine (Portland, Maine )
1923. Rossford, Ohio (Toledo, Ohio)
1928. Warren, Ohio
1949. Slovak Manor, N. Y. (New York, N . Y .)
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SLOVAKIA
THE GROWTH OF THE CULT
OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS
One of the early articles dealing with the CyrilloMethodian cult appeared in Jednota in 1899. The author,
J. Stas, is critical of Slovak immigrants and of their lack
of devotions to SS. Cyril and Methodius. He makes the
following suggestions about how to pay homage to SS.
Cyril and Methodius.
1. Keep their picture in your house and teach your children
about their life, their work, their contributions to our
faith and our culture.
2. Give their names to your children at baptism.
3. Build and dedicate churches to these Saints and decorate
the existing churches with their statues.
4. Put your societies under their patronage. So far less
than 10 societies have been named after them. Is this
not a disgrace to American Slovaks?
5. The 5th of July should be for the Slovaks a religious
and a national holiday and in this we should learn
from the Irish who so devotedly revere St. Patrick. This
day, or at least the following Sunday, should be devoted
to religious services and sermons in reverence to their
work. On that day also other national and cultural
celebrations should be organized.
"I am asking our priests, our editors and all Slovaks
to spread the cult of SS. Cyril and Methodius amongst
our compatriots, and so preserve their heritage-- our
faith and our culture." 8
But in spite of this exhortation the Slovaks in the
U.S.A. were unable to organize any mass Cyrillo-Methodian
celebrations. Rev. Jozef Martincek, one of the most ardent
promoters of the Cyrillo-Methodian cult, wrote in 1913:
"Why don't we pay the necessary homage to SS. Cyril
and Methodius and why don't we celebrate one day in
a year as their holiday as this was already suggested
before by our compatriots and our brother in Christ,
Michael Bosak. I ask Rev. Furdek and other leading
Slovaks to take up this matter seriously and to present to
the Slovak public a plan for Cyrillo-Methodian celebration."9
�SLOVAKIA
107
REV. F. V. SASINEK AND THE CULT
OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS IN THE U.S.A.
In the days when the first Slovak papers commenced
publication in the U.S.A., the 20-30,000 Slovak immigrants
had only two priests and two educated laymen, Wolf and
Slovensky, ( both teachers by profession and editors of
these papers). It took several years before the number
of such laymen together with the priest grew to 25. Naturally, under these circumstances any cultural work was
extremely difficult as it fell on the shoulders of a very
small group of men who besides their cultural work
without monastery remuneration had also to carry on with
their regular employment to provide for themselves and
their families. Therefore, from the very beginning these
men had to look to Slovakia for new help in their cultural
and national work.
The most enthusiastic and successful of such early
workers was Rev. F . V. Sasinek, a catholic priest and
a historian. Falling into disgrace of his bishop IpolyiStummer, he left Banska Bystrica and for some years
he lived in Kuty as a guest of his friend Rev. Pukancik.
He then went to Prague and from there to Maria Zell ,
a pilgrimage shrine in Austria, where he served as a confessor of the pilgrims and heard confessions in 12 languages. In this voluntary exile be became greatly interested
in Slovak immigrants to the U.S.A. and as soon as he made
contacts with Rovnianek and Furdek he became the main
contributor to Slovak papers in the U.S.A. 10 He played
especially a very important part in the cultivating of the
Cyrillo-Methodian spirit.
We estimate that approximately 85 ¼' of all Slovak
publications about SS. Cyril and Methodius in the last
century came from the pen of Sasinek. His first literary
contribution published in 1852, was a poem: "Piesen o slovanskych blahozvestcoch", "A song about the missionaries
of the Slavs".11
THE MAIN ADVOCATES OF THE CULT
OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS IN THE U.S.A.
There were many active supporters of the CyrilloMethodian cult among the Catholic priests. Probably the
most active was Rev. Jan Porubsky. He was an ingenious
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SLOVAKIA
writer, with a general, almost encyclopedic knowledge and
was especially well acquainted with Slovak history. He
began to write from Slovakia for the American Slovak
papers and published a great number of articles about
the life and the significance of the work of SS. Cyril and
Methodius. Similar topics were covered by him in his books
which were published in the U.S.A.12
From among other priests who were in the foreground
of the Cyrillo-Methodian movement it is necessary to
mention especially Stefan Furdek, then Rev. Stas, Rev.
Dianiska, D. D., Rev. Pavco, Rev. Martincek, 13 Rev. Duchon
and out of the younger generation, Rev. Stefan Panik,
Msgr. Mlynarovic, etc.
THE ORDER OF THE SISTERS OF SS. CYRIL
AND METHODIUS
But probably the greatest achievement in this field
can be attributed to Rev. Matus Jankola who founded the
first Slovak teaching order of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and
Methodius.
Dr. Fr. Hrusovsky in his history of this Order notes
the following:
"The Order of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius
has a special place amongst the Slovak Orders in the
U.S.A. because it is a truly Slovak Order. Even more, it is
the only truly Slovak Order. Figuratively speaking we may
say that The Order of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius
is the only Slovak flower in the large bouquet of Slovak
Orders. It was not by coincidence that this Order was not
founded in Slovakia where SS. Cyril and Methodius worked
many centuries ago and where different Orders, fo many
centuries, maintained and developed their heritage. The
fact that this Order was founded in the U.S .A. illustrates
well how bright was the legacy of these Saints amongst
those members of the Slovak nation who had to leave
the mother country and how deep was their determination
to preserve this legacy." 14
REV. DANIEL ZABOJ LAUcEK
AND HIS CONTRIBUTION TO THE CULT
OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS
Amongst the Slovak Protestant pastors it is especially
�SLOVAKIA
109
necessary to mention Rev. Daniel Zaboj Laucek who
dedicated his work to the Cyrillo-Methodian ideals when
still in Slovakia and continued in this work on his arrival
in America. In 1885, in Turciansky Sv. Martin he published
the book Sv. Cyril a Metod, apostolovia slovanski, jich
vyznam v cirkvi krest'anskej v6bec a v Slovanstve zvlast'.
Nakladom vlastnym pri pomoci podporovatel'ov slovenskej
spisby. (SS. Cyril and Methodius, Apostles of the Slavs,
their place in Christendom and in Slavdom.) Private edition
with the help of the supporters of the Slovak Literature.
Besides this he published a series of articles : "Po tisic
rokoch." "Pamiatke sv. slovanskych apostolov". (After a
thousand years. In memory of the Saint Apostles of Slavs.)
"Ocenenie jich p6sobenia" (Evaluation of their work) .
"Blizsie o p6sobeni a razu sv. slovanskych apostolov"
(More about the work and the spirit of the Saint Apostles
of the Slavs) . "Pamiatky p6sobenia slovanskych bratov
v nasom narode" (The imprints of the work of the Apostles
of the Slavs in our nation). The series was published in
Ndrodnie Noviny, XVI, 1885, number 1-7 .
Rev. Laucek continued in this work in the U.S.A. and
he wrote about similar topics in "cas" of which he was
an editor for a short time. He also wrote in Slovak Protestant papers especially in Slovensky Hldsnik. Unfortunately
a bibliography of the Slovak publications in the U.S.A.
has never been put together and many of the works have
not been preserved which means a great loss for Slovak
literature.
THE ASSOCIATIONS BEARING THE NAME
OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS
It is of great interest that the Cyrillo-Methodian Cult
first spread amongst the immigrants from Eastern Slovakia. In 1875 the brothers Jan and Juraj Gogola came
to Minneapolis, Minn. and shortly after them Jan Zelenak,
Jan Martonik, and Tomas Ovsak. They came across an
advertisement of the firm Timm Eliot and as they
expected that this was probably a Slovak name, Elias, they
answered the advertisement and applied for work with
that firm. They were accepted and the firm found in them
such good employees that it was willing in future to give
preference to Slovaks. The owner of the firm was very
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SLOVAKLA
just and humanitarian and the Slovaks were pleased to
work for him. From 1875 on, the number of the Slovaks
in this city grew considerably and in 1878 the brothers
Juraj and Andrej Olha and Jan Martonik thought of the
plan of forming an Association of the Minneapolis Slovaks.
They met on November 12th, 1888 and decided to form
the Association. There is a notation in the minutes of the
first meeting which reads: "As SS. Cyril and Methodius
were our Apostles, it will be appropriate that our Association be placed under their patronage." This resolution
was carried out. In 1891 the Association formed the first
Slovak Catholic parish in the U.S.A. called after the two
Apostles. This was the beginning of our active CyrilloMethodian cult amongst the American Slovaks. The men
who were first preoccupied with this idea in the U.S.A.
came from Bystre in saris county. 15
The first branch of "Narodny Slovensky Spolok" which
put itself under the patronage of SS. Cyril and Methodius
was the local branch No. 8, in Youngstown, Ohio. Rev.
Horvath, and ardent Slovak Catholic priest, was in Youngstown at that time and it is likely that the Branch accepted
the name of SS. Cyril and Methodius on his suggestion. 16
It will be of interest to note that one of the cofounders of
the branch was John smigovsky, the grandfather of the
colonel smigovsky, who for his service to the Slovak
Republic was sentenced to death in 1946 by the pro-Communist National Tribunal under the chairmanship of Igor
Daxner. Daxner recommended an amnesty, however, the
chairman of the Slovak National Council refused to deal
with this request on technical grounds and Smigovsky was
executed the following day. Colonel smigovsky was born
in the U.S.A. but was educated in Slovakia.
THE CULT OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS
IN CANADA
The possition of the Slovak immigrants to Canada
was quite different from that of the immigration to the
U.S.A. The immigration to Canada reached noticeable
proportions only after the First World War when immigration to the U.S.A. became restricted and the quotas allowed
were quickly filled. Unable to obtain admission to the
U.S.A. many immigrants choose Canada, often with plans
to seek admission to the U.S.A. later. The immigrants
�SLOVAKIA
111
who come to Canada were of a different political background than those who in the previous century went to
the U.S.A. They experienced the First World War, the
political upheavals which followed, many of them went to
Slovak schools and were on a higher cultural level than
the generation who before them went to the U.S.A. They
were more aware of national and political problems. There
were no Magyarones amongst them and regardless of their
political affiliations they declared themselves as Slovaks.
Only a very small number of them believed that Slovaks
ceased to exist as an individual nation and that a new
"Czechoslovak" nation emerged.
The first Catholic church in Canada dedicated to SS.
Cyril and Methodius was a small church built in 1906 in
Bellevue, Alberta.
The oldest parish called after SS. Cyril and Methodius
is the Montreal parish which was established in 1928.
Similar parishes were formed in Toronto in 1934 and
in Windsor in 1940. New parishes were founded following
a new wave of immigrants after the Second World War.
Amongst them are the parishes of SS. Cyril and Methodius
in Hamilton, Ontario of 1945 and in Westminster, B. C.
of 1960. 17
EPILOG
The Cyrillo-Methodian ideology did not find favorable
ground in Czecho-Slovakia after 1918 due to a strong
anti-Catholic feeling of the ruling Czechs. But the Slovaks,
in spite of many difficulties, were able to make progress
in every direction. The ranks of the intelligentsia grew,
the letters and the sciences advanced even in those fields
where there was not one Slovak representative before.
And slowly also the Cyrillo-Methodian ideas became better
known to the masses. There were many who thought this
development was too slow. Thus we read: "It is a pity that
while the Slovaks in the U.S.A. have 16 parishes and 200
altars in their churches dedicated to SS. Cyril and Methodius, we at home, in Slovakia, have only 16 such altars
in our 2,300 Catholic churches and chapels." 18
The author of course was poorly informed, as the
number-of such parishes in the U.S.A. was not 16 but more
�112
SLOVAKIA
than twice that number. As in many other fields of Slovak
affairs only after the formation of the Slovak Republic
definite steps were taken to accept SS. Cyril and Methodius
as national Saints. Their feast in Slovakia was also a day
of commemoration for all Slovaks abroad. Throughout
Slovakia there were festivals, meetings, lectures commemorating the Slovaks who had to leave their fatherland. The
plans were made to build a cathedral to SS. Cyril and
Methodius in Bratislava. Many research projects were
under way and a Cyrillo-Methodian archives and library
were in preparation. But with the loss of political independence these projects also died and with them also much
of the work inspired by bishop Moyses, Fr. Sasinek and
Holly. Out of these endeavors only those that grew abroad,
in the U.S.A. and in Canada survived. But we believe that,
in this age when even small nations and tribes throughout
Africa are gaining independence, it will not be possible
to beep in chains a nation which already 1,100 years ago
belonged to the cultured and Christian nations of Europe
and this mainly through the work of SS. Cyril and
Methodius.19
FOOTNOTES AMI) LITERATURE
1) See Dr. F . Hrusovsky: frska misia a zaciatky krest'anstva (The Irish
Mission and the Beginning of Christianity), pp. 41-65, and also by
the same author Slovenski v ladari (Slovak Rulers ), Scranton 1948,
p. 263.
2) Ries, Viliam : Frantisek Richard Osvald (Trnava, 1939), pp. 87, 93 .
3) Goulding, S: Catholic Churches of New York City, with sketches
of their history and lives of the present Pastors, (New York, 1878 ),
pp. 748.
4) Culen, K.: Dejiny newyorskych Slovcikov (The History of t he Slovaks
of New York) .
5) " Oslava cyrilometodejska, 863-1863-1913," Kalendcir Jednota, 1913,
p. 129.
6) Fink, Leo, Gregory: Monsignor Heinen, Militant Missionary , The
Dolphin Press, (P hiladelphia, Pa. 1937) , p. 75.
7 ) Hrobak, Philip: Slovak Catholic Parishes and Institution in the
United States of America, (Middletown, Pa. 1955), pp. 32, 34, 39,
42, 50, 52, 63, 65, 68, 70, 81 , 84, 87, 90, 92, 99, 105, 106, 107, 121, 132,
134, 146, 152, 154, 162. See also Piroch, Mary: "American Slovaks
and SS. Cyril and Methodius," Slovakia Vol. XIII, N. 1/36, March
1963, pp. 25-28 ; ~ofranec, Tomas, Rev.: "Sv. Cyril a Metod a m y
americki Slovaci" ( SS. Cyril and Methodi us and American Slovaks).
Ave Maria, XLVII, No. 4, April 1, 1963, pp.175-176; Slovenske osady
v Amerike, (Slovak Parishes in the U.S.A.), Kalendar Jednota for
�SLOVAKIA
113
1906, pp. 23 , 51, 53-57, 73 , 81, 109, 113, 114; Baska, Louis, O.S.B.:
Slovenske katolicke osady v Spojenych Statoch (Slovak Catholic
Parishes in the U.S.A.) , Katolicke Slovensko (Trnava) , p. 623 ;
Kushner, Jozef, Rev.: Slovaci katolici pittsburghskeho biskupstva
( Slovak Catholics of the Pittsburgh Diocese), Katolicky Sokol
(Passaic, 1946) , p. 174.
8 ) J ednota, July 12, 1899.
9) Kalendcir Jednota, 1913, p. 130.
10) The first biography of SS. Cyril and Methodius started publicatio n
in Jednota on the 18th January, 1899, and continued in a long
series of articles. The author was Rev. Fr. Sasinek.
11) See Katolicke Noviny, 1852, 1st year, No. 35.
12) Porubsky, Jan Rev.: 100 rokov spisovnej slovenciny (One Hundred
Years of Literary Slovak), Scranton, Pa.; Slovaci a slovencina
(Slovaks and the Slovak language). This was edited anonymously,
but it was the work of Rev. Porubsky, Katolicky Sokol, 1929, p . 114.
13 ) Martincek, Jozef, Rev. : "Oslava cyrilometodejska" (The CyrilloMethodian Jubilee) 863-1863-1913 ; Kalendcir Jednota, 1913, pp. 129135. " Oslava sv. Cyrila a Metoda v dobe Moysesa a dnes" (The
Cyrillo-Methodian Celebration at the time of Moyses and Today),
Kalendcir Sviitovojtessky, 1936, pp. 119-125.
14) Hrusovsky, Franti.sek, Dr. : Slovenske rehole v Amerike (Slovak
Religious Orders in the U. S.A. ), Cleveland, Ohio 1935, p.496. See
Chapter: Kongregacia sestier sv. Cyrila a Metoda, Danville, P a.
(Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Danville,
Pa.), pp. 161-232. This Chapter has a detailed bibliography on
pages 231-232 ; See also Pauco, Jozef: Matus Jankola, knaz a ncirodovec (Matus Jankola as a priest and a patriot) , Danville, Pa. , p . 173.
15) Pamiitnik Spolku sv. Cyrila a Metoda (Almanac of SS. Cyril and
Methodius), No. 3, I.K.S.J. , Minneapolis, Minn. 1888-1938.
16) V. S. Platek: Nase odbory , D ejiny a pamiitnica 60 . vyrocia N. S.S.
(Our Associations. The Memoirs of the 60th Anniversary of the
National Slovak Society), Pittsburgh, Pa. , pp. 225-392.
17) On the religious organization of Canadian Slovaks, see J . M. Kirschbaum, Slovaks in Canada, (Toronto, 1967) , pp. 227-276.
18) Kalendcir Sviitovojtessky (St. Adalbert's Almanac ), 1936, p. 125.
19) On the Cyrillo-Methodian tradition in Slovakia, see Prof. J . M.
Kirschbaum "The Role of the Cyrillo-Methodian Tradition in Slovak
Na tional Life," Slovak Studies, Vol. III, (Rome, 1963 ) .
•
THE SWVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA heartily commends all efforts of our governmental and other organs
to ferret out and unmask all Communists and fellow travellers, as well as all persons and organizations who wittingly
or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of
Communism promoted by the Soviet Union.
�
98
SLOVAKIA
The Cult of SS. Cyril and
Methodius Amongst the Slovaks
Ln U.S.A. and Canada*
* This essay w as prepare d by t he late Konstan tin culen i n 1962 for
a symposium or ganized and edited by Prof. J. M . K i rschbaum for the
11th cent ennary of the arrival of SS. Cyril and Methodius among t he
ancest ors of Slov aks. T he essays co llected and edit ed or translated by
J. M. K i r sc h baum appeared in SLOVAK STUDT ES, CYRILLO-METH ODIANA, V ol. 3, (Rome, 1963). Culen's essay was not yet tr anslated and
therefore not published.
I n view of the valuable information and in order to complet e the
history of the CyriUo-Methodia n tradition among Sl ov aks, we are grat efiil to Dr. Kirschbaum for preserving the manuscript and his adaptation
for an English piiblication .
By K . C u len
THE INFLUENCE OF AMERICAN IRISH
ON AMERICAN SLOVAKS
The migration of Slovaks to the U.S.A. had many traits
similar to those of the migration of the Irish. It was the
catastrophic potato crop failure which caused the first
man emigration of the Irish to the U.S.A. And we come
across a similar cause of emigration of the Slovaks. The
Slovak statistician Dr. Emil Stodola noted that each poor
p otato crop in Slovakia was followed by rising emigration
to the U.S .A. There were other similarities between the
Irish and the Slovak migrations. The oppression of the Irish
dates even further back in history than the Slovak one and
is many sided. The political oppression started in Slovakia
at the end of the 18th century and culminated befor the
First World War. The Irish were oppressed due to their
religion and suffered culturally and economically and therefore their resistance was stronger and more passionate
than that of the Slovaks. In Ireland the oppression affected
all the classes but in Slovakia the intelligentsia suffered
most.
The difference comes to light when we compare the
cult of S t . Patrick to the cult of SS. Cyril and Methodius .
�SLOVAKIA
99
St. Patrick is a national saint and is known and revered
by all the Irish. SS. Cyril and Methodius were not known
to the same extent amongst Slovaks. The population in
general had only a vague knowledge of them. But the
Slovak intelligentsia had even a deeper devotion to them
than the Irish to St. Patrick. Therefore the cult of the
SS. Cyril and Methodius in the U.S.A. was not a cult
brought over by the masses as in the case of St. Patrick,
but it was a cult especially nurtured by nationally conscious immigrants, nurtured to an extent that would not
have been possible in Slovakia. Generally speaking, the
Slovak immigrants became aware, in their new countries,
of a need for a national saint and this became evident
to them on such days as the feast of St. Patrick, with its
festivities attracting not only the Irish but also numerous
names of other nationalities.
In older Slovak papers we frequently see articles about
large groups of Slovaks participating in the festivities of
St. Patrick. In one case the writer claimed that Slovaks
outnumbered the Irish. No wonder these Slovaks asked"Who would correspond to St. Patrick in our national life? "
They frequently raised this question in the Slovak press
and of course the only answer they could obtain was-SS .
Cyril and Methodius. It was this background which helped
to spread the cult of SS. Cyril and Methodius between the
Slovak names in the U.S .A.
It should be noted in this connection, that SS . Cyril
and Methodius completed amongst the Slovaks the missionary work which prior to them was already initiated by
Bavarian and Irish missionaries, the first Christian missionaries in the Danube area. 1
THE INFLUENCE OF THE CULT OF ST. PATRICK
ON THE CULT OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS
In the very early Slovak papers in the U.S.A. appeared
dozens of articles, some short and some extensive enough,
for serial publication, describing the work of SS. Cyril and
Methodius amongst the Slovak ancestors. American Slovaks who were scattered amongst the Irish saw in the SS.
Cyril and Methodius their St. Patrick. The Slovak papers
exhorted them to venerate them just as the Irish revered
St. Patrick.
It is interesting to ask the question, how much did
�100
SLOVAKIA
the American Slovaks know about SS. Cyril and Methodius?
Not a great deal. Most often they learned about them
them from the excellent and well known prayer book of
Rev. Andrej Radlinsky "Nabozne Vylevy." This prayer
book contained a color picture of the Saints, their brief
history and their prayers. Rev. Radlinsky succeeded in
doing this to spread the cult of SS. Cyril and Methodius.
Later on when a small prayer book was published in the
U.S.A., the bishop of Spis, Parvy, put it on the Index for
no reason other than that it contained a prayer to SS.
Cyril and Methodius. Thus while Pope Leo XIII issued
an encyclical highly extoling the missionary work of these
two Saints, a Magyar bishop with his seat in Catholic
Slovakia put the prayer book on the Index as he mistrusted
these Saints because of their panslavistic learnings.
The large groups of Slovak immigrants in the U.S.A.
had for the first time an opportunity to learn more about
the missionary work of those Apostles, as well as about
their cultural and linguistic work. But at the moment
when the cult of these Apostles began to spread, a group
of Catholic priests rose against it even in the U.S .A. and
according to the spirit which was taught to them in the
seminaries in the old country prepared the road-blocks
to this cult. At the head of the group were Kossalko, Denes
and Haitinger. In the papers edited by them they vituperated both Saints in the same manner as did the Magyar
Catholic periodical "Katolikus Szemle" (Catholic Review)
in the year 1893 in an article "Slavonic Christianity in our
territories before their occupation". St. Methodius was
denounced here as a panslavistic chauvinist, a forerunner
of the schism and a very untrustworthy personality. The
author of the article applied the modern Magyar approach
and the chauvinistic terminology to the period prior to
900 when the national questions were of very minor
importance.2
The pupils of this chauvinistic school working in the
U.S .A. could find nothing worthy to say about these Saints
and made them subjects of the intrigues of the Hungarian
premier Koloman Tisza and of his successors. Their success
was, however, small as they were unpopular priests and
their arguments were without any force against the well
documented work of their opponents.
�SLOVAKIA
101
THE FIRST CHURCH DEDICATED
TO SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS
The first church dedicated to SS. Cyril and Methodius
in the U.S .A. was a small wooden church built by two
Czech Societies: the Society of St. Wenceslas and the
Society of St. Ludmila in New York.
These two societies were founded in 1874 with the
purpose of building the first church for the growing Czech
colony in New York, in the block between the 1st and 10th
streets and between the Avenues B-D, where the Czechs
were intermingled with the Poles. The Plan for the building
of the church received a new impetus when Rev. A. V.
Vacula came to New York from Baltimore, Md. He was
born on the 15th of August 1845, in Osek, near Olomouc,
in Moravia. He studied in Kromeriz, at the University of
Vienna and at Louvain, Belgium. Here the American
bishops established a seminary into which they accepted
students from the whole of Europe, to prepare them for
work in the ethnic settlements in the U.S.A. Vacula was
accepted as the future priest of the Czech settlement in
Baltimore, Md. Immediately after his consecration in 1870
he left for the U.S.A. and from the beginning of December
he served in the parish of St. Wenceslas, Baltimore, Md.
As the Czech Catholics of New York could not make
progress with their plan, they invited into this parish Rev.
Vacula, who arrived in 1875 and started his work with
great enthusiasm. He immediately bought the land and
the building, Number 316 E. 4th Street for $12,000.00, then
enlarged the building for an outlay of an additional
$6,000.00 and on the 1st of December 1875 the Vicar General
of New York consecrated the Church in the name of SS.
Cyril and Methodius. 3
This was the first church in the U.S.A. to be named
after SS. Cyril and Methodius. And it appeared very appropriate that behind this achievement was a priest from
Moravia. Out of all Slavic countries, in Moravia the cult
of SS. Cyril and Methodius was the deeepest, most widely
spread and most popular. In no other Slavic country were
the names SS. Cyril and Methodius given so often at
baptism as in Moravia. The Cyrillo-Methodian cult spread
from the Moravian Velehrad in all directions and the
�102
SLOVAKIA
Slovaks made frequent pilgrimages there as to a source
of spiritual strength.
The New York church dedicated to SS. Cyril and
Methoqius was the first catholic church which was also
attended by "the first Slovak immigrants in that city. When
later this church was closed, they went to the Irish church
of St. Brigitte or to the nearest German or Polish churches
until in 1894 they built the first Slovak Catholic church
dedicated to St. Elizabeth of Hungary. This church was
built in the same street where earlier had been the church
of SS. Cyril and Methodius.
Similarly as amongst the Slovaks, the Cyrillo-Methodian
cult was as widely spread amongst the Czechs, especially
in those districts where also Moravians were settled. After
the first Cyrillo-Methodian church in New York, which
soon closed, there were another 15 churches built in the
U.S.A., namely in:
Bannister, Mich.; Kansas City, Kansas; Chicago, Ill.;
Platoma, Texas; Clarkson, Nebraska; Corpus Christi, Tex.;
Doman, Texas; Dubina, Texas; East St. Louis, Illinois;
Granger, Texas; North Judson, Indiana; Plasi (Prague),
Nebraska; Shiner, Texas ; Tanton, Michigan; Vodnary,
Dakota.
Besides the Slovaks and the Czechs the Cyrillo-Methodian churches were mainly built by Slovenes, Croatians and
·
Poles.
THE UNFULFILLED PLAN OF A NEW CHURCH
OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS IN NEW YORK
The next church in New York which was to bear the
name of SS. Cyril and Methodius was the church originally
dedicated to St. John Nepomucene. That this plan did not
succeed was due mainly to the bitter struggles between
the nationally conscious Slovaks and the Magyarones.
The consecration of the first Slovak Catholic Church
took place in 1894. This was the church of St. Elizabeth
of Hungary. It was around this church that the struggle
between the Slovaks and the Magyars and Magyar sympathizers developed. The night before the consecration the
"Magyarones" removed from the corner stone the plaque
bearing the text written in literary Slovak: "Rim. Kat.
Kostal Sv. Alzbety, Vystavany R. 1892". Instead of this they
�SLOVAKIA
103
placed there plaque with a text in Eastern-Slovak dialect :
" Uherszko Szlovenszki Kat. Koscel Szv. Elizabethy Uherszkej, Visztav. R. 1892."
This arnmounted to a declaration of war. The Slovaks
refused to support a Church with a name written in a
distorted Slovak language and in foreign, non-Slovak
orthography. This battle lasted for over a year until finally
Archbishop Corrigan wrote to Slovakia inquiring which
version was correct. When he received the reply he had
the plaque changed as he considered that what was
orthographically incorrect, was of poor taste and unfitting
for a house of God. The Slovaks were jubilant but not
for long as the Archbishop was approached by a delegation
led by a Magyar lawyer Czukor (Jewish by religion) who
persuaded the Archbishop that this struggle was between
the Eastern Orthodox Panslavistic Church and between
Catholicism. The Magyars were the true catholics, a European nation, but the Slovaks were Panslavs, Russofiles
and sympathizers with the Eastern-Orthodoxy. Should this
movement gain power it would dominate the Danubian
Basin and soon it would undermine even the See. of St.
Peter. The Cyrillo-Methodian cult which they spread is
an Eastern-Orthodox religion. The archbishop believed
these arguments and the following day he ordered to put
back the plaque with the text in the Eastern dialect. The
local priest, Rev. Polakovic, protested but the Archbishop
rebuked him and informed him he had to look for a new
parish outside of his diocese. This naturally caused a great
disappointment amongst the Slovaks. A delegation of
Slovaks informed the Archbishop that they would not
attend this church and would not support it but would
built a new Slovak Church. The Archbishop approved the
plans for the new Church. The Slovaks started to work
with enthusiasm and in a few weeks they transformed
an old building into a new church which stood only one
block away on the same street. It was planned that this
church would bear the name of SS. Cyril and Methodius,
this had been already announced in the papers and the
donations for the building paid and it was accepted under
this name.4
But this plan did not materialize. The Archbishop
appointed here a Czech priest, Rev. simonik, who under
�104
SLOVAKIA
the pressure from the Archbishop gave the church the name
of St. John Nepomuce ne.
This was the first but also the last time that the
names of SS. Cyril and Methodius were in the disfavor
of an American Bishop.
THE OLDEST CATHOLIC CHURCHE S WITH PATRON
SAINTS SS. CYRIL AND METHODI US
The sudden expansion of the Cyrillo-Me thodian cult
on the American continent was described by Rev. Jozef
Martincek as follows:
"As soon as the Slovak immigrant s settled in the U.S.A.
and began to form their parishes and to build their
churches, the Cyrillo-Me thodian flame, which appeared for
almost extinguishe d, suddenly rekindled in the hearts of
our compatriot s. They almost competed with each other
in their Cyrillo-Me thodian zeal to build and dedicate
churches to them and there is hardly any Slovak church
in the U.S.A. where their picture or their statue would
not be given a distinguish ed place." 5
The Cyrillo-Me thodian cult spread in the U.S.A. due
to the expanding Slovak periodicals and papers, due to
the work of the patriotic Slovak priest and to a great
extent also as a result of a protest against the Magyar
persecutio n at home. The popularity which the cult gained
in the U.S.A. was inconceiva ble in Slovakia of that time.
The first Slovak Catholic Church dedicated to SS.
Cyril and Methodius was built in 1891 in Minneapol is, Minn.
The initiative came from the local Society of SS. Cyril and
Methodius which was founded in 1888 as the first society
on the American soil called after these Saints.
In the same year another church bearing the name
of SS. Cyril and Methodius was opened in Bethlehem , Pa.
The founder of this church was Rev. Heinen, a missionary
of German origin. He was originally an officer in the
German Army but later on he changed the uniform for
a priestly garb and after completing his theological studies
he came to the U.S.A. and worked as a missionary mainly
amongst the Slavic immigrant s in Pennsylvan ia. His assistant in missionary work ( which he directed from Mau
Chung, Pa.) was Rev. Vlossak, a Slovak priest, and it was
due to his influence that the church in Bethlehem , Pa.,
was given the name of SS. Cyril and Methodius .6
�SLOVAKIA
105
THE LIST OF THE SLOVAK CHURCHES
OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS IN THE U.S.A.
This example was followed by others and the following
list shows chronologically the founding of the churches
dedicated to the SS. Cyril and Methodius in different parts
of the U.S.A. the brackets show the diocese to which the
parish belonged. 7
1891. Minneapolis, Minn. (St. Paul, Minn. )
1891. Bethlehem, Pa. (Philadelphia, Pa.)
1893. Reading, Pa. (Philadelphia, Pa.)
1895. Brookside, Ala. (Mobile, Ala. )
1898. Haverstraw, N. Y. (New York, N. Y.)
1898. Youngstown, 0. (Youngstown, 0.)
1900. Kingston, Pa. (Scranton, Pa.)
1900. Stockett, Mont. (Great Falls, Mont.)
1900. Joliet, Ill. (Joliet, Ill.)
1900. Stuttgart, Ark. (Little Rock, Ark. )
1901. Edwardsville, Pa.
1902. Charleroi, Pa. (Pittsburgh, Pa. )
1903. Binghamton, N. Y. (Syracuse, N . Y.)
1903. Lakewood, Ohio (Cleveland, Ohio )
1904. Winburne, Pa. (Erie, Pa.)
1905. Lebanon, Pa. (Harrisburg, Pa.)
1905. Windber, Pa. (Altoona, Pa.)
1906. Kansas City, Kans. (Kansas City Kans.)
1906. Barberton, Ohio
1906. Boonton, N. J. (Paterson, N. J.)
1907 . Bridgeport, Conn. (Hartford, Conn.)
1911. East St. Louis, Ill. (Belleville, Ill.)
1911. Fairchance, Pa. (Greensburg, Pa.)
1911. Superior, Wis. (Superior, Wis.)
1912. Rock Spring, Wyoming
1913. Clifton, N . J. (Paterson, N. J.)
1913. Sugar Creek, Mo.
1913. Schenectady, N . Y. (Albany, N . Y.)
1914. Chicago, Ill. (Chicago, Ill.)
1916. New Brighton, Pa. (Pittsburgh, Pa. )
1918. Detroit, Mich. (Detroit, Mich.)
1920. Coaldale, Pa. (Philadelphia, Pa.)
1923. Lisbon Falls, Maine (Portland, Maine )
1923. Rossford, Ohio (Toledo, Ohio)
1928. Warren, Ohio
1949. Slovak Manor, N. Y. (New York, N . Y .)
�106
SLOVAKIA
THE GROWTH OF THE CULT
OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS
One of the early articles dealing with the CyrilloMethodian cult appeared in Jednota in 1899. The author,
J. Stas, is critical of Slovak immigrants and of their lack
of devotions to SS. Cyril and Methodius. He makes the
following suggestions about how to pay homage to SS.
Cyril and Methodius.
1. Keep their picture in your house and teach your children
about their life, their work, their contributions to our
faith and our culture.
2. Give their names to your children at baptism.
3. Build and dedicate churches to these Saints and decorate
the existing churches with their statues.
4. Put your societies under their patronage. So far less
than 10 societies have been named after them. Is this
not a disgrace to American Slovaks?
5. The 5th of July should be for the Slovaks a religious
and a national holiday and in this we should learn
from the Irish who so devotedly revere St. Patrick. This
day, or at least the following Sunday, should be devoted
to religious services and sermons in reverence to their
work. On that day also other national and cultural
celebrations should be organized.
"I am asking our priests, our editors and all Slovaks
to spread the cult of SS. Cyril and Methodius amongst
our compatriots, and so preserve their heritage-- our
faith and our culture." 8
But in spite of this exhortation the Slovaks in the
U.S.A. were unable to organize any mass Cyrillo-Methodian
celebrations. Rev. Jozef Martincek, one of the most ardent
promoters of the Cyrillo-Methodian cult, wrote in 1913:
"Why don't we pay the necessary homage to SS. Cyril
and Methodius and why don't we celebrate one day in
a year as their holiday as this was already suggested
before by our compatriots and our brother in Christ,
Michael Bosak. I ask Rev. Furdek and other leading
Slovaks to take up this matter seriously and to present to
the Slovak public a plan for Cyrillo-Methodian celebration."9
�SLOVAKIA
107
REV. F. V. SASINEK AND THE CULT
OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS IN THE U.S.A.
In the days when the first Slovak papers commenced
publication in the U.S.A., the 20-30,000 Slovak immigrants
had only two priests and two educated laymen, Wolf and
Slovensky, ( both teachers by profession and editors of
these papers). It took several years before the number
of such laymen together with the priest grew to 25. Naturally, under these circumstances any cultural work was
extremely difficult as it fell on the shoulders of a very
small group of men who besides their cultural work
without monastery remuneration had also to carry on with
their regular employment to provide for themselves and
their families. Therefore, from the very beginning these
men had to look to Slovakia for new help in their cultural
and national work.
The most enthusiastic and successful of such early
workers was Rev. F . V. Sasinek, a catholic priest and
a historian. Falling into disgrace of his bishop IpolyiStummer, he left Banska Bystrica and for some years
he lived in Kuty as a guest of his friend Rev. Pukancik.
He then went to Prague and from there to Maria Zell ,
a pilgrimage shrine in Austria, where he served as a confessor of the pilgrims and heard confessions in 12 languages. In this voluntary exile be became greatly interested
in Slovak immigrants to the U.S.A. and as soon as he made
contacts with Rovnianek and Furdek he became the main
contributor to Slovak papers in the U.S.A. 10 He played
especially a very important part in the cultivating of the
Cyrillo-Methodian spirit.
We estimate that approximately 85 ¼' of all Slovak
publications about SS. Cyril and Methodius in the last
century came from the pen of Sasinek. His first literary
contribution published in 1852, was a poem: "Piesen o slovanskych blahozvestcoch", "A song about the missionaries
of the Slavs".11
THE MAIN ADVOCATES OF THE CULT
OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS IN THE U.S.A.
There were many active supporters of the CyrilloMethodian cult among the Catholic priests. Probably the
most active was Rev. Jan Porubsky. He was an ingenious
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SLOVAKIA
writer, with a general, almost encyclopedic knowledge and
was especially well acquainted with Slovak history. He
began to write from Slovakia for the American Slovak
papers and published a great number of articles about
the life and the significance of the work of SS. Cyril and
Methodius. Similar topics were covered by him in his books
which were published in the U.S.A.12
From among other priests who were in the foreground
of the Cyrillo-Methodian movement it is necessary to
mention especially Stefan Furdek, then Rev. Stas, Rev.
Dianiska, D. D., Rev. Pavco, Rev. Martincek, 13 Rev. Duchon
and out of the younger generation, Rev. Stefan Panik,
Msgr. Mlynarovic, etc.
THE ORDER OF THE SISTERS OF SS. CYRIL
AND METHODIUS
But probably the greatest achievement in this field
can be attributed to Rev. Matus Jankola who founded the
first Slovak teaching order of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and
Methodius.
Dr. Fr. Hrusovsky in his history of this Order notes
the following:
"The Order of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius
has a special place amongst the Slovak Orders in the
U.S.A. because it is a truly Slovak Order. Even more, it is
the only truly Slovak Order. Figuratively speaking we may
say that The Order of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius
is the only Slovak flower in the large bouquet of Slovak
Orders. It was not by coincidence that this Order was not
founded in Slovakia where SS. Cyril and Methodius worked
many centuries ago and where different Orders, fo many
centuries, maintained and developed their heritage. The
fact that this Order was founded in the U.S .A. illustrates
well how bright was the legacy of these Saints amongst
those members of the Slovak nation who had to leave
the mother country and how deep was their determination
to preserve this legacy." 14
REV. DANIEL ZABOJ LAUcEK
AND HIS CONTRIBUTION TO THE CULT
OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS
Amongst the Slovak Protestant pastors it is especially
�SLOVAKIA
109
necessary to mention Rev. Daniel Zaboj Laucek who
dedicated his work to the Cyrillo-Methodian ideals when
still in Slovakia and continued in this work on his arrival
in America. In 1885, in Turciansky Sv. Martin he published
the book Sv. Cyril a Metod, apostolovia slovanski, jich
vyznam v cirkvi krest'anskej v6bec a v Slovanstve zvlast'.
Nakladom vlastnym pri pomoci podporovatel'ov slovenskej
spisby. (SS. Cyril and Methodius, Apostles of the Slavs,
their place in Christendom and in Slavdom.) Private edition
with the help of the supporters of the Slovak Literature.
Besides this he published a series of articles : "Po tisic
rokoch." "Pamiatke sv. slovanskych apostolov". (After a
thousand years. In memory of the Saint Apostles of Slavs.)
"Ocenenie jich p6sobenia" (Evaluation of their work) .
"Blizsie o p6sobeni a razu sv. slovanskych apostolov"
(More about the work and the spirit of the Saint Apostles
of the Slavs) . "Pamiatky p6sobenia slovanskych bratov
v nasom narode" (The imprints of the work of the Apostles
of the Slavs in our nation). The series was published in
Ndrodnie Noviny, XVI, 1885, number 1-7 .
Rev. Laucek continued in this work in the U.S.A. and
he wrote about similar topics in "cas" of which he was
an editor for a short time. He also wrote in Slovak Protestant papers especially in Slovensky Hldsnik. Unfortunately
a bibliography of the Slovak publications in the U.S.A.
has never been put together and many of the works have
not been preserved which means a great loss for Slovak
literature.
THE ASSOCIATIONS BEARING THE NAME
OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS
It is of great interest that the Cyrillo-Methodian Cult
first spread amongst the immigrants from Eastern Slovakia. In 1875 the brothers Jan and Juraj Gogola came
to Minneapolis, Minn. and shortly after them Jan Zelenak,
Jan Martonik, and Tomas Ovsak. They came across an
advertisement of the firm Timm Eliot and as they
expected that this was probably a Slovak name, Elias, they
answered the advertisement and applied for work with
that firm. They were accepted and the firm found in them
such good employees that it was willing in future to give
preference to Slovaks. The owner of the firm was very
�110
SLOVAKLA
just and humanitarian and the Slovaks were pleased to
work for him. From 1875 on, the number of the Slovaks
in this city grew considerably and in 1878 the brothers
Juraj and Andrej Olha and Jan Martonik thought of the
plan of forming an Association of the Minneapolis Slovaks.
They met on November 12th, 1888 and decided to form
the Association. There is a notation in the minutes of the
first meeting which reads: "As SS. Cyril and Methodius
were our Apostles, it will be appropriate that our Association be placed under their patronage." This resolution
was carried out. In 1891 the Association formed the first
Slovak Catholic parish in the U.S.A. called after the two
Apostles. This was the beginning of our active CyrilloMethodian cult amongst the American Slovaks. The men
who were first preoccupied with this idea in the U.S.A.
came from Bystre in saris county. 15
The first branch of "Narodny Slovensky Spolok" which
put itself under the patronage of SS. Cyril and Methodius
was the local branch No. 8, in Youngstown, Ohio. Rev.
Horvath, and ardent Slovak Catholic priest, was in Youngstown at that time and it is likely that the Branch accepted
the name of SS. Cyril and Methodius on his suggestion. 16
It will be of interest to note that one of the cofounders of
the branch was John smigovsky, the grandfather of the
colonel smigovsky, who for his service to the Slovak
Republic was sentenced to death in 1946 by the pro-Communist National Tribunal under the chairmanship of Igor
Daxner. Daxner recommended an amnesty, however, the
chairman of the Slovak National Council refused to deal
with this request on technical grounds and Smigovsky was
executed the following day. Colonel smigovsky was born
in the U.S.A. but was educated in Slovakia.
THE CULT OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS
IN CANADA
The possition of the Slovak immigrants to Canada
was quite different from that of the immigration to the
U.S.A. The immigration to Canada reached noticeable
proportions only after the First World War when immigration to the U.S.A. became restricted and the quotas allowed
were quickly filled. Unable to obtain admission to the
U.S.A. many immigrants choose Canada, often with plans
to seek admission to the U.S.A. later. The immigrants
�SLOVAKIA
111
who come to Canada were of a different political background than those who in the previous century went to
the U.S.A. They experienced the First World War, the
political upheavals which followed, many of them went to
Slovak schools and were on a higher cultural level than
the generation who before them went to the U.S.A. They
were more aware of national and political problems. There
were no Magyarones amongst them and regardless of their
political affiliations they declared themselves as Slovaks.
Only a very small number of them believed that Slovaks
ceased to exist as an individual nation and that a new
"Czechoslovak" nation emerged.
The first Catholic church in Canada dedicated to SS.
Cyril and Methodius was a small church built in 1906 in
Bellevue, Alberta.
The oldest parish called after SS. Cyril and Methodius
is the Montreal parish which was established in 1928.
Similar parishes were formed in Toronto in 1934 and
in Windsor in 1940. New parishes were founded following
a new wave of immigrants after the Second World War.
Amongst them are the parishes of SS. Cyril and Methodius
in Hamilton, Ontario of 1945 and in Westminster, B. C.
of 1960. 17
EPILOG
The Cyrillo-Methodian ideology did not find favorable
ground in Czecho-Slovakia after 1918 due to a strong
anti-Catholic feeling of the ruling Czechs. But the Slovaks,
in spite of many difficulties, were able to make progress
in every direction. The ranks of the intelligentsia grew,
the letters and the sciences advanced even in those fields
where there was not one Slovak representative before.
And slowly also the Cyrillo-Methodian ideas became better
known to the masses. There were many who thought this
development was too slow. Thus we read: "It is a pity that
while the Slovaks in the U.S.A. have 16 parishes and 200
altars in their churches dedicated to SS. Cyril and Methodius, we at home, in Slovakia, have only 16 such altars
in our 2,300 Catholic churches and chapels." 18
The author of course was poorly informed, as the
number-of such parishes in the U.S.A. was not 16 but more
�112
SLOVAKIA
than twice that number. As in many other fields of Slovak
affairs only after the formation of the Slovak Republic
definite steps were taken to accept SS. Cyril and Methodius
as national Saints. Their feast in Slovakia was also a day
of commemoration for all Slovaks abroad. Throughout
Slovakia there were festivals, meetings, lectures commemorating the Slovaks who had to leave their fatherland. The
plans were made to build a cathedral to SS. Cyril and
Methodius in Bratislava. Many research projects were
under way and a Cyrillo-Methodian archives and library
were in preparation. But with the loss of political independence these projects also died and with them also much
of the work inspired by bishop Moyses, Fr. Sasinek and
Holly. Out of these endeavors only those that grew abroad,
in the U.S.A. and in Canada survived. But we believe that,
in this age when even small nations and tribes throughout
Africa are gaining independence, it will not be possible
to beep in chains a nation which already 1,100 years ago
belonged to the cultured and Christian nations of Europe
and this mainly through the work of SS. Cyril and
Methodius.19
FOOTNOTES AMI) LITERATURE
1) See Dr. F . Hrusovsky: frska misia a zaciatky krest'anstva (The Irish
Mission and the Beginning of Christianity), pp. 41-65, and also by
the same author Slovenski v ladari (Slovak Rulers ), Scranton 1948,
p. 263.
2) Ries, Viliam : Frantisek Richard Osvald (Trnava, 1939), pp. 87, 93 .
3) Goulding, S: Catholic Churches of New York City, with sketches
of their history and lives of the present Pastors, (New York, 1878 ),
pp. 748.
4) Culen, K.: Dejiny newyorskych Slovcikov (The History of t he Slovaks
of New York) .
5) " Oslava cyrilometodejska, 863-1863-1913," Kalendcir Jednota, 1913,
p. 129.
6) Fink, Leo, Gregory: Monsignor Heinen, Militant Missionary , The
Dolphin Press, (P hiladelphia, Pa. 1937) , p. 75.
7 ) Hrobak, Philip: Slovak Catholic Parishes and Institution in the
United States of America, (Middletown, Pa. 1955), pp. 32, 34, 39,
42, 50, 52, 63, 65, 68, 70, 81 , 84, 87, 90, 92, 99, 105, 106, 107, 121, 132,
134, 146, 152, 154, 162. See also Piroch, Mary: "American Slovaks
and SS. Cyril and Methodius," Slovakia Vol. XIII, N. 1/36, March
1963, pp. 25-28 ; ~ofranec, Tomas, Rev.: "Sv. Cyril a Metod a m y
americki Slovaci" ( SS. Cyril and Methodi us and American Slovaks).
Ave Maria, XLVII, No. 4, April 1, 1963, pp.175-176; Slovenske osady
v Amerike, (Slovak Parishes in the U.S.A.), Kalendar Jednota for
�SLOVAKIA
113
1906, pp. 23 , 51, 53-57, 73 , 81, 109, 113, 114; Baska, Louis, O.S.B.:
Slovenske katolicke osady v Spojenych Statoch (Slovak Catholic
Parishes in the U.S.A.) , Katolicke Slovensko (Trnava) , p. 623 ;
Kushner, Jozef, Rev.: Slovaci katolici pittsburghskeho biskupstva
( Slovak Catholics of the Pittsburgh Diocese), Katolicky Sokol
(Passaic, 1946) , p. 174.
8 ) J ednota, July 12, 1899.
9) Kalendcir Jednota, 1913, p. 130.
10) The first biography of SS. Cyril and Methodius started publicatio n
in Jednota on the 18th January, 1899, and continued in a long
series of articles. The author was Rev. Fr. Sasinek.
11) See Katolicke Noviny, 1852, 1st year, No. 35.
12) Porubsky, Jan Rev.: 100 rokov spisovnej slovenciny (One Hundred
Years of Literary Slovak), Scranton, Pa.; Slovaci a slovencina
(Slovaks and the Slovak language). This was edited anonymously,
but it was the work of Rev. Porubsky, Katolicky Sokol, 1929, p . 114.
13 ) Martincek, Jozef, Rev. : "Oslava cyrilometodejska" (The CyrilloMethodian Jubilee) 863-1863-1913 ; Kalendcir Jednota, 1913, pp. 129135. " Oslava sv. Cyrila a Metoda v dobe Moysesa a dnes" (The
Cyrillo-Methodian Celebration at the time of Moyses and Today),
Kalendcir Sviitovojtessky, 1936, pp. 119-125.
14) Hrusovsky, Franti.sek, Dr. : Slovenske rehole v Amerike (Slovak
Religious Orders in the U. S.A. ), Cleveland, Ohio 1935, p.496. See
Chapter: Kongregacia sestier sv. Cyrila a Metoda, Danville, P a.
(Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Danville,
Pa.), pp. 161-232. This Chapter has a detailed bibliography on
pages 231-232 ; See also Pauco, Jozef: Matus Jankola, knaz a ncirodovec (Matus Jankola as a priest and a patriot) , Danville, Pa. , p . 173.
15) Pamiitnik Spolku sv. Cyrila a Metoda (Almanac of SS. Cyril and
Methodius), No. 3, I.K.S.J. , Minneapolis, Minn. 1888-1938.
16) V. S. Platek: Nase odbory , D ejiny a pamiitnica 60 . vyrocia N. S.S.
(Our Associations. The Memoirs of the 60th Anniversary of the
National Slovak Society), Pittsburgh, Pa. , pp. 225-392.
17) On the religious organization of Canadian Slovaks, see J . M. Kirschbaum, Slovaks in Canada, (Toronto, 1967) , pp. 227-276.
18) Kalendcir Sviitovojtessky (St. Adalbert's Almanac ), 1936, p. 125.
19) On the Cyrillo-Methodian tradition in Slovakia, see Prof. J . M.
Kirschbaum "The Role of the Cyrillo-Methodian Tradition in Slovak
Na tional Life," Slovak Studies, Vol. III, (Rome, 1963 ) .
•
THE SWVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA heartily commends all efforts of our governmental and other organs
to ferret out and unmask all Communists and fellow travellers, as well as all persons and organizations who wittingly
or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of
Communism promoted by the Soviet Union.
�
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98
SLOVAKIA
The Cult of SS. Cyril and
Methodius Amongst the Slovaks
Ln U.S.A. and Canada*
* This essay w as prepare d by t he late Konstan tin culen i n 1962 for
a symposium or ganized and edited by Prof. J. M . K i rschbaum for the
11th cent ennary of the arrival of SS. Cyril and Methodius among t he
ancest ors of Slov aks. T he essays co llected and edit ed or translated by
J. M. K i r sc h baum appeared in SLOVAK STUDT ES, CYRILLO-METH ODIANA, V ol. 3, (Rome, 1963). Culen's essay was not yet tr anslated and
therefore not published.
I n view of the valuable information and in order to complet e the
history of the CyriUo-Methodia n tradition among Sl ov aks, we are grat efiil to Dr. Kirschbaum for preserving the manuscript and his adaptation
for an English piiblication .
By K . C u len
THE INFLUENCE OF AMERICAN IRISH
ON AMERICAN SLOVAKS
The migration of Slovaks to the U.S.A. had many traits
similar to those of the migration of the Irish. It was the
catastrophic potato crop failure which caused the first
man emigration of the Irish to the U.S.A. And we come
across a similar cause of emigration of the Slovaks. The
Slovak statistician Dr. Emil Stodola noted that each poor
p otato crop in Slovakia was followed by rising emigration
to the U.S .A. There were other similarities between the
Irish and the Slovak migrations. The oppression of the Irish
dates even further back in history than the Slovak one and
is many sided. The political oppression started in Slovakia
at the end of the 18th century and culminated befor the
First World War. The Irish were oppressed due to their
religion and suffered culturally and economically and therefore their resistance was stronger and more passionate
than that of the Slovaks. In Ireland the oppression affected
all the classes but in Slovakia the intelligentsia suffered
most.
The difference comes to light when we compare the
cult of S t . Patrick to the cult of SS. Cyril and Methodius .
SLOVAKIA
99
St. Patrick is a national saint and is known and revered
by all the Irish. SS. Cyril and Methodius were not known
to the same extent amongst Slovaks. The population in
general had only a vague knowledge of them. But the
Slovak intelligentsia had even a deeper devotion to them
than the Irish to St. Patrick. Therefore the cult of the
SS. Cyril and Methodius in the U.S.A. was not a cult
brought over by the masses as in the case of St. Patrick,
but it was a cult especially nurtured by nationally conscious immigrants, nurtured to an extent that would not
have been possible in Slovakia. Generally speaking, the
Slovak immigrants became aware, in their new countries,
of a need for a national saint and this became evident
to them on such days as the feast of St. Patrick, with its
festivities attracting not only the Irish but also numerous
names of other nationalities.
In older Slovak papers we frequently see articles about
large groups of Slovaks participating in the festivities of
St. Patrick. In one case the writer claimed that Slovaks
outnumbered the Irish. No wonder these Slovaks asked"Who would correspond to St. Patrick in our national life? "
They frequently raised this question in the Slovak press
and of course the only answer they could obtain was-SS .
Cyril and Methodius. It was this background which helped
to spread the cult of SS. Cyril and Methodius between the
Slovak names in the U.S .A.
It should be noted in this connection, that SS . Cyril
and Methodius completed amongst the Slovaks the missionary work which prior to them was already initiated by
Bavarian and Irish missionaries, the first Christian missionaries in the Danube area. 1
THE INFLUENCE OF THE CULT OF ST. PATRICK
ON THE CULT OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS
In the very early Slovak papers in the U.S.A. appeared
dozens of articles, some short and some extensive enough,
for serial publication, describing the work of SS. Cyril and
Methodius amongst the Slovak ancestors. American Slovaks who were scattered amongst the Irish saw in the SS.
Cyril and Methodius their St. Patrick. The Slovak papers
exhorted them to venerate them just as the Irish revered
St. Patrick.
It is interesting to ask the question, how much did
100
SLOVAKIA
the American Slovaks know about SS. Cyril and Methodius?
Not a great deal. Most often they learned about them
them from the excellent and well known prayer book of
Rev. Andrej Radlinsky "Nabozne Vylevy." This prayer
book contained a color picture of the Saints, their brief
history and their prayers. Rev. Radlinsky succeeded in
doing this to spread the cult of SS. Cyril and Methodius.
Later on when a small prayer book was published in the
U.S.A., the bishop of Spis, Parvy, put it on the Index for
no reason other than that it contained a prayer to SS.
Cyril and Methodius. Thus while Pope Leo XIII issued
an encyclical highly extoling the missionary work of these
two Saints, a Magyar bishop with his seat in Catholic
Slovakia put the prayer book on the Index as he mistrusted
these Saints because of their panslavistic learnings.
The large groups of Slovak immigrants in the U.S.A.
had for the first time an opportunity to learn more about
the missionary work of those Apostles, as well as about
their cultural and linguistic work. But at the moment
when the cult of these Apostles began to spread, a group
of Catholic priests rose against it even in the U.S .A. and
according to the spirit which was taught to them in the
seminaries in the old country prepared the road-blocks
to this cult. At the head of the group were Kossalko, Denes
and Haitinger. In the papers edited by them they vituperated both Saints in the same manner as did the Magyar
Catholic periodical "Katolikus Szemle" (Catholic Review)
in the year 1893 in an article "Slavonic Christianity in our
territories before their occupation". St. Methodius was
denounced here as a panslavistic chauvinist, a forerunner
of the schism and a very untrustworthy personality. The
author of the article applied the modern Magyar approach
and the chauvinistic terminology to the period prior to
900 when the national questions were of very minor
importance.2
The pupils of this chauvinistic school working in the
U.S .A. could find nothing worthy to say about these Saints
and made them subjects of the intrigues of the Hungarian
premier Koloman Tisza and of his successors. Their success
was, however, small as they were unpopular priests and
their arguments were without any force against the well
documented work of their opponents.
SLOVAKIA
101
THE FIRST CHURCH DEDICATED
TO SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS
The first church dedicated to SS. Cyril and Methodius
in the U.S .A. was a small wooden church built by two
Czech Societies: the Society of St. Wenceslas and the
Society of St. Ludmila in New York.
These two societies were founded in 1874 with the
purpose of building the first church for the growing Czech
colony in New York, in the block between the 1st and 10th
streets and between the Avenues B-D, where the Czechs
were intermingled with the Poles. The Plan for the building
of the church received a new impetus when Rev. A. V.
Vacula came to New York from Baltimore, Md. He was
born on the 15th of August 1845, in Osek, near Olomouc,
in Moravia. He studied in Kromeriz, at the University of
Vienna and at Louvain, Belgium. Here the American
bishops established a seminary into which they accepted
students from the whole of Europe, to prepare them for
work in the ethnic settlements in the U.S.A. Vacula was
accepted as the future priest of the Czech settlement in
Baltimore, Md. Immediately after his consecration in 1870
he left for the U.S.A. and from the beginning of December
he served in the parish of St. Wenceslas, Baltimore, Md.
As the Czech Catholics of New York could not make
progress with their plan, they invited into this parish Rev.
Vacula, who arrived in 1875 and started his work with
great enthusiasm. He immediately bought the land and
the building, Number 316 E. 4th Street for $12,000.00, then
enlarged the building for an outlay of an additional
$6,000.00 and on the 1st of December 1875 the Vicar General
of New York consecrated the Church in the name of SS.
Cyril and Methodius. 3
This was the first church in the U.S.A. to be named
after SS. Cyril and Methodius. And it appeared very appropriate that behind this achievement was a priest from
Moravia. Out of all Slavic countries, in Moravia the cult
of SS. Cyril and Methodius was the deeepest, most widely
spread and most popular. In no other Slavic country were
the names SS. Cyril and Methodius given so often at
baptism as in Moravia. The Cyrillo-Methodian cult spread
from the Moravian Velehrad in all directions and the
102
SLOVAKIA
Slovaks made frequent pilgrimages there as to a source
of spiritual strength.
The New York church dedicated to SS. Cyril and
Methoqius was the first catholic church which was also
attended by "the first Slovak immigrants in that city. When
later this church was closed, they went to the Irish church
of St. Brigitte or to the nearest German or Polish churches
until in 1894 they built the first Slovak Catholic church
dedicated to St. Elizabeth of Hungary. This church was
built in the same street where earlier had been the church
of SS. Cyril and Methodius.
Similarly as amongst the Slovaks, the Cyrillo-Methodian
cult was as widely spread amongst the Czechs, especially
in those districts where also Moravians were settled. After
the first Cyrillo-Methodian church in New York, which
soon closed, there were another 15 churches built in the
U.S.A., namely in:
Bannister, Mich.; Kansas City, Kansas; Chicago, Ill.;
Platoma, Texas; Clarkson, Nebraska; Corpus Christi, Tex.;
Doman, Texas; Dubina, Texas; East St. Louis, Illinois;
Granger, Texas; North Judson, Indiana; Plasi (Prague),
Nebraska; Shiner, Texas ; Tanton, Michigan; Vodnary,
Dakota.
Besides the Slovaks and the Czechs the Cyrillo-Methodian churches were mainly built by Slovenes, Croatians and
·
Poles.
THE UNFULFILLED PLAN OF A NEW CHURCH
OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS IN NEW YORK
The next church in New York which was to bear the
name of SS. Cyril and Methodius was the church originally
dedicated to St. John Nepomucene. That this plan did not
succeed was due mainly to the bitter struggles between
the nationally conscious Slovaks and the Magyarones.
The consecration of the first Slovak Catholic Church
took place in 1894. This was the church of St. Elizabeth
of Hungary. It was around this church that the struggle
between the Slovaks and the Magyars and Magyar sympathizers developed. The night before the consecration the
"Magyarones" removed from the corner stone the plaque
bearing the text written in literary Slovak: "Rim. Kat.
Kostal Sv. Alzbety, Vystavany R. 1892". Instead of this they
SLOVAKIA
103
placed there plaque with a text in Eastern-Slovak dialect :
" Uherszko Szlovenszki Kat. Koscel Szv. Elizabethy Uherszkej, Visztav. R. 1892."
This arnmounted to a declaration of war. The Slovaks
refused to support a Church with a name written in a
distorted Slovak language and in foreign, non-Slovak
orthography. This battle lasted for over a year until finally
Archbishop Corrigan wrote to Slovakia inquiring which
version was correct. When he received the reply he had
the plaque changed as he considered that what was
orthographically incorrect, was of poor taste and unfitting
for a house of God. The Slovaks were jubilant but not
for long as the Archbishop was approached by a delegation
led by a Magyar lawyer Czukor (Jewish by religion) who
persuaded the Archbishop that this struggle was between
the Eastern Orthodox Panslavistic Church and between
Catholicism. The Magyars were the true catholics, a European nation, but the Slovaks were Panslavs, Russofiles
and sympathizers with the Eastern-Orthodoxy. Should this
movement gain power it would dominate the Danubian
Basin and soon it would undermine even the See. of St.
Peter. The Cyrillo-Methodian cult which they spread is
an Eastern-Orthodox religion. The archbishop believed
these arguments and the following day he ordered to put
back the plaque with the text in the Eastern dialect. The
local priest, Rev. Polakovic, protested but the Archbishop
rebuked him and informed him he had to look for a new
parish outside of his diocese. This naturally caused a great
disappointment amongst the Slovaks. A delegation of
Slovaks informed the Archbishop that they would not
attend this church and would not support it but would
built a new Slovak Church. The Archbishop approved the
plans for the new Church. The Slovaks started to work
with enthusiasm and in a few weeks they transformed
an old building into a new church which stood only one
block away on the same street. It was planned that this
church would bear the name of SS. Cyril and Methodius,
this had been already announced in the papers and the
donations for the building paid and it was accepted under
this name.4
But this plan did not materialize. The Archbishop
appointed here a Czech priest, Rev. simonik, who under
104
SLOVAKIA
the pressure from the Archbishop gave the church the name
of St. John Nepomuce ne.
This was the first but also the last time that the
names of SS. Cyril and Methodius were in the disfavor
of an American Bishop.
THE OLDEST CATHOLIC CHURCHE S WITH PATRON
SAINTS SS. CYRIL AND METHODI US
The sudden expansion of the Cyrillo-Me thodian cult
on the American continent was described by Rev. Jozef
Martincek as follows:
"As soon as the Slovak immigrant s settled in the U.S.A.
and began to form their parishes and to build their
churches, the Cyrillo-Me thodian flame, which appeared for
almost extinguishe d, suddenly rekindled in the hearts of
our compatriot s. They almost competed with each other
in their Cyrillo-Me thodian zeal to build and dedicate
churches to them and there is hardly any Slovak church
in the U.S.A. where their picture or their statue would
not be given a distinguish ed place." 5
The Cyrillo-Me thodian cult spread in the U.S.A. due
to the expanding Slovak periodicals and papers, due to
the work of the patriotic Slovak priest and to a great
extent also as a result of a protest against the Magyar
persecutio n at home. The popularity which the cult gained
in the U.S.A. was inconceiva ble in Slovakia of that time.
The first Slovak Catholic Church dedicated to SS.
Cyril and Methodius was built in 1891 in Minneapol is, Minn.
The initiative came from the local Society of SS. Cyril and
Methodius which was founded in 1888 as the first society
on the American soil called after these Saints.
In the same year another church bearing the name
of SS. Cyril and Methodius was opened in Bethlehem , Pa.
The founder of this church was Rev. Heinen, a missionary
of German origin. He was originally an officer in the
German Army but later on he changed the uniform for
a priestly garb and after completing his theological studies
he came to the U.S.A. and worked as a missionary mainly
amongst the Slavic immigrant s in Pennsylvan ia. His assistant in missionary work ( which he directed from Mau
Chung, Pa.) was Rev. Vlossak, a Slovak priest, and it was
due to his influence that the church in Bethlehem , Pa.,
was given the name of SS. Cyril and Methodius .6
SLOVAKIA
105
THE LIST OF THE SLOVAK CHURCHES
OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS IN THE U.S.A.
This example was followed by others and the following
list shows chronologically the founding of the churches
dedicated to the SS. Cyril and Methodius in different parts
of the U.S.A. the brackets show the diocese to which the
parish belonged. 7
1891. Minneapolis, Minn. (St. Paul, Minn. )
1891. Bethlehem, Pa. (Philadelphia, Pa.)
1893. Reading, Pa. (Philadelphia, Pa.)
1895. Brookside, Ala. (Mobile, Ala. )
1898. Haverstraw, N. Y. (New York, N. Y.)
1898. Youngstown, 0. (Youngstown, 0.)
1900. Kingston, Pa. (Scranton, Pa.)
1900. Stockett, Mont. (Great Falls, Mont.)
1900. Joliet, Ill. (Joliet, Ill.)
1900. Stuttgart, Ark. (Little Rock, Ark. )
1901. Edwardsville, Pa.
1902. Charleroi, Pa. (Pittsburgh, Pa. )
1903. Binghamton, N. Y. (Syracuse, N . Y.)
1903. Lakewood, Ohio (Cleveland, Ohio )
1904. Winburne, Pa. (Erie, Pa.)
1905. Lebanon, Pa. (Harrisburg, Pa.)
1905. Windber, Pa. (Altoona, Pa.)
1906. Kansas City, Kans. (Kansas City Kans.)
1906. Barberton, Ohio
1906. Boonton, N. J. (Paterson, N. J.)
1907 . Bridgeport, Conn. (Hartford, Conn.)
1911. East St. Louis, Ill. (Belleville, Ill.)
1911. Fairchance, Pa. (Greensburg, Pa.)
1911. Superior, Wis. (Superior, Wis.)
1912. Rock Spring, Wyoming
1913. Clifton, N . J. (Paterson, N. J.)
1913. Sugar Creek, Mo.
1913. Schenectady, N . Y. (Albany, N . Y.)
1914. Chicago, Ill. (Chicago, Ill.)
1916. New Brighton, Pa. (Pittsburgh, Pa. )
1918. Detroit, Mich. (Detroit, Mich.)
1920. Coaldale, Pa. (Philadelphia, Pa.)
1923. Lisbon Falls, Maine (Portland, Maine )
1923. Rossford, Ohio (Toledo, Ohio)
1928. Warren, Ohio
1949. Slovak Manor, N. Y. (New York, N . Y .)
106
SLOVAKIA
THE GROWTH OF THE CULT
OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS
One of the early articles dealing with the CyrilloMethodian cult appeared in Jednota in 1899. The author,
J. Stas, is critical of Slovak immigrants and of their lack
of devotions to SS. Cyril and Methodius. He makes the
following suggestions about how to pay homage to SS.
Cyril and Methodius.
1. Keep their picture in your house and teach your children
about their life, their work, their contributions to our
faith and our culture.
2. Give their names to your children at baptism.
3. Build and dedicate churches to these Saints and decorate
the existing churches with their statues.
4. Put your societies under their patronage. So far less
than 10 societies have been named after them. Is this
not a disgrace to American Slovaks?
5. The 5th of July should be for the Slovaks a religious
and a national holiday and in this we should learn
from the Irish who so devotedly revere St. Patrick. This
day, or at least the following Sunday, should be devoted
to religious services and sermons in reverence to their
work. On that day also other national and cultural
celebrations should be organized.
"I am asking our priests, our editors and all Slovaks
to spread the cult of SS. Cyril and Methodius amongst
our compatriots, and so preserve their heritage-- our
faith and our culture." 8
But in spite of this exhortation the Slovaks in the
U.S.A. were unable to organize any mass Cyrillo-Methodian
celebrations. Rev. Jozef Martincek, one of the most ardent
promoters of the Cyrillo-Methodian cult, wrote in 1913:
"Why don't we pay the necessary homage to SS. Cyril
and Methodius and why don't we celebrate one day in
a year as their holiday as this was already suggested
before by our compatriots and our brother in Christ,
Michael Bosak. I ask Rev. Furdek and other leading
Slovaks to take up this matter seriously and to present to
the Slovak public a plan for Cyrillo-Methodian celebration."9
SLOVAKIA
107
REV. F. V. SASINEK AND THE CULT
OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS IN THE U.S.A.
In the days when the first Slovak papers commenced
publication in the U.S.A., the 20-30,000 Slovak immigrants
had only two priests and two educated laymen, Wolf and
Slovensky, ( both teachers by profession and editors of
these papers). It took several years before the number
of such laymen together with the priest grew to 25. Naturally, under these circumstances any cultural work was
extremely difficult as it fell on the shoulders of a very
small group of men who besides their cultural work
without monastery remuneration had also to carry on with
their regular employment to provide for themselves and
their families. Therefore, from the very beginning these
men had to look to Slovakia for new help in their cultural
and national work.
The most enthusiastic and successful of such early
workers was Rev. F . V. Sasinek, a catholic priest and
a historian. Falling into disgrace of his bishop IpolyiStummer, he left Banska Bystrica and for some years
he lived in Kuty as a guest of his friend Rev. Pukancik.
He then went to Prague and from there to Maria Zell ,
a pilgrimage shrine in Austria, where he served as a confessor of the pilgrims and heard confessions in 12 languages. In this voluntary exile be became greatly interested
in Slovak immigrants to the U.S.A. and as soon as he made
contacts with Rovnianek and Furdek he became the main
contributor to Slovak papers in the U.S.A. 10 He played
especially a very important part in the cultivating of the
Cyrillo-Methodian spirit.
We estimate that approximately 85 ¼' of all Slovak
publications about SS. Cyril and Methodius in the last
century came from the pen of Sasinek. His first literary
contribution published in 1852, was a poem: "Piesen o slovanskych blahozvestcoch", "A song about the missionaries
of the Slavs".11
THE MAIN ADVOCATES OF THE CULT
OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS IN THE U.S.A.
There were many active supporters of the CyrilloMethodian cult among the Catholic priests. Probably the
most active was Rev. Jan Porubsky. He was an ingenious
108
SLOVAKIA
writer, with a general, almost encyclopedic knowledge and
was especially well acquainted with Slovak history. He
began to write from Slovakia for the American Slovak
papers and published a great number of articles about
the life and the significance of the work of SS. Cyril and
Methodius. Similar topics were covered by him in his books
which were published in the U.S.A.12
From among other priests who were in the foreground
of the Cyrillo-Methodian movement it is necessary to
mention especially Stefan Furdek, then Rev. Stas, Rev.
Dianiska, D. D., Rev. Pavco, Rev. Martincek, 13 Rev. Duchon
and out of the younger generation, Rev. Stefan Panik,
Msgr. Mlynarovic, etc.
THE ORDER OF THE SISTERS OF SS. CYRIL
AND METHODIUS
But probably the greatest achievement in this field
can be attributed to Rev. Matus Jankola who founded the
first Slovak teaching order of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and
Methodius.
Dr. Fr. Hrusovsky in his history of this Order notes
the following:
"The Order of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius
has a special place amongst the Slovak Orders in the
U.S.A. because it is a truly Slovak Order. Even more, it is
the only truly Slovak Order. Figuratively speaking we may
say that The Order of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius
is the only Slovak flower in the large bouquet of Slovak
Orders. It was not by coincidence that this Order was not
founded in Slovakia where SS. Cyril and Methodius worked
many centuries ago and where different Orders, fo many
centuries, maintained and developed their heritage. The
fact that this Order was founded in the U.S .A. illustrates
well how bright was the legacy of these Saints amongst
those members of the Slovak nation who had to leave
the mother country and how deep was their determination
to preserve this legacy." 14
REV. DANIEL ZABOJ LAUcEK
AND HIS CONTRIBUTION TO THE CULT
OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS
Amongst the Slovak Protestant pastors it is especially
SLOVAKIA
109
necessary to mention Rev. Daniel Zaboj Laucek who
dedicated his work to the Cyrillo-Methodian ideals when
still in Slovakia and continued in this work on his arrival
in America. In 1885, in Turciansky Sv. Martin he published
the book Sv. Cyril a Metod, apostolovia slovanski, jich
vyznam v cirkvi krest'anskej v6bec a v Slovanstve zvlast'.
Nakladom vlastnym pri pomoci podporovatel'ov slovenskej
spisby. (SS. Cyril and Methodius, Apostles of the Slavs,
their place in Christendom and in Slavdom.) Private edition
with the help of the supporters of the Slovak Literature.
Besides this he published a series of articles : "Po tisic
rokoch." "Pamiatke sv. slovanskych apostolov". (After a
thousand years. In memory of the Saint Apostles of Slavs.)
"Ocenenie jich p6sobenia" (Evaluation of their work) .
"Blizsie o p6sobeni a razu sv. slovanskych apostolov"
(More about the work and the spirit of the Saint Apostles
of the Slavs) . "Pamiatky p6sobenia slovanskych bratov
v nasom narode" (The imprints of the work of the Apostles
of the Slavs in our nation). The series was published in
Ndrodnie Noviny, XVI, 1885, number 1-7 .
Rev. Laucek continued in this work in the U.S.A. and
he wrote about similar topics in "cas" of which he was
an editor for a short time. He also wrote in Slovak Protestant papers especially in Slovensky Hldsnik. Unfortunately
a bibliography of the Slovak publications in the U.S.A.
has never been put together and many of the works have
not been preserved which means a great loss for Slovak
literature.
THE ASSOCIATIONS BEARING THE NAME
OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS
It is of great interest that the Cyrillo-Methodian Cult
first spread amongst the immigrants from Eastern Slovakia. In 1875 the brothers Jan and Juraj Gogola came
to Minneapolis, Minn. and shortly after them Jan Zelenak,
Jan Martonik, and Tomas Ovsak. They came across an
advertisement of the firm Timm Eliot and as they
expected that this was probably a Slovak name, Elias, they
answered the advertisement and applied for work with
that firm. They were accepted and the firm found in them
such good employees that it was willing in future to give
preference to Slovaks. The owner of the firm was very
110
SLOVAKLA
just and humanitarian and the Slovaks were pleased to
work for him. From 1875 on, the number of the Slovaks
in this city grew considerably and in 1878 the brothers
Juraj and Andrej Olha and Jan Martonik thought of the
plan of forming an Association of the Minneapolis Slovaks.
They met on November 12th, 1888 and decided to form
the Association. There is a notation in the minutes of the
first meeting which reads: "As SS. Cyril and Methodius
were our Apostles, it will be appropriate that our Association be placed under their patronage." This resolution
was carried out. In 1891 the Association formed the first
Slovak Catholic parish in the U.S.A. called after the two
Apostles. This was the beginning of our active CyrilloMethodian cult amongst the American Slovaks. The men
who were first preoccupied with this idea in the U.S.A.
came from Bystre in saris county. 15
The first branch of "Narodny Slovensky Spolok" which
put itself under the patronage of SS. Cyril and Methodius
was the local branch No. 8, in Youngstown, Ohio. Rev.
Horvath, and ardent Slovak Catholic priest, was in Youngstown at that time and it is likely that the Branch accepted
the name of SS. Cyril and Methodius on his suggestion. 16
It will be of interest to note that one of the cofounders of
the branch was John smigovsky, the grandfather of the
colonel smigovsky, who for his service to the Slovak
Republic was sentenced to death in 1946 by the pro-Communist National Tribunal under the chairmanship of Igor
Daxner. Daxner recommended an amnesty, however, the
chairman of the Slovak National Council refused to deal
with this request on technical grounds and Smigovsky was
executed the following day. Colonel smigovsky was born
in the U.S.A. but was educated in Slovakia.
THE CULT OF SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS
IN CANADA
The possition of the Slovak immigrants to Canada
was quite different from that of the immigration to the
U.S.A. The immigration to Canada reached noticeable
proportions only after the First World War when immigration to the U.S.A. became restricted and the quotas allowed
were quickly filled. Unable to obtain admission to the
U.S.A. many immigrants choose Canada, often with plans
to seek admission to the U.S.A. later. The immigrants
SLOVAKIA
111
who come to Canada were of a different political background than those who in the previous century went to
the U.S.A. They experienced the First World War, the
political upheavals which followed, many of them went to
Slovak schools and were on a higher cultural level than
the generation who before them went to the U.S.A. They
were more aware of national and political problems. There
were no Magyarones amongst them and regardless of their
political affiliations they declared themselves as Slovaks.
Only a very small number of them believed that Slovaks
ceased to exist as an individual nation and that a new
"Czechoslovak" nation emerged.
The first Catholic church in Canada dedicated to SS.
Cyril and Methodius was a small church built in 1906 in
Bellevue, Alberta.
The oldest parish called after SS. Cyril and Methodius
is the Montreal parish which was established in 1928.
Similar parishes were formed in Toronto in 1934 and
in Windsor in 1940. New parishes were founded following
a new wave of immigrants after the Second World War.
Amongst them are the parishes of SS. Cyril and Methodius
in Hamilton, Ontario of 1945 and in Westminster, B. C.
of 1960. 17
EPILOG
The Cyrillo-Methodian ideology did not find favorable
ground in Czecho-Slovakia after 1918 due to a strong
anti-Catholic feeling of the ruling Czechs. But the Slovaks,
in spite of many difficulties, were able to make progress
in every direction. The ranks of the intelligentsia grew,
the letters and the sciences advanced even in those fields
where there was not one Slovak representative before.
And slowly also the Cyrillo-Methodian ideas became better
known to the masses. There were many who thought this
development was too slow. Thus we read: "It is a pity that
while the Slovaks in the U.S.A. have 16 parishes and 200
altars in their churches dedicated to SS. Cyril and Methodius, we at home, in Slovakia, have only 16 such altars
in our 2,300 Catholic churches and chapels." 18
The author of course was poorly informed, as the
number-of such parishes in the U.S.A. was not 16 but more
112
SLOVAKIA
than twice that number. As in many other fields of Slovak
affairs only after the formation of the Slovak Republic
definite steps were taken to accept SS. Cyril and Methodius
as national Saints. Their feast in Slovakia was also a day
of commemoration for all Slovaks abroad. Throughout
Slovakia there were festivals, meetings, lectures commemorating the Slovaks who had to leave their fatherland. The
plans were made to build a cathedral to SS. Cyril and
Methodius in Bratislava. Many research projects were
under way and a Cyrillo-Methodian archives and library
were in preparation. But with the loss of political independence these projects also died and with them also much
of the work inspired by bishop Moyses, Fr. Sasinek and
Holly. Out of these endeavors only those that grew abroad,
in the U.S.A. and in Canada survived. But we believe that,
in this age when even small nations and tribes throughout
Africa are gaining independence, it will not be possible
to beep in chains a nation which already 1,100 years ago
belonged to the cultured and Christian nations of Europe
and this mainly through the work of SS. Cyril and
Methodius.19
FOOTNOTES AMI) LITERATURE
1) See Dr. F . Hrusovsky: frska misia a zaciatky krest'anstva (The Irish
Mission and the Beginning of Christianity), pp. 41-65, and also by
the same author Slovenski v ladari (Slovak Rulers ), Scranton 1948,
p. 263.
2) Ries, Viliam : Frantisek Richard Osvald (Trnava, 1939), pp. 87, 93 .
3) Goulding, S: Catholic Churches of New York City, with sketches
of their history and lives of the present Pastors, (New York, 1878 ),
pp. 748.
4) Culen, K.: Dejiny newyorskych Slovcikov (The History of t he Slovaks
of New York) .
5) " Oslava cyrilometodejska, 863-1863-1913," Kalendcir Jednota, 1913,
p. 129.
6) Fink, Leo, Gregory: Monsignor Heinen, Militant Missionary , The
Dolphin Press, (P hiladelphia, Pa. 1937) , p. 75.
7 ) Hrobak, Philip: Slovak Catholic Parishes and Institution in the
United States of America, (Middletown, Pa. 1955), pp. 32, 34, 39,
42, 50, 52, 63, 65, 68, 70, 81 , 84, 87, 90, 92, 99, 105, 106, 107, 121, 132,
134, 146, 152, 154, 162. See also Piroch, Mary: "American Slovaks
and SS. Cyril and Methodius," Slovakia Vol. XIII, N. 1/36, March
1963, pp. 25-28 ; ~ofranec, Tomas, Rev.: "Sv. Cyril a Metod a m y
americki Slovaci" ( SS. Cyril and Methodi us and American Slovaks).
Ave Maria, XLVII, No. 4, April 1, 1963, pp.175-176; Slovenske osady
v Amerike, (Slovak Parishes in the U.S.A.), Kalendar Jednota for
SLOVAKIA
113
1906, pp. 23 , 51, 53-57, 73 , 81, 109, 113, 114; Baska, Louis, O.S.B.:
Slovenske katolicke osady v Spojenych Statoch (Slovak Catholic
Parishes in the U.S.A.) , Katolicke Slovensko (Trnava) , p. 623 ;
Kushner, Jozef, Rev.: Slovaci katolici pittsburghskeho biskupstva
( Slovak Catholics of the Pittsburgh Diocese), Katolicky Sokol
(Passaic, 1946) , p. 174.
8 ) J ednota, July 12, 1899.
9) Kalendcir Jednota, 1913, p. 130.
10) The first biography of SS. Cyril and Methodius started publicatio n
in Jednota on the 18th January, 1899, and continued in a long
series of articles. The author was Rev. Fr. Sasinek.
11) See Katolicke Noviny, 1852, 1st year, No. 35.
12) Porubsky, Jan Rev.: 100 rokov spisovnej slovenciny (One Hundred
Years of Literary Slovak), Scranton, Pa.; Slovaci a slovencina
(Slovaks and the Slovak language). This was edited anonymously,
but it was the work of Rev. Porubsky, Katolicky Sokol, 1929, p . 114.
13 ) Martincek, Jozef, Rev. : "Oslava cyrilometodejska" (The CyrilloMethodian Jubilee) 863-1863-1913 ; Kalendcir Jednota, 1913, pp. 129135. " Oslava sv. Cyrila a Metoda v dobe Moysesa a dnes" (The
Cyrillo-Methodian Celebration at the time of Moyses and Today),
Kalendcir Sviitovojtessky, 1936, pp. 119-125.
14) Hrusovsky, Franti.sek, Dr. : Slovenske rehole v Amerike (Slovak
Religious Orders in the U. S.A. ), Cleveland, Ohio 1935, p.496. See
Chapter: Kongregacia sestier sv. Cyrila a Metoda, Danville, P a.
(Congregation of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Danville,
Pa.), pp. 161-232. This Chapter has a detailed bibliography on
pages 231-232 ; See also Pauco, Jozef: Matus Jankola, knaz a ncirodovec (Matus Jankola as a priest and a patriot) , Danville, Pa. , p . 173.
15) Pamiitnik Spolku sv. Cyrila a Metoda (Almanac of SS. Cyril and
Methodius), No. 3, I.K.S.J. , Minneapolis, Minn. 1888-1938.
16) V. S. Platek: Nase odbory , D ejiny a pamiitnica 60 . vyrocia N. S.S.
(Our Associations. The Memoirs of the 60th Anniversary of the
National Slovak Society), Pittsburgh, Pa. , pp. 225-392.
17) On the religious organization of Canadian Slovaks, see J . M. Kirschbaum, Slovaks in Canada, (Toronto, 1967) , pp. 227-276.
18) Kalendcir Sviitovojtessky (St. Adalbert's Almanac ), 1936, p. 125.
19) On the Cyrillo-Methodian tradition in Slovakia, see Prof. J . M.
Kirschbaum "The Role of the Cyrillo-Methodian Tradition in Slovak
Na tional Life," Slovak Studies, Vol. III, (Rome, 1963 ) .
•
THE SWVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA heartily commends all efforts of our governmental and other organs
to ferret out and unmask all Communists and fellow travellers, as well as all persons and organizations who wittingly
or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of
Communism promoted by the Soviet Union.
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Title
A name given to the resource
The Cult of SS. Cyril and Methodius Amongst the Slovaks in U.S.A. and Canada
Description
An account of the resource
K. Čulen
trans. and adapted by J. M. Kirschbaum
Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972
pp. 98-113
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Čulen, Konštantín, 1904-1964
Kirschbaum, Jozef M., 1913-2001
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A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1972
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114
SLOVAKIA
America's Discovery
of Ethnic Values
A . V . Pi
e r, 0. S. B.
Strangely enough after almost two hundred years since
the founding of this Republic an important and vital
discovery has been made by American scholars and educators, namely, that the people of America have been misled
into thinking that complete amalgamation is the best and
only formula for insuring a strong, united, enlightened
and prosperous country. This trend until recently has been
pushed officially and unofficially towards the elimination
of individual nationality traits, all foreign languages,
traditions, etc., according to the erstwhile popular but
misguided melting-pot idea. Fortunately, at long last this
trend has been radically reversed because the idea that
was in vogue for so long a time without seriously questioned has been abandoned because its effects have been
detrimental to our society. Its aim was to produce a monolithic entity without historic roots, without a past, without
a trace of ethnic origins. The process was supposed to
produce a new nation devoid of any links with the past.
Such an unrealistic approach was doomed to failure from
the start. It is a wonder it took so long to expose the
falseness of the whole idea i na society that is known for
it practicality and realistic approach to any problem.
Exalted expectations of one hundred percent Americanism as the end result of total consolidation through total
immersion and submersion in a common melting-pot, so
to speak, went askew despite concerted efforts of government and educational agencies to produce by distillation
a completely simon pure product or creation, that is,
a standarized version of the new American.
Cultural values are enduring. They do not, as a general
rule, vanish completely from existence. Very often they
become adopted to new surroundings and circumstances
of time and place. For example, both the Greek and Roman
�SLOVAKIA
115
cultures, though pagan, were in a different way adapted
to the emerging new Chr:ilstian culture that followed the
decline and fall of the Roman Empire. Many of the best
phases of that Greco-Roman civilization still influence the
western world.
What are some of the genuinely worthwhile ethnic
values that were downgraded almost to the point of extinction in our time? Since they deal largely with many
diversified form that require a thorough study of the
various languages, literatures a histories of some fifty
ethnic groups in our country it would require at least
several volumes to analyze and evaluate them properly
and adequately. Already serious research is being done
in this direction. When this essential work is completed
we will have a veritable treasure trove of cultural values
whose intrinsic worth will exceed by far anything the
world has ever seen. Other nations may boast of their
own distinct cultural riches but our collection will contain
the finest gifts of fifty cultures from around the globe.
Appraisal of our potential wealth will include, we feel
certain, the unique cultural qualities of Slovak national
culture which the American Slovaks have fostered and
cherished since their coming to this country almost a
century ago. So far we have not given much attention to
the signs of Slovak culture which are actually all around
us, particularly in localities where large numbers of immigrants from Slovakia settled. We have our own churches ,
schools, societies, clubs, newspapers, magazines, radio program, plays, music and literature both prose and poetry.
It is only a matter of time until all these will be properly
recorded, evaluated and publicized to show how truly great
is our Slovak culture not only in Slovakia but here in our
very midst in America.
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA firmly believes
in the American principle of self-determination of all nations, the inherent and God-given right of every nation,
whether large or small, to freedom and independence, the
right of every nation to freely choose its own form of
government and freely elect persons of its own choice by
whom it shall be governed.
�
114
SLOVAKIA
America's Discovery
of Ethnic Values
A . V . Pi
e r, 0. S. B.
Strangely enough after almost two hundred years since
the founding of this Republic an important and vital
discovery has been made by American scholars and educators, namely, that the people of America have been misled
into thinking that complete amalgamation is the best and
only formula for insuring a strong, united, enlightened
and prosperous country. This trend until recently has been
pushed officially and unofficially towards the elimination
of individual nationality traits, all foreign languages,
traditions, etc., according to the erstwhile popular but
misguided melting-pot idea. Fortunately, at long last this
trend has been radically reversed because the idea that
was in vogue for so long a time without seriously questioned has been abandoned because its effects have been
detrimental to our society. Its aim was to produce a monolithic entity without historic roots, without a past, without
a trace of ethnic origins. The process was supposed to
produce a new nation devoid of any links with the past.
Such an unrealistic approach was doomed to failure from
the start. It is a wonder it took so long to expose the
falseness of the whole idea i na society that is known for
it practicality and realistic approach to any problem.
Exalted expectations of one hundred percent Americanism as the end result of total consolidation through total
immersion and submersion in a common melting-pot, so
to speak, went askew despite concerted efforts of government and educational agencies to produce by distillation
a completely simon pure product or creation, that is,
a standarized version of the new American.
Cultural values are enduring. They do not, as a general
rule, vanish completely from existence. Very often they
become adopted to new surroundings and circumstances
of time and place. For example, both the Greek and Roman
�SLOVAKIA
115
cultures, though pagan, were in a different way adapted
to the emerging new Chr:ilstian culture that followed the
decline and fall of the Roman Empire. Many of the best
phases of that Greco-Roman civilization still influence the
western world.
What are some of the genuinely worthwhile ethnic
values that were downgraded almost to the point of extinction in our time? Since they deal largely with many
diversified form that require a thorough study of the
various languages, literatures a histories of some fifty
ethnic groups in our country it would require at least
several volumes to analyze and evaluate them properly
and adequately. Already serious research is being done
in this direction. When this essential work is completed
we will have a veritable treasure trove of cultural values
whose intrinsic worth will exceed by far anything the
world has ever seen. Other nations may boast of their
own distinct cultural riches but our collection will contain
the finest gifts of fifty cultures from around the globe.
Appraisal of our potential wealth will include, we feel
certain, the unique cultural qualities of Slovak national
culture which the American Slovaks have fostered and
cherished since their coming to this country almost a
century ago. So far we have not given much attention to
the signs of Slovak culture which are actually all around
us, particularly in localities where large numbers of immigrants from Slovakia settled. We have our own churches ,
schools, societies, clubs, newspapers, magazines, radio program, plays, music and literature both prose and poetry.
It is only a matter of time until all these will be properly
recorded, evaluated and publicized to show how truly great
is our Slovak culture not only in Slovakia but here in our
very midst in America.
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA firmly believes
in the American principle of self-determination of all nations, the inherent and God-given right of every nation,
whether large or small, to freedom and independence, the
right of every nation to freely choose its own form of
government and freely elect persons of its own choice by
whom it shall be governed.
�
Dublin Core
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Title
A name given to the resource
1972, Vol. 22
Description
An account of the resource
Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972.
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
The Slovak League of America
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1972
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114
SLOVAKIA
America's Discovery
of Ethnic Values
A . V . Pi
e r, 0. S. B.
Strangely enough after almost two hundred years since
the founding of this Republic an important and vital
discovery has been made by American scholars and educators, namely, that the people of America have been misled
into thinking that complete amalgamation is the best and
only formula for insuring a strong, united, enlightened
and prosperous country. This trend until recently has been
pushed officially and unofficially towards the elimination
of individual nationality traits, all foreign languages,
traditions, etc., according to the erstwhile popular but
misguided melting-pot idea. Fortunately, at long last this
trend has been radically reversed because the idea that
was in vogue for so long a time without seriously questioned has been abandoned because its effects have been
detrimental to our society. Its aim was to produce a monolithic entity without historic roots, without a past, without
a trace of ethnic origins. The process was supposed to
produce a new nation devoid of any links with the past.
Such an unrealistic approach was doomed to failure from
the start. It is a wonder it took so long to expose the
falseness of the whole idea i na society that is known for
it practicality and realistic approach to any problem.
Exalted expectations of one hundred percent Americanism as the end result of total consolidation through total
immersion and submersion in a common melting-pot, so
to speak, went askew despite concerted efforts of government and educational agencies to produce by distillation
a completely simon pure product or creation, that is,
a standarized version of the new American.
Cultural values are enduring. They do not, as a general
rule, vanish completely from existence. Very often they
become adopted to new surroundings and circumstances
of time and place. For example, both the Greek and Roman
SLOVAKIA
115
cultures, though pagan, were in a different way adapted
to the emerging new Chr:ilstian culture that followed the
decline and fall of the Roman Empire. Many of the best
phases of that Greco-Roman civilization still influence the
western world.
What are some of the genuinely worthwhile ethnic
values that were downgraded almost to the point of extinction in our time? Since they deal largely with many
diversified form that require a thorough study of the
various languages, literatures a histories of some fifty
ethnic groups in our country it would require at least
several volumes to analyze and evaluate them properly
and adequately. Already serious research is being done
in this direction. When this essential work is completed
we will have a veritable treasure trove of cultural values
whose intrinsic worth will exceed by far anything the
world has ever seen. Other nations may boast of their
own distinct cultural riches but our collection will contain
the finest gifts of fifty cultures from around the globe.
Appraisal of our potential wealth will include, we feel
certain, the unique cultural qualities of Slovak national
culture which the American Slovaks have fostered and
cherished since their coming to this country almost a
century ago. So far we have not given much attention to
the signs of Slovak culture which are actually all around
us, particularly in localities where large numbers of immigrants from Slovakia settled. We have our own churches ,
schools, societies, clubs, newspapers, magazines, radio program, plays, music and literature both prose and poetry.
It is only a matter of time until all these will be properly
recorded, evaluated and publicized to show how truly great
is our Slovak culture not only in Slovakia but here in our
very midst in America.
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA firmly believes
in the American principle of self-determination of all nations, the inherent and God-given right of every nation,
whether large or small, to freedom and independence, the
right of every nation to freely choose its own form of
government and freely elect persons of its own choice by
whom it shall be governed.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
America's Discovery of Ethnic Values
Description
An account of the resource
A. V. Pier, O.S.B.
Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972
pp. 114-115
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Pier, Andrew W., 1910-2003
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1972
name
-
https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/45adc31d44d6443594a03d4e370d57f1.pdf
c2242299f2efa63f4c444c374ab3e92d
PDF Text
Text
116
SLOVAKIA
Historical and Empirical Methods
of Studying Slovak-Americans
as A Distinct Ethnic Group
By Dr. Steven I. Miller
Any attempt to study a given group of people is a
difficult task because it required and presupposes a host
of complicated procedures and insights into the workings
of that group. That is, the group must be "understood"
(to use Max Weber's term) on several levels: historical,
linguistic, demographic, familial, political, economic and
so on. Unless a composite picture of the social grouping
is made available on the variables mentioned above, it is
virtually impossible to obtain a mature understanding of
that group's values, beliefs and life-styles.
How then should this task of understanding a group
of people be undertaken? There are several approaches
to the problem, and we will attempt to deliniate, in a broad
perspective, some of them. My thesis is that Slovaks in
America have not been, until very recently, studied in any
systematic fashion, and that because of this oversight, the
Slovak-American community is not well known to scholars
and laymen. I also believe that this paucity of systematic
research has caused fragmentation and alienation within
the Slovak-American community, and is exemplified in
a general lack of interests in things Slovak by second and
third generation Slovak-Americans.
There has also been, I believe, an over emphasis by
certain scholars on the political problems within Slovakia
itself, with a subsequent neglect of studying in depth the
issues that have concerned Slovak-Americans more recently. Now, I am not arguing that the political-historical issues
concerning the Slovaks in Slovakia, past and present, be
overlooked or minimized in any way. This perspective is
needed and merits further research. But the issue now,
I believe, is one of balance or priorities. Second and third
�SLOVAKIA
117
generation Slovak-Americans find it increasingly difficult
to identify in any meaningful fashion with the historicalpolitical problems of Slovakia since 1918. The issues have
become too distant in space and time engender a spirit
of concern within this younger group. Thus a dilemma
ensues: on the one hand there is the necessity of specifying
the historical problems (in terms of political and moral
issues ) of Slovaks as a unique national group with the
possibility of losing the interest of native born SlovakAmericans; on the other hand is the problem of concentrating too exclusively on the concerns of contemporary
Slovak-Americans and de-emphasizing their historical ties
with Slovakia.
My own feelings are that the second emphasis will
in the long run be the most beneficial for all Slovaks.
Namely, the in-depth and scholarly attempt to study SlovakAmerican communities in terms of historical origins and
contemporary problems. How then can we go about fulfilling this task? The first step is to understand a little
more about the nature of historical and empirical research.
A NEED FOR DEFINING THE PROBLEM:
THE HISTORICAL APPROACH
Before a group of people can be studied in any systematic fashion, it is necessary to determine some type of
general approach. The approach (or methodology as it is
called) that one chooses will in turn permit him to view
the situation in a certain way, and to draw certain
conclusions from what he observes. These conclusions,
if they are based on a sufficient amount of evidence, will
then permit the investigator to draw appropriate conclusions or relationships about the group he is studying.
Thus the historical approach will specify a problem
( or a hypothesis) that is decided upon as being worthy
of further research. For example, one might want to study
the history of the first permanent Slovak community in
the United States; or, within this framework, look at the
role of the priest in relation to newly arrived immigrants.
Historical research is vital because as F . Kerlinger states,
"it is the critical investigation of events, developments and
experiences of the past, the careful weighing of evidence
of the validity of sources of information on the past, and
�118
SLOVAKIA
the interpretation of the weighted evidence." 1 Within this
framework, the ethnic historian is particularly concerned
with examining written sources in order to determine the
quality and quantity of evidence available for the substantiation of his hypothesis. He is basically concerned with
primary sources ( original records, minutes of meetings,
etc.) and in the methods of internal and external criticism.2
External criticism is concerned with establishing the
validity of the sources used, while internal criticism focuses
on the content of the documents, themselves. Kerlinger
points out the necessity of historiography when he cites
the conclusions of the Social Science Research Council.3
Historiography has a necessary relevance to all the soda!
sciences, to the humanities, and to the formulation of public and
private policies because (1) all the data used in the social sciences,
in the humanities, and in the formulation of public and private
policies are drawn from records of, experience in, or writing about
the past; because (2) all policies respecting human affairs, public
or private, and all generalizations of a nonstatistical character in
the social sciences and in the humanities involve interpretations of
or assumptions about the past; and because (3) all workers in the
social sciences and in the humanities are personalities of given
times, places, and experience whose tmnking is consequently in some
measure conditioned and determined my the historical circumstances of their lives and experiences.
Thus, as a starting point in defining the approaches
that may be fruitfully used in studying Slovak-Americans,
we can see the necessity for beginning the investigation
with a solid basis in htstoriography. From this perspective
a further methodology can be defined, namely, the social
science or empirical approach. 4
SOCIAL SCIENCE APPROACHES TO ETHNIC STUDIES
The empirical approach to understanding group behavior utilizes the perspective of history, while at the same
time focusing on a more specific problem that is of interest
to the researcher. The empirical approach holds that there
is an objective world containing "meaning" in the form
of patterns of behavior, and that the task of the social
scientist is to recognize these behaviors, and interpret
them in such a way as to arrive at both their overt and
covert meaning. The tactic that is employed in the empirical
approach is, basically, what has become known as the
scientific method. That is, one formulates a problem that
�SLOVAKIA
119
is deemed worthy of study; a hypothesis is put forward
that states a certain relationship about the problem under
study; the hypothesis is subjected to some type of test (in
many cases statistical); and a conclusion, subject to the
limits of the quality and quantity of evidence is put forth
either substantiating or refuting the hypothesis.
What is crucial in this approach is that one must take
pains in the beginning of the investigation to formulate
the problem as precisely as possible. This is why a hypothesis (or hypotheses) is necessary. A hypothesis is an
assumption, a guess, or as Kerlinger says, "a conjectural
statement about the relationship between two or more
observed phenomena or variables. 5 Thus, one might wish
to investigate the relationship between the Slovaks' commitment to their religious beliefs and the tendency to build
parochial schools; or, perhaps, examine the correlation
between Slovak attitudes toward education and the intergenerational mobility of their children.
What we are suggesting here is that there are many
more aspects of Slovak culture that can be identified,
studied, made known and preserved, and that empirical
investigation is only concerned with the compilation of
meaningless statistics, or that it will obscure the unique
"flavor" of Slovak culture. This need not be the case. What
the empirical method of investigation strives to do is to
bring to the surface the complexities of values and beliefs
of a group of people and, by implication, their uniqueness.
Empirical investigation also has the corollary effect of
describing and explaining those characteristics that bind
and hold a group together. The famous Polish Sociologist,
Florian Znaniecki,6 in trying to explain the nature of the
sociological investig·ation that he used in his classic work
The Polish Peasant, states:
Thus all generalizations constituting the common-sense social
theory and based on individual experience are both insignificant
and subject to innumerable exceptions. A sociology that accepts
them necessarily condemns itself to remain in the same methodological stage, and a practice based upon them must be as insecure
and as full of failures as is the activity of every individual.
Znaniecki, however, goes on to state that sound empirical investigation has the effect of eventually explaining
individual behavior more clearly. He goes on to state,7
�120
SLOVAKIA
Whenever, now, this "practical" sociology makes an effort to
get above the level of popular generalizations by the study of social
reality instead of relying upon individual experience, it still preserves the same method as the individual in his personal reflection;
investigation always goes on with an immediate reference to practical aims, and the standards of the desirable and undesirable are
the ground upon which theoretic problems are approached.
Thus, empirical research is an attempt to identify
specific problems of interest, and subject these problems
to the scrutiny of the scientific (in a broad sense) method.
We have now identified the historical and empirical approaches to the study of group behavior as being two
powerful tools that the researcher is able to use in arriving
at "meaning" for social phenomena. I believe a further
positive step in studying Slovak-Americans would be to
incorporate both methodological approaches into a larger
perspective.
A SYNTHESIS OF HISTORICAL- EMPIRICAL
INVESTIGATION
A perspective that incorporates historiography and
a social science empirical approach is needed on two
accounts: to broaden the area of investigation for scholars
in general, and to insure that a body of well researched
and validated knowledge be made available for future
generations of people interested in their ethnic heritage.
I am positing this approach not as a grand synthesis of
two methodological systems to inquiry, but rather to
deliniate the thrust of research that is needed to fulfill
a large knowledge-gap existing about Slovak-Americans.
The historical-social science approach combines the broader inquiry of the historian with the more specialized interest
of the social scientist. This type of analysis is supported
by a fairly substantial body of research. 8 More specifically,
this type of research is now being undertaken by scholars
interested in Slovak-American developments. Of particular
relevance here is the research being carried on by the
University of Minnesota.9 There is, to begin with, a large
body of available material on Slovak-Americans that can
be ascertained from examining the insurance application
files of the First Catholic Slovak Union. The information
from these files provides a vast amount of historical information that can give us an accurate profile of the Slovak
�SLOVAKIA
121
emigrating to America. From these sources, the researcher
is able to gather a composite picture of Slovak-American
life.
Thus, as Stolarik points out, " we can deduce the
relative number of people who emigrated from each county,
each village, each city . . . In addition, we can compare
the grouping of people in the individual lodges at the
parish level." 10 From this data other generalizations can
be drawn; the amount of horizontal mobility, life expectancy, group cohesion, marriage patterns, length of
residence in America, and so forth. Additional information
is available from parish and lodge records. These records
provide the researcher with data on parish life, relationship
with clergy and the structure of parochial education.
Likewise, newspapers such as Slovak v Amerike and
Jednota are a further source of important historical
materials. Thus, there is an abundance of historical material
in which to set a firm basis for the study of SlovakAmericans .
Now, within this historical framework, the researcher
is also able to concentrate on certain specific aspects of
behavior and apply the methods of the social sciences. For
example, one of the areas that would be of interest to the
sociologist, within the context of Slovak-American communities, would be the nature of social mobility. 11 The idea
of mobility is closely related to the notion of stratification.
That is, the sociologist is interested in the way societies
group their members, and what types of judgements are
placed on the people within the various strata. Once he has
ascertained how the stratification system is constructed,
he can ask whether or not it is possible to "move" from
one strata to another, or the amount and type of mobility
that occurs. These questions are significant to the researcher because from them he can gain a better understaning
to the exact nature of the group he is investigating. For
instance, if the researcher is able to identify a number
of social classes as being representative of a given society,
he can gain a great deal of information as to what different
classes value; what their income and educational levels
are; what occupations are associated with them; how
they raise their children; their mortality rates; associations
they belong to; political attitudes they hold; geographical
�122
SLOVAKIA
areas they occupy, and so forth. With this data, the
investigator can determine what the "life-styles" and "lifechances" are for different groups in a society. 12
For our purpose the point is this: To study SlovakAmericans in tenns of mobility (and this is only one
dimension) patterns is valuable in that a great deal of
useful information can be gotten on changing life-styles
and life-chances. This type of data, in turn, will give us
answers to such questions as the rate of intergenerational
mobility ( differences between father's and son's occupation); the increasing or decreasing educational level of
Slovak-Americans ; and, generally, how well they have
become assimilated within American society.
Many other significant aspects of Slovak-American life
can be examined through social science inquiry. One could
take, as a point of departure for study, the chances within
the structure of the Slovak-American family. A comparison
could be made, for instance, between the structure of the
family from the time of emigration, to the first five or
ten years of living in America. It would be possible then
to study such things as the impact of industrialization
on the family unit, and the methods used to cope with
strain and role conflicts.13 Or one could examine the
cohesiveness of Slovak families as a function of their
religious identity, language or fraternal organizations. The
need for historical background material would, of course,
be necessary here also. Inquiry could continue into such
areas as achievement levels of Slovak-American children
(for any given historical period); the value placed on
education by Slovak families; the role of daughters in
Slovak families; the role of the mother in the family unit,
and so on.
The techniques for investigating these types of questions have been worked out within the social sciences,
and can be fruitfully employed in providing answers to
the above. It is beyond the scope of this article to go into
detail as to the statistical design that would be appropriate
in investigating these questions. The methodology is available, however, and a design can be worked out by persons
trained in these methods. 14
�SLOVAKIA
123
FUTURE DIRECTIONS
What we have been saying is this: Slovaks have made
a distinct and unique contribution to American Society.
They have done this through much hardship, sacrifice, and
the endurance of many types of overt and subtle injustices.
As with any ethnic group, the Slovaks have a right to
emphasize their special contributions in shaping American
society. But in order to know what Slovaks have accomplished here and elsewhere, we must first know more
about them in a systematic and objective way. To do this
requires a frame of mind that is willing to set aside political
controversies that are over a half-century old and that
relate exclusively to Slovakia. It also calls for a change
in attitude in terms of defining Slovak culture in an overly
personal and emotional fashion. That is, equating Slovak
culture with poetic attempts to discover the "true" Slovak
"character"; or with attempts to mythologize certain Slovak
leaders and their alleged contributions to all Slovaks.
This change of attitude also implies a reorganization
of priorities. It calls for supporting historical and scientific
research in studying Slovaks; in taking positions on social
issues; and in the realization that if young people do not
identify in some meaningful way with their Slovak-American heritage, that heritage will not survive. One way to
guarantee the survival of this heritage is, I believe, through
the type of research outlined thus far. It is only by a large
scale emphasis on sound research that a body of knowledge
about Slovak-Americans can be constructed. This in turn
will stimulate further scholarly interest the results of
which will be incorporated, formally, within the structure
of higher education and passed on to others who wish
to carry on the investigation. In summary, is should be
noted again, that objective research does not undermine
the uniqueness of a group's heritage or contributions.
Studying Slovak-Americans objectively does not mean that
one forgets the struggle for freedom that Slovaks have
had to under go, or the religious persecutions they have
been subjected to. Research does not mean that personal
experiences and insights of people do not count, or that
the common-man Slovak is forgotten. What objective
research does do is to give the sons and daughters of
the "average Slovak" a lasting body of knowledge about
�124
SLOVAKIA
their heritage and of the sacrifices and contributions of
their parents and grandparents.
REFERENCES
1) Fred N. Kerlinger, Foundation of Behavioral Research (New York:
Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965), p. 698.
2) Ibid., p . 699.
3) Ibid., p. 700.
4) For an in depth discussion of the scientific method see, May Brodbeck, "Logic And Scientific Method In Research On Teaching," in
Handbook Of Research On Teaching , N. L. Gage, (ed), (Chicago:
Rand McNally and Company, 1963) , pp. 44-93.
5) Kerlinger, p. 14.
6) Florian Znaniecki, On Humanistic Sociology, Robert Bierstedt (ed. ),
(Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1969), p. 58. An excerpt
taken from the "Methodological Note" , William I. Thomas and
Florian Znaniecki, The Polish Peasant in Europe and America (New
York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1927), 1:1-86.
7) Ibid., p. 58.
8) For a compilation of sources using these methods see, Werner J .
Cahnman and Alvin Bosko££ (ed.) , Sociology and History (London:
Free Press, 1964) .
9) I am especially indebted to Mr. M. Mark Stolarik of the University
of Minnesota for permission to use his excellent paper, "The
Immigrant Is Not Anonymous" which was delivered before the
American Educational Research Association, The History of Edu cation Division on March 5, 1970. Mr. Stolarik has done what, I
believe, is pioneering work in the area of Slovak-American ethnic
origins. He has set the important groundwork for further scholarly
efforts (both historical and empirical) in this whole area. As Mr.
Stolarik points out, this type of research is well on its way and
will, if pursued by other scholars, give us a well grounded body
of knowledge on Slovak-Americans. I am using the general outline
of Mr. Stolarik's paper, pp. 1-10, in this part of the discussion.
10) Stolarik, p. 2.
11) Carol Owen, Social Stratification (London: Routledge and Kegan
Paul, 1968), and Melvin M. Tumin, Social Stratification: The Forms
And Functions of Inequality (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1967), pp. 56-81.
12) Kurt B. Mayer and Walter Buckley, Class And Society (New York:
Randon House, 1970) , pp. 86-134.
13) Talcott Parsons and Robert F. Bales, Family, Socialization and
Interaction Process ( Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1955), pp.
3-9.
14) See, for example, Delbert C. Miller, Handbook of Research And
Social Measurement (New York: David McKay Company, Inc., 1964) .
�
116
SLOVAKIA
Historical and Empirical Methods
of Studying Slovak-Americans
as A Distinct Ethnic Group
By Dr. Steven I. Miller
Any attempt to study a given group of people is a
difficult task because it required and presupposes a host
of complicated procedures and insights into the workings
of that group. That is, the group must be "understood"
(to use Max Weber's term) on several levels: historical,
linguistic, demographic, familial, political, economic and
so on. Unless a composite picture of the social grouping
is made available on the variables mentioned above, it is
virtually impossible to obtain a mature understanding of
that group's values, beliefs and life-styles.
How then should this task of understanding a group
of people be undertaken? There are several approaches
to the problem, and we will attempt to deliniate, in a broad
perspective, some of them. My thesis is that Slovaks in
America have not been, until very recently, studied in any
systematic fashion, and that because of this oversight, the
Slovak-American community is not well known to scholars
and laymen. I also believe that this paucity of systematic
research has caused fragmentation and alienation within
the Slovak-American community, and is exemplified in
a general lack of interests in things Slovak by second and
third generation Slovak-Americans.
There has also been, I believe, an over emphasis by
certain scholars on the political problems within Slovakia
itself, with a subsequent neglect of studying in depth the
issues that have concerned Slovak-Americans more recently. Now, I am not arguing that the political-historical issues
concerning the Slovaks in Slovakia, past and present, be
overlooked or minimized in any way. This perspective is
needed and merits further research. But the issue now,
I believe, is one of balance or priorities. Second and third
�SLOVAKIA
117
generation Slovak-Americans find it increasingly difficult
to identify in any meaningful fashion with the historicalpolitical problems of Slovakia since 1918. The issues have
become too distant in space and time engender a spirit
of concern within this younger group. Thus a dilemma
ensues: on the one hand there is the necessity of specifying
the historical problems (in terms of political and moral
issues ) of Slovaks as a unique national group with the
possibility of losing the interest of native born SlovakAmericans; on the other hand is the problem of concentrating too exclusively on the concerns of contemporary
Slovak-Americans and de-emphasizing their historical ties
with Slovakia.
My own feelings are that the second emphasis will
in the long run be the most beneficial for all Slovaks.
Namely, the in-depth and scholarly attempt to study SlovakAmerican communities in terms of historical origins and
contemporary problems. How then can we go about fulfilling this task? The first step is to understand a little
more about the nature of historical and empirical research.
A NEED FOR DEFINING THE PROBLEM:
THE HISTORICAL APPROACH
Before a group of people can be studied in any systematic fashion, it is necessary to determine some type of
general approach. The approach (or methodology as it is
called) that one chooses will in turn permit him to view
the situation in a certain way, and to draw certain
conclusions from what he observes. These conclusions,
if they are based on a sufficient amount of evidence, will
then permit the investigator to draw appropriate conclusions or relationships about the group he is studying.
Thus the historical approach will specify a problem
( or a hypothesis) that is decided upon as being worthy
of further research. For example, one might want to study
the history of the first permanent Slovak community in
the United States; or, within this framework, look at the
role of the priest in relation to newly arrived immigrants.
Historical research is vital because as F . Kerlinger states,
"it is the critical investigation of events, developments and
experiences of the past, the careful weighing of evidence
of the validity of sources of information on the past, and
�118
SLOVAKIA
the interpretation of the weighted evidence." 1 Within this
framework, the ethnic historian is particularly concerned
with examining written sources in order to determine the
quality and quantity of evidence available for the substantiation of his hypothesis. He is basically concerned with
primary sources ( original records, minutes of meetings,
etc.) and in the methods of internal and external criticism.2
External criticism is concerned with establishing the
validity of the sources used, while internal criticism focuses
on the content of the documents, themselves. Kerlinger
points out the necessity of historiography when he cites
the conclusions of the Social Science Research Council.3
Historiography has a necessary relevance to all the soda!
sciences, to the humanities, and to the formulation of public and
private policies because (1) all the data used in the social sciences,
in the humanities, and in the formulation of public and private
policies are drawn from records of, experience in, or writing about
the past; because (2) all policies respecting human affairs, public
or private, and all generalizations of a nonstatistical character in
the social sciences and in the humanities involve interpretations of
or assumptions about the past; and because (3) all workers in the
social sciences and in the humanities are personalities of given
times, places, and experience whose tmnking is consequently in some
measure conditioned and determined my the historical circumstances of their lives and experiences.
Thus, as a starting point in defining the approaches
that may be fruitfully used in studying Slovak-Americans,
we can see the necessity for beginning the investigation
with a solid basis in htstoriography. From this perspective
a further methodology can be defined, namely, the social
science or empirical approach. 4
SOCIAL SCIENCE APPROACHES TO ETHNIC STUDIES
The empirical approach to understanding group behavior utilizes the perspective of history, while at the same
time focusing on a more specific problem that is of interest
to the researcher. The empirical approach holds that there
is an objective world containing "meaning" in the form
of patterns of behavior, and that the task of the social
scientist is to recognize these behaviors, and interpret
them in such a way as to arrive at both their overt and
covert meaning. The tactic that is employed in the empirical
approach is, basically, what has become known as the
scientific method. That is, one formulates a problem that
�SLOVAKIA
119
is deemed worthy of study; a hypothesis is put forward
that states a certain relationship about the problem under
study; the hypothesis is subjected to some type of test (in
many cases statistical); and a conclusion, subject to the
limits of the quality and quantity of evidence is put forth
either substantiating or refuting the hypothesis.
What is crucial in this approach is that one must take
pains in the beginning of the investigation to formulate
the problem as precisely as possible. This is why a hypothesis (or hypotheses) is necessary. A hypothesis is an
assumption, a guess, or as Kerlinger says, "a conjectural
statement about the relationship between two or more
observed phenomena or variables. 5 Thus, one might wish
to investigate the relationship between the Slovaks' commitment to their religious beliefs and the tendency to build
parochial schools; or, perhaps, examine the correlation
between Slovak attitudes toward education and the intergenerational mobility of their children.
What we are suggesting here is that there are many
more aspects of Slovak culture that can be identified,
studied, made known and preserved, and that empirical
investigation is only concerned with the compilation of
meaningless statistics, or that it will obscure the unique
"flavor" of Slovak culture. This need not be the case. What
the empirical method of investigation strives to do is to
bring to the surface the complexities of values and beliefs
of a group of people and, by implication, their uniqueness.
Empirical investigation also has the corollary effect of
describing and explaining those characteristics that bind
and hold a group together. The famous Polish Sociologist,
Florian Znaniecki,6 in trying to explain the nature of the
sociological investig·ation that he used in his classic work
The Polish Peasant, states:
Thus all generalizations constituting the common-sense social
theory and based on individual experience are both insignificant
and subject to innumerable exceptions. A sociology that accepts
them necessarily condemns itself to remain in the same methodological stage, and a practice based upon them must be as insecure
and as full of failures as is the activity of every individual.
Znaniecki, however, goes on to state that sound empirical investigation has the effect of eventually explaining
individual behavior more clearly. He goes on to state,7
�120
SLOVAKIA
Whenever, now, this "practical" sociology makes an effort to
get above the level of popular generalizations by the study of social
reality instead of relying upon individual experience, it still preserves the same method as the individual in his personal reflection;
investigation always goes on with an immediate reference to practical aims, and the standards of the desirable and undesirable are
the ground upon which theoretic problems are approached.
Thus, empirical research is an attempt to identify
specific problems of interest, and subject these problems
to the scrutiny of the scientific (in a broad sense) method.
We have now identified the historical and empirical approaches to the study of group behavior as being two
powerful tools that the researcher is able to use in arriving
at "meaning" for social phenomena. I believe a further
positive step in studying Slovak-Americans would be to
incorporate both methodological approaches into a larger
perspective.
A SYNTHESIS OF HISTORICAL- EMPIRICAL
INVESTIGATION
A perspective that incorporates historiography and
a social science empirical approach is needed on two
accounts: to broaden the area of investigation for scholars
in general, and to insure that a body of well researched
and validated knowledge be made available for future
generations of people interested in their ethnic heritage.
I am positing this approach not as a grand synthesis of
two methodological systems to inquiry, but rather to
deliniate the thrust of research that is needed to fulfill
a large knowledge-gap existing about Slovak-Americans.
The historical-social science approach combines the broader inquiry of the historian with the more specialized interest
of the social scientist. This type of analysis is supported
by a fairly substantial body of research. 8 More specifically,
this type of research is now being undertaken by scholars
interested in Slovak-American developments. Of particular
relevance here is the research being carried on by the
University of Minnesota.9 There is, to begin with, a large
body of available material on Slovak-Americans that can
be ascertained from examining the insurance application
files of the First Catholic Slovak Union. The information
from these files provides a vast amount of historical information that can give us an accurate profile of the Slovak
�SLOVAKIA
121
emigrating to America. From these sources, the researcher
is able to gather a composite picture of Slovak-American
life.
Thus, as Stolarik points out, " we can deduce the
relative number of people who emigrated from each county,
each village, each city . . . In addition, we can compare
the grouping of people in the individual lodges at the
parish level." 10 From this data other generalizations can
be drawn; the amount of horizontal mobility, life expectancy, group cohesion, marriage patterns, length of
residence in America, and so forth. Additional information
is available from parish and lodge records. These records
provide the researcher with data on parish life, relationship
with clergy and the structure of parochial education.
Likewise, newspapers such as Slovak v Amerike and
Jednota are a further source of important historical
materials. Thus, there is an abundance of historical material
in which to set a firm basis for the study of SlovakAmericans .
Now, within this historical framework, the researcher
is also able to concentrate on certain specific aspects of
behavior and apply the methods of the social sciences. For
example, one of the areas that would be of interest to the
sociologist, within the context of Slovak-American communities, would be the nature of social mobility. 11 The idea
of mobility is closely related to the notion of stratification.
That is, the sociologist is interested in the way societies
group their members, and what types of judgements are
placed on the people within the various strata. Once he has
ascertained how the stratification system is constructed,
he can ask whether or not it is possible to "move" from
one strata to another, or the amount and type of mobility
that occurs. These questions are significant to the researcher because from them he can gain a better understaning
to the exact nature of the group he is investigating. For
instance, if the researcher is able to identify a number
of social classes as being representative of a given society,
he can gain a great deal of information as to what different
classes value; what their income and educational levels
are; what occupations are associated with them; how
they raise their children; their mortality rates; associations
they belong to; political attitudes they hold; geographical
�122
SLOVAKIA
areas they occupy, and so forth. With this data, the
investigator can determine what the "life-styles" and "lifechances" are for different groups in a society. 12
For our purpose the point is this: To study SlovakAmericans in tenns of mobility (and this is only one
dimension) patterns is valuable in that a great deal of
useful information can be gotten on changing life-styles
and life-chances. This type of data, in turn, will give us
answers to such questions as the rate of intergenerational
mobility ( differences between father's and son's occupation); the increasing or decreasing educational level of
Slovak-Americans ; and, generally, how well they have
become assimilated within American society.
Many other significant aspects of Slovak-American life
can be examined through social science inquiry. One could
take, as a point of departure for study, the chances within
the structure of the Slovak-American family. A comparison
could be made, for instance, between the structure of the
family from the time of emigration, to the first five or
ten years of living in America. It would be possible then
to study such things as the impact of industrialization
on the family unit, and the methods used to cope with
strain and role conflicts.13 Or one could examine the
cohesiveness of Slovak families as a function of their
religious identity, language or fraternal organizations. The
need for historical background material would, of course,
be necessary here also. Inquiry could continue into such
areas as achievement levels of Slovak-American children
(for any given historical period); the value placed on
education by Slovak families; the role of daughters in
Slovak families; the role of the mother in the family unit,
and so on.
The techniques for investigating these types of questions have been worked out within the social sciences,
and can be fruitfully employed in providing answers to
the above. It is beyond the scope of this article to go into
detail as to the statistical design that would be appropriate
in investigating these questions. The methodology is available, however, and a design can be worked out by persons
trained in these methods. 14
�SLOVAKIA
123
FUTURE DIRECTIONS
What we have been saying is this: Slovaks have made
a distinct and unique contribution to American Society.
They have done this through much hardship, sacrifice, and
the endurance of many types of overt and subtle injustices.
As with any ethnic group, the Slovaks have a right to
emphasize their special contributions in shaping American
society. But in order to know what Slovaks have accomplished here and elsewhere, we must first know more
about them in a systematic and objective way. To do this
requires a frame of mind that is willing to set aside political
controversies that are over a half-century old and that
relate exclusively to Slovakia. It also calls for a change
in attitude in terms of defining Slovak culture in an overly
personal and emotional fashion. That is, equating Slovak
culture with poetic attempts to discover the "true" Slovak
"character"; or with attempts to mythologize certain Slovak
leaders and their alleged contributions to all Slovaks.
This change of attitude also implies a reorganization
of priorities. It calls for supporting historical and scientific
research in studying Slovaks; in taking positions on social
issues; and in the realization that if young people do not
identify in some meaningful way with their Slovak-American heritage, that heritage will not survive. One way to
guarantee the survival of this heritage is, I believe, through
the type of research outlined thus far. It is only by a large
scale emphasis on sound research that a body of knowledge
about Slovak-Americans can be constructed. This in turn
will stimulate further scholarly interest the results of
which will be incorporated, formally, within the structure
of higher education and passed on to others who wish
to carry on the investigation. In summary, is should be
noted again, that objective research does not undermine
the uniqueness of a group's heritage or contributions.
Studying Slovak-Americans objectively does not mean that
one forgets the struggle for freedom that Slovaks have
had to under go, or the religious persecutions they have
been subjected to. Research does not mean that personal
experiences and insights of people do not count, or that
the common-man Slovak is forgotten. What objective
research does do is to give the sons and daughters of
the "average Slovak" a lasting body of knowledge about
�124
SLOVAKIA
their heritage and of the sacrifices and contributions of
their parents and grandparents.
REFERENCES
1) Fred N. Kerlinger, Foundation of Behavioral Research (New York:
Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965), p. 698.
2) Ibid., p . 699.
3) Ibid., p. 700.
4) For an in depth discussion of the scientific method see, May Brodbeck, "Logic And Scientific Method In Research On Teaching," in
Handbook Of Research On Teaching , N. L. Gage, (ed), (Chicago:
Rand McNally and Company, 1963) , pp. 44-93.
5) Kerlinger, p. 14.
6) Florian Znaniecki, On Humanistic Sociology, Robert Bierstedt (ed. ),
(Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1969), p. 58. An excerpt
taken from the "Methodological Note" , William I. Thomas and
Florian Znaniecki, The Polish Peasant in Europe and America (New
York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1927), 1:1-86.
7) Ibid., p. 58.
8) For a compilation of sources using these methods see, Werner J .
Cahnman and Alvin Bosko££ (ed.) , Sociology and History (London:
Free Press, 1964) .
9) I am especially indebted to Mr. M. Mark Stolarik of the University
of Minnesota for permission to use his excellent paper, "The
Immigrant Is Not Anonymous" which was delivered before the
American Educational Research Association, The History of Edu cation Division on March 5, 1970. Mr. Stolarik has done what, I
believe, is pioneering work in the area of Slovak-American ethnic
origins. He has set the important groundwork for further scholarly
efforts (both historical and empirical) in this whole area. As Mr.
Stolarik points out, this type of research is well on its way and
will, if pursued by other scholars, give us a well grounded body
of knowledge on Slovak-Americans. I am using the general outline
of Mr. Stolarik's paper, pp. 1-10, in this part of the discussion.
10) Stolarik, p. 2.
11) Carol Owen, Social Stratification (London: Routledge and Kegan
Paul, 1968), and Melvin M. Tumin, Social Stratification: The Forms
And Functions of Inequality (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1967), pp. 56-81.
12) Kurt B. Mayer and Walter Buckley, Class And Society (New York:
Randon House, 1970) , pp. 86-134.
13) Talcott Parsons and Robert F. Bales, Family, Socialization and
Interaction Process ( Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1955), pp.
3-9.
14) See, for example, Delbert C. Miller, Handbook of Research And
Social Measurement (New York: David McKay Company, Inc., 1964) .
�
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Title
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1972, Vol. 22
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Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972.
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The Slovak League of America
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116
SLOVAKIA
Historical and Empirical Methods
of Studying Slovak-Americans
as A Distinct Ethnic Group
By Dr. Steven I. Miller
Any attempt to study a given group of people is a
difficult task because it required and presupposes a host
of complicated procedures and insights into the workings
of that group. That is, the group must be "understood"
(to use Max Weber's term) on several levels: historical,
linguistic, demographic, familial, political, economic and
so on. Unless a composite picture of the social grouping
is made available on the variables mentioned above, it is
virtually impossible to obtain a mature understanding of
that group's values, beliefs and life-styles.
How then should this task of understanding a group
of people be undertaken? There are several approaches
to the problem, and we will attempt to deliniate, in a broad
perspective, some of them. My thesis is that Slovaks in
America have not been, until very recently, studied in any
systematic fashion, and that because of this oversight, the
Slovak-American community is not well known to scholars
and laymen. I also believe that this paucity of systematic
research has caused fragmentation and alienation within
the Slovak-American community, and is exemplified in
a general lack of interests in things Slovak by second and
third generation Slovak-Americans.
There has also been, I believe, an over emphasis by
certain scholars on the political problems within Slovakia
itself, with a subsequent neglect of studying in depth the
issues that have concerned Slovak-Americans more recently. Now, I am not arguing that the political-historical issues
concerning the Slovaks in Slovakia, past and present, be
overlooked or minimized in any way. This perspective is
needed and merits further research. But the issue now,
I believe, is one of balance or priorities. Second and third
SLOVAKIA
117
generation Slovak-Americans find it increasingly difficult
to identify in any meaningful fashion with the historicalpolitical problems of Slovakia since 1918. The issues have
become too distant in space and time engender a spirit
of concern within this younger group. Thus a dilemma
ensues: on the one hand there is the necessity of specifying
the historical problems (in terms of political and moral
issues ) of Slovaks as a unique national group with the
possibility of losing the interest of native born SlovakAmericans; on the other hand is the problem of concentrating too exclusively on the concerns of contemporary
Slovak-Americans and de-emphasizing their historical ties
with Slovakia.
My own feelings are that the second emphasis will
in the long run be the most beneficial for all Slovaks.
Namely, the in-depth and scholarly attempt to study SlovakAmerican communities in terms of historical origins and
contemporary problems. How then can we go about fulfilling this task? The first step is to understand a little
more about the nature of historical and empirical research.
A NEED FOR DEFINING THE PROBLEM:
THE HISTORICAL APPROACH
Before a group of people can be studied in any systematic fashion, it is necessary to determine some type of
general approach. The approach (or methodology as it is
called) that one chooses will in turn permit him to view
the situation in a certain way, and to draw certain
conclusions from what he observes. These conclusions,
if they are based on a sufficient amount of evidence, will
then permit the investigator to draw appropriate conclusions or relationships about the group he is studying.
Thus the historical approach will specify a problem
( or a hypothesis) that is decided upon as being worthy
of further research. For example, one might want to study
the history of the first permanent Slovak community in
the United States; or, within this framework, look at the
role of the priest in relation to newly arrived immigrants.
Historical research is vital because as F . Kerlinger states,
"it is the critical investigation of events, developments and
experiences of the past, the careful weighing of evidence
of the validity of sources of information on the past, and
118
SLOVAKIA
the interpretation of the weighted evidence." 1 Within this
framework, the ethnic historian is particularly concerned
with examining written sources in order to determine the
quality and quantity of evidence available for the substantiation of his hypothesis. He is basically concerned with
primary sources ( original records, minutes of meetings,
etc.) and in the methods of internal and external criticism.2
External criticism is concerned with establishing the
validity of the sources used, while internal criticism focuses
on the content of the documents, themselves. Kerlinger
points out the necessity of historiography when he cites
the conclusions of the Social Science Research Council.3
Historiography has a necessary relevance to all the soda!
sciences, to the humanities, and to the formulation of public and
private policies because (1) all the data used in the social sciences,
in the humanities, and in the formulation of public and private
policies are drawn from records of, experience in, or writing about
the past; because (2) all policies respecting human affairs, public
or private, and all generalizations of a nonstatistical character in
the social sciences and in the humanities involve interpretations of
or assumptions about the past; and because (3) all workers in the
social sciences and in the humanities are personalities of given
times, places, and experience whose tmnking is consequently in some
measure conditioned and determined my the historical circumstances of their lives and experiences.
Thus, as a starting point in defining the approaches
that may be fruitfully used in studying Slovak-Americans,
we can see the necessity for beginning the investigation
with a solid basis in htstoriography. From this perspective
a further methodology can be defined, namely, the social
science or empirical approach. 4
SOCIAL SCIENCE APPROACHES TO ETHNIC STUDIES
The empirical approach to understanding group behavior utilizes the perspective of history, while at the same
time focusing on a more specific problem that is of interest
to the researcher. The empirical approach holds that there
is an objective world containing "meaning" in the form
of patterns of behavior, and that the task of the social
scientist is to recognize these behaviors, and interpret
them in such a way as to arrive at both their overt and
covert meaning. The tactic that is employed in the empirical
approach is, basically, what has become known as the
scientific method. That is, one formulates a problem that
SLOVAKIA
119
is deemed worthy of study; a hypothesis is put forward
that states a certain relationship about the problem under
study; the hypothesis is subjected to some type of test (in
many cases statistical); and a conclusion, subject to the
limits of the quality and quantity of evidence is put forth
either substantiating or refuting the hypothesis.
What is crucial in this approach is that one must take
pains in the beginning of the investigation to formulate
the problem as precisely as possible. This is why a hypothesis (or hypotheses) is necessary. A hypothesis is an
assumption, a guess, or as Kerlinger says, "a conjectural
statement about the relationship between two or more
observed phenomena or variables. 5 Thus, one might wish
to investigate the relationship between the Slovaks' commitment to their religious beliefs and the tendency to build
parochial schools; or, perhaps, examine the correlation
between Slovak attitudes toward education and the intergenerational mobility of their children.
What we are suggesting here is that there are many
more aspects of Slovak culture that can be identified,
studied, made known and preserved, and that empirical
investigation is only concerned with the compilation of
meaningless statistics, or that it will obscure the unique
"flavor" of Slovak culture. This need not be the case. What
the empirical method of investigation strives to do is to
bring to the surface the complexities of values and beliefs
of a group of people and, by implication, their uniqueness.
Empirical investigation also has the corollary effect of
describing and explaining those characteristics that bind
and hold a group together. The famous Polish Sociologist,
Florian Znaniecki,6 in trying to explain the nature of the
sociological investig·ation that he used in his classic work
The Polish Peasant, states:
Thus all generalizations constituting the common-sense social
theory and based on individual experience are both insignificant
and subject to innumerable exceptions. A sociology that accepts
them necessarily condemns itself to remain in the same methodological stage, and a practice based upon them must be as insecure
and as full of failures as is the activity of every individual.
Znaniecki, however, goes on to state that sound empirical investigation has the effect of eventually explaining
individual behavior more clearly. He goes on to state,7
120
SLOVAKIA
Whenever, now, this "practical" sociology makes an effort to
get above the level of popular generalizations by the study of social
reality instead of relying upon individual experience, it still preserves the same method as the individual in his personal reflection;
investigation always goes on with an immediate reference to practical aims, and the standards of the desirable and undesirable are
the ground upon which theoretic problems are approached.
Thus, empirical research is an attempt to identify
specific problems of interest, and subject these problems
to the scrutiny of the scientific (in a broad sense) method.
We have now identified the historical and empirical approaches to the study of group behavior as being two
powerful tools that the researcher is able to use in arriving
at "meaning" for social phenomena. I believe a further
positive step in studying Slovak-Americans would be to
incorporate both methodological approaches into a larger
perspective.
A SYNTHESIS OF HISTORICAL- EMPIRICAL
INVESTIGATION
A perspective that incorporates historiography and
a social science empirical approach is needed on two
accounts: to broaden the area of investigation for scholars
in general, and to insure that a body of well researched
and validated knowledge be made available for future
generations of people interested in their ethnic heritage.
I am positing this approach not as a grand synthesis of
two methodological systems to inquiry, but rather to
deliniate the thrust of research that is needed to fulfill
a large knowledge-gap existing about Slovak-Americans.
The historical-social science approach combines the broader inquiry of the historian with the more specialized interest
of the social scientist. This type of analysis is supported
by a fairly substantial body of research. 8 More specifically,
this type of research is now being undertaken by scholars
interested in Slovak-American developments. Of particular
relevance here is the research being carried on by the
University of Minnesota.9 There is, to begin with, a large
body of available material on Slovak-Americans that can
be ascertained from examining the insurance application
files of the First Catholic Slovak Union. The information
from these files provides a vast amount of historical information that can give us an accurate profile of the Slovak
SLOVAKIA
121
emigrating to America. From these sources, the researcher
is able to gather a composite picture of Slovak-American
life.
Thus, as Stolarik points out, " we can deduce the
relative number of people who emigrated from each county,
each village, each city . . . In addition, we can compare
the grouping of people in the individual lodges at the
parish level." 10 From this data other generalizations can
be drawn; the amount of horizontal mobility, life expectancy, group cohesion, marriage patterns, length of
residence in America, and so forth. Additional information
is available from parish and lodge records. These records
provide the researcher with data on parish life, relationship
with clergy and the structure of parochial education.
Likewise, newspapers such as Slovak v Amerike and
Jednota are a further source of important historical
materials. Thus, there is an abundance of historical material
in which to set a firm basis for the study of SlovakAmericans .
Now, within this historical framework, the researcher
is also able to concentrate on certain specific aspects of
behavior and apply the methods of the social sciences. For
example, one of the areas that would be of interest to the
sociologist, within the context of Slovak-American communities, would be the nature of social mobility. 11 The idea
of mobility is closely related to the notion of stratification.
That is, the sociologist is interested in the way societies
group their members, and what types of judgements are
placed on the people within the various strata. Once he has
ascertained how the stratification system is constructed,
he can ask whether or not it is possible to "move" from
one strata to another, or the amount and type of mobility
that occurs. These questions are significant to the researcher because from them he can gain a better understaning
to the exact nature of the group he is investigating. For
instance, if the researcher is able to identify a number
of social classes as being representative of a given society,
he can gain a great deal of information as to what different
classes value; what their income and educational levels
are; what occupations are associated with them; how
they raise their children; their mortality rates; associations
they belong to; political attitudes they hold; geographical
122
SLOVAKIA
areas they occupy, and so forth. With this data, the
investigator can determine what the "life-styles" and "lifechances" are for different groups in a society. 12
For our purpose the point is this: To study SlovakAmericans in tenns of mobility (and this is only one
dimension) patterns is valuable in that a great deal of
useful information can be gotten on changing life-styles
and life-chances. This type of data, in turn, will give us
answers to such questions as the rate of intergenerational
mobility ( differences between father's and son's occupation); the increasing or decreasing educational level of
Slovak-Americans ; and, generally, how well they have
become assimilated within American society.
Many other significant aspects of Slovak-American life
can be examined through social science inquiry. One could
take, as a point of departure for study, the chances within
the structure of the Slovak-American family. A comparison
could be made, for instance, between the structure of the
family from the time of emigration, to the first five or
ten years of living in America. It would be possible then
to study such things as the impact of industrialization
on the family unit, and the methods used to cope with
strain and role conflicts.13 Or one could examine the
cohesiveness of Slovak families as a function of their
religious identity, language or fraternal organizations. The
need for historical background material would, of course,
be necessary here also. Inquiry could continue into such
areas as achievement levels of Slovak-American children
(for any given historical period); the value placed on
education by Slovak families; the role of daughters in
Slovak families; the role of the mother in the family unit,
and so on.
The techniques for investigating these types of questions have been worked out within the social sciences,
and can be fruitfully employed in providing answers to
the above. It is beyond the scope of this article to go into
detail as to the statistical design that would be appropriate
in investigating these questions. The methodology is available, however, and a design can be worked out by persons
trained in these methods. 14
SLOVAKIA
123
FUTURE DIRECTIONS
What we have been saying is this: Slovaks have made
a distinct and unique contribution to American Society.
They have done this through much hardship, sacrifice, and
the endurance of many types of overt and subtle injustices.
As with any ethnic group, the Slovaks have a right to
emphasize their special contributions in shaping American
society. But in order to know what Slovaks have accomplished here and elsewhere, we must first know more
about them in a systematic and objective way. To do this
requires a frame of mind that is willing to set aside political
controversies that are over a half-century old and that
relate exclusively to Slovakia. It also calls for a change
in attitude in terms of defining Slovak culture in an overly
personal and emotional fashion. That is, equating Slovak
culture with poetic attempts to discover the "true" Slovak
"character"; or with attempts to mythologize certain Slovak
leaders and their alleged contributions to all Slovaks.
This change of attitude also implies a reorganization
of priorities. It calls for supporting historical and scientific
research in studying Slovaks; in taking positions on social
issues; and in the realization that if young people do not
identify in some meaningful way with their Slovak-American heritage, that heritage will not survive. One way to
guarantee the survival of this heritage is, I believe, through
the type of research outlined thus far. It is only by a large
scale emphasis on sound research that a body of knowledge
about Slovak-Americans can be constructed. This in turn
will stimulate further scholarly interest the results of
which will be incorporated, formally, within the structure
of higher education and passed on to others who wish
to carry on the investigation. In summary, is should be
noted again, that objective research does not undermine
the uniqueness of a group's heritage or contributions.
Studying Slovak-Americans objectively does not mean that
one forgets the struggle for freedom that Slovaks have
had to under go, or the religious persecutions they have
been subjected to. Research does not mean that personal
experiences and insights of people do not count, or that
the common-man Slovak is forgotten. What objective
research does do is to give the sons and daughters of
the "average Slovak" a lasting body of knowledge about
124
SLOVAKIA
their heritage and of the sacrifices and contributions of
their parents and grandparents.
REFERENCES
1) Fred N. Kerlinger, Foundation of Behavioral Research (New York:
Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965), p. 698.
2) Ibid., p . 699.
3) Ibid., p. 700.
4) For an in depth discussion of the scientific method see, May Brodbeck, "Logic And Scientific Method In Research On Teaching," in
Handbook Of Research On Teaching , N. L. Gage, (ed), (Chicago:
Rand McNally and Company, 1963) , pp. 44-93.
5) Kerlinger, p. 14.
6) Florian Znaniecki, On Humanistic Sociology, Robert Bierstedt (ed. ),
(Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1969), p. 58. An excerpt
taken from the "Methodological Note" , William I. Thomas and
Florian Znaniecki, The Polish Peasant in Europe and America (New
York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1927), 1:1-86.
7) Ibid., p. 58.
8) For a compilation of sources using these methods see, Werner J .
Cahnman and Alvin Bosko££ (ed.) , Sociology and History (London:
Free Press, 1964) .
9) I am especially indebted to Mr. M. Mark Stolarik of the University
of Minnesota for permission to use his excellent paper, "The
Immigrant Is Not Anonymous" which was delivered before the
American Educational Research Association, The History of Edu cation Division on March 5, 1970. Mr. Stolarik has done what, I
believe, is pioneering work in the area of Slovak-American ethnic
origins. He has set the important groundwork for further scholarly
efforts (both historical and empirical) in this whole area. As Mr.
Stolarik points out, this type of research is well on its way and
will, if pursued by other scholars, give us a well grounded body
of knowledge on Slovak-Americans. I am using the general outline
of Mr. Stolarik's paper, pp. 1-10, in this part of the discussion.
10) Stolarik, p. 2.
11) Carol Owen, Social Stratification (London: Routledge and Kegan
Paul, 1968), and Melvin M. Tumin, Social Stratification: The Forms
And Functions of Inequality (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1967), pp. 56-81.
12) Kurt B. Mayer and Walter Buckley, Class And Society (New York:
Randon House, 1970) , pp. 86-134.
13) Talcott Parsons and Robert F. Bales, Family, Socialization and
Interaction Process ( Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1955), pp.
3-9.
14) See, for example, Delbert C. Miller, Handbook of Research And
Social Measurement (New York: David McKay Company, Inc., 1964) .
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Historical and Empirical Methods of Studying Slovak-Americans as a Distinct Ethnic Group
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Dr. Steven I. Miller
Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972
pp. 116-124
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SLOVAKIA
125
The Slovak Experience In
Contemporary America
Daniel F. Tanzone
It shall be my design in this paper to look objectively
at the problems and other pertinent sociological data
regarding the history, growth and development of the
Slovak immigrant in contemporary America. It shall be
a study from the point of an American who is of Slovak
ancestry, although this might tend to make the paper
onesided and bias, I shall endeavor to present an objective
view of the situation and problems in present day America.
I shall consider the Slovaks to be one of America's
minorities. The Slovaks can be considered minorities. For
my purpose the definition will prove suggestive. Minorities
are subgroups within a culture which are distinguishable
from the dominant group by reason of difference in
physiognomy, language, customs or culture-patterns (including any combination of these factors).
I shall also consider the Slovaks as one of the many
immigrant groups who "have made it" in America. Their
development and eventual climb to success was brought
about by overcoming great difficulties. The role played
by one of the institutions of society, notably the Church,
proved to be the most important single factor and in some
ways one of the greatest problems for the Slovaks' emancipation from the ghettos of narrow-minded Little Slovakias
in countless numbers of American cities.
Victims of oppression have always looked upon
migration to a new land with a promise of freedom and
equal opportunity as their mecca. And in the late years
of the last century in order to be free of social injustice,
economic serfdom, or the threat of national liquidation,
the oppressed peoples of central, southern and eastern
Europe have constantly looked toward the United States
as a haven. The Slovak of the nineteenth and early twentieth
century was no exception. Harrassed at home, subject
to the insidious pressures of Magyarization, which sought
�126
SLOVAKIA
to deprive them of their national character and identity
literally thousands of thousands of Slovak families sought
refuge in the new world.
Slovaks began to emigrate in great numbers to America
in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. "From the
year 1880 until the outbreak of World War I, Slovakia lost
more than 550,000 people through emigration to America,
over 22 per cent of her total population." 1 "Numerically
in the twelve years ending June 30, 1910, Slovakia ranked
eighth among the nations providing immigrant material.
The rate of emigration of Slovaks per 1,000 was 18.6; this
was double that of any other race of people, except the
Hebrews 08.3), Croatians-Slovenians (13.1), and South
Italians (11.9). The rate was the highest of any group." 2
Having arrived in the United States, the Slovak immigrants began to look for a place to live and to work.
The first areas to draw them were the coal mine centers;
only in the second instance did the Slovaks settle in the
factory cities. One focus of settlement was the hard-coal
of north-eastern Pennsylvania where the center was Hazleton, Pennsylvania. Before World War I the mines in the
district employed 75,000 to 100,000 men; of this group 12 ';,were Slovaks. 3
Besides northeastern Pennsylvania Slovaks crowded
scores of cities in the eastern industrial portions of the
United States. Cleveland, Chicago, Pittsburgh, Youngstown,
New York, Yonkers, Philadelphia, Detroit, Bridgeport,
Newark became the centers of the new Slovak life. There
was scarcely a mine, factory or mill in America's new
industry where Slovak immigrants and their sons could
not be found. And everywhere they went, two opposing
drives moved them. One toward Americanization and with
it the social acceptance all new immigrants sought from
their immigrant predecessors. The other, to preserve the
culture and, above all, the faith of the Slovak past. That
the two meshed instead of irreconcilably clashing can be
attributed largely to the labors of a score or so of Slovak
pioneers, in this the new land.
Since the Slovaks knew little identity within the framework of Austria-Hungary and •since their very existence
was denyed, a sense of Slovak nationalism and identity
developed here in the United States. The early aim of
�SLOVAKIA
127
these immigrant Slovaks was to preserve the Slovak
language, Slovak customs and indeed a distinct Slovak
identity. This nationalism, if we might call it, eventually
was brought to bear fruit when the republic of CzechoSlovakia was established in 1918. The plans and agreements
were reached not only in Europe but their foundations
were laid in America. It was the work of the SlovakAmerican organizations in America under the banner of
the Slovak League of America that guaranteed the rights
of the Slovaks within the republic of Czecho-Slovakia.
This early Slovak Nationalism developed with the
establishment of a workable Slovak press here in America.
The first Slovak newspaper was called the Bulletin which
was hectographed by Julius Wolf and John Slovensky
in Pittsburgh, Pa., in 1885. The printed word was very
important to the Slovak immigrant because in Hungary
"to take a Slovak newspaper or, if an educated man, to
speak the Slovak tongue, is to brand oneself in Magyar
eyes as a political traitor and to insure very possible
obstacle in one's path." 4 Slovak was forbidden in the
schools, courts and even in the pulpits of churches. It
was only natural that the Slovak who now lived in a free
land would tend to encourage the use of the Slovak
language in every possible instance of daily life. From
its very beginnings the Slovak press has always been
extremely strong and influential. The Slovak press was
used as a means at voicing opposition to the programs
and directives of the Austro-Hungarian government. It
constantly attacked the Hungarians and their view of the
Slovaks which they equated with ignorance, dullness and
poverty.
From the outset the Slovaks set out to preserve their
Christian heritage. Their first Catholic parish was founded
in Hazleton, Pennsylvania in 1882 and their first Evangelical
(Lutheran ) church in Streator, Ill., two years later. The
main problems were twofold: priests were needed who
could speak the language and fund were needed for parish
churches and schools; both were met but only after a long,
hard pull.5
The true flowering of the Slovak identity come with
the establishment of the great Slovak fraternal societies.
This organizational life among the Slovaks began in the
�128
SLOVAKIA
lodg·es and societies so common in America after the Civil
War. "By 1914 in the United States principal organizations
had 15,600,000 members." 6 Economic and social need led
the Slovaks to form lodges. Mine disasters often took the
lives of husbands and fathers, leaving the family not only
destitute, but even without the money for a funeral. In
answer to the need of sickness and funeral benefits a large
number of societies grew up in industrial and mining
towns. These societies proved the greatest blessing to
identity-starved Slovak. He now could boast a purely
Slovak, not Hungarian or Austro-Hungarian society. These
mutual benefit societies were organized in hundreds of
cities from Maine to California. They were organized along
two distant lines one purely Slovak with no regard to
religion or political beliefs, and the other along strictly
religious lines . The later proved to attract the majority of
Slovak immigrants. The leader of the first group with
a purely nationalistic view, was Peter P. Rovnianek, known
as the stormy petrel, who did so much to make cause of
the Slovaks known to Americans. He organized the National
Slovak Society in Pittsburgh, Pa., on February 15, 1890.
The second group was led by the Rev. Stephen Furdek,
a Slovak immigrant priest of the Cleveland, Ohio Diocese
met with representatives of seven Slovak Catholic Societies
in Cleveland on September 5, 1890 and organized the First
Catholic Slovak Union commonly known as Jednota. This
organization attracted many other Catholic societies and
became the most important Slovak organization in America. The local lodges of this organization organized Slovak
Catholics and formed parishes throughout the Unites States
and even in Canada. This organization helped to organize
some 350 Slovak Roman Catholic parishes in America.
This organization proved to be the most important single
achievement of the Slovak in America. It not only protected
the member's life but also served as a cultural, religious
and economic means of expressing the Slovaks' distinct
identity. Not even in Austria-Hungary was there a Slovak
organization which had its own press, its own orphanage
and a large educational complex in Middletown, Pennsylvania. This organization helped to organize a teaching
order of Sisters to staff the Slovak schools which were
being built in practically every Slovak parish. This organ-
�SLOVAKIA
129
ization provided the first Mother house for the Sisters
of SS. Cyril and Methodius, a Slovak-American community
founded by the Rev. Matthew Jankola of Bridgeport,
Connecticut. Other such Slovak fraternals appeared in
the ensuing years. 7
The problem of the second generation was that life
at home was unpleasant; whereas in the schoolroom they
were too foreign, at home they were too American. The
Slovak immigrant fathers who compromised most villingly
in adjusting their outside affairs to the realities of the
workaday world were different persons in their homes.
Within the family circle, the Slovak language, religion,
customs and parental authority were not to be modified
simply because the home had been transplanted to the
United States.
The problem of the second generation Slovak American how to inhabit two worlds at the same time, was
solved by escape as soon as sons were free economically, even before they reached their legal maturity. The
second generation also came to know the contempt in
which artistic activities were held by nineteenth and
twentieth century Americans. They hastened to prove that
they knew little or cared even less about art, music, th8ater
or literature. "Nothing was more Yankee than a Yankeeized
person of foreign descent." 8
In his opinion, that is the second generation Slovak-American it is he who is to undergo the entire transformation;
the true member of the American nationality is not called
upon to change in the least. The traits of foreign nationality
which the Slovak brings with him are not to be mixed
or interwoven. They are to be abandoned. The standard
to which he must conform has been already fixed by forces
quite outside himself, quite outside any individual, native
or foreign, fixed by all the factors, topographical, climatic,
racial, historical, fortuitous, which have worked together
to make the American nationality what it is. A harsh
situation, indeed. But a situation the harshness of which
is determined not by the inclination or wish of any person
or group of persons, but by the inherent qualities of human
nature and social organization. 9
For the Eastern European immigrant and in particular
the Slovak the third generation return was not so much
�130
SLOVAKIA
to cultural entities per se, but to a vague nostalgia and
an undefined ideology. This ideology has no organic relation
to the third-generation descendant's individual past, but
is rather primarily a reaction to the conditions of life in
the twentieth-century United States: 1) a "native" population alerted to the alleged stereotypic characteristics of
immigrant groups; 2) the threat posed by numbers of
incoming immigrants reinforcing a pre-existing population
base of their compatriots; 3) the difficulty of maintaining
ethnic anonymity; and 4) a somewhat retarded rate of
growth in the country leading to a stronger emphasis upon
a man's origin. 10
Essentially the group of immigrant origins-whether
it be homogenous or heterogenous in character-return s
in a context filtered by the American experience. Thus
a general question to be put forth, the following is posed:
Who returns to what with whom under which conditions
of the possible forms and contents of these returns?
Individual behavior is meant as well as the process of
returning evidenced by the Slovaks who are a religio-ethnic
group. Some reasons might be: 1) a generalized interest
which may remain diffused or may become crystallized
around specific segments of an ethnic folk heritage, a
Slovak heritage-languag e, holiday celebrations, foods, etc.
2) the institutional religious framework-the existence of
350 Slovak Roman Catholic parishes, plus prayer and
certain holiday observances within the Church. 4) Literary,
ideological-cultur al-the writing of immigrant history, and
since the Slovaks had a greater sense of freedom in the
short period of time since they first arrived in America,
the field was very ripe. The sensitive position that Slovak
Americans of the third generation have toward the Slovakia
of the period 1939-1945. It posed an interesting history
of political science. An ethnic Slovak press which was the
second largest foreign Slav press in the free world, and
a press which was larger than anything that had existed
in old Austria-Hungary. All this added to the socially
patterned rationalizations and apologetics affirming the
Slovak group's identity. 5) An interest in the dress, manner,
and speech cadence, employment, political affiliation etc.
The renewed interest in things Slovak can be manifested by the present Slovak-American community in the
�SLOVAKIA
131
revival of Slovak customs in parishes, homes, schools
and organizations throughout the United States. A major
factor of this present day resurgence of the Slovak-American ethnic was the development and encouragement of the
Black Power movement. This new awareness of blackness,
and with it the new social and economic acceptances
which world threaten all white Americans the ethnic groups
all had a certain renascence. Centers for ethnic studies are
proposed for many major cities in the United States so
as to encourage and enbody the cultures and heritages
that go into the American heritage. Due to this new interest
in things Slovak some Universities have established Slovak
chairs, notably at the University of Pittsburgh, the University of Minnesota, Columbia, the University of Chicago
and also Marquette University. 11
Some contemporary problems which face the SlovakAmerican organizations, churches, religious orders, press
and communities are such things as narrow minded
mentalities toward other minority groups, and in general
polarization. Narrowmindedness persists in many Slovak
parishes where although the Slovak parish in within a
ghetto community which is no longer Slovak these parishes
do nothing to serve the needs of the residents of the ghetto.
Most Slovak parishes are no longer needed in the sense
that they were needed three-quarters of a century ago.
It is true however that certain large cities, points of
settlement of newly arrived waves of immigrants, should
be maintained. It seems quite ludicrous in many small
towns to maintain five or six parishes, when five are
national and one or two would adequately serve the needs
of the Catholic community. One major factor for the
persistence of many national parishes is the fact that their
members feel that, although they no longer speak the
language of their immigrant parents or grandparents, they
nevertheless feel a certain protection from the majority
group. The completely unbalanced ethnic background of
the American hierarchy is one major reason why Americans
born of Slovak descent or, for that matter, any ethnic
group other than the Irish feel that their mentality and
ideas are not understood by the Irish hierarchy. A more
pluralistic hierarchy in America would tend to serve the
needs and best wishes of all American Catholics. These
�132
SLOVAKIA
national parishes pose many juridical problems for the
American church today. The problem of the national
church, and there still exist in the United States at least
2,855 parishes serving the various ethnic groups, will be
a problem which will have to dealt with much compassion
and respect. To simply say that this, and that parish will
close and all catholics must attend one church, will not
settle the problem. It has been estimated that over ten
million American Catholics belong to national parishes. 12
Many Slovak parishes in the United States not only
serve the Slovak Catholics but serve other groups in inner
cities. In most instances these parishes are without debt
and are usually quite wealthy due to the fact that Slovak
Catholics in America are known for their generosity. These
parishes are able to finance large schools admitting many
minority groups. An example is the parish of the Most
Holy Trinity in Gary, Indiana, where the then Msgr. Andrew
G. Grutka was pastor, now the bishop of the Diocese of
Gary. Msgr. Grutka opened the parish school to the local
Negroes of his parish. His parish school had two-thirds
of its populations Black. He not only provided the Blacks
with an education but he also gave them free lunches,
free clothing and helped their families establish themselves
as outstanding citizens of the community. This is an
instance where the work, started by the Slovak immigrants,
is continuing its service to all who come in contact with
the parish. This is an outstanding example of a national
parish which is providing not only services to its Slovak
American people but, to serve in a true spirit of Christ,
it is using its power to help who seek its aid. 13
The problem of polarization in America today is one
of Black against White and the Slovaks must be open
enough to see that polarization whether Black or White
or ethnic is not a healthy attitude for America. Slovak
ethnicity can go just so far until it becomes unhealthy and
actually un-American. The days of the Slovaks and their
sons and grandsons who feel that they are a subgroup
and are inherently different and "not belonging" to the
dominant American group are over and it is with this
spirit of optimism that the Slovak-Americans will continue
t o forge ahead to become outstanding American citizens.
It is interesting to note that the Slovak organizations
�SLOVAKIA
133
in the United States and Canada are stronger than they
have ever been in their history. Their membership stands
at over one half million and their assets are over
$150,000,000.00. These organizations have great potential to
become leaders in the realm of Catholic Action works
in America. One of these organizations, the largest and
the most influential, the First Catholic Slovak Union with
its 104,000 members is in the forefront of major reform
with its new anticipated multi-million dollar educational.
cultural and civic center which will be built on its vast
acreage in Middletown, Pennsylvania. The complex will
provide 1,800 units of senior citizen housing for the members and any person in need, also a college for 1,000
students. The facilities will be open to all regardless of
race, color or creed.14
The Slovak press still has a circulation of over 250,000
in America, althougt Slovak has been replaced with English
in many instances. Two members of the American hierarchy are of Slovak descent: the Most Rev. Joseph A.
Durick, D. D., Bishop of Nashville, and the Most Rev.
Andrew G. Grutka, D. D., LL. D., Bishop of Gary. This
number should be much higher when one considers that
there are over 1,200 priest of Slovak descent in America.
There are three religious communities for men and nine
motherhouses of Sisters among the American Slovaks,
their membership is better than 3,000. Among the most
outstanding laymen of Slovak descent are Dr. Walter
Tkach, who is the personal physician of President Richard
Nixon; astronaut Eugene V. Cernan; the uranium king of
Canada Stephen B. Roman, whose empire is valued at
$250,000 ,000.00 , Michael Novak, noted lay Catholic theologian; Dr. Jaroslav Pelikan, Protestant theologian, and many
other notables. 15
Since the land of their ancestors is now ruled by the
Communists it has been the necessity of American Slovaks
to help Slovakia in many areas, particularly regarding the
position of the Church. Under the leadership of Bishop
Andrew G. Grutka the Slovak Catholic Federation of
America, the representative organization of American
Catholics of Slovak descent, American Catholics of Slovak
origin raised over one million dollars for the establishment
of the Slovak Institute of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Rome,
Italy to train future priests for work in Slovakia. With
�134
SLOVAKIA
all Slovak dioceses vacant and all but one seminary opened
the Church in Slovakia would have died had it not been
for the generosity and interest of the American Slovaks .
Today after nine years of existence this Institute has
become the spiritual center of Slovaks throughout the
world. Since the invasion of Czecho-Slovakia in 1968 tens
of thousands have come to Rome and have been settled
in Western Countries.
Necessity calls for the Slovak Catholic Federation of
America to remain a potent voice for the suffering church
in Slovakia. The Slovak Catholic Federation along with
the Slovak League of America, its counterpart in the
socio-political sphere, have had to fight for the rights
of the Slovak nation, at home and abroad, time and time
again. These two dynamic ethnic organizations, whose
philosophy is totally American, possess a fire for the rights
of the Slovak nation whose story and traditions are among
the most glorious in history yet whose plight in history
has been among the most misunderstood. For some nativist
Americans these organizations and philosophies are excessively chauvinistic, yet the role which has been played by
American Slovaks is monumental in the development of
the Slovak nation as a whole.
Ethnic pride must never build walls but must always
build bridges in these troubled times. Ethnic enclaves
must give way to cultural identity whose philosophy can
enrich the whole of society. It is quite evident in today's
society that homogenization is certainly not possible in
America. The pluralistic society which is a reality in
America knows no single language, no single culture, no
single ethnic stock and no single race. The America which
we all know and love is a diverse enriching experience
which has no equal in the history of the world. With an
enriched diversity each one's potentials can be used to
build a better America, an America immanent with the
identity the individual possesses. Unless each person can
experience what it really means to be an individual he can
never be a part of a society. We have to use our Slovak
identity to enrich our lives within the framework of the
whole human experience. We must use our identity not
as a barries but rather as a bridge. Unless we can come
to know our roots we can never really know our history.
�SLOVAKIA
135
FOOTNOTES
1) Oddo, Gilbert, L., Slovakia and Its People, (New York, 1960), p. 330.
2) Zatko, James, J., "Early Beginning of the Slovaks in America ,"
Slovakia, (Middletown, Pa., 1965, p. 16.
3) Ibid.
4) Balch, Emily, Greene, Our Slavic Fellow Citizens, (New York, 1910,
p . 110.
5) Oddo, op. cit.
6) Zatko, op. cit.
7) Pauco, Joseph, 75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty (75
Year History of the First Catholic Slovak Union), (Middletown ,
1965), p. 35.
8) "The Problems of the Immigrants", Phylon, 1968, Volume 29, No. 4.
Winter p. 362.
9) Fairchild, Henry, Pratt, The Melting-Pot Mistake, (Boston, 1946) ,
p. 154.
10) Ibid.
11) Krajsa, Joseph C., "Slovaks Have Arrived!" , Slovakia, (Middletown ,
1965), p. 64.
12) Barron, Milton , L., American Minorities, (New York, 1957), pp.
418--19.
13) Pauco, op. cit. p. 468.
14) Krajsa, Joseph, C., "Slovaks Have Arrived", Slovakia, (Middletown ,
1965), pp. 64-5.
15) Stolarik, Imrich, Kanadska Slovenska Liga 35rocna (35 Year History of the Canadian Slovak League), (Passaic, N.J., 1967), pp. 167-8.
BIB LI O G RA PHY
Balch, Emily, Greene, Our Slavic Fellow Citizens, New York, William
F. Fell Company, 1910.
Barron, Milton, L., American Minorities, New York, Alfred A. Knopf,
Inc., 1957.
Fairchild, Henry, Pratt, The Melting-Pot Mistake, Boston, Little, Brown
and Company, 1946.
Krajsa, Joseph, C., " Slovaks Have Arrived", Slovakia XV, Middletown,
Pa., Jednota Press, 1965, pp. 64-68.
Oddo, Gilberit, L., Slovakia and Its People, New York, Robert Speller
and Sons, 1960.
Pauco, Joseph,75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty, (75 Year
History of the First Catholic Slovak Union), Middletown, Jednota
Press, 1965.
Stolarik, lmrich , Kanadska Slovenska Liga 35rocna, (35 Year History
of the Canadian Slovak League), Passaic, N.J., Slovak Catholic
Sokol Press, 1967.
Zatko, James, J., "Early Beginnings of the Slovaks in America", Slovakia XV , Middletown, Pa., Jednota Press, 1965, pp. 1-38.
�
SLOVAKIA
125
The Slovak Experience In
Contemporary America
Daniel F. Tanzone
It shall be my design in this paper to look objectively
at the problems and other pertinent sociological data
regarding the history, growth and development of the
Slovak immigrant in contemporary America. It shall be
a study from the point of an American who is of Slovak
ancestry, although this might tend to make the paper
onesided and bias, I shall endeavor to present an objective
view of the situation and problems in present day America.
I shall consider the Slovaks to be one of America's
minorities. The Slovaks can be considered minorities. For
my purpose the definition will prove suggestive. Minorities
are subgroups within a culture which are distinguishable
from the dominant group by reason of difference in
physiognomy, language, customs or culture-patterns (including any combination of these factors).
I shall also consider the Slovaks as one of the many
immigrant groups who "have made it" in America. Their
development and eventual climb to success was brought
about by overcoming great difficulties. The role played
by one of the institutions of society, notably the Church,
proved to be the most important single factor and in some
ways one of the greatest problems for the Slovaks' emancipation from the ghettos of narrow-minded Little Slovakias
in countless numbers of American cities.
Victims of oppression have always looked upon
migration to a new land with a promise of freedom and
equal opportunity as their mecca. And in the late years
of the last century in order to be free of social injustice,
economic serfdom, or the threat of national liquidation,
the oppressed peoples of central, southern and eastern
Europe have constantly looked toward the United States
as a haven. The Slovak of the nineteenth and early twentieth
century was no exception. Harrassed at home, subject
to the insidious pressures of Magyarization, which sought
�126
SLOVAKIA
to deprive them of their national character and identity
literally thousands of thousands of Slovak families sought
refuge in the new world.
Slovaks began to emigrate in great numbers to America
in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. "From the
year 1880 until the outbreak of World War I, Slovakia lost
more than 550,000 people through emigration to America,
over 22 per cent of her total population." 1 "Numerically
in the twelve years ending June 30, 1910, Slovakia ranked
eighth among the nations providing immigrant material.
The rate of emigration of Slovaks per 1,000 was 18.6; this
was double that of any other race of people, except the
Hebrews 08.3), Croatians-Slovenians (13.1), and South
Italians (11.9). The rate was the highest of any group." 2
Having arrived in the United States, the Slovak immigrants began to look for a place to live and to work.
The first areas to draw them were the coal mine centers;
only in the second instance did the Slovaks settle in the
factory cities. One focus of settlement was the hard-coal
of north-eastern Pennsylvania where the center was Hazleton, Pennsylvania. Before World War I the mines in the
district employed 75,000 to 100,000 men; of this group 12 ';,were Slovaks. 3
Besides northeastern Pennsylvania Slovaks crowded
scores of cities in the eastern industrial portions of the
United States. Cleveland, Chicago, Pittsburgh, Youngstown,
New York, Yonkers, Philadelphia, Detroit, Bridgeport,
Newark became the centers of the new Slovak life. There
was scarcely a mine, factory or mill in America's new
industry where Slovak immigrants and their sons could
not be found. And everywhere they went, two opposing
drives moved them. One toward Americanization and with
it the social acceptance all new immigrants sought from
their immigrant predecessors. The other, to preserve the
culture and, above all, the faith of the Slovak past. That
the two meshed instead of irreconcilably clashing can be
attributed largely to the labors of a score or so of Slovak
pioneers, in this the new land.
Since the Slovaks knew little identity within the framework of Austria-Hungary and •since their very existence
was denyed, a sense of Slovak nationalism and identity
developed here in the United States. The early aim of
�SLOVAKIA
127
these immigrant Slovaks was to preserve the Slovak
language, Slovak customs and indeed a distinct Slovak
identity. This nationalism, if we might call it, eventually
was brought to bear fruit when the republic of CzechoSlovakia was established in 1918. The plans and agreements
were reached not only in Europe but their foundations
were laid in America. It was the work of the SlovakAmerican organizations in America under the banner of
the Slovak League of America that guaranteed the rights
of the Slovaks within the republic of Czecho-Slovakia.
This early Slovak Nationalism developed with the
establishment of a workable Slovak press here in America.
The first Slovak newspaper was called the Bulletin which
was hectographed by Julius Wolf and John Slovensky
in Pittsburgh, Pa., in 1885. The printed word was very
important to the Slovak immigrant because in Hungary
"to take a Slovak newspaper or, if an educated man, to
speak the Slovak tongue, is to brand oneself in Magyar
eyes as a political traitor and to insure very possible
obstacle in one's path." 4 Slovak was forbidden in the
schools, courts and even in the pulpits of churches. It
was only natural that the Slovak who now lived in a free
land would tend to encourage the use of the Slovak
language in every possible instance of daily life. From
its very beginnings the Slovak press has always been
extremely strong and influential. The Slovak press was
used as a means at voicing opposition to the programs
and directives of the Austro-Hungarian government. It
constantly attacked the Hungarians and their view of the
Slovaks which they equated with ignorance, dullness and
poverty.
From the outset the Slovaks set out to preserve their
Christian heritage. Their first Catholic parish was founded
in Hazleton, Pennsylvania in 1882 and their first Evangelical
(Lutheran ) church in Streator, Ill., two years later. The
main problems were twofold: priests were needed who
could speak the language and fund were needed for parish
churches and schools; both were met but only after a long,
hard pull.5
The true flowering of the Slovak identity come with
the establishment of the great Slovak fraternal societies.
This organizational life among the Slovaks began in the
�128
SLOVAKIA
lodg·es and societies so common in America after the Civil
War. "By 1914 in the United States principal organizations
had 15,600,000 members." 6 Economic and social need led
the Slovaks to form lodges. Mine disasters often took the
lives of husbands and fathers, leaving the family not only
destitute, but even without the money for a funeral. In
answer to the need of sickness and funeral benefits a large
number of societies grew up in industrial and mining
towns. These societies proved the greatest blessing to
identity-starved Slovak. He now could boast a purely
Slovak, not Hungarian or Austro-Hungarian society. These
mutual benefit societies were organized in hundreds of
cities from Maine to California. They were organized along
two distant lines one purely Slovak with no regard to
religion or political beliefs, and the other along strictly
religious lines . The later proved to attract the majority of
Slovak immigrants. The leader of the first group with
a purely nationalistic view, was Peter P. Rovnianek, known
as the stormy petrel, who did so much to make cause of
the Slovaks known to Americans. He organized the National
Slovak Society in Pittsburgh, Pa., on February 15, 1890.
The second group was led by the Rev. Stephen Furdek,
a Slovak immigrant priest of the Cleveland, Ohio Diocese
met with representatives of seven Slovak Catholic Societies
in Cleveland on September 5, 1890 and organized the First
Catholic Slovak Union commonly known as Jednota. This
organization attracted many other Catholic societies and
became the most important Slovak organization in America. The local lodges of this organization organized Slovak
Catholics and formed parishes throughout the Unites States
and even in Canada. This organization helped to organize
some 350 Slovak Roman Catholic parishes in America.
This organization proved to be the most important single
achievement of the Slovak in America. It not only protected
the member's life but also served as a cultural, religious
and economic means of expressing the Slovaks' distinct
identity. Not even in Austria-Hungary was there a Slovak
organization which had its own press, its own orphanage
and a large educational complex in Middletown, Pennsylvania. This organization helped to organize a teaching
order of Sisters to staff the Slovak schools which were
being built in practically every Slovak parish. This organ-
�SLOVAKIA
129
ization provided the first Mother house for the Sisters
of SS. Cyril and Methodius, a Slovak-American community
founded by the Rev. Matthew Jankola of Bridgeport,
Connecticut. Other such Slovak fraternals appeared in
the ensuing years. 7
The problem of the second generation was that life
at home was unpleasant; whereas in the schoolroom they
were too foreign, at home they were too American. The
Slovak immigrant fathers who compromised most villingly
in adjusting their outside affairs to the realities of the
workaday world were different persons in their homes.
Within the family circle, the Slovak language, religion,
customs and parental authority were not to be modified
simply because the home had been transplanted to the
United States.
The problem of the second generation Slovak American how to inhabit two worlds at the same time, was
solved by escape as soon as sons were free economically, even before they reached their legal maturity. The
second generation also came to know the contempt in
which artistic activities were held by nineteenth and
twentieth century Americans. They hastened to prove that
they knew little or cared even less about art, music, th8ater
or literature. "Nothing was more Yankee than a Yankeeized
person of foreign descent." 8
In his opinion, that is the second generation Slovak-American it is he who is to undergo the entire transformation;
the true member of the American nationality is not called
upon to change in the least. The traits of foreign nationality
which the Slovak brings with him are not to be mixed
or interwoven. They are to be abandoned. The standard
to which he must conform has been already fixed by forces
quite outside himself, quite outside any individual, native
or foreign, fixed by all the factors, topographical, climatic,
racial, historical, fortuitous, which have worked together
to make the American nationality what it is. A harsh
situation, indeed. But a situation the harshness of which
is determined not by the inclination or wish of any person
or group of persons, but by the inherent qualities of human
nature and social organization. 9
For the Eastern European immigrant and in particular
the Slovak the third generation return was not so much
�130
SLOVAKIA
to cultural entities per se, but to a vague nostalgia and
an undefined ideology. This ideology has no organic relation
to the third-generation descendant's individual past, but
is rather primarily a reaction to the conditions of life in
the twentieth-century United States: 1) a "native" population alerted to the alleged stereotypic characteristics of
immigrant groups; 2) the threat posed by numbers of
incoming immigrants reinforcing a pre-existing population
base of their compatriots; 3) the difficulty of maintaining
ethnic anonymity; and 4) a somewhat retarded rate of
growth in the country leading to a stronger emphasis upon
a man's origin. 10
Essentially the group of immigrant origins-whether
it be homogenous or heterogenous in character-return s
in a context filtered by the American experience. Thus
a general question to be put forth, the following is posed:
Who returns to what with whom under which conditions
of the possible forms and contents of these returns?
Individual behavior is meant as well as the process of
returning evidenced by the Slovaks who are a religio-ethnic
group. Some reasons might be: 1) a generalized interest
which may remain diffused or may become crystallized
around specific segments of an ethnic folk heritage, a
Slovak heritage-languag e, holiday celebrations, foods, etc.
2) the institutional religious framework-the existence of
350 Slovak Roman Catholic parishes, plus prayer and
certain holiday observances within the Church. 4) Literary,
ideological-cultur al-the writing of immigrant history, and
since the Slovaks had a greater sense of freedom in the
short period of time since they first arrived in America,
the field was very ripe. The sensitive position that Slovak
Americans of the third generation have toward the Slovakia
of the period 1939-1945. It posed an interesting history
of political science. An ethnic Slovak press which was the
second largest foreign Slav press in the free world, and
a press which was larger than anything that had existed
in old Austria-Hungary. All this added to the socially
patterned rationalizations and apologetics affirming the
Slovak group's identity. 5) An interest in the dress, manner,
and speech cadence, employment, political affiliation etc.
The renewed interest in things Slovak can be manifested by the present Slovak-American community in the
�SLOVAKIA
131
revival of Slovak customs in parishes, homes, schools
and organizations throughout the United States. A major
factor of this present day resurgence of the Slovak-American ethnic was the development and encouragement of the
Black Power movement. This new awareness of blackness,
and with it the new social and economic acceptances
which world threaten all white Americans the ethnic groups
all had a certain renascence. Centers for ethnic studies are
proposed for many major cities in the United States so
as to encourage and enbody the cultures and heritages
that go into the American heritage. Due to this new interest
in things Slovak some Universities have established Slovak
chairs, notably at the University of Pittsburgh, the University of Minnesota, Columbia, the University of Chicago
and also Marquette University. 11
Some contemporary problems which face the SlovakAmerican organizations, churches, religious orders, press
and communities are such things as narrow minded
mentalities toward other minority groups, and in general
polarization. Narrowmindedness persists in many Slovak
parishes where although the Slovak parish in within a
ghetto community which is no longer Slovak these parishes
do nothing to serve the needs of the residents of the ghetto.
Most Slovak parishes are no longer needed in the sense
that they were needed three-quarters of a century ago.
It is true however that certain large cities, points of
settlement of newly arrived waves of immigrants, should
be maintained. It seems quite ludicrous in many small
towns to maintain five or six parishes, when five are
national and one or two would adequately serve the needs
of the Catholic community. One major factor for the
persistence of many national parishes is the fact that their
members feel that, although they no longer speak the
language of their immigrant parents or grandparents, they
nevertheless feel a certain protection from the majority
group. The completely unbalanced ethnic background of
the American hierarchy is one major reason why Americans
born of Slovak descent or, for that matter, any ethnic
group other than the Irish feel that their mentality and
ideas are not understood by the Irish hierarchy. A more
pluralistic hierarchy in America would tend to serve the
needs and best wishes of all American Catholics. These
�132
SLOVAKIA
national parishes pose many juridical problems for the
American church today. The problem of the national
church, and there still exist in the United States at least
2,855 parishes serving the various ethnic groups, will be
a problem which will have to dealt with much compassion
and respect. To simply say that this, and that parish will
close and all catholics must attend one church, will not
settle the problem. It has been estimated that over ten
million American Catholics belong to national parishes. 12
Many Slovak parishes in the United States not only
serve the Slovak Catholics but serve other groups in inner
cities. In most instances these parishes are without debt
and are usually quite wealthy due to the fact that Slovak
Catholics in America are known for their generosity. These
parishes are able to finance large schools admitting many
minority groups. An example is the parish of the Most
Holy Trinity in Gary, Indiana, where the then Msgr. Andrew
G. Grutka was pastor, now the bishop of the Diocese of
Gary. Msgr. Grutka opened the parish school to the local
Negroes of his parish. His parish school had two-thirds
of its populations Black. He not only provided the Blacks
with an education but he also gave them free lunches,
free clothing and helped their families establish themselves
as outstanding citizens of the community. This is an
instance where the work, started by the Slovak immigrants,
is continuing its service to all who come in contact with
the parish. This is an outstanding example of a national
parish which is providing not only services to its Slovak
American people but, to serve in a true spirit of Christ,
it is using its power to help who seek its aid. 13
The problem of polarization in America today is one
of Black against White and the Slovaks must be open
enough to see that polarization whether Black or White
or ethnic is not a healthy attitude for America. Slovak
ethnicity can go just so far until it becomes unhealthy and
actually un-American. The days of the Slovaks and their
sons and grandsons who feel that they are a subgroup
and are inherently different and "not belonging" to the
dominant American group are over and it is with this
spirit of optimism that the Slovak-Americans will continue
t o forge ahead to become outstanding American citizens.
It is interesting to note that the Slovak organizations
�SLOVAKIA
133
in the United States and Canada are stronger than they
have ever been in their history. Their membership stands
at over one half million and their assets are over
$150,000,000.00. These organizations have great potential to
become leaders in the realm of Catholic Action works
in America. One of these organizations, the largest and
the most influential, the First Catholic Slovak Union with
its 104,000 members is in the forefront of major reform
with its new anticipated multi-million dollar educational.
cultural and civic center which will be built on its vast
acreage in Middletown, Pennsylvania. The complex will
provide 1,800 units of senior citizen housing for the members and any person in need, also a college for 1,000
students. The facilities will be open to all regardless of
race, color or creed.14
The Slovak press still has a circulation of over 250,000
in America, althougt Slovak has been replaced with English
in many instances. Two members of the American hierarchy are of Slovak descent: the Most Rev. Joseph A.
Durick, D. D., Bishop of Nashville, and the Most Rev.
Andrew G. Grutka, D. D., LL. D., Bishop of Gary. This
number should be much higher when one considers that
there are over 1,200 priest of Slovak descent in America.
There are three religious communities for men and nine
motherhouses of Sisters among the American Slovaks,
their membership is better than 3,000. Among the most
outstanding laymen of Slovak descent are Dr. Walter
Tkach, who is the personal physician of President Richard
Nixon; astronaut Eugene V. Cernan; the uranium king of
Canada Stephen B. Roman, whose empire is valued at
$250,000 ,000.00 , Michael Novak, noted lay Catholic theologian; Dr. Jaroslav Pelikan, Protestant theologian, and many
other notables. 15
Since the land of their ancestors is now ruled by the
Communists it has been the necessity of American Slovaks
to help Slovakia in many areas, particularly regarding the
position of the Church. Under the leadership of Bishop
Andrew G. Grutka the Slovak Catholic Federation of
America, the representative organization of American
Catholics of Slovak descent, American Catholics of Slovak
origin raised over one million dollars for the establishment
of the Slovak Institute of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Rome,
Italy to train future priests for work in Slovakia. With
�134
SLOVAKIA
all Slovak dioceses vacant and all but one seminary opened
the Church in Slovakia would have died had it not been
for the generosity and interest of the American Slovaks .
Today after nine years of existence this Institute has
become the spiritual center of Slovaks throughout the
world. Since the invasion of Czecho-Slovakia in 1968 tens
of thousands have come to Rome and have been settled
in Western Countries.
Necessity calls for the Slovak Catholic Federation of
America to remain a potent voice for the suffering church
in Slovakia. The Slovak Catholic Federation along with
the Slovak League of America, its counterpart in the
socio-political sphere, have had to fight for the rights
of the Slovak nation, at home and abroad, time and time
again. These two dynamic ethnic organizations, whose
philosophy is totally American, possess a fire for the rights
of the Slovak nation whose story and traditions are among
the most glorious in history yet whose plight in history
has been among the most misunderstood. For some nativist
Americans these organizations and philosophies are excessively chauvinistic, yet the role which has been played by
American Slovaks is monumental in the development of
the Slovak nation as a whole.
Ethnic pride must never build walls but must always
build bridges in these troubled times. Ethnic enclaves
must give way to cultural identity whose philosophy can
enrich the whole of society. It is quite evident in today's
society that homogenization is certainly not possible in
America. The pluralistic society which is a reality in
America knows no single language, no single culture, no
single ethnic stock and no single race. The America which
we all know and love is a diverse enriching experience
which has no equal in the history of the world. With an
enriched diversity each one's potentials can be used to
build a better America, an America immanent with the
identity the individual possesses. Unless each person can
experience what it really means to be an individual he can
never be a part of a society. We have to use our Slovak
identity to enrich our lives within the framework of the
whole human experience. We must use our identity not
as a barries but rather as a bridge. Unless we can come
to know our roots we can never really know our history.
�SLOVAKIA
135
FOOTNOTES
1) Oddo, Gilbert, L., Slovakia and Its People, (New York, 1960), p. 330.
2) Zatko, James, J., "Early Beginning of the Slovaks in America ,"
Slovakia, (Middletown, Pa., 1965, p. 16.
3) Ibid.
4) Balch, Emily, Greene, Our Slavic Fellow Citizens, (New York, 1910,
p . 110.
5) Oddo, op. cit.
6) Zatko, op. cit.
7) Pauco, Joseph, 75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty (75
Year History of the First Catholic Slovak Union), (Middletown ,
1965), p. 35.
8) "The Problems of the Immigrants", Phylon, 1968, Volume 29, No. 4.
Winter p. 362.
9) Fairchild, Henry, Pratt, The Melting-Pot Mistake, (Boston, 1946) ,
p. 154.
10) Ibid.
11) Krajsa, Joseph C., "Slovaks Have Arrived!" , Slovakia, (Middletown ,
1965), p. 64.
12) Barron, Milton , L., American Minorities, (New York, 1957), pp.
418--19.
13) Pauco, op. cit. p. 468.
14) Krajsa, Joseph, C., "Slovaks Have Arrived", Slovakia, (Middletown ,
1965), pp. 64-5.
15) Stolarik, Imrich, Kanadska Slovenska Liga 35rocna (35 Year History of the Canadian Slovak League), (Passaic, N.J., 1967), pp. 167-8.
BIB LI O G RA PHY
Balch, Emily, Greene, Our Slavic Fellow Citizens, New York, William
F. Fell Company, 1910.
Barron, Milton, L., American Minorities, New York, Alfred A. Knopf,
Inc., 1957.
Fairchild, Henry, Pratt, The Melting-Pot Mistake, Boston, Little, Brown
and Company, 1946.
Krajsa, Joseph, C., " Slovaks Have Arrived", Slovakia XV, Middletown,
Pa., Jednota Press, 1965, pp. 64-68.
Oddo, Gilberit, L., Slovakia and Its People, New York, Robert Speller
and Sons, 1960.
Pauco, Joseph,75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty, (75 Year
History of the First Catholic Slovak Union), Middletown, Jednota
Press, 1965.
Stolarik, lmrich , Kanadska Slovenska Liga 35rocna, (35 Year History
of the Canadian Slovak League), Passaic, N.J., Slovak Catholic
Sokol Press, 1967.
Zatko, James, J., "Early Beginnings of the Slovaks in America", Slovakia XV , Middletown, Pa., Jednota Press, 1965, pp. 1-38.
�
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Title
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1972, Vol. 22
Description
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Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972.
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The Slovak League of America
Date
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1972
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SLOVAKIA
125
The Slovak Experience In
Contemporary America
Daniel F. Tanzone
It shall be my design in this paper to look objectively
at the problems and other pertinent sociological data
regarding the history, growth and development of the
Slovak immigrant in contemporary America. It shall be
a study from the point of an American who is of Slovak
ancestry, although this might tend to make the paper
onesided and bias, I shall endeavor to present an objective
view of the situation and problems in present day America.
I shall consider the Slovaks to be one of America's
minorities. The Slovaks can be considered minorities. For
my purpose the definition will prove suggestive. Minorities
are subgroups within a culture which are distinguishable
from the dominant group by reason of difference in
physiognomy, language, customs or culture-patterns (including any combination of these factors).
I shall also consider the Slovaks as one of the many
immigrant groups who "have made it" in America. Their
development and eventual climb to success was brought
about by overcoming great difficulties. The role played
by one of the institutions of society, notably the Church,
proved to be the most important single factor and in some
ways one of the greatest problems for the Slovaks' emancipation from the ghettos of narrow-minded Little Slovakias
in countless numbers of American cities.
Victims of oppression have always looked upon
migration to a new land with a promise of freedom and
equal opportunity as their mecca. And in the late years
of the last century in order to be free of social injustice,
economic serfdom, or the threat of national liquidation,
the oppressed peoples of central, southern and eastern
Europe have constantly looked toward the United States
as a haven. The Slovak of the nineteenth and early twentieth
century was no exception. Harrassed at home, subject
to the insidious pressures of Magyarization, which sought
126
SLOVAKIA
to deprive them of their national character and identity
literally thousands of thousands of Slovak families sought
refuge in the new world.
Slovaks began to emigrate in great numbers to America
in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. "From the
year 1880 until the outbreak of World War I, Slovakia lost
more than 550,000 people through emigration to America,
over 22 per cent of her total population." 1 "Numerically
in the twelve years ending June 30, 1910, Slovakia ranked
eighth among the nations providing immigrant material.
The rate of emigration of Slovaks per 1,000 was 18.6; this
was double that of any other race of people, except the
Hebrews 08.3), Croatians-Slovenians (13.1), and South
Italians (11.9). The rate was the highest of any group." 2
Having arrived in the United States, the Slovak immigrants began to look for a place to live and to work.
The first areas to draw them were the coal mine centers;
only in the second instance did the Slovaks settle in the
factory cities. One focus of settlement was the hard-coal
of north-eastern Pennsylvania where the center was Hazleton, Pennsylvania. Before World War I the mines in the
district employed 75,000 to 100,000 men; of this group 12 ';,were Slovaks. 3
Besides northeastern Pennsylvania Slovaks crowded
scores of cities in the eastern industrial portions of the
United States. Cleveland, Chicago, Pittsburgh, Youngstown,
New York, Yonkers, Philadelphia, Detroit, Bridgeport,
Newark became the centers of the new Slovak life. There
was scarcely a mine, factory or mill in America's new
industry where Slovak immigrants and their sons could
not be found. And everywhere they went, two opposing
drives moved them. One toward Americanization and with
it the social acceptance all new immigrants sought from
their immigrant predecessors. The other, to preserve the
culture and, above all, the faith of the Slovak past. That
the two meshed instead of irreconcilably clashing can be
attributed largely to the labors of a score or so of Slovak
pioneers, in this the new land.
Since the Slovaks knew little identity within the framework of Austria-Hungary and •since their very existence
was denyed, a sense of Slovak nationalism and identity
developed here in the United States. The early aim of
SLOVAKIA
127
these immigrant Slovaks was to preserve the Slovak
language, Slovak customs and indeed a distinct Slovak
identity. This nationalism, if we might call it, eventually
was brought to bear fruit when the republic of CzechoSlovakia was established in 1918. The plans and agreements
were reached not only in Europe but their foundations
were laid in America. It was the work of the SlovakAmerican organizations in America under the banner of
the Slovak League of America that guaranteed the rights
of the Slovaks within the republic of Czecho-Slovakia.
This early Slovak Nationalism developed with the
establishment of a workable Slovak press here in America.
The first Slovak newspaper was called the Bulletin which
was hectographed by Julius Wolf and John Slovensky
in Pittsburgh, Pa., in 1885. The printed word was very
important to the Slovak immigrant because in Hungary
"to take a Slovak newspaper or, if an educated man, to
speak the Slovak tongue, is to brand oneself in Magyar
eyes as a political traitor and to insure very possible
obstacle in one's path." 4 Slovak was forbidden in the
schools, courts and even in the pulpits of churches. It
was only natural that the Slovak who now lived in a free
land would tend to encourage the use of the Slovak
language in every possible instance of daily life. From
its very beginnings the Slovak press has always been
extremely strong and influential. The Slovak press was
used as a means at voicing opposition to the programs
and directives of the Austro-Hungarian government. It
constantly attacked the Hungarians and their view of the
Slovaks which they equated with ignorance, dullness and
poverty.
From the outset the Slovaks set out to preserve their
Christian heritage. Their first Catholic parish was founded
in Hazleton, Pennsylvania in 1882 and their first Evangelical
(Lutheran ) church in Streator, Ill., two years later. The
main problems were twofold: priests were needed who
could speak the language and fund were needed for parish
churches and schools; both were met but only after a long,
hard pull.5
The true flowering of the Slovak identity come with
the establishment of the great Slovak fraternal societies.
This organizational life among the Slovaks began in the
128
SLOVAKIA
lodg·es and societies so common in America after the Civil
War. "By 1914 in the United States principal organizations
had 15,600,000 members." 6 Economic and social need led
the Slovaks to form lodges. Mine disasters often took the
lives of husbands and fathers, leaving the family not only
destitute, but even without the money for a funeral. In
answer to the need of sickness and funeral benefits a large
number of societies grew up in industrial and mining
towns. These societies proved the greatest blessing to
identity-starved Slovak. He now could boast a purely
Slovak, not Hungarian or Austro-Hungarian society. These
mutual benefit societies were organized in hundreds of
cities from Maine to California. They were organized along
two distant lines one purely Slovak with no regard to
religion or political beliefs, and the other along strictly
religious lines . The later proved to attract the majority of
Slovak immigrants. The leader of the first group with
a purely nationalistic view, was Peter P. Rovnianek, known
as the stormy petrel, who did so much to make cause of
the Slovaks known to Americans. He organized the National
Slovak Society in Pittsburgh, Pa., on February 15, 1890.
The second group was led by the Rev. Stephen Furdek,
a Slovak immigrant priest of the Cleveland, Ohio Diocese
met with representatives of seven Slovak Catholic Societies
in Cleveland on September 5, 1890 and organized the First
Catholic Slovak Union commonly known as Jednota. This
organization attracted many other Catholic societies and
became the most important Slovak organization in America. The local lodges of this organization organized Slovak
Catholics and formed parishes throughout the Unites States
and even in Canada. This organization helped to organize
some 350 Slovak Roman Catholic parishes in America.
This organization proved to be the most important single
achievement of the Slovak in America. It not only protected
the member's life but also served as a cultural, religious
and economic means of expressing the Slovaks' distinct
identity. Not even in Austria-Hungary was there a Slovak
organization which had its own press, its own orphanage
and a large educational complex in Middletown, Pennsylvania. This organization helped to organize a teaching
order of Sisters to staff the Slovak schools which were
being built in practically every Slovak parish. This organ-
SLOVAKIA
129
ization provided the first Mother house for the Sisters
of SS. Cyril and Methodius, a Slovak-American community
founded by the Rev. Matthew Jankola of Bridgeport,
Connecticut. Other such Slovak fraternals appeared in
the ensuing years. 7
The problem of the second generation was that life
at home was unpleasant; whereas in the schoolroom they
were too foreign, at home they were too American. The
Slovak immigrant fathers who compromised most villingly
in adjusting their outside affairs to the realities of the
workaday world were different persons in their homes.
Within the family circle, the Slovak language, religion,
customs and parental authority were not to be modified
simply because the home had been transplanted to the
United States.
The problem of the second generation Slovak American how to inhabit two worlds at the same time, was
solved by escape as soon as sons were free economically, even before they reached their legal maturity. The
second generation also came to know the contempt in
which artistic activities were held by nineteenth and
twentieth century Americans. They hastened to prove that
they knew little or cared even less about art, music, th8ater
or literature. "Nothing was more Yankee than a Yankeeized
person of foreign descent." 8
In his opinion, that is the second generation Slovak-American it is he who is to undergo the entire transformation;
the true member of the American nationality is not called
upon to change in the least. The traits of foreign nationality
which the Slovak brings with him are not to be mixed
or interwoven. They are to be abandoned. The standard
to which he must conform has been already fixed by forces
quite outside himself, quite outside any individual, native
or foreign, fixed by all the factors, topographical, climatic,
racial, historical, fortuitous, which have worked together
to make the American nationality what it is. A harsh
situation, indeed. But a situation the harshness of which
is determined not by the inclination or wish of any person
or group of persons, but by the inherent qualities of human
nature and social organization. 9
For the Eastern European immigrant and in particular
the Slovak the third generation return was not so much
130
SLOVAKIA
to cultural entities per se, but to a vague nostalgia and
an undefined ideology. This ideology has no organic relation
to the third-generation descendant's individual past, but
is rather primarily a reaction to the conditions of life in
the twentieth-century United States: 1) a "native" population alerted to the alleged stereotypic characteristics of
immigrant groups; 2) the threat posed by numbers of
incoming immigrants reinforcing a pre-existing population
base of their compatriots; 3) the difficulty of maintaining
ethnic anonymity; and 4) a somewhat retarded rate of
growth in the country leading to a stronger emphasis upon
a man's origin. 10
Essentially the group of immigrant origins-whether
it be homogenous or heterogenous in character-return s
in a context filtered by the American experience. Thus
a general question to be put forth, the following is posed:
Who returns to what with whom under which conditions
of the possible forms and contents of these returns?
Individual behavior is meant as well as the process of
returning evidenced by the Slovaks who are a religio-ethnic
group. Some reasons might be: 1) a generalized interest
which may remain diffused or may become crystallized
around specific segments of an ethnic folk heritage, a
Slovak heritage-languag e, holiday celebrations, foods, etc.
2) the institutional religious framework-the existence of
350 Slovak Roman Catholic parishes, plus prayer and
certain holiday observances within the Church. 4) Literary,
ideological-cultur al-the writing of immigrant history, and
since the Slovaks had a greater sense of freedom in the
short period of time since they first arrived in America,
the field was very ripe. The sensitive position that Slovak
Americans of the third generation have toward the Slovakia
of the period 1939-1945. It posed an interesting history
of political science. An ethnic Slovak press which was the
second largest foreign Slav press in the free world, and
a press which was larger than anything that had existed
in old Austria-Hungary. All this added to the socially
patterned rationalizations and apologetics affirming the
Slovak group's identity. 5) An interest in the dress, manner,
and speech cadence, employment, political affiliation etc.
The renewed interest in things Slovak can be manifested by the present Slovak-American community in the
SLOVAKIA
131
revival of Slovak customs in parishes, homes, schools
and organizations throughout the United States. A major
factor of this present day resurgence of the Slovak-American ethnic was the development and encouragement of the
Black Power movement. This new awareness of blackness,
and with it the new social and economic acceptances
which world threaten all white Americans the ethnic groups
all had a certain renascence. Centers for ethnic studies are
proposed for many major cities in the United States so
as to encourage and enbody the cultures and heritages
that go into the American heritage. Due to this new interest
in things Slovak some Universities have established Slovak
chairs, notably at the University of Pittsburgh, the University of Minnesota, Columbia, the University of Chicago
and also Marquette University. 11
Some contemporary problems which face the SlovakAmerican organizations, churches, religious orders, press
and communities are such things as narrow minded
mentalities toward other minority groups, and in general
polarization. Narrowmindedness persists in many Slovak
parishes where although the Slovak parish in within a
ghetto community which is no longer Slovak these parishes
do nothing to serve the needs of the residents of the ghetto.
Most Slovak parishes are no longer needed in the sense
that they were needed three-quarters of a century ago.
It is true however that certain large cities, points of
settlement of newly arrived waves of immigrants, should
be maintained. It seems quite ludicrous in many small
towns to maintain five or six parishes, when five are
national and one or two would adequately serve the needs
of the Catholic community. One major factor for the
persistence of many national parishes is the fact that their
members feel that, although they no longer speak the
language of their immigrant parents or grandparents, they
nevertheless feel a certain protection from the majority
group. The completely unbalanced ethnic background of
the American hierarchy is one major reason why Americans
born of Slovak descent or, for that matter, any ethnic
group other than the Irish feel that their mentality and
ideas are not understood by the Irish hierarchy. A more
pluralistic hierarchy in America would tend to serve the
needs and best wishes of all American Catholics. These
132
SLOVAKIA
national parishes pose many juridical problems for the
American church today. The problem of the national
church, and there still exist in the United States at least
2,855 parishes serving the various ethnic groups, will be
a problem which will have to dealt with much compassion
and respect. To simply say that this, and that parish will
close and all catholics must attend one church, will not
settle the problem. It has been estimated that over ten
million American Catholics belong to national parishes. 12
Many Slovak parishes in the United States not only
serve the Slovak Catholics but serve other groups in inner
cities. In most instances these parishes are without debt
and are usually quite wealthy due to the fact that Slovak
Catholics in America are known for their generosity. These
parishes are able to finance large schools admitting many
minority groups. An example is the parish of the Most
Holy Trinity in Gary, Indiana, where the then Msgr. Andrew
G. Grutka was pastor, now the bishop of the Diocese of
Gary. Msgr. Grutka opened the parish school to the local
Negroes of his parish. His parish school had two-thirds
of its populations Black. He not only provided the Blacks
with an education but he also gave them free lunches,
free clothing and helped their families establish themselves
as outstanding citizens of the community. This is an
instance where the work, started by the Slovak immigrants,
is continuing its service to all who come in contact with
the parish. This is an outstanding example of a national
parish which is providing not only services to its Slovak
American people but, to serve in a true spirit of Christ,
it is using its power to help who seek its aid. 13
The problem of polarization in America today is one
of Black against White and the Slovaks must be open
enough to see that polarization whether Black or White
or ethnic is not a healthy attitude for America. Slovak
ethnicity can go just so far until it becomes unhealthy and
actually un-American. The days of the Slovaks and their
sons and grandsons who feel that they are a subgroup
and are inherently different and "not belonging" to the
dominant American group are over and it is with this
spirit of optimism that the Slovak-Americans will continue
t o forge ahead to become outstanding American citizens.
It is interesting to note that the Slovak organizations
SLOVAKIA
133
in the United States and Canada are stronger than they
have ever been in their history. Their membership stands
at over one half million and their assets are over
$150,000,000.00. These organizations have great potential to
become leaders in the realm of Catholic Action works
in America. One of these organizations, the largest and
the most influential, the First Catholic Slovak Union with
its 104,000 members is in the forefront of major reform
with its new anticipated multi-million dollar educational.
cultural and civic center which will be built on its vast
acreage in Middletown, Pennsylvania. The complex will
provide 1,800 units of senior citizen housing for the members and any person in need, also a college for 1,000
students. The facilities will be open to all regardless of
race, color or creed.14
The Slovak press still has a circulation of over 250,000
in America, althougt Slovak has been replaced with English
in many instances. Two members of the American hierarchy are of Slovak descent: the Most Rev. Joseph A.
Durick, D. D., Bishop of Nashville, and the Most Rev.
Andrew G. Grutka, D. D., LL. D., Bishop of Gary. This
number should be much higher when one considers that
there are over 1,200 priest of Slovak descent in America.
There are three religious communities for men and nine
motherhouses of Sisters among the American Slovaks,
their membership is better than 3,000. Among the most
outstanding laymen of Slovak descent are Dr. Walter
Tkach, who is the personal physician of President Richard
Nixon; astronaut Eugene V. Cernan; the uranium king of
Canada Stephen B. Roman, whose empire is valued at
$250,000 ,000.00 , Michael Novak, noted lay Catholic theologian; Dr. Jaroslav Pelikan, Protestant theologian, and many
other notables. 15
Since the land of their ancestors is now ruled by the
Communists it has been the necessity of American Slovaks
to help Slovakia in many areas, particularly regarding the
position of the Church. Under the leadership of Bishop
Andrew G. Grutka the Slovak Catholic Federation of
America, the representative organization of American
Catholics of Slovak descent, American Catholics of Slovak
origin raised over one million dollars for the establishment
of the Slovak Institute of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Rome,
Italy to train future priests for work in Slovakia. With
134
SLOVAKIA
all Slovak dioceses vacant and all but one seminary opened
the Church in Slovakia would have died had it not been
for the generosity and interest of the American Slovaks .
Today after nine years of existence this Institute has
become the spiritual center of Slovaks throughout the
world. Since the invasion of Czecho-Slovakia in 1968 tens
of thousands have come to Rome and have been settled
in Western Countries.
Necessity calls for the Slovak Catholic Federation of
America to remain a potent voice for the suffering church
in Slovakia. The Slovak Catholic Federation along with
the Slovak League of America, its counterpart in the
socio-political sphere, have had to fight for the rights
of the Slovak nation, at home and abroad, time and time
again. These two dynamic ethnic organizations, whose
philosophy is totally American, possess a fire for the rights
of the Slovak nation whose story and traditions are among
the most glorious in history yet whose plight in history
has been among the most misunderstood. For some nativist
Americans these organizations and philosophies are excessively chauvinistic, yet the role which has been played by
American Slovaks is monumental in the development of
the Slovak nation as a whole.
Ethnic pride must never build walls but must always
build bridges in these troubled times. Ethnic enclaves
must give way to cultural identity whose philosophy can
enrich the whole of society. It is quite evident in today's
society that homogenization is certainly not possible in
America. The pluralistic society which is a reality in
America knows no single language, no single culture, no
single ethnic stock and no single race. The America which
we all know and love is a diverse enriching experience
which has no equal in the history of the world. With an
enriched diversity each one's potentials can be used to
build a better America, an America immanent with the
identity the individual possesses. Unless each person can
experience what it really means to be an individual he can
never be a part of a society. We have to use our Slovak
identity to enrich our lives within the framework of the
whole human experience. We must use our identity not
as a barries but rather as a bridge. Unless we can come
to know our roots we can never really know our history.
SLOVAKIA
135
FOOTNOTES
1) Oddo, Gilbert, L., Slovakia and Its People, (New York, 1960), p. 330.
2) Zatko, James, J., "Early Beginning of the Slovaks in America ,"
Slovakia, (Middletown, Pa., 1965, p. 16.
3) Ibid.
4) Balch, Emily, Greene, Our Slavic Fellow Citizens, (New York, 1910,
p . 110.
5) Oddo, op. cit.
6) Zatko, op. cit.
7) Pauco, Joseph, 75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty (75
Year History of the First Catholic Slovak Union), (Middletown ,
1965), p. 35.
8) "The Problems of the Immigrants", Phylon, 1968, Volume 29, No. 4.
Winter p. 362.
9) Fairchild, Henry, Pratt, The Melting-Pot Mistake, (Boston, 1946) ,
p. 154.
10) Ibid.
11) Krajsa, Joseph C., "Slovaks Have Arrived!" , Slovakia, (Middletown ,
1965), p. 64.
12) Barron, Milton , L., American Minorities, (New York, 1957), pp.
418--19.
13) Pauco, op. cit. p. 468.
14) Krajsa, Joseph, C., "Slovaks Have Arrived", Slovakia, (Middletown ,
1965), pp. 64-5.
15) Stolarik, Imrich, Kanadska Slovenska Liga 35rocna (35 Year History of the Canadian Slovak League), (Passaic, N.J., 1967), pp. 167-8.
BIB LI O G RA PHY
Balch, Emily, Greene, Our Slavic Fellow Citizens, New York, William
F. Fell Company, 1910.
Barron, Milton, L., American Minorities, New York, Alfred A. Knopf,
Inc., 1957.
Fairchild, Henry, Pratt, The Melting-Pot Mistake, Boston, Little, Brown
and Company, 1946.
Krajsa, Joseph, C., " Slovaks Have Arrived", Slovakia XV, Middletown,
Pa., Jednota Press, 1965, pp. 64-68.
Oddo, Gilberit, L., Slovakia and Its People, New York, Robert Speller
and Sons, 1960.
Pauco, Joseph,75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty, (75 Year
History of the First Catholic Slovak Union), Middletown, Jednota
Press, 1965.
Stolarik, lmrich , Kanadska Slovenska Liga 35rocna, (35 Year History
of the Canadian Slovak League), Passaic, N.J., Slovak Catholic
Sokol Press, 1967.
Zatko, James, J., "Early Beginnings of the Slovaks in America", Slovakia XV , Middletown, Pa., Jednota Press, 1965, pp. 1-38.
Dublin Core
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Title
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The Slovak Experience in Contemporary America
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Daniel F. Tanzone
Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972
pp. 125-135
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Tanzone, Daniel F.
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136
SLOVAKIA
Slovakia, the Land of Beauty
Helena T. Gaydos
Slovakia is surrounded by the Danube River on the
South, the Carpathian Mountains on the North and West
as natural frontiel'ls. The eastern frontier is marked by
the north bank of the Tisa River, which becomes the
Laborec.
In the east, Slovakia borders upon the Soviet Union,
in the south upon Hungary, in the north upon Poland,
and in the Southwestern corner upon Austria.
The area of Slovakia amounts to something around
19,000 square miles.
There are approximately four and one half million
people living in Slovakia.
CLIMATE AND RAINFALL
Slovakia is situated in the temperate zone. Because of
its Central European position, maritime and continental
climate mixes in the country. Owing to the great differences
in altitudes above sea level, the average annual temperatures range from 25 to 50 degrees, and the average annual
percipitation is from 2 to 8 inches. It rains primarily in
spring and summer which is advantageous for agriculture.
RIVERS AND LAKES
Slovakia is a landlocked country and its rivers are
important because they offer outlets to the Black and
Baltic Seas. The western rivers, the Vah which is Slovakia's
most important river, the Hron and the Nitra empty into
the Danube, and thus indirectly flow into Black Sea. The
eastern lowlands are drained by the Homad, Ondava and
Laborec Rivers which empty into the Tisa and are indirect
tributaries of the Black Sea.
Slovakia is a country with a sufficient quantity of
waterways, lakes and artificial water reservoirs; it excells,
however, with its extremely numerous therapeutic mineral
waters.
�SLOVAKIA
137
TRANSPORTATION AND COMMUNICATION
Along the river valleys, between the mountain ridges
run the main ways of communication of the country: the
railway lines and the roads.
In ancient days, the course of these streams determined the
course of the road along which people migrated and commerce and
culture £,lowed. Today we still find Slovakia at the junction of these
roads which cross the Carpathian Mountains from the North and
the South. Historically, two roads have been especially significant
in deciding the fate of Slovakia, one along the Danube connecting
the countries of western Europe with the eastern world. Near the
Carpatho-Alpian gate <this road crossed a second important highway,
which started from the coast of the Adriatic Sea, crossed the
Danube, proceeded to the north against the current at the Morava
River, and went as far north as the Baltic Coast.*
AGRICULTURE
The uplands, pastures and meadows support sheep
grazing and cattle breeding. Wool, meat, and cheese are
the major products. The fertile soils and mild climate
of the lowlands produce wheat, barley, sugar beets, corn,
clover, tobacco, green vegetables, paprika, melons, sunflowers, peckling herbs, vineyards and orchards including
almond trees. The main industries are connected with
agriculture, food processing, wine making, and agricultural
machinery.
FORESTS AND WCX)DWORK INDUSTRIES
Forests cover 34 % of Slovakia, making it one of the
most forested countries in Europe. The Upper Vah is
noted for lumbering (spruce, pine, and birch), and woodwork industries are found at Ruzomberok, Liptovsky Svaty
Mikulas.
MINERALS AND RESOURCES
The Rudohorie (Slovak Ore Mountains), located in
the south-central Slovakia, play an important part in
economy of the country. The Rudohorie are a source of
high-grade iron ore, antimony ore, mercury, copper, magnesite, limestone, semi-precious stones-agates, amethysts
and milky opals. Offshoots have gold, silver, and lead.
Legnite deposits are worked at Handlova.
* Ghlbert L. Oddo, Ph.D., Slovakia and Its People (New York : Robert
Speller & Sons, 1960), p. 2.
�138
SLOVAKIA
CITIES
Bratislava, with population of 290,000, the capital of
Slovakia, is the natural trading center where railway and
river traffic meet. It is also a manufacturing center which
includes cable production, petroleum refining, chemicals,
machinery, cloth, and leather goods.
Bratislava has a colorful history. It was once the capital
of Hungary and is famous for being the scene of the Treaty
of Pressburg (1805) between Napoleon and Emperor
Francis II of Austria.
Kosice, with a population of 106,000, is the steel center
of eastern Slovakia and its largest city. The city of ziar
is important with its immense aluminum plant. Other
important cities are Banska Bystrica, a mining town,
Nitra, Trnava, and Trencin. Komarno is the second port
on the Danube.
TRADE AND ECONOMY
Throughout the country the factories are turning out
everything from television sets and textiles, from refrigererators and lumber to electric motors and pharmaceuticals.
Foreign trade has been chiefly with the communist states;
agriculture is completely collectivized; and the economy
is socialized with practically no private enterprise.
In its plans for the future economy, the greatest asset
Slovakia has is the beauty of the country. Slovakia is a
country of mountains and forests which makes it a natural
tourist attraction. Edward J. Linehan in the National Geographic writes about travelling "to primeval Slovakian
mountains of breathtaking beauty," which statement reinforces my view of Slovakia as a Garden of Eden. In the
summer and fall the mountains excell in beauty and color.
Slovakia is often referred to as an "Oasis of Silence."
SKIING
The High Tatras referred to as "Alps in miniature"
are capped by the 8,711-foot Gerlach Peak is a skier's
paradise. The 1970 world cross-country and jumping ski
championships were held here. The Low Tatras and the
Fatra Mountains also offer excellent ski resorts.
The Little Carpathians are famous for its wines, the
most famous, of course, is Malokarpatske Zlato (Little
�SLOVAKIA
139
Carpathian Gold), Slivovica, which is a fiery, colorless
plum brandy, is probably the most popular drink in
Slovakia.
HUNTING AND FISHING
To satisfy the hunter, the principal game in Slovakia
are : stag, deer, fallow deer, moufflon, chomois, boar, fox,
wolf, lynx, bear, hare, pheasant, partridge, grouse, blackcock, quail, wild-goose, wild-duck, bustard. For the fisherman the rivers offer trout, pike, bass, carp, eel, and salmon.
CAVES
The caves of Slovakia are among the country's greatest
attractions. Each one is different in its underground magic .
The important ones are: the Cave of Liberty, a drippingstone cave; the Ice Cave of Dobsina is one of the greatest
and most beautiful ice caves in the world; the Belanska,
the Harmanec, the Jasov, and the Driny are stalactite caves.
The one that interests me the most is the Domica cave
which was inhabited by Neolithic man and its special
attraction is underground boating on the Styx river .
SPAS AND MINERAL WATERS
Slovakia is a country with an extraordinary richness
in the most different thermal spas, climatic-health resorts,
and natural mineral waters. It is the general practice
of the spas to indicate its specialty as to the type of malady
treated. For example: The Trencianske Teplice will cure
motoric apparatus; the Sliac is for circulatory problems;
the Bojnice and Dudince claim cures for motoric and
nervous apparatus; and the Bardejov and Korytnica will
take care of problems with the digestive canal.
CUISINE
Among the cuisine pirohy (potato dumplings) filled
with sauerkraut are served with pork and bacon. The
sweet dumplings are filled with lekvar (plum butter) or
cottage cheese with melted butter or sour cream poured
over them. Another specialty is Slovak paprikas made
from pork, mutton, beef or veal, pig's heart, paprika and
tomatoes. Smoked sausages are a favorite, and crusty dark
rye bread is a standard with every meal.
Throughout its long history of domination the Slovaks
have managed to maintain their . own language, their
�140
SLOVAKIA
religion, and their national identification. Perhaps it is
only in this ability to maintain their distinctive characteristics that the Slovaks will ever realize their independence.
Even more than geographical position, and greedy
neighbors, these distinctive Slovak characteristics-described as easy-going, honest, idealistic, deeply religious,
imaginative, open-hearted, soft-hearted, emotional, and
music-loving-will equip them for the task of building
a strong and independent nation in the midst of hard
and cruel world.
Tourist Trade of Slovakia
George A. P o d h d j s k y
Countries like Switzerland and Austria, which are
endowed with exquisite beauty in their natural setting,
devote considerable attention in terms of economic activity
to the development of a high level of tourist trade. A
significant proportion of their Gross National Product
comes from the tourist trade, internal and especially
foreign. For that purpose these two countries have steered
their economic activity in such a way as to support an
unprecedented development of their respective tourist
trade industries. Of the Communist countries, Yugoslavia
was particularly successful in developing a very attractive
program for tourist trade, especially from foreign countries.
A similar·potential for developing tourist trade also
exists in the Slovak economy. The natural beauty of Slovak
Tatra Mountains and the adjacent valleys which spread
over most of the country, doubled with the proverbial
hospitality of the Slovak people, are a good basis for the
development of tourist trade in this country. Apart from
this, there is an old tradition of internal and foreign
tourism developed through the centuries. It is the purpose
of this paper to assess the present situation of the Slovak
tourist trade and its potential for future development.
I.
The following figures may sum up the state of tourist
trade of Czecho-Slovakia for the years 1960-1964. 1
�
136
SLOVAKIA
Slovakia, the Land of Beauty
Helena T. Gaydos
Slovakia is surrounded by the Danube River on the
South, the Carpathian Mountains on the North and West
as natural frontiel'ls. The eastern frontier is marked by
the north bank of the Tisa River, which becomes the
Laborec.
In the east, Slovakia borders upon the Soviet Union,
in the south upon Hungary, in the north upon Poland,
and in the Southwestern corner upon Austria.
The area of Slovakia amounts to something around
19,000 square miles.
There are approximately four and one half million
people living in Slovakia.
CLIMATE AND RAINFALL
Slovakia is situated in the temperate zone. Because of
its Central European position, maritime and continental
climate mixes in the country. Owing to the great differences
in altitudes above sea level, the average annual temperatures range from 25 to 50 degrees, and the average annual
percipitation is from 2 to 8 inches. It rains primarily in
spring and summer which is advantageous for agriculture.
RIVERS AND LAKES
Slovakia is a landlocked country and its rivers are
important because they offer outlets to the Black and
Baltic Seas. The western rivers, the Vah which is Slovakia's
most important river, the Hron and the Nitra empty into
the Danube, and thus indirectly flow into Black Sea. The
eastern lowlands are drained by the Homad, Ondava and
Laborec Rivers which empty into the Tisa and are indirect
tributaries of the Black Sea.
Slovakia is a country with a sufficient quantity of
waterways, lakes and artificial water reservoirs; it excells,
however, with its extremely numerous therapeutic mineral
waters.
�SLOVAKIA
137
TRANSPORTATION AND COMMUNICATION
Along the river valleys, between the mountain ridges
run the main ways of communication of the country: the
railway lines and the roads.
In ancient days, the course of these streams determined the
course of the road along which people migrated and commerce and
culture £,lowed. Today we still find Slovakia at the junction of these
roads which cross the Carpathian Mountains from the North and
the South. Historically, two roads have been especially significant
in deciding the fate of Slovakia, one along the Danube connecting
the countries of western Europe with the eastern world. Near the
Carpatho-Alpian gate <this road crossed a second important highway,
which started from the coast of the Adriatic Sea, crossed the
Danube, proceeded to the north against the current at the Morava
River, and went as far north as the Baltic Coast.*
AGRICULTURE
The uplands, pastures and meadows support sheep
grazing and cattle breeding. Wool, meat, and cheese are
the major products. The fertile soils and mild climate
of the lowlands produce wheat, barley, sugar beets, corn,
clover, tobacco, green vegetables, paprika, melons, sunflowers, peckling herbs, vineyards and orchards including
almond trees. The main industries are connected with
agriculture, food processing, wine making, and agricultural
machinery.
FORESTS AND WCX)DWORK INDUSTRIES
Forests cover 34 % of Slovakia, making it one of the
most forested countries in Europe. The Upper Vah is
noted for lumbering (spruce, pine, and birch), and woodwork industries are found at Ruzomberok, Liptovsky Svaty
Mikulas.
MINERALS AND RESOURCES
The Rudohorie (Slovak Ore Mountains), located in
the south-central Slovakia, play an important part in
economy of the country. The Rudohorie are a source of
high-grade iron ore, antimony ore, mercury, copper, magnesite, limestone, semi-precious stones-agates, amethysts
and milky opals. Offshoots have gold, silver, and lead.
Legnite deposits are worked at Handlova.
* Ghlbert L. Oddo, Ph.D., Slovakia and Its People (New York : Robert
Speller & Sons, 1960), p. 2.
�138
SLOVAKIA
CITIES
Bratislava, with population of 290,000, the capital of
Slovakia, is the natural trading center where railway and
river traffic meet. It is also a manufacturing center which
includes cable production, petroleum refining, chemicals,
machinery, cloth, and leather goods.
Bratislava has a colorful history. It was once the capital
of Hungary and is famous for being the scene of the Treaty
of Pressburg (1805) between Napoleon and Emperor
Francis II of Austria.
Kosice, with a population of 106,000, is the steel center
of eastern Slovakia and its largest city. The city of ziar
is important with its immense aluminum plant. Other
important cities are Banska Bystrica, a mining town,
Nitra, Trnava, and Trencin. Komarno is the second port
on the Danube.
TRADE AND ECONOMY
Throughout the country the factories are turning out
everything from television sets and textiles, from refrigererators and lumber to electric motors and pharmaceuticals.
Foreign trade has been chiefly with the communist states;
agriculture is completely collectivized; and the economy
is socialized with practically no private enterprise.
In its plans for the future economy, the greatest asset
Slovakia has is the beauty of the country. Slovakia is a
country of mountains and forests which makes it a natural
tourist attraction. Edward J. Linehan in the National Geographic writes about travelling "to primeval Slovakian
mountains of breathtaking beauty," which statement reinforces my view of Slovakia as a Garden of Eden. In the
summer and fall the mountains excell in beauty and color.
Slovakia is often referred to as an "Oasis of Silence."
SKIING
The High Tatras referred to as "Alps in miniature"
are capped by the 8,711-foot Gerlach Peak is a skier's
paradise. The 1970 world cross-country and jumping ski
championships were held here. The Low Tatras and the
Fatra Mountains also offer excellent ski resorts.
The Little Carpathians are famous for its wines, the
most famous, of course, is Malokarpatske Zlato (Little
�SLOVAKIA
139
Carpathian Gold), Slivovica, which is a fiery, colorless
plum brandy, is probably the most popular drink in
Slovakia.
HUNTING AND FISHING
To satisfy the hunter, the principal game in Slovakia
are : stag, deer, fallow deer, moufflon, chomois, boar, fox,
wolf, lynx, bear, hare, pheasant, partridge, grouse, blackcock, quail, wild-goose, wild-duck, bustard. For the fisherman the rivers offer trout, pike, bass, carp, eel, and salmon.
CAVES
The caves of Slovakia are among the country's greatest
attractions. Each one is different in its underground magic .
The important ones are: the Cave of Liberty, a drippingstone cave; the Ice Cave of Dobsina is one of the greatest
and most beautiful ice caves in the world; the Belanska,
the Harmanec, the Jasov, and the Driny are stalactite caves.
The one that interests me the most is the Domica cave
which was inhabited by Neolithic man and its special
attraction is underground boating on the Styx river .
SPAS AND MINERAL WATERS
Slovakia is a country with an extraordinary richness
in the most different thermal spas, climatic-health resorts,
and natural mineral waters. It is the general practice
of the spas to indicate its specialty as to the type of malady
treated. For example: The Trencianske Teplice will cure
motoric apparatus; the Sliac is for circulatory problems;
the Bojnice and Dudince claim cures for motoric and
nervous apparatus; and the Bardejov and Korytnica will
take care of problems with the digestive canal.
CUISINE
Among the cuisine pirohy (potato dumplings) filled
with sauerkraut are served with pork and bacon. The
sweet dumplings are filled with lekvar (plum butter) or
cottage cheese with melted butter or sour cream poured
over them. Another specialty is Slovak paprikas made
from pork, mutton, beef or veal, pig's heart, paprika and
tomatoes. Smoked sausages are a favorite, and crusty dark
rye bread is a standard with every meal.
Throughout its long history of domination the Slovaks
have managed to maintain their . own language, their
�140
SLOVAKIA
religion, and their national identification. Perhaps it is
only in this ability to maintain their distinctive characteristics that the Slovaks will ever realize their independence.
Even more than geographical position, and greedy
neighbors, these distinctive Slovak characteristics-described as easy-going, honest, idealistic, deeply religious,
imaginative, open-hearted, soft-hearted, emotional, and
music-loving-will equip them for the task of building
a strong and independent nation in the midst of hard
and cruel world.
Tourist Trade of Slovakia
George A. P o d h d j s k y
Countries like Switzerland and Austria, which are
endowed with exquisite beauty in their natural setting,
devote considerable attention in terms of economic activity
to the development of a high level of tourist trade. A
significant proportion of their Gross National Product
comes from the tourist trade, internal and especially
foreign. For that purpose these two countries have steered
their economic activity in such a way as to support an
unprecedented development of their respective tourist
trade industries. Of the Communist countries, Yugoslavia
was particularly successful in developing a very attractive
program for tourist trade, especially from foreign countries.
A similar·potential for developing tourist trade also
exists in the Slovak economy. The natural beauty of Slovak
Tatra Mountains and the adjacent valleys which spread
over most of the country, doubled with the proverbial
hospitality of the Slovak people, are a good basis for the
development of tourist trade in this country. Apart from
this, there is an old tradition of internal and foreign
tourism developed through the centuries. It is the purpose
of this paper to assess the present situation of the Slovak
tourist trade and its potential for future development.
I.
The following figures may sum up the state of tourist
trade of Czecho-Slovakia for the years 1960-1964. 1
�
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1972, Vol. 22
Description
An account of the resource
Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972.
Publisher
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The Slovak League of America
Date
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1972
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136
SLOVAKIA
Slovakia, the Land of Beauty
Helena T. Gaydos
Slovakia is surrounded by the Danube River on the
South, the Carpathian Mountains on the North and West
as natural frontiel'ls. The eastern frontier is marked by
the north bank of the Tisa River, which becomes the
Laborec.
In the east, Slovakia borders upon the Soviet Union,
in the south upon Hungary, in the north upon Poland,
and in the Southwestern corner upon Austria.
The area of Slovakia amounts to something around
19,000 square miles.
There are approximately four and one half million
people living in Slovakia.
CLIMATE AND RAINFALL
Slovakia is situated in the temperate zone. Because of
its Central European position, maritime and continental
climate mixes in the country. Owing to the great differences
in altitudes above sea level, the average annual temperatures range from 25 to 50 degrees, and the average annual
percipitation is from 2 to 8 inches. It rains primarily in
spring and summer which is advantageous for agriculture.
RIVERS AND LAKES
Slovakia is a landlocked country and its rivers are
important because they offer outlets to the Black and
Baltic Seas. The western rivers, the Vah which is Slovakia's
most important river, the Hron and the Nitra empty into
the Danube, and thus indirectly flow into Black Sea. The
eastern lowlands are drained by the Homad, Ondava and
Laborec Rivers which empty into the Tisa and are indirect
tributaries of the Black Sea.
Slovakia is a country with a sufficient quantity of
waterways, lakes and artificial water reservoirs; it excells,
however, with its extremely numerous therapeutic mineral
waters.
SLOVAKIA
137
TRANSPORTATION AND COMMUNICATION
Along the river valleys, between the mountain ridges
run the main ways of communication of the country: the
railway lines and the roads.
In ancient days, the course of these streams determined the
course of the road along which people migrated and commerce and
culture £,lowed. Today we still find Slovakia at the junction of these
roads which cross the Carpathian Mountains from the North and
the South. Historically, two roads have been especially significant
in deciding the fate of Slovakia, one along the Danube connecting
the countries of western Europe with the eastern world. Near the
Carpatho-Alpian gate <this road crossed a second important highway,
which started from the coast of the Adriatic Sea, crossed the
Danube, proceeded to the north against the current at the Morava
River, and went as far north as the Baltic Coast.*
AGRICULTURE
The uplands, pastures and meadows support sheep
grazing and cattle breeding. Wool, meat, and cheese are
the major products. The fertile soils and mild climate
of the lowlands produce wheat, barley, sugar beets, corn,
clover, tobacco, green vegetables, paprika, melons, sunflowers, peckling herbs, vineyards and orchards including
almond trees. The main industries are connected with
agriculture, food processing, wine making, and agricultural
machinery.
FORESTS AND WCX)DWORK INDUSTRIES
Forests cover 34 % of Slovakia, making it one of the
most forested countries in Europe. The Upper Vah is
noted for lumbering (spruce, pine, and birch), and woodwork industries are found at Ruzomberok, Liptovsky Svaty
Mikulas.
MINERALS AND RESOURCES
The Rudohorie (Slovak Ore Mountains), located in
the south-central Slovakia, play an important part in
economy of the country. The Rudohorie are a source of
high-grade iron ore, antimony ore, mercury, copper, magnesite, limestone, semi-precious stones-agates, amethysts
and milky opals. Offshoots have gold, silver, and lead.
Legnite deposits are worked at Handlova.
* Ghlbert L. Oddo, Ph.D., Slovakia and Its People (New York : Robert
Speller & Sons, 1960), p. 2.
138
SLOVAKIA
CITIES
Bratislava, with population of 290,000, the capital of
Slovakia, is the natural trading center where railway and
river traffic meet. It is also a manufacturing center which
includes cable production, petroleum refining, chemicals,
machinery, cloth, and leather goods.
Bratislava has a colorful history. It was once the capital
of Hungary and is famous for being the scene of the Treaty
of Pressburg (1805) between Napoleon and Emperor
Francis II of Austria.
Kosice, with a population of 106,000, is the steel center
of eastern Slovakia and its largest city. The city of ziar
is important with its immense aluminum plant. Other
important cities are Banska Bystrica, a mining town,
Nitra, Trnava, and Trencin. Komarno is the second port
on the Danube.
TRADE AND ECONOMY
Throughout the country the factories are turning out
everything from television sets and textiles, from refrigererators and lumber to electric motors and pharmaceuticals.
Foreign trade has been chiefly with the communist states;
agriculture is completely collectivized; and the economy
is socialized with practically no private enterprise.
In its plans for the future economy, the greatest asset
Slovakia has is the beauty of the country. Slovakia is a
country of mountains and forests which makes it a natural
tourist attraction. Edward J. Linehan in the National Geographic writes about travelling "to primeval Slovakian
mountains of breathtaking beauty," which statement reinforces my view of Slovakia as a Garden of Eden. In the
summer and fall the mountains excell in beauty and color.
Slovakia is often referred to as an "Oasis of Silence."
SKIING
The High Tatras referred to as "Alps in miniature"
are capped by the 8,711-foot Gerlach Peak is a skier's
paradise. The 1970 world cross-country and jumping ski
championships were held here. The Low Tatras and the
Fatra Mountains also offer excellent ski resorts.
The Little Carpathians are famous for its wines, the
most famous, of course, is Malokarpatske Zlato (Little
SLOVAKIA
139
Carpathian Gold), Slivovica, which is a fiery, colorless
plum brandy, is probably the most popular drink in
Slovakia.
HUNTING AND FISHING
To satisfy the hunter, the principal game in Slovakia
are : stag, deer, fallow deer, moufflon, chomois, boar, fox,
wolf, lynx, bear, hare, pheasant, partridge, grouse, blackcock, quail, wild-goose, wild-duck, bustard. For the fisherman the rivers offer trout, pike, bass, carp, eel, and salmon.
CAVES
The caves of Slovakia are among the country's greatest
attractions. Each one is different in its underground magic .
The important ones are: the Cave of Liberty, a drippingstone cave; the Ice Cave of Dobsina is one of the greatest
and most beautiful ice caves in the world; the Belanska,
the Harmanec, the Jasov, and the Driny are stalactite caves.
The one that interests me the most is the Domica cave
which was inhabited by Neolithic man and its special
attraction is underground boating on the Styx river .
SPAS AND MINERAL WATERS
Slovakia is a country with an extraordinary richness
in the most different thermal spas, climatic-health resorts,
and natural mineral waters. It is the general practice
of the spas to indicate its specialty as to the type of malady
treated. For example: The Trencianske Teplice will cure
motoric apparatus; the Sliac is for circulatory problems;
the Bojnice and Dudince claim cures for motoric and
nervous apparatus; and the Bardejov and Korytnica will
take care of problems with the digestive canal.
CUISINE
Among the cuisine pirohy (potato dumplings) filled
with sauerkraut are served with pork and bacon. The
sweet dumplings are filled with lekvar (plum butter) or
cottage cheese with melted butter or sour cream poured
over them. Another specialty is Slovak paprikas made
from pork, mutton, beef or veal, pig's heart, paprika and
tomatoes. Smoked sausages are a favorite, and crusty dark
rye bread is a standard with every meal.
Throughout its long history of domination the Slovaks
have managed to maintain their . own language, their
140
SLOVAKIA
religion, and their national identification. Perhaps it is
only in this ability to maintain their distinctive characteristics that the Slovaks will ever realize their independence.
Even more than geographical position, and greedy
neighbors, these distinctive Slovak characteristics-described as easy-going, honest, idealistic, deeply religious,
imaginative, open-hearted, soft-hearted, emotional, and
music-loving-will equip them for the task of building
a strong and independent nation in the midst of hard
and cruel world.
Tourist Trade of Slovakia
George A. P o d h d j s k y
Countries like Switzerland and Austria, which are
endowed with exquisite beauty in their natural setting,
devote considerable attention in terms of economic activity
to the development of a high level of tourist trade. A
significant proportion of their Gross National Product
comes from the tourist trade, internal and especially
foreign. For that purpose these two countries have steered
their economic activity in such a way as to support an
unprecedented development of their respective tourist
trade industries. Of the Communist countries, Yugoslavia
was particularly successful in developing a very attractive
program for tourist trade, especially from foreign countries.
A similar·potential for developing tourist trade also
exists in the Slovak economy. The natural beauty of Slovak
Tatra Mountains and the adjacent valleys which spread
over most of the country, doubled with the proverbial
hospitality of the Slovak people, are a good basis for the
development of tourist trade in this country. Apart from
this, there is an old tradition of internal and foreign
tourism developed through the centuries. It is the purpose
of this paper to assess the present situation of the Slovak
tourist trade and its potential for future development.
I.
The following figures may sum up the state of tourist
trade of Czecho-Slovakia for the years 1960-1964. 1
Dublin Core
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Title
A name given to the resource
Slovakia, the Land of Beauty
Description
An account of the resource
Helena T. Gaydos
Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972
pp. 136-140
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Gaydos, Helena T.
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1972
name
-
https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/5b07e17d4fa04511d00a112ba3599b8b.pdf
6ca9b798de2435a9585f1b1ea60c2e69
PDF Text
Text
140
SLOVAKIA
religion, and their national identification. Perhaps it is
only in this ability to maintain their distinctive characteristics that the Slovaks will ever realize their independence.
Even more than geographical position, and greedy
neighbors, these distinctive Slovak characteristics-described as easy-going, honest, idealistic, deeply religious,
imaginative, open-hearted, soft-hearted, emotional, and
music-loving-will equip them for the task of building
a strong and independent nation in the midst of hard
and cruel world.
Tourist Trade of Slovakia
George A. P o d h d j s k y
Countries like Switzerland and Austria, which are
endowed with exquisite beauty in their natural setting,
devote considerable attention in terms of economic activity
to the development of a high level of tourist trade. A
significant proportion of their Gross National Product
comes from the tourist trade, internal and especially
foreign. For that purpose these two countries have steered
their economic activity in such a way as to support an
unprecedented development of their respective tourist
trade industries. Of the Communist countries, Yugoslavia
was particularly successful in developing a very attractive
program for tourist trade, especially from foreign countries.
A similar·potential for developing tourist trade also
exists in the Slovak economy. The natural beauty of Slovak
Tatra Mountains and the adjacent valleys which spread
over most of the country, doubled with the proverbial
hospitality of the Slovak people, are a good basis for the
development of tourist trade in this country. Apart from
this, there is an old tradition of internal and foreign
tourism developed through the centuries. It is the purpose
of this paper to assess the present situation of the Slovak
tourist trade and its potential for future development.
I.
The following figures may sum up the state of tourist
trade of Czecho-Slovakia for the years 1960-1964. 1
�SLOVAKIA
141
1960 1961 1962 1963 1964
From Abroad (in Mill.)
1.3
1.6
1.7
1.8
3.7
To Foreign Countries
.5
.6
.7
.7
2.0
From the above table one can see that the foreign
tourists by far exceeded the number of people from CzechoSlovakia visiting foreign countries. From the breakdown
of the above figures, one can also see that most of the
foreign tourist trade was stemming mostly from the Sociallist block countries. However, there was some tourist trade
stemming from Western countries like the United States,
France, Austria, and West Germany. The figures show that
there were more tourists from these countries going to
Czecho-Slovakia rather than the other way around. Of
course, there was an unprecedented upsurge in the inflow
of Western tourists in 1968, when the gates opened for
the foreigners.
The facilities available for the tourists in CzechoSlovakia were not always adequate, especially during the
period of 1955-1963, when the number of guests far outweighed the number of available beds. 1963 is the first
year showing an excess of beds over the number of guests.
The following diagram shows this picture quite clearly. 2
THE NUMBER OF GUESTS AND BEDS AVAILABLE
Guests in Millions
Beds in Thousands
4f - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - --
-
--,/3f
_ _ _ _ guests
- - - - - - - beds
"7
I
I
I
I
I
I
___ ,, ,,. ,"
,, ,,
,
,,,,.1
'fo
7S'
�142
SLOVAKIA
This diagram shows the varying degree of the ratio
between the number of guests and available beds. Although,
from the diagram, it cannot be ascertained what ratio
would be considered as optimal, other sources3 show that
there was a shortage of not only beds but also other
facilities to adequately care for the ever-increasing tourist
t rade.
II.
From the above information, it is evident that the
tourist trade to Czecho-Slovakia underwent some fluctuation but also an overall growth in the number of guests
and available facilities . The figures are for Czecho-Slovakia,
but we can safely assume that at least half of this trade
belonged to Slovakia which seemed to concentrate in
tourist trade in the past having been endowed with more
potential than Bohemia and Moravia.
At this point it would be good to see if there is enough
potential and incentive in Slovakia to develop tourist trade
to its optimal size. The 1970 winter Olympics in the Tatra
mountains prepared on short notice by the leaders of
Slovakia has proven beyond any doubt that Slovaks can
produce adequate facilities for such an important event
as winter Olympics. Most of the facilities created are of
lasting value as they may be used and reused by further
similar sport activities though not necessarily on an international level. The organizers have shown not only the
ability and the know-how but also good taste in creating
efficient facilities. The good taste has also been demonstrated in the building of several tourist hotels at various
geographical points in Slovakia. Almost without exception,
hotel buildings have at last one masterpiece of art by
a known artist in the foyer or elsewhere for the inspection
of an appreciative customer. Such hotels usually are built
with the most modern approach, and the service in such
hotels is supposed to match the style. However, there is
ample evidence4 that the service of high consumer satisfaction is not always present.
In this respect, the potential of the Slovak trade is
hampered by other services that go hand in hand with the
tourist trade and which were more or less adequately
solved by the Swiss or the Austrians. Bus service, cool
drink and snack service at various points of movements
�SLOVAKIA
143
of tourists are just a few among to be mentioned. However,
this may be solved comperatively easily if the tourist
planners are given enough scope and competence to develop
them.
There is, of course, a more important problem which
the Slovak tourist planners will have to face. This is the
problem of seasonal fluctuations in the tourist trade. A
breakdown of the 1963 figures, for example, shows that the
winter and fall quarters were very low in tourist activity in
comparison to the other two quarters. This poses a problem
of optimum capacity of facilities for tourist trade. This
capacity will have to be determined by the spring and
summer demand for them. From the point of view of the
rate of return on investment, those facilities should get
the priority of development which can be operated all year.
Thus, the spas, sanatoriums and other hospitals are examples in question. Since tourist trade in Slovakia has shown
in the past centuries an excellent tradition in this field,
this development could prove very profitable indeed.
Piest'any, where Beethoven composed his 7th Symphony,
is an example of such tradition. This portion of the tourist
trade activity taking shape of its past reputation can
become the backbone of the total activity in this field.
Having stressed this kind of activity, the rest of tourist
trade may be taken in stride inspite of the seasonal
fluctuations. However, even in this direction, a lot can be
done by a good planner or economist by envisaging such
tourist activity which can take place all year around. This
kind of seasonal fluctuation may be at least partially
curtailed by using the same facilities during the summer
and winter. Since the structure of the Slovak tourist
scenery in such that it can be enjoyed for skiing in winter
and other activities in summer, it may be possible to create
year-around tourist activity in such areas. However, in
the respect a lot of planning and research should be done,
as many areas have not been explored for safety reasons.
All in all, a careful analysis may show that the seasonal
fluctuations may turn out to appear more smoothed out
than at first sight. In that case one may expect a full and
optimal development of the Slovak tourist trade which
would possibly make it one of the most important components of the Slovak Gross National Product.
�144
SLOVAKIA
The demand for Slovak facilities could prove quite
high. In fact, for many years to come the Slovak tourist
trade could prove an important and favorable competitor
to the Swiss tourist trade, and only Austria could challenge
this position of Slovakia. It is the prices of various services
that are expected to be much lower than the Swiss and
somewhat lower than the Austrian. In such situations,
Slovakia could prove a seeked for tourist attraction filling
the capacity available, provided that the services match the
Swiss standards. Since this is very hard to achieve because
of high Swiss standards, one may allow for some discrepancy in this respect. At the same time, one may point out
that given the scope of development and authority into
the hands of the tourist trade planners, they may show
that they can achieve the Swiss standards. In that case,
with lower prices, Slovaks are in an excellent competitive
position with the Swiss. In the past, the Swiss journalists
themselves have uttered such thoughts. Other non-monetary
aspects of this trade are also very important. For example,
the rustic setting untouched by the most modern civilization
may have a point in question. The availability of concerts
and other activities which are not scheduled withing the
tourist trade may be another. Good and reasonable shopping activities for handicraft products may prove an
excellent attraction. This of course may give an impetus
to further development of other industries.
The above mentioned goals in terms of foreign tourist
trade may be achieved effectively in a given period of time
only if other noneconomic factors are developed to give
the economic development a necessary background and
environment. Thus, in the respect, political measures must
allow the development of tourist trade activity. The
managers of smaller summer resorts must have enough
opportunity to be able to decide quickly on their policy
changes concerning tourist trade activities if such changes
are brought about without further notice. In order to avoid
unnecessary waste, such decentralized decision-making
process must be inherent in the system of planning and
production of the tourist trade. Since the cultural background is closely related to this one, a combination of
the two may prove a stimulating factor in the development
of the Slovak tourist trade. Given these conditions, there
�SLOVAKIA
145
are enough qualified people in Slovakia to do it, and others
can easily be trained.
In order to achieve some significant result in terms
of Slovak foreign trade, one will have to reorganize all
present facilities, improve them and then build new ones .
In this respect the Slovak economy is quite negligent as
the informed sources maintain.5 Most deficiencies are in
the organization itself; 6 in terms of service, 7 in public
relations especially advertising,8 etc. On the other hand,
there has been quite a bit done to attract the hunters into
Slovakia for various kinds of activities9 and other services.
These kinds of details may have to be ironed out before
tourist trade can achieve the desired results. The best
possible approach in this respect would be to develop
the various kinds of services to such an extent that the
internal tourist trade demand may be satisfied. Having
achieved these standards, one may proceed to expand for
foreign consumption. This is quite possible as the Slovaks
proved in the past as informed tourists, demanding a high
standard of service. This kind of supply-demand interaction
may create the necessary base for development for foreign
oriented tourist trade.
Since the potential for developing the Slovak tourist
trade does exist, it will depend mostly on the wisdom of
those people who are in decision-making positions. They
seemed sympathetic to such development in the past.
NOTES
1)
2)
3)
4)
5)
6)
7)
8)
9)
Statisticka rocenka
Ibid, p. 405.
Pravda, Bratislava,
Pravda, Bratislava,
Ibid.
Pravda, Bratislava,
Pravda, Bratislava,
Pravda, Bratislava,
Pravda, Bratislava,
c SSR 1965, Prague 1965, p. 4-04.
March 14, 1969, p. 5.
March 26, 1969, p. 5.
February
April 25,
February
February
19, 1969, p. 2.
1969, p. 1.
6, 1970, p. 2.
14, 1969, p. 2.
*
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to
works of charity, materially and morally aids Slovaks,
here and abroad, who may be in need of such aid; it supports the American Red Cross, United Fund Campaigns
and other American charitable projects.
�
140
SLOVAKIA
religion, and their national identification. Perhaps it is
only in this ability to maintain their distinctive characteristics that the Slovaks will ever realize their independence.
Even more than geographical position, and greedy
neighbors, these distinctive Slovak characteristics-described as easy-going, honest, idealistic, deeply religious,
imaginative, open-hearted, soft-hearted, emotional, and
music-loving-will equip them for the task of building
a strong and independent nation in the midst of hard
and cruel world.
Tourist Trade of Slovakia
George A. P o d h d j s k y
Countries like Switzerland and Austria, which are
endowed with exquisite beauty in their natural setting,
devote considerable attention in terms of economic activity
to the development of a high level of tourist trade. A
significant proportion of their Gross National Product
comes from the tourist trade, internal and especially
foreign. For that purpose these two countries have steered
their economic activity in such a way as to support an
unprecedented development of their respective tourist
trade industries. Of the Communist countries, Yugoslavia
was particularly successful in developing a very attractive
program for tourist trade, especially from foreign countries.
A similar·potential for developing tourist trade also
exists in the Slovak economy. The natural beauty of Slovak
Tatra Mountains and the adjacent valleys which spread
over most of the country, doubled with the proverbial
hospitality of the Slovak people, are a good basis for the
development of tourist trade in this country. Apart from
this, there is an old tradition of internal and foreign
tourism developed through the centuries. It is the purpose
of this paper to assess the present situation of the Slovak
tourist trade and its potential for future development.
I.
The following figures may sum up the state of tourist
trade of Czecho-Slovakia for the years 1960-1964. 1
�SLOVAKIA
141
1960 1961 1962 1963 1964
From Abroad (in Mill.)
1.3
1.6
1.7
1.8
3.7
To Foreign Countries
.5
.6
.7
.7
2.0
From the above table one can see that the foreign
tourists by far exceeded the number of people from CzechoSlovakia visiting foreign countries. From the breakdown
of the above figures, one can also see that most of the
foreign tourist trade was stemming mostly from the Sociallist block countries. However, there was some tourist trade
stemming from Western countries like the United States,
France, Austria, and West Germany. The figures show that
there were more tourists from these countries going to
Czecho-Slovakia rather than the other way around. Of
course, there was an unprecedented upsurge in the inflow
of Western tourists in 1968, when the gates opened for
the foreigners.
The facilities available for the tourists in CzechoSlovakia were not always adequate, especially during the
period of 1955-1963, when the number of guests far outweighed the number of available beds. 1963 is the first
year showing an excess of beds over the number of guests.
The following diagram shows this picture quite clearly. 2
THE NUMBER OF GUESTS AND BEDS AVAILABLE
Guests in Millions
Beds in Thousands
4f - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - --
-
--,/3f
_ _ _ _ guests
- - - - - - - beds
"7
I
I
I
I
I
I
___ ,, ,,. ,"
,, ,,
,
,,,,.1
'fo
7S'
�142
SLOVAKIA
This diagram shows the varying degree of the ratio
between the number of guests and available beds. Although,
from the diagram, it cannot be ascertained what ratio
would be considered as optimal, other sources3 show that
there was a shortage of not only beds but also other
facilities to adequately care for the ever-increasing tourist
t rade.
II.
From the above information, it is evident that the
tourist trade to Czecho-Slovakia underwent some fluctuation but also an overall growth in the number of guests
and available facilities . The figures are for Czecho-Slovakia,
but we can safely assume that at least half of this trade
belonged to Slovakia which seemed to concentrate in
tourist trade in the past having been endowed with more
potential than Bohemia and Moravia.
At this point it would be good to see if there is enough
potential and incentive in Slovakia to develop tourist trade
to its optimal size. The 1970 winter Olympics in the Tatra
mountains prepared on short notice by the leaders of
Slovakia has proven beyond any doubt that Slovaks can
produce adequate facilities for such an important event
as winter Olympics. Most of the facilities created are of
lasting value as they may be used and reused by further
similar sport activities though not necessarily on an international level. The organizers have shown not only the
ability and the know-how but also good taste in creating
efficient facilities. The good taste has also been demonstrated in the building of several tourist hotels at various
geographical points in Slovakia. Almost without exception,
hotel buildings have at last one masterpiece of art by
a known artist in the foyer or elsewhere for the inspection
of an appreciative customer. Such hotels usually are built
with the most modern approach, and the service in such
hotels is supposed to match the style. However, there is
ample evidence4 that the service of high consumer satisfaction is not always present.
In this respect, the potential of the Slovak trade is
hampered by other services that go hand in hand with the
tourist trade and which were more or less adequately
solved by the Swiss or the Austrians. Bus service, cool
drink and snack service at various points of movements
�SLOVAKIA
143
of tourists are just a few among to be mentioned. However,
this may be solved comperatively easily if the tourist
planners are given enough scope and competence to develop
them.
There is, of course, a more important problem which
the Slovak tourist planners will have to face. This is the
problem of seasonal fluctuations in the tourist trade. A
breakdown of the 1963 figures, for example, shows that the
winter and fall quarters were very low in tourist activity in
comparison to the other two quarters. This poses a problem
of optimum capacity of facilities for tourist trade. This
capacity will have to be determined by the spring and
summer demand for them. From the point of view of the
rate of return on investment, those facilities should get
the priority of development which can be operated all year.
Thus, the spas, sanatoriums and other hospitals are examples in question. Since tourist trade in Slovakia has shown
in the past centuries an excellent tradition in this field,
this development could prove very profitable indeed.
Piest'any, where Beethoven composed his 7th Symphony,
is an example of such tradition. This portion of the tourist
trade activity taking shape of its past reputation can
become the backbone of the total activity in this field.
Having stressed this kind of activity, the rest of tourist
trade may be taken in stride inspite of the seasonal
fluctuations. However, even in this direction, a lot can be
done by a good planner or economist by envisaging such
tourist activity which can take place all year around. This
kind of seasonal fluctuation may be at least partially
curtailed by using the same facilities during the summer
and winter. Since the structure of the Slovak tourist
scenery in such that it can be enjoyed for skiing in winter
and other activities in summer, it may be possible to create
year-around tourist activity in such areas. However, in
the respect a lot of planning and research should be done,
as many areas have not been explored for safety reasons.
All in all, a careful analysis may show that the seasonal
fluctuations may turn out to appear more smoothed out
than at first sight. In that case one may expect a full and
optimal development of the Slovak tourist trade which
would possibly make it one of the most important components of the Slovak Gross National Product.
�144
SLOVAKIA
The demand for Slovak facilities could prove quite
high. In fact, for many years to come the Slovak tourist
trade could prove an important and favorable competitor
to the Swiss tourist trade, and only Austria could challenge
this position of Slovakia. It is the prices of various services
that are expected to be much lower than the Swiss and
somewhat lower than the Austrian. In such situations,
Slovakia could prove a seeked for tourist attraction filling
the capacity available, provided that the services match the
Swiss standards. Since this is very hard to achieve because
of high Swiss standards, one may allow for some discrepancy in this respect. At the same time, one may point out
that given the scope of development and authority into
the hands of the tourist trade planners, they may show
that they can achieve the Swiss standards. In that case,
with lower prices, Slovaks are in an excellent competitive
position with the Swiss. In the past, the Swiss journalists
themselves have uttered such thoughts. Other non-monetary
aspects of this trade are also very important. For example,
the rustic setting untouched by the most modern civilization
may have a point in question. The availability of concerts
and other activities which are not scheduled withing the
tourist trade may be another. Good and reasonable shopping activities for handicraft products may prove an
excellent attraction. This of course may give an impetus
to further development of other industries.
The above mentioned goals in terms of foreign tourist
trade may be achieved effectively in a given period of time
only if other noneconomic factors are developed to give
the economic development a necessary background and
environment. Thus, in the respect, political measures must
allow the development of tourist trade activity. The
managers of smaller summer resorts must have enough
opportunity to be able to decide quickly on their policy
changes concerning tourist trade activities if such changes
are brought about without further notice. In order to avoid
unnecessary waste, such decentralized decision-making
process must be inherent in the system of planning and
production of the tourist trade. Since the cultural background is closely related to this one, a combination of
the two may prove a stimulating factor in the development
of the Slovak tourist trade. Given these conditions, there
�SLOVAKIA
145
are enough qualified people in Slovakia to do it, and others
can easily be trained.
In order to achieve some significant result in terms
of Slovak foreign trade, one will have to reorganize all
present facilities, improve them and then build new ones .
In this respect the Slovak economy is quite negligent as
the informed sources maintain.5 Most deficiencies are in
the organization itself; 6 in terms of service, 7 in public
relations especially advertising,8 etc. On the other hand,
there has been quite a bit done to attract the hunters into
Slovakia for various kinds of activities9 and other services.
These kinds of details may have to be ironed out before
tourist trade can achieve the desired results. The best
possible approach in this respect would be to develop
the various kinds of services to such an extent that the
internal tourist trade demand may be satisfied. Having
achieved these standards, one may proceed to expand for
foreign consumption. This is quite possible as the Slovaks
proved in the past as informed tourists, demanding a high
standard of service. This kind of supply-demand interaction
may create the necessary base for development for foreign
oriented tourist trade.
Since the potential for developing the Slovak tourist
trade does exist, it will depend mostly on the wisdom of
those people who are in decision-making positions. They
seemed sympathetic to such development in the past.
NOTES
1)
2)
3)
4)
5)
6)
7)
8)
9)
Statisticka rocenka
Ibid, p. 405.
Pravda, Bratislava,
Pravda, Bratislava,
Ibid.
Pravda, Bratislava,
Pravda, Bratislava,
Pravda, Bratislava,
Pravda, Bratislava,
c SSR 1965, Prague 1965, p. 4-04.
March 14, 1969, p. 5.
March 26, 1969, p. 5.
February
April 25,
February
February
19, 1969, p. 2.
1969, p. 1.
6, 1970, p. 2.
14, 1969, p. 2.
*
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to
works of charity, materially and morally aids Slovaks,
here and abroad, who may be in need of such aid; it supports the American Red Cross, United Fund Campaigns
and other American charitable projects.
�
Dublin Core
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Title
A name given to the resource
1972, Vol. 22
Description
An account of the resource
Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972.
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
The Slovak League of America
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1972
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140
SLOVAKIA
religion, and their national identification. Perhaps it is
only in this ability to maintain their distinctive characteristics that the Slovaks will ever realize their independence.
Even more than geographical position, and greedy
neighbors, these distinctive Slovak characteristics-described as easy-going, honest, idealistic, deeply religious,
imaginative, open-hearted, soft-hearted, emotional, and
music-loving-will equip them for the task of building
a strong and independent nation in the midst of hard
and cruel world.
Tourist Trade of Slovakia
George A. P o d h d j s k y
Countries like Switzerland and Austria, which are
endowed with exquisite beauty in their natural setting,
devote considerable attention in terms of economic activity
to the development of a high level of tourist trade. A
significant proportion of their Gross National Product
comes from the tourist trade, internal and especially
foreign. For that purpose these two countries have steered
their economic activity in such a way as to support an
unprecedented development of their respective tourist
trade industries. Of the Communist countries, Yugoslavia
was particularly successful in developing a very attractive
program for tourist trade, especially from foreign countries.
A similar·potential for developing tourist trade also
exists in the Slovak economy. The natural beauty of Slovak
Tatra Mountains and the adjacent valleys which spread
over most of the country, doubled with the proverbial
hospitality of the Slovak people, are a good basis for the
development of tourist trade in this country. Apart from
this, there is an old tradition of internal and foreign
tourism developed through the centuries. It is the purpose
of this paper to assess the present situation of the Slovak
tourist trade and its potential for future development.
I.
The following figures may sum up the state of tourist
trade of Czecho-Slovakia for the years 1960-1964. 1
SLOVAKIA
141
1960 1961 1962 1963 1964
From Abroad (in Mill.)
1.3
1.6
1.7
1.8
3.7
To Foreign Countries
.5
.6
.7
.7
2.0
From the above table one can see that the foreign
tourists by far exceeded the number of people from CzechoSlovakia visiting foreign countries. From the breakdown
of the above figures, one can also see that most of the
foreign tourist trade was stemming mostly from the Sociallist block countries. However, there was some tourist trade
stemming from Western countries like the United States,
France, Austria, and West Germany. The figures show that
there were more tourists from these countries going to
Czecho-Slovakia rather than the other way around. Of
course, there was an unprecedented upsurge in the inflow
of Western tourists in 1968, when the gates opened for
the foreigners.
The facilities available for the tourists in CzechoSlovakia were not always adequate, especially during the
period of 1955-1963, when the number of guests far outweighed the number of available beds. 1963 is the first
year showing an excess of beds over the number of guests.
The following diagram shows this picture quite clearly. 2
THE NUMBER OF GUESTS AND BEDS AVAILABLE
Guests in Millions
Beds in Thousands
4f - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - --
-
--,/3f
_ _ _ _ guests
- - - - - - - beds
"7
I
I
I
I
I
I
___ ,, ,,. ,"
,, ,,
,
,,,,.1
'fo
7S'
142
SLOVAKIA
This diagram shows the varying degree of the ratio
between the number of guests and available beds. Although,
from the diagram, it cannot be ascertained what ratio
would be considered as optimal, other sources3 show that
there was a shortage of not only beds but also other
facilities to adequately care for the ever-increasing tourist
t rade.
II.
From the above information, it is evident that the
tourist trade to Czecho-Slovakia underwent some fluctuation but also an overall growth in the number of guests
and available facilities . The figures are for Czecho-Slovakia,
but we can safely assume that at least half of this trade
belonged to Slovakia which seemed to concentrate in
tourist trade in the past having been endowed with more
potential than Bohemia and Moravia.
At this point it would be good to see if there is enough
potential and incentive in Slovakia to develop tourist trade
to its optimal size. The 1970 winter Olympics in the Tatra
mountains prepared on short notice by the leaders of
Slovakia has proven beyond any doubt that Slovaks can
produce adequate facilities for such an important event
as winter Olympics. Most of the facilities created are of
lasting value as they may be used and reused by further
similar sport activities though not necessarily on an international level. The organizers have shown not only the
ability and the know-how but also good taste in creating
efficient facilities. The good taste has also been demonstrated in the building of several tourist hotels at various
geographical points in Slovakia. Almost without exception,
hotel buildings have at last one masterpiece of art by
a known artist in the foyer or elsewhere for the inspection
of an appreciative customer. Such hotels usually are built
with the most modern approach, and the service in such
hotels is supposed to match the style. However, there is
ample evidence4 that the service of high consumer satisfaction is not always present.
In this respect, the potential of the Slovak trade is
hampered by other services that go hand in hand with the
tourist trade and which were more or less adequately
solved by the Swiss or the Austrians. Bus service, cool
drink and snack service at various points of movements
SLOVAKIA
143
of tourists are just a few among to be mentioned. However,
this may be solved comperatively easily if the tourist
planners are given enough scope and competence to develop
them.
There is, of course, a more important problem which
the Slovak tourist planners will have to face. This is the
problem of seasonal fluctuations in the tourist trade. A
breakdown of the 1963 figures, for example, shows that the
winter and fall quarters were very low in tourist activity in
comparison to the other two quarters. This poses a problem
of optimum capacity of facilities for tourist trade. This
capacity will have to be determined by the spring and
summer demand for them. From the point of view of the
rate of return on investment, those facilities should get
the priority of development which can be operated all year.
Thus, the spas, sanatoriums and other hospitals are examples in question. Since tourist trade in Slovakia has shown
in the past centuries an excellent tradition in this field,
this development could prove very profitable indeed.
Piest'any, where Beethoven composed his 7th Symphony,
is an example of such tradition. This portion of the tourist
trade activity taking shape of its past reputation can
become the backbone of the total activity in this field.
Having stressed this kind of activity, the rest of tourist
trade may be taken in stride inspite of the seasonal
fluctuations. However, even in this direction, a lot can be
done by a good planner or economist by envisaging such
tourist activity which can take place all year around. This
kind of seasonal fluctuation may be at least partially
curtailed by using the same facilities during the summer
and winter. Since the structure of the Slovak tourist
scenery in such that it can be enjoyed for skiing in winter
and other activities in summer, it may be possible to create
year-around tourist activity in such areas. However, in
the respect a lot of planning and research should be done,
as many areas have not been explored for safety reasons.
All in all, a careful analysis may show that the seasonal
fluctuations may turn out to appear more smoothed out
than at first sight. In that case one may expect a full and
optimal development of the Slovak tourist trade which
would possibly make it one of the most important components of the Slovak Gross National Product.
144
SLOVAKIA
The demand for Slovak facilities could prove quite
high. In fact, for many years to come the Slovak tourist
trade could prove an important and favorable competitor
to the Swiss tourist trade, and only Austria could challenge
this position of Slovakia. It is the prices of various services
that are expected to be much lower than the Swiss and
somewhat lower than the Austrian. In such situations,
Slovakia could prove a seeked for tourist attraction filling
the capacity available, provided that the services match the
Swiss standards. Since this is very hard to achieve because
of high Swiss standards, one may allow for some discrepancy in this respect. At the same time, one may point out
that given the scope of development and authority into
the hands of the tourist trade planners, they may show
that they can achieve the Swiss standards. In that case,
with lower prices, Slovaks are in an excellent competitive
position with the Swiss. In the past, the Swiss journalists
themselves have uttered such thoughts. Other non-monetary
aspects of this trade are also very important. For example,
the rustic setting untouched by the most modern civilization
may have a point in question. The availability of concerts
and other activities which are not scheduled withing the
tourist trade may be another. Good and reasonable shopping activities for handicraft products may prove an
excellent attraction. This of course may give an impetus
to further development of other industries.
The above mentioned goals in terms of foreign tourist
trade may be achieved effectively in a given period of time
only if other noneconomic factors are developed to give
the economic development a necessary background and
environment. Thus, in the respect, political measures must
allow the development of tourist trade activity. The
managers of smaller summer resorts must have enough
opportunity to be able to decide quickly on their policy
changes concerning tourist trade activities if such changes
are brought about without further notice. In order to avoid
unnecessary waste, such decentralized decision-making
process must be inherent in the system of planning and
production of the tourist trade. Since the cultural background is closely related to this one, a combination of
the two may prove a stimulating factor in the development
of the Slovak tourist trade. Given these conditions, there
SLOVAKIA
145
are enough qualified people in Slovakia to do it, and others
can easily be trained.
In order to achieve some significant result in terms
of Slovak foreign trade, one will have to reorganize all
present facilities, improve them and then build new ones .
In this respect the Slovak economy is quite negligent as
the informed sources maintain.5 Most deficiencies are in
the organization itself; 6 in terms of service, 7 in public
relations especially advertising,8 etc. On the other hand,
there has been quite a bit done to attract the hunters into
Slovakia for various kinds of activities9 and other services.
These kinds of details may have to be ironed out before
tourist trade can achieve the desired results. The best
possible approach in this respect would be to develop
the various kinds of services to such an extent that the
internal tourist trade demand may be satisfied. Having
achieved these standards, one may proceed to expand for
foreign consumption. This is quite possible as the Slovaks
proved in the past as informed tourists, demanding a high
standard of service. This kind of supply-demand interaction
may create the necessary base for development for foreign
oriented tourist trade.
Since the potential for developing the Slovak tourist
trade does exist, it will depend mostly on the wisdom of
those people who are in decision-making positions. They
seemed sympathetic to such development in the past.
NOTES
1)
2)
3)
4)
5)
6)
7)
8)
9)
Statisticka rocenka
Ibid, p. 405.
Pravda, Bratislava,
Pravda, Bratislava,
Ibid.
Pravda, Bratislava,
Pravda, Bratislava,
Pravda, Bratislava,
Pravda, Bratislava,
c SSR 1965, Prague 1965, p. 4-04.
March 14, 1969, p. 5.
March 26, 1969, p. 5.
February
April 25,
February
February
19, 1969, p. 2.
1969, p. 1.
6, 1970, p. 2.
14, 1969, p. 2.
*
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to
works of charity, materially and morally aids Slovaks,
here and abroad, who may be in need of such aid; it supports the American Red Cross, United Fund Campaigns
and other American charitable projects.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Tourist Trade of Slovakia
Description
An account of the resource
George A. Podhájsky
Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972
pp. 140-145
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Podhájsky, George A.
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1972
name
-
https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/4dd10926a6ce50c231f5404ea182979f.pdf
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PDF Text
Text
146
SLOVAKIA
Why Our Melting Pot
Cooled Off
Rudolph J. V e c o l i
A policeman called me the other day about a "missing
person" case. It turned out that he was the missing person.
He was trying to find out where his ancestors came from .
He had a Slavic name and knew that his grandparents had
emigrated from Austria-Hungary, but there he lost the
trail. "I want to know who I am, and to be able to tell my
two sons who they are," my caller explained.
Luckily we were able to locate the policeman's grandfather in the records of a Slovak church in Minneapolis.
This told us the village in Slovakia from which his family
had come. Our policeman was overjoyed; now he knew
who he was and he was going to try to locate relatives
in Slovakia.
This search for grandparents was not an isolated case.
"Who am I?" has become an urgent question for many
Americans, for the middle-aged as well as the young. We
appear to be going through a collective identity crisis.
One manifestation of the crisis has been the widespread
affirmation of group identities.
Young people, especially children of the middle class,
have created the "counter-culture" with its distinctive lifestyle, dress, and language. Women's liberation provides
a new positive sense of collective identity for many of what
was once known as the "gentle sex." But, for most Americans, race, religion, and national origin continue to provide
the basis for group identity today-as they have historically.
Not only are Black Americans, Indians, and Chicanos
asserting a new-found pride in their heritage, but Croatian
Americans, Finnish Americans, and Slovak Americans,
among others, are declaring that they are beautiful as
well. An editorial in Christian Century, pointing out that
even old-stock white Americans had particularistic identities, declared: "We are all ethnics now."
�SLOVAKIA
147
It seems that everyone needs an ethnic label these
days. At a recent conference on cross-cultural education
there was a workshop on "The Problem of the Non-Ethnic"!
Presumably these are individuals of such mixed ancestry
that they do not fit neatly into an ethnic category. But
as anthropologist Margaret Mead said, this is nonsense,
since everyone has grandparents and a heritage, even if
it cannot be precisely labeled.
The extraordinary resurgence of ethnic consciousness
is not easily explained. Clearly the traumatic events of the
sixties shattered the illusion of an American consensus.
The civil rights movement, black nationalism, the Vietnam
War, the student movement-all demonstrated that Americans were not of one mind about basic principles and
values. Watts, Cicero, My Lai, Kent State, Chicago, elicited
very different responses among different segments of the
American people. We became polarized over the basic
issues of racial justice, war and peace, lifestyles, the very
meaning of democracy; polarized along lines of race, age,
and social class. Perhaps it was the loss of a shared sense
of the national purpose which caused persons to seek
psychological and social security with "their own kind."
In the face of this fragmentation, the myth of the
"melting pot" was revealed to be transparent fiction. The
mysterious process whereby peoples of diverse racial and
cultural origins were to be assimilated into an "all-American" middle-class society obviously had not worked its
magic. Blacks, by their words and actions, most aggressively
challenged the "melting pot" ideal. Not only had they not
been melted, but they made it clear they did not wish to
be melted into some nondescript American type.
Confronted with "black identity," other Americans were
compelled to define their own particularistic identities. Not
only Indians, Chicanos, and Orientals, but white ethnic
groups reacted with a heightened group consciousness.
"Black power" was echoed by the slogans of "Polish power"
and "Italian power."
It surprised many that these white ethnics who were
supposed to have been assimilated long ago remained selfconscious elements in the body politic. But the census of
1960 had reported over 34 million as "foreign-stock," i. e.,
foreign-born or with at least one parent foreign-born. These
�148
SLOVAKIA
immigrants and their children constituted almost 20 percent of the American population. In addition, many of the
third generation and beyond retained some degree of ethnic
identity. However, their presence had been ignored by
the mass media, the schools and other institutions.
Because of pressures to Americanize, these descendants
of European immigrants had publicly suppressed their
ethnicity, though many continued to cultivate their cultural
heritages in the privacy of their families, churches and
organizations. Now the lid is off; the stigma of shame of
being a "hyphenate," is being rejected. A new pride is being
asserted in one's identity as a Ukrainian-American or a
Greek-American, to give just two examples.
Labeled the "forgotten American," the "middle Americans," or the "silent majority," white ethnics have come
in for a good deal of attention of late. For the most part
they have been portrayed as backlashing racists, potential
recruits for the politics of reaction. In the mass media they
have been stereotyped as Joe, the homicidal psychotic, or
as Archie, the "lovable bigot."
This has intensified their anger and resentment. As
Barbara Mikulski, a Polish-American leader, protested: "The
ethnic American is sick of being stereotyped as a racist
and dullard by phony white liberals, pseudo black militants,
and patronizing bureaucrats."
Recently, writers such as Andrew M. Greeley and Murray
Friedman have been providing us with more sympathetic
analyses of lower middle-class ethnic Americans. As bluecollar workers, the bulk of them are either poor (two of
every three poor people in this country are white) or
"near-poor." Hard-pressed by inflation, heavy taxes, and
job insecurity, they do not feel a part of the "Affluent
Society." Their sons, like those of black and brown Americans, have fought and died in Vietnam, because many fewer
of them go to college.
Another stereotype of the ethnic American is that he
is a hawk; actually many of them are strongly opposed to
the war, but they do pride themselves on being patriotic
Americans.
They bitterly resent the class and ethnic snobbery
which puts them down because of their immigrant and
working-class backgrounds. In part this explains their
�SLOVAKIA
149
hostility toward the educated elite and the universities .
No wonder they cheer Spiro Agnew when he attacks
intellectuals as "effete snobs."
Like the blacks, the white ethnics are oppressed by
a sense of powerlessness and exploitation; like them, they
suffer from poor or inadequate schools and municipal
services; like them, they are cynical about politics and
politicians. As the bulk of the white population of the
northern cities, the ethnics endure many of the same urban
problems as do the blacks.
Frustrated and insecure, they have projected their
fears and anger against the blacks, Puerto Ricans, and
other groups whom they regard as threats to their own
marginal status. They are convicted that it is their jobs,
their neighborhoods, their schools, that these newcomers
are after. From the ethnics' point of view the blacks have
received preferential treatment in federal programs, while
their needs have been neglected.
As Msgr. Geno C. Baroni, director of the Center for
Urban Ethnic Affairs, put it: "Little attention has been
given to the anguish of the socially and politically alienated
middle American." To indulge in accusations of "white
racism" is a futile exercise of moral indignation. A more
positive response, as Irving Levine, director of the National
Project on Ethnic America has argued, is "to identify the
real problems of lower middle-class ethnic groups and
speak creatively to their deepest needs."
The "New Pluralism" is thus not simply a psychological
aberration that can be treated by exhortations to brotherhood and tolerance. Rather it is rooted in the very social
and economic structure of this society. It reflects the
injustices and inequities which that structure inflicts upon
large numbers of Americans because of their social class
and ethnic-racial character. What has happened is that
many groups heretofore inarticulate have found their
voices. They are demanding often in angry tones full and
equal participation in all areas of American life.
Pluralism is a two-edged sword. If our institutions are
unresponsive to the legitimate needs and aspirations of
all groups, this can lead to increasing group conflict and
further polarization. However, if those institutions are
responsive, the thrust of the "New Pluralism" can carry
�150
SLOVAK.IA
us far toward the realization of a more democratic society.
This applies to the private sector as well as the public, to
business, corporations as well as governmental agencies,
to the churches as well as to the schools. Decision-makers
at all levels must become more sensitive to group differences, aultural as well as racial.
Politicians by the nature of their trade have been most
responsive to ethnic pressures, though too often they have
manipulated them to serve political ends. But professionals
and bureaucrats in the "mainstream" institutions have
usually subscribed to a universalistic model of the "typical
American." They have typically displayed an insensitivity
and ignorance, even arrogance, toward the cultural and
social differences among their students, patients, employees, and clients.
The sphere of education exemplifies this lack of sensitivity in classic fashion. It is needed a paradox that the
educational system of a multicultural, multiracial, and
multilingual society such as ours has been dominated by
an Anglo-American model, both in curriculum and format.
This can only be understood in terms of the grip of an
assimilationist ideology upon administrators and teachers
alike. Historically the schools were designed to serve as
agencies of the " Melting Pot." It was to be their function
to transform the children of the immigrants (including
internal migrants ) into "good, little, middle-class Americans. ''
As one educator stated it: "Our task is to assimilate or
amalgamate these people as part of the American race,
and to implant in their children, so far as can be done,
the Anglo-Saxon conception of righteousness, law, order,
and popular government."
Although this statement was made over a half century
ago, it continued to serve as an accurate description of
educational policy until recent times. Rather than building
upon the linguistic and cultural backgrounds of the
students, the schools sought to purify them of their
"foreign" traits. The results often were, as sociologist
Milton Gordon has observed, "ethnic self-hatred, family
disorganization, and juvenile delinquency."
Again it was the "black revolution" that initially challenged the monocultural model of American education.
�SLOVAKIA
151
In most cases, efforts to adapt schools to special needs
of black children have been only partially successful.
However, this small beginning has called into question
the basic assumptions upon which American educational
philosophy and practice has rested for many decades.
More and more, educators and parents are seeking
a pluralistic way of teaching children which will mirror
the pluralistic society in which they live. The principle
that formal education should respect and reinforce the
cultural and ethnic identity of the child rather than seeking
to eradicate it is gaining ground.
"Ethnic studies" have emerged as a major response to
this need. Because American history as taught in the past
was "white history," Afro-American studies was incorporated into the curriculum at the demand of the black
community. But blacks have not been the only "invisible
men" in American history, Indians, Hispanos, and immigrants have also been ignored or treated disparagingly
in most textbooks. Hence the need to revise the course
content so that the role of all the many different ethnic
elements in American society may be appropriately represented.
This is a large task, and resources have been inadequate.
Many were encouraged by the introduction of a bill in
the Congress that would have provided federal funds in
support of "Ethnic Heritage Studies." While the bill was
passed unanimously by the Senate, it was rejected in the
House of Representatives. There is still hope that it may
be revived in the current session.
Ethnic studies may, of course, degenerate into tokenism, the placing of a few pictures on the wall and the adding
of a few pages to a textbook. To be successful they must
permeate the curriculum, not only of history, but language,
literature and the social studies.
Of crucial importance will be the attitudes of teachers.
First, they must be convinced of the value of all cultures
as equally valid expressions of the human spirit. This is the
most difficult task, to overcome our own ethnocentricity.
For the child, ethnic studies should serve two functions .
They must foster within him a sense of his worth and
dignity based on his identification with his own ancestors.
Second, they must provide him with a capacity for an
appreciation and acceptance of the cultural differences of
�152
SLOVAKIA
others. Free of a sense of either superiority or inferiority,
he would be well equipped to live in a pluralistic society.
We need to experiment with the format for teaching ethnic
studies. Just as ecology may best be studied in a natural
environment, so the ethnic communities with their rich
cultural resources may be the most appropriate setting
for learning about ethnic heritages.
The "New Pluralism" is not limited to the East, nor
to the troubled cities of New York and Chicago; it is a
phenomenon that more or less pervades all of America.
Bemused by the legend of Scandinavian predominance, we
sometimes lose sight of the ethnic complexity of Minnesota.
Certainly the racial groups of this state, blacks, chicanes,
Indians, and orientals, are a smaller proportion of the
total population than in many other states. But their
militancy in recent years has made them conspicuous.
Less visible have been the white ethnic groups, although
the discerning observer might perceive their stirrings as
well. Yet in 1960, more than 25 percent of the state of
Minnesota population was of foreign stock, which meant
that probably more than half of all Minnesotans had grandfathers born in another country. Although Norwegians,
Germans, and Swedes were by far the largest groups, there
were also significant numbers of British, Canadians,
Czechs, Croatians, East European Jews, Finns, Italians,
Irish, Poles, Slovaks, and Slovenes, as well as a scattering
of other groups. Nor is pluralism in Minnesota only an
urban phenomenon. Small towns on he Iron Range and
in rural counties have a complex mixture of ethnic groups.
To explore ethnicity in Minnesota, to initiate an inquiry
into the state of the "New Pluralism" here, a conference
was held recently at the International Institute in St. Paul.
The Minnesota Project on Ethnic America, with the assistance of the National Project on Ethnic America of the
American Jewish Committee and with the cosponsorship
of various organizations and institutions, sponsored the
sessions.
The conference provided a forum in which perceptions,
feelings, and judgments regarding social issues were offered
from a variety of ethnic perspectives. Discovery of common
ground may provide the means for moving Minnesota
toward a "New Pluralism" based upon mutual respect and
shared goals . - ( Minneapolis Tribune.)
�
146
SLOVAKIA
Why Our Melting Pot
Cooled Off
Rudolph J. V e c o l i
A policeman called me the other day about a "missing
person" case. It turned out that he was the missing person.
He was trying to find out where his ancestors came from .
He had a Slavic name and knew that his grandparents had
emigrated from Austria-Hungary, but there he lost the
trail. "I want to know who I am, and to be able to tell my
two sons who they are," my caller explained.
Luckily we were able to locate the policeman's grandfather in the records of a Slovak church in Minneapolis.
This told us the village in Slovakia from which his family
had come. Our policeman was overjoyed; now he knew
who he was and he was going to try to locate relatives
in Slovakia.
This search for grandparents was not an isolated case.
"Who am I?" has become an urgent question for many
Americans, for the middle-aged as well as the young. We
appear to be going through a collective identity crisis.
One manifestation of the crisis has been the widespread
affirmation of group identities.
Young people, especially children of the middle class,
have created the "counter-culture" with its distinctive lifestyle, dress, and language. Women's liberation provides
a new positive sense of collective identity for many of what
was once known as the "gentle sex." But, for most Americans, race, religion, and national origin continue to provide
the basis for group identity today-as they have historically.
Not only are Black Americans, Indians, and Chicanos
asserting a new-found pride in their heritage, but Croatian
Americans, Finnish Americans, and Slovak Americans,
among others, are declaring that they are beautiful as
well. An editorial in Christian Century, pointing out that
even old-stock white Americans had particularistic identities, declared: "We are all ethnics now."
�SLOVAKIA
147
It seems that everyone needs an ethnic label these
days. At a recent conference on cross-cultural education
there was a workshop on "The Problem of the Non-Ethnic"!
Presumably these are individuals of such mixed ancestry
that they do not fit neatly into an ethnic category. But
as anthropologist Margaret Mead said, this is nonsense,
since everyone has grandparents and a heritage, even if
it cannot be precisely labeled.
The extraordinary resurgence of ethnic consciousness
is not easily explained. Clearly the traumatic events of the
sixties shattered the illusion of an American consensus.
The civil rights movement, black nationalism, the Vietnam
War, the student movement-all demonstrated that Americans were not of one mind about basic principles and
values. Watts, Cicero, My Lai, Kent State, Chicago, elicited
very different responses among different segments of the
American people. We became polarized over the basic
issues of racial justice, war and peace, lifestyles, the very
meaning of democracy; polarized along lines of race, age,
and social class. Perhaps it was the loss of a shared sense
of the national purpose which caused persons to seek
psychological and social security with "their own kind."
In the face of this fragmentation, the myth of the
"melting pot" was revealed to be transparent fiction. The
mysterious process whereby peoples of diverse racial and
cultural origins were to be assimilated into an "all-American" middle-class society obviously had not worked its
magic. Blacks, by their words and actions, most aggressively
challenged the "melting pot" ideal. Not only had they not
been melted, but they made it clear they did not wish to
be melted into some nondescript American type.
Confronted with "black identity," other Americans were
compelled to define their own particularistic identities. Not
only Indians, Chicanos, and Orientals, but white ethnic
groups reacted with a heightened group consciousness.
"Black power" was echoed by the slogans of "Polish power"
and "Italian power."
It surprised many that these white ethnics who were
supposed to have been assimilated long ago remained selfconscious elements in the body politic. But the census of
1960 had reported over 34 million as "foreign-stock," i. e.,
foreign-born or with at least one parent foreign-born. These
�148
SLOVAKIA
immigrants and their children constituted almost 20 percent of the American population. In addition, many of the
third generation and beyond retained some degree of ethnic
identity. However, their presence had been ignored by
the mass media, the schools and other institutions.
Because of pressures to Americanize, these descendants
of European immigrants had publicly suppressed their
ethnicity, though many continued to cultivate their cultural
heritages in the privacy of their families, churches and
organizations. Now the lid is off; the stigma of shame of
being a "hyphenate," is being rejected. A new pride is being
asserted in one's identity as a Ukrainian-American or a
Greek-American, to give just two examples.
Labeled the "forgotten American," the "middle Americans," or the "silent majority," white ethnics have come
in for a good deal of attention of late. For the most part
they have been portrayed as backlashing racists, potential
recruits for the politics of reaction. In the mass media they
have been stereotyped as Joe, the homicidal psychotic, or
as Archie, the "lovable bigot."
This has intensified their anger and resentment. As
Barbara Mikulski, a Polish-American leader, protested: "The
ethnic American is sick of being stereotyped as a racist
and dullard by phony white liberals, pseudo black militants,
and patronizing bureaucrats."
Recently, writers such as Andrew M. Greeley and Murray
Friedman have been providing us with more sympathetic
analyses of lower middle-class ethnic Americans. As bluecollar workers, the bulk of them are either poor (two of
every three poor people in this country are white) or
"near-poor." Hard-pressed by inflation, heavy taxes, and
job insecurity, they do not feel a part of the "Affluent
Society." Their sons, like those of black and brown Americans, have fought and died in Vietnam, because many fewer
of them go to college.
Another stereotype of the ethnic American is that he
is a hawk; actually many of them are strongly opposed to
the war, but they do pride themselves on being patriotic
Americans.
They bitterly resent the class and ethnic snobbery
which puts them down because of their immigrant and
working-class backgrounds. In part this explains their
�SLOVAKIA
149
hostility toward the educated elite and the universities .
No wonder they cheer Spiro Agnew when he attacks
intellectuals as "effete snobs."
Like the blacks, the white ethnics are oppressed by
a sense of powerlessness and exploitation; like them, they
suffer from poor or inadequate schools and municipal
services; like them, they are cynical about politics and
politicians. As the bulk of the white population of the
northern cities, the ethnics endure many of the same urban
problems as do the blacks.
Frustrated and insecure, they have projected their
fears and anger against the blacks, Puerto Ricans, and
other groups whom they regard as threats to their own
marginal status. They are convicted that it is their jobs,
their neighborhoods, their schools, that these newcomers
are after. From the ethnics' point of view the blacks have
received preferential treatment in federal programs, while
their needs have been neglected.
As Msgr. Geno C. Baroni, director of the Center for
Urban Ethnic Affairs, put it: "Little attention has been
given to the anguish of the socially and politically alienated
middle American." To indulge in accusations of "white
racism" is a futile exercise of moral indignation. A more
positive response, as Irving Levine, director of the National
Project on Ethnic America has argued, is "to identify the
real problems of lower middle-class ethnic groups and
speak creatively to their deepest needs."
The "New Pluralism" is thus not simply a psychological
aberration that can be treated by exhortations to brotherhood and tolerance. Rather it is rooted in the very social
and economic structure of this society. It reflects the
injustices and inequities which that structure inflicts upon
large numbers of Americans because of their social class
and ethnic-racial character. What has happened is that
many groups heretofore inarticulate have found their
voices. They are demanding often in angry tones full and
equal participation in all areas of American life.
Pluralism is a two-edged sword. If our institutions are
unresponsive to the legitimate needs and aspirations of
all groups, this can lead to increasing group conflict and
further polarization. However, if those institutions are
responsive, the thrust of the "New Pluralism" can carry
�150
SLOVAK.IA
us far toward the realization of a more democratic society.
This applies to the private sector as well as the public, to
business, corporations as well as governmental agencies,
to the churches as well as to the schools. Decision-makers
at all levels must become more sensitive to group differences, aultural as well as racial.
Politicians by the nature of their trade have been most
responsive to ethnic pressures, though too often they have
manipulated them to serve political ends. But professionals
and bureaucrats in the "mainstream" institutions have
usually subscribed to a universalistic model of the "typical
American." They have typically displayed an insensitivity
and ignorance, even arrogance, toward the cultural and
social differences among their students, patients, employees, and clients.
The sphere of education exemplifies this lack of sensitivity in classic fashion. It is needed a paradox that the
educational system of a multicultural, multiracial, and
multilingual society such as ours has been dominated by
an Anglo-American model, both in curriculum and format.
This can only be understood in terms of the grip of an
assimilationist ideology upon administrators and teachers
alike. Historically the schools were designed to serve as
agencies of the " Melting Pot." It was to be their function
to transform the children of the immigrants (including
internal migrants ) into "good, little, middle-class Americans. ''
As one educator stated it: "Our task is to assimilate or
amalgamate these people as part of the American race,
and to implant in their children, so far as can be done,
the Anglo-Saxon conception of righteousness, law, order,
and popular government."
Although this statement was made over a half century
ago, it continued to serve as an accurate description of
educational policy until recent times. Rather than building
upon the linguistic and cultural backgrounds of the
students, the schools sought to purify them of their
"foreign" traits. The results often were, as sociologist
Milton Gordon has observed, "ethnic self-hatred, family
disorganization, and juvenile delinquency."
Again it was the "black revolution" that initially challenged the monocultural model of American education.
�SLOVAKIA
151
In most cases, efforts to adapt schools to special needs
of black children have been only partially successful.
However, this small beginning has called into question
the basic assumptions upon which American educational
philosophy and practice has rested for many decades.
More and more, educators and parents are seeking
a pluralistic way of teaching children which will mirror
the pluralistic society in which they live. The principle
that formal education should respect and reinforce the
cultural and ethnic identity of the child rather than seeking
to eradicate it is gaining ground.
"Ethnic studies" have emerged as a major response to
this need. Because American history as taught in the past
was "white history," Afro-American studies was incorporated into the curriculum at the demand of the black
community. But blacks have not been the only "invisible
men" in American history, Indians, Hispanos, and immigrants have also been ignored or treated disparagingly
in most textbooks. Hence the need to revise the course
content so that the role of all the many different ethnic
elements in American society may be appropriately represented.
This is a large task, and resources have been inadequate.
Many were encouraged by the introduction of a bill in
the Congress that would have provided federal funds in
support of "Ethnic Heritage Studies." While the bill was
passed unanimously by the Senate, it was rejected in the
House of Representatives. There is still hope that it may
be revived in the current session.
Ethnic studies may, of course, degenerate into tokenism, the placing of a few pictures on the wall and the adding
of a few pages to a textbook. To be successful they must
permeate the curriculum, not only of history, but language,
literature and the social studies.
Of crucial importance will be the attitudes of teachers.
First, they must be convinced of the value of all cultures
as equally valid expressions of the human spirit. This is the
most difficult task, to overcome our own ethnocentricity.
For the child, ethnic studies should serve two functions .
They must foster within him a sense of his worth and
dignity based on his identification with his own ancestors.
Second, they must provide him with a capacity for an
appreciation and acceptance of the cultural differences of
�152
SLOVAKIA
others. Free of a sense of either superiority or inferiority,
he would be well equipped to live in a pluralistic society.
We need to experiment with the format for teaching ethnic
studies. Just as ecology may best be studied in a natural
environment, so the ethnic communities with their rich
cultural resources may be the most appropriate setting
for learning about ethnic heritages.
The "New Pluralism" is not limited to the East, nor
to the troubled cities of New York and Chicago; it is a
phenomenon that more or less pervades all of America.
Bemused by the legend of Scandinavian predominance, we
sometimes lose sight of the ethnic complexity of Minnesota.
Certainly the racial groups of this state, blacks, chicanes,
Indians, and orientals, are a smaller proportion of the
total population than in many other states. But their
militancy in recent years has made them conspicuous.
Less visible have been the white ethnic groups, although
the discerning observer might perceive their stirrings as
well. Yet in 1960, more than 25 percent of the state of
Minnesota population was of foreign stock, which meant
that probably more than half of all Minnesotans had grandfathers born in another country. Although Norwegians,
Germans, and Swedes were by far the largest groups, there
were also significant numbers of British, Canadians,
Czechs, Croatians, East European Jews, Finns, Italians,
Irish, Poles, Slovaks, and Slovenes, as well as a scattering
of other groups. Nor is pluralism in Minnesota only an
urban phenomenon. Small towns on he Iron Range and
in rural counties have a complex mixture of ethnic groups.
To explore ethnicity in Minnesota, to initiate an inquiry
into the state of the "New Pluralism" here, a conference
was held recently at the International Institute in St. Paul.
The Minnesota Project on Ethnic America, with the assistance of the National Project on Ethnic America of the
American Jewish Committee and with the cosponsorship
of various organizations and institutions, sponsored the
sessions.
The conference provided a forum in which perceptions,
feelings, and judgments regarding social issues were offered
from a variety of ethnic perspectives. Discovery of common
ground may provide the means for moving Minnesota
toward a "New Pluralism" based upon mutual respect and
shared goals . - ( Minneapolis Tribune.)
�
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Title
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1972, Vol. 22
Description
An account of the resource
Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972.
Publisher
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The Slovak League of America
Date
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1972
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146
SLOVAKIA
Why Our Melting Pot
Cooled Off
Rudolph J. V e c o l i
A policeman called me the other day about a "missing
person" case. It turned out that he was the missing person.
He was trying to find out where his ancestors came from .
He had a Slavic name and knew that his grandparents had
emigrated from Austria-Hungary, but there he lost the
trail. "I want to know who I am, and to be able to tell my
two sons who they are," my caller explained.
Luckily we were able to locate the policeman's grandfather in the records of a Slovak church in Minneapolis.
This told us the village in Slovakia from which his family
had come. Our policeman was overjoyed; now he knew
who he was and he was going to try to locate relatives
in Slovakia.
This search for grandparents was not an isolated case.
"Who am I?" has become an urgent question for many
Americans, for the middle-aged as well as the young. We
appear to be going through a collective identity crisis.
One manifestation of the crisis has been the widespread
affirmation of group identities.
Young people, especially children of the middle class,
have created the "counter-culture" with its distinctive lifestyle, dress, and language. Women's liberation provides
a new positive sense of collective identity for many of what
was once known as the "gentle sex." But, for most Americans, race, religion, and national origin continue to provide
the basis for group identity today-as they have historically.
Not only are Black Americans, Indians, and Chicanos
asserting a new-found pride in their heritage, but Croatian
Americans, Finnish Americans, and Slovak Americans,
among others, are declaring that they are beautiful as
well. An editorial in Christian Century, pointing out that
even old-stock white Americans had particularistic identities, declared: "We are all ethnics now."
SLOVAKIA
147
It seems that everyone needs an ethnic label these
days. At a recent conference on cross-cultural education
there was a workshop on "The Problem of the Non-Ethnic"!
Presumably these are individuals of such mixed ancestry
that they do not fit neatly into an ethnic category. But
as anthropologist Margaret Mead said, this is nonsense,
since everyone has grandparents and a heritage, even if
it cannot be precisely labeled.
The extraordinary resurgence of ethnic consciousness
is not easily explained. Clearly the traumatic events of the
sixties shattered the illusion of an American consensus.
The civil rights movement, black nationalism, the Vietnam
War, the student movement-all demonstrated that Americans were not of one mind about basic principles and
values. Watts, Cicero, My Lai, Kent State, Chicago, elicited
very different responses among different segments of the
American people. We became polarized over the basic
issues of racial justice, war and peace, lifestyles, the very
meaning of democracy; polarized along lines of race, age,
and social class. Perhaps it was the loss of a shared sense
of the national purpose which caused persons to seek
psychological and social security with "their own kind."
In the face of this fragmentation, the myth of the
"melting pot" was revealed to be transparent fiction. The
mysterious process whereby peoples of diverse racial and
cultural origins were to be assimilated into an "all-American" middle-class society obviously had not worked its
magic. Blacks, by their words and actions, most aggressively
challenged the "melting pot" ideal. Not only had they not
been melted, but they made it clear they did not wish to
be melted into some nondescript American type.
Confronted with "black identity," other Americans were
compelled to define their own particularistic identities. Not
only Indians, Chicanos, and Orientals, but white ethnic
groups reacted with a heightened group consciousness.
"Black power" was echoed by the slogans of "Polish power"
and "Italian power."
It surprised many that these white ethnics who were
supposed to have been assimilated long ago remained selfconscious elements in the body politic. But the census of
1960 had reported over 34 million as "foreign-stock," i. e.,
foreign-born or with at least one parent foreign-born. These
148
SLOVAKIA
immigrants and their children constituted almost 20 percent of the American population. In addition, many of the
third generation and beyond retained some degree of ethnic
identity. However, their presence had been ignored by
the mass media, the schools and other institutions.
Because of pressures to Americanize, these descendants
of European immigrants had publicly suppressed their
ethnicity, though many continued to cultivate their cultural
heritages in the privacy of their families, churches and
organizations. Now the lid is off; the stigma of shame of
being a "hyphenate," is being rejected. A new pride is being
asserted in one's identity as a Ukrainian-American or a
Greek-American, to give just two examples.
Labeled the "forgotten American," the "middle Americans," or the "silent majority," white ethnics have come
in for a good deal of attention of late. For the most part
they have been portrayed as backlashing racists, potential
recruits for the politics of reaction. In the mass media they
have been stereotyped as Joe, the homicidal psychotic, or
as Archie, the "lovable bigot."
This has intensified their anger and resentment. As
Barbara Mikulski, a Polish-American leader, protested: "The
ethnic American is sick of being stereotyped as a racist
and dullard by phony white liberals, pseudo black militants,
and patronizing bureaucrats."
Recently, writers such as Andrew M. Greeley and Murray
Friedman have been providing us with more sympathetic
analyses of lower middle-class ethnic Americans. As bluecollar workers, the bulk of them are either poor (two of
every three poor people in this country are white) or
"near-poor." Hard-pressed by inflation, heavy taxes, and
job insecurity, they do not feel a part of the "Affluent
Society." Their sons, like those of black and brown Americans, have fought and died in Vietnam, because many fewer
of them go to college.
Another stereotype of the ethnic American is that he
is a hawk; actually many of them are strongly opposed to
the war, but they do pride themselves on being patriotic
Americans.
They bitterly resent the class and ethnic snobbery
which puts them down because of their immigrant and
working-class backgrounds. In part this explains their
SLOVAKIA
149
hostility toward the educated elite and the universities .
No wonder they cheer Spiro Agnew when he attacks
intellectuals as "effete snobs."
Like the blacks, the white ethnics are oppressed by
a sense of powerlessness and exploitation; like them, they
suffer from poor or inadequate schools and municipal
services; like them, they are cynical about politics and
politicians. As the bulk of the white population of the
northern cities, the ethnics endure many of the same urban
problems as do the blacks.
Frustrated and insecure, they have projected their
fears and anger against the blacks, Puerto Ricans, and
other groups whom they regard as threats to their own
marginal status. They are convicted that it is their jobs,
their neighborhoods, their schools, that these newcomers
are after. From the ethnics' point of view the blacks have
received preferential treatment in federal programs, while
their needs have been neglected.
As Msgr. Geno C. Baroni, director of the Center for
Urban Ethnic Affairs, put it: "Little attention has been
given to the anguish of the socially and politically alienated
middle American." To indulge in accusations of "white
racism" is a futile exercise of moral indignation. A more
positive response, as Irving Levine, director of the National
Project on Ethnic America has argued, is "to identify the
real problems of lower middle-class ethnic groups and
speak creatively to their deepest needs."
The "New Pluralism" is thus not simply a psychological
aberration that can be treated by exhortations to brotherhood and tolerance. Rather it is rooted in the very social
and economic structure of this society. It reflects the
injustices and inequities which that structure inflicts upon
large numbers of Americans because of their social class
and ethnic-racial character. What has happened is that
many groups heretofore inarticulate have found their
voices. They are demanding often in angry tones full and
equal participation in all areas of American life.
Pluralism is a two-edged sword. If our institutions are
unresponsive to the legitimate needs and aspirations of
all groups, this can lead to increasing group conflict and
further polarization. However, if those institutions are
responsive, the thrust of the "New Pluralism" can carry
150
SLOVAK.IA
us far toward the realization of a more democratic society.
This applies to the private sector as well as the public, to
business, corporations as well as governmental agencies,
to the churches as well as to the schools. Decision-makers
at all levels must become more sensitive to group differences, aultural as well as racial.
Politicians by the nature of their trade have been most
responsive to ethnic pressures, though too often they have
manipulated them to serve political ends. But professionals
and bureaucrats in the "mainstream" institutions have
usually subscribed to a universalistic model of the "typical
American." They have typically displayed an insensitivity
and ignorance, even arrogance, toward the cultural and
social differences among their students, patients, employees, and clients.
The sphere of education exemplifies this lack of sensitivity in classic fashion. It is needed a paradox that the
educational system of a multicultural, multiracial, and
multilingual society such as ours has been dominated by
an Anglo-American model, both in curriculum and format.
This can only be understood in terms of the grip of an
assimilationist ideology upon administrators and teachers
alike. Historically the schools were designed to serve as
agencies of the " Melting Pot." It was to be their function
to transform the children of the immigrants (including
internal migrants ) into "good, little, middle-class Americans. ''
As one educator stated it: "Our task is to assimilate or
amalgamate these people as part of the American race,
and to implant in their children, so far as can be done,
the Anglo-Saxon conception of righteousness, law, order,
and popular government."
Although this statement was made over a half century
ago, it continued to serve as an accurate description of
educational policy until recent times. Rather than building
upon the linguistic and cultural backgrounds of the
students, the schools sought to purify them of their
"foreign" traits. The results often were, as sociologist
Milton Gordon has observed, "ethnic self-hatred, family
disorganization, and juvenile delinquency."
Again it was the "black revolution" that initially challenged the monocultural model of American education.
SLOVAKIA
151
In most cases, efforts to adapt schools to special needs
of black children have been only partially successful.
However, this small beginning has called into question
the basic assumptions upon which American educational
philosophy and practice has rested for many decades.
More and more, educators and parents are seeking
a pluralistic way of teaching children which will mirror
the pluralistic society in which they live. The principle
that formal education should respect and reinforce the
cultural and ethnic identity of the child rather than seeking
to eradicate it is gaining ground.
"Ethnic studies" have emerged as a major response to
this need. Because American history as taught in the past
was "white history," Afro-American studies was incorporated into the curriculum at the demand of the black
community. But blacks have not been the only "invisible
men" in American history, Indians, Hispanos, and immigrants have also been ignored or treated disparagingly
in most textbooks. Hence the need to revise the course
content so that the role of all the many different ethnic
elements in American society may be appropriately represented.
This is a large task, and resources have been inadequate.
Many were encouraged by the introduction of a bill in
the Congress that would have provided federal funds in
support of "Ethnic Heritage Studies." While the bill was
passed unanimously by the Senate, it was rejected in the
House of Representatives. There is still hope that it may
be revived in the current session.
Ethnic studies may, of course, degenerate into tokenism, the placing of a few pictures on the wall and the adding
of a few pages to a textbook. To be successful they must
permeate the curriculum, not only of history, but language,
literature and the social studies.
Of crucial importance will be the attitudes of teachers.
First, they must be convinced of the value of all cultures
as equally valid expressions of the human spirit. This is the
most difficult task, to overcome our own ethnocentricity.
For the child, ethnic studies should serve two functions .
They must foster within him a sense of his worth and
dignity based on his identification with his own ancestors.
Second, they must provide him with a capacity for an
appreciation and acceptance of the cultural differences of
152
SLOVAKIA
others. Free of a sense of either superiority or inferiority,
he would be well equipped to live in a pluralistic society.
We need to experiment with the format for teaching ethnic
studies. Just as ecology may best be studied in a natural
environment, so the ethnic communities with their rich
cultural resources may be the most appropriate setting
for learning about ethnic heritages.
The "New Pluralism" is not limited to the East, nor
to the troubled cities of New York and Chicago; it is a
phenomenon that more or less pervades all of America.
Bemused by the legend of Scandinavian predominance, we
sometimes lose sight of the ethnic complexity of Minnesota.
Certainly the racial groups of this state, blacks, chicanes,
Indians, and orientals, are a smaller proportion of the
total population than in many other states. But their
militancy in recent years has made them conspicuous.
Less visible have been the white ethnic groups, although
the discerning observer might perceive their stirrings as
well. Yet in 1960, more than 25 percent of the state of
Minnesota population was of foreign stock, which meant
that probably more than half of all Minnesotans had grandfathers born in another country. Although Norwegians,
Germans, and Swedes were by far the largest groups, there
were also significant numbers of British, Canadians,
Czechs, Croatians, East European Jews, Finns, Italians,
Irish, Poles, Slovaks, and Slovenes, as well as a scattering
of other groups. Nor is pluralism in Minnesota only an
urban phenomenon. Small towns on he Iron Range and
in rural counties have a complex mixture of ethnic groups.
To explore ethnicity in Minnesota, to initiate an inquiry
into the state of the "New Pluralism" here, a conference
was held recently at the International Institute in St. Paul.
The Minnesota Project on Ethnic America, with the assistance of the National Project on Ethnic America of the
American Jewish Committee and with the cosponsorship
of various organizations and institutions, sponsored the
sessions.
The conference provided a forum in which perceptions,
feelings, and judgments regarding social issues were offered
from a variety of ethnic perspectives. Discovery of common
ground may provide the means for moving Minnesota
toward a "New Pluralism" based upon mutual respect and
shared goals . - ( Minneapolis Tribune.)
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Why Our Melting Pot Cooled Off
Description
An account of the resource
Rudolph J. Vecoli
Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972
pp. 146-152
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Vecoli, Rudolph J.
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1972
LCNAF
-
https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/08d5dfb27099da59c654353436eae865.pdf
f1cfa1368435b9771e0131c6c16f56a1
PDF Text
Text
SLOVAKIA
153
An Introduction
to Slovak Costume
We are guite familiar with the old French proverb,
"The habit does not make the monk." This popular adage
implies that a man's clothes can be misleading with regard
to his personality. When individual cases are concerned,
this maxim may be true but taken collectively, national
costumes frequently run parallel with the history of a
people. This fact can be observed quite readily in the study
of Slovak peasant costume. Such research reveals the
characteristics of a people deprived of their national
freedom and who sought compensation under oppression
by dauntlessly expressing their cultural force.
When all other means of national self-expression was denied
them, the Slovak People relied on the handicrafts of the peasant
people to perpetuate the national thought of the race and in this
category embroidery and needle work played an important part.I
Artistic expression among the Slovaks was not limited
to the art academies and cultural institutions. It was
developed to a remarkable extent in the home. The pottery,
wood-carving and ceramics found there bore the hallmark
of distinction. Volumes could be written dealing with the
artistic productions of the Slovak people but let it suffice
to say that today a great deal of Slovak art is being
exhibited in museums throughout Europe and being the
work of an oppressed people, there is no indication of
their true origin.
A study of Slovak costume design can prove to be
quite interesting due to its distinctive character, bright
colors, variety and uniqueness. A love of color and a
sensitivity to its use are part of the Slovak heritage. To
the uninitiated, the costumes may appear as a conglomeration of colored fabrics, ribbons, floral patterns and lace
but to those who are familiar with Slovak culture, all of
these elements are but an outward expression of the inner
soul of the people.
Basically, in relation to costume design, the Slovaks
can be classified into two distinct groups. The Slovaks
�154
SLOVAKIA
of the mountain districts and the Slovaks of the more
prosperous South. It was among the Slovaks of the
mountains that the earliest and most characteristic examples of Slovak peasant garb are found. They were
patterned in simple straight lines and were decorated
with geometrical designs while the natural white color
of the material was retained. The Slovaks of the South
were distinguished by their use of bright colors. During
the course of time their styles were modified by foreign
influences but remined effective owing to harmonious color
blends. The difference in dress emphasizes the contrast
between the fiery temperament of the southern Slovak
and the soft, pensive and melancholy character of the
mountaineer.
The national dress of the peasant originated in the
home and each member of the family cooperated in its
execution. The women worked on the embroidery and lace
during the long winter months when their fingers resumed
their dexterity after a busy summer spent in the fields .
It was a common sight to see several women of a village
combining their talents to produce the bridal attire of
a young girl. Every garment was a heirloom passed on
to succeeding generations and each contributed its little
quota of embellishment or modified whatever was unsuited
for the occasion.
In Slovak embroidery may be traced the whole technique of
artistic needle-work design and one continually comes across
articles of clothing, especially baby linens and churching-cloths,
which, we are amazed to find , must have taken a life time to
prepare.2
In its earliest form, the ordinary costume consisted
of an undercloth of hemp, a wooly "halena" and a divided
kilt. As time passed this original form was ornamented so
that its simple character was shown to the best advantage
and it attained its highest aesthetic value . Accompanying
the gradual improvements in style and color was the
tendency of each village to fashion a costume peculiar to
itself. It has been noted by some historians that at one
period in history there had been over thirty-five distinct
national Slovak costumes.
In Slovakia everyone became aware of an approaching
holiday. Preparations began weeks in advance and the
women vied with each other in exhibiting their holiday
�SLOVAKIA
Costume from town of Detva
155
�156
SLOVAKIA
attire. The underskirts of the women were considered
quite fashionable and they were proudly displayed. They
were well gathered and often trimmed with lace or seasonal
bands of color. To add a touch of variety, the front of
the skirt was usually made of printed materials. Over the
skirt a kind of dress was worn called a "kabat".
The week-day dress was made of dark colors; in
holiday outfits brighter colors predominated. The linen
waist or bodice was unique. Its white puffed sleeves were
trimmed with lace and embroidery from the shoulder to
the elbow. The embroidery was so exquisite that the underside was almost as perfect as the upper. In some districts
the women pleated their attire in sharp folds while the
material was damp and left it to dry crisp in the sun.
This fashion is now considered quite archaic and likened
to the folds in the clothes of the ancient Greeks. During
the penitential seasons of the Church, th~ women modified
their costume by wearing subdued colors, drawing their
sleeves tightly around the arms and trimmed underskirt
in purple or somber colors.
It has been remarked that the villagers were prompted
by a strong sense of local solidarity and sought distinction
in local costume. This distinction became apparent in the
headdress worn by the women of each district. Women
of the Chod district, for example, were recognized by the
black kerchief which they wore tied at the neck with one
embroidered and thrown proudly over the left shoulder.
Others wore a white turbanlike headdress with complicated binding which is reminiscent of Renaissance fashions.
Some others fancied lovely lace caps with scarfs tied
loosely under the chin. On more festive occasions, floral
wreaths were worn interwoven with gay colored ribbons
which hung gracefully over the shoulders.
The week day attire of the men was simple. They
wore tight fitting trousers made from coarse white linen
or wool with little or no decoration. A broad belt was
worn around the waist to accommodate such masculine
commodities as knives, shears, tobacco-pouch etc. Some
of the men wore black felt hats a low crown and an
up-turned brim from twelve to eighteen inches wide. The
coats or jackets were principally sheep skin and thrown
over the left shoulder, leaving the right arm free.
�157
SLOVAKIA
On Sundays and holidays, however, the men added
a note of interest to the festive display. In certain districts
their white linen shirtwaists were colorfully embroidered.
The young men with their long white linen trousers, colorful fringed sashes and white blouses with long, loose
embroidered sleeves, presented a handsome picture. Woolen
wests trimmed with intricate geometrical designs were
worn with pride. Occasionally loose-fitting white coat of
a home-made wool fabric was worn. Frequently the "cakan"
or walking stick with an axe-head was carried by the men
and rem.i nds us that these are the descendants of a people
who formerly guarded frontiers and mountain passes.
This report offers a brief glimpse into the distinctive
character of Slovak peasant costume. The style presented
was of a general type and the reader must bear in mind
various regional adaptations. The styles we have considered
have been traditional and collected bit by bit during the
course of time. How many of us have not gathered
souvenirs during the course of our travels? On our return
we find our baggage bursting with miscellaneous objects.
It is much the same with regard to national costume. With
the passing of time, nations not only surround themselves
with but wear on their persons a collection of objects
the significance of which we are unable to explain at
present. It is our fervent prayer that a new dawn of
freedom will soon break through the dismal night of
oppression and that an oppressed but hopeful people will
take the fragments of a broken culture and piece together
for our benefit their artistic traditions.
Agnes Bo
can
Danville, Pa.
FOOTNO T ES
Steph en J . Palickar, Slovakian Culture in t he Light of History
( Cambridge, Mass.: 1' he Hampshire Press, Inc., 1954), p. 202.
2) Scotus Viator, Racial Problems in Hungary (Archib ald Constable
and Co., L.T.D., 1908 ) , p. 356.
1)
THE SWVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA through its
Ladies Awdliary, the " VCIELKY" (Bees), sponsors Slovak
cultttrai displays. concerts, lectures, art exhibits, folk festivals, social evenings, etc. Our aim is to have a "Hive" of
our "Vc'!ielky" in every large Slovak community.
�
SLOVAKIA
153
An Introduction
to Slovak Costume
We are guite familiar with the old French proverb,
"The habit does not make the monk." This popular adage
implies that a man's clothes can be misleading with regard
to his personality. When individual cases are concerned,
this maxim may be true but taken collectively, national
costumes frequently run parallel with the history of a
people. This fact can be observed quite readily in the study
of Slovak peasant costume. Such research reveals the
characteristics of a people deprived of their national
freedom and who sought compensation under oppression
by dauntlessly expressing their cultural force.
When all other means of national self-expression was denied
them, the Slovak People relied on the handicrafts of the peasant
people to perpetuate the national thought of the race and in this
category embroidery and needle work played an important part.I
Artistic expression among the Slovaks was not limited
to the art academies and cultural institutions. It was
developed to a remarkable extent in the home. The pottery,
wood-carving and ceramics found there bore the hallmark
of distinction. Volumes could be written dealing with the
artistic productions of the Slovak people but let it suffice
to say that today a great deal of Slovak art is being
exhibited in museums throughout Europe and being the
work of an oppressed people, there is no indication of
their true origin.
A study of Slovak costume design can prove to be
quite interesting due to its distinctive character, bright
colors, variety and uniqueness. A love of color and a
sensitivity to its use are part of the Slovak heritage. To
the uninitiated, the costumes may appear as a conglomeration of colored fabrics, ribbons, floral patterns and lace
but to those who are familiar with Slovak culture, all of
these elements are but an outward expression of the inner
soul of the people.
Basically, in relation to costume design, the Slovaks
can be classified into two distinct groups. The Slovaks
�154
SLOVAKIA
of the mountain districts and the Slovaks of the more
prosperous South. It was among the Slovaks of the
mountains that the earliest and most characteristic examples of Slovak peasant garb are found. They were
patterned in simple straight lines and were decorated
with geometrical designs while the natural white color
of the material was retained. The Slovaks of the South
were distinguished by their use of bright colors. During
the course of time their styles were modified by foreign
influences but remined effective owing to harmonious color
blends. The difference in dress emphasizes the contrast
between the fiery temperament of the southern Slovak
and the soft, pensive and melancholy character of the
mountaineer.
The national dress of the peasant originated in the
home and each member of the family cooperated in its
execution. The women worked on the embroidery and lace
during the long winter months when their fingers resumed
their dexterity after a busy summer spent in the fields .
It was a common sight to see several women of a village
combining their talents to produce the bridal attire of
a young girl. Every garment was a heirloom passed on
to succeeding generations and each contributed its little
quota of embellishment or modified whatever was unsuited
for the occasion.
In Slovak embroidery may be traced the whole technique of
artistic needle-work design and one continually comes across
articles of clothing, especially baby linens and churching-cloths,
which, we are amazed to find , must have taken a life time to
prepare.2
In its earliest form, the ordinary costume consisted
of an undercloth of hemp, a wooly "halena" and a divided
kilt. As time passed this original form was ornamented so
that its simple character was shown to the best advantage
and it attained its highest aesthetic value . Accompanying
the gradual improvements in style and color was the
tendency of each village to fashion a costume peculiar to
itself. It has been noted by some historians that at one
period in history there had been over thirty-five distinct
national Slovak costumes.
In Slovakia everyone became aware of an approaching
holiday. Preparations began weeks in advance and the
women vied with each other in exhibiting their holiday
�SLOVAKIA
Costume from town of Detva
155
�156
SLOVAKIA
attire. The underskirts of the women were considered
quite fashionable and they were proudly displayed. They
were well gathered and often trimmed with lace or seasonal
bands of color. To add a touch of variety, the front of
the skirt was usually made of printed materials. Over the
skirt a kind of dress was worn called a "kabat".
The week-day dress was made of dark colors; in
holiday outfits brighter colors predominated. The linen
waist or bodice was unique. Its white puffed sleeves were
trimmed with lace and embroidery from the shoulder to
the elbow. The embroidery was so exquisite that the underside was almost as perfect as the upper. In some districts
the women pleated their attire in sharp folds while the
material was damp and left it to dry crisp in the sun.
This fashion is now considered quite archaic and likened
to the folds in the clothes of the ancient Greeks. During
the penitential seasons of the Church, th~ women modified
their costume by wearing subdued colors, drawing their
sleeves tightly around the arms and trimmed underskirt
in purple or somber colors.
It has been remarked that the villagers were prompted
by a strong sense of local solidarity and sought distinction
in local costume. This distinction became apparent in the
headdress worn by the women of each district. Women
of the Chod district, for example, were recognized by the
black kerchief which they wore tied at the neck with one
embroidered and thrown proudly over the left shoulder.
Others wore a white turbanlike headdress with complicated binding which is reminiscent of Renaissance fashions.
Some others fancied lovely lace caps with scarfs tied
loosely under the chin. On more festive occasions, floral
wreaths were worn interwoven with gay colored ribbons
which hung gracefully over the shoulders.
The week day attire of the men was simple. They
wore tight fitting trousers made from coarse white linen
or wool with little or no decoration. A broad belt was
worn around the waist to accommodate such masculine
commodities as knives, shears, tobacco-pouch etc. Some
of the men wore black felt hats a low crown and an
up-turned brim from twelve to eighteen inches wide. The
coats or jackets were principally sheep skin and thrown
over the left shoulder, leaving the right arm free.
�157
SLOVAKIA
On Sundays and holidays, however, the men added
a note of interest to the festive display. In certain districts
their white linen shirtwaists were colorfully embroidered.
The young men with their long white linen trousers, colorful fringed sashes and white blouses with long, loose
embroidered sleeves, presented a handsome picture. Woolen
wests trimmed with intricate geometrical designs were
worn with pride. Occasionally loose-fitting white coat of
a home-made wool fabric was worn. Frequently the "cakan"
or walking stick with an axe-head was carried by the men
and rem.i nds us that these are the descendants of a people
who formerly guarded frontiers and mountain passes.
This report offers a brief glimpse into the distinctive
character of Slovak peasant costume. The style presented
was of a general type and the reader must bear in mind
various regional adaptations. The styles we have considered
have been traditional and collected bit by bit during the
course of time. How many of us have not gathered
souvenirs during the course of our travels? On our return
we find our baggage bursting with miscellaneous objects.
It is much the same with regard to national costume. With
the passing of time, nations not only surround themselves
with but wear on their persons a collection of objects
the significance of which we are unable to explain at
present. It is our fervent prayer that a new dawn of
freedom will soon break through the dismal night of
oppression and that an oppressed but hopeful people will
take the fragments of a broken culture and piece together
for our benefit their artistic traditions.
Agnes Bo
can
Danville, Pa.
FOOTNO T ES
Steph en J . Palickar, Slovakian Culture in t he Light of History
( Cambridge, Mass.: 1' he Hampshire Press, Inc., 1954), p. 202.
2) Scotus Viator, Racial Problems in Hungary (Archib ald Constable
and Co., L.T.D., 1908 ) , p. 356.
1)
THE SWVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA through its
Ladies Awdliary, the " VCIELKY" (Bees), sponsors Slovak
cultttrai displays. concerts, lectures, art exhibits, folk festivals, social evenings, etc. Our aim is to have a "Hive" of
our "Vc'!ielky" in every large Slovak community.
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
1972, Vol. 22
Description
An account of the resource
Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972.
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
The Slovak League of America
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1972
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Text
Any textual data included in the document
SLOVAKIA
153
An Introduction
to Slovak Costume
We are guite familiar with the old French proverb,
"The habit does not make the monk." This popular adage
implies that a man's clothes can be misleading with regard
to his personality. When individual cases are concerned,
this maxim may be true but taken collectively, national
costumes frequently run parallel with the history of a
people. This fact can be observed quite readily in the study
of Slovak peasant costume. Such research reveals the
characteristics of a people deprived of their national
freedom and who sought compensation under oppression
by dauntlessly expressing their cultural force.
When all other means of national self-expression was denied
them, the Slovak People relied on the handicrafts of the peasant
people to perpetuate the national thought of the race and in this
category embroidery and needle work played an important part.I
Artistic expression among the Slovaks was not limited
to the art academies and cultural institutions. It was
developed to a remarkable extent in the home. The pottery,
wood-carving and ceramics found there bore the hallmark
of distinction. Volumes could be written dealing with the
artistic productions of the Slovak people but let it suffice
to say that today a great deal of Slovak art is being
exhibited in museums throughout Europe and being the
work of an oppressed people, there is no indication of
their true origin.
A study of Slovak costume design can prove to be
quite interesting due to its distinctive character, bright
colors, variety and uniqueness. A love of color and a
sensitivity to its use are part of the Slovak heritage. To
the uninitiated, the costumes may appear as a conglomeration of colored fabrics, ribbons, floral patterns and lace
but to those who are familiar with Slovak culture, all of
these elements are but an outward expression of the inner
soul of the people.
Basically, in relation to costume design, the Slovaks
can be classified into two distinct groups. The Slovaks
154
SLOVAKIA
of the mountain districts and the Slovaks of the more
prosperous South. It was among the Slovaks of the
mountains that the earliest and most characteristic examples of Slovak peasant garb are found. They were
patterned in simple straight lines and were decorated
with geometrical designs while the natural white color
of the material was retained. The Slovaks of the South
were distinguished by their use of bright colors. During
the course of time their styles were modified by foreign
influences but remined effective owing to harmonious color
blends. The difference in dress emphasizes the contrast
between the fiery temperament of the southern Slovak
and the soft, pensive and melancholy character of the
mountaineer.
The national dress of the peasant originated in the
home and each member of the family cooperated in its
execution. The women worked on the embroidery and lace
during the long winter months when their fingers resumed
their dexterity after a busy summer spent in the fields .
It was a common sight to see several women of a village
combining their talents to produce the bridal attire of
a young girl. Every garment was a heirloom passed on
to succeeding generations and each contributed its little
quota of embellishment or modified whatever was unsuited
for the occasion.
In Slovak embroidery may be traced the whole technique of
artistic needle-work design and one continually comes across
articles of clothing, especially baby linens and churching-cloths,
which, we are amazed to find , must have taken a life time to
prepare.2
In its earliest form, the ordinary costume consisted
of an undercloth of hemp, a wooly "halena" and a divided
kilt. As time passed this original form was ornamented so
that its simple character was shown to the best advantage
and it attained its highest aesthetic value . Accompanying
the gradual improvements in style and color was the
tendency of each village to fashion a costume peculiar to
itself. It has been noted by some historians that at one
period in history there had been over thirty-five distinct
national Slovak costumes.
In Slovakia everyone became aware of an approaching
holiday. Preparations began weeks in advance and the
women vied with each other in exhibiting their holiday
SLOVAKIA
Costume from town of Detva
155
156
SLOVAKIA
attire. The underskirts of the women were considered
quite fashionable and they were proudly displayed. They
were well gathered and often trimmed with lace or seasonal
bands of color. To add a touch of variety, the front of
the skirt was usually made of printed materials. Over the
skirt a kind of dress was worn called a "kabat".
The week-day dress was made of dark colors; in
holiday outfits brighter colors predominated. The linen
waist or bodice was unique. Its white puffed sleeves were
trimmed with lace and embroidery from the shoulder to
the elbow. The embroidery was so exquisite that the underside was almost as perfect as the upper. In some districts
the women pleated their attire in sharp folds while the
material was damp and left it to dry crisp in the sun.
This fashion is now considered quite archaic and likened
to the folds in the clothes of the ancient Greeks. During
the penitential seasons of the Church, th~ women modified
their costume by wearing subdued colors, drawing their
sleeves tightly around the arms and trimmed underskirt
in purple or somber colors.
It has been remarked that the villagers were prompted
by a strong sense of local solidarity and sought distinction
in local costume. This distinction became apparent in the
headdress worn by the women of each district. Women
of the Chod district, for example, were recognized by the
black kerchief which they wore tied at the neck with one
embroidered and thrown proudly over the left shoulder.
Others wore a white turbanlike headdress with complicated binding which is reminiscent of Renaissance fashions.
Some others fancied lovely lace caps with scarfs tied
loosely under the chin. On more festive occasions, floral
wreaths were worn interwoven with gay colored ribbons
which hung gracefully over the shoulders.
The week day attire of the men was simple. They
wore tight fitting trousers made from coarse white linen
or wool with little or no decoration. A broad belt was
worn around the waist to accommodate such masculine
commodities as knives, shears, tobacco-pouch etc. Some
of the men wore black felt hats a low crown and an
up-turned brim from twelve to eighteen inches wide. The
coats or jackets were principally sheep skin and thrown
over the left shoulder, leaving the right arm free.
157
SLOVAKIA
On Sundays and holidays, however, the men added
a note of interest to the festive display. In certain districts
their white linen shirtwaists were colorfully embroidered.
The young men with their long white linen trousers, colorful fringed sashes and white blouses with long, loose
embroidered sleeves, presented a handsome picture. Woolen
wests trimmed with intricate geometrical designs were
worn with pride. Occasionally loose-fitting white coat of
a home-made wool fabric was worn. Frequently the "cakan"
or walking stick with an axe-head was carried by the men
and rem.i nds us that these are the descendants of a people
who formerly guarded frontiers and mountain passes.
This report offers a brief glimpse into the distinctive
character of Slovak peasant costume. The style presented
was of a general type and the reader must bear in mind
various regional adaptations. The styles we have considered
have been traditional and collected bit by bit during the
course of time. How many of us have not gathered
souvenirs during the course of our travels? On our return
we find our baggage bursting with miscellaneous objects.
It is much the same with regard to national costume. With
the passing of time, nations not only surround themselves
with but wear on their persons a collection of objects
the significance of which we are unable to explain at
present. It is our fervent prayer that a new dawn of
freedom will soon break through the dismal night of
oppression and that an oppressed but hopeful people will
take the fragments of a broken culture and piece together
for our benefit their artistic traditions.
Agnes Bo
can
Danville, Pa.
FOOTNO T ES
Steph en J . Palickar, Slovakian Culture in t he Light of History
( Cambridge, Mass.: 1' he Hampshire Press, Inc., 1954), p. 202.
2) Scotus Viator, Racial Problems in Hungary (Archib ald Constable
and Co., L.T.D., 1908 ) , p. 356.
1)
THE SWVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA through its
Ladies Awdliary, the " VCIELKY" (Bees), sponsors Slovak
cultttrai displays. concerts, lectures, art exhibits, folk festivals, social evenings, etc. Our aim is to have a "Hive" of
our "Vc'!ielky" in every large Slovak community.
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An Introduction to Slovak Costume
Description
An account of the resource
Agnes Bocaň
Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972
pp. 153-157
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Bocaň, Agnes
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1972
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c537df93b1f349f71cf242f6784c9fe6
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Text
158
SLOVAKIA
Slovak Scientist
Stefan A. Jedhk, O.S.B.
(JANUARY 11, 1800 -
DECEMBER 12, 1895 )
Slovakia's noted physicist, Stefan A. Jedlik, Order of
Saint Benedict, almost spanned the nineteenth century in
his lifetime. A native of Zemne, Nove Zamky district in
southern Slovakia, the Benedictine scientist patented a total
of seventy-eight ( 78) inventions, the most notable being
an electro-rotary machine, an electro-motor, a dynamo and
a lightning-rod.
The talented youth studied at Trnava, Bratislava and
Budapest. He excelled not only in Philosophy and Theology
but also in Mathematics and History. At the age of 22 he
earned his doctorate in Physics and began his long and
distinguished career in teaching and scientific experimentation as a member of the Benedictines. After teaching six
years at the Benedictine Junior College in the town of Rab,
he was assigned to the Royal Academy in Bratislava to teach
mathematics, Physics and natural science until 1840 when
he was sent to the University of Budapest to be a professor
in the Physics department. Here he remained for more
than a half century until his death close to the end of
the century whose dawning he missed by some ten days,
and whose closing he missed by 5 years.
At the University of Budapest the renowned teacher
of Physics met his life-long friend and associate, Dr. Jozef
Pecval, a fellow Slovak professor of Physics who was
destined to make notable contributions to photography.
The two Slovak scientists collaborated in several projects
and succeeded in developing a microscope for industrial
tLSe and perfected a process and machine for the manufacture of high grade optical instruments.
As a matter of historical record, Jedlik produced a
dynamo and secured patent rights in 1861 , fully a half
dozen years before Werner Siemens, for some mysterious
reason was credited with the discovery of the dynamo
in the year 1867. This strange event, incidentally, was the
forerunner of what happened in the case of Father Murgas
�SLOVAKIA
159
of Wilkes-Barre, Pa. The Slovak priest-pioneer in wireless
telegraphy successfully transmitted a message from WilkesBarre to Scranton, Pa. (a distance of ten miles) in 1905
and secured patent rights to his invention in Washington,
D. C. Nevertheless, he lost out to Marconi who perfected
the device several years later and has been considered as
the sole inventor of the Radio.
Such is the irony of human history that somehow the
scientific world is reluctant to acknowledge more than one
individual in the final choice of a candidate for fame and
immortality. Objective research, however, leaves no doubt
of the real facts in either case. In our books both Jedlik
and Murgas are indelibly registered forever as co-inventors
of the dynamo and radio respectively in the 19th and 20th
century.
So far , we Slovaks claim the following immortals in
science : 1 ) stefan A. Jedlik, 2) Jozef M. Pecval, 3) I van
B. Zoch, another famous physicist, 4) Jozef Murgas, 5)
General Milan R. Stefanik, renowned astronomer, 6) Aurelius Stodola, turbine expert in Switzerland, 7) Stefan Bani<\
inventor of the parachute in Greenville, Pa. in 1914.
As a supplement we might add that Jedlik foresaw
the splitting of the atom a hundred years ahead of his time,
for in his writings he declares that by use of electrical
power and pressure the atom could be smashed and
become a source of tremendous energy. When the job was
finally done during World War II, it opened the door for
the production of the first atomic bomb.
Jedlik's experiments were performed in his small
· apartment because the university authorities would not
permit him to conduct experiments in the school's laboratories along the lines he wished and according to his
standards. Some saw in the ban a clear-cut case of Magyar
chauvinism, others were prompted to discourage his widescale experimentation because of potential danger of an
explosion of great magnitude, if his "wild" theories would
succeed. If it was the fear of possible consequences, we
cannot blame his superiors. Yet, in view of the ultimate
outcome of atomic development along the same lines,
who knows but that the genial Slovak Benedictine monastic
genius might have been the first to split the atom, and
harnessed unbelievable power for peaceful and not warlike
uses.
�160
SLOVAKIA
Our claims for Slovak scientists are not arbitrary.
They rest solidly on facts, and hence we feel that future
historians must re-adjust these facts and harmonize them
with the proper identities. Otherwise, history, too often
dismissed as prejudicial will continue to repeat a chapter
of fiction and pass it off as fact when the true record
of two of our foremost Slovak scientists remains obscure,
and if not altogether unknown, at least unpublicized and
unknown by the general public.
In the interest of truth the proper labels must at last
be attached and inscribed posthumously to honor our
fellow Slovak countrymen in a genuine hall of fame.
A. V. Pier, 0. S. B .
SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA
-
supports freedom and independence of Slovakia;
promotes a better understanding and appreciation
of the Slovak nation, its history, culture, traditions,
and desires ;
makes America better known to Slovakia and Slovakia better known to America in the interest of
world peace, freedom and security;
has a scholarship program for college and university
students ;
promotes cooperation among all American-Slovak
organizations and publications for the promulgations
of Slovak ethnic heritage.
is a charter member of the Slovak World Congress.
Life membership: $100.00
For further information, write to:
Slovak League of America
313 Ridge Avenue
Middletown, Pa. 17057
�
158
SLOVAKIA
Slovak Scientist
Stefan A. Jedhk, O.S.B.
(JANUARY 11, 1800 -
DECEMBER 12, 1895 )
Slovakia's noted physicist, Stefan A. Jedlik, Order of
Saint Benedict, almost spanned the nineteenth century in
his lifetime. A native of Zemne, Nove Zamky district in
southern Slovakia, the Benedictine scientist patented a total
of seventy-eight ( 78) inventions, the most notable being
an electro-rotary machine, an electro-motor, a dynamo and
a lightning-rod.
The talented youth studied at Trnava, Bratislava and
Budapest. He excelled not only in Philosophy and Theology
but also in Mathematics and History. At the age of 22 he
earned his doctorate in Physics and began his long and
distinguished career in teaching and scientific experimentation as a member of the Benedictines. After teaching six
years at the Benedictine Junior College in the town of Rab,
he was assigned to the Royal Academy in Bratislava to teach
mathematics, Physics and natural science until 1840 when
he was sent to the University of Budapest to be a professor
in the Physics department. Here he remained for more
than a half century until his death close to the end of
the century whose dawning he missed by some ten days,
and whose closing he missed by 5 years.
At the University of Budapest the renowned teacher
of Physics met his life-long friend and associate, Dr. Jozef
Pecval, a fellow Slovak professor of Physics who was
destined to make notable contributions to photography.
The two Slovak scientists collaborated in several projects
and succeeded in developing a microscope for industrial
tLSe and perfected a process and machine for the manufacture of high grade optical instruments.
As a matter of historical record, Jedlik produced a
dynamo and secured patent rights in 1861 , fully a half
dozen years before Werner Siemens, for some mysterious
reason was credited with the discovery of the dynamo
in the year 1867. This strange event, incidentally, was the
forerunner of what happened in the case of Father Murgas
�SLOVAKIA
159
of Wilkes-Barre, Pa. The Slovak priest-pioneer in wireless
telegraphy successfully transmitted a message from WilkesBarre to Scranton, Pa. (a distance of ten miles) in 1905
and secured patent rights to his invention in Washington,
D. C. Nevertheless, he lost out to Marconi who perfected
the device several years later and has been considered as
the sole inventor of the Radio.
Such is the irony of human history that somehow the
scientific world is reluctant to acknowledge more than one
individual in the final choice of a candidate for fame and
immortality. Objective research, however, leaves no doubt
of the real facts in either case. In our books both Jedlik
and Murgas are indelibly registered forever as co-inventors
of the dynamo and radio respectively in the 19th and 20th
century.
So far , we Slovaks claim the following immortals in
science : 1 ) stefan A. Jedlik, 2) Jozef M. Pecval, 3) I van
B. Zoch, another famous physicist, 4) Jozef Murgas, 5)
General Milan R. Stefanik, renowned astronomer, 6) Aurelius Stodola, turbine expert in Switzerland, 7) Stefan Bani<\
inventor of the parachute in Greenville, Pa. in 1914.
As a supplement we might add that Jedlik foresaw
the splitting of the atom a hundred years ahead of his time,
for in his writings he declares that by use of electrical
power and pressure the atom could be smashed and
become a source of tremendous energy. When the job was
finally done during World War II, it opened the door for
the production of the first atomic bomb.
Jedlik's experiments were performed in his small
· apartment because the university authorities would not
permit him to conduct experiments in the school's laboratories along the lines he wished and according to his
standards. Some saw in the ban a clear-cut case of Magyar
chauvinism, others were prompted to discourage his widescale experimentation because of potential danger of an
explosion of great magnitude, if his "wild" theories would
succeed. If it was the fear of possible consequences, we
cannot blame his superiors. Yet, in view of the ultimate
outcome of atomic development along the same lines,
who knows but that the genial Slovak Benedictine monastic
genius might have been the first to split the atom, and
harnessed unbelievable power for peaceful and not warlike
uses.
�160
SLOVAKIA
Our claims for Slovak scientists are not arbitrary.
They rest solidly on facts, and hence we feel that future
historians must re-adjust these facts and harmonize them
with the proper identities. Otherwise, history, too often
dismissed as prejudicial will continue to repeat a chapter
of fiction and pass it off as fact when the true record
of two of our foremost Slovak scientists remains obscure,
and if not altogether unknown, at least unpublicized and
unknown by the general public.
In the interest of truth the proper labels must at last
be attached and inscribed posthumously to honor our
fellow Slovak countrymen in a genuine hall of fame.
A. V. Pier, 0. S. B .
SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA
-
supports freedom and independence of Slovakia;
promotes a better understanding and appreciation
of the Slovak nation, its history, culture, traditions,
and desires ;
makes America better known to Slovakia and Slovakia better known to America in the interest of
world peace, freedom and security;
has a scholarship program for college and university
students ;
promotes cooperation among all American-Slovak
organizations and publications for the promulgations
of Slovak ethnic heritage.
is a charter member of the Slovak World Congress.
Life membership: $100.00
For further information, write to:
Slovak League of America
313 Ridge Avenue
Middletown, Pa. 17057
�
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1972, Vol. 22
Description
An account of the resource
Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972.
Publisher
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The Slovak League of America
Date
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1972
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158
SLOVAKIA
Slovak Scientist
Stefan A. Jedhk, O.S.B.
(JANUARY 11, 1800 -
DECEMBER 12, 1895 )
Slovakia's noted physicist, Stefan A. Jedlik, Order of
Saint Benedict, almost spanned the nineteenth century in
his lifetime. A native of Zemne, Nove Zamky district in
southern Slovakia, the Benedictine scientist patented a total
of seventy-eight ( 78) inventions, the most notable being
an electro-rotary machine, an electro-motor, a dynamo and
a lightning-rod.
The talented youth studied at Trnava, Bratislava and
Budapest. He excelled not only in Philosophy and Theology
but also in Mathematics and History. At the age of 22 he
earned his doctorate in Physics and began his long and
distinguished career in teaching and scientific experimentation as a member of the Benedictines. After teaching six
years at the Benedictine Junior College in the town of Rab,
he was assigned to the Royal Academy in Bratislava to teach
mathematics, Physics and natural science until 1840 when
he was sent to the University of Budapest to be a professor
in the Physics department. Here he remained for more
than a half century until his death close to the end of
the century whose dawning he missed by some ten days,
and whose closing he missed by 5 years.
At the University of Budapest the renowned teacher
of Physics met his life-long friend and associate, Dr. Jozef
Pecval, a fellow Slovak professor of Physics who was
destined to make notable contributions to photography.
The two Slovak scientists collaborated in several projects
and succeeded in developing a microscope for industrial
tLSe and perfected a process and machine for the manufacture of high grade optical instruments.
As a matter of historical record, Jedlik produced a
dynamo and secured patent rights in 1861 , fully a half
dozen years before Werner Siemens, for some mysterious
reason was credited with the discovery of the dynamo
in the year 1867. This strange event, incidentally, was the
forerunner of what happened in the case of Father Murgas
SLOVAKIA
159
of Wilkes-Barre, Pa. The Slovak priest-pioneer in wireless
telegraphy successfully transmitted a message from WilkesBarre to Scranton, Pa. (a distance of ten miles) in 1905
and secured patent rights to his invention in Washington,
D. C. Nevertheless, he lost out to Marconi who perfected
the device several years later and has been considered as
the sole inventor of the Radio.
Such is the irony of human history that somehow the
scientific world is reluctant to acknowledge more than one
individual in the final choice of a candidate for fame and
immortality. Objective research, however, leaves no doubt
of the real facts in either case. In our books both Jedlik
and Murgas are indelibly registered forever as co-inventors
of the dynamo and radio respectively in the 19th and 20th
century.
So far , we Slovaks claim the following immortals in
science : 1 ) stefan A. Jedlik, 2) Jozef M. Pecval, 3) I van
B. Zoch, another famous physicist, 4) Jozef Murgas, 5)
General Milan R. Stefanik, renowned astronomer, 6) Aurelius Stodola, turbine expert in Switzerland, 7) Stefan Bani<\
inventor of the parachute in Greenville, Pa. in 1914.
As a supplement we might add that Jedlik foresaw
the splitting of the atom a hundred years ahead of his time,
for in his writings he declares that by use of electrical
power and pressure the atom could be smashed and
become a source of tremendous energy. When the job was
finally done during World War II, it opened the door for
the production of the first atomic bomb.
Jedlik's experiments were performed in his small
· apartment because the university authorities would not
permit him to conduct experiments in the school's laboratories along the lines he wished and according to his
standards. Some saw in the ban a clear-cut case of Magyar
chauvinism, others were prompted to discourage his widescale experimentation because of potential danger of an
explosion of great magnitude, if his "wild" theories would
succeed. If it was the fear of possible consequences, we
cannot blame his superiors. Yet, in view of the ultimate
outcome of atomic development along the same lines,
who knows but that the genial Slovak Benedictine monastic
genius might have been the first to split the atom, and
harnessed unbelievable power for peaceful and not warlike
uses.
160
SLOVAKIA
Our claims for Slovak scientists are not arbitrary.
They rest solidly on facts, and hence we feel that future
historians must re-adjust these facts and harmonize them
with the proper identities. Otherwise, history, too often
dismissed as prejudicial will continue to repeat a chapter
of fiction and pass it off as fact when the true record
of two of our foremost Slovak scientists remains obscure,
and if not altogether unknown, at least unpublicized and
unknown by the general public.
In the interest of truth the proper labels must at last
be attached and inscribed posthumously to honor our
fellow Slovak countrymen in a genuine hall of fame.
A. V. Pier, 0. S. B .
SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA
-
supports freedom and independence of Slovakia;
promotes a better understanding and appreciation
of the Slovak nation, its history, culture, traditions,
and desires ;
makes America better known to Slovakia and Slovakia better known to America in the interest of
world peace, freedom and security;
has a scholarship program for college and university
students ;
promotes cooperation among all American-Slovak
organizations and publications for the promulgations
of Slovak ethnic heritage.
is a charter member of the Slovak World Congress.
Life membership: $100.00
For further information, write to:
Slovak League of America
313 Ridge Avenue
Middletown, Pa. 17057
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Slovak Scientist Štefan A. Jedlík, O.S.B.
Description
An account of the resource
A. V. Pier
Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972
pp. 158-160
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Pier, Andrew W., 1910-2003
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1972
name
-
https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/772859d41df01ca562f5584835e85c55.pdf
4fe0ec0875bb7915b4b223683798da43
PDF Text
Text
SLOVAKlA
161
Matthew Jankola
1872-1916
SLOVAK-AMERICAN PRIEST, LEADER, EDUCATOR
Sister M. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M.
An observance commemorating the life and accomplishments of Father Matthew Jankola in this centennial year
of his birth has the advantages of distance and historic
perspective. It provides a very timely opportunity for
appraising this leader and his life's contribution with fair
and realistic appreciation, with a degree of objective regard
for his innate qualities and his unique achievements.
Father Jankola's life span encompassed only forty-three
years and his biographical data can be summarized very
compactly.
BIOGRAPHICAL PROFILE
The parents of Matthew Jankola were Matthew and
Rosalie Medvecky Jankola. They lived very ·simply but
happily in Trstena, a picturesque town in the economically
disadvantaged Orava district of Slovakia, and their son
Matthew spent much of his early life there.
But Trstena was not Father Jankola's birthplace, for
he was born away from home on July 2, 1872, while his
parents were at seasonal work in the Stary Budin sector
of Budapest, Hungary.
After his elementary education in Trstena, the boy
Matthew continued his schooling at gymnazia in Bardejov
and Beckov. Later, on the recommendation and under the
sponsorship of his maternal uncle, the Francisean Father
Emerich Medvecky, he advanced to seminary studies with
the Franciscans in Hlohovec and in Kremnica. At the same
time, the school of life steadily trained him too.
With ardor and utmost good will he gave his all in
order to prepare for the priesthood with a religious order
but the evils of oppression did not spare him even in the
seminaries of Slovakia. In fact, they left their mark upon
him by undermining his health though no degree of im-
�162
SLOVAKIA
posed suffering could shake his spirit. This apparently
all-pervasive atmosphere of oppression was one of the
determining factors that led him to seek a better way of
life in the new world.
It happened, then, that because of many types of
extreme pressures in his homeland-political, economic,
cultural-and because America had become a haven of
refuge and security to many of his countrymen, he too
ventured upon the long voyage across the Atlantic and
arrived in the harbor of Baltimore on December 19, 1893.
He was not in prime physical condition at this time, for
strain and exhaustion had drained his reserves but his
heart was filled with a determination that was always
characteristic of him and with a buoyant hope that here
honest work would bring honest returns, that repression
did not came with him on his long and arduous trip. In his
soul he cherished the vision that he could become a force
for good in this new world while he would also be a support
and help for his dear ones in Slovakia. And so he began
a new chapter in the young manhood of his life.
He had come to America as a talented and achieving
student in his fourth year of theology. He was not encumbered with misgivings or uncertainties about his life's
work or objectives. Without unnecessary delay he enrolled
in St. Mary's Seminary in Baltimore but after an interval
of illness had interrupted his seminary program, he transferred to St . Bonaventure Seminary in Allegheny, New
York, where Latin was the language of instruction. His
proficiency in Latin made him feel very much at home here
and in two semesters he was able to complete the courses
that he needed for the final rounding out of his training
for the priesthood.
January 13, 1895 was the date Father Jankola's ordination. He was twenty-two and had lived half of his life.
From this date on, he felt in his soul that he owed filial
gratitude to three persons whom he regarded in the role
of father: his natural father who was very dear to him; his
u ncle Father Emerich Medvecky whose Franciscan charity
and solicitude saw to his education and the nurturing
of his priestly vocation; and Bishop William O'Hara of
Scranton who received him in America and ordained him
p riest.
�SLOVAKIA
163
Shortly after his ordination he received his first
priestly assignment: the pastorate of St. John the Baptist
parish in Pittston, Pennsylvania. And from this center he
extended pastoral care to seven other towns where Slovak
Catholic immigrants were settling.
He was subsequently pastor of St. Joseph's in Hazleton,
Pennsylvania and of SS. Cyril and Methodius parish in
Bridgeport, Connecticut, where he died on May 5, 1916.
This brief and superficially simple biographical sketch
does not even suggest any of the fullness of his lifetime.
It is rather the bare diagram of plotting points, each of
which opened upon an individual richness of life .
BACKGROUNDS
The pivotal key in Father Jankola's life was his total
commitment to the priesthood. The fruition of all his
living was in the twenty years that followed upon his
ordination.
The social milieu in which he had decided upon a
career of service as a priest of God rightfully had conditioned him into viewing dedication to the altar as no
mere token position to be satisfied by perfunctorily
discharged liturgical devotions and ceremonies-significant
and beautiful as they may be. To him the office of priest
meant a distinctive way of life binding the priest to serve
wholeheartedly as mediator, leader, educator, philanthropist and sanctifier of his people in and for Christ. Much
in the mind of Vatican II, he developed his formation and
his philosophy of life in the ideal that the priest is above
all for Christ and for the people. In all his subsequent
endeavors this wa:s his guiding principle, his constant.
Even as a growing boy and as an aware adolescent,
he had lived with the realization that among his people
the priest was the one individual who stood for leadership,
uprightness and learning as well as for spiritual ministry,
moral guidance and ethical inspiration. He was oriented
to his regard for the priesthood because the ruling powers
that had shackled Slovakia in many ways had also-except
by rare exception- denied academic opportunities for
Slovak boys and girls who aspired to professional or
scientific careers. On this score, the authorities relented
only to permit seminary training for the sake of the priest-
�164
SLOVAKIA
hood, and normal school courses in a limited way, in order
to prepare some teachers for schools.
The priest, then, had to be more than shepherd of
souls in Slovakia. He had to be the leading light of his
people in temporalities as well as in spirituality. He had
to be .not only teacher and guide in virtue and goodness
but also a perceptive and courageous defender of justice
and the basic rights of man. This is the main reason why
Slovak priests sometimes found themselves consciencebound to take a hard look even at the political atmosphere
in which they and their people had to live. And seeing the
realities of inequity, discrimination, cultural deprivation,
oppression and spiritual bondage, they had the moral
fortitude even publicly to attack these evils and defend
their people and their country; they had the conviction
that as the educated leaders of their people, they had to
have the stamina to enter the forum of public affairs and
there champion the cause of the wronged, the oppressed
and the helpless whenever circumstances demanded their
presence in the public arena.
Various modes of oppression, overt as well as patent,
often discouraged or demoralized the average citizen who
was usually much preoccupied with the daily need to
provide at least a living for his family. The God-given
beauty of his natural surroundings often put a bit of
poetry into a peasant's hard life; the lilt and loveliness
of folk song and folk music warmed his heart, and the
ar tistry of hand crafted work brought him some gratuitous
satisfaction through creative expression but he needed the
wholesomeness of opportunities to cultivate his intellectual
talents and his inborn creative gifts freely and even as a
lifetime career, as a professional; he needed assured liberty
and justice, openness and a sense of security so that he
could rise above sheer drudgery and allow his spirit to grow
expansive. He needed to nourish his life of the spirit as
well as the life of his body . He needed to satisfy his
intellectual hunger in order to develope spiritually and
to structure a sense of dignity in his life.
All this the Slovak priest recognized in his parish, in
his town or village, in his country. More was asked of him
than is generally asked of the average priest, and he had
t o be a man greater dimension that the average man. He
�SLOVAKIA
165
had to be capable of tactful leadership, of sound capacities
for guidance and direction, of clear vission and foresight ;
resourceful as well as prayerful, peace-loving yet fearless
in the face of defending God-given rights, forgiving yet
relentless in fighting injustice. In him converged all the
likeness of Christlike being and behavior and all the
paradoxes of virtue flourishing in a sin-beset world.
This is the kind of life that Matthew Jankola chose
with mature and deliberate will. Most importantly, this
is the kind of life that he lived. Fire and ardor were of
his very nature; integrity, initiative and unclouded vision
were his basic assets; God, nation and fellowmen-in that
order-were his top priorities; and the grit to endure was
the price that he was asked to pay in the discharge of his
vocation. Living here as he did under pioneering conditions
among immigrants who were truly strangers in a strange
land, he was imbued with characteristic missionary concern for both the material and the spiritual welfare of
those around him and of those for whom he had made
himself responsible.
He was aware that the socio-economic circumstances
which bore upon the immigrant Slovak laborer could affect
him very adversely and for that reason he did not spare
himself in awakening and revitalizing deep self-respect and
dignity in the man who was burdened with inhuman hours
and labors and even humiliation in the dank pits of coal
mines, at the raging forges of steel mills, at railroad building and multiplicity of menial jobs of every description.
Work itself is reasonably recognized as honorable but
sometimes the conditions under which a man is compelled
to work can conspire to brutalize him. And man must not
spend all his working hours in just expending the strength
of his muscles or he may become gross.
FIRST PASTORATE
It is worth noting that Bishop O'Hara appointecl.
Father Jankola pastor of St. John the Baptist parish in
Pittston very shortly after his ordination. He knew how
urgent the need was for this parish to have a pastor and
he recognized in the newly ordained Father Jankola gifts
of mind and spirit that recommended him, young as h e
was, for a responsible office even without seasoned ap-
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prenticeship in parish work. Pioneering often calls for
practically instant response to duty. Father Jankola never
hesitated in meeting the demands of duty and Bishop
O'Hara had every reason to be convinced that his trust
in this pastor was well placed.
With complete dedication, an unusual capacity for work
and keen administrative talent, the new priest assumed
the new tasks committed to him. With apostolic zeal he
made it a point of his prime priestly service to reach out
among the scattered Slovak Catholics of wide regions. He
did not circumscribe his labors and his interests to that
one Pittston parish only. He felt, rather, that all the Slovaks
displaced in America were his immediate concern, and his
specific responsibility to the Pittston parish of St. John
the Baptist included the Slovak Catholics of seven adjoining
communities commonly referred to as "places" or "plejzy."
They included Sturmerville, West Pittston, Wyoming, Port
Griffith, Smithville, Duryea and Pittston Junction.
At this time he also traveled to the Binghamton, New
York, area to serve the spiritual needs of Slovaks settling
there. From the very beginning these, so to say, transplanted and still rootless people who were largely engaged
in railroad building and in the shoe industry, were content
to use the church facilities that were very kindly offered
them by St. Patrick's parish but in 1902 Father Jankola
helped them to organize their own parish under the patronal
title of Saints Cyril and Methodius. Important as this was,
it was enough. He next did his utmost in order to find
a reasonable priest to take charge of this parish or at least
to offer temporary ministry to the Binghamton Slovak
community. On countless occasions when no one else was
available, he himself came to provide them with Sunday
services, to administer the sacraments, to advise and guide
them and to inspire and encourage them to cultivate their
spiritual life, much like a missionary compelled to ride
h is circuit in order to bring God to man and man to God.
During this pastorship in Pittston, Father Jankola also
ministered to the Slovaks of Wilkes-Barre and Swoyeville
( which was called Maltby in his day) and with his sound
direction and practical acumen, he helped them to build
their churches. There were over eight thousand Slovaks in
Wyoming Valley region around Wilkes-Barre at this time
�SLOVAKIA
167
and there was a steady flow of increase into this hard coal
region as ship after ship brought more Slovak immigrants
to American shores. From his parish base in Pittston
Father Jankola indefatigably toiled among them, deeply
concerned that the burdens and troubles of providing for
material needs and livelihood should not crowd out of
their labor-preoccupied lives the eternal truths that God
bore them all in his love and that as they spent themselves
on behalf of material well-being, they keep in mind and
also provide for the life of the spirit and for undying values.
In the early history of Slovak Catholics in the diocese
of Scranton, Pennsylvania, where there was a large concentration of Slovak immigrants, we find the record of
these ten Slovak parishes which were established in the
late nineteenth century:
1883 St. Joseph's in Hazleton
1886 St. Stephen's in Plymouth
1888 St. Joseph's in Nanticoke
1889 Holy Ghost in Olyphant
1893 St. John Nepomucene in Freeland
1894 St. John the Baptist in Pittston
1895 Holy Trinity in Maltby (later called Swoyerville )
1895 Sacred Heart in Wilkes-Barre
1895 Holy Family in Scranton
1896 St. Michael's in Jessup
Ten Roman Catholic parishes like ten significant
reasons to make the heart rejoice! But then the stark
realization that there were only eight Roman Catholic
priests available for these parishes at this time. Two
self-sacrificing priests in this area were obviously called
upon to do the work of four. One of these was Fr. Jankola
who looked after the parishes in Pittston and in Maltby;
the other one was his friend Father Stas who took care
of Olyphant and Jessup.
PIONEERING PROBLEMS
Overextended as these priests were, they realized that
it was actually impossible to reach out to all the Slovak
immigrants because they lived in such widely scattered
places-some here and there in typically settled areas,
others in sparse settlements and still others even in very
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SLOVAKIA
remote and unlikely pockets. And they did need the
solicitous care of conscientious priets.
Many newcomers mistakenly assumed a new "liberty"
in America-the liberty to drink too freely, to look upon
church-going as a practice better suited to the old country
than to the new, to neglect the sacraments with easy
abandon and live a loose life. In defense of such attitudes,
they all too readily ralied on such specious observations
as: "America is different." "I have a parish church at home
in Europe; I'll receive the sacraments there." "I work hard
all week; Sunday is my day of rest. No one should take
my rest from me and tell me to go to Mass ." "Now i want
to live. Later when I'm dying I'll send for a priest."
Persisting in such attitudes, they would have succumbed to a generally unprincipled or amoral life. Surely they
did need someone to bring them effective spiritual guidance
and the conviction that freedom in America is not license
to abandon religious and moral obligations.
Father Jankola looked to the root of these problems.
He understood that greater earnings and ready cash in
America spelled greater self-reliance which sometimes
tended to generate that degree of involvement with material
goods that became detrimental to sound spiritually. Easier
living here often brought with it a distaste for self-discipline
and a laxity about receiving the sacraments. Above all,
however, he saw that not a few men deliberately stayed
away from church if they did not understand the word
of God preached to them in a language that they did not
know. This neglect of religious duty was only aggravated
by an easy forgetfulness of home training and ready
abandonment of many good practices learned at home
and advocated in one's parish church in a distant native
village or town.
Unless measures were taken to offset these unfavorable
trends, many otherwise well-meaning but unguided immigrants could stray far from the really good life and
from devotion to God. Consequently, Father Jankola did
his utmost in the discharge of his ministry and he accomplished very much good but the more he did, the more
he saw still waiting to be done. On all sides he faced the
need for more priests. Repeatedly he had to hear requests
for priestly service, direction and help, and sorrowfully he
�SLOVAKIA
169
realized that he was not able to satisfy many of them. Again
we have the reality that this was a missionary situation
and there were not enough missionaries to serve Christ's
cause among the Slovaks in it.
In his efforts to resolve this problem, Father Jankola
made appeals of his own. On very many occasions he wrote
to his homeland, urging Slovak priests and seminarians
to offer their help in America. He ·s aw that priests, who
could not serve effectively abroad because of hampering
factors there, would find here far more suitable conditions
and climate as well as an extensive field for their zeal and
dedication. Very likely, too, he was prompted to encourage
other priests and seminarians to come to America from
their Slovak lands because he himself had been similarly
invited and encouraged by Father Furdek. Now he felt
persuaded that as Father Furdek had to some degree
influenced the shaping of his own decision to come to
America, he too should try to draw others to serve Christ
and his Church here where priests were so sorely needed.
Both he and Father Furdek often described the situation
and made their appeal not only in personal correspondence
but also in various publications abroad to which they
contributed. On his visits to relatives in Slovakia, Father
Jankola never missed the opportunity of making personal
contacts on behalf of interesting likely prospects to bring
their priestly talents to apostolic work in America.
Naturally, some of this effort went fruitless but some
of it did yield returns. It is known that he was instrumental
in encouraging these eight priests to come to SlovakAmerican parishes: Rev. Joseph Murgas, Rev. Dr. Alexander
Dianiska, Rev. Francis Skutil, Rev. Anthony Berhely, Rev.
Joseph Martincek, Rev. Emerich Gottschall, Rev. Ferdinand
Prikazky and Rev. Anthony Filkorn. Four clerical students
likewise took to heart his urging and on completing their
theological courses devoted their efforts to Slovak parishes
in America. They were Rev. Andrew Jurica, Rev. John
Sobota, Rev. John Porubsky and Rev. John Gaspercik. By
his personal effort Father Jankola provided pastors for
ten Slovak parishes; viz., in Torrington, Connecticut, Pana,
Illinois, and these eight in Pennsylvania: Edwardsville,
Tarentum, Mt. Carmel, Monessen, Plymouth, Wilkes-Barre,
Barnesboro, Allegheny (now part of Pittsburgh) .
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SLOVAKIA
MISSION TO ROME
After visiting Slovakia in 1901 and witnessing the
unrelieved plight of Slovak Catholics there, Father Jankola
went to Rome. The leading priests of his homeland had
authorized him to act as their representative before the
Holy Father and in reality he was qualified to speak on
behalf of the Slovak Catholics of two continents. He brought
to Rome, for presentation to the Holy Father, a three-volume collection of writings produced by outstanding Slovak
scholars and a Latin brief or memorandum with which to
acquaint Pope Leo XIII with the deeply regrettable plight
of Slovak Catholics living under Hungarian rule and unable
to make their own appeal for redress and relief.
The most grievous wrong was that the Slovak language
was totally proscribed among Slovak people. This restriction affected not only their everyday lives in social
and business interaction but it also encroached upon their
religious way of life. Even in church they were subjected
to Magyar services only, even to hearing the reading of
the Scriptures and the preaching of homilies and sermons
in Magyar only although they did not know that language.
Church schools, catechetical classes and all courses of
Christian Doctrine and religious instruction, along with all
other form of schooling, were ordered to use only Magyar
as the language of instruction.
This ruling which the Slovak populace first encountered
with a sense of unbelief gradually made them more and
more restive. In time, a people who had traditionally conducted themselves with exemplary respect and ideal regard
for the priesthood were becoming not only resistance-prone
toward their pastors who were under government control
but even hostile and openly rebellious against Magyar and
pro-Magyar pastors and against the Magyar hierarchy. They
resented the government's interference in their worship
of God and in a domain where government has no rightful
authority.
Since it was useless or impossible to try to negotiate
this state of affairs with public officials, Rome seemed
to offer the only tribunal of appeal. The document which
Father Jankola brought on his visit to the Eternal City
made an honest, open and respectful representation of
these facts for the Holy Father's consideration. It was
�SLOVAKIA
171
signed by Slovak priests who had witnessed and endured
what the Slovak people suffered even in their conscience
and it expressed some of their fears for the future of the
Church under such circumstances.
On coming to Rome Father Jankola spent some time
with a young Slovak cleric, the brilliant John Porubsky,
who was then studying there and who also served in the
apothecary of Pope Leo XIII. John Porubsky was well
acquainted with a number of Church officials in diplomatic
positions and with matters of protocol and effective procedures in official circles. After he had discussed the main
objective of Father Jankola in Rome, he consulted with
Cardinal Giacomo della Chiesa who was then Assistant
Secretary of State and who later became Pope Benedict XV.
Cardinal della Chiesa reviewed the memorandum carefully
and decided that it warranted further referral. He took it to
the Secretary of State, Cardinal Rampolla, who was much
affected by the serious nature and the further implications
of the reported situation. After a personal interview with
Father Jankola who confirmed the facts of the memorandum from his personal witness in his homeland, he
arranged for both Father Jankola and John Porubsky to
see the Holy Father in a private audience.
Father Jankola's meeting with Pope Leo XIII lasted
two hours. Both of the Slovak representatives spoke with
the Holy Father in fluent Latin and the Holy Father was
so deeply moved by their report and their citing of specifics
that tears of sympathy showed the intensity of his response
and his concern for his suffering children. Some measures
of alleviation were the outcome of this appeal to Rome,
for the hierachy of Austria-Hungary was instructed to
introduce reforms allowing the Slovak minority to pray and
sing in Slovak and to use their native language in church
and at all liturgical and worship services. There was
a second spring of spiritual fervor when the meadowlands
and mountainsides as well as the churches again resounded
with Slovak hymns and Slovak prayers at Mass, at pilgrimages and at popular devotions.
It is generally agreed that this occasion on which
Father Jankola called attention to the repression which
the Slovaks endured even in spiritual matters put before
the thinking of ecclesiastical officials the desirability of
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SLOVAKIA
providing Slovak bishops for the Slovak people, of establishing a Slovak hierarchy that would be subject to no
local authority but directly to Rome. Such a decision did
not reach immediate fruition but the climate was finally
favorable for this step after the First Czecho-Slova k Republic was founded in 1918. It was late in 1920 that Rome
formally established a Slovak hierarchy by appointing
Bishop John Vojtassak to the see of Spis
Bishop Marian Blaha to the see of Banska Bystrica
Bishop Charles Kmetko to the see of Nitra.
They were consecrated by the Papal Nuncio on February 13, 1921.
FURTHER APOSTOLIC EFFORT
From Rome Father Jankola returned to his missionary
and parish work. With renewer ardor he took up his labors
among those to whom he fondly referred as "transplanted
linden trees." With an eye to the present, he satisfied first
needs first, exhorting the faithful to a truly Christian life,
promoting faith and prayerfulness , reprimanding lapses, instructing the young and the not-so-young, preaching with
the spoken word and the written word, and living the life
that he preached. With an eye to the future, he encouraged
worthy lay leadership, adjustment to the American way
of life and vocations to the priesthood and religious life .
Father Jankola was a realist as well as an idealist.
As he toiled to build the kingdom of God spiritually in the
hearts of many, he also looked after material building
for this kingdom. This is attested by the fact that his zeal
led him to build a total of five churches, two schools and
a rectory: a church in Pittston, Wilkes-Barre and Maltby;
a church and a school in Hazleton; a church a school and
a rectory in Bridgeport, Connecticut. It is astounding that
in the twenty years of his priesthood he could accomplish
so much both for the Church and for his nation.
In his ardor to work for lasting values, Father Jankola
not only promoted sound spirituality and provisions for
fruitful parish life, he also encouraged vocations to the
pri~sthood and religious life, spent him.self in the cause
of church-orient ed schools, envisioned and realized a congregation of Sisters to teach and care for the children of
immigrants and perform works of mercy in the Church,
�SLOVAKIA
173
contributed many articles to Slovak newspapers and periodicals, sponsored and aided the publication of Slovak
texts for religious instruction and language arts, and greatheartedly proposed the naming of a Slovak bishop in the
United States. He felt that Father Furdek deserved the
rank of bishop and that in his elevation all Slovak Catholics
in this country would benefit inasmuch as they would have
an official leader whose first concern would be for all
levels of Church organization among American Slovaks
as well as for the needs of the young, the training of
seminarians, Catholic schools and schooling under the
direction of qualified Slovak or Slovak-American Sisters.
PARISH SCHOOLS
The subject of a Catholic school system among Slovak
immigrants was one of the major preoccupations of Father
Jankola's life. In his second pastoral assignment he came
to St. Joseph's in Hazleton, Pennsylvania, one of the two
earliest American Slovak parishes, established in 1885.
(The other is St. Stephen's parish in Streator, Illinois,
founded in the same year.) He was the fourth pastor of
St. Joseph's which already had a combination church-school
building as well as a rectory and a parish cemetery. Since
these physical arrangements were cared for, he turned his
energy mainly to the spiritual and cultural advancement
of his parishioners. With deft organizational gifts he established confraternities, spiritual societies and sodalities,
providing opportunities for all age levels in the parish
to participate in at last one Catholic Action group.
A program of catechetical instruction was already
functioning in the parish but Father Jankola felt that the
time was right for introducing a fully expanded elementary
curriculum in at least the earliest grades of the parish
school. Miss Catherine O'Donnell was engaged as a full-time
teacher for the subjects that were to be taught in English
and Mr. Andrew Ondek, the parish organist, who had been
conducting catechetical classes, was retained as teacher-incharge of the school and instructor in religion, Slovak and
singing. Father Jankola spent much time in the school,
observing, supervising, noting the progress of the pupils
and the methods of instruction. Very often he himself
conducted a class.
This innovation of Father Jankola stirred up some
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SLOVAK'iA
feeling against him. Until this time is was the prerogative
of the organist--and solely his-to be in charge of all
the instruction of children in a parish school. By hiring
a teacher in his experimental full-scale school, Father
Jankola seemed to be jeopardizing the teacher-status of
the organist. On this score misunderstandings developed
all too readily, and factions formed to support one opinion
and oppose the other, depending on points of view taken
and loyalties involved. This matter was a painful issue for
quite some time but Father Jankola steadily and gently
tried to disprove the unfounded fears that had arisen and
in spite of these apprehensions, he became increasingly
aware of the necessity to provide for the adequate education
of youth and the training of children under Christian
auspices.
Because of this indefatigable labors on behalf of
Catholic schools, Father Jankola has often been looked
upon as the apostle of the parish school among Slovaks
in America. Both his admirers and his critics knew very
truly that the matter of parish schools was his dearest
concern-the apple of his eye, so to say. One of his favorite
observations was : "Religious conviction takes first place
and patriotism second; the church comes firs t and right
after it, the school." He did his unwavering best to win
pastors to the cause of opening and maintaining parochial
schools, of convincing the faithful of the vital need for
Catholic schools for their children and most importantly ,
he dedicated himself to the task of providing competent
teachers and encouraging promising candidates to enter
the teaching profession.
Father Jankola rightly saw this whole area of education
for the young as the fundamental need of the day. As often
as he tried to deal with it, he realized that the problem
only bore upon his conscience and his professional thinking
with mounting insistence. For over twelve years he wrote
on this subject, presenting it to his reading public in
various aspects and doing his best to find a practical way
to put it into operation. Even as early as 1899, when he
was a young priest just four years ordained, he spoke
of it very earnestly with some of the priests who were
closest to him in the Scranton diocese; viz., Rev. Andrew
Pavco, Rev. Dr. Alexander Dianiska and Rev. Joseph
Murgas.
�SLOVAKIA
175
Basically, there was no difficulty in gaining a general
appreciation for the Catholic school system, but the whole
concept of operating Slovak Catholic schools in America
had to be framed within the American way of maintaining
church schools. In their homeland, the Slovaks had grown
accustomed to living in a parish wholly subsidized by
a patron. This meant that under patronal sponsorship all
operating expenses were met by the individual, the family
or the civic body that was legally titled as the patron. In
America all church operations, including the pastor's salary,
would have to be borne by the members of the parish.
Given a school situation, besides, the struggling newcomers
to America would have to assume responsibility for all its
costs, including salaries for teachers.
The prospect of such obligation seemed quite impossible. Yet to Father Jankola this obligation itself was
not the first and foremost duty of leaders and parents;
the first duty really was to provide adequate education
for the young with the understanding that the adults would
have to learn how to support the school as well as the
church according to American practice. Definitely there
was much educating of various kinds to be done, formally
and informally, but Father Jankola did not shrink in the
face of it all. The genius of leadership in him dictated
the work to be done and the good to be accomplished.
Along with these thoughts, Father Jankola could not
help comparing the cultural deprivation of immigrant
parents with the opportunities that America could make
available to their children. He was not blind to the fact
that given an education, Slovak children could better
themselves in this land of opportunity on which he looked
as a cultural El Dorado, a spiritual New Canaan. Above all,
however, he was convinced that Slovaks in America would
have to begin thinking of themselves as Americans of
Slovak origin and meet all their responsibilities as such.
His constant reminder to his parishioners and to all where
it would apply was: "If we are to live in America, we
must live the American way of life. We must learn to
adjust." And he made it abundantly clear that the blessings
which America held for all were not exclusively material
blessings; he greatly extolled the democratic principles
and the gift of true liberty which are the hallmarks of
true Americanism.
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SLOVAKIA
ADULT EDUCATION
In this connection of adopting concepts of true Americanism, Father Jankola also tried to provide some compensations for adult immigrants, some of whom had had
only two or three winters of schooling in their childhood,
some of whom had had even less. Under his iniciative, adult
education classes were introduced, concentrating on basics
first of all-reading and writing. It was an exhilarating
experience for an unschooled laborer earnestly applying
himself to an unfamiliar task suddenly to pluck his
neighbor's sleeve and to shout with the heady joy of
achievement: "Look! I wrote my name! I can really write
my name now! This is my name! Now I won't have to
make a cross instead of my name anymore!"
This was a first step but it was not enough. After
basics followed classes in American history and in civil
government with a view toward applying for citizenship
and becoming naturalized. Citizenship would mean suffrage
and a real sense of belonging, a participation in the
community and the country of their adoption.
EDUCATION AL SURVEY
After his 1899 conference with priests closest to him
in the Scranton diocese, Father Jankola was convinced that
it was no longer possible to defer steps for the establishment of Slovak parish schools on the elementary level.
For this reason he devoted much time to a close study
of the American system of education which he frankly
admired. He felt that he needed this kind of information
in order to guide him in developing his own thinking. He
felt, too, that he needed substantial statistical data as
groundwork and for this p-µrpose he undertook a comprehensive survey of existing parish facilities for the
education of Slovak Catholic children.
In 1900 he published a report of his findings in the
Jednota Kalend<ir, revealing that
a) there were very few standard parish schools which
he could classify as "first class schools"
b) several parishes had provided for special classes
on Saturdays in order to supplement the children's
public school courses with instruction in religion
and language arts
�SLOVAKIA
177
c) the commendable though inadequate efforts of many
parish organists were generally handicapped by
overcrowding in classrooms as well as by merging
a very broad range of mental and chronological
ages into one composite group sometimes numbering up to two hundred pupils
This survey concluded with an earnest exhortation
that pastors spare no effort in order to establish schools
comparable to the best that the American school system
offers and that sound measures be taken to provide
certified teachers. He knew, of course, that not all parishes
were in a position to undertake a full school program but
he trusted that a steady and well-reasoned campaign on
behalf of parish schools would eventually be fruitful.
But the building of schools would not of itself solve
the problem of education in a parish school. Once the
schools were built, they would have to be stuffed and he
knew that there would be great difficulty in procuring
desirable teachers. His survey indicated that in the schools
rated as "first class," such as that in Wilkes-Barre (the
only one of its kind in the Scranton diocese), as well as
those in Johnstown, Shamokin, St. Ladislaus and St. Martin
in Cleveland, and in Streator, Illinois were all conducted
with the help of religious teachers-Sisters. He commended
the Irish and German immigrants for their well-functioning
schools, all directed by Sisters, and he very distinctly
pointed out the fact that the Slovak people in America
needed Slovak Sisters to teach in their parish schools.
Man of clear vision that he was, he saw beyond that
statement. His very words are:
"Consequently, we need Sisters.
Let us bring up our own Slovak Sisters! It is they
who will preserve our faith and our nation.
Reverend Fathers, and you Slovak parents, you who
have in your parishes young ladies who are diligent,
zealous, devout and suitable for the religious life, do
feel responsible for making it possible for them to
achieve this state of life. This will be a gift of the
utmost value both to God and the nation; this will
be a most noble offering.
It is Slovak Sisters, teaching Sisters, who alone
can alleviate this present educational crisis among us;
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SLOVAKIA
it is they who can save us from religious and national
ruin. If we wish to live in America, we must live as
Americans. This same principle was valid even in Rome.
There is no other way of survival. I repeat: my brothers, Slovaks, let us establish parish schools, let us bring
up our own Slovak teaching-Sisters, and God's help
will support us!"
As he urged priests and parents to encourage likely
candidates to enter the religious life at this time, he did
not mention any specific community, for he had none in
mind. His survey did report that Ursulines and Sisters of
St. Joseph were teaching in the Slovak schools of Cleveland,
that Streator had Franciscan Sisters, and that there was
" an English Sister" in the Olyphant school (Very likely
a Sister of the Immaculate Heart of Mary or a Sister of
Mercy). At this point, however, the core of the problem
was simply to promote vocations. It was much as if he
were saying that God will not be outdone in generosity ;
that if only enough vocations could be cultivated, God
could be trusted to provide the agents and the agencies
for the work of Christian education among Slovak immigrants. He did not know that his own faith would be put
to sore testing. He did not know the ultimate design of
Providence but he trusted with an unshaken confidence
and he worked on with unmitigated zeal .
EXPLORING TEACHER RESOURCES
At the same time that Father Jankola ardently promoted the cause of Slovak Catholic parish schools, he began
to make serious inquiries at various American motherhouses and provincial houses, hoping to find a community
whose membership might include at least some Sisters
of Slovak or Slavic origin for staffing prospective Slovak
schools in America and introducing into them American
principles of education along with a wholesome Christian
philosophy of life. Once he would know where Sisters were
available, a sound program for Christian education could
be launched with full vigor and the Slovak people would
adjust to the American way of supporting their own schools.
He did not foresee at all how difficult it would be
to procure Sisters. At least four major superiors of religious
communities answered his inquiries with the revealing
�SLOVAKIA
179
news that even at that time it was extremely difficult for
them to provide enough teachers for the schools already
under their care. There was a normal increase in the
population rate and as immigration figures rose, so did
school enrollments increase and create a demand for
expanded teaching forces. As a result of this situation,
religious superiors felt that they would not be able to
accept any new schools in the foreseeable future. This was
a totally unwelcome but obviously prudent decision which
they had to make.
Disappointed beyond all expectation but still undaunted, Father Jankola next turned his appeal to European
institutes. In all good faith he hoped that the old world
would be able to compensate for the insufficiencies of
the new. With prayerful anticipation he wrote to the Holy
Cross Sisters in Moravia. He did not present to them any
intimidating proposal. Very modestly he explored the possibility of obtaining a small number of Sisters, even three
or four, to come to America, establish a foundation and
train Slovak girls here for the religious life. He was assured
that in time there would be enough applications for a
flourishing self-sufficient community to develop on American soil, supported by the Slovak-American clergy and
laity. Apparently there was much correspondence on this
matter but promising as the outlook was at the outset,
its prospects eventually dimmed and finally the issue was
closed without satisfactory results.
With great distress Father Jankola wrote in the Jednota
Kalenddr of 1902, "For three years I have been trying to
obtain Sisters from Europe, but my efforts have been
in vain. Everything seems to be against us." These lines
are an expression of that recurring disappointment that
was to be his cross in this project, the testing of his spirit,
and the price of an ideal which demanded sacrifice and
suffering.
Frustrated in his efforts to secure help from an already
established community of Sisters, yet sufficiently disciplined not to surrender readily in the face of difficulty and
repeateq disappointment, Father Jankola continued to
pray, to confer with others and to plan. Since existing
communities could spare him no members for the parish
schools that he was promoting, the only avenue open to
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SLOVAKIA
him seemed to be to find prospective condidates of his own
and to present them for training in an American sisterhood.
He hoped that after their numbers increased and they had
prepared themselves adequately, they might be allowed to
branch off into an independent province within a mother
congregation and continue their apostolate in Slovak parish
schools. This suggested a very long range program but the
eventual benefits would surely justify the patient waiting.
All delays and price aside, one purpose of Father Jankola's
efforts was to provide Sisters for the much needed task
of teaching in Slovak parish schools. This was the crucial
issue and the demanding challenge was where to procure
them .
COURAGE SUPPORTS HOPE
In the spring of 1903, Father Jankola invited Slovak
priests who were interested in the parish school project
to meet for consultation at the Vendig Hotel in Philadelphia.
He took this occasion to lay before them all his experiences
in working for Slovak parish schools to this time: his hopes
and disappointments, his renewed efforts and his present
plan which would call for candidates from local parishes.
The assembled pastors listened with evident interest. They
were aware of the need to work with the young and they
admired the American Catholic school system. Some endorsed the proposal and were willing to cooperate with
Father Jankola. Unfortunately, there were others too who
looked upon this new suggestion of his as too idealistic
and extreme a venture, perhaps something out of a quixotic
world and not suited to the times, not amenable to a
practical approach. They did not hesitate to indicate
emphatically that he could not count on them for support
in such a project and they had nothing else to offer. This
adverse reaction from leaders of people who lived with
the realities of life in America was a blow to Father
Jankola's expectations. But it did not destroy his vision
or diminish that dogged persistence about him which
would not let the matter rest untried. At least he knew
now on whom he could count for advice and support and
he had learned where it would be vain to look for help
and understanding. He shored up his shattered elan and
renewed his faith in the work before him.
Resolved to test this plan and to have events prove
�SLOVAKlA
181
the validity of this approach and anxious to test whether
or not such an effort was of God, Father Jankola presented
his proposal to several religious oommunities in his immediate area. It is likely that he now founded his hopes
on either the Mallinckrodt Sisters of Charity or on the
Sisters of Mercy. He had had opportunities to observe
the work of both communities on a local level because they
taught in parishes near his own. He admired their spirit
and evidence of dedication and he ardently hoped that he
might see their influence diffused among the Slovak people,
but from both communities he received an unfavorable
reply. It meant just so much more disappointment and so
much more need for fresh courage.
EARLY PROMISE
Again and again Father Jankola renewed his search
for a mother community that would accept his candidates
(in due time) and train them for Slovak parish schools.
He even decided to appeal to the charity of a rather distant
order in America, the Czech Benedictine Sisters in Chicago,
Illinos. When the mail brought him a reply, it was with
utmost gratitude that he read that these Sisters would b e
willing to be of assistance to him. With profound relief
he trusted that at last this was going to mean the realization
of his prospects.
With this good news to report, Father Jankola held
another conference with the priests who supported his
plan. At these deliberations practical measures were proposed and four specific steps were agreed upon. The first
of these was the decision to accept the offer of the Benedictine Sisters and to send three aspirants to Chicago.
The others were in the nature of active endorsement of
Father Jankola's plan, involving the promise or agreement
a ) to announce Father Jankola's plans and prospects
from their pulpits
b ) to preach on the subject of vocations
c ) to solicit offerings to support the undertaking
This last provision was embodied in a fund called
St. Anthony's Treasury. The patronage of St. Anthony was
chosen because this Franciscan saint beautifully exemplifies
that Christian charity that provides for the needs of the
poor. Now at last, although no one could foresee what the
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SLOVAKIA
future held, there seemed to be some glimmer of success
at last.
On the following Sunday Father Jankola preached an
inspiring sermon on vocations and after the parochial mass
he found an applicant in his office. Before long there were
two more candidates from St. Joseph's parish in Hazleton
as well as two from Sacred Heart parish in Wilkes-Barre.
Now at last, hope was moving toward reality.
In the fall of 1903 the first three aspirants from
Hazleton were sent to the Benedictines in Chicago and the
soul of Father Jankola rejoiced that the great work was
launched at last while his spirit trusted that it would thrive .
HOPE DEFERRED
Unfortunately this joy was short-lived and this hope
soon wilted. After a few short weeks Father Jankola was
notified that the Superiors felt it was advisable to withdraw his candidates because they found it difficult to
adjust to religious life with them. The blow fell at the
very moment when two additional aspirants sat in the
Wilkes-Barre railroad station holding tickets for Chicago
as they waited to board the next train. Just before the
train pulled into the station, their plans were abruptly
changed and they returned to their homes.
This was a crushing report that reached Father Jankola from Chicago. He could hardly bring himself to accept
it. His first reaction was to blame the young girls for want
of endurance. His own training in austerity made it difficult
for him to condone their failure and apparent weakness
in the face of hardship where he would have expected an
almost stoic courage and strength. Gradually he was
brought to realize, however, that they did not lack generosity and good will, but they were wholly unprepared for
trials severe even for seasoned religious; moreover, they
were still very young. Home-loving and cared-for as they
had been, they were subjected to an almost traumatic and
total separation from home and an absolute change from
their family environment. Chicago then seemed half a world
away from Hazleton. Even normal adjustment would have
been necessarily gradual, but they were at once challenged
with the untempered rigors of Benedictine monasticism
in a community where poverty was so extreme in those
�SLOVAKIA
183
pioneering days that only a tried and proven spirit would
have been able to endure it without difficulty.
When the unhappy candidates returned from Chicago,
they were not sent back to their homes or subjected to
reproach and embarrassment. Instead, they were befriended
and confided to the care of Father Pavco in Pittston until
further development could be planned and arranged. Father
Pavco then visited Father Jankola to confer with him
about the situation. He found him shaken and extremely
tried by this new disappointment.
NEW HOPE
In his sympathetic efforts to comfort his friend, Father
Pavco called Father Jankola's attention to the "Blue Sisters"
of the Immaculate Heart of Mary who conducted St. John
the Evangelist School in Pittston just across the street
from his own church and rectory. As he spoke, Father
Pavco became more and more enthusiastic about the spirit
and attitudes of these Sisters, and finally he suggested
that Father Jankola consult with their Reverend Mother
at Mount St. Mary's Seminary in Scranton. As a glowing
climax he remarked, "I understand that her name is Mother
Mary Cyril. Our common patron may help here; let us try
in the name of God."
Discouraged though he was by the latest setback to
his hopes and beset by numerous other problems besides.
Father Jankola agreed with Father Pavco that it would
be advisable to try again; but he approached the new
possibility with a measure of caution added to his natural
reserve. On his first visit to Mother Cyril he conferred
with her only on the prospect of enrolling the daughter
of one of his parishioners at her boarding school. He did
not mention the real burden that lay on his heart like
a cross .
Before long, however, Father Jankola made another
appointment with Mother Cyril. On his initial visit he had
found her so gracious that he was encouraged to present
his key problem to her on this second visit. Again he found
her ideally understanding. This does not mean that she at
once gave him any definite assurance but she received
him with such Christlike sympathy and such evidence of
maternal regard for the needs of young girls that he con-
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SLOVAKIA
sidered the consultation worthwhile, to say the least, and
returned home with great admiration for her, confidence
in her judgment and renewed hope for the all-but-lost
undertaking.
Providence ordained that Mother Cyril should be the
answer to Father Jankola's prayers. With the consent of
her Council she accepted his candidates and trained them
with unexampled care and solicitude within the shelter
of her own religious family. In fact, they were so close
to her own Sisters that for some time it was not even clear
whether they would eventually become an independent
community or whether they were to be an element added
to hers.
TOWARD FRUITION
When she first received the young girls at Mount St.
Mary's in 1903, Mother Cyril did not immediately place
them under monastic novitiate discipline but rather kept
them in the boarding academy as students who were to
be formed into candidates for the religious life by gradual
measures. They were permitted to spend the school vacation
at home and on such occasions they often became an
inspiration to others and attracted new vocations.
These students were maintained at Mount St. Mary's
through funds from St. Anthony's Treasury which was
supported by the mites of hard-working and generous
people and the offerings for votive candles in Slovak
churches. From November 21, 1903, when they first came
to the Mount, their status was that of students. On January
6, 1906, three of them became postulants. In March of the
same year Mother Cyril informed Father Jankola that his
group would not be identified with the Sisters of the
Immaculate Heart of Mary. This implied that they were
to form their own community. Father Jankola accepted
this decision and suggested the name "Sisters of SS. Cyril
and Methodius" as a possible designation for the prospective Slovak community. On July 26, 1906, the first members
were clothed in a distinctive black habit, Bishop Hoban
presiding at the reception ceremony.
The fruit of arduous work and confident prayer was
beginning to mature but its maturing exacted a further
price. Father Jankola paid the greater part of it by bearing
not only the normal burden of concern but also painful
�SLOVAKIA
185
misunderstandings and unreasonable demands from parish
sources. He even withdrew somewhat from the project
after it was safely launched, willing to deny himself the
satisfaction that should have been the reward of a work
brought to successful fruition after many bitter and disillusioning trials.
Much of his sorrow on this score was caused by more
or less well-meaning individuals who hounded him and
persecuted him severely because they saw in the promise
of a teaching community only the ousting of organists from
teaching posts in the parish schools. They believed that
this would inevitably follow upon the success of Father
Jankola's project. Blinded in their narrow reasoning, they
would not face facts reasonably or accept the reality which
indicated only too clearly that their parish schools in
America were fast outgrowing the capacities of their
organists reserve and that they had no other teachers with
or without adequate training to conduct schools according
to American standards. The Sisters were expected to relieve
an existing need, not to create a new difficulty. Organists
would not necessarily have to give up all their classes. It
was one of those struggles which often arise when the old
order of life must yield to the newer way and cannot do
so gracefully.
Added to this, however, there was also a painfully
critical attitude making itself within clerical ranks. Several
priests still doubted the timeliness and the wisdom of
Father Jankola's efforts. At first they merely refused to
cooperate, later they voiced objections and even spoke
of other plans of their own.
In spite of his stoic exterior and his disciplined habits
of conduct, Father Jankola~s soul and sensibilities were
deeply refined and sensitive. It hurt him inexpressibly
to be ranked as a visionary when with all his soul he bent
his energies to practical matters and used very realistic
means to attain vitally urgent results. He suffered keenly
because of all the conflicts brewing in his Hazleton parish
and when there seemed to be no other solution, he decided
to leave the scene of so much bitterness and open hostility,
at least until the storm should spend itself.
This parish had grown very dear to him. When its
original wooden church burned to the ground in 1905, he
worked indefatigably to raise funds for a new structure
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SLOVAK.IA
of natural stone. Within two years he collected twelve
thousand dollars, a lordly sum in a day of low wages and
small incomes in the midst of a struggling community
of miners and common laborers. He had the largeness of
vision and the natural capacity to plan a church of unique
beauty and to execute his plans in spacious proportions,
artistic in design and as inspiring as a prayer. St. Joseph's
in Hazleton is a worthy memorial to his priestly service
there and to the spirit of Slovak pioneers in the area.
TRANSFER TO BRIDGEPORT
In the fall of 1907 Father Jankola took a leave of
absence from the Scranton diocese and was received with
joy by the people of Bridgeport, Connecticut, who were
then organizing the parish of SS. Cyril and Methodius.
He wrote to Mother Cyril, "I thought I would make a solitary living here, like a hermit, after much trouble, trial and
injustice. But my work is not yet done . . . I have to
continue to take care of the future religious institution
that I have started with God's help and St. Anthony's
intercession." He would not be a derelict to duty no matter
what it cost him in personal pain. He would stand by his
ideals and convictions.
Alth0ugh Father Jankola expected eventually to return
to Hazleton his missionary zeal so engrossed him in the
organization of parishes in the New England region that
he finally transferred to the Hartford diocese. Besides his
pastoral work in St. Cyril's, he also undertook the spiritual
care of Slovaks in Webster, Massachusett s, and made
missionary trips to Stamford, Torrington, New Britain and
surrounding settlements in Connecticut. He was untiring
pastor and missionary in new surroundings again.
He kept in touch with Mother Cyril through correspondence. With her he assigned the Sisters to their firs t
teaching mission at Sacred Heart parish in Wilkes-Barre
while disclosing to her the demands being made on him.
"We have only three Slovak Sisters-how can we send
them to four parishes?" he wrote her in 1908. Yet in his
concern for the cherished project, he maintained an
unselfishness that commands administratio n as always
leaning toward the common good. When the first Sisters
were to be sent on a teaching mission, he made the disinterested recommenda tion to assign them either to Wilkes-
�SLOVAKIA
187
Barre or to Lansford although he would have been justified
in directing them to either of the equally large parishes
of his own endeavors-Hazleton or Bridgeport.
FIRST AMERICAN-SLOVAK SISTERS
In August 1909, Bishop Hoban brought from Rome
the Holy See's decree of approval for the new community.
On September 1, 1909, the first Sisters of SS. Cyril and
Methodius made public profession of vows and the community emerged as a new family in the Church. Before
the close of Mother Cyril's term of office, they were ready
to open a motherhouse of their own.
For ten years their formation had been under the
immediate guidance of Mother Cyril at Mount St. Mary's.
At last the tender seed which had been long hidden in the
darkness of Father Jankola's secret hopes and prayers,
long prepared through seasons of doubt and storm and
the intermittent sunshine of hope and promise, often
exposed to tears and blessings, now sprang in good soil
and, tended with paternal care and maternal understanding,
was ready to yield glory to God through a harvest of service
among the Slovak people. As some of the Sisters undertook
teaching in the parish schools, additional recruits were
being prepared as novices and postulants in the novitiate
or as students at Mount St. Mary's Seminary in Scranton.
After twelve years from the time of their entry into
Mount St. Mary's the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius
became a wholly independent community. This status was
attained in 1915 after their first General Chapter elected
a Mother General and a Council for internal government.
Father Jankola was happy indeed to see the Sisters making
progress. He continued to be interested in their welfare
but denied himself the satisfaction of overseeing or directing their development. From all sides he was harassed
by demands for teachers but once the stability of the
Community was established, he allowed it to mature on its
own and to learn to shoulder responsibility independently.
PASTORSHIP IN BRIDGEPORT
In Bridgeport Father Jankola continued his work,
which demanded tireless energy, prudent planning and
great fortitude. He was equal to the challenge. His parishione11s found him serious and purposeful, dilligent and
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SLOVAK.IA
circumspect, devout and fatherly. With him first things
inexorably came first. Religion and spiritual interests held
priority over all other considerations but close in second
place were patriotism as well as the arts and social graces,
and finally a balanced concern for temporalities.
Under hls direction the parish was firmly established
and within a year it had six active societies as well as an
excellent choir, a dramatic club and an evening school for
adult education. These evening classes became very popular
and profitable. They lasted from eight to ten o'clock and
in time they offered mathematics and English taught by
Mr. Michael Senko on Monday; Slovak by Father Jankola
on Tuesday; community singing by Mr. George Lukac on
Thursday, and dramatics by Mr. Joseph Michalek on Sunday. Additional subjects were included later to enable
parishioners to prepare for naturalization. For the children
there were daily catechetical classes which Father Jankola
himself conducted after the pupils were dismissed from
public school.
Within five years Father Jankola managed to have the
parish clear a debt of over sixteen thousand dollars. The
church which he then built for seventy thousand dollars
is a magnificent cruciform structure of white brick with
a seating capacity of one thousand. It was the fifth church
which he planned and erected, and with its inspiring
splendor it is the crown of his building effort. A severely
simple frame rectory was all that he permitted for his own
needs. To make provisions for a school he built a plain
four-room structure planned to double for a parish hall .
It, too, was severely simple and those who loved it did not
mind sometimes referring to it as "Noah's Ark." His
Sisters came to take charge of this school in 1910 and it
must have been with intense yet complex emotion that he
at last saw the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius at work
teaching in his own school.
Within the parish itself Father Jankola fanned a great
flame of spiritual activity. The Confraternity of the Holy
Rosary was canonically established and it flourished amid
these people who exulted, "We have brought Kosice to
America," for the rosary was a traditional family devotion
among them, awakening for them fond memories of pilgrimages to the beloved Marian shrine in the Slovak city
of Kosice. A deeper spirituality was cultivated among those
�SLOVA.K:IA
189
who joined the Third Order of St. Francis and the Altar
Society. A canonically founded Sodality and the Holy Name
Society held Christian ideals before the eyes of the young.
It is remarkable that Father Jankola invariably attended
the meetings of all these societies and each time left some
lesson or ponderable thought with the members to inspire
or to enlighten them.
Through the choir and the dramatic guild he aimed to
make art the handmaid of religion. Church music, folk
singing, and classic compositions all had their place and
were rendered with feeling and skill under the direction
of Mr. George Lukac. Father Jankola had recognized
musical talent in him when he was yet a schoolboy and
sent him to St. Procopius College in Lisle, Illinois, to
develop his talent. Then he offered him the position of
organist at St. Cyril's. Born of mutual regard, a strong
bond of devotion developed between the two.
Drama under Father Jankola's guidance included a
wide variety of presentations from monologues and skits
through interludes and plays to grand productions like
" St. Elizabeth," "St. Genevieve," and "Fabiola." Each one
was staged before a packed house usually in a spacious
hall rented for the occasion and it lent the entire community
the aspects of festivity and a parish holiday. For major
plays Father Jankola took the trouble to rent costumes
and hire a make-up crew from the theatrical centers of
New York City, and he saw to it that the staging was
a satisfying piece of dramatic art.
It is no wonder that his parishioners idolized him. On
all occasions he was an inspiration and edification to them.
He may have appeared forbiddingly stern and exacting,
but they knew that his heart was warm and fatherly. The
priest in him was always at their service, hearing confessions every day of the week even on Sundays, answering
every call as soon as it came though he was without benefit
of an assistant, ready to advise, admonish, comfort, help
or serve in whatever the need might be. It was generally
recognized and appreciated that he did the work of three
priests. Despite all the demands made on him, his parish
was in enviable order and he managed a tremendous
amount of work for the general public. Scholarly and
cultural interests were his hobby. It is interesting that
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SLOVAKIA
shortly before his death he began the study of Hebrew
under a private tutor.
THE WRITER
One stands in admiration of the consuming energy
with which he must have worked, for apart from all these
accomplishments there is the steady stream of articles,
stories, reports and instructions that came from his pen.
He was a recognized leader in Slovak national life also, for
only six years after coming to this country, he was elected
supreme president of the Jednota organization (1900) . (The
First Catholic Slovak Union-a benevolent society with
nationwide membership.) From 1904 to 1908 he was a member of the Jednota judiciary council. In 1910 he was editor
of the "Jednota" weekly as well as of its annual or almanac .
In 1908 and again after Furdek's death, he was chosen
spiritual director of the Jednota.
He likewise promoted the interests of the "Katolicky
Sokol," contributed many articles to its news organ and
served one term as spiritual director of this athletic and
fraternal organization. He warmly endorsed the children's
paper "Priatel' Dietok," which was sponsored by the Sokol.
He encouraged pastors, parents, and teachers to support
it, and highly complimented the pupils of his school when
their contributions appeared on its pages.
THE LEADER
Among the Slovak priests, especially in the eastern
part of the country, Father Jankola always enjoyed a degree
of prestige. He was generally esteemed their leader. It was
he who first banded them together in 1903 for the purpose
of discussing common problems like education and the
training of future priests and Sisters. It was he who
promoted an organization of priests in the eastern states
just a year before his death.
He was identified with many national drives and movements; he signed the Code of American Slovak Journalists
in 1897; he initiated the National Fund (also in 1897) to
promote national interests and to sponsor worthy projects.
He undertook the founding of a men's Slovak Benedictine
priorate and a men's Slovak Franciscan province in the
United States.
By 1910 he urged that steps be taken to recommend
�SLOVAKIA
191
the appointment of a Slovak bishop in this country and
suggested that Father Furdek be named the candidate since
he was "the first, the most learned, the most respected, and
the best loved Slovak priest in America." In 1916 he initiated
a Peter's Pence drive among the Slovaks in America.
These are some of the major achievements he accumulated before death closed the door of life upon him at the
age of forty-three. And he aspired to more. He even dared
hope to transplant his Sisters to Europe, "First opening
a house in Velehrad, Moravia, where St. Methodius is
buried," as he visualized his dream. In his greatness of
vision he had hoped that they might "be the instrument
in God's hand for the conversion of Slav schismatics to
Rome, where St. Cyril died." These are some of the hopes
of which he once wrote to Mother Cyril.
UNTIMELY DEATH
But death stilled his ardent hopes and healed his
wounds. Added to all the trials borne so courageously
there descended upon him yet the cruelty of a most painful
hoax. Spent as he was with unstinted labor and exertion,
it took the agony of something like this to crush his very
last energies. Manfully he tried to bury the hurt but it
worked its havoc and undermined his strength. On Easter
Sunday, April 23, 1916, he was stricken as he preached at
High Mass and he died quietly on May 5, mourned by
thousands and appreciated even more in death than he
was in life.
After the funeral services at the church of SS. Cyril
and Methodius, Father Jankola was buried in St. Michael's
Cemetery, Bridgeport, Connecticut. In connection with their
Golden Jubilee observances in 1959, however, the Sisters
of SS. Cyril and Methodius arranged to have their founder's
remains transferred to Danville where they are interred
in the Community cemetery at Villa Sacred Heart.
CONCLUSION
It has been said with truth that Father Jankola was
to the spiritual life what Father Furdek was to the national
life of the Slovak people in America.
To the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius he is the
gardener to whom God entrusted the seed of their congregation, charging him to plant it, to water it with his
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SLOVAKlA
tears and sufferings, to warm it with his undying love.
At the moment the seed sprouted and its first promising
shoots appeared, at that moment in a Profession Ceremony,
he said joyfully and humbly, "You are my joy, you are my
crown, you are my glory."
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Archival materials at the Motherhouse of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and
Methodius and in Jankola Library, Danville, Pennsylvania.
These include:
a) personal correspondence of and with Father Jankola
b) personal correspondence of and with Father Jankola's sisters,
Louisa and Inna
c) documents
d) several books of rare parish records entrusted to the Sisters
Furdek, Stefan, "Z Ameriky." Osvald, Fr. Richard, Tovarysstvo. I.
Rufomberok, Osvald, 1893.
Gregorovic, Sister M. Consuela, SS.C.M., Contributions of Reverend
Matthew Jankola to Slovak Catholic Education in the United
States. Modification of thesis submitted to the Catho.Jic University
of America, 1944. DanviLle, Pennsylvania, Golden Jubilee Publication of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, 1958-1959.
Hrusovsky, Frantisek, Slovenske rehole v Amerike. Cleveland, Slovensky
ustav, 1955.
Slovenske dejiny. 4th ed. Turciansky Svaty Martin, Matica Slovenska, 1940.
Jankola, Matus, "crty z katolickej slovenskej farnosti v Pittston, Pa."
Osvald, Fr. Richard, Tovarysstvo, III. Ruzomberok, Osvald , 1900.
Jednota (Weekly newspaper) . Middletown, Pennsylvania, Jednota, 19011916 passim.
Jednota Kalendar. (annual ). Middletown, Pennsylvania, Jednota. 19001931 passim.
Medvecky, Karol A., Cirkevne pomery katolickych Slovakov v niekdajsom Uhorsku, Ruzomberok, Nakl. vlast., 1920.
Pauco, Jozef, Matus Jan.kola, knaz a narodovec. Danville, Pennsylvania,
Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, 1959.
Slovenska rehol'a Sestier sv. Cyrila a Metoda. Slovensky spolok
sv. Anny vo Wyoming V.alley, Pa. 1957.
75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty. Cleveland, Ohio,
I.K.S.J. , 1965.
Slovenski priekopnici. Middletown, Pennsylvania, Jednota, 1972.
Petra~ek, Mother M. Emerentia, SS.C.M., Brief History of the Sisters
of SS. Cyril and Methodius. Danville, Pennsylvania , Sisters of
SS. Cyril and Methodius, 1959.
Scotus Viator (Seton Watson), Racial Problems in Hungary, London ,
Archibald Constable, 1908.
Spolok sv. Vojtecha, Katolicke Slovensko. Trnava, SSV, 1933.
Spirko, Jozef, Cirkevne dejiny s osobitnym zretel'om na vyvin cirkevnych
dejin Slovenska. 2 vol. Turc. Sv. Martin, Neografia, 1943.
�
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161
Matthew Jankola
1872-1916
SLOVAK-AMERICAN PRIEST, LEADER, EDUCATOR
Sister M. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M.
An observance commemorating the life and accomplishments of Father Matthew Jankola in this centennial year
of his birth has the advantages of distance and historic
perspective. It provides a very timely opportunity for
appraising this leader and his life's contribution with fair
and realistic appreciation, with a degree of objective regard
for his innate qualities and his unique achievements.
Father Jankola's life span encompassed only forty-three
years and his biographical data can be summarized very
compactly.
BIOGRAPHICAL PROFILE
The parents of Matthew Jankola were Matthew and
Rosalie Medvecky Jankola. They lived very ·simply but
happily in Trstena, a picturesque town in the economically
disadvantaged Orava district of Slovakia, and their son
Matthew spent much of his early life there.
But Trstena was not Father Jankola's birthplace, for
he was born away from home on July 2, 1872, while his
parents were at seasonal work in the Stary Budin sector
of Budapest, Hungary.
After his elementary education in Trstena, the boy
Matthew continued his schooling at gymnazia in Bardejov
and Beckov. Later, on the recommendation and under the
sponsorship of his maternal uncle, the Francisean Father
Emerich Medvecky, he advanced to seminary studies with
the Franciscans in Hlohovec and in Kremnica. At the same
time, the school of life steadily trained him too.
With ardor and utmost good will he gave his all in
order to prepare for the priesthood with a religious order
but the evils of oppression did not spare him even in the
seminaries of Slovakia. In fact, they left their mark upon
him by undermining his health though no degree of im-
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posed suffering could shake his spirit. This apparently
all-pervasive atmosphere of oppression was one of the
determining factors that led him to seek a better way of
life in the new world.
It happened, then, that because of many types of
extreme pressures in his homeland-political, economic,
cultural-and because America had become a haven of
refuge and security to many of his countrymen, he too
ventured upon the long voyage across the Atlantic and
arrived in the harbor of Baltimore on December 19, 1893.
He was not in prime physical condition at this time, for
strain and exhaustion had drained his reserves but his
heart was filled with a determination that was always
characteristic of him and with a buoyant hope that here
honest work would bring honest returns, that repression
did not came with him on his long and arduous trip. In his
soul he cherished the vision that he could become a force
for good in this new world while he would also be a support
and help for his dear ones in Slovakia. And so he began
a new chapter in the young manhood of his life.
He had come to America as a talented and achieving
student in his fourth year of theology. He was not encumbered with misgivings or uncertainties about his life's
work or objectives. Without unnecessary delay he enrolled
in St. Mary's Seminary in Baltimore but after an interval
of illness had interrupted his seminary program, he transferred to St . Bonaventure Seminary in Allegheny, New
York, where Latin was the language of instruction. His
proficiency in Latin made him feel very much at home here
and in two semesters he was able to complete the courses
that he needed for the final rounding out of his training
for the priesthood.
January 13, 1895 was the date Father Jankola's ordination. He was twenty-two and had lived half of his life.
From this date on, he felt in his soul that he owed filial
gratitude to three persons whom he regarded in the role
of father: his natural father who was very dear to him; his
u ncle Father Emerich Medvecky whose Franciscan charity
and solicitude saw to his education and the nurturing
of his priestly vocation; and Bishop William O'Hara of
Scranton who received him in America and ordained him
p riest.
�SLOVAKIA
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Shortly after his ordination he received his first
priestly assignment: the pastorate of St. John the Baptist
parish in Pittston, Pennsylvania. And from this center he
extended pastoral care to seven other towns where Slovak
Catholic immigrants were settling.
He was subsequently pastor of St. Joseph's in Hazleton,
Pennsylvania and of SS. Cyril and Methodius parish in
Bridgeport, Connecticut, where he died on May 5, 1916.
This brief and superficially simple biographical sketch
does not even suggest any of the fullness of his lifetime.
It is rather the bare diagram of plotting points, each of
which opened upon an individual richness of life .
BACKGROUNDS
The pivotal key in Father Jankola's life was his total
commitment to the priesthood. The fruition of all his
living was in the twenty years that followed upon his
ordination.
The social milieu in which he had decided upon a
career of service as a priest of God rightfully had conditioned him into viewing dedication to the altar as no
mere token position to be satisfied by perfunctorily
discharged liturgical devotions and ceremonies-significant
and beautiful as they may be. To him the office of priest
meant a distinctive way of life binding the priest to serve
wholeheartedly as mediator, leader, educator, philanthropist and sanctifier of his people in and for Christ. Much
in the mind of Vatican II, he developed his formation and
his philosophy of life in the ideal that the priest is above
all for Christ and for the people. In all his subsequent
endeavors this wa:s his guiding principle, his constant.
Even as a growing boy and as an aware adolescent,
he had lived with the realization that among his people
the priest was the one individual who stood for leadership,
uprightness and learning as well as for spiritual ministry,
moral guidance and ethical inspiration. He was oriented
to his regard for the priesthood because the ruling powers
that had shackled Slovakia in many ways had also-except
by rare exception- denied academic opportunities for
Slovak boys and girls who aspired to professional or
scientific careers. On this score, the authorities relented
only to permit seminary training for the sake of the priest-
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SLOVAKIA
hood, and normal school courses in a limited way, in order
to prepare some teachers for schools.
The priest, then, had to be more than shepherd of
souls in Slovakia. He had to be the leading light of his
people in temporalities as well as in spirituality. He had
to be .not only teacher and guide in virtue and goodness
but also a perceptive and courageous defender of justice
and the basic rights of man. This is the main reason why
Slovak priests sometimes found themselves consciencebound to take a hard look even at the political atmosphere
in which they and their people had to live. And seeing the
realities of inequity, discrimination, cultural deprivation,
oppression and spiritual bondage, they had the moral
fortitude even publicly to attack these evils and defend
their people and their country; they had the conviction
that as the educated leaders of their people, they had to
have the stamina to enter the forum of public affairs and
there champion the cause of the wronged, the oppressed
and the helpless whenever circumstances demanded their
presence in the public arena.
Various modes of oppression, overt as well as patent,
often discouraged or demoralized the average citizen who
was usually much preoccupied with the daily need to
provide at least a living for his family. The God-given
beauty of his natural surroundings often put a bit of
poetry into a peasant's hard life; the lilt and loveliness
of folk song and folk music warmed his heart, and the
ar tistry of hand crafted work brought him some gratuitous
satisfaction through creative expression but he needed the
wholesomeness of opportunities to cultivate his intellectual
talents and his inborn creative gifts freely and even as a
lifetime career, as a professional; he needed assured liberty
and justice, openness and a sense of security so that he
could rise above sheer drudgery and allow his spirit to grow
expansive. He needed to nourish his life of the spirit as
well as the life of his body . He needed to satisfy his
intellectual hunger in order to develope spiritually and
to structure a sense of dignity in his life.
All this the Slovak priest recognized in his parish, in
his town or village, in his country. More was asked of him
than is generally asked of the average priest, and he had
t o be a man greater dimension that the average man. He
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165
had to be capable of tactful leadership, of sound capacities
for guidance and direction, of clear vission and foresight ;
resourceful as well as prayerful, peace-loving yet fearless
in the face of defending God-given rights, forgiving yet
relentless in fighting injustice. In him converged all the
likeness of Christlike being and behavior and all the
paradoxes of virtue flourishing in a sin-beset world.
This is the kind of life that Matthew Jankola chose
with mature and deliberate will. Most importantly, this
is the kind of life that he lived. Fire and ardor were of
his very nature; integrity, initiative and unclouded vision
were his basic assets; God, nation and fellowmen-in that
order-were his top priorities; and the grit to endure was
the price that he was asked to pay in the discharge of his
vocation. Living here as he did under pioneering conditions
among immigrants who were truly strangers in a strange
land, he was imbued with characteristic missionary concern for both the material and the spiritual welfare of
those around him and of those for whom he had made
himself responsible.
He was aware that the socio-economic circumstances
which bore upon the immigrant Slovak laborer could affect
him very adversely and for that reason he did not spare
himself in awakening and revitalizing deep self-respect and
dignity in the man who was burdened with inhuman hours
and labors and even humiliation in the dank pits of coal
mines, at the raging forges of steel mills, at railroad building and multiplicity of menial jobs of every description.
Work itself is reasonably recognized as honorable but
sometimes the conditions under which a man is compelled
to work can conspire to brutalize him. And man must not
spend all his working hours in just expending the strength
of his muscles or he may become gross.
FIRST PASTORATE
It is worth noting that Bishop O'Hara appointecl.
Father Jankola pastor of St. John the Baptist parish in
Pittston very shortly after his ordination. He knew how
urgent the need was for this parish to have a pastor and
he recognized in the newly ordained Father Jankola gifts
of mind and spirit that recommended him, young as h e
was, for a responsible office even without seasoned ap-
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SLOVAKIA
prenticeship in parish work. Pioneering often calls for
practically instant response to duty. Father Jankola never
hesitated in meeting the demands of duty and Bishop
O'Hara had every reason to be convinced that his trust
in this pastor was well placed.
With complete dedication, an unusual capacity for work
and keen administrative talent, the new priest assumed
the new tasks committed to him. With apostolic zeal he
made it a point of his prime priestly service to reach out
among the scattered Slovak Catholics of wide regions. He
did not circumscribe his labors and his interests to that
one Pittston parish only. He felt, rather, that all the Slovaks
displaced in America were his immediate concern, and his
specific responsibility to the Pittston parish of St. John
the Baptist included the Slovak Catholics of seven adjoining
communities commonly referred to as "places" or "plejzy."
They included Sturmerville, West Pittston, Wyoming, Port
Griffith, Smithville, Duryea and Pittston Junction.
At this time he also traveled to the Binghamton, New
York, area to serve the spiritual needs of Slovaks settling
there. From the very beginning these, so to say, transplanted and still rootless people who were largely engaged
in railroad building and in the shoe industry, were content
to use the church facilities that were very kindly offered
them by St. Patrick's parish but in 1902 Father Jankola
helped them to organize their own parish under the patronal
title of Saints Cyril and Methodius. Important as this was,
it was enough. He next did his utmost in order to find
a reasonable priest to take charge of this parish or at least
to offer temporary ministry to the Binghamton Slovak
community. On countless occasions when no one else was
available, he himself came to provide them with Sunday
services, to administer the sacraments, to advise and guide
them and to inspire and encourage them to cultivate their
spiritual life, much like a missionary compelled to ride
h is circuit in order to bring God to man and man to God.
During this pastorship in Pittston, Father Jankola also
ministered to the Slovaks of Wilkes-Barre and Swoyeville
( which was called Maltby in his day) and with his sound
direction and practical acumen, he helped them to build
their churches. There were over eight thousand Slovaks in
Wyoming Valley region around Wilkes-Barre at this time
�SLOVAKIA
167
and there was a steady flow of increase into this hard coal
region as ship after ship brought more Slovak immigrants
to American shores. From his parish base in Pittston
Father Jankola indefatigably toiled among them, deeply
concerned that the burdens and troubles of providing for
material needs and livelihood should not crowd out of
their labor-preoccupied lives the eternal truths that God
bore them all in his love and that as they spent themselves
on behalf of material well-being, they keep in mind and
also provide for the life of the spirit and for undying values.
In the early history of Slovak Catholics in the diocese
of Scranton, Pennsylvania, where there was a large concentration of Slovak immigrants, we find the record of
these ten Slovak parishes which were established in the
late nineteenth century:
1883 St. Joseph's in Hazleton
1886 St. Stephen's in Plymouth
1888 St. Joseph's in Nanticoke
1889 Holy Ghost in Olyphant
1893 St. John Nepomucene in Freeland
1894 St. John the Baptist in Pittston
1895 Holy Trinity in Maltby (later called Swoyerville )
1895 Sacred Heart in Wilkes-Barre
1895 Holy Family in Scranton
1896 St. Michael's in Jessup
Ten Roman Catholic parishes like ten significant
reasons to make the heart rejoice! But then the stark
realization that there were only eight Roman Catholic
priests available for these parishes at this time. Two
self-sacrificing priests in this area were obviously called
upon to do the work of four. One of these was Fr. Jankola
who looked after the parishes in Pittston and in Maltby;
the other one was his friend Father Stas who took care
of Olyphant and Jessup.
PIONEERING PROBLEMS
Overextended as these priests were, they realized that
it was actually impossible to reach out to all the Slovak
immigrants because they lived in such widely scattered
places-some here and there in typically settled areas,
others in sparse settlements and still others even in very
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SLOVAKIA
remote and unlikely pockets. And they did need the
solicitous care of conscientious priets.
Many newcomers mistakenly assumed a new "liberty"
in America-the liberty to drink too freely, to look upon
church-going as a practice better suited to the old country
than to the new, to neglect the sacraments with easy
abandon and live a loose life. In defense of such attitudes,
they all too readily ralied on such specious observations
as: "America is different." "I have a parish church at home
in Europe; I'll receive the sacraments there." "I work hard
all week; Sunday is my day of rest. No one should take
my rest from me and tell me to go to Mass ." "Now i want
to live. Later when I'm dying I'll send for a priest."
Persisting in such attitudes, they would have succumbed to a generally unprincipled or amoral life. Surely they
did need someone to bring them effective spiritual guidance
and the conviction that freedom in America is not license
to abandon religious and moral obligations.
Father Jankola looked to the root of these problems.
He understood that greater earnings and ready cash in
America spelled greater self-reliance which sometimes
tended to generate that degree of involvement with material
goods that became detrimental to sound spiritually. Easier
living here often brought with it a distaste for self-discipline
and a laxity about receiving the sacraments. Above all,
however, he saw that not a few men deliberately stayed
away from church if they did not understand the word
of God preached to them in a language that they did not
know. This neglect of religious duty was only aggravated
by an easy forgetfulness of home training and ready
abandonment of many good practices learned at home
and advocated in one's parish church in a distant native
village or town.
Unless measures were taken to offset these unfavorable
trends, many otherwise well-meaning but unguided immigrants could stray far from the really good life and
from devotion to God. Consequently, Father Jankola did
his utmost in the discharge of his ministry and he accomplished very much good but the more he did, the more
he saw still waiting to be done. On all sides he faced the
need for more priests. Repeatedly he had to hear requests
for priestly service, direction and help, and sorrowfully he
�SLOVAKIA
169
realized that he was not able to satisfy many of them. Again
we have the reality that this was a missionary situation
and there were not enough missionaries to serve Christ's
cause among the Slovaks in it.
In his efforts to resolve this problem, Father Jankola
made appeals of his own. On very many occasions he wrote
to his homeland, urging Slovak priests and seminarians
to offer their help in America. He ·s aw that priests, who
could not serve effectively abroad because of hampering
factors there, would find here far more suitable conditions
and climate as well as an extensive field for their zeal and
dedication. Very likely, too, he was prompted to encourage
other priests and seminarians to come to America from
their Slovak lands because he himself had been similarly
invited and encouraged by Father Furdek. Now he felt
persuaded that as Father Furdek had to some degree
influenced the shaping of his own decision to come to
America, he too should try to draw others to serve Christ
and his Church here where priests were so sorely needed.
Both he and Father Furdek often described the situation
and made their appeal not only in personal correspondence
but also in various publications abroad to which they
contributed. On his visits to relatives in Slovakia, Father
Jankola never missed the opportunity of making personal
contacts on behalf of interesting likely prospects to bring
their priestly talents to apostolic work in America.
Naturally, some of this effort went fruitless but some
of it did yield returns. It is known that he was instrumental
in encouraging these eight priests to come to SlovakAmerican parishes: Rev. Joseph Murgas, Rev. Dr. Alexander
Dianiska, Rev. Francis Skutil, Rev. Anthony Berhely, Rev.
Joseph Martincek, Rev. Emerich Gottschall, Rev. Ferdinand
Prikazky and Rev. Anthony Filkorn. Four clerical students
likewise took to heart his urging and on completing their
theological courses devoted their efforts to Slovak parishes
in America. They were Rev. Andrew Jurica, Rev. John
Sobota, Rev. John Porubsky and Rev. John Gaspercik. By
his personal effort Father Jankola provided pastors for
ten Slovak parishes; viz., in Torrington, Connecticut, Pana,
Illinois, and these eight in Pennsylvania: Edwardsville,
Tarentum, Mt. Carmel, Monessen, Plymouth, Wilkes-Barre,
Barnesboro, Allegheny (now part of Pittsburgh) .
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SLOVAKIA
MISSION TO ROME
After visiting Slovakia in 1901 and witnessing the
unrelieved plight of Slovak Catholics there, Father Jankola
went to Rome. The leading priests of his homeland had
authorized him to act as their representative before the
Holy Father and in reality he was qualified to speak on
behalf of the Slovak Catholics of two continents. He brought
to Rome, for presentation to the Holy Father, a three-volume collection of writings produced by outstanding Slovak
scholars and a Latin brief or memorandum with which to
acquaint Pope Leo XIII with the deeply regrettable plight
of Slovak Catholics living under Hungarian rule and unable
to make their own appeal for redress and relief.
The most grievous wrong was that the Slovak language
was totally proscribed among Slovak people. This restriction affected not only their everyday lives in social
and business interaction but it also encroached upon their
religious way of life. Even in church they were subjected
to Magyar services only, even to hearing the reading of
the Scriptures and the preaching of homilies and sermons
in Magyar only although they did not know that language.
Church schools, catechetical classes and all courses of
Christian Doctrine and religious instruction, along with all
other form of schooling, were ordered to use only Magyar
as the language of instruction.
This ruling which the Slovak populace first encountered
with a sense of unbelief gradually made them more and
more restive. In time, a people who had traditionally conducted themselves with exemplary respect and ideal regard
for the priesthood were becoming not only resistance-prone
toward their pastors who were under government control
but even hostile and openly rebellious against Magyar and
pro-Magyar pastors and against the Magyar hierarchy. They
resented the government's interference in their worship
of God and in a domain where government has no rightful
authority.
Since it was useless or impossible to try to negotiate
this state of affairs with public officials, Rome seemed
to offer the only tribunal of appeal. The document which
Father Jankola brought on his visit to the Eternal City
made an honest, open and respectful representation of
these facts for the Holy Father's consideration. It was
�SLOVAKIA
171
signed by Slovak priests who had witnessed and endured
what the Slovak people suffered even in their conscience
and it expressed some of their fears for the future of the
Church under such circumstances.
On coming to Rome Father Jankola spent some time
with a young Slovak cleric, the brilliant John Porubsky,
who was then studying there and who also served in the
apothecary of Pope Leo XIII. John Porubsky was well
acquainted with a number of Church officials in diplomatic
positions and with matters of protocol and effective procedures in official circles. After he had discussed the main
objective of Father Jankola in Rome, he consulted with
Cardinal Giacomo della Chiesa who was then Assistant
Secretary of State and who later became Pope Benedict XV.
Cardinal della Chiesa reviewed the memorandum carefully
and decided that it warranted further referral. He took it to
the Secretary of State, Cardinal Rampolla, who was much
affected by the serious nature and the further implications
of the reported situation. After a personal interview with
Father Jankola who confirmed the facts of the memorandum from his personal witness in his homeland, he
arranged for both Father Jankola and John Porubsky to
see the Holy Father in a private audience.
Father Jankola's meeting with Pope Leo XIII lasted
two hours. Both of the Slovak representatives spoke with
the Holy Father in fluent Latin and the Holy Father was
so deeply moved by their report and their citing of specifics
that tears of sympathy showed the intensity of his response
and his concern for his suffering children. Some measures
of alleviation were the outcome of this appeal to Rome,
for the hierachy of Austria-Hungary was instructed to
introduce reforms allowing the Slovak minority to pray and
sing in Slovak and to use their native language in church
and at all liturgical and worship services. There was
a second spring of spiritual fervor when the meadowlands
and mountainsides as well as the churches again resounded
with Slovak hymns and Slovak prayers at Mass, at pilgrimages and at popular devotions.
It is generally agreed that this occasion on which
Father Jankola called attention to the repression which
the Slovaks endured even in spiritual matters put before
the thinking of ecclesiastical officials the desirability of
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SLOVAKIA
providing Slovak bishops for the Slovak people, of establishing a Slovak hierarchy that would be subject to no
local authority but directly to Rome. Such a decision did
not reach immediate fruition but the climate was finally
favorable for this step after the First Czecho-Slova k Republic was founded in 1918. It was late in 1920 that Rome
formally established a Slovak hierarchy by appointing
Bishop John Vojtassak to the see of Spis
Bishop Marian Blaha to the see of Banska Bystrica
Bishop Charles Kmetko to the see of Nitra.
They were consecrated by the Papal Nuncio on February 13, 1921.
FURTHER APOSTOLIC EFFORT
From Rome Father Jankola returned to his missionary
and parish work. With renewer ardor he took up his labors
among those to whom he fondly referred as "transplanted
linden trees." With an eye to the present, he satisfied first
needs first, exhorting the faithful to a truly Christian life,
promoting faith and prayerfulness , reprimanding lapses, instructing the young and the not-so-young, preaching with
the spoken word and the written word, and living the life
that he preached. With an eye to the future, he encouraged
worthy lay leadership, adjustment to the American way
of life and vocations to the priesthood and religious life .
Father Jankola was a realist as well as an idealist.
As he toiled to build the kingdom of God spiritually in the
hearts of many, he also looked after material building
for this kingdom. This is attested by the fact that his zeal
led him to build a total of five churches, two schools and
a rectory: a church in Pittston, Wilkes-Barre and Maltby;
a church and a school in Hazleton; a church a school and
a rectory in Bridgeport, Connecticut. It is astounding that
in the twenty years of his priesthood he could accomplish
so much both for the Church and for his nation.
In his ardor to work for lasting values, Father Jankola
not only promoted sound spirituality and provisions for
fruitful parish life, he also encouraged vocations to the
pri~sthood and religious life, spent him.self in the cause
of church-orient ed schools, envisioned and realized a congregation of Sisters to teach and care for the children of
immigrants and perform works of mercy in the Church,
�SLOVAKIA
173
contributed many articles to Slovak newspapers and periodicals, sponsored and aided the publication of Slovak
texts for religious instruction and language arts, and greatheartedly proposed the naming of a Slovak bishop in the
United States. He felt that Father Furdek deserved the
rank of bishop and that in his elevation all Slovak Catholics
in this country would benefit inasmuch as they would have
an official leader whose first concern would be for all
levels of Church organization among American Slovaks
as well as for the needs of the young, the training of
seminarians, Catholic schools and schooling under the
direction of qualified Slovak or Slovak-American Sisters.
PARISH SCHOOLS
The subject of a Catholic school system among Slovak
immigrants was one of the major preoccupations of Father
Jankola's life. In his second pastoral assignment he came
to St. Joseph's in Hazleton, Pennsylvania, one of the two
earliest American Slovak parishes, established in 1885.
(The other is St. Stephen's parish in Streator, Illinois,
founded in the same year.) He was the fourth pastor of
St. Joseph's which already had a combination church-school
building as well as a rectory and a parish cemetery. Since
these physical arrangements were cared for, he turned his
energy mainly to the spiritual and cultural advancement
of his parishioners. With deft organizational gifts he established confraternities, spiritual societies and sodalities,
providing opportunities for all age levels in the parish
to participate in at last one Catholic Action group.
A program of catechetical instruction was already
functioning in the parish but Father Jankola felt that the
time was right for introducing a fully expanded elementary
curriculum in at least the earliest grades of the parish
school. Miss Catherine O'Donnell was engaged as a full-time
teacher for the subjects that were to be taught in English
and Mr. Andrew Ondek, the parish organist, who had been
conducting catechetical classes, was retained as teacher-incharge of the school and instructor in religion, Slovak and
singing. Father Jankola spent much time in the school,
observing, supervising, noting the progress of the pupils
and the methods of instruction. Very often he himself
conducted a class.
This innovation of Father Jankola stirred up some
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SLOVAK'iA
feeling against him. Until this time is was the prerogative
of the organist--and solely his-to be in charge of all
the instruction of children in a parish school. By hiring
a teacher in his experimental full-scale school, Father
Jankola seemed to be jeopardizing the teacher-status of
the organist. On this score misunderstandings developed
all too readily, and factions formed to support one opinion
and oppose the other, depending on points of view taken
and loyalties involved. This matter was a painful issue for
quite some time but Father Jankola steadily and gently
tried to disprove the unfounded fears that had arisen and
in spite of these apprehensions, he became increasingly
aware of the necessity to provide for the adequate education
of youth and the training of children under Christian
auspices.
Because of this indefatigable labors on behalf of
Catholic schools, Father Jankola has often been looked
upon as the apostle of the parish school among Slovaks
in America. Both his admirers and his critics knew very
truly that the matter of parish schools was his dearest
concern-the apple of his eye, so to say. One of his favorite
observations was : "Religious conviction takes first place
and patriotism second; the church comes firs t and right
after it, the school." He did his unwavering best to win
pastors to the cause of opening and maintaining parochial
schools, of convincing the faithful of the vital need for
Catholic schools for their children and most importantly ,
he dedicated himself to the task of providing competent
teachers and encouraging promising candidates to enter
the teaching profession.
Father Jankola rightly saw this whole area of education
for the young as the fundamental need of the day. As often
as he tried to deal with it, he realized that the problem
only bore upon his conscience and his professional thinking
with mounting insistence. For over twelve years he wrote
on this subject, presenting it to his reading public in
various aspects and doing his best to find a practical way
to put it into operation. Even as early as 1899, when he
was a young priest just four years ordained, he spoke
of it very earnestly with some of the priests who were
closest to him in the Scranton diocese; viz., Rev. Andrew
Pavco, Rev. Dr. Alexander Dianiska and Rev. Joseph
Murgas.
�SLOVAKIA
175
Basically, there was no difficulty in gaining a general
appreciation for the Catholic school system, but the whole
concept of operating Slovak Catholic schools in America
had to be framed within the American way of maintaining
church schools. In their homeland, the Slovaks had grown
accustomed to living in a parish wholly subsidized by
a patron. This meant that under patronal sponsorship all
operating expenses were met by the individual, the family
or the civic body that was legally titled as the patron. In
America all church operations, including the pastor's salary,
would have to be borne by the members of the parish.
Given a school situation, besides, the struggling newcomers
to America would have to assume responsibility for all its
costs, including salaries for teachers.
The prospect of such obligation seemed quite impossible. Yet to Father Jankola this obligation itself was
not the first and foremost duty of leaders and parents;
the first duty really was to provide adequate education
for the young with the understanding that the adults would
have to learn how to support the school as well as the
church according to American practice. Definitely there
was much educating of various kinds to be done, formally
and informally, but Father Jankola did not shrink in the
face of it all. The genius of leadership in him dictated
the work to be done and the good to be accomplished.
Along with these thoughts, Father Jankola could not
help comparing the cultural deprivation of immigrant
parents with the opportunities that America could make
available to their children. He was not blind to the fact
that given an education, Slovak children could better
themselves in this land of opportunity on which he looked
as a cultural El Dorado, a spiritual New Canaan. Above all,
however, he was convinced that Slovaks in America would
have to begin thinking of themselves as Americans of
Slovak origin and meet all their responsibilities as such.
His constant reminder to his parishioners and to all where
it would apply was: "If we are to live in America, we
must live the American way of life. We must learn to
adjust." And he made it abundantly clear that the blessings
which America held for all were not exclusively material
blessings; he greatly extolled the democratic principles
and the gift of true liberty which are the hallmarks of
true Americanism.
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SLOVAKIA
ADULT EDUCATION
In this connection of adopting concepts of true Americanism, Father Jankola also tried to provide some compensations for adult immigrants, some of whom had had
only two or three winters of schooling in their childhood,
some of whom had had even less. Under his iniciative, adult
education classes were introduced, concentrating on basics
first of all-reading and writing. It was an exhilarating
experience for an unschooled laborer earnestly applying
himself to an unfamiliar task suddenly to pluck his
neighbor's sleeve and to shout with the heady joy of
achievement: "Look! I wrote my name! I can really write
my name now! This is my name! Now I won't have to
make a cross instead of my name anymore!"
This was a first step but it was not enough. After
basics followed classes in American history and in civil
government with a view toward applying for citizenship
and becoming naturalized. Citizenship would mean suffrage
and a real sense of belonging, a participation in the
community and the country of their adoption.
EDUCATION AL SURVEY
After his 1899 conference with priests closest to him
in the Scranton diocese, Father Jankola was convinced that
it was no longer possible to defer steps for the establishment of Slovak parish schools on the elementary level.
For this reason he devoted much time to a close study
of the American system of education which he frankly
admired. He felt that he needed this kind of information
in order to guide him in developing his own thinking. He
felt, too, that he needed substantial statistical data as
groundwork and for this p-µrpose he undertook a comprehensive survey of existing parish facilities for the
education of Slovak Catholic children.
In 1900 he published a report of his findings in the
Jednota Kalend<ir, revealing that
a) there were very few standard parish schools which
he could classify as "first class schools"
b) several parishes had provided for special classes
on Saturdays in order to supplement the children's
public school courses with instruction in religion
and language arts
�SLOVAKIA
177
c) the commendable though inadequate efforts of many
parish organists were generally handicapped by
overcrowding in classrooms as well as by merging
a very broad range of mental and chronological
ages into one composite group sometimes numbering up to two hundred pupils
This survey concluded with an earnest exhortation
that pastors spare no effort in order to establish schools
comparable to the best that the American school system
offers and that sound measures be taken to provide
certified teachers. He knew, of course, that not all parishes
were in a position to undertake a full school program but
he trusted that a steady and well-reasoned campaign on
behalf of parish schools would eventually be fruitful.
But the building of schools would not of itself solve
the problem of education in a parish school. Once the
schools were built, they would have to be stuffed and he
knew that there would be great difficulty in procuring
desirable teachers. His survey indicated that in the schools
rated as "first class," such as that in Wilkes-Barre (the
only one of its kind in the Scranton diocese), as well as
those in Johnstown, Shamokin, St. Ladislaus and St. Martin
in Cleveland, and in Streator, Illinois were all conducted
with the help of religious teachers-Sisters. He commended
the Irish and German immigrants for their well-functioning
schools, all directed by Sisters, and he very distinctly
pointed out the fact that the Slovak people in America
needed Slovak Sisters to teach in their parish schools.
Man of clear vision that he was, he saw beyond that
statement. His very words are:
"Consequently, we need Sisters.
Let us bring up our own Slovak Sisters! It is they
who will preserve our faith and our nation.
Reverend Fathers, and you Slovak parents, you who
have in your parishes young ladies who are diligent,
zealous, devout and suitable for the religious life, do
feel responsible for making it possible for them to
achieve this state of life. This will be a gift of the
utmost value both to God and the nation; this will
be a most noble offering.
It is Slovak Sisters, teaching Sisters, who alone
can alleviate this present educational crisis among us;
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SLOVAKIA
it is they who can save us from religious and national
ruin. If we wish to live in America, we must live as
Americans. This same principle was valid even in Rome.
There is no other way of survival. I repeat: my brothers, Slovaks, let us establish parish schools, let us bring
up our own Slovak teaching-Sisters, and God's help
will support us!"
As he urged priests and parents to encourage likely
candidates to enter the religious life at this time, he did
not mention any specific community, for he had none in
mind. His survey did report that Ursulines and Sisters of
St. Joseph were teaching in the Slovak schools of Cleveland,
that Streator had Franciscan Sisters, and that there was
" an English Sister" in the Olyphant school (Very likely
a Sister of the Immaculate Heart of Mary or a Sister of
Mercy). At this point, however, the core of the problem
was simply to promote vocations. It was much as if he
were saying that God will not be outdone in generosity ;
that if only enough vocations could be cultivated, God
could be trusted to provide the agents and the agencies
for the work of Christian education among Slovak immigrants. He did not know that his own faith would be put
to sore testing. He did not know the ultimate design of
Providence but he trusted with an unshaken confidence
and he worked on with unmitigated zeal .
EXPLORING TEACHER RESOURCES
At the same time that Father Jankola ardently promoted the cause of Slovak Catholic parish schools, he began
to make serious inquiries at various American motherhouses and provincial houses, hoping to find a community
whose membership might include at least some Sisters
of Slovak or Slavic origin for staffing prospective Slovak
schools in America and introducing into them American
principles of education along with a wholesome Christian
philosophy of life. Once he would know where Sisters were
available, a sound program for Christian education could
be launched with full vigor and the Slovak people would
adjust to the American way of supporting their own schools.
He did not foresee at all how difficult it would be
to procure Sisters. At least four major superiors of religious
communities answered his inquiries with the revealing
�SLOVAKIA
179
news that even at that time it was extremely difficult for
them to provide enough teachers for the schools already
under their care. There was a normal increase in the
population rate and as immigration figures rose, so did
school enrollments increase and create a demand for
expanded teaching forces. As a result of this situation,
religious superiors felt that they would not be able to
accept any new schools in the foreseeable future. This was
a totally unwelcome but obviously prudent decision which
they had to make.
Disappointed beyond all expectation but still undaunted, Father Jankola next turned his appeal to European
institutes. In all good faith he hoped that the old world
would be able to compensate for the insufficiencies of
the new. With prayerful anticipation he wrote to the Holy
Cross Sisters in Moravia. He did not present to them any
intimidating proposal. Very modestly he explored the possibility of obtaining a small number of Sisters, even three
or four, to come to America, establish a foundation and
train Slovak girls here for the religious life. He was assured
that in time there would be enough applications for a
flourishing self-sufficient community to develop on American soil, supported by the Slovak-American clergy and
laity. Apparently there was much correspondence on this
matter but promising as the outlook was at the outset,
its prospects eventually dimmed and finally the issue was
closed without satisfactory results.
With great distress Father Jankola wrote in the Jednota
Kalenddr of 1902, "For three years I have been trying to
obtain Sisters from Europe, but my efforts have been
in vain. Everything seems to be against us." These lines
are an expression of that recurring disappointment that
was to be his cross in this project, the testing of his spirit,
and the price of an ideal which demanded sacrifice and
suffering.
Frustrated in his efforts to secure help from an already
established community of Sisters, yet sufficiently disciplined not to surrender readily in the face of difficulty and
repeateq disappointment, Father Jankola continued to
pray, to confer with others and to plan. Since existing
communities could spare him no members for the parish
schools that he was promoting, the only avenue open to
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SLOVAKIA
him seemed to be to find prospective condidates of his own
and to present them for training in an American sisterhood.
He hoped that after their numbers increased and they had
prepared themselves adequately, they might be allowed to
branch off into an independent province within a mother
congregation and continue their apostolate in Slovak parish
schools. This suggested a very long range program but the
eventual benefits would surely justify the patient waiting.
All delays and price aside, one purpose of Father Jankola's
efforts was to provide Sisters for the much needed task
of teaching in Slovak parish schools. This was the crucial
issue and the demanding challenge was where to procure
them .
COURAGE SUPPORTS HOPE
In the spring of 1903, Father Jankola invited Slovak
priests who were interested in the parish school project
to meet for consultation at the Vendig Hotel in Philadelphia.
He took this occasion to lay before them all his experiences
in working for Slovak parish schools to this time: his hopes
and disappointments, his renewed efforts and his present
plan which would call for candidates from local parishes.
The assembled pastors listened with evident interest. They
were aware of the need to work with the young and they
admired the American Catholic school system. Some endorsed the proposal and were willing to cooperate with
Father Jankola. Unfortunately, there were others too who
looked upon this new suggestion of his as too idealistic
and extreme a venture, perhaps something out of a quixotic
world and not suited to the times, not amenable to a
practical approach. They did not hesitate to indicate
emphatically that he could not count on them for support
in such a project and they had nothing else to offer. This
adverse reaction from leaders of people who lived with
the realities of life in America was a blow to Father
Jankola's expectations. But it did not destroy his vision
or diminish that dogged persistence about him which
would not let the matter rest untried. At least he knew
now on whom he could count for advice and support and
he had learned where it would be vain to look for help
and understanding. He shored up his shattered elan and
renewed his faith in the work before him.
Resolved to test this plan and to have events prove
�SLOVAKlA
181
the validity of this approach and anxious to test whether
or not such an effort was of God, Father Jankola presented
his proposal to several religious oommunities in his immediate area. It is likely that he now founded his hopes
on either the Mallinckrodt Sisters of Charity or on the
Sisters of Mercy. He had had opportunities to observe
the work of both communities on a local level because they
taught in parishes near his own. He admired their spirit
and evidence of dedication and he ardently hoped that he
might see their influence diffused among the Slovak people,
but from both communities he received an unfavorable
reply. It meant just so much more disappointment and so
much more need for fresh courage.
EARLY PROMISE
Again and again Father Jankola renewed his search
for a mother community that would accept his candidates
(in due time) and train them for Slovak parish schools.
He even decided to appeal to the charity of a rather distant
order in America, the Czech Benedictine Sisters in Chicago,
Illinos. When the mail brought him a reply, it was with
utmost gratitude that he read that these Sisters would b e
willing to be of assistance to him. With profound relief
he trusted that at last this was going to mean the realization
of his prospects.
With this good news to report, Father Jankola held
another conference with the priests who supported his
plan. At these deliberations practical measures were proposed and four specific steps were agreed upon. The first
of these was the decision to accept the offer of the Benedictine Sisters and to send three aspirants to Chicago.
The others were in the nature of active endorsement of
Father Jankola's plan, involving the promise or agreement
a ) to announce Father Jankola's plans and prospects
from their pulpits
b ) to preach on the subject of vocations
c ) to solicit offerings to support the undertaking
This last provision was embodied in a fund called
St. Anthony's Treasury. The patronage of St. Anthony was
chosen because this Franciscan saint beautifully exemplifies
that Christian charity that provides for the needs of the
poor. Now at last, although no one could foresee what the
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SLOVAKIA
future held, there seemed to be some glimmer of success
at last.
On the following Sunday Father Jankola preached an
inspiring sermon on vocations and after the parochial mass
he found an applicant in his office. Before long there were
two more candidates from St. Joseph's parish in Hazleton
as well as two from Sacred Heart parish in Wilkes-Barre.
Now at last, hope was moving toward reality.
In the fall of 1903 the first three aspirants from
Hazleton were sent to the Benedictines in Chicago and the
soul of Father Jankola rejoiced that the great work was
launched at last while his spirit trusted that it would thrive .
HOPE DEFERRED
Unfortunately this joy was short-lived and this hope
soon wilted. After a few short weeks Father Jankola was
notified that the Superiors felt it was advisable to withdraw his candidates because they found it difficult to
adjust to religious life with them. The blow fell at the
very moment when two additional aspirants sat in the
Wilkes-Barre railroad station holding tickets for Chicago
as they waited to board the next train. Just before the
train pulled into the station, their plans were abruptly
changed and they returned to their homes.
This was a crushing report that reached Father Jankola from Chicago. He could hardly bring himself to accept
it. His first reaction was to blame the young girls for want
of endurance. His own training in austerity made it difficult
for him to condone their failure and apparent weakness
in the face of hardship where he would have expected an
almost stoic courage and strength. Gradually he was
brought to realize, however, that they did not lack generosity and good will, but they were wholly unprepared for
trials severe even for seasoned religious; moreover, they
were still very young. Home-loving and cared-for as they
had been, they were subjected to an almost traumatic and
total separation from home and an absolute change from
their family environment. Chicago then seemed half a world
away from Hazleton. Even normal adjustment would have
been necessarily gradual, but they were at once challenged
with the untempered rigors of Benedictine monasticism
in a community where poverty was so extreme in those
�SLOVAKIA
183
pioneering days that only a tried and proven spirit would
have been able to endure it without difficulty.
When the unhappy candidates returned from Chicago,
they were not sent back to their homes or subjected to
reproach and embarrassment. Instead, they were befriended
and confided to the care of Father Pavco in Pittston until
further development could be planned and arranged. Father
Pavco then visited Father Jankola to confer with him
about the situation. He found him shaken and extremely
tried by this new disappointment.
NEW HOPE
In his sympathetic efforts to comfort his friend, Father
Pavco called Father Jankola's attention to the "Blue Sisters"
of the Immaculate Heart of Mary who conducted St. John
the Evangelist School in Pittston just across the street
from his own church and rectory. As he spoke, Father
Pavco became more and more enthusiastic about the spirit
and attitudes of these Sisters, and finally he suggested
that Father Jankola consult with their Reverend Mother
at Mount St. Mary's Seminary in Scranton. As a glowing
climax he remarked, "I understand that her name is Mother
Mary Cyril. Our common patron may help here; let us try
in the name of God."
Discouraged though he was by the latest setback to
his hopes and beset by numerous other problems besides.
Father Jankola agreed with Father Pavco that it would
be advisable to try again; but he approached the new
possibility with a measure of caution added to his natural
reserve. On his first visit to Mother Cyril he conferred
with her only on the prospect of enrolling the daughter
of one of his parishioners at her boarding school. He did
not mention the real burden that lay on his heart like
a cross .
Before long, however, Father Jankola made another
appointment with Mother Cyril. On his initial visit he had
found her so gracious that he was encouraged to present
his key problem to her on this second visit. Again he found
her ideally understanding. This does not mean that she at
once gave him any definite assurance but she received
him with such Christlike sympathy and such evidence of
maternal regard for the needs of young girls that he con-
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SLOVAKIA
sidered the consultation worthwhile, to say the least, and
returned home with great admiration for her, confidence
in her judgment and renewed hope for the all-but-lost
undertaking.
Providence ordained that Mother Cyril should be the
answer to Father Jankola's prayers. With the consent of
her Council she accepted his candidates and trained them
with unexampled care and solicitude within the shelter
of her own religious family. In fact, they were so close
to her own Sisters that for some time it was not even clear
whether they would eventually become an independent
community or whether they were to be an element added
to hers.
TOWARD FRUITION
When she first received the young girls at Mount St.
Mary's in 1903, Mother Cyril did not immediately place
them under monastic novitiate discipline but rather kept
them in the boarding academy as students who were to
be formed into candidates for the religious life by gradual
measures. They were permitted to spend the school vacation
at home and on such occasions they often became an
inspiration to others and attracted new vocations.
These students were maintained at Mount St. Mary's
through funds from St. Anthony's Treasury which was
supported by the mites of hard-working and generous
people and the offerings for votive candles in Slovak
churches. From November 21, 1903, when they first came
to the Mount, their status was that of students. On January
6, 1906, three of them became postulants. In March of the
same year Mother Cyril informed Father Jankola that his
group would not be identified with the Sisters of the
Immaculate Heart of Mary. This implied that they were
to form their own community. Father Jankola accepted
this decision and suggested the name "Sisters of SS. Cyril
and Methodius" as a possible designation for the prospective Slovak community. On July 26, 1906, the first members
were clothed in a distinctive black habit, Bishop Hoban
presiding at the reception ceremony.
The fruit of arduous work and confident prayer was
beginning to mature but its maturing exacted a further
price. Father Jankola paid the greater part of it by bearing
not only the normal burden of concern but also painful
�SLOVAKIA
185
misunderstandings and unreasonable demands from parish
sources. He even withdrew somewhat from the project
after it was safely launched, willing to deny himself the
satisfaction that should have been the reward of a work
brought to successful fruition after many bitter and disillusioning trials.
Much of his sorrow on this score was caused by more
or less well-meaning individuals who hounded him and
persecuted him severely because they saw in the promise
of a teaching community only the ousting of organists from
teaching posts in the parish schools. They believed that
this would inevitably follow upon the success of Father
Jankola's project. Blinded in their narrow reasoning, they
would not face facts reasonably or accept the reality which
indicated only too clearly that their parish schools in
America were fast outgrowing the capacities of their
organists reserve and that they had no other teachers with
or without adequate training to conduct schools according
to American standards. The Sisters were expected to relieve
an existing need, not to create a new difficulty. Organists
would not necessarily have to give up all their classes. It
was one of those struggles which often arise when the old
order of life must yield to the newer way and cannot do
so gracefully.
Added to this, however, there was also a painfully
critical attitude making itself within clerical ranks. Several
priests still doubted the timeliness and the wisdom of
Father Jankola's efforts. At first they merely refused to
cooperate, later they voiced objections and even spoke
of other plans of their own.
In spite of his stoic exterior and his disciplined habits
of conduct, Father Jankola~s soul and sensibilities were
deeply refined and sensitive. It hurt him inexpressibly
to be ranked as a visionary when with all his soul he bent
his energies to practical matters and used very realistic
means to attain vitally urgent results. He suffered keenly
because of all the conflicts brewing in his Hazleton parish
and when there seemed to be no other solution, he decided
to leave the scene of so much bitterness and open hostility,
at least until the storm should spend itself.
This parish had grown very dear to him. When its
original wooden church burned to the ground in 1905, he
worked indefatigably to raise funds for a new structure
�186
SLOVAK.IA
of natural stone. Within two years he collected twelve
thousand dollars, a lordly sum in a day of low wages and
small incomes in the midst of a struggling community
of miners and common laborers. He had the largeness of
vision and the natural capacity to plan a church of unique
beauty and to execute his plans in spacious proportions,
artistic in design and as inspiring as a prayer. St. Joseph's
in Hazleton is a worthy memorial to his priestly service
there and to the spirit of Slovak pioneers in the area.
TRANSFER TO BRIDGEPORT
In the fall of 1907 Father Jankola took a leave of
absence from the Scranton diocese and was received with
joy by the people of Bridgeport, Connecticut, who were
then organizing the parish of SS. Cyril and Methodius.
He wrote to Mother Cyril, "I thought I would make a solitary living here, like a hermit, after much trouble, trial and
injustice. But my work is not yet done . . . I have to
continue to take care of the future religious institution
that I have started with God's help and St. Anthony's
intercession." He would not be a derelict to duty no matter
what it cost him in personal pain. He would stand by his
ideals and convictions.
Alth0ugh Father Jankola expected eventually to return
to Hazleton his missionary zeal so engrossed him in the
organization of parishes in the New England region that
he finally transferred to the Hartford diocese. Besides his
pastoral work in St. Cyril's, he also undertook the spiritual
care of Slovaks in Webster, Massachusett s, and made
missionary trips to Stamford, Torrington, New Britain and
surrounding settlements in Connecticut. He was untiring
pastor and missionary in new surroundings again.
He kept in touch with Mother Cyril through correspondence. With her he assigned the Sisters to their firs t
teaching mission at Sacred Heart parish in Wilkes-Barre
while disclosing to her the demands being made on him.
"We have only three Slovak Sisters-how can we send
them to four parishes?" he wrote her in 1908. Yet in his
concern for the cherished project, he maintained an
unselfishness that commands administratio n as always
leaning toward the common good. When the first Sisters
were to be sent on a teaching mission, he made the disinterested recommenda tion to assign them either to Wilkes-
�SLOVAKIA
187
Barre or to Lansford although he would have been justified
in directing them to either of the equally large parishes
of his own endeavors-Hazleton or Bridgeport.
FIRST AMERICAN-SLOVAK SISTERS
In August 1909, Bishop Hoban brought from Rome
the Holy See's decree of approval for the new community.
On September 1, 1909, the first Sisters of SS. Cyril and
Methodius made public profession of vows and the community emerged as a new family in the Church. Before
the close of Mother Cyril's term of office, they were ready
to open a motherhouse of their own.
For ten years their formation had been under the
immediate guidance of Mother Cyril at Mount St. Mary's.
At last the tender seed which had been long hidden in the
darkness of Father Jankola's secret hopes and prayers,
long prepared through seasons of doubt and storm and
the intermittent sunshine of hope and promise, often
exposed to tears and blessings, now sprang in good soil
and, tended with paternal care and maternal understanding,
was ready to yield glory to God through a harvest of service
among the Slovak people. As some of the Sisters undertook
teaching in the parish schools, additional recruits were
being prepared as novices and postulants in the novitiate
or as students at Mount St. Mary's Seminary in Scranton.
After twelve years from the time of their entry into
Mount St. Mary's the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius
became a wholly independent community. This status was
attained in 1915 after their first General Chapter elected
a Mother General and a Council for internal government.
Father Jankola was happy indeed to see the Sisters making
progress. He continued to be interested in their welfare
but denied himself the satisfaction of overseeing or directing their development. From all sides he was harassed
by demands for teachers but once the stability of the
Community was established, he allowed it to mature on its
own and to learn to shoulder responsibility independently.
PASTORSHIP IN BRIDGEPORT
In Bridgeport Father Jankola continued his work,
which demanded tireless energy, prudent planning and
great fortitude. He was equal to the challenge. His parishione11s found him serious and purposeful, dilligent and
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SLOVAK.IA
circumspect, devout and fatherly. With him first things
inexorably came first. Religion and spiritual interests held
priority over all other considerations but close in second
place were patriotism as well as the arts and social graces,
and finally a balanced concern for temporalities.
Under hls direction the parish was firmly established
and within a year it had six active societies as well as an
excellent choir, a dramatic club and an evening school for
adult education. These evening classes became very popular
and profitable. They lasted from eight to ten o'clock and
in time they offered mathematics and English taught by
Mr. Michael Senko on Monday; Slovak by Father Jankola
on Tuesday; community singing by Mr. George Lukac on
Thursday, and dramatics by Mr. Joseph Michalek on Sunday. Additional subjects were included later to enable
parishioners to prepare for naturalization. For the children
there were daily catechetical classes which Father Jankola
himself conducted after the pupils were dismissed from
public school.
Within five years Father Jankola managed to have the
parish clear a debt of over sixteen thousand dollars. The
church which he then built for seventy thousand dollars
is a magnificent cruciform structure of white brick with
a seating capacity of one thousand. It was the fifth church
which he planned and erected, and with its inspiring
splendor it is the crown of his building effort. A severely
simple frame rectory was all that he permitted for his own
needs. To make provisions for a school he built a plain
four-room structure planned to double for a parish hall .
It, too, was severely simple and those who loved it did not
mind sometimes referring to it as "Noah's Ark." His
Sisters came to take charge of this school in 1910 and it
must have been with intense yet complex emotion that he
at last saw the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius at work
teaching in his own school.
Within the parish itself Father Jankola fanned a great
flame of spiritual activity. The Confraternity of the Holy
Rosary was canonically established and it flourished amid
these people who exulted, "We have brought Kosice to
America," for the rosary was a traditional family devotion
among them, awakening for them fond memories of pilgrimages to the beloved Marian shrine in the Slovak city
of Kosice. A deeper spirituality was cultivated among those
�SLOVA.K:IA
189
who joined the Third Order of St. Francis and the Altar
Society. A canonically founded Sodality and the Holy Name
Society held Christian ideals before the eyes of the young.
It is remarkable that Father Jankola invariably attended
the meetings of all these societies and each time left some
lesson or ponderable thought with the members to inspire
or to enlighten them.
Through the choir and the dramatic guild he aimed to
make art the handmaid of religion. Church music, folk
singing, and classic compositions all had their place and
were rendered with feeling and skill under the direction
of Mr. George Lukac. Father Jankola had recognized
musical talent in him when he was yet a schoolboy and
sent him to St. Procopius College in Lisle, Illinois, to
develop his talent. Then he offered him the position of
organist at St. Cyril's. Born of mutual regard, a strong
bond of devotion developed between the two.
Drama under Father Jankola's guidance included a
wide variety of presentations from monologues and skits
through interludes and plays to grand productions like
" St. Elizabeth," "St. Genevieve," and "Fabiola." Each one
was staged before a packed house usually in a spacious
hall rented for the occasion and it lent the entire community
the aspects of festivity and a parish holiday. For major
plays Father Jankola took the trouble to rent costumes
and hire a make-up crew from the theatrical centers of
New York City, and he saw to it that the staging was
a satisfying piece of dramatic art.
It is no wonder that his parishioners idolized him. On
all occasions he was an inspiration and edification to them.
He may have appeared forbiddingly stern and exacting,
but they knew that his heart was warm and fatherly. The
priest in him was always at their service, hearing confessions every day of the week even on Sundays, answering
every call as soon as it came though he was without benefit
of an assistant, ready to advise, admonish, comfort, help
or serve in whatever the need might be. It was generally
recognized and appreciated that he did the work of three
priests. Despite all the demands made on him, his parish
was in enviable order and he managed a tremendous
amount of work for the general public. Scholarly and
cultural interests were his hobby. It is interesting that
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SLOVAKIA
shortly before his death he began the study of Hebrew
under a private tutor.
THE WRITER
One stands in admiration of the consuming energy
with which he must have worked, for apart from all these
accomplishments there is the steady stream of articles,
stories, reports and instructions that came from his pen.
He was a recognized leader in Slovak national life also, for
only six years after coming to this country, he was elected
supreme president of the Jednota organization (1900) . (The
First Catholic Slovak Union-a benevolent society with
nationwide membership.) From 1904 to 1908 he was a member of the Jednota judiciary council. In 1910 he was editor
of the "Jednota" weekly as well as of its annual or almanac .
In 1908 and again after Furdek's death, he was chosen
spiritual director of the Jednota.
He likewise promoted the interests of the "Katolicky
Sokol," contributed many articles to its news organ and
served one term as spiritual director of this athletic and
fraternal organization. He warmly endorsed the children's
paper "Priatel' Dietok," which was sponsored by the Sokol.
He encouraged pastors, parents, and teachers to support
it, and highly complimented the pupils of his school when
their contributions appeared on its pages.
THE LEADER
Among the Slovak priests, especially in the eastern
part of the country, Father Jankola always enjoyed a degree
of prestige. He was generally esteemed their leader. It was
he who first banded them together in 1903 for the purpose
of discussing common problems like education and the
training of future priests and Sisters. It was he who
promoted an organization of priests in the eastern states
just a year before his death.
He was identified with many national drives and movements; he signed the Code of American Slovak Journalists
in 1897; he initiated the National Fund (also in 1897) to
promote national interests and to sponsor worthy projects.
He undertook the founding of a men's Slovak Benedictine
priorate and a men's Slovak Franciscan province in the
United States.
By 1910 he urged that steps be taken to recommend
�SLOVAKIA
191
the appointment of a Slovak bishop in this country and
suggested that Father Furdek be named the candidate since
he was "the first, the most learned, the most respected, and
the best loved Slovak priest in America." In 1916 he initiated
a Peter's Pence drive among the Slovaks in America.
These are some of the major achievements he accumulated before death closed the door of life upon him at the
age of forty-three. And he aspired to more. He even dared
hope to transplant his Sisters to Europe, "First opening
a house in Velehrad, Moravia, where St. Methodius is
buried," as he visualized his dream. In his greatness of
vision he had hoped that they might "be the instrument
in God's hand for the conversion of Slav schismatics to
Rome, where St. Cyril died." These are some of the hopes
of which he once wrote to Mother Cyril.
UNTIMELY DEATH
But death stilled his ardent hopes and healed his
wounds. Added to all the trials borne so courageously
there descended upon him yet the cruelty of a most painful
hoax. Spent as he was with unstinted labor and exertion,
it took the agony of something like this to crush his very
last energies. Manfully he tried to bury the hurt but it
worked its havoc and undermined his strength. On Easter
Sunday, April 23, 1916, he was stricken as he preached at
High Mass and he died quietly on May 5, mourned by
thousands and appreciated even more in death than he
was in life.
After the funeral services at the church of SS. Cyril
and Methodius, Father Jankola was buried in St. Michael's
Cemetery, Bridgeport, Connecticut. In connection with their
Golden Jubilee observances in 1959, however, the Sisters
of SS. Cyril and Methodius arranged to have their founder's
remains transferred to Danville where they are interred
in the Community cemetery at Villa Sacred Heart.
CONCLUSION
It has been said with truth that Father Jankola was
to the spiritual life what Father Furdek was to the national
life of the Slovak people in America.
To the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius he is the
gardener to whom God entrusted the seed of their congregation, charging him to plant it, to water it with his
�192
SLOVAKlA
tears and sufferings, to warm it with his undying love.
At the moment the seed sprouted and its first promising
shoots appeared, at that moment in a Profession Ceremony,
he said joyfully and humbly, "You are my joy, you are my
crown, you are my glory."
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Archival materials at the Motherhouse of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and
Methodius and in Jankola Library, Danville, Pennsylvania.
These include:
a) personal correspondence of and with Father Jankola
b) personal correspondence of and with Father Jankola's sisters,
Louisa and Inna
c) documents
d) several books of rare parish records entrusted to the Sisters
Furdek, Stefan, "Z Ameriky." Osvald, Fr. Richard, Tovarysstvo. I.
Rufomberok, Osvald, 1893.
Gregorovic, Sister M. Consuela, SS.C.M., Contributions of Reverend
Matthew Jankola to Slovak Catholic Education in the United
States. Modification of thesis submitted to the Catho.Jic University
of America, 1944. DanviLle, Pennsylvania, Golden Jubilee Publication of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, 1958-1959.
Hrusovsky, Frantisek, Slovenske rehole v Amerike. Cleveland, Slovensky
ustav, 1955.
Slovenske dejiny. 4th ed. Turciansky Svaty Martin, Matica Slovenska, 1940.
Jankola, Matus, "crty z katolickej slovenskej farnosti v Pittston, Pa."
Osvald, Fr. Richard, Tovarysstvo, III. Ruzomberok, Osvald , 1900.
Jednota (Weekly newspaper) . Middletown, Pennsylvania, Jednota, 19011916 passim.
Jednota Kalendar. (annual ). Middletown, Pennsylvania, Jednota. 19001931 passim.
Medvecky, Karol A., Cirkevne pomery katolickych Slovakov v niekdajsom Uhorsku, Ruzomberok, Nakl. vlast., 1920.
Pauco, Jozef, Matus Jan.kola, knaz a narodovec. Danville, Pennsylvania,
Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, 1959.
Slovenska rehol'a Sestier sv. Cyrila a Metoda. Slovensky spolok
sv. Anny vo Wyoming V.alley, Pa. 1957.
75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty. Cleveland, Ohio,
I.K.S.J. , 1965.
Slovenski priekopnici. Middletown, Pennsylvania, Jednota, 1972.
Petra~ek, Mother M. Emerentia, SS.C.M., Brief History of the Sisters
of SS. Cyril and Methodius. Danville, Pennsylvania , Sisters of
SS. Cyril and Methodius, 1959.
Scotus Viator (Seton Watson), Racial Problems in Hungary, London ,
Archibald Constable, 1908.
Spolok sv. Vojtecha, Katolicke Slovensko. Trnava, SSV, 1933.
Spirko, Jozef, Cirkevne dejiny s osobitnym zretel'om na vyvin cirkevnych
dejin Slovenska. 2 vol. Turc. Sv. Martin, Neografia, 1943.
�
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1972, Vol. 22
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Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972.
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1972
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SLOVAKlA
161
Matthew Jankola
1872-1916
SLOVAK-AMERICAN PRIEST, LEADER, EDUCATOR
Sister M. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M.
An observance commemorating the life and accomplishments of Father Matthew Jankola in this centennial year
of his birth has the advantages of distance and historic
perspective. It provides a very timely opportunity for
appraising this leader and his life's contribution with fair
and realistic appreciation, with a degree of objective regard
for his innate qualities and his unique achievements.
Father Jankola's life span encompassed only forty-three
years and his biographical data can be summarized very
compactly.
BIOGRAPHICAL PROFILE
The parents of Matthew Jankola were Matthew and
Rosalie Medvecky Jankola. They lived very ·simply but
happily in Trstena, a picturesque town in the economically
disadvantaged Orava district of Slovakia, and their son
Matthew spent much of his early life there.
But Trstena was not Father Jankola's birthplace, for
he was born away from home on July 2, 1872, while his
parents were at seasonal work in the Stary Budin sector
of Budapest, Hungary.
After his elementary education in Trstena, the boy
Matthew continued his schooling at gymnazia in Bardejov
and Beckov. Later, on the recommendation and under the
sponsorship of his maternal uncle, the Francisean Father
Emerich Medvecky, he advanced to seminary studies with
the Franciscans in Hlohovec and in Kremnica. At the same
time, the school of life steadily trained him too.
With ardor and utmost good will he gave his all in
order to prepare for the priesthood with a religious order
but the evils of oppression did not spare him even in the
seminaries of Slovakia. In fact, they left their mark upon
him by undermining his health though no degree of im-
162
SLOVAKIA
posed suffering could shake his spirit. This apparently
all-pervasive atmosphere of oppression was one of the
determining factors that led him to seek a better way of
life in the new world.
It happened, then, that because of many types of
extreme pressures in his homeland-political, economic,
cultural-and because America had become a haven of
refuge and security to many of his countrymen, he too
ventured upon the long voyage across the Atlantic and
arrived in the harbor of Baltimore on December 19, 1893.
He was not in prime physical condition at this time, for
strain and exhaustion had drained his reserves but his
heart was filled with a determination that was always
characteristic of him and with a buoyant hope that here
honest work would bring honest returns, that repression
did not came with him on his long and arduous trip. In his
soul he cherished the vision that he could become a force
for good in this new world while he would also be a support
and help for his dear ones in Slovakia. And so he began
a new chapter in the young manhood of his life.
He had come to America as a talented and achieving
student in his fourth year of theology. He was not encumbered with misgivings or uncertainties about his life's
work or objectives. Without unnecessary delay he enrolled
in St. Mary's Seminary in Baltimore but after an interval
of illness had interrupted his seminary program, he transferred to St . Bonaventure Seminary in Allegheny, New
York, where Latin was the language of instruction. His
proficiency in Latin made him feel very much at home here
and in two semesters he was able to complete the courses
that he needed for the final rounding out of his training
for the priesthood.
January 13, 1895 was the date Father Jankola's ordination. He was twenty-two and had lived half of his life.
From this date on, he felt in his soul that he owed filial
gratitude to three persons whom he regarded in the role
of father: his natural father who was very dear to him; his
u ncle Father Emerich Medvecky whose Franciscan charity
and solicitude saw to his education and the nurturing
of his priestly vocation; and Bishop William O'Hara of
Scranton who received him in America and ordained him
p riest.
SLOVAKIA
163
Shortly after his ordination he received his first
priestly assignment: the pastorate of St. John the Baptist
parish in Pittston, Pennsylvania. And from this center he
extended pastoral care to seven other towns where Slovak
Catholic immigrants were settling.
He was subsequently pastor of St. Joseph's in Hazleton,
Pennsylvania and of SS. Cyril and Methodius parish in
Bridgeport, Connecticut, where he died on May 5, 1916.
This brief and superficially simple biographical sketch
does not even suggest any of the fullness of his lifetime.
It is rather the bare diagram of plotting points, each of
which opened upon an individual richness of life .
BACKGROUNDS
The pivotal key in Father Jankola's life was his total
commitment to the priesthood. The fruition of all his
living was in the twenty years that followed upon his
ordination.
The social milieu in which he had decided upon a
career of service as a priest of God rightfully had conditioned him into viewing dedication to the altar as no
mere token position to be satisfied by perfunctorily
discharged liturgical devotions and ceremonies-significant
and beautiful as they may be. To him the office of priest
meant a distinctive way of life binding the priest to serve
wholeheartedly as mediator, leader, educator, philanthropist and sanctifier of his people in and for Christ. Much
in the mind of Vatican II, he developed his formation and
his philosophy of life in the ideal that the priest is above
all for Christ and for the people. In all his subsequent
endeavors this wa:s his guiding principle, his constant.
Even as a growing boy and as an aware adolescent,
he had lived with the realization that among his people
the priest was the one individual who stood for leadership,
uprightness and learning as well as for spiritual ministry,
moral guidance and ethical inspiration. He was oriented
to his regard for the priesthood because the ruling powers
that had shackled Slovakia in many ways had also-except
by rare exception- denied academic opportunities for
Slovak boys and girls who aspired to professional or
scientific careers. On this score, the authorities relented
only to permit seminary training for the sake of the priest-
164
SLOVAKIA
hood, and normal school courses in a limited way, in order
to prepare some teachers for schools.
The priest, then, had to be more than shepherd of
souls in Slovakia. He had to be the leading light of his
people in temporalities as well as in spirituality. He had
to be .not only teacher and guide in virtue and goodness
but also a perceptive and courageous defender of justice
and the basic rights of man. This is the main reason why
Slovak priests sometimes found themselves consciencebound to take a hard look even at the political atmosphere
in which they and their people had to live. And seeing the
realities of inequity, discrimination, cultural deprivation,
oppression and spiritual bondage, they had the moral
fortitude even publicly to attack these evils and defend
their people and their country; they had the conviction
that as the educated leaders of their people, they had to
have the stamina to enter the forum of public affairs and
there champion the cause of the wronged, the oppressed
and the helpless whenever circumstances demanded their
presence in the public arena.
Various modes of oppression, overt as well as patent,
often discouraged or demoralized the average citizen who
was usually much preoccupied with the daily need to
provide at least a living for his family. The God-given
beauty of his natural surroundings often put a bit of
poetry into a peasant's hard life; the lilt and loveliness
of folk song and folk music warmed his heart, and the
ar tistry of hand crafted work brought him some gratuitous
satisfaction through creative expression but he needed the
wholesomeness of opportunities to cultivate his intellectual
talents and his inborn creative gifts freely and even as a
lifetime career, as a professional; he needed assured liberty
and justice, openness and a sense of security so that he
could rise above sheer drudgery and allow his spirit to grow
expansive. He needed to nourish his life of the spirit as
well as the life of his body . He needed to satisfy his
intellectual hunger in order to develope spiritually and
to structure a sense of dignity in his life.
All this the Slovak priest recognized in his parish, in
his town or village, in his country. More was asked of him
than is generally asked of the average priest, and he had
t o be a man greater dimension that the average man. He
SLOVAKIA
165
had to be capable of tactful leadership, of sound capacities
for guidance and direction, of clear vission and foresight ;
resourceful as well as prayerful, peace-loving yet fearless
in the face of defending God-given rights, forgiving yet
relentless in fighting injustice. In him converged all the
likeness of Christlike being and behavior and all the
paradoxes of virtue flourishing in a sin-beset world.
This is the kind of life that Matthew Jankola chose
with mature and deliberate will. Most importantly, this
is the kind of life that he lived. Fire and ardor were of
his very nature; integrity, initiative and unclouded vision
were his basic assets; God, nation and fellowmen-in that
order-were his top priorities; and the grit to endure was
the price that he was asked to pay in the discharge of his
vocation. Living here as he did under pioneering conditions
among immigrants who were truly strangers in a strange
land, he was imbued with characteristic missionary concern for both the material and the spiritual welfare of
those around him and of those for whom he had made
himself responsible.
He was aware that the socio-economic circumstances
which bore upon the immigrant Slovak laborer could affect
him very adversely and for that reason he did not spare
himself in awakening and revitalizing deep self-respect and
dignity in the man who was burdened with inhuman hours
and labors and even humiliation in the dank pits of coal
mines, at the raging forges of steel mills, at railroad building and multiplicity of menial jobs of every description.
Work itself is reasonably recognized as honorable but
sometimes the conditions under which a man is compelled
to work can conspire to brutalize him. And man must not
spend all his working hours in just expending the strength
of his muscles or he may become gross.
FIRST PASTORATE
It is worth noting that Bishop O'Hara appointecl.
Father Jankola pastor of St. John the Baptist parish in
Pittston very shortly after his ordination. He knew how
urgent the need was for this parish to have a pastor and
he recognized in the newly ordained Father Jankola gifts
of mind and spirit that recommended him, young as h e
was, for a responsible office even without seasoned ap-
166
SLOVAKIA
prenticeship in parish work. Pioneering often calls for
practically instant response to duty. Father Jankola never
hesitated in meeting the demands of duty and Bishop
O'Hara had every reason to be convinced that his trust
in this pastor was well placed.
With complete dedication, an unusual capacity for work
and keen administrative talent, the new priest assumed
the new tasks committed to him. With apostolic zeal he
made it a point of his prime priestly service to reach out
among the scattered Slovak Catholics of wide regions. He
did not circumscribe his labors and his interests to that
one Pittston parish only. He felt, rather, that all the Slovaks
displaced in America were his immediate concern, and his
specific responsibility to the Pittston parish of St. John
the Baptist included the Slovak Catholics of seven adjoining
communities commonly referred to as "places" or "plejzy."
They included Sturmerville, West Pittston, Wyoming, Port
Griffith, Smithville, Duryea and Pittston Junction.
At this time he also traveled to the Binghamton, New
York, area to serve the spiritual needs of Slovaks settling
there. From the very beginning these, so to say, transplanted and still rootless people who were largely engaged
in railroad building and in the shoe industry, were content
to use the church facilities that were very kindly offered
them by St. Patrick's parish but in 1902 Father Jankola
helped them to organize their own parish under the patronal
title of Saints Cyril and Methodius. Important as this was,
it was enough. He next did his utmost in order to find
a reasonable priest to take charge of this parish or at least
to offer temporary ministry to the Binghamton Slovak
community. On countless occasions when no one else was
available, he himself came to provide them with Sunday
services, to administer the sacraments, to advise and guide
them and to inspire and encourage them to cultivate their
spiritual life, much like a missionary compelled to ride
h is circuit in order to bring God to man and man to God.
During this pastorship in Pittston, Father Jankola also
ministered to the Slovaks of Wilkes-Barre and Swoyeville
( which was called Maltby in his day) and with his sound
direction and practical acumen, he helped them to build
their churches. There were over eight thousand Slovaks in
Wyoming Valley region around Wilkes-Barre at this time
SLOVAKIA
167
and there was a steady flow of increase into this hard coal
region as ship after ship brought more Slovak immigrants
to American shores. From his parish base in Pittston
Father Jankola indefatigably toiled among them, deeply
concerned that the burdens and troubles of providing for
material needs and livelihood should not crowd out of
their labor-preoccupied lives the eternal truths that God
bore them all in his love and that as they spent themselves
on behalf of material well-being, they keep in mind and
also provide for the life of the spirit and for undying values.
In the early history of Slovak Catholics in the diocese
of Scranton, Pennsylvania, where there was a large concentration of Slovak immigrants, we find the record of
these ten Slovak parishes which were established in the
late nineteenth century:
1883 St. Joseph's in Hazleton
1886 St. Stephen's in Plymouth
1888 St. Joseph's in Nanticoke
1889 Holy Ghost in Olyphant
1893 St. John Nepomucene in Freeland
1894 St. John the Baptist in Pittston
1895 Holy Trinity in Maltby (later called Swoyerville )
1895 Sacred Heart in Wilkes-Barre
1895 Holy Family in Scranton
1896 St. Michael's in Jessup
Ten Roman Catholic parishes like ten significant
reasons to make the heart rejoice! But then the stark
realization that there were only eight Roman Catholic
priests available for these parishes at this time. Two
self-sacrificing priests in this area were obviously called
upon to do the work of four. One of these was Fr. Jankola
who looked after the parishes in Pittston and in Maltby;
the other one was his friend Father Stas who took care
of Olyphant and Jessup.
PIONEERING PROBLEMS
Overextended as these priests were, they realized that
it was actually impossible to reach out to all the Slovak
immigrants because they lived in such widely scattered
places-some here and there in typically settled areas,
others in sparse settlements and still others even in very
168
SLOVAKIA
remote and unlikely pockets. And they did need the
solicitous care of conscientious priets.
Many newcomers mistakenly assumed a new "liberty"
in America-the liberty to drink too freely, to look upon
church-going as a practice better suited to the old country
than to the new, to neglect the sacraments with easy
abandon and live a loose life. In defense of such attitudes,
they all too readily ralied on such specious observations
as: "America is different." "I have a parish church at home
in Europe; I'll receive the sacraments there." "I work hard
all week; Sunday is my day of rest. No one should take
my rest from me and tell me to go to Mass ." "Now i want
to live. Later when I'm dying I'll send for a priest."
Persisting in such attitudes, they would have succumbed to a generally unprincipled or amoral life. Surely they
did need someone to bring them effective spiritual guidance
and the conviction that freedom in America is not license
to abandon religious and moral obligations.
Father Jankola looked to the root of these problems.
He understood that greater earnings and ready cash in
America spelled greater self-reliance which sometimes
tended to generate that degree of involvement with material
goods that became detrimental to sound spiritually. Easier
living here often brought with it a distaste for self-discipline
and a laxity about receiving the sacraments. Above all,
however, he saw that not a few men deliberately stayed
away from church if they did not understand the word
of God preached to them in a language that they did not
know. This neglect of religious duty was only aggravated
by an easy forgetfulness of home training and ready
abandonment of many good practices learned at home
and advocated in one's parish church in a distant native
village or town.
Unless measures were taken to offset these unfavorable
trends, many otherwise well-meaning but unguided immigrants could stray far from the really good life and
from devotion to God. Consequently, Father Jankola did
his utmost in the discharge of his ministry and he accomplished very much good but the more he did, the more
he saw still waiting to be done. On all sides he faced the
need for more priests. Repeatedly he had to hear requests
for priestly service, direction and help, and sorrowfully he
SLOVAKIA
169
realized that he was not able to satisfy many of them. Again
we have the reality that this was a missionary situation
and there were not enough missionaries to serve Christ's
cause among the Slovaks in it.
In his efforts to resolve this problem, Father Jankola
made appeals of his own. On very many occasions he wrote
to his homeland, urging Slovak priests and seminarians
to offer their help in America. He ·s aw that priests, who
could not serve effectively abroad because of hampering
factors there, would find here far more suitable conditions
and climate as well as an extensive field for their zeal and
dedication. Very likely, too, he was prompted to encourage
other priests and seminarians to come to America from
their Slovak lands because he himself had been similarly
invited and encouraged by Father Furdek. Now he felt
persuaded that as Father Furdek had to some degree
influenced the shaping of his own decision to come to
America, he too should try to draw others to serve Christ
and his Church here where priests were so sorely needed.
Both he and Father Furdek often described the situation
and made their appeal not only in personal correspondence
but also in various publications abroad to which they
contributed. On his visits to relatives in Slovakia, Father
Jankola never missed the opportunity of making personal
contacts on behalf of interesting likely prospects to bring
their priestly talents to apostolic work in America.
Naturally, some of this effort went fruitless but some
of it did yield returns. It is known that he was instrumental
in encouraging these eight priests to come to SlovakAmerican parishes: Rev. Joseph Murgas, Rev. Dr. Alexander
Dianiska, Rev. Francis Skutil, Rev. Anthony Berhely, Rev.
Joseph Martincek, Rev. Emerich Gottschall, Rev. Ferdinand
Prikazky and Rev. Anthony Filkorn. Four clerical students
likewise took to heart his urging and on completing their
theological courses devoted their efforts to Slovak parishes
in America. They were Rev. Andrew Jurica, Rev. John
Sobota, Rev. John Porubsky and Rev. John Gaspercik. By
his personal effort Father Jankola provided pastors for
ten Slovak parishes; viz., in Torrington, Connecticut, Pana,
Illinois, and these eight in Pennsylvania: Edwardsville,
Tarentum, Mt. Carmel, Monessen, Plymouth, Wilkes-Barre,
Barnesboro, Allegheny (now part of Pittsburgh) .
170
SLOVAKIA
MISSION TO ROME
After visiting Slovakia in 1901 and witnessing the
unrelieved plight of Slovak Catholics there, Father Jankola
went to Rome. The leading priests of his homeland had
authorized him to act as their representative before the
Holy Father and in reality he was qualified to speak on
behalf of the Slovak Catholics of two continents. He brought
to Rome, for presentation to the Holy Father, a three-volume collection of writings produced by outstanding Slovak
scholars and a Latin brief or memorandum with which to
acquaint Pope Leo XIII with the deeply regrettable plight
of Slovak Catholics living under Hungarian rule and unable
to make their own appeal for redress and relief.
The most grievous wrong was that the Slovak language
was totally proscribed among Slovak people. This restriction affected not only their everyday lives in social
and business interaction but it also encroached upon their
religious way of life. Even in church they were subjected
to Magyar services only, even to hearing the reading of
the Scriptures and the preaching of homilies and sermons
in Magyar only although they did not know that language.
Church schools, catechetical classes and all courses of
Christian Doctrine and religious instruction, along with all
other form of schooling, were ordered to use only Magyar
as the language of instruction.
This ruling which the Slovak populace first encountered
with a sense of unbelief gradually made them more and
more restive. In time, a people who had traditionally conducted themselves with exemplary respect and ideal regard
for the priesthood were becoming not only resistance-prone
toward their pastors who were under government control
but even hostile and openly rebellious against Magyar and
pro-Magyar pastors and against the Magyar hierarchy. They
resented the government's interference in their worship
of God and in a domain where government has no rightful
authority.
Since it was useless or impossible to try to negotiate
this state of affairs with public officials, Rome seemed
to offer the only tribunal of appeal. The document which
Father Jankola brought on his visit to the Eternal City
made an honest, open and respectful representation of
these facts for the Holy Father's consideration. It was
SLOVAKIA
171
signed by Slovak priests who had witnessed and endured
what the Slovak people suffered even in their conscience
and it expressed some of their fears for the future of the
Church under such circumstances.
On coming to Rome Father Jankola spent some time
with a young Slovak cleric, the brilliant John Porubsky,
who was then studying there and who also served in the
apothecary of Pope Leo XIII. John Porubsky was well
acquainted with a number of Church officials in diplomatic
positions and with matters of protocol and effective procedures in official circles. After he had discussed the main
objective of Father Jankola in Rome, he consulted with
Cardinal Giacomo della Chiesa who was then Assistant
Secretary of State and who later became Pope Benedict XV.
Cardinal della Chiesa reviewed the memorandum carefully
and decided that it warranted further referral. He took it to
the Secretary of State, Cardinal Rampolla, who was much
affected by the serious nature and the further implications
of the reported situation. After a personal interview with
Father Jankola who confirmed the facts of the memorandum from his personal witness in his homeland, he
arranged for both Father Jankola and John Porubsky to
see the Holy Father in a private audience.
Father Jankola's meeting with Pope Leo XIII lasted
two hours. Both of the Slovak representatives spoke with
the Holy Father in fluent Latin and the Holy Father was
so deeply moved by their report and their citing of specifics
that tears of sympathy showed the intensity of his response
and his concern for his suffering children. Some measures
of alleviation were the outcome of this appeal to Rome,
for the hierachy of Austria-Hungary was instructed to
introduce reforms allowing the Slovak minority to pray and
sing in Slovak and to use their native language in church
and at all liturgical and worship services. There was
a second spring of spiritual fervor when the meadowlands
and mountainsides as well as the churches again resounded
with Slovak hymns and Slovak prayers at Mass, at pilgrimages and at popular devotions.
It is generally agreed that this occasion on which
Father Jankola called attention to the repression which
the Slovaks endured even in spiritual matters put before
the thinking of ecclesiastical officials the desirability of
172
SLOVAKIA
providing Slovak bishops for the Slovak people, of establishing a Slovak hierarchy that would be subject to no
local authority but directly to Rome. Such a decision did
not reach immediate fruition but the climate was finally
favorable for this step after the First Czecho-Slova k Republic was founded in 1918. It was late in 1920 that Rome
formally established a Slovak hierarchy by appointing
Bishop John Vojtassak to the see of Spis
Bishop Marian Blaha to the see of Banska Bystrica
Bishop Charles Kmetko to the see of Nitra.
They were consecrated by the Papal Nuncio on February 13, 1921.
FURTHER APOSTOLIC EFFORT
From Rome Father Jankola returned to his missionary
and parish work. With renewer ardor he took up his labors
among those to whom he fondly referred as "transplanted
linden trees." With an eye to the present, he satisfied first
needs first, exhorting the faithful to a truly Christian life,
promoting faith and prayerfulness , reprimanding lapses, instructing the young and the not-so-young, preaching with
the spoken word and the written word, and living the life
that he preached. With an eye to the future, he encouraged
worthy lay leadership, adjustment to the American way
of life and vocations to the priesthood and religious life .
Father Jankola was a realist as well as an idealist.
As he toiled to build the kingdom of God spiritually in the
hearts of many, he also looked after material building
for this kingdom. This is attested by the fact that his zeal
led him to build a total of five churches, two schools and
a rectory: a church in Pittston, Wilkes-Barre and Maltby;
a church and a school in Hazleton; a church a school and
a rectory in Bridgeport, Connecticut. It is astounding that
in the twenty years of his priesthood he could accomplish
so much both for the Church and for his nation.
In his ardor to work for lasting values, Father Jankola
not only promoted sound spirituality and provisions for
fruitful parish life, he also encouraged vocations to the
pri~sthood and religious life, spent him.self in the cause
of church-orient ed schools, envisioned and realized a congregation of Sisters to teach and care for the children of
immigrants and perform works of mercy in the Church,
SLOVAKIA
173
contributed many articles to Slovak newspapers and periodicals, sponsored and aided the publication of Slovak
texts for religious instruction and language arts, and greatheartedly proposed the naming of a Slovak bishop in the
United States. He felt that Father Furdek deserved the
rank of bishop and that in his elevation all Slovak Catholics
in this country would benefit inasmuch as they would have
an official leader whose first concern would be for all
levels of Church organization among American Slovaks
as well as for the needs of the young, the training of
seminarians, Catholic schools and schooling under the
direction of qualified Slovak or Slovak-American Sisters.
PARISH SCHOOLS
The subject of a Catholic school system among Slovak
immigrants was one of the major preoccupations of Father
Jankola's life. In his second pastoral assignment he came
to St. Joseph's in Hazleton, Pennsylvania, one of the two
earliest American Slovak parishes, established in 1885.
(The other is St. Stephen's parish in Streator, Illinois,
founded in the same year.) He was the fourth pastor of
St. Joseph's which already had a combination church-school
building as well as a rectory and a parish cemetery. Since
these physical arrangements were cared for, he turned his
energy mainly to the spiritual and cultural advancement
of his parishioners. With deft organizational gifts he established confraternities, spiritual societies and sodalities,
providing opportunities for all age levels in the parish
to participate in at last one Catholic Action group.
A program of catechetical instruction was already
functioning in the parish but Father Jankola felt that the
time was right for introducing a fully expanded elementary
curriculum in at least the earliest grades of the parish
school. Miss Catherine O'Donnell was engaged as a full-time
teacher for the subjects that were to be taught in English
and Mr. Andrew Ondek, the parish organist, who had been
conducting catechetical classes, was retained as teacher-incharge of the school and instructor in religion, Slovak and
singing. Father Jankola spent much time in the school,
observing, supervising, noting the progress of the pupils
and the methods of instruction. Very often he himself
conducted a class.
This innovation of Father Jankola stirred up some
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feeling against him. Until this time is was the prerogative
of the organist--and solely his-to be in charge of all
the instruction of children in a parish school. By hiring
a teacher in his experimental full-scale school, Father
Jankola seemed to be jeopardizing the teacher-status of
the organist. On this score misunderstandings developed
all too readily, and factions formed to support one opinion
and oppose the other, depending on points of view taken
and loyalties involved. This matter was a painful issue for
quite some time but Father Jankola steadily and gently
tried to disprove the unfounded fears that had arisen and
in spite of these apprehensions, he became increasingly
aware of the necessity to provide for the adequate education
of youth and the training of children under Christian
auspices.
Because of this indefatigable labors on behalf of
Catholic schools, Father Jankola has often been looked
upon as the apostle of the parish school among Slovaks
in America. Both his admirers and his critics knew very
truly that the matter of parish schools was his dearest
concern-the apple of his eye, so to say. One of his favorite
observations was : "Religious conviction takes first place
and patriotism second; the church comes firs t and right
after it, the school." He did his unwavering best to win
pastors to the cause of opening and maintaining parochial
schools, of convincing the faithful of the vital need for
Catholic schools for their children and most importantly ,
he dedicated himself to the task of providing competent
teachers and encouraging promising candidates to enter
the teaching profession.
Father Jankola rightly saw this whole area of education
for the young as the fundamental need of the day. As often
as he tried to deal with it, he realized that the problem
only bore upon his conscience and his professional thinking
with mounting insistence. For over twelve years he wrote
on this subject, presenting it to his reading public in
various aspects and doing his best to find a practical way
to put it into operation. Even as early as 1899, when he
was a young priest just four years ordained, he spoke
of it very earnestly with some of the priests who were
closest to him in the Scranton diocese; viz., Rev. Andrew
Pavco, Rev. Dr. Alexander Dianiska and Rev. Joseph
Murgas.
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175
Basically, there was no difficulty in gaining a general
appreciation for the Catholic school system, but the whole
concept of operating Slovak Catholic schools in America
had to be framed within the American way of maintaining
church schools. In their homeland, the Slovaks had grown
accustomed to living in a parish wholly subsidized by
a patron. This meant that under patronal sponsorship all
operating expenses were met by the individual, the family
or the civic body that was legally titled as the patron. In
America all church operations, including the pastor's salary,
would have to be borne by the members of the parish.
Given a school situation, besides, the struggling newcomers
to America would have to assume responsibility for all its
costs, including salaries for teachers.
The prospect of such obligation seemed quite impossible. Yet to Father Jankola this obligation itself was
not the first and foremost duty of leaders and parents;
the first duty really was to provide adequate education
for the young with the understanding that the adults would
have to learn how to support the school as well as the
church according to American practice. Definitely there
was much educating of various kinds to be done, formally
and informally, but Father Jankola did not shrink in the
face of it all. The genius of leadership in him dictated
the work to be done and the good to be accomplished.
Along with these thoughts, Father Jankola could not
help comparing the cultural deprivation of immigrant
parents with the opportunities that America could make
available to their children. He was not blind to the fact
that given an education, Slovak children could better
themselves in this land of opportunity on which he looked
as a cultural El Dorado, a spiritual New Canaan. Above all,
however, he was convinced that Slovaks in America would
have to begin thinking of themselves as Americans of
Slovak origin and meet all their responsibilities as such.
His constant reminder to his parishioners and to all where
it would apply was: "If we are to live in America, we
must live the American way of life. We must learn to
adjust." And he made it abundantly clear that the blessings
which America held for all were not exclusively material
blessings; he greatly extolled the democratic principles
and the gift of true liberty which are the hallmarks of
true Americanism.
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SLOVAKIA
ADULT EDUCATION
In this connection of adopting concepts of true Americanism, Father Jankola also tried to provide some compensations for adult immigrants, some of whom had had
only two or three winters of schooling in their childhood,
some of whom had had even less. Under his iniciative, adult
education classes were introduced, concentrating on basics
first of all-reading and writing. It was an exhilarating
experience for an unschooled laborer earnestly applying
himself to an unfamiliar task suddenly to pluck his
neighbor's sleeve and to shout with the heady joy of
achievement: "Look! I wrote my name! I can really write
my name now! This is my name! Now I won't have to
make a cross instead of my name anymore!"
This was a first step but it was not enough. After
basics followed classes in American history and in civil
government with a view toward applying for citizenship
and becoming naturalized. Citizenship would mean suffrage
and a real sense of belonging, a participation in the
community and the country of their adoption.
EDUCATION AL SURVEY
After his 1899 conference with priests closest to him
in the Scranton diocese, Father Jankola was convinced that
it was no longer possible to defer steps for the establishment of Slovak parish schools on the elementary level.
For this reason he devoted much time to a close study
of the American system of education which he frankly
admired. He felt that he needed this kind of information
in order to guide him in developing his own thinking. He
felt, too, that he needed substantial statistical data as
groundwork and for this p-µrpose he undertook a comprehensive survey of existing parish facilities for the
education of Slovak Catholic children.
In 1900 he published a report of his findings in the
Jednota Kalend<ir, revealing that
a) there were very few standard parish schools which
he could classify as "first class schools"
b) several parishes had provided for special classes
on Saturdays in order to supplement the children's
public school courses with instruction in religion
and language arts
SLOVAKIA
177
c) the commendable though inadequate efforts of many
parish organists were generally handicapped by
overcrowding in classrooms as well as by merging
a very broad range of mental and chronological
ages into one composite group sometimes numbering up to two hundred pupils
This survey concluded with an earnest exhortation
that pastors spare no effort in order to establish schools
comparable to the best that the American school system
offers and that sound measures be taken to provide
certified teachers. He knew, of course, that not all parishes
were in a position to undertake a full school program but
he trusted that a steady and well-reasoned campaign on
behalf of parish schools would eventually be fruitful.
But the building of schools would not of itself solve
the problem of education in a parish school. Once the
schools were built, they would have to be stuffed and he
knew that there would be great difficulty in procuring
desirable teachers. His survey indicated that in the schools
rated as "first class," such as that in Wilkes-Barre (the
only one of its kind in the Scranton diocese), as well as
those in Johnstown, Shamokin, St. Ladislaus and St. Martin
in Cleveland, and in Streator, Illinois were all conducted
with the help of religious teachers-Sisters. He commended
the Irish and German immigrants for their well-functioning
schools, all directed by Sisters, and he very distinctly
pointed out the fact that the Slovak people in America
needed Slovak Sisters to teach in their parish schools.
Man of clear vision that he was, he saw beyond that
statement. His very words are:
"Consequently, we need Sisters.
Let us bring up our own Slovak Sisters! It is they
who will preserve our faith and our nation.
Reverend Fathers, and you Slovak parents, you who
have in your parishes young ladies who are diligent,
zealous, devout and suitable for the religious life, do
feel responsible for making it possible for them to
achieve this state of life. This will be a gift of the
utmost value both to God and the nation; this will
be a most noble offering.
It is Slovak Sisters, teaching Sisters, who alone
can alleviate this present educational crisis among us;
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SLOVAKIA
it is they who can save us from religious and national
ruin. If we wish to live in America, we must live as
Americans. This same principle was valid even in Rome.
There is no other way of survival. I repeat: my brothers, Slovaks, let us establish parish schools, let us bring
up our own Slovak teaching-Sisters, and God's help
will support us!"
As he urged priests and parents to encourage likely
candidates to enter the religious life at this time, he did
not mention any specific community, for he had none in
mind. His survey did report that Ursulines and Sisters of
St. Joseph were teaching in the Slovak schools of Cleveland,
that Streator had Franciscan Sisters, and that there was
" an English Sister" in the Olyphant school (Very likely
a Sister of the Immaculate Heart of Mary or a Sister of
Mercy). At this point, however, the core of the problem
was simply to promote vocations. It was much as if he
were saying that God will not be outdone in generosity ;
that if only enough vocations could be cultivated, God
could be trusted to provide the agents and the agencies
for the work of Christian education among Slovak immigrants. He did not know that his own faith would be put
to sore testing. He did not know the ultimate design of
Providence but he trusted with an unshaken confidence
and he worked on with unmitigated zeal .
EXPLORING TEACHER RESOURCES
At the same time that Father Jankola ardently promoted the cause of Slovak Catholic parish schools, he began
to make serious inquiries at various American motherhouses and provincial houses, hoping to find a community
whose membership might include at least some Sisters
of Slovak or Slavic origin for staffing prospective Slovak
schools in America and introducing into them American
principles of education along with a wholesome Christian
philosophy of life. Once he would know where Sisters were
available, a sound program for Christian education could
be launched with full vigor and the Slovak people would
adjust to the American way of supporting their own schools.
He did not foresee at all how difficult it would be
to procure Sisters. At least four major superiors of religious
communities answered his inquiries with the revealing
SLOVAKIA
179
news that even at that time it was extremely difficult for
them to provide enough teachers for the schools already
under their care. There was a normal increase in the
population rate and as immigration figures rose, so did
school enrollments increase and create a demand for
expanded teaching forces. As a result of this situation,
religious superiors felt that they would not be able to
accept any new schools in the foreseeable future. This was
a totally unwelcome but obviously prudent decision which
they had to make.
Disappointed beyond all expectation but still undaunted, Father Jankola next turned his appeal to European
institutes. In all good faith he hoped that the old world
would be able to compensate for the insufficiencies of
the new. With prayerful anticipation he wrote to the Holy
Cross Sisters in Moravia. He did not present to them any
intimidating proposal. Very modestly he explored the possibility of obtaining a small number of Sisters, even three
or four, to come to America, establish a foundation and
train Slovak girls here for the religious life. He was assured
that in time there would be enough applications for a
flourishing self-sufficient community to develop on American soil, supported by the Slovak-American clergy and
laity. Apparently there was much correspondence on this
matter but promising as the outlook was at the outset,
its prospects eventually dimmed and finally the issue was
closed without satisfactory results.
With great distress Father Jankola wrote in the Jednota
Kalenddr of 1902, "For three years I have been trying to
obtain Sisters from Europe, but my efforts have been
in vain. Everything seems to be against us." These lines
are an expression of that recurring disappointment that
was to be his cross in this project, the testing of his spirit,
and the price of an ideal which demanded sacrifice and
suffering.
Frustrated in his efforts to secure help from an already
established community of Sisters, yet sufficiently disciplined not to surrender readily in the face of difficulty and
repeateq disappointment, Father Jankola continued to
pray, to confer with others and to plan. Since existing
communities could spare him no members for the parish
schools that he was promoting, the only avenue open to
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SLOVAKIA
him seemed to be to find prospective condidates of his own
and to present them for training in an American sisterhood.
He hoped that after their numbers increased and they had
prepared themselves adequately, they might be allowed to
branch off into an independent province within a mother
congregation and continue their apostolate in Slovak parish
schools. This suggested a very long range program but the
eventual benefits would surely justify the patient waiting.
All delays and price aside, one purpose of Father Jankola's
efforts was to provide Sisters for the much needed task
of teaching in Slovak parish schools. This was the crucial
issue and the demanding challenge was where to procure
them .
COURAGE SUPPORTS HOPE
In the spring of 1903, Father Jankola invited Slovak
priests who were interested in the parish school project
to meet for consultation at the Vendig Hotel in Philadelphia.
He took this occasion to lay before them all his experiences
in working for Slovak parish schools to this time: his hopes
and disappointments, his renewed efforts and his present
plan which would call for candidates from local parishes.
The assembled pastors listened with evident interest. They
were aware of the need to work with the young and they
admired the American Catholic school system. Some endorsed the proposal and were willing to cooperate with
Father Jankola. Unfortunately, there were others too who
looked upon this new suggestion of his as too idealistic
and extreme a venture, perhaps something out of a quixotic
world and not suited to the times, not amenable to a
practical approach. They did not hesitate to indicate
emphatically that he could not count on them for support
in such a project and they had nothing else to offer. This
adverse reaction from leaders of people who lived with
the realities of life in America was a blow to Father
Jankola's expectations. But it did not destroy his vision
or diminish that dogged persistence about him which
would not let the matter rest untried. At least he knew
now on whom he could count for advice and support and
he had learned where it would be vain to look for help
and understanding. He shored up his shattered elan and
renewed his faith in the work before him.
Resolved to test this plan and to have events prove
SLOVAKlA
181
the validity of this approach and anxious to test whether
or not such an effort was of God, Father Jankola presented
his proposal to several religious oommunities in his immediate area. It is likely that he now founded his hopes
on either the Mallinckrodt Sisters of Charity or on the
Sisters of Mercy. He had had opportunities to observe
the work of both communities on a local level because they
taught in parishes near his own. He admired their spirit
and evidence of dedication and he ardently hoped that he
might see their influence diffused among the Slovak people,
but from both communities he received an unfavorable
reply. It meant just so much more disappointment and so
much more need for fresh courage.
EARLY PROMISE
Again and again Father Jankola renewed his search
for a mother community that would accept his candidates
(in due time) and train them for Slovak parish schools.
He even decided to appeal to the charity of a rather distant
order in America, the Czech Benedictine Sisters in Chicago,
Illinos. When the mail brought him a reply, it was with
utmost gratitude that he read that these Sisters would b e
willing to be of assistance to him. With profound relief
he trusted that at last this was going to mean the realization
of his prospects.
With this good news to report, Father Jankola held
another conference with the priests who supported his
plan. At these deliberations practical measures were proposed and four specific steps were agreed upon. The first
of these was the decision to accept the offer of the Benedictine Sisters and to send three aspirants to Chicago.
The others were in the nature of active endorsement of
Father Jankola's plan, involving the promise or agreement
a ) to announce Father Jankola's plans and prospects
from their pulpits
b ) to preach on the subject of vocations
c ) to solicit offerings to support the undertaking
This last provision was embodied in a fund called
St. Anthony's Treasury. The patronage of St. Anthony was
chosen because this Franciscan saint beautifully exemplifies
that Christian charity that provides for the needs of the
poor. Now at last, although no one could foresee what the
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SLOVAKIA
future held, there seemed to be some glimmer of success
at last.
On the following Sunday Father Jankola preached an
inspiring sermon on vocations and after the parochial mass
he found an applicant in his office. Before long there were
two more candidates from St. Joseph's parish in Hazleton
as well as two from Sacred Heart parish in Wilkes-Barre.
Now at last, hope was moving toward reality.
In the fall of 1903 the first three aspirants from
Hazleton were sent to the Benedictines in Chicago and the
soul of Father Jankola rejoiced that the great work was
launched at last while his spirit trusted that it would thrive .
HOPE DEFERRED
Unfortunately this joy was short-lived and this hope
soon wilted. After a few short weeks Father Jankola was
notified that the Superiors felt it was advisable to withdraw his candidates because they found it difficult to
adjust to religious life with them. The blow fell at the
very moment when two additional aspirants sat in the
Wilkes-Barre railroad station holding tickets for Chicago
as they waited to board the next train. Just before the
train pulled into the station, their plans were abruptly
changed and they returned to their homes.
This was a crushing report that reached Father Jankola from Chicago. He could hardly bring himself to accept
it. His first reaction was to blame the young girls for want
of endurance. His own training in austerity made it difficult
for him to condone their failure and apparent weakness
in the face of hardship where he would have expected an
almost stoic courage and strength. Gradually he was
brought to realize, however, that they did not lack generosity and good will, but they were wholly unprepared for
trials severe even for seasoned religious; moreover, they
were still very young. Home-loving and cared-for as they
had been, they were subjected to an almost traumatic and
total separation from home and an absolute change from
their family environment. Chicago then seemed half a world
away from Hazleton. Even normal adjustment would have
been necessarily gradual, but they were at once challenged
with the untempered rigors of Benedictine monasticism
in a community where poverty was so extreme in those
SLOVAKIA
183
pioneering days that only a tried and proven spirit would
have been able to endure it without difficulty.
When the unhappy candidates returned from Chicago,
they were not sent back to their homes or subjected to
reproach and embarrassment. Instead, they were befriended
and confided to the care of Father Pavco in Pittston until
further development could be planned and arranged. Father
Pavco then visited Father Jankola to confer with him
about the situation. He found him shaken and extremely
tried by this new disappointment.
NEW HOPE
In his sympathetic efforts to comfort his friend, Father
Pavco called Father Jankola's attention to the "Blue Sisters"
of the Immaculate Heart of Mary who conducted St. John
the Evangelist School in Pittston just across the street
from his own church and rectory. As he spoke, Father
Pavco became more and more enthusiastic about the spirit
and attitudes of these Sisters, and finally he suggested
that Father Jankola consult with their Reverend Mother
at Mount St. Mary's Seminary in Scranton. As a glowing
climax he remarked, "I understand that her name is Mother
Mary Cyril. Our common patron may help here; let us try
in the name of God."
Discouraged though he was by the latest setback to
his hopes and beset by numerous other problems besides.
Father Jankola agreed with Father Pavco that it would
be advisable to try again; but he approached the new
possibility with a measure of caution added to his natural
reserve. On his first visit to Mother Cyril he conferred
with her only on the prospect of enrolling the daughter
of one of his parishioners at her boarding school. He did
not mention the real burden that lay on his heart like
a cross .
Before long, however, Father Jankola made another
appointment with Mother Cyril. On his initial visit he had
found her so gracious that he was encouraged to present
his key problem to her on this second visit. Again he found
her ideally understanding. This does not mean that she at
once gave him any definite assurance but she received
him with such Christlike sympathy and such evidence of
maternal regard for the needs of young girls that he con-
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SLOVAKIA
sidered the consultation worthwhile, to say the least, and
returned home with great admiration for her, confidence
in her judgment and renewed hope for the all-but-lost
undertaking.
Providence ordained that Mother Cyril should be the
answer to Father Jankola's prayers. With the consent of
her Council she accepted his candidates and trained them
with unexampled care and solicitude within the shelter
of her own religious family. In fact, they were so close
to her own Sisters that for some time it was not even clear
whether they would eventually become an independent
community or whether they were to be an element added
to hers.
TOWARD FRUITION
When she first received the young girls at Mount St.
Mary's in 1903, Mother Cyril did not immediately place
them under monastic novitiate discipline but rather kept
them in the boarding academy as students who were to
be formed into candidates for the religious life by gradual
measures. They were permitted to spend the school vacation
at home and on such occasions they often became an
inspiration to others and attracted new vocations.
These students were maintained at Mount St. Mary's
through funds from St. Anthony's Treasury which was
supported by the mites of hard-working and generous
people and the offerings for votive candles in Slovak
churches. From November 21, 1903, when they first came
to the Mount, their status was that of students. On January
6, 1906, three of them became postulants. In March of the
same year Mother Cyril informed Father Jankola that his
group would not be identified with the Sisters of the
Immaculate Heart of Mary. This implied that they were
to form their own community. Father Jankola accepted
this decision and suggested the name "Sisters of SS. Cyril
and Methodius" as a possible designation for the prospective Slovak community. On July 26, 1906, the first members
were clothed in a distinctive black habit, Bishop Hoban
presiding at the reception ceremony.
The fruit of arduous work and confident prayer was
beginning to mature but its maturing exacted a further
price. Father Jankola paid the greater part of it by bearing
not only the normal burden of concern but also painful
SLOVAKIA
185
misunderstandings and unreasonable demands from parish
sources. He even withdrew somewhat from the project
after it was safely launched, willing to deny himself the
satisfaction that should have been the reward of a work
brought to successful fruition after many bitter and disillusioning trials.
Much of his sorrow on this score was caused by more
or less well-meaning individuals who hounded him and
persecuted him severely because they saw in the promise
of a teaching community only the ousting of organists from
teaching posts in the parish schools. They believed that
this would inevitably follow upon the success of Father
Jankola's project. Blinded in their narrow reasoning, they
would not face facts reasonably or accept the reality which
indicated only too clearly that their parish schools in
America were fast outgrowing the capacities of their
organists reserve and that they had no other teachers with
or without adequate training to conduct schools according
to American standards. The Sisters were expected to relieve
an existing need, not to create a new difficulty. Organists
would not necessarily have to give up all their classes. It
was one of those struggles which often arise when the old
order of life must yield to the newer way and cannot do
so gracefully.
Added to this, however, there was also a painfully
critical attitude making itself within clerical ranks. Several
priests still doubted the timeliness and the wisdom of
Father Jankola's efforts. At first they merely refused to
cooperate, later they voiced objections and even spoke
of other plans of their own.
In spite of his stoic exterior and his disciplined habits
of conduct, Father Jankola~s soul and sensibilities were
deeply refined and sensitive. It hurt him inexpressibly
to be ranked as a visionary when with all his soul he bent
his energies to practical matters and used very realistic
means to attain vitally urgent results. He suffered keenly
because of all the conflicts brewing in his Hazleton parish
and when there seemed to be no other solution, he decided
to leave the scene of so much bitterness and open hostility,
at least until the storm should spend itself.
This parish had grown very dear to him. When its
original wooden church burned to the ground in 1905, he
worked indefatigably to raise funds for a new structure
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of natural stone. Within two years he collected twelve
thousand dollars, a lordly sum in a day of low wages and
small incomes in the midst of a struggling community
of miners and common laborers. He had the largeness of
vision and the natural capacity to plan a church of unique
beauty and to execute his plans in spacious proportions,
artistic in design and as inspiring as a prayer. St. Joseph's
in Hazleton is a worthy memorial to his priestly service
there and to the spirit of Slovak pioneers in the area.
TRANSFER TO BRIDGEPORT
In the fall of 1907 Father Jankola took a leave of
absence from the Scranton diocese and was received with
joy by the people of Bridgeport, Connecticut, who were
then organizing the parish of SS. Cyril and Methodius.
He wrote to Mother Cyril, "I thought I would make a solitary living here, like a hermit, after much trouble, trial and
injustice. But my work is not yet done . . . I have to
continue to take care of the future religious institution
that I have started with God's help and St. Anthony's
intercession." He would not be a derelict to duty no matter
what it cost him in personal pain. He would stand by his
ideals and convictions.
Alth0ugh Father Jankola expected eventually to return
to Hazleton his missionary zeal so engrossed him in the
organization of parishes in the New England region that
he finally transferred to the Hartford diocese. Besides his
pastoral work in St. Cyril's, he also undertook the spiritual
care of Slovaks in Webster, Massachusett s, and made
missionary trips to Stamford, Torrington, New Britain and
surrounding settlements in Connecticut. He was untiring
pastor and missionary in new surroundings again.
He kept in touch with Mother Cyril through correspondence. With her he assigned the Sisters to their firs t
teaching mission at Sacred Heart parish in Wilkes-Barre
while disclosing to her the demands being made on him.
"We have only three Slovak Sisters-how can we send
them to four parishes?" he wrote her in 1908. Yet in his
concern for the cherished project, he maintained an
unselfishness that commands administratio n as always
leaning toward the common good. When the first Sisters
were to be sent on a teaching mission, he made the disinterested recommenda tion to assign them either to Wilkes-
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187
Barre or to Lansford although he would have been justified
in directing them to either of the equally large parishes
of his own endeavors-Hazleton or Bridgeport.
FIRST AMERICAN-SLOVAK SISTERS
In August 1909, Bishop Hoban brought from Rome
the Holy See's decree of approval for the new community.
On September 1, 1909, the first Sisters of SS. Cyril and
Methodius made public profession of vows and the community emerged as a new family in the Church. Before
the close of Mother Cyril's term of office, they were ready
to open a motherhouse of their own.
For ten years their formation had been under the
immediate guidance of Mother Cyril at Mount St. Mary's.
At last the tender seed which had been long hidden in the
darkness of Father Jankola's secret hopes and prayers,
long prepared through seasons of doubt and storm and
the intermittent sunshine of hope and promise, often
exposed to tears and blessings, now sprang in good soil
and, tended with paternal care and maternal understanding,
was ready to yield glory to God through a harvest of service
among the Slovak people. As some of the Sisters undertook
teaching in the parish schools, additional recruits were
being prepared as novices and postulants in the novitiate
or as students at Mount St. Mary's Seminary in Scranton.
After twelve years from the time of their entry into
Mount St. Mary's the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius
became a wholly independent community. This status was
attained in 1915 after their first General Chapter elected
a Mother General and a Council for internal government.
Father Jankola was happy indeed to see the Sisters making
progress. He continued to be interested in their welfare
but denied himself the satisfaction of overseeing or directing their development. From all sides he was harassed
by demands for teachers but once the stability of the
Community was established, he allowed it to mature on its
own and to learn to shoulder responsibility independently.
PASTORSHIP IN BRIDGEPORT
In Bridgeport Father Jankola continued his work,
which demanded tireless energy, prudent planning and
great fortitude. He was equal to the challenge. His parishione11s found him serious and purposeful, dilligent and
188
SLOVAK.IA
circumspect, devout and fatherly. With him first things
inexorably came first. Religion and spiritual interests held
priority over all other considerations but close in second
place were patriotism as well as the arts and social graces,
and finally a balanced concern for temporalities.
Under hls direction the parish was firmly established
and within a year it had six active societies as well as an
excellent choir, a dramatic club and an evening school for
adult education. These evening classes became very popular
and profitable. They lasted from eight to ten o'clock and
in time they offered mathematics and English taught by
Mr. Michael Senko on Monday; Slovak by Father Jankola
on Tuesday; community singing by Mr. George Lukac on
Thursday, and dramatics by Mr. Joseph Michalek on Sunday. Additional subjects were included later to enable
parishioners to prepare for naturalization. For the children
there were daily catechetical classes which Father Jankola
himself conducted after the pupils were dismissed from
public school.
Within five years Father Jankola managed to have the
parish clear a debt of over sixteen thousand dollars. The
church which he then built for seventy thousand dollars
is a magnificent cruciform structure of white brick with
a seating capacity of one thousand. It was the fifth church
which he planned and erected, and with its inspiring
splendor it is the crown of his building effort. A severely
simple frame rectory was all that he permitted for his own
needs. To make provisions for a school he built a plain
four-room structure planned to double for a parish hall .
It, too, was severely simple and those who loved it did not
mind sometimes referring to it as "Noah's Ark." His
Sisters came to take charge of this school in 1910 and it
must have been with intense yet complex emotion that he
at last saw the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius at work
teaching in his own school.
Within the parish itself Father Jankola fanned a great
flame of spiritual activity. The Confraternity of the Holy
Rosary was canonically established and it flourished amid
these people who exulted, "We have brought Kosice to
America," for the rosary was a traditional family devotion
among them, awakening for them fond memories of pilgrimages to the beloved Marian shrine in the Slovak city
of Kosice. A deeper spirituality was cultivated among those
SLOVA.K:IA
189
who joined the Third Order of St. Francis and the Altar
Society. A canonically founded Sodality and the Holy Name
Society held Christian ideals before the eyes of the young.
It is remarkable that Father Jankola invariably attended
the meetings of all these societies and each time left some
lesson or ponderable thought with the members to inspire
or to enlighten them.
Through the choir and the dramatic guild he aimed to
make art the handmaid of religion. Church music, folk
singing, and classic compositions all had their place and
were rendered with feeling and skill under the direction
of Mr. George Lukac. Father Jankola had recognized
musical talent in him when he was yet a schoolboy and
sent him to St. Procopius College in Lisle, Illinois, to
develop his talent. Then he offered him the position of
organist at St. Cyril's. Born of mutual regard, a strong
bond of devotion developed between the two.
Drama under Father Jankola's guidance included a
wide variety of presentations from monologues and skits
through interludes and plays to grand productions like
" St. Elizabeth," "St. Genevieve," and "Fabiola." Each one
was staged before a packed house usually in a spacious
hall rented for the occasion and it lent the entire community
the aspects of festivity and a parish holiday. For major
plays Father Jankola took the trouble to rent costumes
and hire a make-up crew from the theatrical centers of
New York City, and he saw to it that the staging was
a satisfying piece of dramatic art.
It is no wonder that his parishioners idolized him. On
all occasions he was an inspiration and edification to them.
He may have appeared forbiddingly stern and exacting,
but they knew that his heart was warm and fatherly. The
priest in him was always at their service, hearing confessions every day of the week even on Sundays, answering
every call as soon as it came though he was without benefit
of an assistant, ready to advise, admonish, comfort, help
or serve in whatever the need might be. It was generally
recognized and appreciated that he did the work of three
priests. Despite all the demands made on him, his parish
was in enviable order and he managed a tremendous
amount of work for the general public. Scholarly and
cultural interests were his hobby. It is interesting that
190
SLOVAKIA
shortly before his death he began the study of Hebrew
under a private tutor.
THE WRITER
One stands in admiration of the consuming energy
with which he must have worked, for apart from all these
accomplishments there is the steady stream of articles,
stories, reports and instructions that came from his pen.
He was a recognized leader in Slovak national life also, for
only six years after coming to this country, he was elected
supreme president of the Jednota organization (1900) . (The
First Catholic Slovak Union-a benevolent society with
nationwide membership.) From 1904 to 1908 he was a member of the Jednota judiciary council. In 1910 he was editor
of the "Jednota" weekly as well as of its annual or almanac .
In 1908 and again after Furdek's death, he was chosen
spiritual director of the Jednota.
He likewise promoted the interests of the "Katolicky
Sokol," contributed many articles to its news organ and
served one term as spiritual director of this athletic and
fraternal organization. He warmly endorsed the children's
paper "Priatel' Dietok," which was sponsored by the Sokol.
He encouraged pastors, parents, and teachers to support
it, and highly complimented the pupils of his school when
their contributions appeared on its pages.
THE LEADER
Among the Slovak priests, especially in the eastern
part of the country, Father Jankola always enjoyed a degree
of prestige. He was generally esteemed their leader. It was
he who first banded them together in 1903 for the purpose
of discussing common problems like education and the
training of future priests and Sisters. It was he who
promoted an organization of priests in the eastern states
just a year before his death.
He was identified with many national drives and movements; he signed the Code of American Slovak Journalists
in 1897; he initiated the National Fund (also in 1897) to
promote national interests and to sponsor worthy projects.
He undertook the founding of a men's Slovak Benedictine
priorate and a men's Slovak Franciscan province in the
United States.
By 1910 he urged that steps be taken to recommend
SLOVAKIA
191
the appointment of a Slovak bishop in this country and
suggested that Father Furdek be named the candidate since
he was "the first, the most learned, the most respected, and
the best loved Slovak priest in America." In 1916 he initiated
a Peter's Pence drive among the Slovaks in America.
These are some of the major achievements he accumulated before death closed the door of life upon him at the
age of forty-three. And he aspired to more. He even dared
hope to transplant his Sisters to Europe, "First opening
a house in Velehrad, Moravia, where St. Methodius is
buried," as he visualized his dream. In his greatness of
vision he had hoped that they might "be the instrument
in God's hand for the conversion of Slav schismatics to
Rome, where St. Cyril died." These are some of the hopes
of which he once wrote to Mother Cyril.
UNTIMELY DEATH
But death stilled his ardent hopes and healed his
wounds. Added to all the trials borne so courageously
there descended upon him yet the cruelty of a most painful
hoax. Spent as he was with unstinted labor and exertion,
it took the agony of something like this to crush his very
last energies. Manfully he tried to bury the hurt but it
worked its havoc and undermined his strength. On Easter
Sunday, April 23, 1916, he was stricken as he preached at
High Mass and he died quietly on May 5, mourned by
thousands and appreciated even more in death than he
was in life.
After the funeral services at the church of SS. Cyril
and Methodius, Father Jankola was buried in St. Michael's
Cemetery, Bridgeport, Connecticut. In connection with their
Golden Jubilee observances in 1959, however, the Sisters
of SS. Cyril and Methodius arranged to have their founder's
remains transferred to Danville where they are interred
in the Community cemetery at Villa Sacred Heart.
CONCLUSION
It has been said with truth that Father Jankola was
to the spiritual life what Father Furdek was to the national
life of the Slovak people in America.
To the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius he is the
gardener to whom God entrusted the seed of their congregation, charging him to plant it, to water it with his
192
SLOVAKlA
tears and sufferings, to warm it with his undying love.
At the moment the seed sprouted and its first promising
shoots appeared, at that moment in a Profession Ceremony,
he said joyfully and humbly, "You are my joy, you are my
crown, you are my glory."
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Archival materials at the Motherhouse of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and
Methodius and in Jankola Library, Danville, Pennsylvania.
These include:
a) personal correspondence of and with Father Jankola
b) personal correspondence of and with Father Jankola's sisters,
Louisa and Inna
c) documents
d) several books of rare parish records entrusted to the Sisters
Furdek, Stefan, "Z Ameriky." Osvald, Fr. Richard, Tovarysstvo. I.
Rufomberok, Osvald, 1893.
Gregorovic, Sister M. Consuela, SS.C.M., Contributions of Reverend
Matthew Jankola to Slovak Catholic Education in the United
States. Modification of thesis submitted to the Catho.Jic University
of America, 1944. DanviLle, Pennsylvania, Golden Jubilee Publication of the Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, 1958-1959.
Hrusovsky, Frantisek, Slovenske rehole v Amerike. Cleveland, Slovensky
ustav, 1955.
Slovenske dejiny. 4th ed. Turciansky Svaty Martin, Matica Slovenska, 1940.
Jankola, Matus, "crty z katolickej slovenskej farnosti v Pittston, Pa."
Osvald, Fr. Richard, Tovarysstvo, III. Ruzomberok, Osvald , 1900.
Jednota (Weekly newspaper) . Middletown, Pennsylvania, Jednota, 19011916 passim.
Jednota Kalendar. (annual ). Middletown, Pennsylvania, Jednota. 19001931 passim.
Medvecky, Karol A., Cirkevne pomery katolickych Slovakov v niekdajsom Uhorsku, Ruzomberok, Nakl. vlast., 1920.
Pauco, Jozef, Matus Jan.kola, knaz a narodovec. Danville, Pennsylvania,
Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, 1959.
Slovenska rehol'a Sestier sv. Cyrila a Metoda. Slovensky spolok
sv. Anny vo Wyoming V.alley, Pa. 1957.
75 rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty. Cleveland, Ohio,
I.K.S.J. , 1965.
Slovenski priekopnici. Middletown, Pennsylvania, Jednota, 1972.
Petra~ek, Mother M. Emerentia, SS.C.M., Brief History of the Sisters
of SS. Cyril and Methodius. Danville, Pennsylvania , Sisters of
SS. Cyril and Methodius, 1959.
Scotus Viator (Seton Watson), Racial Problems in Hungary, London ,
Archibald Constable, 1908.
Spolok sv. Vojtecha, Katolicke Slovensko. Trnava, SSV, 1933.
Spirko, Jozef, Cirkevne dejiny s osobitnym zretel'om na vyvin cirkevnych
dejin Slovenska. 2 vol. Turc. Sv. Martin, Neografia, 1943.
Dublin Core
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Title
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Matthew Jankola 1872-1916
Description
An account of the resource
Sister M. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M.
Slovakia, Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972
pp. 161-192
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Tybor, Sister M. Martina, SS.C.M.
Date
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1972
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Text
SLOVAKIA
193
CURRENT ISSUES
Declaration Adopted
by Slovak World Congress
Representatives of Slovak organizations throughout
the free world as well as individuals of Slovak origin in
the United States of America, Canada, Australia, Austria,
Switzerland, Italy, France, South Africa, Argentina, Spain
and Germany assembled in Toronto in order to promote
the creation of a world organization of Slovaks hereby
declare that:
The struggle for freedom and self-fulfillment has been
a continuing process throughout Slovak history. Attainment
of this objective in the past has not been without obstacles,
or dedicated work and sacrifices of many individuals and
groups. Now, when the Slovak nation is unable to determine its own destiny, because it is under a foreign military
domination, :s uch efforts, dedication and sacrifices must
be increased to help them achieve their freedom once again.
Those of Slovak origin now living throughout the free
world, are urged to .dedicate themselves to this task. Our
obligation will be to present to the free world a true picture
of the life under which our brethren are compelled to live,
and to seek a change of their plight.
The concepts by which we will be guided in this work
will be the traditional values promoted throughout Slovak
history which have given vitality to the nation in its growth
and acceptance among nations of the western world.
The Congress will continue to adhere to the democratic
principles in the civil and international relations and considers tolerance in ideological, political and religious
matters an expression of maturity for democracy and
strongly opposes any tyranny whether it comes from the
left, or, from the right.
It has been obvious during the past two decades that
the Slovaks living in Slovakia have been unable to determine their own destiny. A number of recent facts attest
to this unfortunate reality namely the following:
The basic freedom of Slovaks, as well as of other Captive
�194
SLOVAKIA
Nations under communism, are still quite limited-travel
to Western countries, and press and assembly freedoms
have recently been set back to almost the 1948 levels.
The federalization of Czecho-Slovakia into two equal
sectors-the Czech and the Slovak, introduced by the
Constitutional Act of October 1948, has been severely
circumscribed in recent past and is slowly being replaced
by a new centralism;
Religious freedom continues to be restricted to Roman
Catholics, Uniates, Lutherans, Jews and to other denominations; and
The present Czecho-Slovak Federal Government has
taken no initiative nor has it responded to initiatives
suggested by the Holy See in the Vatican to establish a
Catholic Province in Slovakia, even though such provinces
exist in Bohemia as well as in Moravia.
We contend that the issue of the continued existence
and recognition of a Slovak nation be duly accepted by all
nations, including the records of the United Nations.
The question of the suppressed freedoms of all nations
now living under communism must soon be given full
airing and remedies instituted. This has been and should
not cease to be an issue of interest to all civilized nations.
Slovaks call upon them to help in this cause.
We take a positive attitude towards the economic
integration in Europe and urge that the Slovak nation be
included in this and other unifying processes benefiting
their degree of economic and other freedoms.
Viewing the future political situation in Eastern Europe
with hope and cautious optimism, we look toward to the
day when obstacles which presently prevent cultural and
educational exchang* between Slovaks at home and
abroad will be removed.
To support the objectives mentioned above, we have
established a permanent organization under the name of:
Slovak World Congress, which shall embody the spirit
of brotherhood and mutual respect. Religious affiliations
or political views, insofar as they are not contrary to the
spirit of democracy and the objectives mentioned above,
will not bar anyone from membership or active participation in our organization. We consider it essential that our
goals and methods as well as our activities follow democratic principles.
�SLOVAKIA
195
We shall endeavor to have the Slovak World Congress
represent its members at international scientific, cultural,
religious or political forums in the interest of the Slovak
nation as expressed in the Constitution and the by-laws
of the organization.
We urge that the Slovak World Congress devote itself
to promoting the spirit of unity among its members and
to co-ordinate all its efforts through constant contact with
member organizations maintained through central secretariats, regional secretariats, committees and information
bureaus in various countries around the world.
We ask the blessing of Almighty God in this undertaking in the firm hope that with the help and co-operation
of all those who wish well for the Slovaks we may successfully fulfill our role.
Members of the Committee:
Stephen B. Roman, LL.D., President; Rev. Dusan Toth,
Secretary General; Dr. J. A. Mikus, Dr. J. Stasko, Dr. J. M .
Kirschbaum,· Dr. J. Pauco, and Prof. E. Urban.
Toronto, Ont., June 20, 1971.
Unity Is Necessary
Edward J. Behun c i k
(The following are excerpts from the address of Edward J .
Behuncik, First Vice President of the Slovak World Congress, President of the Slovak League of America, and President of the American
Fund for Slovak Refugees given at the closing banquet of the Slovak
World Congress held at the Royal York Hotel, Toronto, Ontario,
Canada, Saturday, June 19. 1971.)
It is a rare and high privilege
to appear before such a historic
and distinguished gathering of
representatives of all walks of Slovak life and to break bread with
our fellow Slovaks from all parts
of the free world as we share this
memorable Congress in spirit, in
hope and in love with our brethren
in beautiful Slovakia.
The honor you do me in asking
that I speak in company with the
distinguished Chief Executive of
the great Province of Ontario, with
two colleagues from the great
Senate of the United States of
America, as well as the spiritual,
civic and cultural leaders who
grace the head table-this honor
cannot but move me. I thank you
most sincerely for asking me here.
Hopefully 1 will leave at least
�196
SLOVAKIA
one or two important thoughts
with you-important to the permanent success of our fledgeling
Slovak World Congress, and that
is, our need for unity- and for
''Svornost a laska".In Joel, we read·'Your old men shall dream
dreams,
Your young men shall see
visions."Today, we combine the hopes
which both dreams and visions
embody.
Dreams are generally of things
past, visions are of the future.
Dreams are truly for older men
who have a past, while visions are
for the younger looking forward
to the future.
Experience alone is the look
backward, the dream of yesteryear, but it is only useful as it
clarifies the vision of tomorrow.
Here in Toronto, we put the
finishing touches--not upon a new
structure - rather upon the permanent foundation .
Because in fact, at New York
City, the Congress \\'as already
perfect in the sense that its objects were fully perceived, its
necessary organs present, its powers conferred, and its extent already, if only dimly, seen to be
world wide. In addition, its final
purpose, which alone can justify
its existence, was perfectly clear
and that was to become the r epresentative body of Slovaks scattered
as they are throughout the free
world.
Here during the past several
days, we have added to the New
York beginnings. We've used our
year old experience to improve,
amend, delete and otherwise add
to the permanent basis of a vital
organ for disseminating the cause
of the Slovak nation.
To bring about the final liberation of the Slovak nation and its
equality among all nations, the
Slovak World Congress presents
us with a golden opportunity.
If we complete its hopeful aspirations, if we create a permanent
edifice on the foundation built
here and in New York, we will
thereby sooner bring to fruition
the age old Slovak vision of liberty
and freedom with justice.
But unity is necessary - that
unity which has so often eluded
the efforts of our forebears .
Can we come together for the
future ?
Can we remain together? I think
we can; I know we must! ! !
We will and must let bygones
be bygones, let past differences as
nothing be, and with steady eye
on the real issue, let us reinaugu rate the good and old central
ideas of a free and independent
Slovakia, where our presently subjugated brethren can someday in
God's good time freely choose their
own destiny.
We have our quarrels, as all
happy families have.
We have di sagreed as all friend s
have.
But when the great human
cause of Slovakia comes before
us, in the natural fitness of things,
we have looked into our hearts,
and hidden away in their innermost recesses, we have discovered
a very shy but a very faithful
friendship for each other, no matter from what region of Slovakia
we originated. That is why we
are here this evening.
�SLOVAKIA
So 1 say-we are united-but
more important - we must stay
united.
We can do it ! ! !
The human heart and human
aspirations are with us.
God is with us--Our Lady of
Sorrows is with us.
We shall-we must-succeed.
God forbid, if the Congress shall
dissipate instead of growing and
developing as it should-it will
be another eleven hundred years
before the vision of a unified, free
and independent Slovakia can
again be dreamed of. I know none
of us wish to have ~he horror of
such a c a ta s t r o p h e on our
consciences.
So, we must not fall-and we
won't if we do our duty-but the
time has passed when we can remain silent regarding the great
fundamentals of free government
and permit the enemies of the
Slovak social order to occupy the
center of the stage. The time has
come and that time is now when
we must take issue with those,
who infatuated with ch a o t i c
dreams, are seeking to undermine
the Slovak ideals and aspirations,
dreams and visions.
We now have the modus operandi-the vehicle.
We have the Slovak World
Congress. We, the participants in
and supporters of the Congress,
have it in our own hands whether
it shall be nothing more than the
brilliant after glow of a gorgeous
renaissance, or whether it shall
be the dawn of a newer and
brighter day in the struggle of the
Slovaks to fulfill their age old
vision of liberty and freedom with
justice.
Already, as we well know, on
several occasions, for several
197
brief moments, behind the far
spread iron curtain in Eastern
Europe. the rays of the setting
sun of materialistic communism
have mingled with the rays of the
rising sun of democracy. May that
sun grow in light and warmth and
may it be undimmed by the clouds
of our own internal dissension.
I am profoundly concerned. I
am deeply interested. I build the
greatest hopes upon this World
Congress. 1 am old enough to have
the experience to be able to
dream-but, I am young enough
to have the vision of a great institution - one from which, for example, some day-God grant-will
emerge a winner of the Nobel
Peace Prize - or the Literature
Prize.
And so, in bidding a foud adieu
to our fellow Slovaks returning to
their havens scattered throughout
the free world, I urge them and
all of you to hope- to hope as
the love of truth and obedience
to it shall grow and as with firmer
footing thereon, we look afar and
think clearly on what we see.
We shall see our Slovak World
Congress advancing to the high
position that awaits every organization and every nation which
honors the facts, which looks afar
and which thinks clearly and
positively.
And as we aspire to greater and
more illustrious achievements in
the glorious history of our beloved
Slovakia, we can well ponder the
prayer of Sir Francis Drake:
"Oh, Lord God, when Thou givest to Thy servants to endeavor any
great matter, grant us also, to
know, that it is not the beginning,
but the continuing of the same,
until it is thoroughly finished,
which yieldcth the true glory."
�198
SLOVAKIA
AS OTHERS SEE
In these times, when many of us
seem to reflect on the place of our
origin, it was indeed interesting to
see how the Americans, Canadians,
and citizens of other free countries,
all of Slovak origin, demonstrated
their dedication to the cause of
peace with freedom in our age.
Their dedication was for freedom
for their kinfolk in Slovakia, now
part of the Communist satellite of
Czechoslovakia, who cannot themselves demonstrate their longing
for the liberties denied them for
23 years.
The Slovaks are a hardy people
who have been seeking the ideals
we in our own country so freely
enjoy-the right to their own self.
determination. And like other nations, captives under Communist
domination, the Slovaks know that
one day they will join ranks with
the civilized world with other free
nations. Until then the work of
the Slovak World Congress is indeed both most worthy and very
necessary and I hope I applaud it.
-
U.S. Senator Robert Taft, Jr.
The Slovak World Congress
stands for freedom and seeks to
preserve the language, culture and
national heritage. You are to be
commended for your strong antiCommunist stand. - Strom Thurmond., U.S. Senator
Please know that your concern
for freedom throughout the world
and particularly in Slovakia is
shared by all of us. No more dire
threat exists today than that posed
by the Soviet Union and I stand
with you against their expansionary
policies. Keep up with your good
work. - John Tower, U.S. Senator
I wish to congratulate the Slovak
people of our nation for the out-
IT
standing fight they have been
waging over the years in exposing
Communist tyranny which is the
most powerful threat to human
freedom in the history of the world.
If all groups of the free world
would have the same spirit of opposition and expose the criminality
of Communist enslavement methods and Communist living conditions there would be no doubt that
this Communistic threat to the
world would collapse in a very
short time. - Ray J. Madden, U.S.
Member of Congress
The struggle for freedom and
self-fulfillment has been a continuing process throughout Slovak
history. Attainment of this objective in the past has not been
without obstacles, or dedicated
work and sacrifices of many individuals and groups. Now, when the
Slovak nation is unable to determine its own destiny, because it
is under a foreign military domination, such efforts, dedication and
sacrifices must be increased to
help them achieve their freedom
once again.
Those of Slovak origin now living
throughout the free world, are
urged to dedicate themselves to
this task. Our obligation will be
to present to the free world a true
picture of the life under which our
brethren are compelled to live, and
to seek a change of their plight.
The concepts by which we will
be guided in this work will be
the traditional values promoted
throughout Slovak history which
have given vitality to the nation in
its growth and acceptance among
nations of the western world. Claiborne Pell, U.S. Senator
Even within the Communist
world there is an absolute intoler--
�SLOVAKIA
ance for those faithful party members who would put a "human face"
on the dictatorship in order to
make it more palatable. I speak
of course, of Alexander Dubcek
who sought to purify, and reform,
but not replace or destroy, communism in Czechoslovakia. Yes even
after the true nature of the dictator
reared its ugly head and Dubcek's
reforms were sacrificed, we still
hear the drone of those who would
have us believe that the communist
dictator has changed. Let no one
be fooled - Communism is the
Number One enemy not only of
the Western World, but of humanity itself.
It is a tribute to all of you who
have felt the iron hand of the
communist dictator that you have
brought to the Western Hemisphere
an appreciation and understanding
of the dangers of communism
which is, unfortunately, shared by
too few Americans. - Robert C.
Mardian
It is a privilege to address men
and women who stand for the forefront of civilization's never-ending
struggle for freedom.
For more than eleven centuries
the Slovak people have been developing, extending and seeking to
preserve a rich and fertile cultural
heritage. More than that, you have
sought endlessly to maintain that
priceless ingredient of true spiritual fulfillment-the right of the
individual citizen to be his own
person, to think his own thoughts,
to speak his own words, to contribute directly to the formation
and performance of his own government and to worship as he chooses.
In so doing you have contributed
your full share, and perhaps more,
to the development of the Slavic
peoples as a whole and to the cultural family of peoples around the
world.
199
Ontario and all of Canada has
been enriched by the spirit and
integrity of Slovaks, Ukrainians,
Poles, Czechs, Serbs, Croats, Slovenes and all of the others who
claim the honor of membership in
the world Slavic community which
numbers more than 200 million
persons. - William C. Davis, Prime
Minister of Ontario
Vienna, AtLstria - Communist
Czecho-Slovakia's closed-door policy against religious literature
mailed from abroad has provoked
a steady stream of protests within
its own borders, according to reports reaching here.
Demands for an explanation are
being sent to postal authorities by
Czecho-Slovak citizens who learn
that religious books such as the
Bible have been mailed to them
from abroad but returned to the
sender by government authorities.
The regime's reply to that publications contrary to Czecho-Slovakia's laws are refused entry. But
no particulars are given to explain
how the Bible or devotional books
are in opposition to the country's
laws.
"Foreign reviews and books may
be sent into Czecho-Slovakia without limitation of any sort," said
a standard explanation from the
central office for incoming foreign
parcels in Prague. Post Office 120.
"However, reviews and books
which by their content are contrary to our legislative norms are
refused local delivery, according
to the prevailing international
standards."
The letter of explana,tion concluded: "Peace to the world!"
It seems that books arriving
from certain senders or destined
for certain addresses are returned
automatically without examination.
Recently one man received back
from Czecho..Slovakia an unopened
�200
SLOVAKIA
package he had sent his brother
containing a book on photography.
Official documents mailed by
Vatican offices to various bishops
in Czecho-Slovakia have been returned marked "refused."
In June, the secretariat for
church affairs of the Slovakia region's government notified bishops,
pastors and Religious superiors
that religious publications from
abroad were prohibited where "in
conflict with the interest of our
socialist state."
The of.ficial notice continued:
"The provision also concerns the
propagation and publication of information and instructions of various kinds from abroad, whether
through
internal
ecclesiastical
channels, in official documents or
in any form whatsoever."
It warned that the distribution
of prohibited literature is punishable under Czecho-Slovakia's penal
code.
Czecho-Slovakia's hard-line communist rulers, brought to power by
the Soviet invasion of August 1968,
have been steadily tightening the
screws on the Catholic Church for
the past two years.
In January 1970 the Slovakia
ministry of culture decreed that
every act of official worship, including private Masses, must have
state approval. A similar decree
was issued by the ministry of culture in the Czech region of Bohemia.
In July of that same year the
Slovakia government asserted the
right to blackball newly chosen
superiors of congregations of nuns.
In November, 1970 the Bohemia
ministry of culture forbade the
Church to give courses preparing
couples for marriage.
In July 1971 the ministry of
culture decreed severe limitations
upon the teaching of religion. Its
Slovakia counterpart did likewise.
Decrees approving newly resurrected pro-government associations
of peace priests were issued simultaneously in August 1971 by the
Bohemian and Slovakian governments.
But the regime 's restrictions on
Church activity and growth have
not been confined to legislation
and decrees. Through administrative
acts the regime has kept more
than half the applicants out of the
country's seminaries and has dismissed from convents all Sisters
who entered them when the country's liberalized regime of early
1968 reopened the convent to
novices.
The present, neo-Stalinist regime
has attempted to manipulate the
Church by installing its own candidates in key positions, such as
vicar general of Brno and of Roziiava, and the executive committees
of the Bohemian and Slovakian
Catholic charitable agencies.
Meanwhile, the controlled press
has been keeping up a steady fire
on religion in general and the
churches in particular.
Christians in Bohemia are bracing themselves for still heavier
assaults upon them and their
churches now that the head of the
region's religious affairs office,
Karel Hruza, has returned from
a Moscow meeting with · his counterparts from other Communist
states.
Czecho-Slovakia's present program of religious repression was
launched shortly after his return
from a similar meeting in Moscow
in October 1969. - NC New s Service
Vienna. - The situation of the
Church and of human rights and
freedoms.
in
communist-ruled
Czecho-Slovakia is growing worse,
not better.
Experts agree that the situation
�SLOVAKIA
201
after the short bright 1968 methods to promote atheist edu "humanizing" period before the cation.
Dubcek regime was overthrown by
Party officials said repeatedly at
Soviet-led invaders - is similar recent meetings that religion "has
now to that of the hated Stalinist a negative influence on the for.
times.
mation of Socialist conscience."
The Church has become the
The Bratislava communist newstarget of concentrated attacks from paper, Pravda, demanded that relitwo directions - through adminis- gious ceremonies - christenings,
trati ve measures and ideological weddings and funerals - be rearguments.
placed by Socialist ceremonies,
The communist regime is at- because " the Church has misused
tempting to strangle religious the most important stages of
activities slowly but effectively by human life for its own purposes."
administrative action.
Karel Hruza, head of the gove rnMore than half of all parishes in ment state office, has described
Bohemia lack priests and there is the regime's plans. "After rightists
no chance to overcome the short- and counter-revolutionaries are reage. At the moment only 12 stu- moved from the party and governdents study for the priesthood in ment, we must concentrate in
the entire Archdiocese of Olomouc. working a platform to cope with
As a result of government the reactionary policy of the
chicanery, the number of children Church. - Gerd Kriwanek, Reliattending religious instruction in gious News Service, January 28,
school is sharply declining.
1972.
th
At the same time,
e regime
Ladislav Bezak loaded his wife
has endorsed increased ideological and four children in a two-place
attacks on the Church. Jozef Le- · light plane December 9 1971 and
nart, firs_t secretary of the Slovak left for what he desc;ibed as a
Communist Party, charged the
"pleasure trip. "
Church with having misused the
The flight originated in Prague,
situation in 1968 " to create a politand his destination was Nuernberg,
ical basis for clericalism and
West Germany. He did not file
Catholicism. "
a flight plan.
Lenart alleged that religious
Bezak is an experienced pilot sentiments were misused to pro- perhaps one of the best in the
mote "anti-Sovietism and anti- world. At the first World Aerosocialism."
batic Contest in 1960 at Bratislava,
The regime has increased its Slovakia, he was a gold medal
atheist propaganda. Thus the mag- winner in aerobatic competition.
azine for teachers Ucitel'ske American pilots describe him as
Noviny - urged the abolition of a quiet engineer who always wore
any "liberal attitude towards re- a suit and tie rather than the casual
ligion and the Church in our clothes worn by most competitive
society." The journal also pledged pilots.
increased atheist education of
Shortly after he and his famil y
young people by the party, the left Prague, a Czech MIG jet
mass media, the schools and major fighter began a chase, and although
organizations.
Bezak waggled his wings and
It also suggested that the Acade- waved to convince the fighter pilot
my of Science devise the best they were on a pleasure flight , the
�202
SLOVAKIA
MIG began to fire on the light
plane.
Aerobatic maneuvers require
precise skill. They are difficult
enough in a special airplane, with
perfect weight and balance distribution under ideal conditions. With
six peop'le in a small plane, they
would have to be considered impossible category. In addition,
being fired on by a military jet
could tend to disturb the concentration.
The little plane - loaded over
gross, and perhaps a third as fast
as the fighter - apparently didn't
have a chance. But the pilot was
Bezak!
According to the Aerobatic Club
of America, Bezak flew the book
at the military pilot. Flying many
of the patterns which had earned
him world championship 10 years
before, he was able to elude the
jet and continue on to the border.
Before he reached it, the small
plane was fired on from the ground.
Bezak dived into a cloud bank, and
with the children in tears and his
wife in prayer, broke out across
the border at 300 feet. The escape
was a success.
Ladislav Bezak, like most good
aerobatic pilots, flies for prizes.
During this trip he won the biggest
prize of them all - freedom for
himself and his family. - Lew
Inquirer,
Philadelphia
Hodges,
February 6, 1972.
Lehigh is searching for a graduate student of Slovak ancestry to
prepare a history of Slovak people
in Bethlehem. Money for this project was left to the University
from an even more unusual source:
a Southside Bethlehem bachelor
druggist who died in 1968 at age
67 and left Lehigh $67,500 in an
unsigned will. The druggist, John
Weldy Wasco, worked and apparently lived at 843 E. 4th Street.
Relatives contested his will all the
way to the Pennsylvania Supreme
Court, which upheld two lower
court decisions in favor of Lehigh.
Wasco stipuleted that $10,000 of
the $67,500 was to go toward compiling and printing a history of
Slovaks in Bethlehem, and that the
project must be carried out by
a Slovak student. Wasco's wish
appeared in local newspapers without the criteria he set for the
historian, and a number of Lehigh
faculty expressed interest before
learning they did not qualify. Wasco also specified that his personal
papers be edited, and left $5,000
for the University to arrange that.
University officials could not
explain what motivated Wasco's
generosity. He wrote a will in 1967
making Lehigh his sole beneficiary,
and later changed it to add the
provision about the Slovak history.
- Lehigh University Publication
Ondrej Nepela, the skating wonder from Slovakia, won the 11th
Winter Olympic Games' gold medal
as Russia's Sergei Chetveroukin
edged into second place for the
silver and Patrick Pera of France
won the bronze.
Two Americans, Ken Shelley of
Downey, Calif., and John Mischa
Petkevitch of Great Falls, Montana,
moved into fourth and fifth places,
passing East Germany's young Jan
Hoffman, who had been fourth
after the compulsory figures.
Nepela, the world champion, fell
early in his program while attempting a triple-toe-loop. Fall do
not necessarily ruins a skater's
marks since he is judged on the
difficulty of his routine.
Nepela was smooth and graceful
but his program was neither as
imaginative nor a dynamic as that
of some of his rivals, including the
two Americans.
Despite his fall, the Slovak rated
�SLOVAKIA
scores no lower than 5.9s in technical merit and he had two 5. 7s
with the rest 5.8 in artistic impressions.
His total points were 2739.1,
well ahead of the rest of the field.
In the official ordinal rankings,
Nepela had a perfect 9.0, meaning
he was rated No. 1 by all nine
judges. The Russian had 20.0 in
ordinals and Pera 28.0. - Associated Press, February 12, 1972.
Dr. Joseph Tiso, wartime president of the Slovak Republic, is
no more. Tried and convicted as
a "war criminal" by a ~called
People's Court, he was executed
last week American press dispatches - both secular and religious were concise and negligently brief.
No fanfare or publicity. Merely that
the priest-president was sentenced
and the sentence carried out.
Was Dr. Tiso a "war criminal"?
The very fact of news silence here
betrays a kind of embarrassed admission that things were not just
fine in "Glocca Morra." The trials
of Draga Mihailovitch and Archbishop Stepinac given due publicity aroused resentment in the
United States, an attitude, which,
while it accomplished nothing
actual for the persons involved,
nevertheless illustrated the rightprincipled conscience of the thinking public. But Dr. Tiso's case was
denied even the type of consolation,
because the facts and circumstances
of the Tiso case are quite unknown
to the American people. Whose the
fault, whose the blame for this?
The Hon. Robert Jackson, presiding over the trials in Nuremberg wrote "All experience teaches
that there are certain things you
cannot do under the guise of judicial trial. You must put no man
on trial before anything that is
called a court, if you are not prepared to establish his personal
203
guilt . . . If you are determined to
execute a man in any case, there is
no occasion for a trial. The world
yields no respect to courts that are
merely organized to convict."
Tiso's trial was a travesty of
justice. Actually, the issue was a
political one primarily. Tried by
the "People's Court" Tiso was denied representation by the attorney
engaged by his friends. American
papers had nothing to say about
the fact that Alois Loyek, the attorney, was abused by the security
officials, told he could not represent Tiso, and all defense material
confiscated. The presiding judge
and six political associates was Igor
Daxner who himself was once tried
by a regular court during Tiso's
regime for planning with the Benes
government-in-exile to turn Slovakia over to Russia, and sent to jail.
Was Dr. Tiso a "war criminal" ?
The answer necessitates a thorough
perusal of the events which led to
his election as Premier of Slovakia
before the war started· - under a
valid act of the Prague Parliament,
events little known here, events in
the evolution of democracy in the
republic of Czecho-Slovakia without
a knowledge of which the case of
Tiso cannot be justly viewed. If
these facts were made public, perhaps public opinion, such as it is.
might be swayed to the right even though a little too late." The Catholic L i ght, Scranton, Pa.
4-25-47.
Dr. Tiso's public life was political, though this fact is not to be
held in any way against him. In
many parts of Europe ecclesiastics
find themselves pushed into politics because the cause of their Catholic people needs to be protected,
and there are not a sufficient number of laymen educated to the job.
Happily, this state of affairs is
passing away, for it is not in itself
�204
SLOVAKIA
very desirable. However excellent
the motives of the cleric concerned,
he risks his spiritual office being
contaminated, at least in public
esteem, by the relatively low standards of political life, and the higher
he rises in the political world, the
harder it may become to distinguish the priest from the politics.
Dr. Tiso, so far as we are aware
always remained an exemplary
priest, but he came to find himself
responsible for the fate of his
fellow Slovakians in terrible times.
Through these times he did his
duty to his people as he saw it.
In a way not dissimilar from
that of an Irish leader in relation
to the British, he strove to protect
the religion, culture and national
autonomy of Slovakia as against
the Czechs whose public outlook
was dominated by very different
rnlues.
Such is the path of treason in
the eyes of one side and of heroic
patriotism in the eyes of the other.
And few who tread this hard road
can look back on their lives and
deny having made mistakes.
In the long run history will al-
ways vindicate the sincere patriot
as against the utilitarian judgment
of those who condemn him on a
legalistic interpretation of treason.
In each case the career of such
a man is a challenge to those called
UPon to judge him. Are they big
enough to look with the eyes of
history and to seek reconciliation
and understanding by the great
gesture? Or are they small men
who cannot see beyond the legalisms and their wounded vanity?
In the face of this test, Dr. Benes
and the rulers of Czecho-Slovakia
have dismally failed. They have
had to judge a good man, a priest,
a great and courageous patriot, and
all they have been able to do is
to raise a martyr for Slovakia.
This small-minded folly is only
too typical of the men whom the
fortunes of war have favoured .
Instead of trying to realize unity
on the basis of victory, these little
men are as busy as they can be
indulging their feelings by carving
even deeper the channels which
devide man from man and nation
from nation. - Catholic Herald .
London, 4-25-47.
SLOVAKIA is µublishecl annually by the Slovak
League of .America, a cultural and civic federation
of Americans of Slovak descent.
One of the purpo··es of SLOVAKIA is to promote a better understanding and appreciat1on of the
Sl<OVak nation and its long struggle foT freedom and
i ndependeuce.
Subscription to Slovwkia $3.00 pel' year in the
L1.S.A. - $4.00 el-sewhere.
Send 1mhscription to:
SLOV AKI.A
313 Ridge A venue
Middletown, Pa. 17057
�SLOVAKIA
205
BOOK REVIEWS
BOOKS ON SLOVAK LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE
Reviewed by
J. M. KIRSCH BA UM
Bibliografia slovenskej jazykovedy ethymology,
terminology, orthoand lexicography which
are the preferred fields of Slovak
linguists; the survey of published
articles, studies and books between
1961-1965 shows that Slovak linguists made great progress in the
following disciplines; history of
the language, dialectology, morphology, syntax, onomastics, stylistic
aspects of language, problems of
translation, the structure and acoustics of language and language
culture. This development become
more than apparent if we compare
the present work with the Biblio-
1961-1965 (Bibliography of Slo- graphy,
vak Linguistics 1961-1965), by
Ladislav Dvonc; Matica slovenska (Martin, 1970), pages 804,
multi-lingual, English summary.
For Western Slavists the Bibliography of Slovak Linguistics is not
wLthout interest. This voluminous
publication shows that Slovak linguistics has developed considerably during the latter years of the
Stalinist regime. It also indicates
that the attempts of some philologists, supported by the policy of
the regime in the 1950's, to infiltrate the Slovak language with
Czech vocabulary and to bring its
structure as close to the Czech
language as possible in order to
create a "CzechoS'lovak language"
back-fired. Slovak linguists, with
the exception of one or two philologists trained in Prague ( S. Peciar, especi'ally), repudiated these
attempts and began not only to
clear the Slovak language from
foreign infiltrations but in a number of studies brought Slovak
linguistics quantitatively as well as
qualitatively to the level of other
Slavic nations within the Soviet
orbit.
With its 2111 entries pertaining
to the Slovak language, the Bibliography is, however, not simply a
numerical expression of the development of li.nguistic studies on
the Slovak language. Of great importance is the number of disciplines studied by Slovak linguists.
It is not any more only grammar,
graphy of Slovak Linguistics for
1957-1960 by the same author. The
new Bibliography contains: 1) all
linguistic articles, studies and books
published in Slovakia; 2) contributions in non-Slovak periodicals ( one
from Canada), studies and articles
by non-Slovak authors on the Slovak language or on linguistics published in Slovakia. As a result, the
entries in this Bibliography are not
only more numerous, but also multi-lingual. The publication shows
that many Slovak linguists themselves ,published their studies in
foreign languages, mainly in Russian.
A strong Russian influence in
Slovak linguistics is even more
evident in the number of articles,
studies and books dealing with the
Russian language. Bibliographical
data about the Russian language
cover more than 100 pages, while
other Slavic languages follow in
this order: Czech 25 pages, Ukrainian 9 pages, Polish 3 pages, Slovenian
�206
SLOVAKIA
3/4 of a page, Byelorussian and
Bulgarian ¼ of a page each. For
a short time the methods of the
Russian linguistic school, or as
some linguists say, "the Marxists
and Stalinists principles and methods," were also imposed on Slovak
philology and linguistics and prevailed in some works (see my essay
" Contemporary Tendencies in Slovak Philology," Slavic and East
European Studies, Vol. IV, 34, University of Montreal, 1960). Around
1960 Slovak linguists turned, however, against the russification as
well as against the Czech infiltration of the Slovak language and
Slovak linguistics.
Studies, articles and books pertaining to the Slovak language
have been published, according to
this Bibiiography, predominantly
in Slovak, but over 300 entries were
published in Western languages,
including English, in other Slavic
languages and in Hungarian. It
was mainly the works of the older
generation of Slovak linguists (J .
Stanislav, E. Pauliny) which appeared in international symposia
in English, French or Russian. The
younger generation on the other
hand has broadened the field of
Slovak linguists to include many
disciplines and their studies have
maintained a high academic level.
They continue to be grouped around the periodicals Slovenska
rec (Slovak Language), Jazykovedr
ny casopis (Linguistic Journal)
and Jazykovedne studie (Linguistic
Studies) and have published the
Zbornik Filozofickej Fakulty Univ.
Komenskeho - Philologica (Sym-
posium of the F1aculty of Arts of
the Comenius University) and
Zbornik Filozofickej Fakulty Univ.
P. J. Safcirika (Symposium of the
University of P. J . Safarik). Editors
gether with V. Blanar, L. Dvonc,
G. Horak, J. Horecky and R. Krajcovic wrote the major part of the
Slovak linguistic studies contained
in the Bibliography.
Even though the works of foreign
philologists (R. Auty, R. Jakobson)
from Western countries are included in this Bibliography it does not
contain articles, studies or books
published by Slovak intellectuals
abroad except for one French essay
by this reviewer which appeared
in Etudes Slaves et est-europeennes (Montreal, 1963). Valuable
studies by H. Bartek who was the
founder of the periodical Slovenska
rec or books, articles, dictionaries
and surveys by S. Bue, F. Hrobak,
J . J . Konus, J . Rekem and others
were apparently not allowed by
the regime to be recorded. The
"normalization" which followed the
brief period of relative freedom in
1968, has again separated the Slovaks in Slovakia from Slovak intellectuals in the West even in the
field of linguistics and the population of Slovakia is not allowed to
know about the cultural activities
among some two million Slovaks
abroad.
The usefulness of Dvonc's Bibliography for Slavists cannot be
doubted. It is a thoroughly prepared standard work. An index of
names and a subject index enhance
the practical value of this voluminous book.
SLOVENSKA BIBLIOGRAFIA V
ZAHRANitf 1945-1965 (Slovak
Bibliography Abroad 1945-1965) :
Compiled by Prof. M. Lacko S.J ..
published by The Slovak Institute (Cleveland-Rome), 1967, 366
pp., multi-lingual, instruction in
Slovak and English.
The long expected Slovak Biblioof these periodicals have been E. graphy Abroad, which had to reJona , J. Ruzicka, Prof. E . Pauliny, cord the cultural activities of
L. f>urovic and S. Dobos who to- Slovak intellectuals in the West,
�SLOVAKIA
has finally been published and we
cannot but welcome it.
Slovak Bibliography Abroad 19451965 records the literary production of Slovak authors in Western
countries in the fields of history,
political science, religion, philology, folklore, literary history and
cdticism, music, theology, literature and natural science. A special
chapter deals with general works
on Slovakia and Slovaks abroad,
includtng Slovaks in Canada. In
addition, the Bibliography records
the works of non-Slovak authors
in the above-mentioned fields if
they were translated into the Slovak language and deal explicitly
with Slovakia or Czecho-Slovakia
as a whole.
Absent from this Bibliography
are works and studies on Slovak
subjects., published in the countries
of the Soviet block since it was
impossible for the compilers to
carry out the necessary research.
As a result, the publication contains literary and scientific writings
of Slovaks living in some 15 Westem countries and published in all
major Western languages.
Considering the difficulties which
wr:ilters, scholars and scientists
face in exile, the Bibliography with
its 2,438 entries gives an impressive picture of Slovak cultural life
abroad after the Second W . W. One
can understand this properly only
if he is familiar with some basic
facts about the Slovak intellectual
community in Western countries.
At the end of the Second World
War, 50me 5,000 educated Slovak5
left their native country; in 1948
they were followed by a new wave
of immigrants after the Communist
coup d'etat. In the first wave of
exiles were some of the be5t Slovak writers, poets and scores of
young intellectuals from all fields
of cultural endeavor who either
completed their studies at univer-
207
sities in Western countries or continued their intellectual work even
if they had to take menial jobs in
the countdes in which they found
refuge. Many of the younger generation attained positions at universities (22 in Canada) or institutions
of higher education. Others became
editors of newpapers and many
poets and writers continued to
write valuable works besides their
employment in clerical jobs or
other professions.
Besides the chapter on literature
which records writings of .some
25 poets and 15 prose writers, the
largest number of entries is in the
chapter on history ( 437), philology
and literary history ( 224) , and
political science (160). However,
the natural sciences and economy
are also among the best represented with 275 entries. Writings on
history and political science, philology and literary history are predominantly in foreign languages.
Some authors (Mikus, Kirschbaum,
Rekem, Vnuk) published their
studies in 3 or 4 Western languages.
In literature, the Bibliography lists
works by several of the best Slovak
poets and novelists who in exile
created works considered among
the best in contemporary Slovak
literature (Hronsky, Dilong, Sprinc,
Strmen, Zvonicky, etc.) .
The Bibliography also indicates
that there are several Slovak cultural centers in the Western countries. From Canada the Bibliography has listed books, studies
and articles 'b y some 20 Slovak
authors. Ten of them have been
active either tn Slavic studies or
in philology, sociology, theology
and science, the remaining 15 in
literature. Actually Canada and the
United States seem to have produced the most prolific Slovak
authors, not only in literature but
also in other fields. Also the major
�208
SLOVAKIA
centers of Slovak publishing activities have been in the United States,
but Italy, Argentina and West Germany have equally active groups
in publishing books, periodicals
and newspapers.
The BibHography further shows
that some Slovak scholars and
writers published their writings,
including poetry, in several languages (English, French, Italian,
Spanish) and in certain cases the
originals were written in foreign
languages and not translated from
the Slovak. This is a new feature
in Slovak literature and scholarly
writing. Because of adverse political circumstances Slovaks had very
limited opportunities to study abroad not only before the Second
World War, but also after 1945.
The exiled writers and scholars
made apparently a great effort to
fill this lacuna.
No doubt the compiler of the
Bibliography, Prof. Michael Lacko,
accomplished a task which is usually done by many researchers
over several years. By his own
admission, he does not cover all
published studies and articles by
Slovaks abroad ; actually in some
cases valuable studies were left
out either in foreign language or
in Slovak. Additions and extensions
to the Bibliography have, therefore, been promised by the compiler, as well as by the publishers.
However, even in its present
form, the Bibliography is a valuable contribution to Slavic studies
and a very useful publication, not
only for Slovak scholars and researchers , but also for Slavists who
read English, the Bibliography
being bi-lingual. The value of the
Bibliography is also enhanced by
listing bibliographies on Slovak
matters as well as periodicals and
newspapers, annuals, and symposia, published in some 15 countries.
Julius Noge : An Outl.ine of Slovakian L i terature (The Tatrapress
Agency, Bratislava), 1968, 120 pp.
This is the first book in English
on Slovak literature which was
published in Slovakia since the
Communist takeover in 1948. The
fact that it was published in 1968
would indicate that Dubcek's liberalization has to be credited for ,t his
slender booklet on 200 years of
literary activities in the Slovak
language. The restoration of Czecho-Slovakia in 1945 cut off Slovakia
from the rest of the world, especially from the West, and Slovak
literature, art, science and culture
in genera-I were to remain unknown
to the Western world.
Julius Noge, one of the literary
critics who followed the directives
of the Communist Party and was,
therefore, favored by the Communist regime, divided his "succint"
outline of Slovak literature into
7 chapters: From Old Church Slavonic learning (sic) to pre-Romanticism; Romanticism ( 1843-1870 ) ;
Realism (1870-1905); Slovakian Literary Modernism ; Slovakian Literature between the wars (1918
1945); Contemporary Literature
( 1945-); Conclusion and Completion. Some of these chapters are
very short, superficial and the
whole publication is unbelievably
biased towards writers and poets
whose works expressed ideas opposed to Communism as, for instance, the poets and writers of
Catholic modernism and all Slovak
writers and poets in exile, except
for J . C. Hronsky. Faithful to the
directives of the Party, Noge considers as the greatest poets and
writers such second class poets as
Novomesky or Valek, and such
mediocre writers as Vamos and
Jilemnicky. "The poems by Laco
Novomesky - assording to Noge
- are most expressive, from the
�SLOVAKIA
209
artistic and human point of view that those years were the "dark
most mature fruit of modern Slo- age" of Slovak literature. The lie
vakfan poetry. His works are fre- has, however, short legs, as a Sloquently the key opening the way vak saying goes. A glance at the
to ,t he sense and the problems of Slovak literary production between
Slovakian literature between the 1939 and 1945 included in his book,
wars and after them."
shows that even the leading ComValek, who plays today the role munists published freely: Novoof the Minister of Culture in Slo- mesky published his book in 1939;
vakia which after 1945 had been Hecko in 1942; Tafarka in 1942;
played by Novomesky is, according Kostra in 1939, 1940, and two books
to Noge, even of greater import- in 1942; Ponican in 1940 and 1941 ;
ance for Slovak literature. "Valek's Horov in 1940 , l942 and 1944;
complex work - writes Noge - . .Zary in 1941 and two books
so rich in meaning and expression, in 1942; Ondrejov in 1940, and so
inaugurated a new stage in the on. In fact, all Slovak writers and
evolution of Slovakian poetry, re- poets created and published during
presenting hitherto in some respect th e years of the Slovak Republic
its peak." Horibile dictu! The Eng- more th an at any time before,
lish reader could not help looking regardless of the fact whether they
with contempt on Slovak literature supported the regime or not. Comif these minor poets were its great- munist literary historians should
est authors and their poetry re- not underestimate the intelligence
presented the peak of Slovak liter- of Wes tern readers. From the readature.
ing of Noge's booklet, anyone can
find out that, with the exception
Noge seems to be objective in of G. Va.mos, who was not in Slohis write-up on individual Slovak vakia and Jilemnicky who was a
poets and writers only in his evalu- Czech settled in Slovakia, every
ation of the literary works pro- Slovak writer, poet, literary hisduce<l in the 1950's. He admits that torian or critic ,p ublished his works,
"authoritarian methods of regle- and the younger ones their debuts
mentation in the field of literature during that period.
Since it is the first survey of
reached ,t heir peak in 1951." He
also writes that the literature and Slovak literature in the English
poetry of that time was "just the language, we cannot but regret
poetic drafting of political and that it is not better either in form
journalistic phrases" and that in or content. This publication will
prose writing the topics "were hardly convince English, American,
treated in the manner of agitating Canadian, or Australian readers
propaganda." However, this should that Slovak literature is worthbe understood in the context of while to be studied, taught and
the events of 1968 when Noge's read. In addition to its shortbooklet was published. Criticism of comings mentioned above, the pubthe 1950's was not only fashionable lication also suffers from a very
in 1968 but also a prerequisite for bad translation and too many printpublishing.
ing errors. It would seem that
One of the most .biased state- emigre Slovak intellectuals must
ments in Noge's book is his asser- publish an English survey of Slotion that during the Slovak Repub- vak literature to present it to the
lie some writers and poets "ceased civilized world in an objective light
to write belles-lettres," intimating and proper form .
�210
SLOVAKIA
Letopis Pamatnika Slovenskej Lite- lenced not only Stur but also many
ratu:ry 1970. Compiled and Edited of his followers and it was mainly
by Juraj Chovan (Matica slovenska, Martin 1970), pp. 250, Russian and German Summary,
Index.
Slovak literary history receives
in this publication some new insights and correct interpretation
of the work of three prominent
men of letters: Jan Holly, Andrej
Radlinsky and Martin Hamuljak.
Not only during the inter-war period when Slovak literary history
was adjusted to the political aims
of "Czechoslovakism", but also since
1945, Catholic writers and their
role in Slovak national development was minimized or completely
neglected . For a short time after
the Second World War, Holly was
rediscovered and some valuable
publications of his life and work
appeared in Slovakia or were prepared for the printers. For the
ce11tennary of Holly, literary historians and critics such as Jozef
Ambrus, Jozef Felix and others
prepared nine volumes of Holly's
poetry with comments and evaluation. However, the re.g ime did not
allow distribution of Holly's work
and it appeared only after 20 years
in second-hand bookshops. The
reason for such undeserved treatment of Holly's work was apparently the fact that it was published
by Spolok sv. Vojtecha.
The present publication gives
justice to Holly and, at the same
time, it presents Radlinsky and
Hamuljak and their activities in
a true light. Not only in the political history but also in literary
history, the period between 1848
and 1918 was interpreted in such
a way as if Slovak Catholics had
not played any role in Slovak
national life. The facts are, of
course, quite different. The disillusionment of the year 1848 si-
the Catholic intelligentsia who
kept the flame of national consciousness alive and were active
in cultural and literary life. From
Radlinsky through Moyses to Oswald, a score of Slovak Catholics
organized cultural and literary
activi.ties and fought for the national rights of the Slovak people.
Contributions to the present publications by Augustin Mat'ovcik,
Zemka Cejkova, Konstantin Palkovie and Juraj Chovan, bring to
light some interesting details on
this period mainly in connection
with Radlinsky's activities.
The present Letopis is the fourth
publication of this kind by Matica
slovenska. All of them have been
dealing with research into Slovak
literature and contained results of
studies by qualified literary historians. The greater part of the
present publication is composed of
papers presented at two conferences in April 1969. The first confere nce was organized on the occasion of the 120th anniversary of
the death of J. Holly in Trnava
and the second one on the occasion
of the 110th anniversary of the
death of A. Radlinsky. In addition
of these papers, there is an interesting essay on Slovak studies Slovakica - at foreign universities
by J . Kuzmik. The essay deals so
far with Slovak studies in Slavic
countries. But the title of the essay
indicates that it will deal with Slova k studies in all foreign universities and institutions. We hope that
Kuzmik will treat the subject with
scholarly objectivity when he writes
on Slovak studies at American and
Canadian universities. A short survey published by him sometime
ago indicated that he was not free
of the usual bias common to all
literary and cultural historians in
today's Slovakia. He left out im-
�SLOVAKIA
portant contributions to Slovak
studies at Western universities
just because of political considerations and inflated the importance
of others who professed political
ideologies accepted rby the present
regime in Czecho-Slovakia.
The publication also contains
documents and information on
various cultural topics, as well as
book reviews. Slovaks abroad learned with satisfaction that Matica
slovenska in Prievidza organized
an exhibition of the literary work
of J. C. Hronsky. The exhibition
lasted two weeks and met with
great interest by the public. The
objectivity of this publication is
enhanced by including an account
on this exhibition in which it has
been admitted that Hronsky was
"one of the most important, but
also systematically under-estimat:ed
Slovak writer."
Unfortunately, the publication
contains only a short Russian and
German summary and will, therefore, be useful only for Slavists
who can read Slovak. Nevertheless,
we welcome this valuable contribution to better and more objective
evalu ation of the Slovak literary
past.
W ith Christ in His Passion. By
Rudolph Dilong. '!1ranslated from
the original Slovak by Sister M.
Martina Tibor, SS.C.M., Villa of
the Sacred .Heart, Danville, Pa.,
1971, pp. 75, $2.50.
The greatest poetic genius of
our century, the French poet, Paul
Claude!, used to say (in several
variations) about the poet and
poetry.
"The object of poetry is not, as
they say very frequently, dreams,
illusions or ideas_ It is the holy
reality, given once for all times,
in the center of which we are
situated. It is the universe of in-
211
visible things. It is all that we look
at and all that looks back at us.
All this is God's work; it renders
matter inexhaustible for all the
greatest poet says and sings as well
as the smallest bird. Since there is
a phiiosophia perennis that does
not invent ... abstract beings that
no one has ever seen except thei r
authors, .. . so there is also a poesis
perennis that does not invent its
themes, but it eternally recaptures
those which Creation furnishes to
it ... The purpose of poetry is not,
as Baudelaire says, 'to plunge into
the bottom of the Infinite to find
something new,' but to plunge into
the bottom of the definite in order
to find there the inexhaustible ...
Nor is he a poet who invents, but
he who, approaching things, assembles and permits us to understand them."
Justly we can apply these concepts especially to the religious
poetry of Rudolf Dilong, the most
prolific and meritorious contemporary Slovak poet living in exile
(Pittsburgh, Pa.)
So he took a plunge into the
sacred reality of the Pascha'l Mystery and with a luminous creative
poetic imagry tried the humanly
impossible: to capture the uncapturable mystery found in Christ's
redemptive mystery of suffering
and victory. He listens in these
depths and assembles the rays of
his poetic vision in powerful and
eloquent words. These are his immortal merits.
How about the (frequently overlooked) merits of the translator,
Sister Martina Tibor? Well, if
poetry is art par excellence, so is
its translation. To translate poetry
well requires above all the perfect
mastery of two languages. But this
is not enough. The translator must
be also a virtual pbet (in potentia),
to save in his translation as much
�SLOVAKIA
212
of the sublime poetic beauty as it
is possible. And this process must
be a new creation: a scrupulous
penetration into the fine shades
of meanings and the recapturing
in another language this almost
imperceptible shimmering of condensed poetic experience and expression. Even so, something will
always be lost from the genuine
beauty of the original.
AU in all, we gladly say that
Sister Martina did a splendid job
in translating into English the most
difficult, exuberant and most sublime religious poetry of the poet1>riest Rudolf Dilong. It is a valuable cultural service to the poetic
Slovak genius.
Nichoias Sp r in c,
Borromeo Seminary College
of Ohio
··DIE SLOWAKEI IN DER NACHDER
KRIEGSENTWICKLUNG
(The
TSCHECHO-SLOWAKEI"
Role of Slovakia in the Political
Evolution of Czecho--Slovakia
After the Second World War);
by Prof. J. M. Kirschbaum,
Schriftenreihe des Matus Cernak
Instituts, Koln, Nr. 3, 1971, pp.
32, Bibi.
Prof. J . M. Kirschbaum enriched
again our political literature by
a consice study about Slovakia after
lhe Second World War. The publication is destined predominantly
to scholars and historians but it
will be welcome by anybody interested in political development
in Czecho-Slovakia from 1945 to
1968. This period of Slovak history
was presented in the West by fore ign historians as well as by Czech
exiles in the most distorted light.
Prof J. M. Kirschbaum, on the basis
of sources in several languages,
gives a clear picture of the role of
Slovakia in the upheavals through
which Czecho-Slov>akia, restored by
the Soviet armies, had to undergo
after the Second World War.
The publication is an enlarged
version of an English contribution
to Canadian Slavonic Papers, Vol.
X, 4, 1968, which was dedicated
by Canadian Slavists to the events
in Czecho-Slovakia in 1968. The
English version discusses the
events until the invasion of Czecho•
Slovakia by the Soviet and other
Warsaw Pact troops. In the German
version there is also a chapter on
the federalization of Czecho-Slovakia , and the footnotes were completed by references to works in
German, while in the English text,
Prof. Kirschbaum referred mostly
to books published on the American
Continent and in France. The study
is divided into four chapters dealing with the Communist coup
d'etat in 1948, the ,period of the
"cult of personality" in Slovakia,
the process of de--Stalinization and
the struggle for liberalization and
federalization. In each chapter the
author traces the special role
which Slovakia played in the crucial years of the transformation
of Czecho-Slovakia into the most
faithful satellite of the Soviet
Union. To avoid being accused of
"parti pris," Prof. J .M. Kirschbaum
heavily relies on quotations from
American and Canadian political
scientists dealing with Eastern
Europe. Among others he often
quotes the work by the former
Secretary to President Benes, E.
Taborsky, who now teaches at American universities, but the most
interesting quotation comes from
a Czech professor at the University
of British Columbia, Stanley Z.
Pech, who wrote the following remarkable statement about Western
historians writing on Eastern
Europe:
"Although Western specialists in
Eastern European history have usually regarded it as their task to
�SLOVAKIA
I
213
make the West familiar with the Since Prof. F . Hrusovsky published
entire panorama of the polyglot his concise booklet This is Slovakia.
region, they have in practice often I some 20 years ago, we did not
been selective in the favors they have in English any publication to
bestoved on each nation. They have give either to foreigners or to
incorporated in their work, in Slovaks educated at American, Camodified form, the outlook and nadian or Australian universities,
the prejudices of the nations which the basic facts of Slovak history
they "adopted." To give the most and cultural life. For this reason,
conspicuous examples, they viewed the Slovak World Congress deSlovak history through Czech eyes. serves credit for publishing an
In so doing, they have in fact up-to-date account on Slovakia.
The publication is composed of
created a second-class status for
certain nations. The history of the two essays by Prof. J . A. Mikus.
Slovaks in the West has usually and six essays by Prof. J . M. Kirschbeen presented from the point of baum. Prof. Mikus deals with the
view of "Czechoslovakism" and has individuality of Slovakia, namely,
appeared as hardly more than a with geographical and demographical facts and with the personality
postscript to Czech history. "
of the Slovak nation. Both essays
We understand that the first are written in a scholarly way but
English book by Prof. J. M. Kirsch- understandable to any reader.
baum Slovakia - Nati 01i at the Drawing on personal knowledge
Crossroads of Central Europe is and long years of studies of Slovak
no more avail.able even though it history, Prof. Mikus displayed ahad three printings. It would be gain by his essays that he belongs
a service to the Slovak cause if among the best Slovak authors
he revised his book and completed abroad in the field of history and
it by the present study in order political science.
that students of Slovak history, as
The essays by Prof. J . M. Kirschwell as politicians and American baum deal with the historical back and Canadian Slovaks of the second ground of Slovakia, the ethnic
and third generations, could have origin and language, cultural, poan objective history on Slovakia. litical, religious and economic
The Matus cernak Institute de- background. The essays give a
serves credit for publishing this complete and unbiased picture of
well documented study. The Slovak 1100 years of Slovak history, as
World Congress would render a well as of political and cultural
service to the Slovak cause if it evolution of the Slovak people and
took care of pl.acing this concise of the economic potential of Sloand expertly written account of vakia. Perhaps intentionally short,
modern Slovak history into univer- the essays refer to many books
sity libraries in Europe as well as either in Slovak or in foreign languages, which will be welcome by
on this Continent.
who want to enhance their
students
J . Pau c o
knowledge of Slovakia.
SLOVAKIA : Historical and Cu lturThe reader will notice that Prof.
al Background, by Prof. J. A. J . M. Kirschbaum made great efMikus and Prof. J. M. Kirsch- forts to present the political and
baum, Published by Slovak World religious background of Slovaks
Congress (Toronto, Canada, June without any bias. This is in accoro 1971) , pp. 63, ill. bibl.
ance with the concept of the Slovak
I
�SLOVAKIA
214
World Congress which published
this valuable addition to books on
Slovakia. The Congress is guided
by national as well as by religious
ecumenical spirit. As in his other
works on Slovakia, Prof. Kirsch•
baum makes a distinction between
the history of Slovakia and the
history of the Slovak people which
is not history of dynasties or expansive wars, but a struggle for
survival. Such an approach will
probably be most understandable
for Slovaks as well as foreigners
and may prove to be correct in the
last analysis.
The publication is enhanced by
a map of Europe and several
pictures from the history of Slovakia, as well as by a bibliography
of English books on Slovakia by
Slovak authors. The Editor, Prof.
J. M. Kirschbaum added this im·
pressive survey of books in English
by Slovak authors for Slovaks
educated outside Slovakia, and he
did the right thing.
Published by the Slovak World
Congress, this valuable publication
was distributed freely to the participants at the meeting in Toronto,
and is apparently no more avail•
able. It would be a service to the
Slovak cause if a second edition
be prepared for general use.
J. Pa u
co
ETHNOLOGIA SLAVICA I: Uni·
versitas Comeniana Bratislavensis, Facultas Philosophica, Bratislava 1970, p. 226, Multi-Lingual.
The liberalization period in Slovakia brought about a favorable
change not only in the political
climate but also in cultural and
scientific activities. Many projects
which for years were only debated,
materialized in 1968 or 1969. As
a result, several symposia from
a nllltlber of Conferences dealing
with inter-Slavic relations in pre-
vious years were published and
institutes or chairs of studies were
founded and organized.
The Institute of Ethnology wa
one of them and the present volume ETHNOLOGIA SLAVICA is
the first publication of this Institute
which has been founded "for the
purpose of establishing an institution for ethnological research concerned with the Slavic nations,"
as the editors say in their multi•
lingual introduction.
According to the editors, Slovak
scholars also planned the establishment of Ethnological Archives and
a Society of Slavic Ethnologists
but " the well-known events of 1968
(in other words, the Soviet invasion) heavily intefered with
the realization of the original program." Only the Institute of Ethnology came into being and this
first volume of ETHNOLOGIA
SLA VICA is the result of the research of its members and foreign
ethnologists.
The volume was published on
the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the foundation of the Comenius University (1919). The
Managing Editor of the publication, Jan Podolak, says in his Preface that the University has been
founded "to enable Slovaks to
acquire erudition (sic) of university-degree in the national language." However, it is well-known
that the students of the Comenius
University had to organize demonstrations for the use of the Slovak
language as late as 1937-1938 because the mission of the University
was to help the assimilation of
Slovaks. The situation changed only
during the Slovak Republic when
education as well as administration,
was carried on in the Slovak language which the present day scholars are not allowed to mention.
The publication ETHNOLOGIA
�SLOVAKIA
SLA VICA is a valuable addition
to Slavic studies and is a long time
overdue, if we take into consideration the fact that one of the main
founders of Slavic ethnology, P . J.
Safarik, come from Slovakia. The
volume contains contributions by
Slovak as well as foreign scholars,
and the essays have been published
in English, French and German,
with a Slovak resume in some
cases, which will make the book
accessible also to ethnologists in
the West. Of 12 contributions, 3
have been written by Slovaks. Jan
Michalek evaluated P . J. Safarik's
contribution to Slavic ethnography;
Jan Podolak wrote an interesting
essay on the pastoral culture of
the Carpathians as a subject of
ethnological study, and Anton Habovstiak contributed the study "La
colonisation pastorale dans les
Karpates et les patois slovaques"
(The Pastoral Colonization of the
Carpathians and Slovak Dialects).
Among foreign contributors are
Milovan Gavazzi (from Zagreb),
Sergei A. Tokarev (from Moscow),
Christo Vakarelski (from Sofia),
Zoltan Ujvary (from Debrecen),
Oldrich Sirovatka (from Brno),
Slobodan 2ecevic (from Beograd) ,
and two contributions have been
written by Lusatian-Serbians, Isolde Gardos and Siegmund Musiat.
This mosaic of contributors as
well as the variety of subjects
treated by them gives the book an
intemational and inter-Slavic image. This should be velcome in
view of the fact that the results
of academic activities by Slovak
scholars were rarely published in
Western languages.
The essays are not of equal value
but they are all on the level of
similar studies in the Soviet orbit.
The volume is oriented particularly
to Russian but also to Croatian,
Bulgarian and Lusatian-Serbian
ethnology, but the editors are
215
promising to deal also with Polish,
Ukrainian and Yugoslavian ethnology in the following volumes.
As an addendum the publication
contains reviews in English and
in German of the activities and the
writings by Czech, Polish, Soviet,
Ukrainian and Bulgarian ethnographers and their institutes or
periodicals.
Since every book in foreign language dealing with Slovak culture
is of great importance for acquainting the world with Slovakia, we
sincerely welcome this volume and
hope that further volumes will
follow as the editors promised and
that the present generation of Slovak ethnologists will follow in the
footsteps of P . J. Safarik who left
a rich legacy to Slovak ethnology. *
J. M . K i r s c h b au m
* On P . J. Safarik, see Kirschbaum ,
P . J . Safcirik and His Contribution
to Slavic Studies (Slavistica No.
43, Cleveland-Winnipeg, 1962) .
DUBCEK'S Blu e Print for Fre edom: His Documentation on
Czechoslovakia leading to the
Soviet invasion, with a Profile
by Hugh Lunghi and Commentary by Paul Ello (William Kimber, London, 1968), pp. 352,
Index.
Among the scores of books which
were published on Dubcek and the
events in Czecho--Slovakia in 1968* ,
this book will remain as one of
the most useful for scholars and
laymen alike. The editors included
in the book the most important
documents such as Dubcek's speech
on April 1, 1968, at the plenary
session of the Central Committee
of the Czecho,Slovak Communist
Party; the Action Programme of
the Party; Dubcek's report to the
meeting of. the Central Committee
on May 29-June 1, 1968, and the
warning given by the Presidium
�216
SLOVAKIA
of the Central Committee in answer to the letters of five Communist and Workers' Parties. Finally,
in the Appendix, the book includes
Dubcek's speech of December 1,
1968.
These contents are expertly introduced and commented upon by
Hugh Lunghi, a former member
of the British Embassy in Moscow,
and Paul Ello from Georgetown
University School of Foreign Service in Washington. While Lunghi,
who has been one of the best informed analysts on the staff of the
British Broadcasting Corporation,
gives in his Introduction an analysis of the events which led to the
Soviet invasion, Paul Ello wrote
a concise but well balanced commentary. The Summary is not signcd, and may be the work of either
of the writers.
The book will have a lasting
value for inte11preting the attempts
at changing •Stalinism in one o.f
the most advanced, culturally and
industrially, satellites of Moscow
and at giving socialism a "human
face. " Both Lunghi and Ello are
factual in their analysis and Lunghi did not fail to point out the
role of Slovakia and Slovak Communist leaders in the upheavals
which many other authors, writing
about the "Prague Spring", failed
to do. In accordance with the facts,
Lunghi writes that "one of the
first of Novotny's fatal errors was
his mishandling of the Slovaks,"
and that it was Dubcek's reaction
to Novotny's policy towards Slovakia which began the snowball
roUing. During the Central Committee meetings at the end of 1967,
according to Lunghi the "three
issues at stake were, firstly, the
implementation of the economic
reforms; secondly, freedom of expression and, finally, effective
autonomy for SJovakia." (p. 17) .
This conclusion has been accept-
ed in the meantime as correct also
by other authors who had access
to documents, especially by Paul
Tigrid in his book: La Chute Irresistible
d'Alexander Dubcek,
(Calmann-Levy, Paris, 1969) which
was likewise reviewed in "Slovakia", Vol. 21, p. 206. Lunghi apparently followed the events in
Slovakia very closely and without
the usual bias which we can find
among some Western specialists in
East European problems. This appears not only in his assessment
of the role of Husak after the
invasion but also in his reference
to Peter Colotka, Deputy Premier
in Prague's government, who made
some courageous declarations which
resulted in his removal from his
post. Lunghi's analysis of the situation in Slovakia was also correctly grasped in his statement that
"the federation of the country,
longed for by the Slovaks, had,
at last been achieved in the face
of the Russians who wanted to
keep the two nations divided and
at logger-heads. During the invasion the Russians had put about
the totally false rumors that some
Slovak provinces wanted to become Soviet republics. Symbolically, the legislation creating the
federal state was enacted to coincide with the 50th anniversary
celebration on October 28th." Unfortunately, the law of the federation was enacted but it became
ineffective to a great degree because of Czech reluctance, what
Lunghi could not, of course, foresee in 1968.
Western analysts mentioned various reasons for the occupation of
Czecho-Slovakia by the Warsaw
Pact military forces in the books
so far published on the invasion.
Lunghi brings to light a new possible element which finally pushed
the Soviet leadership to invade
Czecho-Slovakia. During the spring
�SLOVAKIA
and summer of 1968 there was a
strong reaction against the secret
police which apparently was not
only organized on the model of
the Soviet secret police but also
directed and infiltrated by Soviet
agents to whom the Prague Ministry of Interior had to submit interrogation material before bringing
them to the ministers themselves.
According to Lunghi, the announced purge of the secret police
apparatus threatened a vital Soviet
interest by the revelations published in the newpapers in Bratislava
and in Prague. Moscow's objective
was, therefore, "to hold these dangerous processes and to restore a
leadership in Prague which would
control the population through a
Soviet style Communist Party using
the proper level of power - a persuasive and omnipotent secret
police with no nonsense about
'demonstration of the socio-political
217
system'." (page 25). No doubt this
could have been one of the serious
reasons for the infamous decision
to destroy an interesting effort by
Slovaks and Czechs to give socialism a "human face."
Paul Ello's commentary, short
as it is, is clear and factual, and
belongs among the best written
ones shortly after the invasion,
where there was a lot of confusion
in Western countries among the
specialists in East Europe. The
book undoubtedly deserves to be
read and preserved on the shelves
for further study of a crucial
moment in the history of Eastern
Europe and probably in the history
of Western civilization.
J. M. Ki r s c h b au m
• On a number of books on this
subject, see my book reviews in
"Slovakia", Vol. 21, 1971, No. 44,
pp. 205-210.
Rudolph Petrak, Slovak Tenor
Rudolph Petrak, 54, of 32 Halsey, Dr., Old Greenwich, Conn., a
leading tenor with the City Opera
Company from 1948 to 1956, died
March 4, 1972, at Saint Joseph
Hospital in Stamford, Conn.
He was born in Sucany, Slovakia had sung at major opera
houses in Europe and South America, and as a soloist with the New
York Philharmonic, the Philadelphia Orchestra and other noted
ensembles. He sang under the batons of such famous conductors as
Leopold
Stokowski,
Ormandy,
Leinsdorf and Krips.
Mr. Petrak began his career with
the Bratislava Opera and made his
American debut in 1948 at the
New York City Center as Rudolfo
in "La Boheme."
Congressman Albert P. Morano
of Greenwich noted in the Congressional Record of the United States.
"I have become acquainted with
many artists who have immigrated
to America, but know of none more
possessed of deep love for his
adopted country than Rudolph
Petrak."
"The New York Times" in an
obituary on Monday, March 6, 1972
published his picture as he sang
Radames in "Aida" about 1949. The
New York Times also wrote: "In
1960 when Mr. Petrak sang at the
Philadelphia Orchestra's presentation of Carl Orff's "Carmina Burana" in Carnegie Hall, Harold C.
Schonberg, The New York Times
music critic noted: "Everything
sounded effortless and clear, even
the high D that Mr. Petrak took
in falsetto".-J.C.S.
�SLOVAKIA
218
Our Contributor s
Karol Kuzmany, Slovak leader in 19th century.
Msgr. George A. Galik, J.C.D., author, Hibbing, Minn.
Joseph M. Kirschbaum, LL. D., Ph.D., historian, author, Toronto, Ontario,
Canada.
E . L. Delaney, author, journalist, Glendale, Cal.
Fran!;ois d'Orcival, French political writer, Paris.
Paul Kotva, pen name of Karol Sidor, former Premier of Slovakia.
Sister M. Constance Yakubov, SS.C.M., teacher, St. Cyril Academy,
Danville, Pa.
Joseph C. Krajsa, Editor of Jednota, lecturer, Middletown, Pa.
Joseph A. Mikus, M.C.L., J.D., historian, author, Washington, D. C.
Francis Vnuk, M.A., political analyst, professor, Institute of Technology,
Adelaide, Australia.
Joseph Pauco, Ph.D., journalist, author, Middletown, Pa.
K. culen, historian, journalist.
Rev. A. V. Pier, O.S.B., journalist, author, Cleveland, Ohio.
Dr. Steven I. Miller, assistant professor, Loyola University of Chicago, Ill.
Daniel F. Tanzone, B.A., fraternalist, Yonkers, N. Y.
Helena T. Gaydos, cultural worker, Philadelphia, Pa.
George A. Podhajsky, pen name of a Slovak refugee professor.
Rudolph J. Vecoli, professor of history and director of the Center of
Immigration Studies at the University of Minnesota.
Agnes Bocan, St. Cyril Academy, Danville, Pa.
Sister M. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M., teacher, author, Danville, Pa.
Edward J. Behuncik, attorney-at-law, Stratford, Connecticut.
Rev. Nicholas Sprinc, professor, poet, Wickliffe, Ohio.
Picture on the front cover: Dr. Joseph Tiso, President of the
Slovak Republic.
�SLOVAKIA
219
Contents
Dr. Tiso's Last Message to the Slovak People - 3
Paean to Integrity - Karol Kuzmany-George A. Galik - 4
Dr. Joseph Tiso-the Prelate-Politician who Died on the Gallows for
His People - J.M. Kirschbaum - 5
I Met President Tiso - E. L. Delaney - 21
Msgr. Joseph Tiso - Fran(;ois d'Orcival - 26
Murder in Slovakia - Hon. Alvin E. O'Konsld - 36
Speech of Hon. Ray J. Madden - 37
Slovak Bishops Appeal on Behalf of President Tiso - N.C.W.C. News
Service -
40
Who Killed Dr. Tiso? - Paul Kotva - 43
Priest, Teacher, President and National Hero - 48
Dr. Jozef Tiso-His Political Creed - Sister M. Constance Yakubov,
SS.C.M. - 50
Dr. Peter P. Hletko Most Elite of American Slovaks - Joseph C. Krajsa
-
57
Prof. Stanislav Meciar (1910-1971)-In Memoriam - J.M. Kirschbaum
- 60
Michael Novak on White Ethnics - Prof. Joseph A. Mikus, M.C.L. , J .D.
-
62
Slovak Martyrs - 64
British Attitude Towards Independent Slovakia in 1939 - F. Vnuk - 65
Th e Slovak Benedictines Review 50 Years in Cleveland, Ohio (1922-1972)
-
Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. -
92
The Cult of SS. Cyril and Methodius Amongst the Slovaks in U.S.A . and
Canada - K. Culen - 98
America's Discovery of Ethnic Values - A. V. Pier, O.S.B. - 114
Historical and Empi rical Methods of Studying Slovak-Americans as A
Distinct Ethnic Group - Dr. Steven I. Miller - 116
The Slovak Experience In Contemporary America - Daniel F. Tanzone
-125
Slovakia, the Land of B eauty - Helena T. Gaydos - 136
Tourist Trade of Slovakia - George A. Podhajsky - 140
Why Our Melting Pot Cooled Off - Rudolph J. Vecoli - 146
An Introduction to Slovak Costume - Agnes Bocaii - 153
Slovak Scientist Stefan A. Jedlik, O.S.B. - A. V. Pier - 158
Matthew Jankola 1872-1916 - Sister M. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. Declaration Adopted by Slovak World Congress - 193
Unity Is Necessary - Edward J . Behuncik - 195
As Others See It - 198
Book Reviews - 205
Rudolph Petrak, Slovak Tenor - J.C.S. - 217
161
��PRI NTI D IN U.S. A.
JIDN OTA PlllN TER Y,
MID DLli TOW N, PA.
�
SLOVAKIA
193
CURRENT ISSUES
Declaration Adopted
by Slovak World Congress
Representatives of Slovak organizations throughout
the free world as well as individuals of Slovak origin in
the United States of America, Canada, Australia, Austria,
Switzerland, Italy, France, South Africa, Argentina, Spain
and Germany assembled in Toronto in order to promote
the creation of a world organization of Slovaks hereby
declare that:
The struggle for freedom and self-fulfillment has been
a continuing process throughout Slovak history. Attainment
of this objective in the past has not been without obstacles,
or dedicated work and sacrifices of many individuals and
groups. Now, when the Slovak nation is unable to determine its own destiny, because it is under a foreign military
domination, :s uch efforts, dedication and sacrifices must
be increased to help them achieve their freedom once again.
Those of Slovak origin now living throughout the free
world, are urged to .dedicate themselves to this task. Our
obligation will be to present to the free world a true picture
of the life under which our brethren are compelled to live,
and to seek a change of their plight.
The concepts by which we will be guided in this work
will be the traditional values promoted throughout Slovak
history which have given vitality to the nation in its growth
and acceptance among nations of the western world.
The Congress will continue to adhere to the democratic
principles in the civil and international relations and considers tolerance in ideological, political and religious
matters an expression of maturity for democracy and
strongly opposes any tyranny whether it comes from the
left, or, from the right.
It has been obvious during the past two decades that
the Slovaks living in Slovakia have been unable to determine their own destiny. A number of recent facts attest
to this unfortunate reality namely the following:
The basic freedom of Slovaks, as well as of other Captive
�194
SLOVAKIA
Nations under communism, are still quite limited-travel
to Western countries, and press and assembly freedoms
have recently been set back to almost the 1948 levels.
The federalization of Czecho-Slovakia into two equal
sectors-the Czech and the Slovak, introduced by the
Constitutional Act of October 1948, has been severely
circumscribed in recent past and is slowly being replaced
by a new centralism;
Religious freedom continues to be restricted to Roman
Catholics, Uniates, Lutherans, Jews and to other denominations; and
The present Czecho-Slovak Federal Government has
taken no initiative nor has it responded to initiatives
suggested by the Holy See in the Vatican to establish a
Catholic Province in Slovakia, even though such provinces
exist in Bohemia as well as in Moravia.
We contend that the issue of the continued existence
and recognition of a Slovak nation be duly accepted by all
nations, including the records of the United Nations.
The question of the suppressed freedoms of all nations
now living under communism must soon be given full
airing and remedies instituted. This has been and should
not cease to be an issue of interest to all civilized nations.
Slovaks call upon them to help in this cause.
We take a positive attitude towards the economic
integration in Europe and urge that the Slovak nation be
included in this and other unifying processes benefiting
their degree of economic and other freedoms.
Viewing the future political situation in Eastern Europe
with hope and cautious optimism, we look toward to the
day when obstacles which presently prevent cultural and
educational exchang* between Slovaks at home and
abroad will be removed.
To support the objectives mentioned above, we have
established a permanent organization under the name of:
Slovak World Congress, which shall embody the spirit
of brotherhood and mutual respect. Religious affiliations
or political views, insofar as they are not contrary to the
spirit of democracy and the objectives mentioned above,
will not bar anyone from membership or active participation in our organization. We consider it essential that our
goals and methods as well as our activities follow democratic principles.
�SLOVAKIA
195
We shall endeavor to have the Slovak World Congress
represent its members at international scientific, cultural,
religious or political forums in the interest of the Slovak
nation as expressed in the Constitution and the by-laws
of the organization.
We urge that the Slovak World Congress devote itself
to promoting the spirit of unity among its members and
to co-ordinate all its efforts through constant contact with
member organizations maintained through central secretariats, regional secretariats, committees and information
bureaus in various countries around the world.
We ask the blessing of Almighty God in this undertaking in the firm hope that with the help and co-operation
of all those who wish well for the Slovaks we may successfully fulfill our role.
Members of the Committee:
Stephen B. Roman, LL.D., President; Rev. Dusan Toth,
Secretary General; Dr. J. A. Mikus, Dr. J. Stasko, Dr. J. M .
Kirschbaum,· Dr. J. Pauco, and Prof. E. Urban.
Toronto, Ont., June 20, 1971.
Unity Is Necessary
Edward J. Behun c i k
(The following are excerpts from the address of Edward J .
Behuncik, First Vice President of the Slovak World Congress, President of the Slovak League of America, and President of the American
Fund for Slovak Refugees given at the closing banquet of the Slovak
World Congress held at the Royal York Hotel, Toronto, Ontario,
Canada, Saturday, June 19. 1971.)
It is a rare and high privilege
to appear before such a historic
and distinguished gathering of
representatives of all walks of Slovak life and to break bread with
our fellow Slovaks from all parts
of the free world as we share this
memorable Congress in spirit, in
hope and in love with our brethren
in beautiful Slovakia.
The honor you do me in asking
that I speak in company with the
distinguished Chief Executive of
the great Province of Ontario, with
two colleagues from the great
Senate of the United States of
America, as well as the spiritual,
civic and cultural leaders who
grace the head table-this honor
cannot but move me. I thank you
most sincerely for asking me here.
Hopefully 1 will leave at least
�196
SLOVAKIA
one or two important thoughts
with you-important to the permanent success of our fledgeling
Slovak World Congress, and that
is, our need for unity- and for
''Svornost a laska".In Joel, we read·'Your old men shall dream
dreams,
Your young men shall see
visions."Today, we combine the hopes
which both dreams and visions
embody.
Dreams are generally of things
past, visions are of the future.
Dreams are truly for older men
who have a past, while visions are
for the younger looking forward
to the future.
Experience alone is the look
backward, the dream of yesteryear, but it is only useful as it
clarifies the vision of tomorrow.
Here in Toronto, we put the
finishing touches--not upon a new
structure - rather upon the permanent foundation .
Because in fact, at New York
City, the Congress \\'as already
perfect in the sense that its objects were fully perceived, its
necessary organs present, its powers conferred, and its extent already, if only dimly, seen to be
world wide. In addition, its final
purpose, which alone can justify
its existence, was perfectly clear
and that was to become the r epresentative body of Slovaks scattered
as they are throughout the free
world.
Here during the past several
days, we have added to the New
York beginnings. We've used our
year old experience to improve,
amend, delete and otherwise add
to the permanent basis of a vital
organ for disseminating the cause
of the Slovak nation.
To bring about the final liberation of the Slovak nation and its
equality among all nations, the
Slovak World Congress presents
us with a golden opportunity.
If we complete its hopeful aspirations, if we create a permanent
edifice on the foundation built
here and in New York, we will
thereby sooner bring to fruition
the age old Slovak vision of liberty
and freedom with justice.
But unity is necessary - that
unity which has so often eluded
the efforts of our forebears .
Can we come together for the
future ?
Can we remain together? I think
we can; I know we must! ! !
We will and must let bygones
be bygones, let past differences as
nothing be, and with steady eye
on the real issue, let us reinaugu rate the good and old central
ideas of a free and independent
Slovakia, where our presently subjugated brethren can someday in
God's good time freely choose their
own destiny.
We have our quarrels, as all
happy families have.
We have di sagreed as all friend s
have.
But when the great human
cause of Slovakia comes before
us, in the natural fitness of things,
we have looked into our hearts,
and hidden away in their innermost recesses, we have discovered
a very shy but a very faithful
friendship for each other, no matter from what region of Slovakia
we originated. That is why we
are here this evening.
�SLOVAKIA
So 1 say-we are united-but
more important - we must stay
united.
We can do it ! ! !
The human heart and human
aspirations are with us.
God is with us--Our Lady of
Sorrows is with us.
We shall-we must-succeed.
God forbid, if the Congress shall
dissipate instead of growing and
developing as it should-it will
be another eleven hundred years
before the vision of a unified, free
and independent Slovakia can
again be dreamed of. I know none
of us wish to have ~he horror of
such a c a ta s t r o p h e on our
consciences.
So, we must not fall-and we
won't if we do our duty-but the
time has passed when we can remain silent regarding the great
fundamentals of free government
and permit the enemies of the
Slovak social order to occupy the
center of the stage. The time has
come and that time is now when
we must take issue with those,
who infatuated with ch a o t i c
dreams, are seeking to undermine
the Slovak ideals and aspirations,
dreams and visions.
We now have the modus operandi-the vehicle.
We have the Slovak World
Congress. We, the participants in
and supporters of the Congress,
have it in our own hands whether
it shall be nothing more than the
brilliant after glow of a gorgeous
renaissance, or whether it shall
be the dawn of a newer and
brighter day in the struggle of the
Slovaks to fulfill their age old
vision of liberty and freedom with
justice.
Already, as we well know, on
several occasions, for several
197
brief moments, behind the far
spread iron curtain in Eastern
Europe. the rays of the setting
sun of materialistic communism
have mingled with the rays of the
rising sun of democracy. May that
sun grow in light and warmth and
may it be undimmed by the clouds
of our own internal dissension.
I am profoundly concerned. I
am deeply interested. I build the
greatest hopes upon this World
Congress. 1 am old enough to have
the experience to be able to
dream-but, I am young enough
to have the vision of a great institution - one from which, for example, some day-God grant-will
emerge a winner of the Nobel
Peace Prize - or the Literature
Prize.
And so, in bidding a foud adieu
to our fellow Slovaks returning to
their havens scattered throughout
the free world, I urge them and
all of you to hope- to hope as
the love of truth and obedience
to it shall grow and as with firmer
footing thereon, we look afar and
think clearly on what we see.
We shall see our Slovak World
Congress advancing to the high
position that awaits every organization and every nation which
honors the facts, which looks afar
and which thinks clearly and
positively.
And as we aspire to greater and
more illustrious achievements in
the glorious history of our beloved
Slovakia, we can well ponder the
prayer of Sir Francis Drake:
"Oh, Lord God, when Thou givest to Thy servants to endeavor any
great matter, grant us also, to
know, that it is not the beginning,
but the continuing of the same,
until it is thoroughly finished,
which yieldcth the true glory."
�198
SLOVAKIA
AS OTHERS SEE
In these times, when many of us
seem to reflect on the place of our
origin, it was indeed interesting to
see how the Americans, Canadians,
and citizens of other free countries,
all of Slovak origin, demonstrated
their dedication to the cause of
peace with freedom in our age.
Their dedication was for freedom
for their kinfolk in Slovakia, now
part of the Communist satellite of
Czechoslovakia, who cannot themselves demonstrate their longing
for the liberties denied them for
23 years.
The Slovaks are a hardy people
who have been seeking the ideals
we in our own country so freely
enjoy-the right to their own self.
determination. And like other nations, captives under Communist
domination, the Slovaks know that
one day they will join ranks with
the civilized world with other free
nations. Until then the work of
the Slovak World Congress is indeed both most worthy and very
necessary and I hope I applaud it.
-
U.S. Senator Robert Taft, Jr.
The Slovak World Congress
stands for freedom and seeks to
preserve the language, culture and
national heritage. You are to be
commended for your strong antiCommunist stand. - Strom Thurmond., U.S. Senator
Please know that your concern
for freedom throughout the world
and particularly in Slovakia is
shared by all of us. No more dire
threat exists today than that posed
by the Soviet Union and I stand
with you against their expansionary
policies. Keep up with your good
work. - John Tower, U.S. Senator
I wish to congratulate the Slovak
people of our nation for the out-
IT
standing fight they have been
waging over the years in exposing
Communist tyranny which is the
most powerful threat to human
freedom in the history of the world.
If all groups of the free world
would have the same spirit of opposition and expose the criminality
of Communist enslavement methods and Communist living conditions there would be no doubt that
this Communistic threat to the
world would collapse in a very
short time. - Ray J. Madden, U.S.
Member of Congress
The struggle for freedom and
self-fulfillment has been a continuing process throughout Slovak
history. Attainment of this objective in the past has not been
without obstacles, or dedicated
work and sacrifices of many individuals and groups. Now, when the
Slovak nation is unable to determine its own destiny, because it
is under a foreign military domination, such efforts, dedication and
sacrifices must be increased to
help them achieve their freedom
once again.
Those of Slovak origin now living
throughout the free world, are
urged to dedicate themselves to
this task. Our obligation will be
to present to the free world a true
picture of the life under which our
brethren are compelled to live, and
to seek a change of their plight.
The concepts by which we will
be guided in this work will be
the traditional values promoted
throughout Slovak history which
have given vitality to the nation in
its growth and acceptance among
nations of the western world. Claiborne Pell, U.S. Senator
Even within the Communist
world there is an absolute intoler--
�SLOVAKIA
ance for those faithful party members who would put a "human face"
on the dictatorship in order to
make it more palatable. I speak
of course, of Alexander Dubcek
who sought to purify, and reform,
but not replace or destroy, communism in Czechoslovakia. Yes even
after the true nature of the dictator
reared its ugly head and Dubcek's
reforms were sacrificed, we still
hear the drone of those who would
have us believe that the communist
dictator has changed. Let no one
be fooled - Communism is the
Number One enemy not only of
the Western World, but of humanity itself.
It is a tribute to all of you who
have felt the iron hand of the
communist dictator that you have
brought to the Western Hemisphere
an appreciation and understanding
of the dangers of communism
which is, unfortunately, shared by
too few Americans. - Robert C.
Mardian
It is a privilege to address men
and women who stand for the forefront of civilization's never-ending
struggle for freedom.
For more than eleven centuries
the Slovak people have been developing, extending and seeking to
preserve a rich and fertile cultural
heritage. More than that, you have
sought endlessly to maintain that
priceless ingredient of true spiritual fulfillment-the right of the
individual citizen to be his own
person, to think his own thoughts,
to speak his own words, to contribute directly to the formation
and performance of his own government and to worship as he chooses.
In so doing you have contributed
your full share, and perhaps more,
to the development of the Slavic
peoples as a whole and to the cultural family of peoples around the
world.
199
Ontario and all of Canada has
been enriched by the spirit and
integrity of Slovaks, Ukrainians,
Poles, Czechs, Serbs, Croats, Slovenes and all of the others who
claim the honor of membership in
the world Slavic community which
numbers more than 200 million
persons. - William C. Davis, Prime
Minister of Ontario
Vienna, AtLstria - Communist
Czecho-Slovakia's closed-door policy against religious literature
mailed from abroad has provoked
a steady stream of protests within
its own borders, according to reports reaching here.
Demands for an explanation are
being sent to postal authorities by
Czecho-Slovak citizens who learn
that religious books such as the
Bible have been mailed to them
from abroad but returned to the
sender by government authorities.
The regime's reply to that publications contrary to Czecho-Slovakia's laws are refused entry. But
no particulars are given to explain
how the Bible or devotional books
are in opposition to the country's
laws.
"Foreign reviews and books may
be sent into Czecho-Slovakia without limitation of any sort," said
a standard explanation from the
central office for incoming foreign
parcels in Prague. Post Office 120.
"However, reviews and books
which by their content are contrary to our legislative norms are
refused local delivery, according
to the prevailing international
standards."
The letter of explana,tion concluded: "Peace to the world!"
It seems that books arriving
from certain senders or destined
for certain addresses are returned
automatically without examination.
Recently one man received back
from Czecho..Slovakia an unopened
�200
SLOVAKIA
package he had sent his brother
containing a book on photography.
Official documents mailed by
Vatican offices to various bishops
in Czecho-Slovakia have been returned marked "refused."
In June, the secretariat for
church affairs of the Slovakia region's government notified bishops,
pastors and Religious superiors
that religious publications from
abroad were prohibited where "in
conflict with the interest of our
socialist state."
The of.ficial notice continued:
"The provision also concerns the
propagation and publication of information and instructions of various kinds from abroad, whether
through
internal
ecclesiastical
channels, in official documents or
in any form whatsoever."
It warned that the distribution
of prohibited literature is punishable under Czecho-Slovakia's penal
code.
Czecho-Slovakia's hard-line communist rulers, brought to power by
the Soviet invasion of August 1968,
have been steadily tightening the
screws on the Catholic Church for
the past two years.
In January 1970 the Slovakia
ministry of culture decreed that
every act of official worship, including private Masses, must have
state approval. A similar decree
was issued by the ministry of culture in the Czech region of Bohemia.
In July of that same year the
Slovakia government asserted the
right to blackball newly chosen
superiors of congregations of nuns.
In November, 1970 the Bohemia
ministry of culture forbade the
Church to give courses preparing
couples for marriage.
In July 1971 the ministry of
culture decreed severe limitations
upon the teaching of religion. Its
Slovakia counterpart did likewise.
Decrees approving newly resurrected pro-government associations
of peace priests were issued simultaneously in August 1971 by the
Bohemian and Slovakian governments.
But the regime 's restrictions on
Church activity and growth have
not been confined to legislation
and decrees. Through administrative
acts the regime has kept more
than half the applicants out of the
country's seminaries and has dismissed from convents all Sisters
who entered them when the country's liberalized regime of early
1968 reopened the convent to
novices.
The present, neo-Stalinist regime
has attempted to manipulate the
Church by installing its own candidates in key positions, such as
vicar general of Brno and of Roziiava, and the executive committees
of the Bohemian and Slovakian
Catholic charitable agencies.
Meanwhile, the controlled press
has been keeping up a steady fire
on religion in general and the
churches in particular.
Christians in Bohemia are bracing themselves for still heavier
assaults upon them and their
churches now that the head of the
region's religious affairs office,
Karel Hruza, has returned from
a Moscow meeting with · his counterparts from other Communist
states.
Czecho-Slovakia's present program of religious repression was
launched shortly after his return
from a similar meeting in Moscow
in October 1969. - NC New s Service
Vienna. - The situation of the
Church and of human rights and
freedoms.
in
communist-ruled
Czecho-Slovakia is growing worse,
not better.
Experts agree that the situation
�SLOVAKIA
201
after the short bright 1968 methods to promote atheist edu "humanizing" period before the cation.
Dubcek regime was overthrown by
Party officials said repeatedly at
Soviet-led invaders - is similar recent meetings that religion "has
now to that of the hated Stalinist a negative influence on the for.
times.
mation of Socialist conscience."
The Church has become the
The Bratislava communist newstarget of concentrated attacks from paper, Pravda, demanded that relitwo directions - through adminis- gious ceremonies - christenings,
trati ve measures and ideological weddings and funerals - be rearguments.
placed by Socialist ceremonies,
The communist regime is at- because " the Church has misused
tempting to strangle religious the most important stages of
activities slowly but effectively by human life for its own purposes."
administrative action.
Karel Hruza, head of the gove rnMore than half of all parishes in ment state office, has described
Bohemia lack priests and there is the regime's plans. "After rightists
no chance to overcome the short- and counter-revolutionaries are reage. At the moment only 12 stu- moved from the party and governdents study for the priesthood in ment, we must concentrate in
the entire Archdiocese of Olomouc. working a platform to cope with
As a result of government the reactionary policy of the
chicanery, the number of children Church. - Gerd Kriwanek, Reliattending religious instruction in gious News Service, January 28,
school is sharply declining.
1972.
th
At the same time,
e regime
Ladislav Bezak loaded his wife
has endorsed increased ideological and four children in a two-place
attacks on the Church. Jozef Le- · light plane December 9 1971 and
nart, firs_t secretary of the Slovak left for what he desc;ibed as a
Communist Party, charged the
"pleasure trip. "
Church with having misused the
The flight originated in Prague,
situation in 1968 " to create a politand his destination was Nuernberg,
ical basis for clericalism and
West Germany. He did not file
Catholicism. "
a flight plan.
Lenart alleged that religious
Bezak is an experienced pilot sentiments were misused to pro- perhaps one of the best in the
mote "anti-Sovietism and anti- world. At the first World Aerosocialism."
batic Contest in 1960 at Bratislava,
The regime has increased its Slovakia, he was a gold medal
atheist propaganda. Thus the mag- winner in aerobatic competition.
azine for teachers Ucitel'ske American pilots describe him as
Noviny - urged the abolition of a quiet engineer who always wore
any "liberal attitude towards re- a suit and tie rather than the casual
ligion and the Church in our clothes worn by most competitive
society." The journal also pledged pilots.
increased atheist education of
Shortly after he and his famil y
young people by the party, the left Prague, a Czech MIG jet
mass media, the schools and major fighter began a chase, and although
organizations.
Bezak waggled his wings and
It also suggested that the Acade- waved to convince the fighter pilot
my of Science devise the best they were on a pleasure flight , the
�202
SLOVAKIA
MIG began to fire on the light
plane.
Aerobatic maneuvers require
precise skill. They are difficult
enough in a special airplane, with
perfect weight and balance distribution under ideal conditions. With
six peop'le in a small plane, they
would have to be considered impossible category. In addition,
being fired on by a military jet
could tend to disturb the concentration.
The little plane - loaded over
gross, and perhaps a third as fast
as the fighter - apparently didn't
have a chance. But the pilot was
Bezak!
According to the Aerobatic Club
of America, Bezak flew the book
at the military pilot. Flying many
of the patterns which had earned
him world championship 10 years
before, he was able to elude the
jet and continue on to the border.
Before he reached it, the small
plane was fired on from the ground.
Bezak dived into a cloud bank, and
with the children in tears and his
wife in prayer, broke out across
the border at 300 feet. The escape
was a success.
Ladislav Bezak, like most good
aerobatic pilots, flies for prizes.
During this trip he won the biggest
prize of them all - freedom for
himself and his family. - Lew
Inquirer,
Philadelphia
Hodges,
February 6, 1972.
Lehigh is searching for a graduate student of Slovak ancestry to
prepare a history of Slovak people
in Bethlehem. Money for this project was left to the University
from an even more unusual source:
a Southside Bethlehem bachelor
druggist who died in 1968 at age
67 and left Lehigh $67,500 in an
unsigned will. The druggist, John
Weldy Wasco, worked and apparently lived at 843 E. 4th Street.
Relatives contested his will all the
way to the Pennsylvania Supreme
Court, which upheld two lower
court decisions in favor of Lehigh.
Wasco stipuleted that $10,000 of
the $67,500 was to go toward compiling and printing a history of
Slovaks in Bethlehem, and that the
project must be carried out by
a Slovak student. Wasco's wish
appeared in local newspapers without the criteria he set for the
historian, and a number of Lehigh
faculty expressed interest before
learning they did not qualify. Wasco also specified that his personal
papers be edited, and left $5,000
for the University to arrange that.
University officials could not
explain what motivated Wasco's
generosity. He wrote a will in 1967
making Lehigh his sole beneficiary,
and later changed it to add the
provision about the Slovak history.
- Lehigh University Publication
Ondrej Nepela, the skating wonder from Slovakia, won the 11th
Winter Olympic Games' gold medal
as Russia's Sergei Chetveroukin
edged into second place for the
silver and Patrick Pera of France
won the bronze.
Two Americans, Ken Shelley of
Downey, Calif., and John Mischa
Petkevitch of Great Falls, Montana,
moved into fourth and fifth places,
passing East Germany's young Jan
Hoffman, who had been fourth
after the compulsory figures.
Nepela, the world champion, fell
early in his program while attempting a triple-toe-loop. Fall do
not necessarily ruins a skater's
marks since he is judged on the
difficulty of his routine.
Nepela was smooth and graceful
but his program was neither as
imaginative nor a dynamic as that
of some of his rivals, including the
two Americans.
Despite his fall, the Slovak rated
�SLOVAKIA
scores no lower than 5.9s in technical merit and he had two 5. 7s
with the rest 5.8 in artistic impressions.
His total points were 2739.1,
well ahead of the rest of the field.
In the official ordinal rankings,
Nepela had a perfect 9.0, meaning
he was rated No. 1 by all nine
judges. The Russian had 20.0 in
ordinals and Pera 28.0. - Associated Press, February 12, 1972.
Dr. Joseph Tiso, wartime president of the Slovak Republic, is
no more. Tried and convicted as
a "war criminal" by a ~called
People's Court, he was executed
last week American press dispatches - both secular and religious were concise and negligently brief.
No fanfare or publicity. Merely that
the priest-president was sentenced
and the sentence carried out.
Was Dr. Tiso a "war criminal"?
The very fact of news silence here
betrays a kind of embarrassed admission that things were not just
fine in "Glocca Morra." The trials
of Draga Mihailovitch and Archbishop Stepinac given due publicity aroused resentment in the
United States, an attitude, which,
while it accomplished nothing
actual for the persons involved,
nevertheless illustrated the rightprincipled conscience of the thinking public. But Dr. Tiso's case was
denied even the type of consolation,
because the facts and circumstances
of the Tiso case are quite unknown
to the American people. Whose the
fault, whose the blame for this?
The Hon. Robert Jackson, presiding over the trials in Nuremberg wrote "All experience teaches
that there are certain things you
cannot do under the guise of judicial trial. You must put no man
on trial before anything that is
called a court, if you are not prepared to establish his personal
203
guilt . . . If you are determined to
execute a man in any case, there is
no occasion for a trial. The world
yields no respect to courts that are
merely organized to convict."
Tiso's trial was a travesty of
justice. Actually, the issue was a
political one primarily. Tried by
the "People's Court" Tiso was denied representation by the attorney
engaged by his friends. American
papers had nothing to say about
the fact that Alois Loyek, the attorney, was abused by the security
officials, told he could not represent Tiso, and all defense material
confiscated. The presiding judge
and six political associates was Igor
Daxner who himself was once tried
by a regular court during Tiso's
regime for planning with the Benes
government-in-exile to turn Slovakia over to Russia, and sent to jail.
Was Dr. Tiso a "war criminal" ?
The answer necessitates a thorough
perusal of the events which led to
his election as Premier of Slovakia
before the war started· - under a
valid act of the Prague Parliament,
events little known here, events in
the evolution of democracy in the
republic of Czecho-Slovakia without
a knowledge of which the case of
Tiso cannot be justly viewed. If
these facts were made public, perhaps public opinion, such as it is.
might be swayed to the right even though a little too late." The Catholic L i ght, Scranton, Pa.
4-25-47.
Dr. Tiso's public life was political, though this fact is not to be
held in any way against him. In
many parts of Europe ecclesiastics
find themselves pushed into politics because the cause of their Catholic people needs to be protected,
and there are not a sufficient number of laymen educated to the job.
Happily, this state of affairs is
passing away, for it is not in itself
�204
SLOVAKIA
very desirable. However excellent
the motives of the cleric concerned,
he risks his spiritual office being
contaminated, at least in public
esteem, by the relatively low standards of political life, and the higher
he rises in the political world, the
harder it may become to distinguish the priest from the politics.
Dr. Tiso, so far as we are aware
always remained an exemplary
priest, but he came to find himself
responsible for the fate of his
fellow Slovakians in terrible times.
Through these times he did his
duty to his people as he saw it.
In a way not dissimilar from
that of an Irish leader in relation
to the British, he strove to protect
the religion, culture and national
autonomy of Slovakia as against
the Czechs whose public outlook
was dominated by very different
rnlues.
Such is the path of treason in
the eyes of one side and of heroic
patriotism in the eyes of the other.
And few who tread this hard road
can look back on their lives and
deny having made mistakes.
In the long run history will al-
ways vindicate the sincere patriot
as against the utilitarian judgment
of those who condemn him on a
legalistic interpretation of treason.
In each case the career of such
a man is a challenge to those called
UPon to judge him. Are they big
enough to look with the eyes of
history and to seek reconciliation
and understanding by the great
gesture? Or are they small men
who cannot see beyond the legalisms and their wounded vanity?
In the face of this test, Dr. Benes
and the rulers of Czecho-Slovakia
have dismally failed. They have
had to judge a good man, a priest,
a great and courageous patriot, and
all they have been able to do is
to raise a martyr for Slovakia.
This small-minded folly is only
too typical of the men whom the
fortunes of war have favoured .
Instead of trying to realize unity
on the basis of victory, these little
men are as busy as they can be
indulging their feelings by carving
even deeper the channels which
devide man from man and nation
from nation. - Catholic Herald .
London, 4-25-47.
SLOVAKIA is µublishecl annually by the Slovak
League of .America, a cultural and civic federation
of Americans of Slovak descent.
One of the purpo··es of SLOVAKIA is to promote a better understanding and appreciat1on of the
Sl<OVak nation and its long struggle foT freedom and
i ndependeuce.
Subscription to Slovwkia $3.00 pel' year in the
L1.S.A. - $4.00 el-sewhere.
Send 1mhscription to:
SLOV AKI.A
313 Ridge A venue
Middletown, Pa. 17057
�SLOVAKIA
205
BOOK REVIEWS
BOOKS ON SLOVAK LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE
Reviewed by
J. M. KIRSCH BA UM
Bibliografia slovenskej jazykovedy ethymology,
terminology, orthoand lexicography which
are the preferred fields of Slovak
linguists; the survey of published
articles, studies and books between
1961-1965 shows that Slovak linguists made great progress in the
following disciplines; history of
the language, dialectology, morphology, syntax, onomastics, stylistic
aspects of language, problems of
translation, the structure and acoustics of language and language
culture. This development become
more than apparent if we compare
the present work with the Biblio-
1961-1965 (Bibliography of Slo- graphy,
vak Linguistics 1961-1965), by
Ladislav Dvonc; Matica slovenska (Martin, 1970), pages 804,
multi-lingual, English summary.
For Western Slavists the Bibliography of Slovak Linguistics is not
wLthout interest. This voluminous
publication shows that Slovak linguistics has developed considerably during the latter years of the
Stalinist regime. It also indicates
that the attempts of some philologists, supported by the policy of
the regime in the 1950's, to infiltrate the Slovak language with
Czech vocabulary and to bring its
structure as close to the Czech
language as possible in order to
create a "CzechoS'lovak language"
back-fired. Slovak linguists, with
the exception of one or two philologists trained in Prague ( S. Peciar, especi'ally), repudiated these
attempts and began not only to
clear the Slovak language from
foreign infiltrations but in a number of studies brought Slovak
linguistics quantitatively as well as
qualitatively to the level of other
Slavic nations within the Soviet
orbit.
With its 2111 entries pertaining
to the Slovak language, the Bibliography is, however, not simply a
numerical expression of the development of li.nguistic studies on
the Slovak language. Of great importance is the number of disciplines studied by Slovak linguists.
It is not any more only grammar,
graphy of Slovak Linguistics for
1957-1960 by the same author. The
new Bibliography contains: 1) all
linguistic articles, studies and books
published in Slovakia; 2) contributions in non-Slovak periodicals ( one
from Canada), studies and articles
by non-Slovak authors on the Slovak language or on linguistics published in Slovakia. As a result, the
entries in this Bibliography are not
only more numerous, but also multi-lingual. The publication shows
that many Slovak linguists themselves ,published their studies in
foreign languages, mainly in Russian.
A strong Russian influence in
Slovak linguistics is even more
evident in the number of articles,
studies and books dealing with the
Russian language. Bibliographical
data about the Russian language
cover more than 100 pages, while
other Slavic languages follow in
this order: Czech 25 pages, Ukrainian 9 pages, Polish 3 pages, Slovenian
�206
SLOVAKIA
3/4 of a page, Byelorussian and
Bulgarian ¼ of a page each. For
a short time the methods of the
Russian linguistic school, or as
some linguists say, "the Marxists
and Stalinists principles and methods," were also imposed on Slovak
philology and linguistics and prevailed in some works (see my essay
" Contemporary Tendencies in Slovak Philology," Slavic and East
European Studies, Vol. IV, 34, University of Montreal, 1960). Around
1960 Slovak linguists turned, however, against the russification as
well as against the Czech infiltration of the Slovak language and
Slovak linguistics.
Studies, articles and books pertaining to the Slovak language
have been published, according to
this Bibiiography, predominantly
in Slovak, but over 300 entries were
published in Western languages,
including English, in other Slavic
languages and in Hungarian. It
was mainly the works of the older
generation of Slovak linguists (J .
Stanislav, E. Pauliny) which appeared in international symposia
in English, French or Russian. The
younger generation on the other
hand has broadened the field of
Slovak linguists to include many
disciplines and their studies have
maintained a high academic level.
They continue to be grouped around the periodicals Slovenska
rec (Slovak Language), Jazykovedr
ny casopis (Linguistic Journal)
and Jazykovedne studie (Linguistic
Studies) and have published the
Zbornik Filozofickej Fakulty Univ.
Komenskeho - Philologica (Sym-
posium of the F1aculty of Arts of
the Comenius University) and
Zbornik Filozofickej Fakulty Univ.
P. J. Safcirika (Symposium of the
University of P. J . Safarik). Editors
gether with V. Blanar, L. Dvonc,
G. Horak, J. Horecky and R. Krajcovic wrote the major part of the
Slovak linguistic studies contained
in the Bibliography.
Even though the works of foreign
philologists (R. Auty, R. Jakobson)
from Western countries are included in this Bibliography it does not
contain articles, studies or books
published by Slovak intellectuals
abroad except for one French essay
by this reviewer which appeared
in Etudes Slaves et est-europeennes (Montreal, 1963). Valuable
studies by H. Bartek who was the
founder of the periodical Slovenska
rec or books, articles, dictionaries
and surveys by S. Bue, F. Hrobak,
J . J . Konus, J . Rekem and others
were apparently not allowed by
the regime to be recorded. The
"normalization" which followed the
brief period of relative freedom in
1968, has again separated the Slovaks in Slovakia from Slovak intellectuals in the West even in the
field of linguistics and the population of Slovakia is not allowed to
know about the cultural activities
among some two million Slovaks
abroad.
The usefulness of Dvonc's Bibliography for Slavists cannot be
doubted. It is a thoroughly prepared standard work. An index of
names and a subject index enhance
the practical value of this voluminous book.
SLOVENSKA BIBLIOGRAFIA V
ZAHRANitf 1945-1965 (Slovak
Bibliography Abroad 1945-1965) :
Compiled by Prof. M. Lacko S.J ..
published by The Slovak Institute (Cleveland-Rome), 1967, 366
pp., multi-lingual, instruction in
Slovak and English.
The long expected Slovak Biblioof these periodicals have been E. graphy Abroad, which had to reJona , J. Ruzicka, Prof. E . Pauliny, cord the cultural activities of
L. f>urovic and S. Dobos who to- Slovak intellectuals in the West,
�SLOVAKIA
has finally been published and we
cannot but welcome it.
Slovak Bibliography Abroad 19451965 records the literary production of Slovak authors in Western
countries in the fields of history,
political science, religion, philology, folklore, literary history and
cdticism, music, theology, literature and natural science. A special
chapter deals with general works
on Slovakia and Slovaks abroad,
includtng Slovaks in Canada. In
addition, the Bibliography records
the works of non-Slovak authors
in the above-mentioned fields if
they were translated into the Slovak language and deal explicitly
with Slovakia or Czecho-Slovakia
as a whole.
Absent from this Bibliography
are works and studies on Slovak
subjects., published in the countries
of the Soviet block since it was
impossible for the compilers to
carry out the necessary research.
As a result, the publication contains literary and scientific writings
of Slovaks living in some 15 Westem countries and published in all
major Western languages.
Considering the difficulties which
wr:ilters, scholars and scientists
face in exile, the Bibliography with
its 2,438 entries gives an impressive picture of Slovak cultural life
abroad after the Second W . W. One
can understand this properly only
if he is familiar with some basic
facts about the Slovak intellectual
community in Western countries.
At the end of the Second World
War, 50me 5,000 educated Slovak5
left their native country; in 1948
they were followed by a new wave
of immigrants after the Communist
coup d'etat. In the first wave of
exiles were some of the be5t Slovak writers, poets and scores of
young intellectuals from all fields
of cultural endeavor who either
completed their studies at univer-
207
sities in Western countries or continued their intellectual work even
if they had to take menial jobs in
the countdes in which they found
refuge. Many of the younger generation attained positions at universities (22 in Canada) or institutions
of higher education. Others became
editors of newpapers and many
poets and writers continued to
write valuable works besides their
employment in clerical jobs or
other professions.
Besides the chapter on literature
which records writings of .some
25 poets and 15 prose writers, the
largest number of entries is in the
chapter on history ( 437), philology
and literary history ( 224) , and
political science (160). However,
the natural sciences and economy
are also among the best represented with 275 entries. Writings on
history and political science, philology and literary history are predominantly in foreign languages.
Some authors (Mikus, Kirschbaum,
Rekem, Vnuk) published their
studies in 3 or 4 Western languages.
In literature, the Bibliography lists
works by several of the best Slovak
poets and novelists who in exile
created works considered among
the best in contemporary Slovak
literature (Hronsky, Dilong, Sprinc,
Strmen, Zvonicky, etc.) .
The Bibliography also indicates
that there are several Slovak cultural centers in the Western countries. From Canada the Bibliography has listed books, studies
and articles 'b y some 20 Slovak
authors. Ten of them have been
active either tn Slavic studies or
in philology, sociology, theology
and science, the remaining 15 in
literature. Actually Canada and the
United States seem to have produced the most prolific Slovak
authors, not only in literature but
also in other fields. Also the major
�208
SLOVAKIA
centers of Slovak publishing activities have been in the United States,
but Italy, Argentina and West Germany have equally active groups
in publishing books, periodicals
and newspapers.
The BibHography further shows
that some Slovak scholars and
writers published their writings,
including poetry, in several languages (English, French, Italian,
Spanish) and in certain cases the
originals were written in foreign
languages and not translated from
the Slovak. This is a new feature
in Slovak literature and scholarly
writing. Because of adverse political circumstances Slovaks had very
limited opportunities to study abroad not only before the Second
World War, but also after 1945.
The exiled writers and scholars
made apparently a great effort to
fill this lacuna.
No doubt the compiler of the
Bibliography, Prof. Michael Lacko,
accomplished a task which is usually done by many researchers
over several years. By his own
admission, he does not cover all
published studies and articles by
Slovaks abroad ; actually in some
cases valuable studies were left
out either in foreign language or
in Slovak. Additions and extensions
to the Bibliography have, therefore, been promised by the compiler, as well as by the publishers.
However, even in its present
form, the Bibliography is a valuable contribution to Slavic studies
and a very useful publication, not
only for Slovak scholars and researchers , but also for Slavists who
read English, the Bibliography
being bi-lingual. The value of the
Bibliography is also enhanced by
listing bibliographies on Slovak
matters as well as periodicals and
newspapers, annuals, and symposia, published in some 15 countries.
Julius Noge : An Outl.ine of Slovakian L i terature (The Tatrapress
Agency, Bratislava), 1968, 120 pp.
This is the first book in English
on Slovak literature which was
published in Slovakia since the
Communist takeover in 1948. The
fact that it was published in 1968
would indicate that Dubcek's liberalization has to be credited for ,t his
slender booklet on 200 years of
literary activities in the Slovak
language. The restoration of Czecho-Slovakia in 1945 cut off Slovakia
from the rest of the world, especially from the West, and Slovak
literature, art, science and culture
in genera-I were to remain unknown
to the Western world.
Julius Noge, one of the literary
critics who followed the directives
of the Communist Party and was,
therefore, favored by the Communist regime, divided his "succint"
outline of Slovak literature into
7 chapters: From Old Church Slavonic learning (sic) to pre-Romanticism; Romanticism ( 1843-1870 ) ;
Realism (1870-1905); Slovakian Literary Modernism ; Slovakian Literature between the wars (1918
1945); Contemporary Literature
( 1945-); Conclusion and Completion. Some of these chapters are
very short, superficial and the
whole publication is unbelievably
biased towards writers and poets
whose works expressed ideas opposed to Communism as, for instance, the poets and writers of
Catholic modernism and all Slovak
writers and poets in exile, except
for J . C. Hronsky. Faithful to the
directives of the Party, Noge considers as the greatest poets and
writers such second class poets as
Novomesky or Valek, and such
mediocre writers as Vamos and
Jilemnicky. "The poems by Laco
Novomesky - assording to Noge
- are most expressive, from the
�SLOVAKIA
209
artistic and human point of view that those years were the "dark
most mature fruit of modern Slo- age" of Slovak literature. The lie
vakfan poetry. His works are fre- has, however, short legs, as a Sloquently the key opening the way vak saying goes. A glance at the
to ,t he sense and the problems of Slovak literary production between
Slovakian literature between the 1939 and 1945 included in his book,
wars and after them."
shows that even the leading ComValek, who plays today the role munists published freely: Novoof the Minister of Culture in Slo- mesky published his book in 1939;
vakia which after 1945 had been Hecko in 1942; Tafarka in 1942;
played by Novomesky is, according Kostra in 1939, 1940, and two books
to Noge, even of greater import- in 1942; Ponican in 1940 and 1941 ;
ance for Slovak literature. "Valek's Horov in 1940 , l942 and 1944;
complex work - writes Noge - . .Zary in 1941 and two books
so rich in meaning and expression, in 1942; Ondrejov in 1940, and so
inaugurated a new stage in the on. In fact, all Slovak writers and
evolution of Slovakian poetry, re- poets created and published during
presenting hitherto in some respect th e years of the Slovak Republic
its peak." Horibile dictu! The Eng- more th an at any time before,
lish reader could not help looking regardless of the fact whether they
with contempt on Slovak literature supported the regime or not. Comif these minor poets were its great- munist literary historians should
est authors and their poetry re- not underestimate the intelligence
presented the peak of Slovak liter- of Wes tern readers. From the readature.
ing of Noge's booklet, anyone can
find out that, with the exception
Noge seems to be objective in of G. Va.mos, who was not in Slohis write-up on individual Slovak vakia and Jilemnicky who was a
poets and writers only in his evalu- Czech settled in Slovakia, every
ation of the literary works pro- Slovak writer, poet, literary hisduce<l in the 1950's. He admits that torian or critic ,p ublished his works,
"authoritarian methods of regle- and the younger ones their debuts
mentation in the field of literature during that period.
Since it is the first survey of
reached ,t heir peak in 1951." He
also writes that the literature and Slovak literature in the English
poetry of that time was "just the language, we cannot but regret
poetic drafting of political and that it is not better either in form
journalistic phrases" and that in or content. This publication will
prose writing the topics "were hardly convince English, American,
treated in the manner of agitating Canadian, or Australian readers
propaganda." However, this should that Slovak literature is worthbe understood in the context of while to be studied, taught and
the events of 1968 when Noge's read. In addition to its shortbooklet was published. Criticism of comings mentioned above, the pubthe 1950's was not only fashionable lication also suffers from a very
in 1968 but also a prerequisite for bad translation and too many printpublishing.
ing errors. It would seem that
One of the most .biased state- emigre Slovak intellectuals must
ments in Noge's book is his asser- publish an English survey of Slotion that during the Slovak Repub- vak literature to present it to the
lie some writers and poets "ceased civilized world in an objective light
to write belles-lettres," intimating and proper form .
�210
SLOVAKIA
Letopis Pamatnika Slovenskej Lite- lenced not only Stur but also many
ratu:ry 1970. Compiled and Edited of his followers and it was mainly
by Juraj Chovan (Matica slovenska, Martin 1970), pp. 250, Russian and German Summary,
Index.
Slovak literary history receives
in this publication some new insights and correct interpretation
of the work of three prominent
men of letters: Jan Holly, Andrej
Radlinsky and Martin Hamuljak.
Not only during the inter-war period when Slovak literary history
was adjusted to the political aims
of "Czechoslovakism", but also since
1945, Catholic writers and their
role in Slovak national development was minimized or completely
neglected . For a short time after
the Second World War, Holly was
rediscovered and some valuable
publications of his life and work
appeared in Slovakia or were prepared for the printers. For the
ce11tennary of Holly, literary historians and critics such as Jozef
Ambrus, Jozef Felix and others
prepared nine volumes of Holly's
poetry with comments and evaluation. However, the re.g ime did not
allow distribution of Holly's work
and it appeared only after 20 years
in second-hand bookshops. The
reason for such undeserved treatment of Holly's work was apparently the fact that it was published
by Spolok sv. Vojtecha.
The present publication gives
justice to Holly and, at the same
time, it presents Radlinsky and
Hamuljak and their activities in
a true light. Not only in the political history but also in literary
history, the period between 1848
and 1918 was interpreted in such
a way as if Slovak Catholics had
not played any role in Slovak
national life. The facts are, of
course, quite different. The disillusionment of the year 1848 si-
the Catholic intelligentsia who
kept the flame of national consciousness alive and were active
in cultural and literary life. From
Radlinsky through Moyses to Oswald, a score of Slovak Catholics
organized cultural and literary
activi.ties and fought for the national rights of the Slovak people.
Contributions to the present publications by Augustin Mat'ovcik,
Zemka Cejkova, Konstantin Palkovie and Juraj Chovan, bring to
light some interesting details on
this period mainly in connection
with Radlinsky's activities.
The present Letopis is the fourth
publication of this kind by Matica
slovenska. All of them have been
dealing with research into Slovak
literature and contained results of
studies by qualified literary historians. The greater part of the
present publication is composed of
papers presented at two conferences in April 1969. The first confere nce was organized on the occasion of the 120th anniversary of
the death of J. Holly in Trnava
and the second one on the occasion
of the 110th anniversary of the
death of A. Radlinsky. In addition
of these papers, there is an interesting essay on Slovak studies Slovakica - at foreign universities
by J . Kuzmik. The essay deals so
far with Slovak studies in Slavic
countries. But the title of the essay
indicates that it will deal with Slova k studies in all foreign universities and institutions. We hope that
Kuzmik will treat the subject with
scholarly objectivity when he writes
on Slovak studies at American and
Canadian universities. A short survey published by him sometime
ago indicated that he was not free
of the usual bias common to all
literary and cultural historians in
today's Slovakia. He left out im-
�SLOVAKIA
portant contributions to Slovak
studies at Western universities
just because of political considerations and inflated the importance
of others who professed political
ideologies accepted rby the present
regime in Czecho-Slovakia.
The publication also contains
documents and information on
various cultural topics, as well as
book reviews. Slovaks abroad learned with satisfaction that Matica
slovenska in Prievidza organized
an exhibition of the literary work
of J. C. Hronsky. The exhibition
lasted two weeks and met with
great interest by the public. The
objectivity of this publication is
enhanced by including an account
on this exhibition in which it has
been admitted that Hronsky was
"one of the most important, but
also systematically under-estimat:ed
Slovak writer."
Unfortunately, the publication
contains only a short Russian and
German summary and will, therefore, be useful only for Slavists
who can read Slovak. Nevertheless,
we welcome this valuable contribution to better and more objective
evalu ation of the Slovak literary
past.
W ith Christ in His Passion. By
Rudolph Dilong. '!1ranslated from
the original Slovak by Sister M.
Martina Tibor, SS.C.M., Villa of
the Sacred .Heart, Danville, Pa.,
1971, pp. 75, $2.50.
The greatest poetic genius of
our century, the French poet, Paul
Claude!, used to say (in several
variations) about the poet and
poetry.
"The object of poetry is not, as
they say very frequently, dreams,
illusions or ideas_ It is the holy
reality, given once for all times,
in the center of which we are
situated. It is the universe of in-
211
visible things. It is all that we look
at and all that looks back at us.
All this is God's work; it renders
matter inexhaustible for all the
greatest poet says and sings as well
as the smallest bird. Since there is
a phiiosophia perennis that does
not invent ... abstract beings that
no one has ever seen except thei r
authors, .. . so there is also a poesis
perennis that does not invent its
themes, but it eternally recaptures
those which Creation furnishes to
it ... The purpose of poetry is not,
as Baudelaire says, 'to plunge into
the bottom of the Infinite to find
something new,' but to plunge into
the bottom of the definite in order
to find there the inexhaustible ...
Nor is he a poet who invents, but
he who, approaching things, assembles and permits us to understand them."
Justly we can apply these concepts especially to the religious
poetry of Rudolf Dilong, the most
prolific and meritorious contemporary Slovak poet living in exile
(Pittsburgh, Pa.)
So he took a plunge into the
sacred reality of the Pascha'l Mystery and with a luminous creative
poetic imagry tried the humanly
impossible: to capture the uncapturable mystery found in Christ's
redemptive mystery of suffering
and victory. He listens in these
depths and assembles the rays of
his poetic vision in powerful and
eloquent words. These are his immortal merits.
How about the (frequently overlooked) merits of the translator,
Sister Martina Tibor? Well, if
poetry is art par excellence, so is
its translation. To translate poetry
well requires above all the perfect
mastery of two languages. But this
is not enough. The translator must
be also a virtual pbet (in potentia),
to save in his translation as much
�SLOVAKIA
212
of the sublime poetic beauty as it
is possible. And this process must
be a new creation: a scrupulous
penetration into the fine shades
of meanings and the recapturing
in another language this almost
imperceptible shimmering of condensed poetic experience and expression. Even so, something will
always be lost from the genuine
beauty of the original.
AU in all, we gladly say that
Sister Martina did a splendid job
in translating into English the most
difficult, exuberant and most sublime religious poetry of the poet1>riest Rudolf Dilong. It is a valuable cultural service to the poetic
Slovak genius.
Nichoias Sp r in c,
Borromeo Seminary College
of Ohio
··DIE SLOWAKEI IN DER NACHDER
KRIEGSENTWICKLUNG
(The
TSCHECHO-SLOWAKEI"
Role of Slovakia in the Political
Evolution of Czecho--Slovakia
After the Second World War);
by Prof. J. M. Kirschbaum,
Schriftenreihe des Matus Cernak
Instituts, Koln, Nr. 3, 1971, pp.
32, Bibi.
Prof. J . M. Kirschbaum enriched
again our political literature by
a consice study about Slovakia after
lhe Second World War. The publication is destined predominantly
to scholars and historians but it
will be welcome by anybody interested in political development
in Czecho-Slovakia from 1945 to
1968. This period of Slovak history
was presented in the West by fore ign historians as well as by Czech
exiles in the most distorted light.
Prof J. M. Kirschbaum, on the basis
of sources in several languages,
gives a clear picture of the role of
Slovakia in the upheavals through
which Czecho-Slov>akia, restored by
the Soviet armies, had to undergo
after the Second World War.
The publication is an enlarged
version of an English contribution
to Canadian Slavonic Papers, Vol.
X, 4, 1968, which was dedicated
by Canadian Slavists to the events
in Czecho-Slovakia in 1968. The
English version discusses the
events until the invasion of Czecho•
Slovakia by the Soviet and other
Warsaw Pact troops. In the German
version there is also a chapter on
the federalization of Czecho-Slovakia , and the footnotes were completed by references to works in
German, while in the English text,
Prof. Kirschbaum referred mostly
to books published on the American
Continent and in France. The study
is divided into four chapters dealing with the Communist coup
d'etat in 1948, the ,period of the
"cult of personality" in Slovakia,
the process of de--Stalinization and
the struggle for liberalization and
federalization. In each chapter the
author traces the special role
which Slovakia played in the crucial years of the transformation
of Czecho-Slovakia into the most
faithful satellite of the Soviet
Union. To avoid being accused of
"parti pris," Prof. J .M. Kirschbaum
heavily relies on quotations from
American and Canadian political
scientists dealing with Eastern
Europe. Among others he often
quotes the work by the former
Secretary to President Benes, E.
Taborsky, who now teaches at American universities, but the most
interesting quotation comes from
a Czech professor at the University
of British Columbia, Stanley Z.
Pech, who wrote the following remarkable statement about Western
historians writing on Eastern
Europe:
"Although Western specialists in
Eastern European history have usually regarded it as their task to
�SLOVAKIA
I
213
make the West familiar with the Since Prof. F . Hrusovsky published
entire panorama of the polyglot his concise booklet This is Slovakia.
region, they have in practice often I some 20 years ago, we did not
been selective in the favors they have in English any publication to
bestoved on each nation. They have give either to foreigners or to
incorporated in their work, in Slovaks educated at American, Camodified form, the outlook and nadian or Australian universities,
the prejudices of the nations which the basic facts of Slovak history
they "adopted." To give the most and cultural life. For this reason,
conspicuous examples, they viewed the Slovak World Congress deSlovak history through Czech eyes. serves credit for publishing an
In so doing, they have in fact up-to-date account on Slovakia.
The publication is composed of
created a second-class status for
certain nations. The history of the two essays by Prof. J . A. Mikus.
Slovaks in the West has usually and six essays by Prof. J . M. Kirschbeen presented from the point of baum. Prof. Mikus deals with the
view of "Czechoslovakism" and has individuality of Slovakia, namely,
appeared as hardly more than a with geographical and demographical facts and with the personality
postscript to Czech history. "
of the Slovak nation. Both essays
We understand that the first are written in a scholarly way but
English book by Prof. J. M. Kirsch- understandable to any reader.
baum Slovakia - Nati 01i at the Drawing on personal knowledge
Crossroads of Central Europe is and long years of studies of Slovak
no more avail.able even though it history, Prof. Mikus displayed ahad three printings. It would be gain by his essays that he belongs
a service to the Slovak cause if among the best Slovak authors
he revised his book and completed abroad in the field of history and
it by the present study in order political science.
that students of Slovak history, as
The essays by Prof. J . M. Kirschwell as politicians and American baum deal with the historical back and Canadian Slovaks of the second ground of Slovakia, the ethnic
and third generations, could have origin and language, cultural, poan objective history on Slovakia. litical, religious and economic
The Matus cernak Institute de- background. The essays give a
serves credit for publishing this complete and unbiased picture of
well documented study. The Slovak 1100 years of Slovak history, as
World Congress would render a well as of political and cultural
service to the Slovak cause if it evolution of the Slovak people and
took care of pl.acing this concise of the economic potential of Sloand expertly written account of vakia. Perhaps intentionally short,
modern Slovak history into univer- the essays refer to many books
sity libraries in Europe as well as either in Slovak or in foreign languages, which will be welcome by
on this Continent.
who want to enhance their
students
J . Pau c o
knowledge of Slovakia.
SLOVAKIA : Historical and Cu lturThe reader will notice that Prof.
al Background, by Prof. J. A. J . M. Kirschbaum made great efMikus and Prof. J. M. Kirsch- forts to present the political and
baum, Published by Slovak World religious background of Slovaks
Congress (Toronto, Canada, June without any bias. This is in accoro 1971) , pp. 63, ill. bibl.
ance with the concept of the Slovak
I
�SLOVAKIA
214
World Congress which published
this valuable addition to books on
Slovakia. The Congress is guided
by national as well as by religious
ecumenical spirit. As in his other
works on Slovakia, Prof. Kirsch•
baum makes a distinction between
the history of Slovakia and the
history of the Slovak people which
is not history of dynasties or expansive wars, but a struggle for
survival. Such an approach will
probably be most understandable
for Slovaks as well as foreigners
and may prove to be correct in the
last analysis.
The publication is enhanced by
a map of Europe and several
pictures from the history of Slovakia, as well as by a bibliography
of English books on Slovakia by
Slovak authors. The Editor, Prof.
J. M. Kirschbaum added this im·
pressive survey of books in English
by Slovak authors for Slovaks
educated outside Slovakia, and he
did the right thing.
Published by the Slovak World
Congress, this valuable publication
was distributed freely to the participants at the meeting in Toronto,
and is apparently no more avail•
able. It would be a service to the
Slovak cause if a second edition
be prepared for general use.
J. Pa u
co
ETHNOLOGIA SLAVICA I: Uni·
versitas Comeniana Bratislavensis, Facultas Philosophica, Bratislava 1970, p. 226, Multi-Lingual.
The liberalization period in Slovakia brought about a favorable
change not only in the political
climate but also in cultural and
scientific activities. Many projects
which for years were only debated,
materialized in 1968 or 1969. As
a result, several symposia from
a nllltlber of Conferences dealing
with inter-Slavic relations in pre-
vious years were published and
institutes or chairs of studies were
founded and organized.
The Institute of Ethnology wa
one of them and the present volume ETHNOLOGIA SLAVICA is
the first publication of this Institute
which has been founded "for the
purpose of establishing an institution for ethnological research concerned with the Slavic nations,"
as the editors say in their multi•
lingual introduction.
According to the editors, Slovak
scholars also planned the establishment of Ethnological Archives and
a Society of Slavic Ethnologists
but " the well-known events of 1968
(in other words, the Soviet invasion) heavily intefered with
the realization of the original program." Only the Institute of Ethnology came into being and this
first volume of ETHNOLOGIA
SLA VICA is the result of the research of its members and foreign
ethnologists.
The volume was published on
the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the foundation of the Comenius University (1919). The
Managing Editor of the publication, Jan Podolak, says in his Preface that the University has been
founded "to enable Slovaks to
acquire erudition (sic) of university-degree in the national language." However, it is well-known
that the students of the Comenius
University had to organize demonstrations for the use of the Slovak
language as late as 1937-1938 because the mission of the University
was to help the assimilation of
Slovaks. The situation changed only
during the Slovak Republic when
education as well as administration,
was carried on in the Slovak language which the present day scholars are not allowed to mention.
The publication ETHNOLOGIA
�SLOVAKIA
SLA VICA is a valuable addition
to Slavic studies and is a long time
overdue, if we take into consideration the fact that one of the main
founders of Slavic ethnology, P . J.
Safarik, come from Slovakia. The
volume contains contributions by
Slovak as well as foreign scholars,
and the essays have been published
in English, French and German,
with a Slovak resume in some
cases, which will make the book
accessible also to ethnologists in
the West. Of 12 contributions, 3
have been written by Slovaks. Jan
Michalek evaluated P . J. Safarik's
contribution to Slavic ethnography;
Jan Podolak wrote an interesting
essay on the pastoral culture of
the Carpathians as a subject of
ethnological study, and Anton Habovstiak contributed the study "La
colonisation pastorale dans les
Karpates et les patois slovaques"
(The Pastoral Colonization of the
Carpathians and Slovak Dialects).
Among foreign contributors are
Milovan Gavazzi (from Zagreb),
Sergei A. Tokarev (from Moscow),
Christo Vakarelski (from Sofia),
Zoltan Ujvary (from Debrecen),
Oldrich Sirovatka (from Brno),
Slobodan 2ecevic (from Beograd) ,
and two contributions have been
written by Lusatian-Serbians, Isolde Gardos and Siegmund Musiat.
This mosaic of contributors as
well as the variety of subjects
treated by them gives the book an
intemational and inter-Slavic image. This should be velcome in
view of the fact that the results
of academic activities by Slovak
scholars were rarely published in
Western languages.
The essays are not of equal value
but they are all on the level of
similar studies in the Soviet orbit.
The volume is oriented particularly
to Russian but also to Croatian,
Bulgarian and Lusatian-Serbian
ethnology, but the editors are
215
promising to deal also with Polish,
Ukrainian and Yugoslavian ethnology in the following volumes.
As an addendum the publication
contains reviews in English and
in German of the activities and the
writings by Czech, Polish, Soviet,
Ukrainian and Bulgarian ethnographers and their institutes or
periodicals.
Since every book in foreign language dealing with Slovak culture
is of great importance for acquainting the world with Slovakia, we
sincerely welcome this volume and
hope that further volumes will
follow as the editors promised and
that the present generation of Slovak ethnologists will follow in the
footsteps of P . J. Safarik who left
a rich legacy to Slovak ethnology. *
J. M . K i r s c h b au m
* On P . J. Safarik, see Kirschbaum ,
P . J . Safcirik and His Contribution
to Slavic Studies (Slavistica No.
43, Cleveland-Winnipeg, 1962) .
DUBCEK'S Blu e Print for Fre edom: His Documentation on
Czechoslovakia leading to the
Soviet invasion, with a Profile
by Hugh Lunghi and Commentary by Paul Ello (William Kimber, London, 1968), pp. 352,
Index.
Among the scores of books which
were published on Dubcek and the
events in Czecho--Slovakia in 1968* ,
this book will remain as one of
the most useful for scholars and
laymen alike. The editors included
in the book the most important
documents such as Dubcek's speech
on April 1, 1968, at the plenary
session of the Central Committee
of the Czecho,Slovak Communist
Party; the Action Programme of
the Party; Dubcek's report to the
meeting of. the Central Committee
on May 29-June 1, 1968, and the
warning given by the Presidium
�216
SLOVAKIA
of the Central Committee in answer to the letters of five Communist and Workers' Parties. Finally,
in the Appendix, the book includes
Dubcek's speech of December 1,
1968.
These contents are expertly introduced and commented upon by
Hugh Lunghi, a former member
of the British Embassy in Moscow,
and Paul Ello from Georgetown
University School of Foreign Service in Washington. While Lunghi,
who has been one of the best informed analysts on the staff of the
British Broadcasting Corporation,
gives in his Introduction an analysis of the events which led to the
Soviet invasion, Paul Ello wrote
a concise but well balanced commentary. The Summary is not signcd, and may be the work of either
of the writers.
The book will have a lasting
value for inte11preting the attempts
at changing •Stalinism in one o.f
the most advanced, culturally and
industrially, satellites of Moscow
and at giving socialism a "human
face. " Both Lunghi and Ello are
factual in their analysis and Lunghi did not fail to point out the
role of Slovakia and Slovak Communist leaders in the upheavals
which many other authors, writing
about the "Prague Spring", failed
to do. In accordance with the facts,
Lunghi writes that "one of the
first of Novotny's fatal errors was
his mishandling of the Slovaks,"
and that it was Dubcek's reaction
to Novotny's policy towards Slovakia which began the snowball
roUing. During the Central Committee meetings at the end of 1967,
according to Lunghi the "three
issues at stake were, firstly, the
implementation of the economic
reforms; secondly, freedom of expression and, finally, effective
autonomy for SJovakia." (p. 17) .
This conclusion has been accept-
ed in the meantime as correct also
by other authors who had access
to documents, especially by Paul
Tigrid in his book: La Chute Irresistible
d'Alexander Dubcek,
(Calmann-Levy, Paris, 1969) which
was likewise reviewed in "Slovakia", Vol. 21, p. 206. Lunghi apparently followed the events in
Slovakia very closely and without
the usual bias which we can find
among some Western specialists in
East European problems. This appears not only in his assessment
of the role of Husak after the
invasion but also in his reference
to Peter Colotka, Deputy Premier
in Prague's government, who made
some courageous declarations which
resulted in his removal from his
post. Lunghi's analysis of the situation in Slovakia was also correctly grasped in his statement that
"the federation of the country,
longed for by the Slovaks, had,
at last been achieved in the face
of the Russians who wanted to
keep the two nations divided and
at logger-heads. During the invasion the Russians had put about
the totally false rumors that some
Slovak provinces wanted to become Soviet republics. Symbolically, the legislation creating the
federal state was enacted to coincide with the 50th anniversary
celebration on October 28th." Unfortunately, the law of the federation was enacted but it became
ineffective to a great degree because of Czech reluctance, what
Lunghi could not, of course, foresee in 1968.
Western analysts mentioned various reasons for the occupation of
Czecho-Slovakia by the Warsaw
Pact military forces in the books
so far published on the invasion.
Lunghi brings to light a new possible element which finally pushed
the Soviet leadership to invade
Czecho-Slovakia. During the spring
�SLOVAKIA
and summer of 1968 there was a
strong reaction against the secret
police which apparently was not
only organized on the model of
the Soviet secret police but also
directed and infiltrated by Soviet
agents to whom the Prague Ministry of Interior had to submit interrogation material before bringing
them to the ministers themselves.
According to Lunghi, the announced purge of the secret police
apparatus threatened a vital Soviet
interest by the revelations published in the newpapers in Bratislava
and in Prague. Moscow's objective
was, therefore, "to hold these dangerous processes and to restore a
leadership in Prague which would
control the population through a
Soviet style Communist Party using
the proper level of power - a persuasive and omnipotent secret
police with no nonsense about
'demonstration of the socio-political
217
system'." (page 25). No doubt this
could have been one of the serious
reasons for the infamous decision
to destroy an interesting effort by
Slovaks and Czechs to give socialism a "human face."
Paul Ello's commentary, short
as it is, is clear and factual, and
belongs among the best written
ones shortly after the invasion,
where there was a lot of confusion
in Western countries among the
specialists in East Europe. The
book undoubtedly deserves to be
read and preserved on the shelves
for further study of a crucial
moment in the history of Eastern
Europe and probably in the history
of Western civilization.
J. M. Ki r s c h b au m
• On a number of books on this
subject, see my book reviews in
"Slovakia", Vol. 21, 1971, No. 44,
pp. 205-210.
Rudolph Petrak, Slovak Tenor
Rudolph Petrak, 54, of 32 Halsey, Dr., Old Greenwich, Conn., a
leading tenor with the City Opera
Company from 1948 to 1956, died
March 4, 1972, at Saint Joseph
Hospital in Stamford, Conn.
He was born in Sucany, Slovakia had sung at major opera
houses in Europe and South America, and as a soloist with the New
York Philharmonic, the Philadelphia Orchestra and other noted
ensembles. He sang under the batons of such famous conductors as
Leopold
Stokowski,
Ormandy,
Leinsdorf and Krips.
Mr. Petrak began his career with
the Bratislava Opera and made his
American debut in 1948 at the
New York City Center as Rudolfo
in "La Boheme."
Congressman Albert P. Morano
of Greenwich noted in the Congressional Record of the United States.
"I have become acquainted with
many artists who have immigrated
to America, but know of none more
possessed of deep love for his
adopted country than Rudolph
Petrak."
"The New York Times" in an
obituary on Monday, March 6, 1972
published his picture as he sang
Radames in "Aida" about 1949. The
New York Times also wrote: "In
1960 when Mr. Petrak sang at the
Philadelphia Orchestra's presentation of Carl Orff's "Carmina Burana" in Carnegie Hall, Harold C.
Schonberg, The New York Times
music critic noted: "Everything
sounded effortless and clear, even
the high D that Mr. Petrak took
in falsetto".-J.C.S.
�SLOVAKIA
218
Our Contributor s
Karol Kuzmany, Slovak leader in 19th century.
Msgr. George A. Galik, J.C.D., author, Hibbing, Minn.
Joseph M. Kirschbaum, LL. D., Ph.D., historian, author, Toronto, Ontario,
Canada.
E . L. Delaney, author, journalist, Glendale, Cal.
Fran!;ois d'Orcival, French political writer, Paris.
Paul Kotva, pen name of Karol Sidor, former Premier of Slovakia.
Sister M. Constance Yakubov, SS.C.M., teacher, St. Cyril Academy,
Danville, Pa.
Joseph C. Krajsa, Editor of Jednota, lecturer, Middletown, Pa.
Joseph A. Mikus, M.C.L., J.D., historian, author, Washington, D. C.
Francis Vnuk, M.A., political analyst, professor, Institute of Technology,
Adelaide, Australia.
Joseph Pauco, Ph.D., journalist, author, Middletown, Pa.
K. culen, historian, journalist.
Rev. A. V. Pier, O.S.B., journalist, author, Cleveland, Ohio.
Dr. Steven I. Miller, assistant professor, Loyola University of Chicago, Ill.
Daniel F. Tanzone, B.A., fraternalist, Yonkers, N. Y.
Helena T. Gaydos, cultural worker, Philadelphia, Pa.
George A. Podhajsky, pen name of a Slovak refugee professor.
Rudolph J. Vecoli, professor of history and director of the Center of
Immigration Studies at the University of Minnesota.
Agnes Bocan, St. Cyril Academy, Danville, Pa.
Sister M. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M., teacher, author, Danville, Pa.
Edward J. Behuncik, attorney-at-law, Stratford, Connecticut.
Rev. Nicholas Sprinc, professor, poet, Wickliffe, Ohio.
Picture on the front cover: Dr. Joseph Tiso, President of the
Slovak Republic.
�SLOVAKIA
219
Contents
Dr. Tiso's Last Message to the Slovak People - 3
Paean to Integrity - Karol Kuzmany-George A. Galik - 4
Dr. Joseph Tiso-the Prelate-Politician who Died on the Gallows for
His People - J.M. Kirschbaum - 5
I Met President Tiso - E. L. Delaney - 21
Msgr. Joseph Tiso - Fran(;ois d'Orcival - 26
Murder in Slovakia - Hon. Alvin E. O'Konsld - 36
Speech of Hon. Ray J. Madden - 37
Slovak Bishops Appeal on Behalf of President Tiso - N.C.W.C. News
Service -
40
Who Killed Dr. Tiso? - Paul Kotva - 43
Priest, Teacher, President and National Hero - 48
Dr. Jozef Tiso-His Political Creed - Sister M. Constance Yakubov,
SS.C.M. - 50
Dr. Peter P. Hletko Most Elite of American Slovaks - Joseph C. Krajsa
-
57
Prof. Stanislav Meciar (1910-1971)-In Memoriam - J.M. Kirschbaum
- 60
Michael Novak on White Ethnics - Prof. Joseph A. Mikus, M.C.L. , J .D.
-
62
Slovak Martyrs - 64
British Attitude Towards Independent Slovakia in 1939 - F. Vnuk - 65
Th e Slovak Benedictines Review 50 Years in Cleveland, Ohio (1922-1972)
-
Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. -
92
The Cult of SS. Cyril and Methodius Amongst the Slovaks in U.S.A . and
Canada - K. Culen - 98
America's Discovery of Ethnic Values - A. V. Pier, O.S.B. - 114
Historical and Empi rical Methods of Studying Slovak-Americans as A
Distinct Ethnic Group - Dr. Steven I. Miller - 116
The Slovak Experience In Contemporary America - Daniel F. Tanzone
-125
Slovakia, the Land of B eauty - Helena T. Gaydos - 136
Tourist Trade of Slovakia - George A. Podhajsky - 140
Why Our Melting Pot Cooled Off - Rudolph J. Vecoli - 146
An Introduction to Slovak Costume - Agnes Bocaii - 153
Slovak Scientist Stefan A. Jedlik, O.S.B. - A. V. Pier - 158
Matthew Jankola 1872-1916 - Sister M. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. Declaration Adopted by Slovak World Congress - 193
Unity Is Necessary - Edward J . Behuncik - 195
As Others See It - 198
Book Reviews - 205
Rudolph Petrak, Slovak Tenor - J.C.S. - 217
161
��PRI NTI D IN U.S. A.
JIDN OTA PlllN TER Y,
MID DLli TOW N, PA.
�
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Vol. 22 (No. 45), 1972.
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1972
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SLOVAKIA
193
CURRENT ISSUES
Declaration Adopted
by Slovak World Congress
Representatives of Slovak organizations throughout
the free world as well as individuals of Slovak origin in
the United States of America, Canada, Australia, Austria,
Switzerland, Italy, France, South Africa, Argentina, Spain
and Germany assembled in Toronto in order to promote
the creation of a world organization of Slovaks hereby
declare that:
The struggle for freedom and self-fulfillment has been
a continuing process throughout Slovak history. Attainment
of this objective in the past has not been without obstacles,
or dedicated work and sacrifices of many individuals and
groups. Now, when the Slovak nation is unable to determine its own destiny, because it is under a foreign military
domination, :s uch efforts, dedication and sacrifices must
be increased to help them achieve their freedom once again.
Those of Slovak origin now living throughout the free
world, are urged to .dedicate themselves to this task. Our
obligation will be to present to the free world a true picture
of the life under which our brethren are compelled to live,
and to seek a change of their plight.
The concepts by which we will be guided in this work
will be the traditional values promoted throughout Slovak
history which have given vitality to the nation in its growth
and acceptance among nations of the western world.
The Congress will continue to adhere to the democratic
principles in the civil and international relations and considers tolerance in ideological, political and religious
matters an expression of maturity for democracy and
strongly opposes any tyranny whether it comes from the
left, or, from the right.
It has been obvious during the past two decades that
the Slovaks living in Slovakia have been unable to determine their own destiny. A number of recent facts attest
to this unfortunate reality namely the following:
The basic freedom of Slovaks, as well as of other Captive
194
SLOVAKIA
Nations under communism, are still quite limited-travel
to Western countries, and press and assembly freedoms
have recently been set back to almost the 1948 levels.
The federalization of Czecho-Slovakia into two equal
sectors-the Czech and the Slovak, introduced by the
Constitutional Act of October 1948, has been severely
circumscribed in recent past and is slowly being replaced
by a new centralism;
Religious freedom continues to be restricted to Roman
Catholics, Uniates, Lutherans, Jews and to other denominations; and
The present Czecho-Slovak Federal Government has
taken no initiative nor has it responded to initiatives
suggested by the Holy See in the Vatican to establish a
Catholic Province in Slovakia, even though such provinces
exist in Bohemia as well as in Moravia.
We contend that the issue of the continued existence
and recognition of a Slovak nation be duly accepted by all
nations, including the records of the United Nations.
The question of the suppressed freedoms of all nations
now living under communism must soon be given full
airing and remedies instituted. This has been and should
not cease to be an issue of interest to all civilized nations.
Slovaks call upon them to help in this cause.
We take a positive attitude towards the economic
integration in Europe and urge that the Slovak nation be
included in this and other unifying processes benefiting
their degree of economic and other freedoms.
Viewing the future political situation in Eastern Europe
with hope and cautious optimism, we look toward to the
day when obstacles which presently prevent cultural and
educational exchang* between Slovaks at home and
abroad will be removed.
To support the objectives mentioned above, we have
established a permanent organization under the name of:
Slovak World Congress, which shall embody the spirit
of brotherhood and mutual respect. Religious affiliations
or political views, insofar as they are not contrary to the
spirit of democracy and the objectives mentioned above,
will not bar anyone from membership or active participation in our organization. We consider it essential that our
goals and methods as well as our activities follow democratic principles.
SLOVAKIA
195
We shall endeavor to have the Slovak World Congress
represent its members at international scientific, cultural,
religious or political forums in the interest of the Slovak
nation as expressed in the Constitution and the by-laws
of the organization.
We urge that the Slovak World Congress devote itself
to promoting the spirit of unity among its members and
to co-ordinate all its efforts through constant contact with
member organizations maintained through central secretariats, regional secretariats, committees and information
bureaus in various countries around the world.
We ask the blessing of Almighty God in this undertaking in the firm hope that with the help and co-operation
of all those who wish well for the Slovaks we may successfully fulfill our role.
Members of the Committee:
Stephen B. Roman, LL.D., President; Rev. Dusan Toth,
Secretary General; Dr. J. A. Mikus, Dr. J. Stasko, Dr. J. M .
Kirschbaum,· Dr. J. Pauco, and Prof. E. Urban.
Toronto, Ont., June 20, 1971.
Unity Is Necessary
Edward J. Behun c i k
(The following are excerpts from the address of Edward J .
Behuncik, First Vice President of the Slovak World Congress, President of the Slovak League of America, and President of the American
Fund for Slovak Refugees given at the closing banquet of the Slovak
World Congress held at the Royal York Hotel, Toronto, Ontario,
Canada, Saturday, June 19. 1971.)
It is a rare and high privilege
to appear before such a historic
and distinguished gathering of
representatives of all walks of Slovak life and to break bread with
our fellow Slovaks from all parts
of the free world as we share this
memorable Congress in spirit, in
hope and in love with our brethren
in beautiful Slovakia.
The honor you do me in asking
that I speak in company with the
distinguished Chief Executive of
the great Province of Ontario, with
two colleagues from the great
Senate of the United States of
America, as well as the spiritual,
civic and cultural leaders who
grace the head table-this honor
cannot but move me. I thank you
most sincerely for asking me here.
Hopefully 1 will leave at least
196
SLOVAKIA
one or two important thoughts
with you-important to the permanent success of our fledgeling
Slovak World Congress, and that
is, our need for unity- and for
''Svornost a laska".In Joel, we read·'Your old men shall dream
dreams,
Your young men shall see
visions."Today, we combine the hopes
which both dreams and visions
embody.
Dreams are generally of things
past, visions are of the future.
Dreams are truly for older men
who have a past, while visions are
for the younger looking forward
to the future.
Experience alone is the look
backward, the dream of yesteryear, but it is only useful as it
clarifies the vision of tomorrow.
Here in Toronto, we put the
finishing touches--not upon a new
structure - rather upon the permanent foundation .
Because in fact, at New York
City, the Congress \\'as already
perfect in the sense that its objects were fully perceived, its
necessary organs present, its powers conferred, and its extent already, if only dimly, seen to be
world wide. In addition, its final
purpose, which alone can justify
its existence, was perfectly clear
and that was to become the r epresentative body of Slovaks scattered
as they are throughout the free
world.
Here during the past several
days, we have added to the New
York beginnings. We've used our
year old experience to improve,
amend, delete and otherwise add
to the permanent basis of a vital
organ for disseminating the cause
of the Slovak nation.
To bring about the final liberation of the Slovak nation and its
equality among all nations, the
Slovak World Congress presents
us with a golden opportunity.
If we complete its hopeful aspirations, if we create a permanent
edifice on the foundation built
here and in New York, we will
thereby sooner bring to fruition
the age old Slovak vision of liberty
and freedom with justice.
But unity is necessary - that
unity which has so often eluded
the efforts of our forebears .
Can we come together for the
future ?
Can we remain together? I think
we can; I know we must! ! !
We will and must let bygones
be bygones, let past differences as
nothing be, and with steady eye
on the real issue, let us reinaugu rate the good and old central
ideas of a free and independent
Slovakia, where our presently subjugated brethren can someday in
God's good time freely choose their
own destiny.
We have our quarrels, as all
happy families have.
We have di sagreed as all friend s
have.
But when the great human
cause of Slovakia comes before
us, in the natural fitness of things,
we have looked into our hearts,
and hidden away in their innermost recesses, we have discovered
a very shy but a very faithful
friendship for each other, no matter from what region of Slovakia
we originated. That is why we
are here this evening.
SLOVAKIA
So 1 say-we are united-but
more important - we must stay
united.
We can do it ! ! !
The human heart and human
aspirations are with us.
God is with us--Our Lady of
Sorrows is with us.
We shall-we must-succeed.
God forbid, if the Congress shall
dissipate instead of growing and
developing as it should-it will
be another eleven hundred years
before the vision of a unified, free
and independent Slovakia can
again be dreamed of. I know none
of us wish to have ~he horror of
such a c a ta s t r o p h e on our
consciences.
So, we must not fall-and we
won't if we do our duty-but the
time has passed when we can remain silent regarding the great
fundamentals of free government
and permit the enemies of the
Slovak social order to occupy the
center of the stage. The time has
come and that time is now when
we must take issue with those,
who infatuated with ch a o t i c
dreams, are seeking to undermine
the Slovak ideals and aspirations,
dreams and visions.
We now have the modus operandi-the vehicle.
We have the Slovak World
Congress. We, the participants in
and supporters of the Congress,
have it in our own hands whether
it shall be nothing more than the
brilliant after glow of a gorgeous
renaissance, or whether it shall
be the dawn of a newer and
brighter day in the struggle of the
Slovaks to fulfill their age old
vision of liberty and freedom with
justice.
Already, as we well know, on
several occasions, for several
197
brief moments, behind the far
spread iron curtain in Eastern
Europe. the rays of the setting
sun of materialistic communism
have mingled with the rays of the
rising sun of democracy. May that
sun grow in light and warmth and
may it be undimmed by the clouds
of our own internal dissension.
I am profoundly concerned. I
am deeply interested. I build the
greatest hopes upon this World
Congress. 1 am old enough to have
the experience to be able to
dream-but, I am young enough
to have the vision of a great institution - one from which, for example, some day-God grant-will
emerge a winner of the Nobel
Peace Prize - or the Literature
Prize.
And so, in bidding a foud adieu
to our fellow Slovaks returning to
their havens scattered throughout
the free world, I urge them and
all of you to hope- to hope as
the love of truth and obedience
to it shall grow and as with firmer
footing thereon, we look afar and
think clearly on what we see.
We shall see our Slovak World
Congress advancing to the high
position that awaits every organization and every nation which
honors the facts, which looks afar
and which thinks clearly and
positively.
And as we aspire to greater and
more illustrious achievements in
the glorious history of our beloved
Slovakia, we can well ponder the
prayer of Sir Francis Drake:
"Oh, Lord God, when Thou givest to Thy servants to endeavor any
great matter, grant us also, to
know, that it is not the beginning,
but the continuing of the same,
until it is thoroughly finished,
which yieldcth the true glory."
198
SLOVAKIA
AS OTHERS SEE
In these times, when many of us
seem to reflect on the place of our
origin, it was indeed interesting to
see how the Americans, Canadians,
and citizens of other free countries,
all of Slovak origin, demonstrated
their dedication to the cause of
peace with freedom in our age.
Their dedication was for freedom
for their kinfolk in Slovakia, now
part of the Communist satellite of
Czechoslovakia, who cannot themselves demonstrate their longing
for the liberties denied them for
23 years.
The Slovaks are a hardy people
who have been seeking the ideals
we in our own country so freely
enjoy-the right to their own self.
determination. And like other nations, captives under Communist
domination, the Slovaks know that
one day they will join ranks with
the civilized world with other free
nations. Until then the work of
the Slovak World Congress is indeed both most worthy and very
necessary and I hope I applaud it.
-
U.S. Senator Robert Taft, Jr.
The Slovak World Congress
stands for freedom and seeks to
preserve the language, culture and
national heritage. You are to be
commended for your strong antiCommunist stand. - Strom Thurmond., U.S. Senator
Please know that your concern
for freedom throughout the world
and particularly in Slovakia is
shared by all of us. No more dire
threat exists today than that posed
by the Soviet Union and I stand
with you against their expansionary
policies. Keep up with your good
work. - John Tower, U.S. Senator
I wish to congratulate the Slovak
people of our nation for the out-
IT
standing fight they have been
waging over the years in exposing
Communist tyranny which is the
most powerful threat to human
freedom in the history of the world.
If all groups of the free world
would have the same spirit of opposition and expose the criminality
of Communist enslavement methods and Communist living conditions there would be no doubt that
this Communistic threat to the
world would collapse in a very
short time. - Ray J. Madden, U.S.
Member of Congress
The struggle for freedom and
self-fulfillment has been a continuing process throughout Slovak
history. Attainment of this objective in the past has not been
without obstacles, or dedicated
work and sacrifices of many individuals and groups. Now, when the
Slovak nation is unable to determine its own destiny, because it
is under a foreign military domination, such efforts, dedication and
sacrifices must be increased to
help them achieve their freedom
once again.
Those of Slovak origin now living
throughout the free world, are
urged to dedicate themselves to
this task. Our obligation will be
to present to the free world a true
picture of the life under which our
brethren are compelled to live, and
to seek a change of their plight.
The concepts by which we will
be guided in this work will be
the traditional values promoted
throughout Slovak history which
have given vitality to the nation in
its growth and acceptance among
nations of the western world. Claiborne Pell, U.S. Senator
Even within the Communist
world there is an absolute intoler--
SLOVAKIA
ance for those faithful party members who would put a "human face"
on the dictatorship in order to
make it more palatable. I speak
of course, of Alexander Dubcek
who sought to purify, and reform,
but not replace or destroy, communism in Czechoslovakia. Yes even
after the true nature of the dictator
reared its ugly head and Dubcek's
reforms were sacrificed, we still
hear the drone of those who would
have us believe that the communist
dictator has changed. Let no one
be fooled - Communism is the
Number One enemy not only of
the Western World, but of humanity itself.
It is a tribute to all of you who
have felt the iron hand of the
communist dictator that you have
brought to the Western Hemisphere
an appreciation and understanding
of the dangers of communism
which is, unfortunately, shared by
too few Americans. - Robert C.
Mardian
It is a privilege to address men
and women who stand for the forefront of civilization's never-ending
struggle for freedom.
For more than eleven centuries
the Slovak people have been developing, extending and seeking to
preserve a rich and fertile cultural
heritage. More than that, you have
sought endlessly to maintain that
priceless ingredient of true spiritual fulfillment-the right of the
individual citizen to be his own
person, to think his own thoughts,
to speak his own words, to contribute directly to the formation
and performance of his own government and to worship as he chooses.
In so doing you have contributed
your full share, and perhaps more,
to the development of the Slavic
peoples as a whole and to the cultural family of peoples around the
world.
199
Ontario and all of Canada has
been enriched by the spirit and
integrity of Slovaks, Ukrainians,
Poles, Czechs, Serbs, Croats, Slovenes and all of the others who
claim the honor of membership in
the world Slavic community which
numbers more than 200 million
persons. - William C. Davis, Prime
Minister of Ontario
Vienna, AtLstria - Communist
Czecho-Slovakia's closed-door policy against religious literature
mailed from abroad has provoked
a steady stream of protests within
its own borders, according to reports reaching here.
Demands for an explanation are
being sent to postal authorities by
Czecho-Slovak citizens who learn
that religious books such as the
Bible have been mailed to them
from abroad but returned to the
sender by government authorities.
The regime's reply to that publications contrary to Czecho-Slovakia's laws are refused entry. But
no particulars are given to explain
how the Bible or devotional books
are in opposition to the country's
laws.
"Foreign reviews and books may
be sent into Czecho-Slovakia without limitation of any sort," said
a standard explanation from the
central office for incoming foreign
parcels in Prague. Post Office 120.
"However, reviews and books
which by their content are contrary to our legislative norms are
refused local delivery, according
to the prevailing international
standards."
The letter of explana,tion concluded: "Peace to the world!"
It seems that books arriving
from certain senders or destined
for certain addresses are returned
automatically without examination.
Recently one man received back
from Czecho..Slovakia an unopened
200
SLOVAKIA
package he had sent his brother
containing a book on photography.
Official documents mailed by
Vatican offices to various bishops
in Czecho-Slovakia have been returned marked "refused."
In June, the secretariat for
church affairs of the Slovakia region's government notified bishops,
pastors and Religious superiors
that religious publications from
abroad were prohibited where "in
conflict with the interest of our
socialist state."
The of.ficial notice continued:
"The provision also concerns the
propagation and publication of information and instructions of various kinds from abroad, whether
through
internal
ecclesiastical
channels, in official documents or
in any form whatsoever."
It warned that the distribution
of prohibited literature is punishable under Czecho-Slovakia's penal
code.
Czecho-Slovakia's hard-line communist rulers, brought to power by
the Soviet invasion of August 1968,
have been steadily tightening the
screws on the Catholic Church for
the past two years.
In January 1970 the Slovakia
ministry of culture decreed that
every act of official worship, including private Masses, must have
state approval. A similar decree
was issued by the ministry of culture in the Czech region of Bohemia.
In July of that same year the
Slovakia government asserted the
right to blackball newly chosen
superiors of congregations of nuns.
In November, 1970 the Bohemia
ministry of culture forbade the
Church to give courses preparing
couples for marriage.
In July 1971 the ministry of
culture decreed severe limitations
upon the teaching of religion. Its
Slovakia counterpart did likewise.
Decrees approving newly resurrected pro-government associations
of peace priests were issued simultaneously in August 1971 by the
Bohemian and Slovakian governments.
But the regime 's restrictions on
Church activity and growth have
not been confined to legislation
and decrees. Through administrative
acts the regime has kept more
than half the applicants out of the
country's seminaries and has dismissed from convents all Sisters
who entered them when the country's liberalized regime of early
1968 reopened the convent to
novices.
The present, neo-Stalinist regime
has attempted to manipulate the
Church by installing its own candidates in key positions, such as
vicar general of Brno and of Roziiava, and the executive committees
of the Bohemian and Slovakian
Catholic charitable agencies.
Meanwhile, the controlled press
has been keeping up a steady fire
on religion in general and the
churches in particular.
Christians in Bohemia are bracing themselves for still heavier
assaults upon them and their
churches now that the head of the
region's religious affairs office,
Karel Hruza, has returned from
a Moscow meeting with · his counterparts from other Communist
states.
Czecho-Slovakia's present program of religious repression was
launched shortly after his return
from a similar meeting in Moscow
in October 1969. - NC New s Service
Vienna. - The situation of the
Church and of human rights and
freedoms.
in
communist-ruled
Czecho-Slovakia is growing worse,
not better.
Experts agree that the situation
SLOVAKIA
201
after the short bright 1968 methods to promote atheist edu "humanizing" period before the cation.
Dubcek regime was overthrown by
Party officials said repeatedly at
Soviet-led invaders - is similar recent meetings that religion "has
now to that of the hated Stalinist a negative influence on the for.
times.
mation of Socialist conscience."
The Church has become the
The Bratislava communist newstarget of concentrated attacks from paper, Pravda, demanded that relitwo directions - through adminis- gious ceremonies - christenings,
trati ve measures and ideological weddings and funerals - be rearguments.
placed by Socialist ceremonies,
The communist regime is at- because " the Church has misused
tempting to strangle religious the most important stages of
activities slowly but effectively by human life for its own purposes."
administrative action.
Karel Hruza, head of the gove rnMore than half of all parishes in ment state office, has described
Bohemia lack priests and there is the regime's plans. "After rightists
no chance to overcome the short- and counter-revolutionaries are reage. At the moment only 12 stu- moved from the party and governdents study for the priesthood in ment, we must concentrate in
the entire Archdiocese of Olomouc. working a platform to cope with
As a result of government the reactionary policy of the
chicanery, the number of children Church. - Gerd Kriwanek, Reliattending religious instruction in gious News Service, January 28,
school is sharply declining.
1972.
th
At the same time,
e regime
Ladislav Bezak loaded his wife
has endorsed increased ideological and four children in a two-place
attacks on the Church. Jozef Le- · light plane December 9 1971 and
nart, firs_t secretary of the Slovak left for what he desc;ibed as a
Communist Party, charged the
"pleasure trip. "
Church with having misused the
The flight originated in Prague,
situation in 1968 " to create a politand his destination was Nuernberg,
ical basis for clericalism and
West Germany. He did not file
Catholicism. "
a flight plan.
Lenart alleged that religious
Bezak is an experienced pilot sentiments were misused to pro- perhaps one of the best in the
mote "anti-Sovietism and anti- world. At the first World Aerosocialism."
batic Contest in 1960 at Bratislava,
The regime has increased its Slovakia, he was a gold medal
atheist propaganda. Thus the mag- winner in aerobatic competition.
azine for teachers Ucitel'ske American pilots describe him as
Noviny - urged the abolition of a quiet engineer who always wore
any "liberal attitude towards re- a suit and tie rather than the casual
ligion and the Church in our clothes worn by most competitive
society." The journal also pledged pilots.
increased atheist education of
Shortly after he and his famil y
young people by the party, the left Prague, a Czech MIG jet
mass media, the schools and major fighter began a chase, and although
organizations.
Bezak waggled his wings and
It also suggested that the Acade- waved to convince the fighter pilot
my of Science devise the best they were on a pleasure flight , the
202
SLOVAKIA
MIG began to fire on the light
plane.
Aerobatic maneuvers require
precise skill. They are difficult
enough in a special airplane, with
perfect weight and balance distribution under ideal conditions. With
six peop'le in a small plane, they
would have to be considered impossible category. In addition,
being fired on by a military jet
could tend to disturb the concentration.
The little plane - loaded over
gross, and perhaps a third as fast
as the fighter - apparently didn't
have a chance. But the pilot was
Bezak!
According to the Aerobatic Club
of America, Bezak flew the book
at the military pilot. Flying many
of the patterns which had earned
him world championship 10 years
before, he was able to elude the
jet and continue on to the border.
Before he reached it, the small
plane was fired on from the ground.
Bezak dived into a cloud bank, and
with the children in tears and his
wife in prayer, broke out across
the border at 300 feet. The escape
was a success.
Ladislav Bezak, like most good
aerobatic pilots, flies for prizes.
During this trip he won the biggest
prize of them all - freedom for
himself and his family. - Lew
Inquirer,
Philadelphia
Hodges,
February 6, 1972.
Lehigh is searching for a graduate student of Slovak ancestry to
prepare a history of Slovak people
in Bethlehem. Money for this project was left to the University
from an even more unusual source:
a Southside Bethlehem bachelor
druggist who died in 1968 at age
67 and left Lehigh $67,500 in an
unsigned will. The druggist, John
Weldy Wasco, worked and apparently lived at 843 E. 4th Street.
Relatives contested his will all the
way to the Pennsylvania Supreme
Court, which upheld two lower
court decisions in favor of Lehigh.
Wasco stipuleted that $10,000 of
the $67,500 was to go toward compiling and printing a history of
Slovaks in Bethlehem, and that the
project must be carried out by
a Slovak student. Wasco's wish
appeared in local newspapers without the criteria he set for the
historian, and a number of Lehigh
faculty expressed interest before
learning they did not qualify. Wasco also specified that his personal
papers be edited, and left $5,000
for the University to arrange that.
University officials could not
explain what motivated Wasco's
generosity. He wrote a will in 1967
making Lehigh his sole beneficiary,
and later changed it to add the
provision about the Slovak history.
- Lehigh University Publication
Ondrej Nepela, the skating wonder from Slovakia, won the 11th
Winter Olympic Games' gold medal
as Russia's Sergei Chetveroukin
edged into second place for the
silver and Patrick Pera of France
won the bronze.
Two Americans, Ken Shelley of
Downey, Calif., and John Mischa
Petkevitch of Great Falls, Montana,
moved into fourth and fifth places,
passing East Germany's young Jan
Hoffman, who had been fourth
after the compulsory figures.
Nepela, the world champion, fell
early in his program while attempting a triple-toe-loop. Fall do
not necessarily ruins a skater's
marks since he is judged on the
difficulty of his routine.
Nepela was smooth and graceful
but his program was neither as
imaginative nor a dynamic as that
of some of his rivals, including the
two Americans.
Despite his fall, the Slovak rated
SLOVAKIA
scores no lower than 5.9s in technical merit and he had two 5. 7s
with the rest 5.8 in artistic impressions.
His total points were 2739.1,
well ahead of the rest of the field.
In the official ordinal rankings,
Nepela had a perfect 9.0, meaning
he was rated No. 1 by all nine
judges. The Russian had 20.0 in
ordinals and Pera 28.0. - Associated Press, February 12, 1972.
Dr. Joseph Tiso, wartime president of the Slovak Republic, is
no more. Tried and convicted as
a "war criminal" by a ~called
People's Court, he was executed
last week American press dispatches - both secular and religious were concise and negligently brief.
No fanfare or publicity. Merely that
the priest-president was sentenced
and the sentence carried out.
Was Dr. Tiso a "war criminal"?
The very fact of news silence here
betrays a kind of embarrassed admission that things were not just
fine in "Glocca Morra." The trials
of Draga Mihailovitch and Archbishop Stepinac given due publicity aroused resentment in the
United States, an attitude, which,
while it accomplished nothing
actual for the persons involved,
nevertheless illustrated the rightprincipled conscience of the thinking public. But Dr. Tiso's case was
denied even the type of consolation,
because the facts and circumstances
of the Tiso case are quite unknown
to the American people. Whose the
fault, whose the blame for this?
The Hon. Robert Jackson, presiding over the trials in Nuremberg wrote "All experience teaches
that there are certain things you
cannot do under the guise of judicial trial. You must put no man
on trial before anything that is
called a court, if you are not prepared to establish his personal
203
guilt . . . If you are determined to
execute a man in any case, there is
no occasion for a trial. The world
yields no respect to courts that are
merely organized to convict."
Tiso's trial was a travesty of
justice. Actually, the issue was a
political one primarily. Tried by
the "People's Court" Tiso was denied representation by the attorney
engaged by his friends. American
papers had nothing to say about
the fact that Alois Loyek, the attorney, was abused by the security
officials, told he could not represent Tiso, and all defense material
confiscated. The presiding judge
and six political associates was Igor
Daxner who himself was once tried
by a regular court during Tiso's
regime for planning with the Benes
government-in-exile to turn Slovakia over to Russia, and sent to jail.
Was Dr. Tiso a "war criminal" ?
The answer necessitates a thorough
perusal of the events which led to
his election as Premier of Slovakia
before the war started· - under a
valid act of the Prague Parliament,
events little known here, events in
the evolution of democracy in the
republic of Czecho-Slovakia without
a knowledge of which the case of
Tiso cannot be justly viewed. If
these facts were made public, perhaps public opinion, such as it is.
might be swayed to the right even though a little too late." The Catholic L i ght, Scranton, Pa.
4-25-47.
Dr. Tiso's public life was political, though this fact is not to be
held in any way against him. In
many parts of Europe ecclesiastics
find themselves pushed into politics because the cause of their Catholic people needs to be protected,
and there are not a sufficient number of laymen educated to the job.
Happily, this state of affairs is
passing away, for it is not in itself
204
SLOVAKIA
very desirable. However excellent
the motives of the cleric concerned,
he risks his spiritual office being
contaminated, at least in public
esteem, by the relatively low standards of political life, and the higher
he rises in the political world, the
harder it may become to distinguish the priest from the politics.
Dr. Tiso, so far as we are aware
always remained an exemplary
priest, but he came to find himself
responsible for the fate of his
fellow Slovakians in terrible times.
Through these times he did his
duty to his people as he saw it.
In a way not dissimilar from
that of an Irish leader in relation
to the British, he strove to protect
the religion, culture and national
autonomy of Slovakia as against
the Czechs whose public outlook
was dominated by very different
rnlues.
Such is the path of treason in
the eyes of one side and of heroic
patriotism in the eyes of the other.
And few who tread this hard road
can look back on their lives and
deny having made mistakes.
In the long run history will al-
ways vindicate the sincere patriot
as against the utilitarian judgment
of those who condemn him on a
legalistic interpretation of treason.
In each case the career of such
a man is a challenge to those called
UPon to judge him. Are they big
enough to look with the eyes of
history and to seek reconciliation
and understanding by the great
gesture? Or are they small men
who cannot see beyond the legalisms and their wounded vanity?
In the face of this test, Dr. Benes
and the rulers of Czecho-Slovakia
have dismally failed. They have
had to judge a good man, a priest,
a great and courageous patriot, and
all they have been able to do is
to raise a martyr for Slovakia.
This small-minded folly is only
too typical of the men whom the
fortunes of war have favoured .
Instead of trying to realize unity
on the basis of victory, these little
men are as busy as they can be
indulging their feelings by carving
even deeper the channels which
devide man from man and nation
from nation. - Catholic Herald .
London, 4-25-47.
SLOVAKIA is µublishecl annually by the Slovak
League of .America, a cultural and civic federation
of Americans of Slovak descent.
One of the purpo··es of SLOVAKIA is to promote a better understanding and appreciat1on of the
Sl<OVak nation and its long struggle foT freedom and
i ndependeuce.
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SLOVAKIA
205
BOOK REVIEWS
BOOKS ON SLOVAK LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE
Reviewed by
J. M. KIRSCH BA UM
Bibliografia slovenskej jazykovedy ethymology,
terminology, orthoand lexicography which
are the preferred fields of Slovak
linguists; the survey of published
articles, studies and books between
1961-1965 shows that Slovak linguists made great progress in the
following disciplines; history of
the language, dialectology, morphology, syntax, onomastics, stylistic
aspects of language, problems of
translation, the structure and acoustics of language and language
culture. This development become
more than apparent if we compare
the present work with the Biblio-
1961-1965 (Bibliography of Slo- graphy,
vak Linguistics 1961-1965), by
Ladislav Dvonc; Matica slovenska (Martin, 1970), pages 804,
multi-lingual, English summary.
For Western Slavists the Bibliography of Slovak Linguistics is not
wLthout interest. This voluminous
publication shows that Slovak linguistics has developed considerably during the latter years of the
Stalinist regime. It also indicates
that the attempts of some philologists, supported by the policy of
the regime in the 1950's, to infiltrate the Slovak language with
Czech vocabulary and to bring its
structure as close to the Czech
language as possible in order to
create a "CzechoS'lovak language"
back-fired. Slovak linguists, with
the exception of one or two philologists trained in Prague ( S. Peciar, especi'ally), repudiated these
attempts and began not only to
clear the Slovak language from
foreign infiltrations but in a number of studies brought Slovak
linguistics quantitatively as well as
qualitatively to the level of other
Slavic nations within the Soviet
orbit.
With its 2111 entries pertaining
to the Slovak language, the Bibliography is, however, not simply a
numerical expression of the development of li.nguistic studies on
the Slovak language. Of great importance is the number of disciplines studied by Slovak linguists.
It is not any more only grammar,
graphy of Slovak Linguistics for
1957-1960 by the same author. The
new Bibliography contains: 1) all
linguistic articles, studies and books
published in Slovakia; 2) contributions in non-Slovak periodicals ( one
from Canada), studies and articles
by non-Slovak authors on the Slovak language or on linguistics published in Slovakia. As a result, the
entries in this Bibliography are not
only more numerous, but also multi-lingual. The publication shows
that many Slovak linguists themselves ,published their studies in
foreign languages, mainly in Russian.
A strong Russian influence in
Slovak linguistics is even more
evident in the number of articles,
studies and books dealing with the
Russian language. Bibliographical
data about the Russian language
cover more than 100 pages, while
other Slavic languages follow in
this order: Czech 25 pages, Ukrainian 9 pages, Polish 3 pages, Slovenian
206
SLOVAKIA
3/4 of a page, Byelorussian and
Bulgarian ¼ of a page each. For
a short time the methods of the
Russian linguistic school, or as
some linguists say, "the Marxists
and Stalinists principles and methods," were also imposed on Slovak
philology and linguistics and prevailed in some works (see my essay
" Contemporary Tendencies in Slovak Philology," Slavic and East
European Studies, Vol. IV, 34, University of Montreal, 1960). Around
1960 Slovak linguists turned, however, against the russification as
well as against the Czech infiltration of the Slovak language and
Slovak linguistics.
Studies, articles and books pertaining to the Slovak language
have been published, according to
this Bibiiography, predominantly
in Slovak, but over 300 entries were
published in Western languages,
including English, in other Slavic
languages and in Hungarian. It
was mainly the works of the older
generation of Slovak linguists (J .
Stanislav, E. Pauliny) which appeared in international symposia
in English, French or Russian. The
younger generation on the other
hand has broadened the field of
Slovak linguists to include many
disciplines and their studies have
maintained a high academic level.
They continue to be grouped around the periodicals Slovenska
rec (Slovak Language), Jazykovedr
ny casopis (Linguistic Journal)
and Jazykovedne studie (Linguistic
Studies) and have published the
Zbornik Filozofickej Fakulty Univ.
Komenskeho - Philologica (Sym-
posium of the F1aculty of Arts of
the Comenius University) and
Zbornik Filozofickej Fakulty Univ.
P. J. Safcirika (Symposium of the
University of P. J . Safarik). Editors
gether with V. Blanar, L. Dvonc,
G. Horak, J. Horecky and R. Krajcovic wrote the major part of the
Slovak linguistic studies contained
in the Bibliography.
Even though the works of foreign
philologists (R. Auty, R. Jakobson)
from Western countries are included in this Bibliography it does not
contain articles, studies or books
published by Slovak intellectuals
abroad except for one French essay
by this reviewer which appeared
in Etudes Slaves et est-europeennes (Montreal, 1963). Valuable
studies by H. Bartek who was the
founder of the periodical Slovenska
rec or books, articles, dictionaries
and surveys by S. Bue, F. Hrobak,
J . J . Konus, J . Rekem and others
were apparently not allowed by
the regime to be recorded. The
"normalization" which followed the
brief period of relative freedom in
1968, has again separated the Slovaks in Slovakia from Slovak intellectuals in the West even in the
field of linguistics and the population of Slovakia is not allowed to
know about the cultural activities
among some two million Slovaks
abroad.
The usefulness of Dvonc's Bibliography for Slavists cannot be
doubted. It is a thoroughly prepared standard work. An index of
names and a subject index enhance
the practical value of this voluminous book.
SLOVENSKA BIBLIOGRAFIA V
ZAHRANitf 1945-1965 (Slovak
Bibliography Abroad 1945-1965) :
Compiled by Prof. M. Lacko S.J ..
published by The Slovak Institute (Cleveland-Rome), 1967, 366
pp., multi-lingual, instruction in
Slovak and English.
The long expected Slovak Biblioof these periodicals have been E. graphy Abroad, which had to reJona , J. Ruzicka, Prof. E . Pauliny, cord the cultural activities of
L. f>urovic and S. Dobos who to- Slovak intellectuals in the West,
SLOVAKIA
has finally been published and we
cannot but welcome it.
Slovak Bibliography Abroad 19451965 records the literary production of Slovak authors in Western
countries in the fields of history,
political science, religion, philology, folklore, literary history and
cdticism, music, theology, literature and natural science. A special
chapter deals with general works
on Slovakia and Slovaks abroad,
includtng Slovaks in Canada. In
addition, the Bibliography records
the works of non-Slovak authors
in the above-mentioned fields if
they were translated into the Slovak language and deal explicitly
with Slovakia or Czecho-Slovakia
as a whole.
Absent from this Bibliography
are works and studies on Slovak
subjects., published in the countries
of the Soviet block since it was
impossible for the compilers to
carry out the necessary research.
As a result, the publication contains literary and scientific writings
of Slovaks living in some 15 Westem countries and published in all
major Western languages.
Considering the difficulties which
wr:ilters, scholars and scientists
face in exile, the Bibliography with
its 2,438 entries gives an impressive picture of Slovak cultural life
abroad after the Second W . W. One
can understand this properly only
if he is familiar with some basic
facts about the Slovak intellectual
community in Western countries.
At the end of the Second World
War, 50me 5,000 educated Slovak5
left their native country; in 1948
they were followed by a new wave
of immigrants after the Communist
coup d'etat. In the first wave of
exiles were some of the be5t Slovak writers, poets and scores of
young intellectuals from all fields
of cultural endeavor who either
completed their studies at univer-
207
sities in Western countries or continued their intellectual work even
if they had to take menial jobs in
the countdes in which they found
refuge. Many of the younger generation attained positions at universities (22 in Canada) or institutions
of higher education. Others became
editors of newpapers and many
poets and writers continued to
write valuable works besides their
employment in clerical jobs or
other professions.
Besides the chapter on literature
which records writings of .some
25 poets and 15 prose writers, the
largest number of entries is in the
chapter on history ( 437), philology
and literary history ( 224) , and
political science (160). However,
the natural sciences and economy
are also among the best represented with 275 entries. Writings on
history and political science, philology and literary history are predominantly in foreign languages.
Some authors (Mikus, Kirschbaum,
Rekem, Vnuk) published their
studies in 3 or 4 Western languages.
In literature, the Bibliography lists
works by several of the best Slovak
poets and novelists who in exile
created works considered among
the best in contemporary Slovak
literature (Hronsky, Dilong, Sprinc,
Strmen, Zvonicky, etc.) .
The Bibliography also indicates
that there are several Slovak cultural centers in the Western countries. From Canada the Bibliography has listed books, studies
and articles 'b y some 20 Slovak
authors. Ten of them have been
active either tn Slavic studies or
in philology, sociology, theology
and science, the remaining 15 in
literature. Actually Canada and the
United States seem to have produced the most prolific Slovak
authors, not only in literature but
also in other fields. Also the major
208
SLOVAKIA
centers of Slovak publishing activities have been in the United States,
but Italy, Argentina and West Germany have equally active groups
in publishing books, periodicals
and newspapers.
The BibHography further shows
that some Slovak scholars and
writers published their writings,
including poetry, in several languages (English, French, Italian,
Spanish) and in certain cases the
originals were written in foreign
languages and not translated from
the Slovak. This is a new feature
in Slovak literature and scholarly
writing. Because of adverse political circumstances Slovaks had very
limited opportunities to study abroad not only before the Second
World War, but also after 1945.
The exiled writers and scholars
made apparently a great effort to
fill this lacuna.
No doubt the compiler of the
Bibliography, Prof. Michael Lacko,
accomplished a task which is usually done by many researchers
over several years. By his own
admission, he does not cover all
published studies and articles by
Slovaks abroad ; actually in some
cases valuable studies were left
out either in foreign language or
in Slovak. Additions and extensions
to the Bibliography have, therefore, been promised by the compiler, as well as by the publishers.
However, even in its present
form, the Bibliography is a valuable contribution to Slavic studies
and a very useful publication, not
only for Slovak scholars and researchers , but also for Slavists who
read English, the Bibliography
being bi-lingual. The value of the
Bibliography is also enhanced by
listing bibliographies on Slovak
matters as well as periodicals and
newspapers, annuals, and symposia, published in some 15 countries.
Julius Noge : An Outl.ine of Slovakian L i terature (The Tatrapress
Agency, Bratislava), 1968, 120 pp.
This is the first book in English
on Slovak literature which was
published in Slovakia since the
Communist takeover in 1948. The
fact that it was published in 1968
would indicate that Dubcek's liberalization has to be credited for ,t his
slender booklet on 200 years of
literary activities in the Slovak
language. The restoration of Czecho-Slovakia in 1945 cut off Slovakia
from the rest of the world, especially from the West, and Slovak
literature, art, science and culture
in genera-I were to remain unknown
to the Western world.
Julius Noge, one of the literary
critics who followed the directives
of the Communist Party and was,
therefore, favored by the Communist regime, divided his "succint"
outline of Slovak literature into
7 chapters: From Old Church Slavonic learning (sic) to pre-Romanticism; Romanticism ( 1843-1870 ) ;
Realism (1870-1905); Slovakian Literary Modernism ; Slovakian Literature between the wars (1918
1945); Contemporary Literature
( 1945-); Conclusion and Completion. Some of these chapters are
very short, superficial and the
whole publication is unbelievably
biased towards writers and poets
whose works expressed ideas opposed to Communism as, for instance, the poets and writers of
Catholic modernism and all Slovak
writers and poets in exile, except
for J . C. Hronsky. Faithful to the
directives of the Party, Noge considers as the greatest poets and
writers such second class poets as
Novomesky or Valek, and such
mediocre writers as Vamos and
Jilemnicky. "The poems by Laco
Novomesky - assording to Noge
- are most expressive, from the
SLOVAKIA
209
artistic and human point of view that those years were the "dark
most mature fruit of modern Slo- age" of Slovak literature. The lie
vakfan poetry. His works are fre- has, however, short legs, as a Sloquently the key opening the way vak saying goes. A glance at the
to ,t he sense and the problems of Slovak literary production between
Slovakian literature between the 1939 and 1945 included in his book,
wars and after them."
shows that even the leading ComValek, who plays today the role munists published freely: Novoof the Minister of Culture in Slo- mesky published his book in 1939;
vakia which after 1945 had been Hecko in 1942; Tafarka in 1942;
played by Novomesky is, according Kostra in 1939, 1940, and two books
to Noge, even of greater import- in 1942; Ponican in 1940 and 1941 ;
ance for Slovak literature. "Valek's Horov in 1940 , l942 and 1944;
complex work - writes Noge - . .Zary in 1941 and two books
so rich in meaning and expression, in 1942; Ondrejov in 1940, and so
inaugurated a new stage in the on. In fact, all Slovak writers and
evolution of Slovakian poetry, re- poets created and published during
presenting hitherto in some respect th e years of the Slovak Republic
its peak." Horibile dictu! The Eng- more th an at any time before,
lish reader could not help looking regardless of the fact whether they
with contempt on Slovak literature supported the regime or not. Comif these minor poets were its great- munist literary historians should
est authors and their poetry re- not underestimate the intelligence
presented the peak of Slovak liter- of Wes tern readers. From the readature.
ing of Noge's booklet, anyone can
find out that, with the exception
Noge seems to be objective in of G. Va.mos, who was not in Slohis write-up on individual Slovak vakia and Jilemnicky who was a
poets and writers only in his evalu- Czech settled in Slovakia, every
ation of the literary works pro- Slovak writer, poet, literary hisduce<l in the 1950's. He admits that torian or critic ,p ublished his works,
"authoritarian methods of regle- and the younger ones their debuts
mentation in the field of literature during that period.
Since it is the first survey of
reached ,t heir peak in 1951." He
also writes that the literature and Slovak literature in the English
poetry of that time was "just the language, we cannot but regret
poetic drafting of political and that it is not better either in form
journalistic phrases" and that in or content. This publication will
prose writing the topics "were hardly convince English, American,
treated in the manner of agitating Canadian, or Australian readers
propaganda." However, this should that Slovak literature is worthbe understood in the context of while to be studied, taught and
the events of 1968 when Noge's read. In addition to its shortbooklet was published. Criticism of comings mentioned above, the pubthe 1950's was not only fashionable lication also suffers from a very
in 1968 but also a prerequisite for bad translation and too many printpublishing.
ing errors. It would seem that
One of the most .biased state- emigre Slovak intellectuals must
ments in Noge's book is his asser- publish an English survey of Slotion that during the Slovak Repub- vak literature to present it to the
lie some writers and poets "ceased civilized world in an objective light
to write belles-lettres," intimating and proper form .
210
SLOVAKIA
Letopis Pamatnika Slovenskej Lite- lenced not only Stur but also many
ratu:ry 1970. Compiled and Edited of his followers and it was mainly
by Juraj Chovan (Matica slovenska, Martin 1970), pp. 250, Russian and German Summary,
Index.
Slovak literary history receives
in this publication some new insights and correct interpretation
of the work of three prominent
men of letters: Jan Holly, Andrej
Radlinsky and Martin Hamuljak.
Not only during the inter-war period when Slovak literary history
was adjusted to the political aims
of "Czechoslovakism", but also since
1945, Catholic writers and their
role in Slovak national development was minimized or completely
neglected . For a short time after
the Second World War, Holly was
rediscovered and some valuable
publications of his life and work
appeared in Slovakia or were prepared for the printers. For the
ce11tennary of Holly, literary historians and critics such as Jozef
Ambrus, Jozef Felix and others
prepared nine volumes of Holly's
poetry with comments and evaluation. However, the re.g ime did not
allow distribution of Holly's work
and it appeared only after 20 years
in second-hand bookshops. The
reason for such undeserved treatment of Holly's work was apparently the fact that it was published
by Spolok sv. Vojtecha.
The present publication gives
justice to Holly and, at the same
time, it presents Radlinsky and
Hamuljak and their activities in
a true light. Not only in the political history but also in literary
history, the period between 1848
and 1918 was interpreted in such
a way as if Slovak Catholics had
not played any role in Slovak
national life. The facts are, of
course, quite different. The disillusionment of the year 1848 si-
the Catholic intelligentsia who
kept the flame of national consciousness alive and were active
in cultural and literary life. From
Radlinsky through Moyses to Oswald, a score of Slovak Catholics
organized cultural and literary
activi.ties and fought for the national rights of the Slovak people.
Contributions to the present publications by Augustin Mat'ovcik,
Zemka Cejkova, Konstantin Palkovie and Juraj Chovan, bring to
light some interesting details on
this period mainly in connection
with Radlinsky's activities.
The present Letopis is the fourth
publication of this kind by Matica
slovenska. All of them have been
dealing with research into Slovak
literature and contained results of
studies by qualified literary historians. The greater part of the
present publication is composed of
papers presented at two conferences in April 1969. The first confere nce was organized on the occasion of the 120th anniversary of
the death of J. Holly in Trnava
and the second one on the occasion
of the 110th anniversary of the
death of A. Radlinsky. In addition
of these papers, there is an interesting essay on Slovak studies Slovakica - at foreign universities
by J . Kuzmik. The essay deals so
far with Slovak studies in Slavic
countries. But the title of the essay
indicates that it will deal with Slova k studies in all foreign universities and institutions. We hope that
Kuzmik will treat the subject with
scholarly objectivity when he writes
on Slovak studies at American and
Canadian universities. A short survey published by him sometime
ago indicated that he was not free
of the usual bias common to all
literary and cultural historians in
today's Slovakia. He left out im-
SLOVAKIA
portant contributions to Slovak
studies at Western universities
just because of political considerations and inflated the importance
of others who professed political
ideologies accepted rby the present
regime in Czecho-Slovakia.
The publication also contains
documents and information on
various cultural topics, as well as
book reviews. Slovaks abroad learned with satisfaction that Matica
slovenska in Prievidza organized
an exhibition of the literary work
of J. C. Hronsky. The exhibition
lasted two weeks and met with
great interest by the public. The
objectivity of this publication is
enhanced by including an account
on this exhibition in which it has
been admitted that Hronsky was
"one of the most important, but
also systematically under-estimat:ed
Slovak writer."
Unfortunately, the publication
contains only a short Russian and
German summary and will, therefore, be useful only for Slavists
who can read Slovak. Nevertheless,
we welcome this valuable contribution to better and more objective
evalu ation of the Slovak literary
past.
W ith Christ in His Passion. By
Rudolph Dilong. '!1ranslated from
the original Slovak by Sister M.
Martina Tibor, SS.C.M., Villa of
the Sacred .Heart, Danville, Pa.,
1971, pp. 75, $2.50.
The greatest poetic genius of
our century, the French poet, Paul
Claude!, used to say (in several
variations) about the poet and
poetry.
"The object of poetry is not, as
they say very frequently, dreams,
illusions or ideas_ It is the holy
reality, given once for all times,
in the center of which we are
situated. It is the universe of in-
211
visible things. It is all that we look
at and all that looks back at us.
All this is God's work; it renders
matter inexhaustible for all the
greatest poet says and sings as well
as the smallest bird. Since there is
a phiiosophia perennis that does
not invent ... abstract beings that
no one has ever seen except thei r
authors, .. . so there is also a poesis
perennis that does not invent its
themes, but it eternally recaptures
those which Creation furnishes to
it ... The purpose of poetry is not,
as Baudelaire says, 'to plunge into
the bottom of the Infinite to find
something new,' but to plunge into
the bottom of the definite in order
to find there the inexhaustible ...
Nor is he a poet who invents, but
he who, approaching things, assembles and permits us to understand them."
Justly we can apply these concepts especially to the religious
poetry of Rudolf Dilong, the most
prolific and meritorious contemporary Slovak poet living in exile
(Pittsburgh, Pa.)
So he took a plunge into the
sacred reality of the Pascha'l Mystery and with a luminous creative
poetic imagry tried the humanly
impossible: to capture the uncapturable mystery found in Christ's
redemptive mystery of suffering
and victory. He listens in these
depths and assembles the rays of
his poetic vision in powerful and
eloquent words. These are his immortal merits.
How about the (frequently overlooked) merits of the translator,
Sister Martina Tibor? Well, if
poetry is art par excellence, so is
its translation. To translate poetry
well requires above all the perfect
mastery of two languages. But this
is not enough. The translator must
be also a virtual pbet (in potentia),
to save in his translation as much
SLOVAKIA
212
of the sublime poetic beauty as it
is possible. And this process must
be a new creation: a scrupulous
penetration into the fine shades
of meanings and the recapturing
in another language this almost
imperceptible shimmering of condensed poetic experience and expression. Even so, something will
always be lost from the genuine
beauty of the original.
AU in all, we gladly say that
Sister Martina did a splendid job
in translating into English the most
difficult, exuberant and most sublime religious poetry of the poet1>riest Rudolf Dilong. It is a valuable cultural service to the poetic
Slovak genius.
Nichoias Sp r in c,
Borromeo Seminary College
of Ohio
··DIE SLOWAKEI IN DER NACHDER
KRIEGSENTWICKLUNG
(The
TSCHECHO-SLOWAKEI"
Role of Slovakia in the Political
Evolution of Czecho--Slovakia
After the Second World War);
by Prof. J. M. Kirschbaum,
Schriftenreihe des Matus Cernak
Instituts, Koln, Nr. 3, 1971, pp.
32, Bibi.
Prof. J . M. Kirschbaum enriched
again our political literature by
a consice study about Slovakia after
lhe Second World War. The publication is destined predominantly
to scholars and historians but it
will be welcome by anybody interested in political development
in Czecho-Slovakia from 1945 to
1968. This period of Slovak history
was presented in the West by fore ign historians as well as by Czech
exiles in the most distorted light.
Prof J. M. Kirschbaum, on the basis
of sources in several languages,
gives a clear picture of the role of
Slovakia in the upheavals through
which Czecho-Slov>akia, restored by
the Soviet armies, had to undergo
after the Second World War.
The publication is an enlarged
version of an English contribution
to Canadian Slavonic Papers, Vol.
X, 4, 1968, which was dedicated
by Canadian Slavists to the events
in Czecho-Slovakia in 1968. The
English version discusses the
events until the invasion of Czecho•
Slovakia by the Soviet and other
Warsaw Pact troops. In the German
version there is also a chapter on
the federalization of Czecho-Slovakia , and the footnotes were completed by references to works in
German, while in the English text,
Prof. Kirschbaum referred mostly
to books published on the American
Continent and in France. The study
is divided into four chapters dealing with the Communist coup
d'etat in 1948, the ,period of the
"cult of personality" in Slovakia,
the process of de--Stalinization and
the struggle for liberalization and
federalization. In each chapter the
author traces the special role
which Slovakia played in the crucial years of the transformation
of Czecho-Slovakia into the most
faithful satellite of the Soviet
Union. To avoid being accused of
"parti pris," Prof. J .M. Kirschbaum
heavily relies on quotations from
American and Canadian political
scientists dealing with Eastern
Europe. Among others he often
quotes the work by the former
Secretary to President Benes, E.
Taborsky, who now teaches at American universities, but the most
interesting quotation comes from
a Czech professor at the University
of British Columbia, Stanley Z.
Pech, who wrote the following remarkable statement about Western
historians writing on Eastern
Europe:
"Although Western specialists in
Eastern European history have usually regarded it as their task to
SLOVAKIA
I
213
make the West familiar with the Since Prof. F . Hrusovsky published
entire panorama of the polyglot his concise booklet This is Slovakia.
region, they have in practice often I some 20 years ago, we did not
been selective in the favors they have in English any publication to
bestoved on each nation. They have give either to foreigners or to
incorporated in their work, in Slovaks educated at American, Camodified form, the outlook and nadian or Australian universities,
the prejudices of the nations which the basic facts of Slovak history
they "adopted." To give the most and cultural life. For this reason,
conspicuous examples, they viewed the Slovak World Congress deSlovak history through Czech eyes. serves credit for publishing an
In so doing, they have in fact up-to-date account on Slovakia.
The publication is composed of
created a second-class status for
certain nations. The history of the two essays by Prof. J . A. Mikus.
Slovaks in the West has usually and six essays by Prof. J . M. Kirschbeen presented from the point of baum. Prof. Mikus deals with the
view of "Czechoslovakism" and has individuality of Slovakia, namely,
appeared as hardly more than a with geographical and demographical facts and with the personality
postscript to Czech history. "
of the Slovak nation. Both essays
We understand that the first are written in a scholarly way but
English book by Prof. J. M. Kirsch- understandable to any reader.
baum Slovakia - Nati 01i at the Drawing on personal knowledge
Crossroads of Central Europe is and long years of studies of Slovak
no more avail.able even though it history, Prof. Mikus displayed ahad three printings. It would be gain by his essays that he belongs
a service to the Slovak cause if among the best Slovak authors
he revised his book and completed abroad in the field of history and
it by the present study in order political science.
that students of Slovak history, as
The essays by Prof. J . M. Kirschwell as politicians and American baum deal with the historical back and Canadian Slovaks of the second ground of Slovakia, the ethnic
and third generations, could have origin and language, cultural, poan objective history on Slovakia. litical, religious and economic
The Matus cernak Institute de- background. The essays give a
serves credit for publishing this complete and unbiased picture of
well documented study. The Slovak 1100 years of Slovak history, as
World Congress would render a well as of political and cultural
service to the Slovak cause if it evolution of the Slovak people and
took care of pl.acing this concise of the economic potential of Sloand expertly written account of vakia. Perhaps intentionally short,
modern Slovak history into univer- the essays refer to many books
sity libraries in Europe as well as either in Slovak or in foreign languages, which will be welcome by
on this Continent.
who want to enhance their
students
J . Pau c o
knowledge of Slovakia.
SLOVAKIA : Historical and Cu lturThe reader will notice that Prof.
al Background, by Prof. J. A. J . M. Kirschbaum made great efMikus and Prof. J. M. Kirsch- forts to present the political and
baum, Published by Slovak World religious background of Slovaks
Congress (Toronto, Canada, June without any bias. This is in accoro 1971) , pp. 63, ill. bibl.
ance with the concept of the Slovak
I
SLOVAKIA
214
World Congress which published
this valuable addition to books on
Slovakia. The Congress is guided
by national as well as by religious
ecumenical spirit. As in his other
works on Slovakia, Prof. Kirsch•
baum makes a distinction between
the history of Slovakia and the
history of the Slovak people which
is not history of dynasties or expansive wars, but a struggle for
survival. Such an approach will
probably be most understandable
for Slovaks as well as foreigners
and may prove to be correct in the
last analysis.
The publication is enhanced by
a map of Europe and several
pictures from the history of Slovakia, as well as by a bibliography
of English books on Slovakia by
Slovak authors. The Editor, Prof.
J. M. Kirschbaum added this im·
pressive survey of books in English
by Slovak authors for Slovaks
educated outside Slovakia, and he
did the right thing.
Published by the Slovak World
Congress, this valuable publication
was distributed freely to the participants at the meeting in Toronto,
and is apparently no more avail•
able. It would be a service to the
Slovak cause if a second edition
be prepared for general use.
J. Pa u
co
ETHNOLOGIA SLAVICA I: Uni·
versitas Comeniana Bratislavensis, Facultas Philosophica, Bratislava 1970, p. 226, Multi-Lingual.
The liberalization period in Slovakia brought about a favorable
change not only in the political
climate but also in cultural and
scientific activities. Many projects
which for years were only debated,
materialized in 1968 or 1969. As
a result, several symposia from
a nllltlber of Conferences dealing
with inter-Slavic relations in pre-
vious years were published and
institutes or chairs of studies were
founded and organized.
The Institute of Ethnology wa
one of them and the present volume ETHNOLOGIA SLAVICA is
the first publication of this Institute
which has been founded "for the
purpose of establishing an institution for ethnological research concerned with the Slavic nations,"
as the editors say in their multi•
lingual introduction.
According to the editors, Slovak
scholars also planned the establishment of Ethnological Archives and
a Society of Slavic Ethnologists
but " the well-known events of 1968
(in other words, the Soviet invasion) heavily intefered with
the realization of the original program." Only the Institute of Ethnology came into being and this
first volume of ETHNOLOGIA
SLA VICA is the result of the research of its members and foreign
ethnologists.
The volume was published on
the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the foundation of the Comenius University (1919). The
Managing Editor of the publication, Jan Podolak, says in his Preface that the University has been
founded "to enable Slovaks to
acquire erudition (sic) of university-degree in the national language." However, it is well-known
that the students of the Comenius
University had to organize demonstrations for the use of the Slovak
language as late as 1937-1938 because the mission of the University
was to help the assimilation of
Slovaks. The situation changed only
during the Slovak Republic when
education as well as administration,
was carried on in the Slovak language which the present day scholars are not allowed to mention.
The publication ETHNOLOGIA
SLOVAKIA
SLA VICA is a valuable addition
to Slavic studies and is a long time
overdue, if we take into consideration the fact that one of the main
founders of Slavic ethnology, P . J.
Safarik, come from Slovakia. The
volume contains contributions by
Slovak as well as foreign scholars,
and the essays have been published
in English, French and German,
with a Slovak resume in some
cases, which will make the book
accessible also to ethnologists in
the West. Of 12 contributions, 3
have been written by Slovaks. Jan
Michalek evaluated P . J. Safarik's
contribution to Slavic ethnography;
Jan Podolak wrote an interesting
essay on the pastoral culture of
the Carpathians as a subject of
ethnological study, and Anton Habovstiak contributed the study "La
colonisation pastorale dans les
Karpates et les patois slovaques"
(The Pastoral Colonization of the
Carpathians and Slovak Dialects).
Among foreign contributors are
Milovan Gavazzi (from Zagreb),
Sergei A. Tokarev (from Moscow),
Christo Vakarelski (from Sofia),
Zoltan Ujvary (from Debrecen),
Oldrich Sirovatka (from Brno),
Slobodan 2ecevic (from Beograd) ,
and two contributions have been
written by Lusatian-Serbians, Isolde Gardos and Siegmund Musiat.
This mosaic of contributors as
well as the variety of subjects
treated by them gives the book an
intemational and inter-Slavic image. This should be velcome in
view of the fact that the results
of academic activities by Slovak
scholars were rarely published in
Western languages.
The essays are not of equal value
but they are all on the level of
similar studies in the Soviet orbit.
The volume is oriented particularly
to Russian but also to Croatian,
Bulgarian and Lusatian-Serbian
ethnology, but the editors are
215
promising to deal also with Polish,
Ukrainian and Yugoslavian ethnology in the following volumes.
As an addendum the publication
contains reviews in English and
in German of the activities and the
writings by Czech, Polish, Soviet,
Ukrainian and Bulgarian ethnographers and their institutes or
periodicals.
Since every book in foreign language dealing with Slovak culture
is of great importance for acquainting the world with Slovakia, we
sincerely welcome this volume and
hope that further volumes will
follow as the editors promised and
that the present generation of Slovak ethnologists will follow in the
footsteps of P . J. Safarik who left
a rich legacy to Slovak ethnology. *
J. M . K i r s c h b au m
* On P . J. Safarik, see Kirschbaum ,
P . J . Safcirik and His Contribution
to Slavic Studies (Slavistica No.
43, Cleveland-Winnipeg, 1962) .
DUBCEK'S Blu e Print for Fre edom: His Documentation on
Czechoslovakia leading to the
Soviet invasion, with a Profile
by Hugh Lunghi and Commentary by Paul Ello (William Kimber, London, 1968), pp. 352,
Index.
Among the scores of books which
were published on Dubcek and the
events in Czecho--Slovakia in 1968* ,
this book will remain as one of
the most useful for scholars and
laymen alike. The editors included
in the book the most important
documents such as Dubcek's speech
on April 1, 1968, at the plenary
session of the Central Committee
of the Czecho,Slovak Communist
Party; the Action Programme of
the Party; Dubcek's report to the
meeting of. the Central Committee
on May 29-June 1, 1968, and the
warning given by the Presidium
216
SLOVAKIA
of the Central Committee in answer to the letters of five Communist and Workers' Parties. Finally,
in the Appendix, the book includes
Dubcek's speech of December 1,
1968.
These contents are expertly introduced and commented upon by
Hugh Lunghi, a former member
of the British Embassy in Moscow,
and Paul Ello from Georgetown
University School of Foreign Service in Washington. While Lunghi,
who has been one of the best informed analysts on the staff of the
British Broadcasting Corporation,
gives in his Introduction an analysis of the events which led to the
Soviet invasion, Paul Ello wrote
a concise but well balanced commentary. The Summary is not signcd, and may be the work of either
of the writers.
The book will have a lasting
value for inte11preting the attempts
at changing •Stalinism in one o.f
the most advanced, culturally and
industrially, satellites of Moscow
and at giving socialism a "human
face. " Both Lunghi and Ello are
factual in their analysis and Lunghi did not fail to point out the
role of Slovakia and Slovak Communist leaders in the upheavals
which many other authors, writing
about the "Prague Spring", failed
to do. In accordance with the facts,
Lunghi writes that "one of the
first of Novotny's fatal errors was
his mishandling of the Slovaks,"
and that it was Dubcek's reaction
to Novotny's policy towards Slovakia which began the snowball
roUing. During the Central Committee meetings at the end of 1967,
according to Lunghi the "three
issues at stake were, firstly, the
implementation of the economic
reforms; secondly, freedom of expression and, finally, effective
autonomy for SJovakia." (p. 17) .
This conclusion has been accept-
ed in the meantime as correct also
by other authors who had access
to documents, especially by Paul
Tigrid in his book: La Chute Irresistible
d'Alexander Dubcek,
(Calmann-Levy, Paris, 1969) which
was likewise reviewed in "Slovakia", Vol. 21, p. 206. Lunghi apparently followed the events in
Slovakia very closely and without
the usual bias which we can find
among some Western specialists in
East European problems. This appears not only in his assessment
of the role of Husak after the
invasion but also in his reference
to Peter Colotka, Deputy Premier
in Prague's government, who made
some courageous declarations which
resulted in his removal from his
post. Lunghi's analysis of the situation in Slovakia was also correctly grasped in his statement that
"the federation of the country,
longed for by the Slovaks, had,
at last been achieved in the face
of the Russians who wanted to
keep the two nations divided and
at logger-heads. During the invasion the Russians had put about
the totally false rumors that some
Slovak provinces wanted to become Soviet republics. Symbolically, the legislation creating the
federal state was enacted to coincide with the 50th anniversary
celebration on October 28th." Unfortunately, the law of the federation was enacted but it became
ineffective to a great degree because of Czech reluctance, what
Lunghi could not, of course, foresee in 1968.
Western analysts mentioned various reasons for the occupation of
Czecho-Slovakia by the Warsaw
Pact military forces in the books
so far published on the invasion.
Lunghi brings to light a new possible element which finally pushed
the Soviet leadership to invade
Czecho-Slovakia. During the spring
SLOVAKIA
and summer of 1968 there was a
strong reaction against the secret
police which apparently was not
only organized on the model of
the Soviet secret police but also
directed and infiltrated by Soviet
agents to whom the Prague Ministry of Interior had to submit interrogation material before bringing
them to the ministers themselves.
According to Lunghi, the announced purge of the secret police
apparatus threatened a vital Soviet
interest by the revelations published in the newpapers in Bratislava
and in Prague. Moscow's objective
was, therefore, "to hold these dangerous processes and to restore a
leadership in Prague which would
control the population through a
Soviet style Communist Party using
the proper level of power - a persuasive and omnipotent secret
police with no nonsense about
'demonstration of the socio-political
217
system'." (page 25). No doubt this
could have been one of the serious
reasons for the infamous decision
to destroy an interesting effort by
Slovaks and Czechs to give socialism a "human face."
Paul Ello's commentary, short
as it is, is clear and factual, and
belongs among the best written
ones shortly after the invasion,
where there was a lot of confusion
in Western countries among the
specialists in East Europe. The
book undoubtedly deserves to be
read and preserved on the shelves
for further study of a crucial
moment in the history of Eastern
Europe and probably in the history
of Western civilization.
J. M. Ki r s c h b au m
• On a number of books on this
subject, see my book reviews in
"Slovakia", Vol. 21, 1971, No. 44,
pp. 205-210.
Rudolph Petrak, Slovak Tenor
Rudolph Petrak, 54, of 32 Halsey, Dr., Old Greenwich, Conn., a
leading tenor with the City Opera
Company from 1948 to 1956, died
March 4, 1972, at Saint Joseph
Hospital in Stamford, Conn.
He was born in Sucany, Slovakia had sung at major opera
houses in Europe and South America, and as a soloist with the New
York Philharmonic, the Philadelphia Orchestra and other noted
ensembles. He sang under the batons of such famous conductors as
Leopold
Stokowski,
Ormandy,
Leinsdorf and Krips.
Mr. Petrak began his career with
the Bratislava Opera and made his
American debut in 1948 at the
New York City Center as Rudolfo
in "La Boheme."
Congressman Albert P. Morano
of Greenwich noted in the Congressional Record of the United States.
"I have become acquainted with
many artists who have immigrated
to America, but know of none more
possessed of deep love for his
adopted country than Rudolph
Petrak."
"The New York Times" in an
obituary on Monday, March 6, 1972
published his picture as he sang
Radames in "Aida" about 1949. The
New York Times also wrote: "In
1960 when Mr. Petrak sang at the
Philadelphia Orchestra's presentation of Carl Orff's "Carmina Burana" in Carnegie Hall, Harold C.
Schonberg, The New York Times
music critic noted: "Everything
sounded effortless and clear, even
the high D that Mr. Petrak took
in falsetto".-J.C.S.
SLOVAKIA
218
Our Contributor s
Karol Kuzmany, Slovak leader in 19th century.
Msgr. George A. Galik, J.C.D., author, Hibbing, Minn.
Joseph M. Kirschbaum, LL. D., Ph.D., historian, author, Toronto, Ontario,
Canada.
E . L. Delaney, author, journalist, Glendale, Cal.
Fran!;ois d'Orcival, French political writer, Paris.
Paul Kotva, pen name of Karol Sidor, former Premier of Slovakia.
Sister M. Constance Yakubov, SS.C.M., teacher, St. Cyril Academy,
Danville, Pa.
Joseph C. Krajsa, Editor of Jednota, lecturer, Middletown, Pa.
Joseph A. Mikus, M.C.L., J.D., historian, author, Washington, D. C.
Francis Vnuk, M.A., political analyst, professor, Institute of Technology,
Adelaide, Australia.
Joseph Pauco, Ph.D., journalist, author, Middletown, Pa.
K. culen, historian, journalist.
Rev. A. V. Pier, O.S.B., journalist, author, Cleveland, Ohio.
Dr. Steven I. Miller, assistant professor, Loyola University of Chicago, Ill.
Daniel F. Tanzone, B.A., fraternalist, Yonkers, N. Y.
Helena T. Gaydos, cultural worker, Philadelphia, Pa.
George A. Podhajsky, pen name of a Slovak refugee professor.
Rudolph J. Vecoli, professor of history and director of the Center of
Immigration Studies at the University of Minnesota.
Agnes Bocan, St. Cyril Academy, Danville, Pa.
Sister M. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M., teacher, author, Danville, Pa.
Edward J. Behuncik, attorney-at-law, Stratford, Connecticut.
Rev. Nicholas Sprinc, professor, poet, Wickliffe, Ohio.
Picture on the front cover: Dr. Joseph Tiso, President of the
Slovak Republic.
SLOVAKIA
219
Contents
Dr. Tiso's Last Message to the Slovak People - 3
Paean to Integrity - Karol Kuzmany-George A. Galik - 4
Dr. Joseph Tiso-the Prelate-Politician who Died on the Gallows for
His People - J.M. Kirschbaum - 5
I Met President Tiso - E. L. Delaney - 21
Msgr. Joseph Tiso - Fran(;ois d'Orcival - 26
Murder in Slovakia - Hon. Alvin E. O'Konsld - 36
Speech of Hon. Ray J. Madden - 37
Slovak Bishops Appeal on Behalf of President Tiso - N.C.W.C. News
Service -
40
Who Killed Dr. Tiso? - Paul Kotva - 43
Priest, Teacher, President and National Hero - 48
Dr. Jozef Tiso-His Political Creed - Sister M. Constance Yakubov,
SS.C.M. - 50
Dr. Peter P. Hletko Most Elite of American Slovaks - Joseph C. Krajsa
-
57
Prof. Stanislav Meciar (1910-1971)-In Memoriam - J.M. Kirschbaum
- 60
Michael Novak on White Ethnics - Prof. Joseph A. Mikus, M.C.L. , J .D.
-
62
Slovak Martyrs - 64
British Attitude Towards Independent Slovakia in 1939 - F. Vnuk - 65
Th e Slovak Benedictines Review 50 Years in Cleveland, Ohio (1922-1972)
-
Joseph Pauco, Ph.D. -
92
The Cult of SS. Cyril and Methodius Amongst the Slovaks in U.S.A . and
Canada - K. Culen - 98
America's Discovery of Ethnic Values - A. V. Pier, O.S.B. - 114
Historical and Empi rical Methods of Studying Slovak-Americans as A
Distinct Ethnic Group - Dr. Steven I. Miller - 116
The Slovak Experience In Contemporary America - Daniel F. Tanzone
-125
Slovakia, the Land of B eauty - Helena T. Gaydos - 136
Tourist Trade of Slovakia - George A. Podhajsky - 140
Why Our Melting Pot Cooled Off - Rudolph J. Vecoli - 146
An Introduction to Slovak Costume - Agnes Bocaii - 153
Slovak Scientist Stefan A. Jedlik, O.S.B. - A. V. Pier - 158
Matthew Jankola 1872-1916 - Sister M. Martina Tybor, SS.C.M. Declaration Adopted by Slovak World Congress - 193
Unity Is Necessary - Edward J . Behuncik - 195
As Others See It - 198
Book Reviews - 205
Rudolph Petrak, Slovak Tenor - J.C.S. - 217
161
PRI NTI D IN U.S. A.
JIDN OTA PlllN TER Y,
MID DLli TOW N, PA.
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includes Current Issues; As Others See It; Book Reviews; Obituary; Contributors
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�SLOVAKIA
VOLUME XXI • 1971 • NO. 44
Editor
JOSEPH PAUCO, Ph.D.
Published by
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA
JIJ Ridge Avenue • Middletown, Pennsylvania 17057
�Printed by JEDNOTA PRINTERY, Middletown, Pennsylvania, U. S. A.
�
�SLOVAKIA
VOLUME XXI • 1971 • NO. 44
Editor
JOSEPH PAUCO, Ph.D.
Published by
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA
JIJ Ridge Avenue • Middletown, Pennsylvania 17057
�Printed by JEDNOTA PRINTERY, Middletown, Pennsylvania, U. S. A.
�
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1971, Vol. 21
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Vol. 21 (No. 44), 1971.
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The Slovak League of America
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1971
Text
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SLOVAKIA
VOLUME XXI • 1971 • NO. 44
Editor
JOSEPH PAUCO, Ph.D.
Published by
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA
JIJ Ridge Avenue • Middletown, Pennsylvania 17057
Printed by JEDNOTA PRINTERY, Middletown, Pennsylvania, U. S. A.
Dublin Core
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Front Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 21 (No. 44)
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1971
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SLOVAKIA
3
Slovak World Congress
Edward J. B e h u n c i k
First Vice-President, Slovak World Congress and
President, Slovak League of America
In May, 1918, just several months before the creation
of the federated Republic of Czecho-Slovakia ( the spelling
used in the peace treaties and all official documents
ensuing from the Armistice of November 11, 1918), the
Slovaks and Czechs in the United States met at Pittsburgh,
Pennsylvania. They spoke for their downtrodden brethren
in Slovakia and Bohemia and brought forth the Pittsburgh
Pact. By its terms, the newly created country was to be
a federated country of the Slovak state and the Czech
state.
Now, with the legalistic existence of the Slovak Socialist Republic and the Czech Socialist Republic in the
federated state of Czecho-Slovakia a reality, the need again
arises for interested, freedom-loving and dedicated Slovaks
to speak for their subjugated brethren. In the current crisis,
however, the spokesmen for the captive natives can come
from various parts of the free world, rather than primarily
from the United States of America. In the half century
since the founding of the new state--Czecho-Slovakia--the
Communist bear has driven Slovaks and Czechs to all parts
of the free world. Admittedly, the largest portion of
refugees of both nations are in the United States. But,
some of the cream of Slovak intellectuals, scientists,
teachers, professors and other learned Slovak men and
women (as well as Czech) are found in Africa, Asia,
Australia, Canada, Latin America and Western Europe.
All of those could contribute special talents and ideas
to the common cause of peace for their fellow Slovaks and
thus to the common cause for the peace we all seek
through the brotherhood of man under the fatherhood
of God. To get them to assist with their talents, it was
necessary to have a common forum.
In June, 1970, the Slovaks of the free world took
�4
SLOVAKIA
a giant step in this direction. From June 19, 1970 through
June 21, 1970, at the Americana Hotel in New York City,
representativ es and leaders of Slovak civic, cultural, fraternal and religious organizations from such diverse places
as Australia, Argentina, Brazil, Venezuela, Canada, England ,
Africa, Sweden, Spain, Switzerland, West Germany, Italy,
Belgium, Austria and Chile met in formal conclave. There,
they created the Slovak World Congress with Stephen B .
Roman, international ly renowned industrialist of Toronto,
Ontario in Canada, as its first President.
A formal Declaration was issued at the end of the
sessions which Declaration, it is hoped, will in years to
come be looked upon as the Slovak Magna Charta. It
crystallizes in 20th Century language and background,
the age old aspirations of the Slovak people for unity,
national self-determin ation and a lawful place in the family
of nations.
The Declaration reads as follows:
"Representativ es of Slovak organizations throughout the
world, as well as individuals of Slovak origin in the Uniited
States of America, Canada, Australia, Switzerland, Italy, Austria, Sweden, England, Argentina, Germany, Spa,i n and Chile,
assembled in New York City in order to lay the founda,hlons
for the creation of a wo-r ld organization of Slovaks hereby
declare that:
The struggle for freedom and self-fulfillment is the constant goal throughout Slovak history. Attainment of this objective has not been without encountering obstacles, nor without
reqU!iring the work and struggle of many generartions and coull!tless sacrifices. Particularly now, when the Slovak nation is unable to determine its own destiny freely, everyone must make
great sacrifices.
Slovaks living throughout the entire world, many of whom
were born in the United States and elsewhoce, accept as a
moral durty the necessity to unite in the struggle for the natural
rights o.f the Slovak na-tion and for the complete freedom in
.the determinartion of its destinies. We consider it our obligation
to present to the world a true picture of the life and aspira. !Jions of the Slovak naition for a free and democratic way of life.
Today we a•r e more acutely aware of this duty in view
�SLOVAKIA
5
of the fad that the regime which has been forced upon the
Slovak nation is opposed to the national trad~tions of Slovakia
and the country is occupied by the military forces of a foreign
Great Power.
Therefore, in view of the foregoing:
We subscribe to the traditional values of Slovak history
which have promoted the re-birth of our nation, its growth and
its acceptance in western civilization among cultured nations;
We contend thait the Slo~ak question is an iruterna,ti.onal
problem and therefore we request tha,t inrternation.il justice be
done Slovakia, justice that would be e~essed in full
democratic statehood;
We take a posiitive aittiitude towards the p,rocess of integration in Europe and we demand that the Slovak nation be given
the right to participate freely and directly in this process.
We desire and hope that the situation in Cerntral and
Eastern Europe will change so that there Wiill no longer be any
obstacle towards establishing and maintain~ng cu.l!turre exchanges
between the Slovaks ait home and abroad which prnsent conditions in Slovakia either ma~e compl,etely impossible, or allow
only in a restricted sense.
We recommend the establishment of a permanent organization for the realization of all these aspirations under the name
of: Slovak World Congress, which shaiU embody the spirit of
brntherhood and mutual respect. Religious affiliations or
poHtical views, insofar as they are not contrary to the spirit of
democracy and the objectiv,es mentioned above, will not bar
anyone from membership or activ,e participation in our o,rganization. We consider it essential that our go,als and methods as
well as our activities foUow democratic principles.
We sha]l endeavor to have the Slovak World Congress
represent its members on all international scientific, cultural,
reliigious o:r political forums in the in:tereSlts of ,the Slorvak nation
as expressed in the Constiltution and by-laws of the organization.
1
1
We urge that the Slovak World Congress devote itself towa,rds promoting the spirit of unity and to co-ordina~e all nationa,l efforts through constant contact with member organizations maintained tmough central secretariats, regional secre-
�SLOVAKIA
6
tariats, committees and information bureaus in various countries
around the world.
We a:sik the bless~ng of Almighty God in this undertaiking
in the firm hope that with the help and co-operation of all
ffiovia 1IB we may successful!~ ifulfill our role."
A program for concerted action was formulated at
the founding sessions of the Congress. In mid-1971, at the
closing session of the first Congress to be held at Toronto
from June 17 through 20, 1971, it is expected that a we11org-anized, progressive, farsighted and unified central
vehicle will emerge.
This central organ will make it possible for the Slovaks
to act in conjunction with or on a parallel level with the
other peoples of central and eastern Europe, all of whom,
have the common fate of being presently under the
domination of the Soviet tanks and forces .
1
It will at long last also give the Slovaks a worldwide
representative body to speak for and act on behalf of their
oppressed brethren in occupied Slovakia. Without such
a voice to speak for them, our native Slovak kin might
well feel abandoned by the fortunate Slovaks now settled
throughout the free world.
That our brethren in Slovakia would lose faith or
themselves give up their fight for freedom and self-determination, is, of course, unthinkable in view of their centuries
old struggle for these ideals.
With good will on the part of all, with prayerful
petitions to the Father of all, and with sacrifices of time,
energy and finances by all, free world Slovaks should,
under the imaginative, inspiring and dedicated leadership
of Stephen B. Roman, be especially able to make a very
worthwhile contribution to the Brotherhood of Man under
the Fatherhood of God.
May God grant that they do not miss this unusual
opportunity for service and for good.
That is why on a previous occasion, I prophesied that
June, 1970, the birthdate of the Slovak World Congress
will become known in Slovak history as the milestone
of .· the last half of the twentieth century. I pray that the
events of the coming decade will prove me correct.
�
SLOVAKIA
3
Slovak World Congress
Edward J. B e h u n c i k
First Vice-President, Slovak World Congress and
President, Slovak League of America
In May, 1918, just several months before the creation
of the federated Republic of Czecho-Slovakia ( the spelling
used in the peace treaties and all official documents
ensuing from the Armistice of November 11, 1918), the
Slovaks and Czechs in the United States met at Pittsburgh,
Pennsylvania. They spoke for their downtrodden brethren
in Slovakia and Bohemia and brought forth the Pittsburgh
Pact. By its terms, the newly created country was to be
a federated country of the Slovak state and the Czech
state.
Now, with the legalistic existence of the Slovak Socialist Republic and the Czech Socialist Republic in the
federated state of Czecho-Slovakia a reality, the need again
arises for interested, freedom-loving and dedicated Slovaks
to speak for their subjugated brethren. In the current crisis,
however, the spokesmen for the captive natives can come
from various parts of the free world, rather than primarily
from the United States of America. In the half century
since the founding of the new state--Czecho-Slovakia--the
Communist bear has driven Slovaks and Czechs to all parts
of the free world. Admittedly, the largest portion of
refugees of both nations are in the United States. But,
some of the cream of Slovak intellectuals, scientists,
teachers, professors and other learned Slovak men and
women (as well as Czech) are found in Africa, Asia,
Australia, Canada, Latin America and Western Europe.
All of those could contribute special talents and ideas
to the common cause of peace for their fellow Slovaks and
thus to the common cause for the peace we all seek
through the brotherhood of man under the fatherhood
of God. To get them to assist with their talents, it was
necessary to have a common forum.
In June, 1970, the Slovaks of the free world took
�4
SLOVAKIA
a giant step in this direction. From June 19, 1970 through
June 21, 1970, at the Americana Hotel in New York City,
representativ es and leaders of Slovak civic, cultural, fraternal and religious organizations from such diverse places
as Australia, Argentina, Brazil, Venezuela, Canada, England ,
Africa, Sweden, Spain, Switzerland, West Germany, Italy,
Belgium, Austria and Chile met in formal conclave. There,
they created the Slovak World Congress with Stephen B .
Roman, international ly renowned industrialist of Toronto,
Ontario in Canada, as its first President.
A formal Declaration was issued at the end of the
sessions which Declaration, it is hoped, will in years to
come be looked upon as the Slovak Magna Charta. It
crystallizes in 20th Century language and background,
the age old aspirations of the Slovak people for unity,
national self-determin ation and a lawful place in the family
of nations.
The Declaration reads as follows:
"Representativ es of Slovak organizations throughout the
world, as well as individuals of Slovak origin in the Uniited
States of America, Canada, Australia, Switzerland, Italy, Austria, Sweden, England, Argentina, Germany, Spa,i n and Chile,
assembled in New York City in order to lay the founda,hlons
for the creation of a wo-r ld organization of Slovaks hereby
declare that:
The struggle for freedom and self-fulfillment is the constant goal throughout Slovak history. Attainment of this objective has not been without encountering obstacles, nor without
reqU!iring the work and struggle of many generartions and coull!tless sacrifices. Particularly now, when the Slovak nation is unable to determine its own destiny freely, everyone must make
great sacrifices.
Slovaks living throughout the entire world, many of whom
were born in the United States and elsewhoce, accept as a
moral durty the necessity to unite in the struggle for the natural
rights o.f the Slovak na-tion and for the complete freedom in
.the determinartion of its destinies. We consider it our obligation
to present to the world a true picture of the life and aspira. !Jions of the Slovak naition for a free and democratic way of life.
Today we a•r e more acutely aware of this duty in view
�SLOVAKIA
5
of the fad that the regime which has been forced upon the
Slovak nation is opposed to the national trad~tions of Slovakia
and the country is occupied by the military forces of a foreign
Great Power.
Therefore, in view of the foregoing:
We subscribe to the traditional values of Slovak history
which have promoted the re-birth of our nation, its growth and
its acceptance in western civilization among cultured nations;
We contend thait the Slo~ak question is an iruterna,ti.onal
problem and therefore we request tha,t inrternation.il justice be
done Slovakia, justice that would be e~essed in full
democratic statehood;
We take a posiitive aittiitude towards the p,rocess of integration in Europe and we demand that the Slovak nation be given
the right to participate freely and directly in this process.
We desire and hope that the situation in Cerntral and
Eastern Europe will change so that there Wiill no longer be any
obstacle towards establishing and maintain~ng cu.l!turre exchanges
between the Slovaks ait home and abroad which prnsent conditions in Slovakia either ma~e compl,etely impossible, or allow
only in a restricted sense.
We recommend the establishment of a permanent organization for the realization of all these aspirations under the name
of: Slovak World Congress, which shaiU embody the spirit of
brntherhood and mutual respect. Religious affiliations or
poHtical views, insofar as they are not contrary to the spirit of
democracy and the objectiv,es mentioned above, will not bar
anyone from membership or activ,e participation in our o,rganization. We consider it essential that our go,als and methods as
well as our activities foUow democratic principles.
We sha]l endeavor to have the Slovak World Congress
represent its members on all international scientific, cultural,
reliigious o:r political forums in the in:tereSlts of ,the Slorvak nation
as expressed in the Constiltution and by-laws of the organization.
1
1
We urge that the Slovak World Congress devote itself towa,rds promoting the spirit of unity and to co-ordina~e all nationa,l efforts through constant contact with member organizations maintained tmough central secretariats, regional secre-
�SLOVAKIA
6
tariats, committees and information bureaus in various countries
around the world.
We a:sik the bless~ng of Almighty God in this undertaiking
in the firm hope that with the help and co-operation of all
ffiovia 1IB we may successful!~ ifulfill our role."
A program for concerted action was formulated at
the founding sessions of the Congress. In mid-1971, at the
closing session of the first Congress to be held at Toronto
from June 17 through 20, 1971, it is expected that a we11org-anized, progressive, farsighted and unified central
vehicle will emerge.
This central organ will make it possible for the Slovaks
to act in conjunction with or on a parallel level with the
other peoples of central and eastern Europe, all of whom,
have the common fate of being presently under the
domination of the Soviet tanks and forces .
1
It will at long last also give the Slovaks a worldwide
representative body to speak for and act on behalf of their
oppressed brethren in occupied Slovakia. Without such
a voice to speak for them, our native Slovak kin might
well feel abandoned by the fortunate Slovaks now settled
throughout the free world.
That our brethren in Slovakia would lose faith or
themselves give up their fight for freedom and self-determination, is, of course, unthinkable in view of their centuries
old struggle for these ideals.
With good will on the part of all, with prayerful
petitions to the Father of all, and with sacrifices of time,
energy and finances by all, free world Slovaks should,
under the imaginative, inspiring and dedicated leadership
of Stephen B. Roman, be especially able to make a very
worthwhile contribution to the Brotherhood of Man under
the Fatherhood of God.
May God grant that they do not miss this unusual
opportunity for service and for good.
That is why on a previous occasion, I prophesied that
June, 1970, the birthdate of the Slovak World Congress
will become known in Slovak history as the milestone
of .· the last half of the twentieth century. I pray that the
events of the coming decade will prove me correct.
�
Dublin Core
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Title
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1971, Vol. 21
Description
An account of the resource
Vol. 21 (No. 44), 1971.
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
The Slovak League of America
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1971
Text
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SLOVAKIA
3
Slovak World Congress
Edward J. B e h u n c i k
First Vice-President, Slovak World Congress and
President, Slovak League of America
In May, 1918, just several months before the creation
of the federated Republic of Czecho-Slovakia ( the spelling
used in the peace treaties and all official documents
ensuing from the Armistice of November 11, 1918), the
Slovaks and Czechs in the United States met at Pittsburgh,
Pennsylvania. They spoke for their downtrodden brethren
in Slovakia and Bohemia and brought forth the Pittsburgh
Pact. By its terms, the newly created country was to be
a federated country of the Slovak state and the Czech
state.
Now, with the legalistic existence of the Slovak Socialist Republic and the Czech Socialist Republic in the
federated state of Czecho-Slovakia a reality, the need again
arises for interested, freedom-loving and dedicated Slovaks
to speak for their subjugated brethren. In the current crisis,
however, the spokesmen for the captive natives can come
from various parts of the free world, rather than primarily
from the United States of America. In the half century
since the founding of the new state--Czecho-Slovakia--the
Communist bear has driven Slovaks and Czechs to all parts
of the free world. Admittedly, the largest portion of
refugees of both nations are in the United States. But,
some of the cream of Slovak intellectuals, scientists,
teachers, professors and other learned Slovak men and
women (as well as Czech) are found in Africa, Asia,
Australia, Canada, Latin America and Western Europe.
All of those could contribute special talents and ideas
to the common cause of peace for their fellow Slovaks and
thus to the common cause for the peace we all seek
through the brotherhood of man under the fatherhood
of God. To get them to assist with their talents, it was
necessary to have a common forum.
In June, 1970, the Slovaks of the free world took
4
SLOVAKIA
a giant step in this direction. From June 19, 1970 through
June 21, 1970, at the Americana Hotel in New York City,
representativ es and leaders of Slovak civic, cultural, fraternal and religious organizations from such diverse places
as Australia, Argentina, Brazil, Venezuela, Canada, England ,
Africa, Sweden, Spain, Switzerland, West Germany, Italy,
Belgium, Austria and Chile met in formal conclave. There,
they created the Slovak World Congress with Stephen B .
Roman, international ly renowned industrialist of Toronto,
Ontario in Canada, as its first President.
A formal Declaration was issued at the end of the
sessions which Declaration, it is hoped, will in years to
come be looked upon as the Slovak Magna Charta. It
crystallizes in 20th Century language and background,
the age old aspirations of the Slovak people for unity,
national self-determin ation and a lawful place in the family
of nations.
The Declaration reads as follows:
"Representativ es of Slovak organizations throughout the
world, as well as individuals of Slovak origin in the Uniited
States of America, Canada, Australia, Switzerland, Italy, Austria, Sweden, England, Argentina, Germany, Spa,i n and Chile,
assembled in New York City in order to lay the founda,hlons
for the creation of a wo-r ld organization of Slovaks hereby
declare that:
The struggle for freedom and self-fulfillment is the constant goal throughout Slovak history. Attainment of this objective has not been without encountering obstacles, nor without
reqU!iring the work and struggle of many generartions and coull!tless sacrifices. Particularly now, when the Slovak nation is unable to determine its own destiny freely, everyone must make
great sacrifices.
Slovaks living throughout the entire world, many of whom
were born in the United States and elsewhoce, accept as a
moral durty the necessity to unite in the struggle for the natural
rights o.f the Slovak na-tion and for the complete freedom in
.the determinartion of its destinies. We consider it our obligation
to present to the world a true picture of the life and aspira. !Jions of the Slovak naition for a free and democratic way of life.
Today we a•r e more acutely aware of this duty in view
SLOVAKIA
5
of the fad that the regime which has been forced upon the
Slovak nation is opposed to the national trad~tions of Slovakia
and the country is occupied by the military forces of a foreign
Great Power.
Therefore, in view of the foregoing:
We subscribe to the traditional values of Slovak history
which have promoted the re-birth of our nation, its growth and
its acceptance in western civilization among cultured nations;
We contend thait the Slo~ak question is an iruterna,ti.onal
problem and therefore we request tha,t inrternation.il justice be
done Slovakia, justice that would be e~essed in full
democratic statehood;
We take a posiitive aittiitude towards the p,rocess of integration in Europe and we demand that the Slovak nation be given
the right to participate freely and directly in this process.
We desire and hope that the situation in Cerntral and
Eastern Europe will change so that there Wiill no longer be any
obstacle towards establishing and maintain~ng cu.l!turre exchanges
between the Slovaks ait home and abroad which prnsent conditions in Slovakia either ma~e compl,etely impossible, or allow
only in a restricted sense.
We recommend the establishment of a permanent organization for the realization of all these aspirations under the name
of: Slovak World Congress, which shaiU embody the spirit of
brntherhood and mutual respect. Religious affiliations or
poHtical views, insofar as they are not contrary to the spirit of
democracy and the objectiv,es mentioned above, will not bar
anyone from membership or activ,e participation in our o,rganization. We consider it essential that our go,als and methods as
well as our activities foUow democratic principles.
We sha]l endeavor to have the Slovak World Congress
represent its members on all international scientific, cultural,
reliigious o:r political forums in the in:tereSlts of ,the Slorvak nation
as expressed in the Constiltution and by-laws of the organization.
1
1
We urge that the Slovak World Congress devote itself towa,rds promoting the spirit of unity and to co-ordina~e all nationa,l efforts through constant contact with member organizations maintained tmough central secretariats, regional secre-
SLOVAKIA
6
tariats, committees and information bureaus in various countries
around the world.
We a:sik the bless~ng of Almighty God in this undertaiking
in the firm hope that with the help and co-operation of all
ffiovia 1IB we may successful!~ ifulfill our role."
A program for concerted action was formulated at
the founding sessions of the Congress. In mid-1971, at the
closing session of the first Congress to be held at Toronto
from June 17 through 20, 1971, it is expected that a we11org-anized, progressive, farsighted and unified central
vehicle will emerge.
This central organ will make it possible for the Slovaks
to act in conjunction with or on a parallel level with the
other peoples of central and eastern Europe, all of whom,
have the common fate of being presently under the
domination of the Soviet tanks and forces .
1
It will at long last also give the Slovaks a worldwide
representative body to speak for and act on behalf of their
oppressed brethren in occupied Slovakia. Without such
a voice to speak for them, our native Slovak kin might
well feel abandoned by the fortunate Slovaks now settled
throughout the free world.
That our brethren in Slovakia would lose faith or
themselves give up their fight for freedom and self-determination, is, of course, unthinkable in view of their centuries
old struggle for these ideals.
With good will on the part of all, with prayerful
petitions to the Father of all, and with sacrifices of time,
energy and finances by all, free world Slovaks should,
under the imaginative, inspiring and dedicated leadership
of Stephen B. Roman, be especially able to make a very
worthwhile contribution to the Brotherhood of Man under
the Fatherhood of God.
May God grant that they do not miss this unusual
opportunity for service and for good.
That is why on a previous occasion, I prophesied that
June, 1970, the birthdate of the Slovak World Congress
will become known in Slovak history as the milestone
of .· the last half of the twentieth century. I pray that the
events of the coming decade will prove me correct.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Slovak World Congress
Description
An account of the resource
Edward J. Behuncik, First Vice-President, Slovak World Congress, and President, Slovak League of America
Slovakia, Vol. 21 (No. 44), 1971
pp. 3-6
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Behuncik, Edward J.
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1971
name
-
https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/86bf2d02aa25064a624b1220f105fe79.pdf
1399999b641e54eabac86c6715c9429e
PDF Text
Text
SLOVAKIA
7
Stephen B. Ro1nan - Slovak Tycoon
J . M . Ki Ts
C
h b au m
For more than ten years I
was tempted to write something like "One of the most
amazing characters I have
met in my life," and a few
years ago I prepared an outline for a book I thought
should be entitled "The Defiant Tycoon." Odd circumstances prevented me from
accomplishing
either
of
these plans.
On April 21, 1971, Stephen
B. Roman will pass the threshold of the half-century mark
of his extraordinary life, full
of amazing success, uneven
struggles and varied activities
which made him nationally
Stephen e. Roman
and internationally known.
The "Roman Story" re-written and re-published in numerous languages in Canada,
Europe and the United States gives an example of one
of the most spectacular careers in Canadian finance and
industry and we will attempt to outline here at least the
most interesting periods.
Stephen B . Roman was born in Vel'ky Ruskov, Eastern
Slovakia. According to his reminiscences, he grew up in
a tightly knit family and his boyhood was happy and
geared to farm life. An irresistible desire to see the world
prompted him, however, as a teenager to leave his studies
at the Agricultural College in a town near his home and
to accompany his older brother George to Canada. They
arrived in Canada on June 15, 1937, with two thousand
dollars to buy a farm. For the following three years he
worked for 50¢ a day on a farm near Port Perry, Ontario,
�8
SLOVAKIA
an experience about which he can talk with great humor.
Then, after a short period of service in the Canadian Army,
he worked on the assembly line at General Motors, but
an awakening interest in the Canadian economy, in investments and in speculation led him to spend his time in
a variety of studies from business to corporate law, history
and politics. During this period, he became a Canadian
citizen and in 1945 he married the former Betty Gardon,
also a native of Slovakia. The following ten years skyrocketted him into wealth and fame. 1
On the treshold of his 50 birthday, we can say without
any exaggeration that S. B. Roman made the most important and most spectacular contribution to the Canadian
development of industry, finance and agriculture in the
post-war II period. He over-shadowed the success of any
Canadian of his generation and ranks with the nation's most
successful and financially the most powerful Canadian,
whose profiles were ably outlined in P. C. Newman's
Flame of Power.2
In Canada's national economic community, the name
of Stephen Roman became synonymous with the leadership
of one of the richest and most powerful industrial
organizations in the country, Denison Mines Limited and
Roman Corporation Limited, both active in mining, oil and
cement production and in a variety of other major
enterprises.
Denison Mines became universally known as the
largest uranium mine in the world and its billion dollar
asset together with the holdings of Roman Corporation
hais often been called by financial journals the "Roman
Empire." Together with its dynamic founder and chairman,
Denison Mines have been the subject of numerous articles
in Canadian and international financial publications, books,
and newpapers. 3 Except for E. P. Taylor, there has not
been a Canadian industrialist who has attracted as much
of the attention of the national and international press,
as did S. B. Roman, whose views on economic questions
have been sought by the nation's press, radio and television,
and respected for their candor and independence of
thought.
�SLOVAKIA
9
The Way to the Spectacular Success
In the beginning, S. B. Roman's moves did not amount
to much, hampered as he was by lack of capital and
experience. His will to succeed, however, was stronger than
the odds against which he had to fight and his persistence
swept friends along with his enthusiasm. In 1946, he
organized the Concord Mining Syndicate, converted it into
Concord Mines Limited years later, and moved rapidly
into oil exploration just as the oil industry was agog with
the discovery of the Leduc fields in Alberta. In another
move, he created a new company through further reorganization, the New Concord Development Corpora~ion,
with himself as President. Success took on a broad dimension for Stephen B. Roman and his company's operations
found profits not only in Alberta but also in the United
States and provided funds of the size which would permit
Roman to meet the test of his lifetime's greatest opportunity: uranium in the Blind River-Algom a Camp.
The opportunity came when two independent stakers4
from the vast area of bush north of the Trans-Canada
Highway between Sudbury and Sault Ste. Marie, where
Dr. F. R. Joubin discovered the largest deposits of uranium,
turned to him for support. In January 1954, Roman made
the critical decision to invest money in these Blind River
-Algoma claims from the sale of his shares in Concord.
Thus he fashioned Consolidated Denison Mines Limited.
At 34 years of age, he began making mining history and
the "Roman Story" was published in multiple variations
more times on the American Continent and in Europe than
any other in the past 20 years,5
Residing in a stately 17-roomed house with his family
of four boys and three daughters in rolling farmland some
20 miles from Metropolitan Toronto, S. B. Roman made
also noteworthy contribution to Canadian agriculture. On
his 1,350 acres of choice farming land he proved as
successful and imaginative in the breeding and development
of Holstein-Frie sian cattle as in industry and finance. His
Romandale herd is recognized throughout the world as
a producer of oustanding breeding stock and many
breeders in various countries have selected Romandale
animals for their own breeding programs. He takes justifi-
�10
SLOVAKIA
able pride in the fact that his is the only herd in the
breed's history which had the distinction of winning, more
often than any other breed, both the Premier Breeder and
Premier Exhibitor awards at all three major North American shows: in Canada, at the Royal Agricultural Winter
Fair, Toronto, Ontario; in the U.S. A. at the National Dairy
Congress, Waterloo, Iowa, the International Dairy Exposition, Chicago, Illinois and All American Shows at Pittsburgh, Pa.
S. B. Roman's Personality and Motivation
Whoever knows S. B. Roman from his business or
social contacts, cannot be but baffled by his complex personality, his easily changing mood from friendly laughter
and smooth conversation to a temperamental eruption of
criticism or rage--short lasting anyhow. "I never hold
a grudge against anybody," is the frequent remark one can
hear in conversation with him. Or insisting on the necessity
of humility after an acerbic criticism of somebody-may
it be the Pope, the President of the United States (not
Nixon) or the Prime Minister of Canada-he would say:
" I am, of course, sometime rough, but it is with a purpose
in mind."
Though one can make a guess, it is very hard to make
a statement about Roman's motivation. Not only in the
angry fight for the principle of free enterprise with Prime
Minister Trudeau in March 1970, who stopped the sale of
Denison Mines, but on many other occasions, S. B. Roman
insisted that money was not his ultimate goal. A Toronto
newspaper wrote on one occasion that it is the liberation
of Slovakia, which has undoubtedly been very close to his
heart, but even a close association with Roman provides
only vague and uncertain hints about his motivation.
As the most spectacularly successful Canadian of his
generation-and the only non-Anglo-Saxon -who can be
counted among the financial empire builders in Canada,
he views, as the other Canadian magnates did, the free
enterprise system as a fore-ordained to reward the most
able.6 There are indications that he also shares with them
other views. Like all of them, he regards the successful
business corporation as the highest manifestation of man's
�SLOVAKIA
11
superiority and many of his business ventures would
indicate that he believes in large corporatio ns.
Even though Roman's complex personality shows genuine features of his race, he also has many characteris tics
in common with the other Canadian financial magnates.
Of course, he is not the multi-milli onaire mine maker who
spent long years prospectin g in the bush like Harry Oaks
or Gilbert Labine. He belongs to the new generation of
mine makers who used the promoters ' phone and the
stock exchange, shrewd deals and good timing for developing Canadian industry and increasing his wealth.
Among the Canadian "empire builders" Roman seems
to be the closest to Sir James Dunn,7 the carpenter's son
from Bathurst, N. B., who had "all the assets and all the
liabilities of a promoter" , and though he was a totally
self-made man and proud of it, he became Canada's most
flamboyan t multi-milli onaire.
Roman shares-pe rhaps unconscio usly-with Sir James
Dunn the belief that handouts keep people from working. 11
Like Dunn, he gave large amounts of money to hospitals,
churches and universitie s and received his first honorary
degree from St. Francis University in Antigonish , N. S.,
as Sir James Dunn did. Furthermo re, he has in common
with Dunn the love for "dreams that open new frontiers
and build for greatness "-the dreams which are "not the
thin vapourings of the idle mind, but rather the vision of
a busy brain."
In pursuing the realization of his dreams, Roman like
Dunn seems to be hampered only by his impulses and
always insists on his own way in all things, regardless of
the number of enemies it may make him. Led by intuition
and putting stress on "logic", sometimes his own logic, he
would repeat: "Do not be afraid to be hurt or kicked,
the time comes when you kick back."
Roman's beautiful residence near Toronto, furnished
with many rare pieces of furniture or paintings, as well
as his palatial second residence in the millionaire 's oasis
of Lyford Cay in Nassau9 , bring him also close to Sir James
Dunn whose insistence on palatial surroundin gs reflected
-accordin g to his biography -his efforts to compensat e
�12
SLOVAKIA
for the oppressive poverty of his childhood. Roman had
a happy even if modest childhood, but his first years in
Canada were undoubtedly those of immigrants working
for 50¢ a day from dawn to late night and he never forgot
them.
In some other respects Roman reminds one of Sir
Herbert Holt, as portrayed by P. Newman10 • H. Holt was
not a business administrator and promoted his fortune
by refining the sleight-of-hand process involved in the
acquisition of corporate control through the trading and
re-trading of stock. So was to a great degree S. B. Roman.
He also likes sometimes to sit behind a desk at the end
of his luxurious office and visitors leave with the impression that he has strong beliefs and does not accept
easily to be contradicted. But he also meets his visitors
in the reception room with a broad, friendly smile and
a strong handshake, if he is in a good disposition, and
sits with them around a coffee table.
Roman's interest in politics and his warnings against
Communism also resemble those of Sir Herbert Holt who,
in 1931, said: "People do not realize the Russian menace. The
spread of Communism is not a matter to laugh at." Roman
was preaching anti-Communism since the outbreak of the
Second World War and his visits to Moscow or to his
native Slovakia, oppressed by Moscow, did not change his
attitude. As a man convinced that only free enterprise can
give people incentive for good work, and as a religious
man, Roman could not remain indifferent to Communism. 11
Unlike Holt who according to his •c olleagues in the
Conservative Party "really understood nothing about politics except how to manage ministers," Roman has been
his whole life an ardent student of politics, national and
international. His table conversations at home or elsewhere
always ended in discussion on politics or religion-the
second subject of his genuine interest. Of course, he can
be sometimes an impatient listener, rather inclined to
lecture authoritatively and arguing willingly on any subjeGt.
On the other hand, he can be very warm and friendly in
personal discussions. As a result, he appears a different
personality in his office, at board meetings and in the
seclusion of his residence where on weekends he invites
�SLOVAKIA
13
his friends and quite often a bishop or a priest to celebrate
a Sunday Mass and to share a dinner with his family.
In his office a senior executive, referring to Roman's
dynamism and impatience, used to say: "it takes a strong
boiler which makes 15 pots to boil and sometimes even
tremble." And he was not far from the truth.
The Roman Legend
Why around some persons legends grow fast or are
created at all, nobody has yet explained. It is one of the
mysterious gifts which the Lord gives at his pleasure and
not always according to our human logic. In the life of
many successful or outstanding men there are ingredients
which can give birth to a legend, but only a few of them
became legendary. Extraordinary deeds or success in many
cases remain unknown or belittled by jealousy of associates
or contemporaries, while in some cases everything is
magnified by wishful thinking and creative fantasy into
legendary proportions. The 'hero' is credited with deeds,
connections and power he does not possess or, if he does,
in a considerably diminished measure.
In the life of S. B. Roman there have been no doubt
many ingredients for a legend. God gave him also that
rare gift of striking the imagination of people in a positive
way.
It is not only his wealth which attracts so many people
in high positions to him. S. B. Roman together with his
elegantly dressed wife, Betty, can also be superb hosts,
and many people try to get close to the Romans and flatter
them in order to gain some advantage. Roman's sharp eye
can easily spot this, but he had a good laugh when a visitor
tried to convince him that he should accept some function
or to be a speaker because he will attract people. "Why
do you think I will attract them?", asked Roman of his
visitor. "You remember what happened to Moses when
he led his flock from Egyptian captivity and went to the
mountain to talk to the Lord", answered the visitor, "half
of the flock began to worship the golden veal ... " Roman
looked at his visitor with one eye and with a laugh told
him: "Thank you very much."
�14
SLOVAKIA
Roman differs from many people who orbit the Stock
Exchange and made money in the post-war boom in
industry and speculation, also in some other respect. He
is an avid reader and his lib:rary was built not only for
the purpose of ornating his residence. Especially during
the years of his ascension to wealth and social position
he read diligently books from many fields and his conversations showed that his good memory helped him to
learn more in some fields than many academics retained
from university studies. Roman received from God among
other gifts not only a good memory but also the gift of
logic and ability to grasp the essentials of the problems.
Discussions with him on many subjects were a pleasure
in those years.
From the discussions on religion which has been for
years his second subject to politics-never business at
table--one has the impression that the concept of eastern
Christianity, with the stress on the spiritual and the
mystical rather than the legalistic and the philosophical,
is his religion not only formally-he belongs to the
Byzantine Catholic Rite-but also conforms with his personality. It is not in carrying out the technical word that
a Christian should participate in the world of God on the
earth, but in fulfilling his specific role-seems to be his
basic religious concept. Of many changes triggered by the
Vatican Council at which he was one of the lay observers,
Roman can be more critical than non-Catholics or dissident
priests, being inclined to express his opinion in strong
terms.
Among other gifts Roman received from God also love
for beautiful surroundings with a sense of proportion and
good taste. If we believed in reincarnation, we could apply
it to him and explain many things in the life of this
extraordinary "farm boy from Slovakia." However, even
without belief in reincarnation, one can explain some
features of his life and character. Slovakia, that comperatively unknown land in Canada, is a romantic hilly
country with hundreds of castles, fortresses, and former
aristocratic domains. For centuries it was a bulwark in
the defense of Europe against invasions from Asia. The
Huns, the Magyars, the Tartars, the Turks overran the
�SLOVAKIA
15
country and the aristocracy who ruled from castles and
fortresses over the Slovak population was international
rather than national. For some inexplicable reason, this
historical heritage became apparent in Slovakia more
abroad than in their own country. The leaders of the
Hungarian struggle for independence, L. Kossuth and A.
Pet6fi, or several Hungarian cardinals were of Slovak
ancestry, the "king 0f Madagascar" M. Benovsky was from
Slovakia, the founders of Pan-Slavism were of Slovak
origin (but enriched Czech culture) as was T. G. Masaryk
who freed Czechs from Austrian domination, and the
famous astronomer and one of the youngest French
generals, Milan R. t>tefanik who made a career outside
his native country. Roman's life and character may have
its roots in this peculiar feature of the Slovak people and
in the history of Slovakia. Indeed, Jeanne Dixon, who had
the ear-so rumor goes-of some American presidents
and predicted J. F. Kennedy's death, gave one day a halting
look at Roman, whom she had met for the first time,
and exclaimed: "You are a descendant of Genghis Khan."
Roman had a good laugh and some of his friends too,
but in view of the invasions and history of Slovakia, even
this far-fetched possibility is not excluded.
S. B. Roman and Slovakia
The "Roman Story" became a legend also in his native
country after his two trips to Slovakia--one in his own
jet plane. It made believe millions of Slovaks that Roman
will help their country, suffering under Communism and
foreign rule, to regain freedom and a better future and
that he will use his great wealth for building mines,
factories, hotels in the beautiful Tatra Mountains or
churches in Slovak towns. For his activities among Slovaks
abroad and for his successful tour of his native country,
he became the best known Slovak of his generation among
the Slovaks in the free world as well as in his native
Slovakia and great hopes and expectations have surrounded
his name.
In fact Roman was genuinely interested in the organizational life of the Slovak group and from the end of the
Second World War, also in the fate of Slovakia. He served
�16
SLOVAKIA
as the editor of a Slovak weekly, was active in the Canadian
Slovak League, and was deeply involved in organizing
cultural programmes for Slovak Canadians, setting up
debates, concerts and trying to help his native country
to freedom and independence. On his initiative in 1946
a memorandum was sent to the United Nations by Slovak
organizations in Canada in which they proposed to the
Delegates of the World Security Conference that, "since
the Slovak People in Slovakia are a distinct and separate
nation, the Security Conference provide and obtain either;
"First, if the Conference choose, that the Slovak People
of Slovakia could be granted complete independence from
the Czech nation or state, and from any other nation in
the anticipated European post-war organization of which
she will be a part;
"Or Second, that the Slovak people decide for themselves by a free and unhampered secret ballot under the
supervision of the United Nations Military Committee,
first whether they, the Slovak People of Slovakia desire
to be completely independent and severed from the Czech
nation and state and from any other nation in the anticipated post-war organization of Europe of which Slovakia
will be a part, or second whether they desire to be an
autonomous, self-governing part of the Czecho-Slovak dual
State in the post-war organization of Europe of which
she will be a part. N. B. In this latter case, the spelling
of the name 'Czecho-Slovak' should be hyphenated and this
should be its official spelling."
Later he supported activities of Slovak political exiles
and helped to publish books and became a sought-for
speaker at celebrations, Slovak days or banquets.
As he moved up in the social ladder, S. B. Roman used
his connections to help the Slovak cause also on higheroften international levels. His relations with the Vatican12
helped not only the consolidation of the church organization
of the Slovak Byzantine Catholics in Canada who obtained
a bishop of their nationality, but also in Slovakia. He
made great efforts in obtaining Slovak spiritual leaders
for some 500,000 Slovaks of the Byzantine Rite in the
United States13 and memorable in this respect will remain
�SLOVAKIA
17
the huge celebrations of the 11th Centennial of Christianity
in Slovakia which took place in Toronto in 1963. The main
ceremony was attended by 18 Archbishops and Bishops,
representatives of the Federal, Provincial and Municipal
governments, as well as by the Apostolic delegate and some
20,000 persons. 14
If Canadian Slovaks played a role of greater importance
than their number would warrant, either among the other
ethnic groups or generally in Canadian life, it was due
mostly to his continuous contributions. This has been
acknowledged on many occasions by the ethnic press in
which S. B. Roman yearly published elaborate messages
on special occasions like Christmas, elections or national
days. 15 He also supported academic periodicals and the
Conferences on Canadian Slavs ,a nd earned great respect
among the leaders of the ethnic groups in Canada.
Believing in organized work and concentrated effort,
S. B. Roman was also instrumental in organizing the First
Slovak World Congress which took place in June 1970
and was one of the most successful events among Slovaks
in the free world since the end of the Second World War.
Unanimously, delegates of Slovak organizations from many
countries around the world elected him as the First President of the Slovak World Congress.
Roman's authority and popularity with the Slovak
people grew incessantly since his appointment to the
Vatican Council, his close acquaintance with President
Nixon, his participation at a NATO meeting in Paris as
a member of the Canadian delegation and his "red carpet"
reception by the government representatives in Bratislava
and Prague in 1968.
For all this Slovaks surrounded Roman with great
hopes and expectations. In fact, his connections and his
wealth gave him better possibilities to further the Slovak
cause in the free world than to any other Slovak of his
generation and he has been aware of it.
Looking back on the life and success of S. B. Roman ,
one becomes aware of the old truth that for societies as
for men, there can be no growth without challenge. Progress
�SLOVAKIA
18
is a battle just as life is a struggle. S. B. Roman has been
winning the battles because he was not afraid of the
challenge. On the threshold of his 50th birthday, a great
number of Slovaks and many of his acquaintances of other
ethnic backgrounds will undoubtedly wish him to continue
winning his battles and contributing to progress and
happiness of his fellowmen, as well as to freedom of his
native Slovakia.
1) Fortune (New York) , September 1966. According to Fortune, the
top-ranking international monthly for business executives, "In the
last twenty years, Roman has wheeled and wildcatted his way to
a business empire whose worth is conservatively estimated at 2.5
billion dollars."
2) Newman presents in his Flame of Power (Toronto, 1959) eleven
intimate profiles of Canadian greatest businessmen. After reading
the book one has a strong feeling that Roman belongs to this
category of economic empire bui:tders.
3) Among the books see: D. H. LeBourdais, Canada and the Atomic
Revolution, (Toronto, 1959), p. 111-2, George Lonn, About Men and
Mines, (Toronto, 1962), and Builders of Fortune, (Toronto, 1963),
p. 55-60 and Businessmen Around the Globe, by the editors of
Fortune (Harrisburg, Pa. 1967), p. 69-70. Among Magazines: Fortune
(New York) September 1966, Executive, January 1960, Monetary
Times, April 1967. In French: Enterprise (Paris, April 1967), as
well as Paris dailies of September 1966. Roman also received wide
television, radio and press coverage behind the Iron Curtain when
he visited his native Slovakta on his own plane in 1966.
4)
The book Business Around the Globe mentions a mining engineer,
Art Stollery, as one of the stakers and says: "In one of the complicated financial deals at which he excels, Roman bought the
claims from Stollery and his frienlds for $30,000.00 and transferred
them to North Denison Mines, an old copper-and-nickel company.
In return he got one million shares in what eventually became
Denison Mines Limited, which he divided with Stollery's group.
Soon afterwards, uranium was struck, and Denison's stock shot up
from 30¢ to $12.00 within a year." Op. cit., p. 60. In September 1967,
it was quoted at $85.00 on the Toronto Stock Exchange.
5) For more details on S. B. Roman's life anld success, see my book
Slovaks in Canada (Canadian Ethnic Press Associaition, Toronto,
1967), pp. 374-380.
6) S. B. Roman's philosophy on free enterprise was reflected in his
speech to the Rotary Club, '11oronto, in October 1970, as well as
the Brief which Denison Mines submitted to the Federal Government in 1970 on the White Paper dealing with Capital Gains Tax.
The Brief said that the proposal to tax economy is a form of
"intellectual colonialism that ill befits a pioneering vigorous
�SLOVAKIA
19
country." In S. B. Roman's opinion, in the economy of the next
century, part of the profits will be divided between capital and
labour. He admitted that Denison Mines does not share profits with
employees because "we are as much coward as anybody else." See
"The Telegram" June 23, 1970. On his speech at the Rotary Club,
see 'The Northern Miner", October 29, 1970.
7) All quotations on Sir James Dunn are taken from Peter Newman's
book Flame of Power.
8) See his speech in the Toronto Kiwanis Club, January 13, 1971, in
which he said, among other things, "It is high time that we ~evise
a formula that allows us to differentiate between people who really
are not capable of looking after themselves and people who are
lazy or not willing to work" . . . "I am certain every thinking
Canadian must be disturbed by the developments they see occurring,
developments leading to more and more irresponsibility and unwillingness to work. The ]danger is that it is a most infectious
cancer in that ,i t can--and will--spread to those, now willing to
work, who by seeing compatriots leaning on welfare, start to wonder
about ,the wisdom of working themselves." See excerpts in The
Toronto Telegram, January 14, 1971, as well as The Star, January
14, 1971.
9) See Zena Cherry, "Home Away from Home-Beach Lot for $1,000.00
a foot," Globe and Mail, May 2, 1968.
10) Ibid.
11) When the Soviets, together with their satellites, occupied CzechoSlovakia, he was the main speaker at a rally in Toronto denouncing
the brutal act of Soviet impel'ialism.
12) He was not only the lay observer ,at the Vatican Council but in
1963 he also received the Order of the Knight Commander of Saint
Gregory. On his participatioN at the Council, see my series of
articles in Kana'.lsky Slovak and Slovak v Amerike, NovemberDecember 1966, and January 1967.
13) On this subject, he also published English and Slovak articles in
the Slovak Press in Canada and the United States.
14) For more details, see my book Slovaks in Canada, op. cit., p. 263.
15) In one of such messages, he made the following appeal under the
title "Democracy's Most Precious Gift": . .. "To those of us who
have left our native lands for Canalda and its precious gifts of
democracy, has fallen the privilege of citizenship and the responsibilities of the vote. To us has befallen the choice of government
and its leadership and the survival of all that we hold dear. It has
now become our task to listen and learn, that we may judge the
posture of the party and the stature of the man, anld to decide and
compare what is best in our own particular communities, for our
own particular needs" ...
�
SLOVAKIA
7
Stephen B. Ro1nan - Slovak Tycoon
J . M . Ki Ts
C
h b au m
For more than ten years I
was tempted to write something like "One of the most
amazing characters I have
met in my life," and a few
years ago I prepared an outline for a book I thought
should be entitled "The Defiant Tycoon." Odd circumstances prevented me from
accomplishing
either
of
these plans.
On April 21, 1971, Stephen
B. Roman will pass the threshold of the half-century mark
of his extraordinary life, full
of amazing success, uneven
struggles and varied activities
which made him nationally
Stephen e. Roman
and internationally known.
The "Roman Story" re-written and re-published in numerous languages in Canada,
Europe and the United States gives an example of one
of the most spectacular careers in Canadian finance and
industry and we will attempt to outline here at least the
most interesting periods.
Stephen B . Roman was born in Vel'ky Ruskov, Eastern
Slovakia. According to his reminiscences, he grew up in
a tightly knit family and his boyhood was happy and
geared to farm life. An irresistible desire to see the world
prompted him, however, as a teenager to leave his studies
at the Agricultural College in a town near his home and
to accompany his older brother George to Canada. They
arrived in Canada on June 15, 1937, with two thousand
dollars to buy a farm. For the following three years he
worked for 50¢ a day on a farm near Port Perry, Ontario,
�8
SLOVAKIA
an experience about which he can talk with great humor.
Then, after a short period of service in the Canadian Army,
he worked on the assembly line at General Motors, but
an awakening interest in the Canadian economy, in investments and in speculation led him to spend his time in
a variety of studies from business to corporate law, history
and politics. During this period, he became a Canadian
citizen and in 1945 he married the former Betty Gardon,
also a native of Slovakia. The following ten years skyrocketted him into wealth and fame. 1
On the treshold of his 50 birthday, we can say without
any exaggeration that S. B. Roman made the most important and most spectacular contribution to the Canadian
development of industry, finance and agriculture in the
post-war II period. He over-shadowed the success of any
Canadian of his generation and ranks with the nation's most
successful and financially the most powerful Canadian,
whose profiles were ably outlined in P. C. Newman's
Flame of Power.2
In Canada's national economic community, the name
of Stephen Roman became synonymous with the leadership
of one of the richest and most powerful industrial
organizations in the country, Denison Mines Limited and
Roman Corporation Limited, both active in mining, oil and
cement production and in a variety of other major
enterprises.
Denison Mines became universally known as the
largest uranium mine in the world and its billion dollar
asset together with the holdings of Roman Corporation
hais often been called by financial journals the "Roman
Empire." Together with its dynamic founder and chairman,
Denison Mines have been the subject of numerous articles
in Canadian and international financial publications, books,
and newpapers. 3 Except for E. P. Taylor, there has not
been a Canadian industrialist who has attracted as much
of the attention of the national and international press,
as did S. B. Roman, whose views on economic questions
have been sought by the nation's press, radio and television,
and respected for their candor and independence of
thought.
�SLOVAKIA
9
The Way to the Spectacular Success
In the beginning, S. B. Roman's moves did not amount
to much, hampered as he was by lack of capital and
experience. His will to succeed, however, was stronger than
the odds against which he had to fight and his persistence
swept friends along with his enthusiasm. In 1946, he
organized the Concord Mining Syndicate, converted it into
Concord Mines Limited years later, and moved rapidly
into oil exploration just as the oil industry was agog with
the discovery of the Leduc fields in Alberta. In another
move, he created a new company through further reorganization, the New Concord Development Corpora~ion,
with himself as President. Success took on a broad dimension for Stephen B. Roman and his company's operations
found profits not only in Alberta but also in the United
States and provided funds of the size which would permit
Roman to meet the test of his lifetime's greatest opportunity: uranium in the Blind River-Algom a Camp.
The opportunity came when two independent stakers4
from the vast area of bush north of the Trans-Canada
Highway between Sudbury and Sault Ste. Marie, where
Dr. F. R. Joubin discovered the largest deposits of uranium,
turned to him for support. In January 1954, Roman made
the critical decision to invest money in these Blind River
-Algoma claims from the sale of his shares in Concord.
Thus he fashioned Consolidated Denison Mines Limited.
At 34 years of age, he began making mining history and
the "Roman Story" was published in multiple variations
more times on the American Continent and in Europe than
any other in the past 20 years,5
Residing in a stately 17-roomed house with his family
of four boys and three daughters in rolling farmland some
20 miles from Metropolitan Toronto, S. B. Roman made
also noteworthy contribution to Canadian agriculture. On
his 1,350 acres of choice farming land he proved as
successful and imaginative in the breeding and development
of Holstein-Frie sian cattle as in industry and finance. His
Romandale herd is recognized throughout the world as
a producer of oustanding breeding stock and many
breeders in various countries have selected Romandale
animals for their own breeding programs. He takes justifi-
�10
SLOVAKIA
able pride in the fact that his is the only herd in the
breed's history which had the distinction of winning, more
often than any other breed, both the Premier Breeder and
Premier Exhibitor awards at all three major North American shows: in Canada, at the Royal Agricultural Winter
Fair, Toronto, Ontario; in the U.S. A. at the National Dairy
Congress, Waterloo, Iowa, the International Dairy Exposition, Chicago, Illinois and All American Shows at Pittsburgh, Pa.
S. B. Roman's Personality and Motivation
Whoever knows S. B. Roman from his business or
social contacts, cannot be but baffled by his complex personality, his easily changing mood from friendly laughter
and smooth conversation to a temperamental eruption of
criticism or rage--short lasting anyhow. "I never hold
a grudge against anybody," is the frequent remark one can
hear in conversation with him. Or insisting on the necessity
of humility after an acerbic criticism of somebody-may
it be the Pope, the President of the United States (not
Nixon) or the Prime Minister of Canada-he would say:
" I am, of course, sometime rough, but it is with a purpose
in mind."
Though one can make a guess, it is very hard to make
a statement about Roman's motivation. Not only in the
angry fight for the principle of free enterprise with Prime
Minister Trudeau in March 1970, who stopped the sale of
Denison Mines, but on many other occasions, S. B. Roman
insisted that money was not his ultimate goal. A Toronto
newspaper wrote on one occasion that it is the liberation
of Slovakia, which has undoubtedly been very close to his
heart, but even a close association with Roman provides
only vague and uncertain hints about his motivation.
As the most spectacularly successful Canadian of his
generation-and the only non-Anglo-Saxon -who can be
counted among the financial empire builders in Canada,
he views, as the other Canadian magnates did, the free
enterprise system as a fore-ordained to reward the most
able.6 There are indications that he also shares with them
other views. Like all of them, he regards the successful
business corporation as the highest manifestation of man's
�SLOVAKIA
11
superiority and many of his business ventures would
indicate that he believes in large corporatio ns.
Even though Roman's complex personality shows genuine features of his race, he also has many characteris tics
in common with the other Canadian financial magnates.
Of course, he is not the multi-milli onaire mine maker who
spent long years prospectin g in the bush like Harry Oaks
or Gilbert Labine. He belongs to the new generation of
mine makers who used the promoters ' phone and the
stock exchange, shrewd deals and good timing for developing Canadian industry and increasing his wealth.
Among the Canadian "empire builders" Roman seems
to be the closest to Sir James Dunn,7 the carpenter's son
from Bathurst, N. B., who had "all the assets and all the
liabilities of a promoter" , and though he was a totally
self-made man and proud of it, he became Canada's most
flamboyan t multi-milli onaire.
Roman shares-pe rhaps unconscio usly-with Sir James
Dunn the belief that handouts keep people from working. 11
Like Dunn, he gave large amounts of money to hospitals,
churches and universitie s and received his first honorary
degree from St. Francis University in Antigonish , N. S.,
as Sir James Dunn did. Furthermo re, he has in common
with Dunn the love for "dreams that open new frontiers
and build for greatness "-the dreams which are "not the
thin vapourings of the idle mind, but rather the vision of
a busy brain."
In pursuing the realization of his dreams, Roman like
Dunn seems to be hampered only by his impulses and
always insists on his own way in all things, regardless of
the number of enemies it may make him. Led by intuition
and putting stress on "logic", sometimes his own logic, he
would repeat: "Do not be afraid to be hurt or kicked,
the time comes when you kick back."
Roman's beautiful residence near Toronto, furnished
with many rare pieces of furniture or paintings, as well
as his palatial second residence in the millionaire 's oasis
of Lyford Cay in Nassau9 , bring him also close to Sir James
Dunn whose insistence on palatial surroundin gs reflected
-accordin g to his biography -his efforts to compensat e
�12
SLOVAKIA
for the oppressive poverty of his childhood. Roman had
a happy even if modest childhood, but his first years in
Canada were undoubtedly those of immigrants working
for 50¢ a day from dawn to late night and he never forgot
them.
In some other respects Roman reminds one of Sir
Herbert Holt, as portrayed by P. Newman10 • H. Holt was
not a business administrator and promoted his fortune
by refining the sleight-of-hand process involved in the
acquisition of corporate control through the trading and
re-trading of stock. So was to a great degree S. B. Roman.
He also likes sometimes to sit behind a desk at the end
of his luxurious office and visitors leave with the impression that he has strong beliefs and does not accept
easily to be contradicted. But he also meets his visitors
in the reception room with a broad, friendly smile and
a strong handshake, if he is in a good disposition, and
sits with them around a coffee table.
Roman's interest in politics and his warnings against
Communism also resemble those of Sir Herbert Holt who,
in 1931, said: "People do not realize the Russian menace. The
spread of Communism is not a matter to laugh at." Roman
was preaching anti-Communism since the outbreak of the
Second World War and his visits to Moscow or to his
native Slovakia, oppressed by Moscow, did not change his
attitude. As a man convinced that only free enterprise can
give people incentive for good work, and as a religious
man, Roman could not remain indifferent to Communism. 11
Unlike Holt who according to his •c olleagues in the
Conservative Party "really understood nothing about politics except how to manage ministers," Roman has been
his whole life an ardent student of politics, national and
international. His table conversations at home or elsewhere
always ended in discussion on politics or religion-the
second subject of his genuine interest. Of course, he can
be sometimes an impatient listener, rather inclined to
lecture authoritatively and arguing willingly on any subjeGt.
On the other hand, he can be very warm and friendly in
personal discussions. As a result, he appears a different
personality in his office, at board meetings and in the
seclusion of his residence where on weekends he invites
�SLOVAKIA
13
his friends and quite often a bishop or a priest to celebrate
a Sunday Mass and to share a dinner with his family.
In his office a senior executive, referring to Roman's
dynamism and impatience, used to say: "it takes a strong
boiler which makes 15 pots to boil and sometimes even
tremble." And he was not far from the truth.
The Roman Legend
Why around some persons legends grow fast or are
created at all, nobody has yet explained. It is one of the
mysterious gifts which the Lord gives at his pleasure and
not always according to our human logic. In the life of
many successful or outstanding men there are ingredients
which can give birth to a legend, but only a few of them
became legendary. Extraordinary deeds or success in many
cases remain unknown or belittled by jealousy of associates
or contemporaries, while in some cases everything is
magnified by wishful thinking and creative fantasy into
legendary proportions. The 'hero' is credited with deeds,
connections and power he does not possess or, if he does,
in a considerably diminished measure.
In the life of S. B. Roman there have been no doubt
many ingredients for a legend. God gave him also that
rare gift of striking the imagination of people in a positive
way.
It is not only his wealth which attracts so many people
in high positions to him. S. B. Roman together with his
elegantly dressed wife, Betty, can also be superb hosts,
and many people try to get close to the Romans and flatter
them in order to gain some advantage. Roman's sharp eye
can easily spot this, but he had a good laugh when a visitor
tried to convince him that he should accept some function
or to be a speaker because he will attract people. "Why
do you think I will attract them?", asked Roman of his
visitor. "You remember what happened to Moses when
he led his flock from Egyptian captivity and went to the
mountain to talk to the Lord", answered the visitor, "half
of the flock began to worship the golden veal ... " Roman
looked at his visitor with one eye and with a laugh told
him: "Thank you very much."
�14
SLOVAKIA
Roman differs from many people who orbit the Stock
Exchange and made money in the post-war boom in
industry and speculation, also in some other respect. He
is an avid reader and his lib:rary was built not only for
the purpose of ornating his residence. Especially during
the years of his ascension to wealth and social position
he read diligently books from many fields and his conversations showed that his good memory helped him to
learn more in some fields than many academics retained
from university studies. Roman received from God among
other gifts not only a good memory but also the gift of
logic and ability to grasp the essentials of the problems.
Discussions with him on many subjects were a pleasure
in those years.
From the discussions on religion which has been for
years his second subject to politics-never business at
table--one has the impression that the concept of eastern
Christianity, with the stress on the spiritual and the
mystical rather than the legalistic and the philosophical,
is his religion not only formally-he belongs to the
Byzantine Catholic Rite-but also conforms with his personality. It is not in carrying out the technical word that
a Christian should participate in the world of God on the
earth, but in fulfilling his specific role-seems to be his
basic religious concept. Of many changes triggered by the
Vatican Council at which he was one of the lay observers,
Roman can be more critical than non-Catholics or dissident
priests, being inclined to express his opinion in strong
terms.
Among other gifts Roman received from God also love
for beautiful surroundings with a sense of proportion and
good taste. If we believed in reincarnation, we could apply
it to him and explain many things in the life of this
extraordinary "farm boy from Slovakia." However, even
without belief in reincarnation, one can explain some
features of his life and character. Slovakia, that comperatively unknown land in Canada, is a romantic hilly
country with hundreds of castles, fortresses, and former
aristocratic domains. For centuries it was a bulwark in
the defense of Europe against invasions from Asia. The
Huns, the Magyars, the Tartars, the Turks overran the
�SLOVAKIA
15
country and the aristocracy who ruled from castles and
fortresses over the Slovak population was international
rather than national. For some inexplicable reason, this
historical heritage became apparent in Slovakia more
abroad than in their own country. The leaders of the
Hungarian struggle for independence, L. Kossuth and A.
Pet6fi, or several Hungarian cardinals were of Slovak
ancestry, the "king 0f Madagascar" M. Benovsky was from
Slovakia, the founders of Pan-Slavism were of Slovak
origin (but enriched Czech culture) as was T. G. Masaryk
who freed Czechs from Austrian domination, and the
famous astronomer and one of the youngest French
generals, Milan R. t>tefanik who made a career outside
his native country. Roman's life and character may have
its roots in this peculiar feature of the Slovak people and
in the history of Slovakia. Indeed, Jeanne Dixon, who had
the ear-so rumor goes-of some American presidents
and predicted J. F. Kennedy's death, gave one day a halting
look at Roman, whom she had met for the first time,
and exclaimed: "You are a descendant of Genghis Khan."
Roman had a good laugh and some of his friends too,
but in view of the invasions and history of Slovakia, even
this far-fetched possibility is not excluded.
S. B. Roman and Slovakia
The "Roman Story" became a legend also in his native
country after his two trips to Slovakia--one in his own
jet plane. It made believe millions of Slovaks that Roman
will help their country, suffering under Communism and
foreign rule, to regain freedom and a better future and
that he will use his great wealth for building mines,
factories, hotels in the beautiful Tatra Mountains or
churches in Slovak towns. For his activities among Slovaks
abroad and for his successful tour of his native country,
he became the best known Slovak of his generation among
the Slovaks in the free world as well as in his native
Slovakia and great hopes and expectations have surrounded
his name.
In fact Roman was genuinely interested in the organizational life of the Slovak group and from the end of the
Second World War, also in the fate of Slovakia. He served
�16
SLOVAKIA
as the editor of a Slovak weekly, was active in the Canadian
Slovak League, and was deeply involved in organizing
cultural programmes for Slovak Canadians, setting up
debates, concerts and trying to help his native country
to freedom and independence. On his initiative in 1946
a memorandum was sent to the United Nations by Slovak
organizations in Canada in which they proposed to the
Delegates of the World Security Conference that, "since
the Slovak People in Slovakia are a distinct and separate
nation, the Security Conference provide and obtain either;
"First, if the Conference choose, that the Slovak People
of Slovakia could be granted complete independence from
the Czech nation or state, and from any other nation in
the anticipated European post-war organization of which
she will be a part;
"Or Second, that the Slovak people decide for themselves by a free and unhampered secret ballot under the
supervision of the United Nations Military Committee,
first whether they, the Slovak People of Slovakia desire
to be completely independent and severed from the Czech
nation and state and from any other nation in the anticipated post-war organization of Europe of which Slovakia
will be a part, or second whether they desire to be an
autonomous, self-governing part of the Czecho-Slovak dual
State in the post-war organization of Europe of which
she will be a part. N. B. In this latter case, the spelling
of the name 'Czecho-Slovak' should be hyphenated and this
should be its official spelling."
Later he supported activities of Slovak political exiles
and helped to publish books and became a sought-for
speaker at celebrations, Slovak days or banquets.
As he moved up in the social ladder, S. B. Roman used
his connections to help the Slovak cause also on higheroften international levels. His relations with the Vatican12
helped not only the consolidation of the church organization
of the Slovak Byzantine Catholics in Canada who obtained
a bishop of their nationality, but also in Slovakia. He
made great efforts in obtaining Slovak spiritual leaders
for some 500,000 Slovaks of the Byzantine Rite in the
United States13 and memorable in this respect will remain
�SLOVAKIA
17
the huge celebrations of the 11th Centennial of Christianity
in Slovakia which took place in Toronto in 1963. The main
ceremony was attended by 18 Archbishops and Bishops,
representatives of the Federal, Provincial and Municipal
governments, as well as by the Apostolic delegate and some
20,000 persons. 14
If Canadian Slovaks played a role of greater importance
than their number would warrant, either among the other
ethnic groups or generally in Canadian life, it was due
mostly to his continuous contributions. This has been
acknowledged on many occasions by the ethnic press in
which S. B. Roman yearly published elaborate messages
on special occasions like Christmas, elections or national
days. 15 He also supported academic periodicals and the
Conferences on Canadian Slavs ,a nd earned great respect
among the leaders of the ethnic groups in Canada.
Believing in organized work and concentrated effort,
S. B. Roman was also instrumental in organizing the First
Slovak World Congress which took place in June 1970
and was one of the most successful events among Slovaks
in the free world since the end of the Second World War.
Unanimously, delegates of Slovak organizations from many
countries around the world elected him as the First President of the Slovak World Congress.
Roman's authority and popularity with the Slovak
people grew incessantly since his appointment to the
Vatican Council, his close acquaintance with President
Nixon, his participation at a NATO meeting in Paris as
a member of the Canadian delegation and his "red carpet"
reception by the government representatives in Bratislava
and Prague in 1968.
For all this Slovaks surrounded Roman with great
hopes and expectations. In fact, his connections and his
wealth gave him better possibilities to further the Slovak
cause in the free world than to any other Slovak of his
generation and he has been aware of it.
Looking back on the life and success of S. B. Roman ,
one becomes aware of the old truth that for societies as
for men, there can be no growth without challenge. Progress
�SLOVAKIA
18
is a battle just as life is a struggle. S. B. Roman has been
winning the battles because he was not afraid of the
challenge. On the threshold of his 50th birthday, a great
number of Slovaks and many of his acquaintances of other
ethnic backgrounds will undoubtedly wish him to continue
winning his battles and contributing to progress and
happiness of his fellowmen, as well as to freedom of his
native Slovakia.
1) Fortune (New York) , September 1966. According to Fortune, the
top-ranking international monthly for business executives, "In the
last twenty years, Roman has wheeled and wildcatted his way to
a business empire whose worth is conservatively estimated at 2.5
billion dollars."
2) Newman presents in his Flame of Power (Toronto, 1959) eleven
intimate profiles of Canadian greatest businessmen. After reading
the book one has a strong feeling that Roman belongs to this
category of economic empire bui:tders.
3) Among the books see: D. H. LeBourdais, Canada and the Atomic
Revolution, (Toronto, 1959), p. 111-2, George Lonn, About Men and
Mines, (Toronto, 1962), and Builders of Fortune, (Toronto, 1963),
p. 55-60 and Businessmen Around the Globe, by the editors of
Fortune (Harrisburg, Pa. 1967), p. 69-70. Among Magazines: Fortune
(New York) September 1966, Executive, January 1960, Monetary
Times, April 1967. In French: Enterprise (Paris, April 1967), as
well as Paris dailies of September 1966. Roman also received wide
television, radio and press coverage behind the Iron Curtain when
he visited his native Slovakta on his own plane in 1966.
4)
The book Business Around the Globe mentions a mining engineer,
Art Stollery, as one of the stakers and says: "In one of the complicated financial deals at which he excels, Roman bought the
claims from Stollery and his frienlds for $30,000.00 and transferred
them to North Denison Mines, an old copper-and-nickel company.
In return he got one million shares in what eventually became
Denison Mines Limited, which he divided with Stollery's group.
Soon afterwards, uranium was struck, and Denison's stock shot up
from 30¢ to $12.00 within a year." Op. cit., p. 60. In September 1967,
it was quoted at $85.00 on the Toronto Stock Exchange.
5) For more details on S. B. Roman's life anld success, see my book
Slovaks in Canada (Canadian Ethnic Press Associaition, Toronto,
1967), pp. 374-380.
6) S. B. Roman's philosophy on free enterprise was reflected in his
speech to the Rotary Club, '11oronto, in October 1970, as well as
the Brief which Denison Mines submitted to the Federal Government in 1970 on the White Paper dealing with Capital Gains Tax.
The Brief said that the proposal to tax economy is a form of
"intellectual colonialism that ill befits a pioneering vigorous
�SLOVAKIA
19
country." In S. B. Roman's opinion, in the economy of the next
century, part of the profits will be divided between capital and
labour. He admitted that Denison Mines does not share profits with
employees because "we are as much coward as anybody else." See
"The Telegram" June 23, 1970. On his speech at the Rotary Club,
see 'The Northern Miner", October 29, 1970.
7) All quotations on Sir James Dunn are taken from Peter Newman's
book Flame of Power.
8) See his speech in the Toronto Kiwanis Club, January 13, 1971, in
which he said, among other things, "It is high time that we ~evise
a formula that allows us to differentiate between people who really
are not capable of looking after themselves and people who are
lazy or not willing to work" . . . "I am certain every thinking
Canadian must be disturbed by the developments they see occurring,
developments leading to more and more irresponsibility and unwillingness to work. The ]danger is that it is a most infectious
cancer in that ,i t can--and will--spread to those, now willing to
work, who by seeing compatriots leaning on welfare, start to wonder
about ,the wisdom of working themselves." See excerpts in The
Toronto Telegram, January 14, 1971, as well as The Star, January
14, 1971.
9) See Zena Cherry, "Home Away from Home-Beach Lot for $1,000.00
a foot," Globe and Mail, May 2, 1968.
10) Ibid.
11) When the Soviets, together with their satellites, occupied CzechoSlovakia, he was the main speaker at a rally in Toronto denouncing
the brutal act of Soviet impel'ialism.
12) He was not only the lay observer ,at the Vatican Council but in
1963 he also received the Order of the Knight Commander of Saint
Gregory. On his participatioN at the Council, see my series of
articles in Kana'.lsky Slovak and Slovak v Amerike, NovemberDecember 1966, and January 1967.
13) On this subject, he also published English and Slovak articles in
the Slovak Press in Canada and the United States.
14) For more details, see my book Slovaks in Canada, op. cit., p. 263.
15) In one of such messages, he made the following appeal under the
title "Democracy's Most Precious Gift": . .. "To those of us who
have left our native lands for Canalda and its precious gifts of
democracy, has fallen the privilege of citizenship and the responsibilities of the vote. To us has befallen the choice of government
and its leadership and the survival of all that we hold dear. It has
now become our task to listen and learn, that we may judge the
posture of the party and the stature of the man, anld to decide and
compare what is best in our own particular communities, for our
own particular needs" ...
�
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Title
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1971, Vol. 21
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Vol. 21 (No. 44), 1971.
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The Slovak League of America
Date
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1971
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SLOVAKIA
7
Stephen B. Ro1nan - Slovak Tycoon
J . M . Ki Ts
C
h b au m
For more than ten years I
was tempted to write something like "One of the most
amazing characters I have
met in my life," and a few
years ago I prepared an outline for a book I thought
should be entitled "The Defiant Tycoon." Odd circumstances prevented me from
accomplishing
either
of
these plans.
On April 21, 1971, Stephen
B. Roman will pass the threshold of the half-century mark
of his extraordinary life, full
of amazing success, uneven
struggles and varied activities
which made him nationally
Stephen e. Roman
and internationally known.
The "Roman Story" re-written and re-published in numerous languages in Canada,
Europe and the United States gives an example of one
of the most spectacular careers in Canadian finance and
industry and we will attempt to outline here at least the
most interesting periods.
Stephen B . Roman was born in Vel'ky Ruskov, Eastern
Slovakia. According to his reminiscences, he grew up in
a tightly knit family and his boyhood was happy and
geared to farm life. An irresistible desire to see the world
prompted him, however, as a teenager to leave his studies
at the Agricultural College in a town near his home and
to accompany his older brother George to Canada. They
arrived in Canada on June 15, 1937, with two thousand
dollars to buy a farm. For the following three years he
worked for 50¢ a day on a farm near Port Perry, Ontario,
8
SLOVAKIA
an experience about which he can talk with great humor.
Then, after a short period of service in the Canadian Army,
he worked on the assembly line at General Motors, but
an awakening interest in the Canadian economy, in investments and in speculation led him to spend his time in
a variety of studies from business to corporate law, history
and politics. During this period, he became a Canadian
citizen and in 1945 he married the former Betty Gardon,
also a native of Slovakia. The following ten years skyrocketted him into wealth and fame. 1
On the treshold of his 50 birthday, we can say without
any exaggeration that S. B. Roman made the most important and most spectacular contribution to the Canadian
development of industry, finance and agriculture in the
post-war II period. He over-shadowed the success of any
Canadian of his generation and ranks with the nation's most
successful and financially the most powerful Canadian,
whose profiles were ably outlined in P. C. Newman's
Flame of Power.2
In Canada's national economic community, the name
of Stephen Roman became synonymous with the leadership
of one of the richest and most powerful industrial
organizations in the country, Denison Mines Limited and
Roman Corporation Limited, both active in mining, oil and
cement production and in a variety of other major
enterprises.
Denison Mines became universally known as the
largest uranium mine in the world and its billion dollar
asset together with the holdings of Roman Corporation
hais often been called by financial journals the "Roman
Empire." Together with its dynamic founder and chairman,
Denison Mines have been the subject of numerous articles
in Canadian and international financial publications, books,
and newpapers. 3 Except for E. P. Taylor, there has not
been a Canadian industrialist who has attracted as much
of the attention of the national and international press,
as did S. B. Roman, whose views on economic questions
have been sought by the nation's press, radio and television,
and respected for their candor and independence of
thought.
SLOVAKIA
9
The Way to the Spectacular Success
In the beginning, S. B. Roman's moves did not amount
to much, hampered as he was by lack of capital and
experience. His will to succeed, however, was stronger than
the odds against which he had to fight and his persistence
swept friends along with his enthusiasm. In 1946, he
organized the Concord Mining Syndicate, converted it into
Concord Mines Limited years later, and moved rapidly
into oil exploration just as the oil industry was agog with
the discovery of the Leduc fields in Alberta. In another
move, he created a new company through further reorganization, the New Concord Development Corpora~ion,
with himself as President. Success took on a broad dimension for Stephen B. Roman and his company's operations
found profits not only in Alberta but also in the United
States and provided funds of the size which would permit
Roman to meet the test of his lifetime's greatest opportunity: uranium in the Blind River-Algom a Camp.
The opportunity came when two independent stakers4
from the vast area of bush north of the Trans-Canada
Highway between Sudbury and Sault Ste. Marie, where
Dr. F. R. Joubin discovered the largest deposits of uranium,
turned to him for support. In January 1954, Roman made
the critical decision to invest money in these Blind River
-Algoma claims from the sale of his shares in Concord.
Thus he fashioned Consolidated Denison Mines Limited.
At 34 years of age, he began making mining history and
the "Roman Story" was published in multiple variations
more times on the American Continent and in Europe than
any other in the past 20 years,5
Residing in a stately 17-roomed house with his family
of four boys and three daughters in rolling farmland some
20 miles from Metropolitan Toronto, S. B. Roman made
also noteworthy contribution to Canadian agriculture. On
his 1,350 acres of choice farming land he proved as
successful and imaginative in the breeding and development
of Holstein-Frie sian cattle as in industry and finance. His
Romandale herd is recognized throughout the world as
a producer of oustanding breeding stock and many
breeders in various countries have selected Romandale
animals for their own breeding programs. He takes justifi-
10
SLOVAKIA
able pride in the fact that his is the only herd in the
breed's history which had the distinction of winning, more
often than any other breed, both the Premier Breeder and
Premier Exhibitor awards at all three major North American shows: in Canada, at the Royal Agricultural Winter
Fair, Toronto, Ontario; in the U.S. A. at the National Dairy
Congress, Waterloo, Iowa, the International Dairy Exposition, Chicago, Illinois and All American Shows at Pittsburgh, Pa.
S. B. Roman's Personality and Motivation
Whoever knows S. B. Roman from his business or
social contacts, cannot be but baffled by his complex personality, his easily changing mood from friendly laughter
and smooth conversation to a temperamental eruption of
criticism or rage--short lasting anyhow. "I never hold
a grudge against anybody," is the frequent remark one can
hear in conversation with him. Or insisting on the necessity
of humility after an acerbic criticism of somebody-may
it be the Pope, the President of the United States (not
Nixon) or the Prime Minister of Canada-he would say:
" I am, of course, sometime rough, but it is with a purpose
in mind."
Though one can make a guess, it is very hard to make
a statement about Roman's motivation. Not only in the
angry fight for the principle of free enterprise with Prime
Minister Trudeau in March 1970, who stopped the sale of
Denison Mines, but on many other occasions, S. B. Roman
insisted that money was not his ultimate goal. A Toronto
newspaper wrote on one occasion that it is the liberation
of Slovakia, which has undoubtedly been very close to his
heart, but even a close association with Roman provides
only vague and uncertain hints about his motivation.
As the most spectacularly successful Canadian of his
generation-and the only non-Anglo-Saxon -who can be
counted among the financial empire builders in Canada,
he views, as the other Canadian magnates did, the free
enterprise system as a fore-ordained to reward the most
able.6 There are indications that he also shares with them
other views. Like all of them, he regards the successful
business corporation as the highest manifestation of man's
SLOVAKIA
11
superiority and many of his business ventures would
indicate that he believes in large corporatio ns.
Even though Roman's complex personality shows genuine features of his race, he also has many characteris tics
in common with the other Canadian financial magnates.
Of course, he is not the multi-milli onaire mine maker who
spent long years prospectin g in the bush like Harry Oaks
or Gilbert Labine. He belongs to the new generation of
mine makers who used the promoters ' phone and the
stock exchange, shrewd deals and good timing for developing Canadian industry and increasing his wealth.
Among the Canadian "empire builders" Roman seems
to be the closest to Sir James Dunn,7 the carpenter's son
from Bathurst, N. B., who had "all the assets and all the
liabilities of a promoter" , and though he was a totally
self-made man and proud of it, he became Canada's most
flamboyan t multi-milli onaire.
Roman shares-pe rhaps unconscio usly-with Sir James
Dunn the belief that handouts keep people from working. 11
Like Dunn, he gave large amounts of money to hospitals,
churches and universitie s and received his first honorary
degree from St. Francis University in Antigonish , N. S.,
as Sir James Dunn did. Furthermo re, he has in common
with Dunn the love for "dreams that open new frontiers
and build for greatness "-the dreams which are "not the
thin vapourings of the idle mind, but rather the vision of
a busy brain."
In pursuing the realization of his dreams, Roman like
Dunn seems to be hampered only by his impulses and
always insists on his own way in all things, regardless of
the number of enemies it may make him. Led by intuition
and putting stress on "logic", sometimes his own logic, he
would repeat: "Do not be afraid to be hurt or kicked,
the time comes when you kick back."
Roman's beautiful residence near Toronto, furnished
with many rare pieces of furniture or paintings, as well
as his palatial second residence in the millionaire 's oasis
of Lyford Cay in Nassau9 , bring him also close to Sir James
Dunn whose insistence on palatial surroundin gs reflected
-accordin g to his biography -his efforts to compensat e
12
SLOVAKIA
for the oppressive poverty of his childhood. Roman had
a happy even if modest childhood, but his first years in
Canada were undoubtedly those of immigrants working
for 50¢ a day from dawn to late night and he never forgot
them.
In some other respects Roman reminds one of Sir
Herbert Holt, as portrayed by P. Newman10 • H. Holt was
not a business administrator and promoted his fortune
by refining the sleight-of-hand process involved in the
acquisition of corporate control through the trading and
re-trading of stock. So was to a great degree S. B. Roman.
He also likes sometimes to sit behind a desk at the end
of his luxurious office and visitors leave with the impression that he has strong beliefs and does not accept
easily to be contradicted. But he also meets his visitors
in the reception room with a broad, friendly smile and
a strong handshake, if he is in a good disposition, and
sits with them around a coffee table.
Roman's interest in politics and his warnings against
Communism also resemble those of Sir Herbert Holt who,
in 1931, said: "People do not realize the Russian menace. The
spread of Communism is not a matter to laugh at." Roman
was preaching anti-Communism since the outbreak of the
Second World War and his visits to Moscow or to his
native Slovakia, oppressed by Moscow, did not change his
attitude. As a man convinced that only free enterprise can
give people incentive for good work, and as a religious
man, Roman could not remain indifferent to Communism. 11
Unlike Holt who according to his •c olleagues in the
Conservative Party "really understood nothing about politics except how to manage ministers," Roman has been
his whole life an ardent student of politics, national and
international. His table conversations at home or elsewhere
always ended in discussion on politics or religion-the
second subject of his genuine interest. Of course, he can
be sometimes an impatient listener, rather inclined to
lecture authoritatively and arguing willingly on any subjeGt.
On the other hand, he can be very warm and friendly in
personal discussions. As a result, he appears a different
personality in his office, at board meetings and in the
seclusion of his residence where on weekends he invites
SLOVAKIA
13
his friends and quite often a bishop or a priest to celebrate
a Sunday Mass and to share a dinner with his family.
In his office a senior executive, referring to Roman's
dynamism and impatience, used to say: "it takes a strong
boiler which makes 15 pots to boil and sometimes even
tremble." And he was not far from the truth.
The Roman Legend
Why around some persons legends grow fast or are
created at all, nobody has yet explained. It is one of the
mysterious gifts which the Lord gives at his pleasure and
not always according to our human logic. In the life of
many successful or outstanding men there are ingredients
which can give birth to a legend, but only a few of them
became legendary. Extraordinary deeds or success in many
cases remain unknown or belittled by jealousy of associates
or contemporaries, while in some cases everything is
magnified by wishful thinking and creative fantasy into
legendary proportions. The 'hero' is credited with deeds,
connections and power he does not possess or, if he does,
in a considerably diminished measure.
In the life of S. B. Roman there have been no doubt
many ingredients for a legend. God gave him also that
rare gift of striking the imagination of people in a positive
way.
It is not only his wealth which attracts so many people
in high positions to him. S. B. Roman together with his
elegantly dressed wife, Betty, can also be superb hosts,
and many people try to get close to the Romans and flatter
them in order to gain some advantage. Roman's sharp eye
can easily spot this, but he had a good laugh when a visitor
tried to convince him that he should accept some function
or to be a speaker because he will attract people. "Why
do you think I will attract them?", asked Roman of his
visitor. "You remember what happened to Moses when
he led his flock from Egyptian captivity and went to the
mountain to talk to the Lord", answered the visitor, "half
of the flock began to worship the golden veal ... " Roman
looked at his visitor with one eye and with a laugh told
him: "Thank you very much."
14
SLOVAKIA
Roman differs from many people who orbit the Stock
Exchange and made money in the post-war boom in
industry and speculation, also in some other respect. He
is an avid reader and his lib:rary was built not only for
the purpose of ornating his residence. Especially during
the years of his ascension to wealth and social position
he read diligently books from many fields and his conversations showed that his good memory helped him to
learn more in some fields than many academics retained
from university studies. Roman received from God among
other gifts not only a good memory but also the gift of
logic and ability to grasp the essentials of the problems.
Discussions with him on many subjects were a pleasure
in those years.
From the discussions on religion which has been for
years his second subject to politics-never business at
table--one has the impression that the concept of eastern
Christianity, with the stress on the spiritual and the
mystical rather than the legalistic and the philosophical,
is his religion not only formally-he belongs to the
Byzantine Catholic Rite-but also conforms with his personality. It is not in carrying out the technical word that
a Christian should participate in the world of God on the
earth, but in fulfilling his specific role-seems to be his
basic religious concept. Of many changes triggered by the
Vatican Council at which he was one of the lay observers,
Roman can be more critical than non-Catholics or dissident
priests, being inclined to express his opinion in strong
terms.
Among other gifts Roman received from God also love
for beautiful surroundings with a sense of proportion and
good taste. If we believed in reincarnation, we could apply
it to him and explain many things in the life of this
extraordinary "farm boy from Slovakia." However, even
without belief in reincarnation, one can explain some
features of his life and character. Slovakia, that comperatively unknown land in Canada, is a romantic hilly
country with hundreds of castles, fortresses, and former
aristocratic domains. For centuries it was a bulwark in
the defense of Europe against invasions from Asia. The
Huns, the Magyars, the Tartars, the Turks overran the
SLOVAKIA
15
country and the aristocracy who ruled from castles and
fortresses over the Slovak population was international
rather than national. For some inexplicable reason, this
historical heritage became apparent in Slovakia more
abroad than in their own country. The leaders of the
Hungarian struggle for independence, L. Kossuth and A.
Pet6fi, or several Hungarian cardinals were of Slovak
ancestry, the "king 0f Madagascar" M. Benovsky was from
Slovakia, the founders of Pan-Slavism were of Slovak
origin (but enriched Czech culture) as was T. G. Masaryk
who freed Czechs from Austrian domination, and the
famous astronomer and one of the youngest French
generals, Milan R. t>tefanik who made a career outside
his native country. Roman's life and character may have
its roots in this peculiar feature of the Slovak people and
in the history of Slovakia. Indeed, Jeanne Dixon, who had
the ear-so rumor goes-of some American presidents
and predicted J. F. Kennedy's death, gave one day a halting
look at Roman, whom she had met for the first time,
and exclaimed: "You are a descendant of Genghis Khan."
Roman had a good laugh and some of his friends too,
but in view of the invasions and history of Slovakia, even
this far-fetched possibility is not excluded.
S. B. Roman and Slovakia
The "Roman Story" became a legend also in his native
country after his two trips to Slovakia--one in his own
jet plane. It made believe millions of Slovaks that Roman
will help their country, suffering under Communism and
foreign rule, to regain freedom and a better future and
that he will use his great wealth for building mines,
factories, hotels in the beautiful Tatra Mountains or
churches in Slovak towns. For his activities among Slovaks
abroad and for his successful tour of his native country,
he became the best known Slovak of his generation among
the Slovaks in the free world as well as in his native
Slovakia and great hopes and expectations have surrounded
his name.
In fact Roman was genuinely interested in the organizational life of the Slovak group and from the end of the
Second World War, also in the fate of Slovakia. He served
16
SLOVAKIA
as the editor of a Slovak weekly, was active in the Canadian
Slovak League, and was deeply involved in organizing
cultural programmes for Slovak Canadians, setting up
debates, concerts and trying to help his native country
to freedom and independence. On his initiative in 1946
a memorandum was sent to the United Nations by Slovak
organizations in Canada in which they proposed to the
Delegates of the World Security Conference that, "since
the Slovak People in Slovakia are a distinct and separate
nation, the Security Conference provide and obtain either;
"First, if the Conference choose, that the Slovak People
of Slovakia could be granted complete independence from
the Czech nation or state, and from any other nation in
the anticipated European post-war organization of which
she will be a part;
"Or Second, that the Slovak people decide for themselves by a free and unhampered secret ballot under the
supervision of the United Nations Military Committee,
first whether they, the Slovak People of Slovakia desire
to be completely independent and severed from the Czech
nation and state and from any other nation in the anticipated post-war organization of Europe of which Slovakia
will be a part, or second whether they desire to be an
autonomous, self-governing part of the Czecho-Slovak dual
State in the post-war organization of Europe of which
she will be a part. N. B. In this latter case, the spelling
of the name 'Czecho-Slovak' should be hyphenated and this
should be its official spelling."
Later he supported activities of Slovak political exiles
and helped to publish books and became a sought-for
speaker at celebrations, Slovak days or banquets.
As he moved up in the social ladder, S. B. Roman used
his connections to help the Slovak cause also on higheroften international levels. His relations with the Vatican12
helped not only the consolidation of the church organization
of the Slovak Byzantine Catholics in Canada who obtained
a bishop of their nationality, but also in Slovakia. He
made great efforts in obtaining Slovak spiritual leaders
for some 500,000 Slovaks of the Byzantine Rite in the
United States13 and memorable in this respect will remain
SLOVAKIA
17
the huge celebrations of the 11th Centennial of Christianity
in Slovakia which took place in Toronto in 1963. The main
ceremony was attended by 18 Archbishops and Bishops,
representatives of the Federal, Provincial and Municipal
governments, as well as by the Apostolic delegate and some
20,000 persons. 14
If Canadian Slovaks played a role of greater importance
than their number would warrant, either among the other
ethnic groups or generally in Canadian life, it was due
mostly to his continuous contributions. This has been
acknowledged on many occasions by the ethnic press in
which S. B. Roman yearly published elaborate messages
on special occasions like Christmas, elections or national
days. 15 He also supported academic periodicals and the
Conferences on Canadian Slavs ,a nd earned great respect
among the leaders of the ethnic groups in Canada.
Believing in organized work and concentrated effort,
S. B. Roman was also instrumental in organizing the First
Slovak World Congress which took place in June 1970
and was one of the most successful events among Slovaks
in the free world since the end of the Second World War.
Unanimously, delegates of Slovak organizations from many
countries around the world elected him as the First President of the Slovak World Congress.
Roman's authority and popularity with the Slovak
people grew incessantly since his appointment to the
Vatican Council, his close acquaintance with President
Nixon, his participation at a NATO meeting in Paris as
a member of the Canadian delegation and his "red carpet"
reception by the government representatives in Bratislava
and Prague in 1968.
For all this Slovaks surrounded Roman with great
hopes and expectations. In fact, his connections and his
wealth gave him better possibilities to further the Slovak
cause in the free world than to any other Slovak of his
generation and he has been aware of it.
Looking back on the life and success of S. B. Roman ,
one becomes aware of the old truth that for societies as
for men, there can be no growth without challenge. Progress
SLOVAKIA
18
is a battle just as life is a struggle. S. B. Roman has been
winning the battles because he was not afraid of the
challenge. On the threshold of his 50th birthday, a great
number of Slovaks and many of his acquaintances of other
ethnic backgrounds will undoubtedly wish him to continue
winning his battles and contributing to progress and
happiness of his fellowmen, as well as to freedom of his
native Slovakia.
1) Fortune (New York) , September 1966. According to Fortune, the
top-ranking international monthly for business executives, "In the
last twenty years, Roman has wheeled and wildcatted his way to
a business empire whose worth is conservatively estimated at 2.5
billion dollars."
2) Newman presents in his Flame of Power (Toronto, 1959) eleven
intimate profiles of Canadian greatest businessmen. After reading
the book one has a strong feeling that Roman belongs to this
category of economic empire bui:tders.
3) Among the books see: D. H. LeBourdais, Canada and the Atomic
Revolution, (Toronto, 1959), p. 111-2, George Lonn, About Men and
Mines, (Toronto, 1962), and Builders of Fortune, (Toronto, 1963),
p. 55-60 and Businessmen Around the Globe, by the editors of
Fortune (Harrisburg, Pa. 1967), p. 69-70. Among Magazines: Fortune
(New York) September 1966, Executive, January 1960, Monetary
Times, April 1967. In French: Enterprise (Paris, April 1967), as
well as Paris dailies of September 1966. Roman also received wide
television, radio and press coverage behind the Iron Curtain when
he visited his native Slovakta on his own plane in 1966.
4)
The book Business Around the Globe mentions a mining engineer,
Art Stollery, as one of the stakers and says: "In one of the complicated financial deals at which he excels, Roman bought the
claims from Stollery and his frienlds for $30,000.00 and transferred
them to North Denison Mines, an old copper-and-nickel company.
In return he got one million shares in what eventually became
Denison Mines Limited, which he divided with Stollery's group.
Soon afterwards, uranium was struck, and Denison's stock shot up
from 30¢ to $12.00 within a year." Op. cit., p. 60. In September 1967,
it was quoted at $85.00 on the Toronto Stock Exchange.
5) For more details on S. B. Roman's life anld success, see my book
Slovaks in Canada (Canadian Ethnic Press Associaition, Toronto,
1967), pp. 374-380.
6) S. B. Roman's philosophy on free enterprise was reflected in his
speech to the Rotary Club, '11oronto, in October 1970, as well as
the Brief which Denison Mines submitted to the Federal Government in 1970 on the White Paper dealing with Capital Gains Tax.
The Brief said that the proposal to tax economy is a form of
"intellectual colonialism that ill befits a pioneering vigorous
SLOVAKIA
19
country." In S. B. Roman's opinion, in the economy of the next
century, part of the profits will be divided between capital and
labour. He admitted that Denison Mines does not share profits with
employees because "we are as much coward as anybody else." See
"The Telegram" June 23, 1970. On his speech at the Rotary Club,
see 'The Northern Miner", October 29, 1970.
7) All quotations on Sir James Dunn are taken from Peter Newman's
book Flame of Power.
8) See his speech in the Toronto Kiwanis Club, January 13, 1971, in
which he said, among other things, "It is high time that we ~evise
a formula that allows us to differentiate between people who really
are not capable of looking after themselves and people who are
lazy or not willing to work" . . . "I am certain every thinking
Canadian must be disturbed by the developments they see occurring,
developments leading to more and more irresponsibility and unwillingness to work. The ]danger is that it is a most infectious
cancer in that ,i t can--and will--spread to those, now willing to
work, who by seeing compatriots leaning on welfare, start to wonder
about ,the wisdom of working themselves." See excerpts in The
Toronto Telegram, January 14, 1971, as well as The Star, January
14, 1971.
9) See Zena Cherry, "Home Away from Home-Beach Lot for $1,000.00
a foot," Globe and Mail, May 2, 1968.
10) Ibid.
11) When the Soviets, together with their satellites, occupied CzechoSlovakia, he was the main speaker at a rally in Toronto denouncing
the brutal act of Soviet impel'ialism.
12) He was not only the lay observer ,at the Vatican Council but in
1963 he also received the Order of the Knight Commander of Saint
Gregory. On his participatioN at the Council, see my series of
articles in Kana'.lsky Slovak and Slovak v Amerike, NovemberDecember 1966, and January 1967.
13) On this subject, he also published English and Slovak articles in
the Slovak Press in Canada and the United States.
14) For more details, see my book Slovaks in Canada, op. cit., p. 263.
15) In one of such messages, he made the following appeal under the
title "Democracy's Most Precious Gift": . .. "To those of us who
have left our native lands for Canalda and its precious gifts of
democracy, has fallen the privilege of citizenship and the responsibilities of the vote. To us has befallen the choice of government
and its leadership and the survival of all that we hold dear. It has
now become our task to listen and learn, that we may judge the
posture of the party and the stature of the man, anld to decide and
compare what is best in our own particular communities, for our
own particular needs" ...
Dublin Core
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Title
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Stephen B. Roman - Slovak Tycoon
Description
An account of the resource
J. M. Kirschbaum
Slovakia, Vol. 21 (No. 44), 1971
pp. 7-19
Creator
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Kirschbaum, Jozef M., 1913-2001
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1971
SNK
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Text
20
SLOVAKIA
Political Views of 11udovit St(u
Sister M. Delphina Opet, SS. C. M.
INTRODUCTION
Since this study will concern itself with :Cudovit $tur,
the inspiration of modern national Slovak ideology, it may
be beneficial first of all to review the life story of the man
and then to consider his work and influence.
Though his life was all too short, stur was a key figure
in the Slovak national movement of the second third of
the nineteenth century. He was heir to the cultural, political
and social endeavors of his predecessors, and he developed
his natural gifts to attain the strength, courage and vision,
which it took to launch movements toward realizing a vital
national organization on behalf of his people. Without these
natural and acquired gifts, stur could hardly have been
effective in his work toward attaining independence in
Slovak national life and the pursuit of culture. His greatest
merits lie in the fact that he assumed the historical
challenge to unite the fragmented multicultural powers
of the Slovaks into a liberation front against Hungarian
oppressors.
His contemporaries attributed to stur an almost
legendary but realistic aura even during his lifetime. It
was said of him that he had a magnetic personality, that
his very presence bespoke patriotism and a vibrant national
spirit.
Worthy of specific mention is at least one evaluation
by William Pauliny-T6th: "He is an extraordinary figure-a
manifestation, as it were, of a leader charged to create
a new epoch in the history of the Slovak nation."
His young collaborator, Jozef M. Hurban, devoted to
stur a commemorative and comprehensive monograph
which was published in the first issue of the revitalized
"Slovenske pohl'ady" (Slovak Views) . In his history of
Slovak literature published in 1890, the literary critic and
historian Jaroslav Vlcek rated stur as the central figure
of the Romantic generations, even though he did not see
�SLOVAKIA
21
in stur's poetry the merit which it rightly deserves.
Criticism of stur was not wanting, but it did not detract
from stur's merits or stature at all.1
This fiery patriot was born in Zay-Uhrovec, on the
twentyninth of October, 1815. He was one of five children.
His father was an elementary school teacher and a rigid
disciplinarian both at school and at home. His mother's
was a gentle and loving nature.
The stur family home breathed a peaceful atmosphere
graced with poetry. The natural surroundings of his boyhood, with their profusion of beauty and natural grandeur
influenced stur's outlook on life. It was very likely here
and because of his environment that his aesthetic taste
developed to a remarkable degree.
Leopold Petz, a Lutheran pastor, was his first teacher
in the gymnasium at Rab. He kindled the glow of national
consciousness and patriotism in stur's unfolding mind
and animated his spirit with keen appreciation for the
richness of his mother tongue. He also made him aware
of the rightful place of the Slovaks in the Slavic world
and of the potential concentrated within the new generation. After two years at Rab, stur continued his studies
at the Lutheran Lyceum in Bratislava.2
Here stur and a memorable group of similarly ardent
young men with him (Hurban, Hodza, Francisci, Sladkovic,
Chalupka, et. al.) , were schooled under the powerful
influence of seasoned literary personalities who were still
devoted to fostering at least some forms of Czecho-Slovak
orientation. It was around the chair of Czecho-Slovak
language arts held by Juraj Palkovic that the Czecho-Slovak
Society, later known as the Institute of Language and
Literature, was formed. 3
stur was undeniably a talented leader who devoted
himself first of all to lecturing on Slovak grammar,
literature and history. He devoted much time and thought
to Slovak national poetry, especially to works dealing with
the themes of Great Moravia, Svatopluk, and the Slavic
Apostles, Saints Cyril and Methodius. To the eager young
members of the Czecho-Slovak Society, he spoke of Slavism,
of the hardships and injustices heroically endured by Slav
peoples over long centuries, and of the great responsibility
�22
SLOVAKIA
committed to the younger generation. He pointed out to
them some possible means toward a better future and
fanned their hopes for the building of a glorious large
Slavic family. He made every effort to destroy all roots
of doubt, pessimism, and prejudice, those divisive forces
that plagued Slavic families of nations and fragmented
their efforts toward unity.
His aims for establishing a standard language for
Slovak literary expression were not purely liiterary. Since
Slovak national life was closely connected with literary
expression, it bore a vigorous sense of purpose. Stu.r's
prime objective was to unite the Slovak people culturally,
politically and socially. A universally adopted standard
language would greatly advance this couse. Granted, he
suffered many reversals, but a wakened spirit cannot be
stilled. As authorities intervened to support his Slavic
group meetings at the Lyceum, new literary group in other
places formed in their stead. The strain of the struggle
to resist oppression in student centers left stur physically
exhausted; spiritually, however, he remained strong and
vigorous and indomitable.
In 1838 stur left his center of Slovak literary activity
in Bratislava and went to Halle, Germany. His courses of
study at Halle strongly affected his theoretical foundations
adding depth and fuller meaning to all his later activities.
He learned to favor much in Hegelian thought, the theories
advocated by a German idealist philosophy. This experience
created a mental revolution in Stu.r's objectives and
philosophy. It was, first of all a dialectical style of thinking
which brought to naught all concept of a final validity
in the results of human thinking and activity. This doctrine
maintains that all is involved in a process of development,
all is being perpetually transformed and changed, proceeding from a lower to a higher stage. It also maintains that
human history is a steady process of development of this
kind, as stur put it, an "uninterrupted chain."4
stur was not simply an unquestioning disciple of
Hegelian philosophy, as is often said of him. Together
with several other thinkers of his generation, he formed
an independent philosophical school which exerted farreaching influence and excelled in originality of thought.
�SLOVAKIA
23
stur's excellent book, "sturova filozofia zivota" ("stur's
Philosophy of life"), embodies his philosophical conceptions.
Though his propositions in general are original, stur's
underlying ideas were greatly influenced by Hegel. He
was motivated by the idea that national unity is strongly
furthered by means of common language which gives rise
to mutual understanding. After his return from Germany,
stur set out in 1843 to establish a distinctive literary Slovak
language which he boldly promoted. Its basis was the
central Slovak dialect which he considered the last contaminated by neighboring or foreign influence. He realized
also the need for a common political effort; Kollar's
reciprocity was not enough. He spared no pains to achieve
a social and national awakening of the Slovak people.
In a sense, stur completed the work that Bernolak, the
first codifier of literary Slovak, had begun in 1787.
On his return from Germany stur became an assistant
professor in the Pressburg (Bratislava) Lyceum. As he
lectured in the department of history, students flocked
to him with undivided attention, for this dynamic young
professor had a wealth of attainable ideals to offer. But
chauvinistic authorities viewed this influence with anxiety.
In 1844, stur lost his post as Deputy Professor because the
Magyar government began to tighten its political controls
on Slovakia and found stur's flaming Slovak ardor a threat
to its interests. When he was dismissed, many students
left the Pressburg Lyceum in protest and continued their
studies elsewhere.
The Bratislava incident did not intimidate stur; as a
matter of fact, it only stimulated him to press on. He
kept in close touch with his patriotic adherents. Because
the ground was fertile and properly prepared for a national
change, stur was able to do the apparently impossible.
He strongly voiced the long repressed aspirations and
justified rights of the Slovaks, he formulated the demands
of his people.
13udovit stur's publications of an article titled "Zaloby
a ponosy Slovakov v Uhorsku" ("The Charges and Complaints of the Slovaks in Hungary") which appeared in
Leipzig in 1843 which exposed the chief inspector of the
�24
SLOVAKIA
Lutheran Church and schools because of his measure to
magyarize Slovaks for political gain became a sensation.
The Slovaks had been resisting magyarization quietly but
effectively; now, however, they were determined to secure
an independent political status within the framework of
the Hapsburg Empire. All petitions and demands presented in Vienna and in the Hungarian Diet in Bratislava
were prompted by the following statement by stur: "We
seek no rights established on favor, but we demand our
rights on the basis of inherent right." These words became
the underlying proposition on which were based all the
subsequent petitions and demands of the Slovak leaders
for equal rights. Stu.r's debates and controversies with
Kossuth, the Slovak renegade, stemmed from this moral
and democratic principle. He demanded "peace based on
just rights and mutual understanding" declaring: "In the
paper, Pesti Hirlap, Kossuth is fighting for equality of
rights, but in the Diet he advocates orders to investigate
and punish those who define and seek their rights ... That
is Kossuth's concept of freedom and liberalism."5
stur continues to express his thoughts in writing. In
1844, after three years of waiting, he was granted permission to publish the periodical "Slovenske narodne
noviny" ("The Slovak National News") through which he
was resolved to defend the rights of the Slovak people.
The supplement of the periodical was "Orol tatransky"
("The Tatra Eagle"). Both were widely supported and
endorsed by all classes of people, for the Slovak public
rejoiced in the realization that this publication was in
itself a great step forward in their struggle. stur, too,
was gratified. His program for action toward achieving
ultimate freedom was a realistic one. He gave credit where
it was due yet he did not hesitate to denounce the shortcomings of his people. His editorials defended not only
the purity of the Slovak language, but also the recognition
of the inherent rights of the Slovak nation-rights that
affected all their levels of national freedom: political,
literary, social, economic, etc.
His exhortations are as timely today as they were
in 1845: "Let us not yield, Slovak countrymen. Higher is
the cause of the entire nation, higher is the cause of the
�SLOVAKIA
25
whole than of the individual person, and even the individual
harm us, the cause itself does not do so. But with us thus
far, it has been so that individuals offended by our people,
immediately abandoned the cause itself ... "6
stur's periodicals served their purpose effectively for
three years, uniting the people, teaching and enlightening
them and encouraging them during one of the most crucial
periods of their history. This was almost too good to be
true.
When the Magyars began to realize what these publications were doing for the Slovak people, fanning the flames
of Slovak patriotism to the detriment of Magyar hegemony,
they raised an alarm and put in action measures to have
them confiscated or proscribed. Despite this suppression,
however, much of stur's purpose was already achieved.
The Slovak people were nationally awakened. They were
conscious of a cause and of an obligation to defend it.
Most of this new stirring never would have been realized
without stur's activities and publications.
The codification of a literary language, which was
perfected and universally adopted, concretized the efforts
and fond aspir,a tions and hopes nurtured by Slovak literary
leaders in bygone generations. I'..udovit stur knew that the
times were ripe for the Slovak people to appear on the
national scene of history as an independent political entity.
No language, except their own Slovak language could move
the people to political affectiveness. For this reason, stur
chose to advocate the central-Slovak dialect as a political
and literary instrument.
stur was a deputy from Zvolen at the Presporok
(Pressburg - Bratislava) Assembly in 1847-1848. In official
sessions he spoke out honestly and courageously about the
injustice of disregarding the protest of the subjugated
peoples against enforced Magyarization. He also felt dutybound to advocate the equality of all people and sought
the liberation of subjugated nations at the Hungarian
Diet. The firm stand which stur took became a turning
point in Slovak-Hungarian history.
At the Slav Congress in Prague in 1848, stur and
safarik defined the political aspirations of the Congress.
safarik's view was prophetic, while stur made clear the
�26
SLOVAKIA
political program of the immediate present: "Our aim
should be to preserve ourselves. First of all, we must serve
the best interests of our own people and secondarily of
others. Thus far Austria has flourished, but we have been
declining and perishing. What would be the judgment
of the world if we were to s tand for nothing but the
preservation of Austria? Let us proclaim that we desire
to stand as independent Slovanic communities within the
government of Austria."7 stur was far ahead of his day,
in visualizing a program to federalize Central Europe.
According to Bartek, s tur was not a rebel. As long
as there was evidence of national agreement with the
Magyars, he was not for the destruction of the Hungarian
State. He did warn the Magyar ruling class that it could
not forever ignore and suppress the inherent rights of
subject nationalities and exploit the Slavs of Hungary
without expecting them to strike back with righteous
demands for a free national life, for the very rights which
the Magyars had resolved to defend for themselves in
the Hapsburg Empire. 8
When all these representatio ns and demands continued
to be ignored, only then did stur and his group decide
to lead the Slovaks to revolt against the Magyar intolerance
in 1848. The Slovaks were fully aware of Kossuth's
ultimatum declaring that whatever rights they claimed to
have in the kingdom they would have to secure with sword
in hand. There was no alternative now except to resort
to arms. The torch of national consciousnes s carried by
s tur and his group became a beacon light in Slovakia's
struggle for freedom. Though revolt was crushed and
betrayed by Vienna, it stands as a milestone in Slovak
history.
The tragic reversal of the revolutionary attempt did
not affect the leadership or the stature of ~udovit stur
in the estimation of others. The Hungarian revolution paid
dearly for its national intolerance. It too suffered in a
common defeat. Kossuth was forced into exile. stur and
his group were under constant police surveillance, and
many were their thrilling escapes from police snares and
power.
A tragic death during a hunting event in January 1856
�SLOVAKIA
27
brought stur's life to an untimely end. He died according
to his own predictions in which he had foreseen an analogy
of his death in the death of Julius Caesar. Some Slavs
considered him a setting star but actually he is a brilliant
morning star marking a better day in the history of the
Slavic world.
We return to stur to evaluate his work in the light
of today's standards when, after the passing of a hundred
years, the Slovaks are building on this foundation laid
by stur and his school of thought, the promise of hope
fulfilled-if only a new power from the East did not
frustrate the effort. Just as stur repudiated and condemned
the hegemony of the Magyars, so the Slovaks today rebel
against Communist domination and occupation. 13udovit
stur's spirit lives on even though an Iron Curtain creates
physical bariers to liberty.
GERMAN PHILOSOPHICAL INFLUENCE ON STVR
Among stur's earliest academic interests were the
areas of linguistics, philosophy, history and literature. To
pursue these in depth and to broaden his education, he
decided to study at Halle University in Germany. It was
in 1838 that he came to Halle as a twenty-three year old
student-a gifted energetic man of large vision and great
moral strength. He had been held in high repute at home
and exerted notable influence among his peers. At Halle,
he was an utter stranger in a big unknown world, and
the weight of the strangeness that closed in upon him was
of more than mere physical and social order.
University life in Germany was at this time strongly
influenced by the spirit and theories of Hegel. German
thought and academic preoccupation bore upon the topic
of races. Yet this was in a day when the concept of race,
as such, was not even properly formulated. The Germans
tended to construct entire systems of philosophy and
humanistic theory centered on the concept of race at a
period when formal anthropology was just emerging.
Fundamental misconceptions of race overtook not only
historical scholars but also philosophers of history like
Hegel. His philosophical system meant on the one hand,
equating the Prussian state with the prime law of men
�28
SLOVAKIA
and, on the other, constituting materialism as the ideal
of men and of nations. Exposed to this stress of innovation
which was spread throughout scholarly circles by a ready
press and which was further generally publicized by
novelists and writers of all sorts, stur did not escape
acquaintance with these false principles and this false
philosophy of life was what contaminated all Central
Europe. Fresh from the schools of Bratislava, he was not
yet adequately prepared to discern authentic philosophic
truth from political propaganda; nevertheless, he instinctively sensed the need to withhold complete acquiescence
with Hegel. He tried to come to terms with much of Hegel
but by the very fact that stur placed the moral and spiritual
values of men as top priorities he put himself at odds
with some Hegelian principles.
stur's courses of study at Halle deepened his perspectives even as life in Germany provided him with
countless new impressions-views of life and the world,
concepts and ideas in general.
From the German idealistic philosophy, even as from
Hegel, its chief representative, stur adopted some new
theories which resulted in a mental revolution. First among
these was the aspect of dialectical thinking which brought
to naught his previous conceptions of a final validity of
the results of human thinking and activity. This doctrine
maintains that all is in process of development. All is being
transformed and changed and proceeds from a lower to
a higher stage. It affirms that human history is a process
by which the Absolute Spirit unfolds, a "chain uninterrupted" in stur's words. 9 Hegel conceives of history as
a process involving dialectical oppositions revaluating into
a higher content of historical being. Freedom as an essential
of history becomes an absolute necessity.
Hegel's philosophy of history strongly took hold of
stur's mind at this point. The world seemed to be created
for jjudovit stur. He reveled in the thought of its
systematic, architectural classification, its universality
embracing all the dreams of the human spirit, its justice
toward nations, all its sources of learning, its versatile
penetration of all doctrine--all this bore upon him so
overwhelming flood. 10
�SLOVAKIA
29
The wealth of views offered by Hegel's philosophy
opened up an idealistic world of envisioned by spiritual
concept of nations and not construed from previous
assumptions. It provided a new vista into the domains of
the rights of nations among which there existed the future
tribunal of Slavic nations, too, and led stur to the realms
of Christian idealism.
stur's spirit was reanimated. The receptive soil of his
mind was enriched with fertility for the germination of his
own conceived seed. The Germanic world's new concept
of views regarding world history in politics, religion and
sociology at this time impressed and inspired stur more
strongly than it had heretofore affected any other candidate
from Slovak academies.
When stur returned to his native land, he returned
as a Slav, but foremost as a Slovak returned into the
ranks of his confused and puzzled friends and countrymen.
He brought radical concepts to the rational school and to
liberal life. These concepts characteristically dealt mainly
with the Slovak past, present and future, for he brought
from Germany a wide and rich source of philosophical
and economic knowledge as well as a firm determination
to devote his life to the task of national development. stur
translated Hegel's philosophy into Slovak only insofar as
he accepted his concepts, for stur was a realist in his
approaches to the phenomena of life. 11
In his studies at Halle, Germany, stur was also
spiritually revived. He left the university imbued with
strong tendencies for the policies of Kollar and safarik.
He was, however, an ardent Slovak by conviction rather
than by accident of birth as was their lot. He was an
ardent, tireless worker. The versatility of his talents and
the needs of his country brought him to the fore successively as an orator, a writer, a journalist, a politician and a
soldier. Both his friends and enemies proclaimed him the
most remarkable champion of Slovak rights since the days
of Matthew Oak.
r.udovit stur is sometimes accused of blindly accepting
Hegel's philosophy and applying it to Slovak and Slavic
life indiscriminately. It must be remembered, however,
that political and national controversy existing at that
time made it difficult, if not impossible to evaluate Slovak
�30
SLOVAKIA
philosophy correctly. Granted that stur manifests a dependance on Hegel and contemporary German philosophers,
still to present him in this light alone--as his opponents
have done--seems to be a distortion. According to cyzevski,
a former professor of Halle, stur and his followers were
significant for philosophic thought in general. He goes on
to say that stur's generation included several thinkers
who tried to create their own philosophical system, and
who in these times, excelled among all Slovanic nations
in originality of thinking in philosophy. cyzevski elucidated
his point in the scholarly book Stur's Philosophy of Life
in which he clearly points out that stur was not a simple
student and advocate of Hegel's philosophy, but that he
formed his own independent philosophical system, one
which in many ways differed from Hegel's. cyzevski refutes
the charge that: 1. stur was a simple student of Hegel's;
2. that his philosophical views were those of contemporary
romantic philosophy. stur differed from Hegel in his
approach to life's phenomena which he found realistic.
Prior to his studies at Halle, stur had cultivated
genuine national convictions which were anchored upon
Herder's humanistic thought together with messianic
dreams that were to glorify the future of the Slavs. These
convictions enabled him to take a critical stand in regard
to some of Hegel's ideals though he held Hegel in high
esteem. On the other hand, Hegel's dynamic view of history
matched stur's ideas and provided a justification of his
thoughts concerning the Slavic world, especially his views
of the historical development of the world history of
nations comprising the Slavic world. Because of the influences of the Kollar-Herder conceptions of the historical
mission of the Slavs, stur did not fully agree with Hegel
in his concept of the absolute States of Germany and
Prussia, for in these Hegel saw the completion of historical
development. From the viewpoint of theology stur here
saw in Hegel's philosophy definite dangers of pantheism.
An authentic view of stur's attitude toward Hegel's
philosophy is best provided from a personal letter which
he wrote to Samo Bohdan Hrobon. In it he quotes from
Hrobo:n's poem, in which he sees or perceives from a
religious viewpoint, the shortcoming of Hegel's philosophy:
�SLOVAKIA
31
Povez mi pisani! kde hledat spaseni?
Na svete marnem, cili v pravde vecne?
Cili v kouzelne prajine zpomneni?
Cili v krase, lasce nekonecne ... ?
Ach kam jsi zmisel svete me mladosti?
Kam se rozplynul Buh otec milosti?
Nenit ho vice! Usychejte kvety!
Dechnite duse! do propasti svety!
Nebot jiz umrel ten zakon vecnosti,
Ze vlas sa nehne bez povedomosti.
Tell me, 0 Poet, where to seek salvation?
In the temporal world or in eternal truth?
In the respective countries' pulpits?
In beauty, in undying charity ... ?
0 where has disappeared the world of my youth?
Where has vanished God the Father of Mercy?
He is no longer? 0 wither away, ye flowers!
Die, ye souls! until the world's end!
Fear not for eternal laws have decreed
That not a hair shall move without His knewing. 12
Hrobofl's next poem is encouraging and indicates that
the religious home training and strength of Slavic convictions are more forceful than Hegel's philosophical
doctrines:
Zijet duse ma a zit bude vecne jit zadna bure, zaden boj nezlomi
prave ponad ni s tisicmi hromy
Jako stin lahky v uzase preleti
mec obosecny Hegelove vedy.
Duse ma citem plamennym roztopi
Mee ten, do prichu padne zahanbeny.
Mee ten v nicote jak stin se rozplyne
Pred bleskom vecnym bozskeho nadseni!
Antheus slaviansky Herkula porazi!
My soul lives and will live forever Neither revolutions nor war shall ever break its spirit
Directly above myriads of thunderbolts it soars,
�32
SLOVAKI A
Like a thin wall will crumble in confusio n
The two-edge d sword of Hegel's doctrine.
My soul senses a burning flame within it
Melting away that sword that must fall in dust and
shame
As a wall crumblin g in disgrace,
Before the divine lightning of eternal elan
With which the Slavic Antheus
Will destroy a vaunting Hercules .
Both poems bear heavily the weight of tension and
conflict which the sturists experienc ed because of their
selective ness in analyzing and sponsori ng aspects of Hegel's
philosoph y.
In the first poem, stur expressly discourag es the
publicizi ng of the new philosop hy for fear that the time
is not right and many may be complete ly misled by Hegel.
He advocate d that his followers benefit by the worthy
gifts of the great mind of Hegel and accept his philosoph y
only with due reservati ons; that they revamp it to meet
the need of the Slavs.
stur emphasiz ed the inevitabl e depth of philosoph ical
studies to which Slavic youth would have to devote itself.
Moreove r, he took a critical stand and used the German
philosop hic system modified accordin g to his views regarding Slavdom and moral principle .
Hegel's philosoph ical view became an impetus to stur
in his compilat ion and formulat ion of lectures on Slavic
history and poetry .13
In 1840 stur returned from Halle to Bratislav a where
he was assigned to the chair of Slovak Studies in Language
and Literatur e, succeedin g Palkovic in this post. Adequate ly
to understa nd the nature of this assignme nt, it is importan t
to realize the kind of world in which he was to teach.
To say that it was riddled with rank feudalism is all too
simple a generaliz ation. Far truer it is to realize that stur
came to a land where the Slovaks were held in abyssmal
serfdom, in an invincibl e vise of economic , moral, intellectual, spiritual and national bondage. It was the kind
of situation in which misery bred misery, usually in such
forms as alienatio n, alcoholis m, desperati on, extreme dehumaniz ation of the individua l and loss of personal dignity.
�SLOVAKIA
33
- -- - - - - -- -- - - - - -- - - - - - - -
Unmitigated serfdom was reducing the Slovak into
stultified begger stricken with hunger and penury. Denied
schooling and spiritual enlightenmen t he was all too
readily becoming a prey to superstitious folly and to
grossness. The three-fourths who lorded it over the onefourth that was condemned to pay all the land truces ever
collected in the region saw to it that their victims had no
outlook at all for better things to come-either economically or intellectually or in anyway whatever.
The Slovak element enjoyed no public community life
as such and even though some attempts had been made
to root cultural interests and to rouse the people to national
life (such as the organizations at Trnava, Bratislava,
Banska Bystrica and Budapest), they were doomed to
short-term existence for lack of material support.
As a result, Slovak life became necessarily circumscribed to the primitive pattern of the familial unit
highlighted with such events as christenings, weddings and
funerals. Though the Slovak labored unstintingly, he was
not given the joy of benefiting by the fruits of his soil.
When stur surveyed this situation on his return from
Germany, he was forced to recognize this herd of subjugated beggars as his own people committed to mere
animal existence, and all his nobility of soul rose in revolt
at such inhumanity of man to man. But an emotional
responses alone was no solution to the problem. He set
himself to explore underlying causes, mainly the attitudes
of the people themselves, their thinking, their social
structures, their training and development, their milieu
from small dimensional areas to the broad perspectives
of the Austro-Hung arian domain.
Aware of the need for incentives for self-improvem ent,
and realizing that the most effective incentive of all is
man's conviction that he is a being of value and dignity,
his own consciousnes s of self, stur readily understood
what his main teaching role would be to raise a new
generation for Slovakia. He devoted himself completely to
the enlightenmen t of his people and never in the least
deviated from this objective.
Under his aegis there was a vital burgeoning of new
life among Slovaks of the younger element. He led the
�34
SLOVAKIA
young to new founts of elemental truth and saving virtue.
His personality readily put him into the forefront as an
inspired leader as his peers at Bratislava extolled him
for his idealistic elan as well as his admirable self-discipline,
his moral charm and his firmness directed first of all toward himself and secondly toward others. Impressed by the
spirit of stur, Joseph Hurbl!Il who was a close collaborator
wrote at this time: "We must challenge youth to difficult
moral endeavors and teach the young to be concerned
about the future. We must offer them stur as their
paragon."
Influences of the Industrial Revolution as well as
effects of the national revolutions in France and in the
United States were not lost upon young men and women
of the day. Innovations were rampant on the air-romanticism, humanism, realism, revolution, criticism, democracy,
Pan-Slavic romanticism, and a steady stream of trends
and thoughts swept in upon maturing minds.
stur observed it all and amid all of it mourned the
divisive tendencies that tended to break the nation into
two camps: the Catholics and the Lutherans and only
bred new disadvantage. With clear vision he wrote in his
book N drecie ("Dialect"): "There must be an end to this
kind of partisanship; we must effect brotherly unity."
Also "Our entire Slovak family will be united in a common
speech and after centuries of fragmentation and coldness
the members of one family will recognize each other and
greet each other and embrace."
The work of stur, however, soon evoked harsh Magyar
resistance and this alerted him to the reality that it was
not possible to wait for the younger generation to carry
on toward brighter ideals; the need was immediate; the
solution had to be effected now.
His efforts for political support were fruitless. Every
country from which he could have expected help was
interested in pursuing its own advantage rather than in
relieving the plight of another. His last resort was to
exploit-in the best sense of the word-the very language
of his people. By establishing a standarized form of written
expression he sought to bring about one unifying element
for all the nation, one bond to give to all the Slovaks
�SLOVAKIA
35
a sense of one-ness, and through this medium to reach
into the broader spectrum of unified national consciousness
and national thought. He was convinced that given one
common treasure to cherish and defend, they would be
ever ready to defend it, and in this very effort, they
would preserve their national being; without such a common objective they could readily lose even their national
identity. Their common language would be their talisman.
To implement this idea stur collaborated with Joseph
Hurban and Michael Hodza as early as 1843. All three
were agreed that the dialect of the central regions would
lend itself best as the basis for a standard Slovak literary
medium. Bernolak's earlier (1787) experiments with a
literary standard on the basis of western dialects had
been effective to degree but not wholly successful. Perhaps
this was due to the fact that Bernolak's ideas and efforts
were in advance of his times. Perhaps it was because the
western dialects were not the happiest choice he could
have made for a common medium. Perhaps it was due
also to the fact that traditionally the Catholic segment
of Slovak people was ardent in promoting the Slovak
cause while at the same time the Evangelical Slovaks
promoted the Czech language and culture inasmuch a.s
Czech had been adopted as the official liturgical language
of the Lutheran Church. Nevertheless, Palkovic in 1831-32
translated and published the entire bible into Bernolak's
new medium, and the renowned poet Jan Holly (1785-1849)
wrote all his masterly works in the newly codified Slovak
literary standard.
It is understandable then, that Stu.r's innovative effort
was not readily endorsed even by his own Evangelical
critics. In 1840 an open assault on the Slovaks was made
at the General Assembly of the Lutheran Church. Count
Charles Zay, their Inspector-General and some leading
laymen proclaimed racial apostasy as a duty which the
Slovak Lutherans owed to their fatherland and their
religion. They maintained that since "the Magyar language
is the truest guardian and protector of the liberty of our
country, of Europe, and the Protestant cause, it follows
that Magyarization is the duty of every eager champion
of freedom and intelligence." There followed a series of
�36
SLOVAKIA
attempts to ostracize the Slovak language from Lutheran
Synods and presbyteries. Kossuth who was one of the
elders of the Church and a Slovak renegade spoke publicly
in favor of the abolition of all existing Slav societies in
Lutheran schools. One such society at Levoca had already
been suppressed, "as a breeding ground for Pan-Slavism,"
its library was closed and its president, ~udovit stur,
was deprived of his post at the gymnasium.14
Magyarized Slovak overlords, noblemen and landlords
untiringly sought to Magyarize the Slovaks, even imposing
punishment on those who refused to be enticed into the
Magyarized camp. Archbishop Patatic from Kolac, gave
each of the subjects twelve sticks to beat up anyone who
dared to speak in Slovak. It was publicly proclaimed
that the Slovaks and their language must be exterminated.15
Convinced as s tur was, however, of the greater objectives to be attained, he pressed forward with his new
venture. Youth groups espoused the cause very readily and
this support augured well for the future. In 1844 Hurban's
second volume of the annual Nitra appeared in the new
literary standard and in the same year Hodza established
the society Tatrin which officially recognized the new
literary standard and at once put it to use in the publication
of educational books, monographs and instructional pamphlets for the general public.
Within two more years there appeared stur's political
journal (three times a week ) Slovenske Ndrodne Noviny
with its literary supplement Orol Tatransky. All these
projects notably strengthened the newly devised Slovak
literary form of expression and assured its permanent
adoption.
sT-0-R'S SEARCH FOR A SLOVAK LITERARY MEDIUM
Its Effectiveness in Unifying Slovakia
Slovak life was now assuredly given expression through
the Slovak language. stur maintained that it could not
be otherwise and the years have borne witness to his
judgment. The task was demanding but largely because
the ground for the identity of the new generation was
properly prepared. stur not only understand existing
conditions in Slovakia, he formulated, what the nation
�SLOVAKIA
a7
felt, what the nation needed. He gave expression to the
righteous desires and demands of his Slovak nation and
became its model of an inspired leader devoted to spiritual
and public activity. 16
sttir's call for further action was answered by
Sladkovic, Chalupka, Botto, Hurban and countless others
who felt that the proper course had been taken in
establishing their literary language. Even the Lutherans
finally accepted the Central Slovak dialect as a form of
Slovak expression touched by foreign influence of one
kind or another. On this matter the Slovaks had been
merely sorely split in the past but now there promised
to be a common unity to face the momentous events which
were to follow. The work initiated by Bernolak was
completed by sttir. Even John Holly, the greatest Slovak
poet and ideologist of his nation gave sttir his blessing
in this venture.
sttir and his collaborators found the Slovak language
and literature an invaluable instrument for advancing all
their endeavors especially in rousing the nation to selfconsciousness. They studied its historic past and revealed
it to the people who knew little or nothing about their
historic origins and so had little impulse for experiencing
pride of nation. They wanted to lift up the people from
poverty and abandonment, so they enlightened and trained
the general public.17
sttir can rightly be called the reformer of literary
Slovak. Under his dynamic leadership the Slovaks literally
re-emerged from obscurity and oblivion. They asserted
themselves not only culturally but also politically because
they became qualified and fired to forthcoming uprisings
and events that had trans-European reverberations.
A new era unfolded in Slovak cultural and national life
when sttir adopted aesthetic and philosophical principles
in his literary school. At this point romanticism and
nationalism were pactically identical. sttir's cultural activities were timely in Western and Central Europe where
national consciousness, popular art, and folklore were
the order of the day.
In this climate sttir successfully organized his literary
school and cultural activities, which marked a new era in
�38
SLOVAKIA
Slovak national life. The members of this school "imposed
the most exacting task on themselves in order to elevate
the Slovak people to the same cultural level as the rest
of Europe, to release their creative energies and to enable
a new national culture to arise from the existing popular
art and language. 18
sttir and his school were imbued with objectives
directed towards specific social goals. Hence the literature
which they created echoed not only a melancholy restlessness and romantic involvement but also the call for
a better world.
In 1842 a petition signed by two hundred Slovaks led
by their clergymen was submitted to the Emperor in
Vienna. The only outcome of this effort was that is
provoked Kossuth to charge Superintendent Jozeffy and
his colleague Hodza with betraying the Magyar cause and
the Protestant religion. Both men were publically embarrassed and howled down.
By contrast, two voices were raised in defense of the
Slovaks, those of Count John Mailath, Catholic historian
of Hungary, and Count Stephen Szechenyi who stated
in a public address to the Academy that he hardly knew
a Magyar who "is not transformed into a madman and
even more or less deaf to the laws of fairness and justice,
whenever the question of our nationality and language is
raised." He begged his compatriots to "do as you would
be done by." But the day on which 'the greatest magyar'
and his fellow-magnate entered these protests, the popularity of the two Counts began to fail; the frenzy of
Kossuth, voiced in his brilliant and aggressive organ Pesti
Hirlap, carried all before it.
As early as 1842, Kossuth declared in one of its issues:
"Indeed, indeed I tell you, a Slovak nation has never existed
even in a dream." In 1843 he boasted of his glowing love
for his nation as the only one in Hungary which has any
future based upon politics or law. 19
The argument of the German people, Herrenfolk: "We
must be masters in our own house," was already applied
in the "forties" by Magyars to the "foreign inhabitants"
of Hungary.
At this critical time the Slovaks found three leaders,
�SLOVAKIA
39
full of courage and self-sacrifice, r.udovit stur, Michael
Hodza and Joseph Hurban. All three happened to be Slovak
Lutherans, courageous enough to agree in favor of the
central dialect of the Slovak language for essentially
political reasons. This dialect was a unifying factor which
they believed would help strengthen their position in the
struggle against the Magyars and Magyarones.
The Slovaks could no longer stand this type of op-pression. They appealed to King Ferdinand in Vienna. He
in turn said to them: "Every nation in Hungary should
educate and develop itself according to law and justice
and develop its national language as much as possible.
The highest power will not object to this, but rather aid
it in its endeavor."
The Slovak delegation returned home very hopeful.
But at home disappointments and hardships awaited them,
because the King's words fell on deaf ears and did not
phase the Magyars. 20
In 1844 stur was dismissed from his post at the
Bratislava College as Deputy Professor, because he resisted
Count Zay's plans for Magyarization through the school.
Yet stur continued to express his thoughts in writing
in the newspaper he published, "Slovak National News"
("Slovenske Narodne Noviny"). The permission for the
editing of this paper was given by the Hungarian government after an interim of four years. In this paper he
resolved to defend the rights of the Slovak people.
The joy was great in Slovakia. Most of the Slovaks
realized the importance of this news media, and at what
price it was made possible. When it was first issued the
people rejoiced in diverse ways to express their appreciation of its accomplishment.
The supplement to the "Slovak National News" was
"Orol Tatransky" ("The Tatra Eagle") which was a power
to be reckoned with. This newspaper was both instructive
and amusing. It found favor with all classes of people,
and reached all strata of the populace.
stur's program was a realistic one. He gave credit
where it was due. He voiced his opinions in regard to
the shortcomings of his people and denounced their
delinquencies.
�40
SLOVAKIA
The papers served their mission well for three years,
uniting, teaching, exhorting and encouraging the people
during the most stirring time of Slovak history.
His exhortations today are as timely as they were
in 1845: "Let us not abandon ourselves, Slovak country-men.
Higher is the cause of the entire nation, higher is the cause
of the whole, than of the individual and even though
individuals harm us, the cause itself does not do so, but
with us thus far, it has been that individuals offended by
our people immediately abandoned the cause itself ... " 21
The Magyars came to realize what great influence
the new publications were effecting on the Slovak people
and began to clamor for the immediate suppression of
this press. But the embe:rlS had been stirred. Much of
the purpose of the publications had already been achieved.
The Slovaks were finally reawakened nationally.
In 1847, stur was elected to the Hungarian Parliament
as a deputy for the town of Zvolen, Naturally he had
limited influence since he was the only Slovak deputy in the
House. However, his speeches reveal that he was an
enlightened fighter for freedom and social reform, one who
demanded equal rights for all nationalities in Hungary,
in cultural and political life. He repeatedly insisted that
the Diet adopt laws to free the peasant masses from a
feudalistic Robot system and labor rent, and that the
culture of the people and country be promoted by the
establishment of schools in the national tongues of the
people. Among other things he demanded the industrialization of Slovakia and the adoption of humanitarian laws
between the gentry and the working class.
One of the main topics of Stu.r's speeches was the
obsolete social and political structure of Hungary. He was
all for a federalistic system of government which would
give equal justice to all peoples. He advocated that special
efforts be made to develop the State in new social and
political reforms, and to make it a partner of modern
Europe.
In creating their political program, stur and his
followers, took into consideration not only their aims
and desires, but also the existing circumstances. One was
the fact that Slovakia was a part of the Hungarian state
�SLOVAKIA
41
in which it did not constitute a distinctive separative
administrative unit.
The Slovaks were not planning to break away from
Hungary. What they wanted most of all was to have the
boundaries of the Slovak lands defined so that the Slovak
people might have guaranteed equality with the Magyars
in Hungary. This equality they urged was to apply in all
areas of political, social and especially in cultural life.
They intended to present these petitions to the Emperor
and the Parliament but first they wished to have the
endorsement and the views of the Slovak people regarding
their aims and their achievements. In May of 1848 they
met at the parsonage of Michael Hod.za in Liptovsky Sv.
Mikulas where they drew up a form for Slovakia's future
political program called: "Petitions of the Slovak Nation." 22
Its Contribution Towards a Pan-Slavic Movement
Stu.r's role as a reformer of the Slovak literary language was significant and far-reaching. His great efforts
to this direction contributed greatly even to modern Slovak
ideology. It was he who first gave to his people a new
vision of political freedom and of a better future. stur
provided a strong impetus to Slovak life in general by
his own example, and by his writings embracing fields
as diversified as poetry, philosophy, history, sociology, etc.
From his correspondence one learns that he had direct
relations with the leaders of all Slavic peoples. During
his stay in Vienna he came in contact with other Slav
representatives: The Slovene Stanko Vraz, the Croatian
Ban Jelacic, and the Serbian Patriarch Rajacic, who were
working together and made a joint visit to the Imperial
Court.
stur's reforms of the literary language also brought
about the unity of the Slovak people and this, in turn,
was followed by flourishing cultural and literary activities.
His influence was so vital that some of his principles and
ideology still lives in the cultural life of Slovakia.23
The lyrical element is strong in Stu.r's poetry and
prose. He passed from the sphere of the personal and
social into national and Slavic thought in all his works.
The soul of the nation--or of the Slavs-was his
�42
SLOVAKIA
constant subject. He concentrated on the pain of the
nation's sufferings, struggles, and failures and this theme
pervades the climate of his literary works.
stur and his followers were gifted with keen insight
into existing social problems and this vision they combined
with the romantic inheritance of deep attachment to their
country, its people and to the Slavic world at large. They
did their utmost to advocate and to provide democratic
enlightenment for the unpriviledged classes, viz. the
peasants and workers. They defined, encouraged and
glorified their importance, as they glorified the Slavs and
all their past. One of stur's followers, Samo Tomasik,
composed the Slav anthem, "Hej, Slovania," which bespoke
new hope, a new ideal and a great pride comparable to
that expressed in Vajansky's famous verse:
I am proud to be a Slovak
Elegant is my race;
A hundred million souls it numbers,
Over half the world it rules.
With the Slovak tongue you can traverse
The four parts of the earth!
One of my brothers plants the palm
Another does eternal iceland scan
A third skims o'er the widespread seas!
From the phantasy which Kollar inspired as the great
dream of one great Slav nation and one unified Slav language, the Slovaks, as Hans Kohn agrees "feeling abandoned
in Hungary and their national existence threatened, may
have drawn strength and faith in the indeitructibility of
the Slovak people and language," and it helped to continue
to maintain contacts with the cultural life of other Slavic
peoples. 24
stur's contemporaries indicated their Pan-Slavic sympathy and tendencies by reading Russian, Polish, Ukrainian,
Czech, Croatian and Serbian authors in the original and
were very fond of the famous "Ode to Youth" by Mickiewicz.
According to Bobek: "Not even the Poles received it as
enthusiastically as the Slovaks."
The desire of the Slovak poets and novelists of stur's
time was to imitate other Slav writers, and their enthusiastic belief in one "slavic" culture was intense.
�SLOVAKIA
43
Cizevsky maintains: "The only book which shows
similarities with Mickiewicz's "Book of the Polish Pilgrimage" is $tur's work "An Ancient and a New Age of
Slovaks" ("Stary a novy vek Slovakov") because $tur
speaks of another kingdom and of other peoples. However,
$tur deviates, because he wanted to unfold a realistic
program, and Mickiewicz's Book could not satisfy him.
$tur's position among Slav intellectuals of the nineteenth century is well attested among other various media
by his rich correspondence with practically all oustanding
Slavic leaders of the day also the fact that his work
"Slavdom and the World of the Future" was translated
and twice published by Russian intellectuals in the last
century and at the beginning of this century.
$tur, Kollar and $afarik can rightly be regarded as
great figures of the Slavic world to the Slovaks of the
nineteenth century. All three expressed: "in the familiar
mood of the period, a general belief in historical progress,
in a bright future , in the advent of some great spiritual
manifestation, of a new era for mankind which would
establish forever a basis of liberty, peace and happiness."
In visualizing the Slavs as a unified body with a great
future, they helped the awakening of the national consciousness of their own Slav-speaking peoples.25
:CUDOVi T $ TOR'S ROLE
IN THE PAN- SLAVIC MOVEMENT
His Political and Social Thought
Slovakia is sometimes called the mother of the PanSlavic Movement. One of her sons, John Herkel, first used
the word "pan,slavic" in his Latin treaties of 1826. In
addition, the Slovak poet Jan Kollar and the Slovak scholar
P. J. $afarik were among the main leaders of the Pan-Slavic
Movement. As a matter of fact these two are sometimes
considered the fathers of Pan-Slavism in Slovakia.
Herder, in his "Ideas on the Philosophy of the History
of Humanity" ("Ideen zur Philosophie der Geschichte")
prophesied that the Slavs, who up until then were held
in bondage and oppression, would awaken from their
lethargy and free themselves from the shackless, and
eventually recover their possesion of the vast lands that
�44
SLOVAKIA
stretched from the Adriatic Sea to the Baltic, from the
Don to the Mulda. In this heritage they would devote
themselves to the peaceful development of the arts and
commerce. Though unknowingly, Herder sowed the first
germ of Pan-Slavtsm. 26
stur's significance in the Slavic world of this calibre
was assessed by Seton Watson. In regard to the great
literary efforts of stur, Hurban and safarik, Seton-Watson
states: "their writings were of capital importance in the
whole Slav revival of the last century, and form a strange
sentimental link between the Western romantic school
and the extravagancies of Pan-Slavism."
In reference to the first Slav Congress in Prague in
1848 Seton-Watson maintains that stur "played a decisive
part in the preparation for the Congress." safarik, stur,
Hurban and Hodza played a part second to none except
Palacky at that same Congress. An analysis is in order
in regard to these two opinions to determine stur's
significance in the Pan,Slavic Movement.
As early as 1840, stur had recourse to the throne of
Austria and there presented his petitions in regard to the
injustices perpetrated by Hungary against the Slovak
people. He formally presented his petitions to the Hungarian Assembly. It embodied these provisions for the
betterment of the Slav situation:
1) A systematic investigation of the Slovaks who were
maligned by the Magyars in order to obtain protection
for the oppressed; 2) that there be two censors to safeguard Slovak official writings; 3) that a Slovak literary
seat be established at the Bratislava Lyceum and at Pest
University; 4) that certificates and church records be kept
in Latin; 5) that church ceremonies be in the mother
tongue and that every guarantee and assurance be provided
for this practice.
The country was up in arms because the Slovaks dared
to present their cause to the throne. Voluble insults were
heaped upon the Slovaks in the newspapers, at gatherings,
etc. Those who aided the Slovaks or sympathized with
their cause were also abused. 27
It was at this point that ~udovit stur asked for permission to publish his "Slovak National News" ("Slovenske
�SLOVAKIA
45
Narodne Noviny"). Archprince Joseph retorted by saying:
"The Slovaks do not need newspapers. The publishing
of such newspapers would be considered traitorous."
It was the consensus in 1840 that Austria would lean
on the Slovaks for political reasons, that is Slavic Austria,
against Hungarian Austria (Magyar). But in Hungary
Archduke Joseph had the upper hand and things were
shaped his way. He even had control over the deputation
of Slovak Pest in Church matters. At this point he is to
have said: "In Hungary I know only one people and those
are the Magyars. " 28
The phantom of Pan-Slavism repeated its threat in
1830 when Russia established a Slovak literary seat at
its university. The young Russian Slavists began to visit
the Slavs in the South as well as in Central Europe. For
the ensuing years the word Pan-Slavism had political
connotation for the Russian and Germanic nations implying
a belligerent attempt to replace their civilization with
the Slavic civilization. The connotation derived largely
from the subjugated position of the various Slavic nations
at this time. In Vienna the guards were ordered to stress
in each paragraph of the law of magyarization that every
sermon in Slovak churches be preached in Magyar and
in even remote towns and villages there was a strong ban
against Pan-Slavism of any kind.
"In our country and near its borders," wrote Wessel,
in Kossuth's newspaper, Hirlap, December, 1842, "Slovak
mistakes are dangerous and a threat to all Europe and
to our dynasty and country . .. " "Everyone who defies our
Magyar language and our nationalism and who supports
the mistakes of the Slovaks knowingly or unknowingly is
an enemy to the peace and to our federation, and to our
throne." 29
stur did not advocate the destruction of the Hungarian
State. As long as there was any hope for a settlement with
the Magyars, he was amenable to living with a fair situation.
But he warned the ruling Magyar class that they could
not forever ignore and suppress the inherent rights of
the lesser peoples and exploit the Slovaks and other nations
of Hungary without expecting them to retaliate and to
demand a free national life, just as the Magyars were
themselves demanding it from the Hapsburg Empire.
�46
SLOVAKIA
stlir wrote a sensational article "Charges and Complaints of the Slovaks in Hungary" ( ~aloby a ponosy
Slovakov v Uhorsku") published in Leipzig in 1843, in
which he reprimanded the chief Inspector, Count Zay,
for conniving to Magyarize the Slovaks for political reasons.
Count Zay felt that he was truly aware of the political
currents in Slovakia. By a logic all his own, he divided
the Slovaks into three groups. One was to be concerned
about literary matters. The second was eager to establish
a Western-Slav kingdom in Austria; the third was accused
of secret contacts with Russia. 30
It is uncertain whether these three groups were fully
aware of the gravity of the situation of those times;
however, all had one goal in mind: to save the Slovaks
from utter Magyarization and to secure for the Slovak
nation its independent political status within the framework of the Hapsburg Empire.
"We do not want our rights established on favor, but
we demand our rights on the basis of justice," stlir
declared. These famous words laid the foundation to all
petitions and demands presented in Vienna and at the
Hungarian Diet in Bratislava. stlir's debates with Kossuth
all stemmed from this moral and democratic attitude. On
behalf of his nation stlir demanded "peace based on justice
and mutual understanding." He went on to say: "In the
Pesti Hirlap Kossuth is fighting for equality of rights, but
in the Diet he wants to give the orders to investigate and
punish those who stand up for the rights . . . That is his
freedom and liberalism." 3 1
All of Stu.r's writings indicate a clear political view:
Slovakia established as a sovereign crown land under the
Hapsburgs, an equal partner of other nations in the
Empire. In short, he was even back in his own day
for a program of the federalization of Central Europe.
In a sense stlir appeared as a Romantic visionary in
the eyes 0f all who did not favor Slavic reciprocity or
his vision of a great future for the Slavic world, his
untiring demands for equal rights for the Slovak people
and their national independence which he formulated in
the following terms:
"Each nation is only one part of humanity, and no
�SLOVAKIA
47
nation can make for itself the claim that it alone attained
the best possible human evolution and degree of perfect
ability. Thereafter, no nation has a right to impose upon
another nation its way of life when that nation wants to
move for itself and educate itself as it sees fit.
"So that we Slovaks might be revived and assume
in history that place which is rightfully ottrs by reason
of our native strength and abilities we must once and
for all free ourselves, because a nation which is enslaved
has its hands bound, its spirit stifled, and is forever
threathened with danger that sooner or later it will
perish." 32
The year 1848 was ushered in as a promising one,
but before long it became stormy. The more the Magyars
spoke of freedom, the more tyranically did they suppress
all non-Magyars. They did their utmost to turn public
opinion against the Slovaks. Wessel wrote to Kossuth that
he would rather have 50,000 Germans settle the mountain
countries than 10,000 Slavs. Once again intolerance charged
all the climate.
At this point, Pan-Slavism evolved as a defensive
movement among the Slavs rather than as a political
movement aimed at replacing western dominance in
Europe.
The term "Pan-Slavism" has been used generally to
denote the historical tendency of the Slavic peoples to
manifest in their tangible way, either cultural or political,
their consciousness of ethnic kinship.
Cultural Pan-Slavism had its origin in the remarkable
national awakening of the Slavs at the dawn of the nineteenth century. Submerged for long centuries under cruel
masters, the Slavs were quickened to a renewal of awareness of their national identities, not by political leaders,
but by their cultural leaders. These Slavs realized how
they had been deprived of their national identity. They
nourished better hopes for the future by seeking to
reanimate the faded memories of a glorious past. In this
effort they discovered that they were brothers bound by
a common misfortune yet endowed with a vast cultural
heritage. 33
Slavic men of learning helped to initiate national
�48
SLOVAKIA
movements among their countrymen primarily in order
to establish the individuality and cultural worth of each
Slavic group: Bulgarians, Czechs, Slovaks, Poles, Slovenians, Croats, Serbs and Russians. The various romantic
movements were propagated in individual ways and degrees
yet through them the ideal of Slavic unity, which had been
lost in the past by foreign oppression, was to be resurrected with the surmounting and overthrow of that
oppression. Pan-Slavism as a cultural and even as a political
ideal evolved not in Russia, but rather among the Western
and Southern Slavs, who had far more need of unity
than did the mighty Russian Empire.
This stage of Pan-Slavism signaled the national awakening of central and eastern Europe, and was characterized
by interest and emphasis within the areas of language,
literature, and culture. Among the Slavic peoples many
had experienced a thousand years of injustice and mistreatment which yielded an unhealthy state of discouragement and stagnation. Now in the hour of their national
awakening, the Slovak people seek to forgive their cruel
masters rather than to avenge themselves. This attitude
was shaped by the acute yearning they bore for the selfdetermination of their country. As much as they decried
the enslavement of other nations, they would not permit
another to enslave them.
The literary and scientific Pan-Slavism of Kollar and
::;afarik created a powerful national spirit among the Slavs.
Then it became only natural that this desire for national
unity and selfdetermination should demand to be heard
and to begin to be realized within the context of political
Pan-Slavism. It moved in this direction under I.:udovit ::;tur
who perceived by what stages Pan-Slavism must go. He
foresaw that to achieve their glorious destiny, the Slavic
peoples had to attain an assured measure of political unity.
At this point political Pan-Slavism had two alternatives:
Austroslavism, which meant retaining a form of Austrian
political influence, for which ::;tur was ready to settle when
he advocated it at the Prague Congress in 1848, the first
great manifestation of Pan-Slavism and of Slavic identity,
apart from the Hapsburg rule, and Pan-Russianism which
::;tur adapted after the failure of the Prague Congress.34
�SLOVAKIA
49
As Magyar exploitation of the Slovaks and other
minority nations of Hungary continued, stur's admonitions
to the ruling powers fall on deaf ears. The Magyars stubbornly and universally refused to heed any demands for
redress of any kind of settlement with the non-Magyar
nations in Hungary. This attitude helped to precipitate
the revolution of 1848-49, in which the Slovaks also
participated. stur together with Hodza and Hurban led
an armed resistance force supporting Austria against the
revolution of the Magyar aristocrats. That the Hapsburgs
were forgetful of this effort and ungrateful to the Slovaks,
that they finally settled with the Magyars at the expense
of the non-Magyar nations of Hungary, did not help the
issue of the dissatisfied minorities. The settlement of 1867,
referred to as Austro-Hungarian but being in reality
Austro-Magyar, became the burial pit of the monarchy
which could have become a mighty confederation in Central
Europe. It was I.:udovit stur and not the Slovak Magyar
chauvinist, Louis Kossuth, who was the genuine democrat. 35
No setback dismayed stur completely or caused him
to lose heart. Under opposition and failure he tended to
redouble his energy. stur was the heart, Hodza the brain,
and Hurban the soul of the revolutionary movement. They
set themselves anew to collect funds, provide weapons,
organize a volunteer corps, choose trained soldiers to lead
them, financially aid patriots who were in prison and
conduct a vast correspondence. Though defeated and betrayed in the outcome by Vienna, the Slovak revolution of
1848-49 marked an important milestone in Slovak history.
The first large public manifestation of the Sl0vaks
occured on May 10, 1848 at Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas. On this
occasion a historic memorandum embracing six articles
expressing the demands of the people was adopted unanimously. In substance these articles were:
We demand that our people be permitted to· take
part in the legislative deliberations of the land, and
this not only de jure but de facto. And as such
participation can alone become real and profitable
when conducted in a language that is intelligible to
us, we ask for our representatives the right to speak
Slovak in the Diet.
�50
SLOVAKIA
We demand the right to plead and answer cases
in the courts of law in Slovak.
We demand that the school training of our youth,
which is now so woefully neglected, be conducted in
the mother tongue.
We demand just and equitable representatives in
the Diet.
We demand for ourselves, and shall forever ask
that our nationality, which we will never renounce,
remain inviolate and inviolable.
We demand that this petition be made known
within the entire juristiction of Hungary, in Croatia,
and Slavonia and be brought to the notice of the
viceroy and of the Hungarian ministry, to the end
that all friends of liberty and humanity may plead our
just cause.36
Open-air meetings were held in larger towns throughout all regions during the spring of 1848. Equality and
liberty, the maintenance and defense of the Slovak language
were the keynote of them all. The Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas
program was endorsed by a dozen towns supplemented
here and there with petitions to meet subordinate local
needs.
Swiftly spread the news that Louis Phillipe had
forfeited his crown to the French republicans, in 1848,
anfi it reached every corner of the Hapsburg monarchy.
Vienna was seething with political excitement. Prague was
in feverish anticipation of the approaching Slavic Congress
scheduled to meet there on June 2, in protest against
the bartering of Slavic Austria to Greater Germany.
stur went to Vienna after the March Revolution. There
he met other Slav representatives, especially Ban Jelacic
and the Serbian Patriarch Rajacic, who were working
hand in hand and paid joint visits to the Imperial Court.
At this early stage of developments, stur received an
invitation from the students at Prague which he accepted
and through which he played a decisive part in the
preparations for the Slav Congress. On April 30, he made
a strong appeal in favor of united common action between
the Slovaks and the Czechs. For the time being, at least,
there was a healing of the breaches and disagreements.37
�SLOVAKIA
51
A manifesto program which was initiated by Hurban,
was issued at Teplice in the name of the Slovaks as the
original occupants of this region. It was addressed simultaneously to the Crown and to the newly-formed national
government at Pest. Its main demand was that there be
convened a General Parliament for the brother nations of
Hungary. Precipitously, any further movement in this direction was promptly suppressed by the Magyar authorities.
Kossuth thundered against the Pan-Slavs in Parliament.
Hurban and a few others were obligated to flee and they
joined stur in an attempt to rouse Bohemia, Moravia and
Slovakia to common action, and acclaimed Prague as the
heart of tl<le Slavic world. Meanwhile, Hodza issued a small
book in German, presenting an answer to the Slovaks
to Count Zay and his summons that a choice be made
between Magyarizations and the Russian knout. Hodza's
fiery response was: "Rather the Russian knout than
Hungarian domination, for the one can only enslave our
bodies, while the other threatens us with moral ruin and
death." 36
The time was ripe for action by the Slavs. stur
proclaimed a Slavic Congress and agreed with Czech
writers to set the date for May 31, 1848. Prague was chosen
for the site of the Congress. A total of 362 delegates were
present representing various Slavic nations, especially those
under the Hapsburg rule, but the Poles and the Russians
were also represented. The express objective 1tf the meeting
was the establishment of contacts and regular exchanges
among the Slavic peoples and the drawing up of a program
of action for all peoples living as subject nations under
Austria and/ or Hungarian domination. The four Slovak
leaders-safarik, stur, Hurban and Hodza-played a part
second to none. They were determined to make Slovakia
an equal with Bohemia and Moravia, as part of a Czech-Slav
federal unit, such as Palacky had contemplated.
At this Congress stur offered a program for federalizing Central Europe. The Czech were consistent supporters
of Austroslavism. Consequently the problem came to be
narrowed down to a definition of terms: The objectives
of the Congress was either to save Austria, for with her
lay the best chances of maintaining Slavic identity, or
�52
SLOVAKIA
immediate prov1s10n for the Slavic peoples living under
Austria. stur made it clear, that his aim was not specifically
to preserve Austria, under whom the Slavs had hitherto
rotted, but to preserve his own people; Austria, he added,
was decrepit and lay under a curse. He went on to say:
Our aim should be to save ourselves, not to save
Austria. First we must work for ourselves, then for
others. Thus far Austria has been flourishing but we
have been languishing. What would the world say to
us if we stood for nothing but the preservation of
Austria? Let us say that we want to stand as independent Slovanic communities under the government
of Austria . . . this will give our work a genuinely
Slovanic accent ...39
stur felt that the program of the Congress should
be: 1) the creation of independent Slavic united states
within Austria, and 2) prompt agreement to this, so
that the Austrian armies might be authorized to destroy
Magyar encroachments into Slovakia.
stur stressed Slavic independence: "If we are to
assume that place in history which rightfully belongs
to us by reason of our ability and strength, we must
once and for all free ourselves from this intolerable
foreign thraldom and gain national independence for
ourselves." 40
The necessity of remaining with the Austrian cadre
was crystal clear to stur yet he made no secret of his
distrust of Austria. The Czechs felt otherwise. Because
they had not been mistreated as were the Slovaks under
the Magyars, they were willing to accept and abide by the
vague promises of the Austrian Emperor that Slavic rights
would be recognized and respected.
In return for these promises, the delegates of the
Congress pledged full support to Austria in her effort to
subdue the Magyars. In addition, they adopted a "Manifesto
t o the European Nations" which called for the following
objectives:
1. That the Slavic people under Turkish rule be freed.
2. That the Magyars acknowledge the rights of the
�SLOVAKIA
53
Slovak nation, including the right of its own language.
3. That the Croatian autonomy be maintained.
4. That the Slovenians be permitted to possess their
land. 41
sttir felt that the Congress was a failure, because it
seemed simply to reduce the Pan-Slavic movement to an
attempt to reorganize Austria in a way to satisfy the
nationalism of the Slavs. The insurrection of 1848 against
the Magyars had also failed. sttir was disappointed to say
the least and in the Pan-Slavic Movement was shaken.
But he still cherished the hope that Slavic independence
would be possible. In his despair and disillusionment,
he became almost convinced that a small nation could not
attain its freedom alone. Twice he had experienced having
his great hopes in behalf of Pan-Slavism shaken. Now only
one more possibility remained: alliance or association with
Russia, for Russia alone of the Slavic nations was powerful
enough to lead others to independence. This conclusion
became the basic idea developed in his book, "Slavdom
and the World of the Future," a work which extols the
cultural, moral and political forces of the Russian Empire.
It also presents a detailed program for the union of Slavs
under the leadership of Russia.
HIS POLITICAL RE-ORIENTATIO N
In 1848 and 1849 when the Magyars under Kossuth
arose in armed rebellion against Austria, demanding complete independence, the Slovaks braced themselves against
a new wave of Magyarization pressures. Led by sttir and
his collaborators, they fought in their units with the
Austrians and then with the Russian Armies to subdue
the Magyar rebels. In return the Slovaks hoped to gain
from Vienna recognition of their own national aspirations.
Vienna, however, disappointed them and overlooked guaranteeing their rigl;lts against the encroachment of the
Magyars. Furthermore, influenced by Kollar, the imperial
court used the antiquated Biblical Czech of the Protestants
as the official Slovak language in the translation of the
laws, for instruction in the schools, and in the newly
established newspaper sponsored by the government,
�54
SLOVAKIA
"Slovak News" ("Slovenske Noviny"), published in Vienna.
The fruits of Stu.r's labors seemed doomed and at this
point he turned with greater hope to Russia.
The Revolution that erupted in Paris in February 1848,
and reverberated throughout Europe, encouraged the movement in Hungary. It affected the development of Slovak
life and helped to bring the Slav political program to
greater maturity. Individual regions of Slovakia rebelled
against the imposition of Hungarian as the only recognized
legal language and strove to secure sanctions for Slovak
as their official language. The native tongue of the Slovak
people represented the very survival of Slovakia.
stur's basic concept in "Slavdom and the World of
the Future" ("Das Slawenthum und die Welt der Zukunft")
was an exceptional tribute to the cultural, moral and
political forces at work within the Russian Empire. This
work also included a detailed plan for the union of all
Slavs with Russia, "the most complete and consistently
developed program for the subjugation of Slavs to Russia,"
according to Professor Lednicki.
stur adopted Herder's and Hegel's ideas which in turn
provided the Slavs with a consciousness of unity based
upon the communal element of language and a glorious
destiny, proclaiming them as the prospective leaders of
Europe. stur stressed the belief that the Slavs have a
mission to fulfill in universal history, and that this mission
can be fulfilled only if they are united. There were three
procedures to consider:
1. Slavic federation without Russia.
2. Transformation of Austria into a Slavic federation.
3. Union with Russia as a monarchic empire under
Russian leadership, united in the Orthodox Church
and the Russian literary language.
The first two approached did not appeal to stur's
vision gf a Slavic world of the future. Because of geographical features and considerations, internal rivalries,
religious and cultural differences, and intermingled nonSlavic elements, any attempt to federalize the Slavic nations
at this time seemed doomed to failure. 42
Since the Slavs were to be leaders of the "new"
Europe, stur set out to determine whether the Slavs really
�SLOVAKIA
55
had a role of their own to fulfill in world history. At this
point they were not in position to do anything significant
but history was a progression of spent nations being
replaced by young one, and stur envisioned a future in
which Slavic emancipation would eventually occur.
There was no use in looking to the West for support
in securing Slovakia's self-determination for, the West was
already on the downward path to moral, political and
social dissolution. Western civilization had deteriorated,
the West itself needed help. Only Slavs could aid the Slavs.
stur went on to paint a highly romantic picture of
the Slavs, representing them as good at heart, patient,
humble, kind and democratic. These were the general
characteristics of all the Slavs, but especially of the Russians who were visualized as being at the apex of all the
nobles features of the Slavic nations. stur did not know
them personally. He had never been in Russia, neither had
he any prolonged contact with Russians. He simply claimed
that it had to be so logically, since the Russians were
the leaders of the Slavs; they had to be the best Slavs.
He was convinced too that unity was an absolute necessity
if the Slavs were to achieve their historic mission. The
only alternative left was union with Russia. 43
"Russia is the prime mover and the leader of our
national family. Our people are but a fragment of a single
nationality. They can be reborn and united into a single
whole only by a elated benevolent and great Power." In
stur's mind that power was Russia. "Let us go forth
together in the spirit of our own people, under the leadership of the racial elders given to us by history."
The Slavist, Professor Petrovich maintains that "The
failure of the Slovak revolution and other political demonstrations brought stur to the conclusion that it was u.seless
for his people to seek its own freedom alone or in the
framework of Austroslavism." 44
This definitive decision on the part of stur amazed
contemporary experts in his Slavic world. Yet it is not
hard to understand stur's position when one realized the
facts with which stur had to live in the 1850's. Since his
primary goal was Slavic nationalism, Slavic unity, Russia
was the only leader to whom to turn since Austroslavism
�56
SLOVAKIA
failed. His main objective was the creation of a federation
of independent Slavic states under the Russian leadership,
the same kind of action he had urged at the Prague
Congress in 1848 for Austrian leadership.
The Slavic peoples of the Austrian Empire, such as
Czechs and Slovaks, and the smaller groups looked more
and more toward Russia for help, since they found themselves outnumbered by the ruling Germans and Magyars.
A second Pan-Slav Congress met in Moscow in 1867.
The Poles were not represented. They considered the
Russians their national enemies and oppressors. Russian
chauvini&m was apparent throughout the congress. From
that time on Russian nationalists wished to use Pan-Slavism
as a tool for Russian expansion at the expense of nonRussian Slavs for the destruction of the Austrian Empire
and the Turkish Empire. Both Empires contained large
Slavic minorities.
The Russian war against Turkey in 1877 was accompanied by Pan-Slavic agitation to liberate the Balkan Slavs,
especially the Bulgarians, from the Turkish domination.
World War I also started partly because the Russians
supported the Slavic Serbs against the Austrian Empire.
The fact that Russia herself oppressed several Slavic
peoples--the Poles, the Ukrainians, and the Byelorussian s
-and the fact that the Russian tsarist autocracy was
politically and socially backward militated before 1914
against the claim of the Russians to be regarded as the
spokesmen of all Slavs.45
All the peoples, with the exception of the Croatians,
Slovenians and Serbs were united under Moscow's leadership, and thus many of the extravagant Russian aspirations,
voiced during the Pan-Slav Congress in Moscow, in 1867,
were fulfilled .46 Stu.r's great dream of a family of Slavic
peoples united under Russia may also become a reality
-but not under an Orthodox Church as a dedicated
community, nor under an enlightened Russian Tsar with
humanist and liberal views, nor as a Russian group
struggling for the highest ideals of freedom and respect
for human beings, as stur wished to see it in his work
"Das Slawenthum und die Welt der Zukunft" ("Slavdom
and the World of the Future"), but under a disastrous
�SLOVAKIA
57
policy, the cornerstone of which was laid at Yalta in
February, 1945.
This policy destroyed Europe's individuality and enlarged the power of the Kremlin, a power that has kept
all humanity under constant tension since 1945 and is
a threat to the freedom of all the states it has not yet
captured. It led to the subjugation of an additional 200
million Europeans. On the soil in Northern, Central and
Southern Europe, there arose a new Soviet colonial system.
At a time when in the free world, peoples who
have never enjoyed self-govenment in the past are
gradually attained nationhood and are assisted by the
United Nations in the achievement of their rightful
aspiration-the exact reverse process has been taking
place in Central and Eastern Europe. 47
ST-OR'S IMPACT ON SLOVAKIA
Revival of Slovak National Life
stur knew it was imperative that the Slovaks be
awakened nationally; otherwise they were doomed as a
nation. The nation needed scholars who would delve into
antiquity and from the glory of the past raise a national
enthusiasm and groundwork on which to build for the
future. He assumed the task of providing them. The Slovak
historian, Julius Botto, says of stur: "He trained for the
Slovak nation energetic, selfless men, genuine national
heroes."
Since the Slovak gentry continued to yield its national
identity and was overshadowed and even absorbed by
Magyar influences, the Slovak people became abandoned
in the midst of a rising alien nationalism and political
transformation. Slovak intellectuals had the vision to
realize what was happening and considered it mandatory
to take over the culture of the Slovak peasants, middle
classes and a sparse number of nationally minded aristocrats and garner from these elements their own national
culture and new national consciousness. Without stur's
important role in this effort, the Slovaks might now be
a forgotten nation.
stur successfully organized his literary school and
cultural activities in this climate and was successful in
�58
SLOVAKIA
bringing about a new era of Slovak national life. Since
he had a mystical idea of the nation, and respected it as
a person, his approach was a philosophical one. Aesthetic
and philosophical principles were inaugurated into his
literary school and became the foundation of the Slovak
nation revival of the nineteenth century.
In the past, Slovak national life was little more than
a conglomerate of regrets and passive laments, a life of
hapless "do nothing." stur set up positive perspectives
to create higher cultural and political values and he did
not rest until the people were persuaded to adopt these
new views. He repeatedly advocated a higher and stronger
degree of national pride. He asked the Slovaks not to seek
the source of their national pride in foreign gardens since
they had it right at home in their midst.
stur and his school knew what hopes were directed
toward attaining concrete political and social gains; he
realized how ready his people were to entertain enthusiasm
and spirit for a better world.
National and Slavistic themes permeate stur's poetry
and prose. The soul of the nation-or of the Slavs-was
his constant subject; he was always preoccupied with the
nation's sufferings, struggles and failures. These topics are
the substance of all his written works.
The Slovaks, as Hans Kohn rightly says, "feeling abandoned in Hungary and their national existence threatened,
may have drawn strength and faith in the indestructibility
of the Slovak people and language." This thought supported
them and enabled them to continue to maintain contacts
with the cultural life of other Slavic peoples.
Although stur was not the only leader during the
national revival, he embodied more vitally than did the
others the true spirit of 1848. In his own right he is called
the Daniel O'Connell of Slovak history. At this point is was
not only necessary for the Slovak nation to map out
definite goals, but it was also imperative to chart the way
for coming generations of the Slovak nation in order that
this goal might be realized and preserved.
The task challenging stur and his followers was very
complicated. Besides honoring, they had to find a way and
means to discharge all the work before them in a way
�SLOVAKIA
59
that would be worthy of scrutiny both in their own day
and in the light of history. Much of their work had to be
accomplished under duress, when revolutionary forces
were mounting, when fierce struggles had to be met to
insure national existence and the ennobling of the social
stratum of the Slavic people. $tlir's generation had no
alternative, but to play the role of a vanguard of the Slovak
bourgeoisie which had to be inspired with national consciousness and formed into a worthy class. The group
v0luntarily assuming this role is called the $tlir generation;
in literature it is called the stur school, since it was
Cudovit stur and his group who adopted the traditions
of the Bernolakians for the Slovak linguistic cultural and
national independence. In short, they gave the Slovak
nation both a solid ideology and definite direction under
the leadership of Cudovit $tlir.48
Cudovit stur's activities were directed mainly on behalf
of his native country, his main interest being the Slovak
people caught in an insufferably miserable situation and
desperately needing a solution of their problems. He threw
all his efforts into achieving a social and national awakening of his people and into raising their standards so that
they could be counted as a social and national force.
In the memorable Bratislava parliament of 1847, he
tangled in a heated discussion with Kossuth. stur declared:
"We want freedom. It is easily said that there is plenty
of freedom in our homeland: yes, not only an abundance,
but even an oversupply of freedom." And he went on to
add, "but only the landowner's brand of freedom; for of
the real, human and personal freedom there is very little.
If our towns had had more freedom, our people would
never have fallen into such thraldom."
Kossuth's reply to this was: "That cannot be helped;
that is the way the world moves. It is the fate of one
who stands lower in the community to be suppressed and
bear the burden and taxes; on the other hand, the one
who comes along better in civic life receives rights and
stands in honor. At this time I am opposed to granting
towns a vote in our Assembly."
stur could not be silenced. Again he met Kossuth
in the Hungarian Assembly and said: "Recently when I was
�60
SLOVAKIA
present here and mentioned the sorrowful plight of the
wretched taxpayers, the worthy deputy of Pest County,
Mr. Kossuth, saw the hand of fate in the oppression of
the people and said that is the way of the world when
the lower class is suppressed and the higher class arrogates
more rights to itself. I see no hand of fate in the matter,
because then the status of the oppressed could never be
corrected. We demand freedom in the country and the
assignment of urbanial jobs which are not in line with
freedom. Does a person who works, who works for the
benefit of others and receives contempt instead of reward,
have a fatherland? Will such a person become as devoted
to his country as he would be to his mother? The sacred
cause of mankind challenges us to declare the principle
of the liberation of people and honestly bring it into reality.
When this redemption is accomplished, the judical power
of the landowner and the country gentry must cease,
because freedom would not be served if a people liberated
from the robot would continue to remain under the staves
of the Lords." 49
stur's main aspiration was freedom. If his only achievement had been his effort for the rights of the enslaved
and subjugated at the Bratislava Assembly, he would have
deserved to be honored among the most distinguished sons
of the Slovak nation. But he did not only that but even
more and because of this fact he is loved and revered
by the Slovak nation.
In him were concentrated the cultural and social
endeavors of his predecessors, with the strength and
courage needed for a living national organization. Without
his concentration the pursuits of an independent national
culture would have been impossible. His greatest merit
lies in the fact that he assumed the historical task of
uniting the multi-cultural strength of the Slavs into a
national liberation front.
A legendary atmosphere was built around the magnetic
personality of stur by those who knew him. Around him
there crystallized, as it were, a veritable aura of national
life as is reported by William Pauliny Toth who said of
him : ":Cudovit stur is favored epochally as a created vision
in the history of. the Slovak- Nation." 50
�SLOVAKIA
61
Shir in his time understood that the Slovak national
process had matured and that Slovakia must appear on
the scene of history as an independent political factor. It
is in this foresight also that Shir's merit lies. He exemplifies the Slovak national spirit as a man possessed with
deep convictions and great strength of will sufficient to
execute them. His prime purpose, as we have already
mentioned, was to see Slovakia united culturally, politically
and socially.
We must recall for our own benefit and on behalf of
the free world that stur did not hesitate to accept and
carry to completion the work of preceding Catholic generations; he was ready to press on in order to preserve
the heritage of the Slovak nation, though he was not
a Catholic, but a Lutheran and a member of the Protestant
Evangelical Church.
Contributions as an Energizing Stimulant
to Slovak Life in General
It can be said with assurance that in the history of
the Slovak nation, no individual accomplished as much
in so short a time as did :Cudovit stur, who was only
forty-one years of age when he died. This was possible
only because of the gifts of this phenomenal leader and
because of the fact that the ground and the time were
ripe for the ascension of a new generation. stur found
that he could approve of much that already existed in
Slovakia and he was ready to formulate what the nation
needed and demanded in his day.
One wonders how it was possible at this critical time
for a man to dare to undertake structuring a spiritual
foundation of modern life for the long slighted and
forgotten Slovak people. Though we cannot understand the
force that inspired him we can appreciate the phenomenon
that in one generation, only one extraordinary person, one
:Cudovit stur, appeared as a great leading luminary among
approximately two million of his people.
It goes without s~ying that the Slovak people are
grateful to stur and to those who sacrificed much with
him for the Slavic cause. Their work was aimed toward
the realization of the spiritual plan of Slovak life envisioned by genius and inspiration.
�62
SLOVAKIA
The Slovak nation was not fortunate enough at this
time to have a 1,1mg and cherished tradition or the advantage
of experienced mature people on which to rely. Over long
centuries of oppression under a foreign element, it was
their fate to be wholly submissive and in this attitude to
develop no leaders. Now they had to rely entirely on
comparatively young men for new ideas and new leadership. The Slovak youth was entrusted with the new dawn
and to project future goals, because the difficult life of
the Slovaks in the past did not allow the elders to foster
a strong national life. While many other European nations
had their noble classes to fight their battles and to lead
them to new eras, the Slovaks had no social upper strata
on which to rely for inspiration. Their nobility and their
middle class as well were lost by fusion with other elements
predominantly Magyar milieu. Slovak national awakening
consequently was achieved by the sons of humble people,
usually the strong leaders from among the Catholic and
Protestant clerical circles.
The Slovak language as a literary medium which was
chosen by l'..udovit stur and his collaborators was accepted
by the Slovak population in 1843. Under his dynamic
leadership the Slovaks literally re-emerged from obscurity
and oblivion. They asserted themselves not only culturally
but also politically by their participation in the uprising
in 1848-49. During this revolutionary upheaval they sided
with the Emperor in Vienna but were ill-rewarded for their
services. Their repeated petitions for self-determination
and for guarantees of unhindered cultural development
were repeatedly denied them.5 1
In 1867, when the Austrians concluded a dual agreement with the Magyars, the Slovaks were left at the mercy
of the Magyars. Under this arrangement, Slovak high
schools and cultural organizations were suppressed. Education on an elementary level was permitted in the Magyar
language only. Any who dared to resist magyarization were
victimized and inprisoned. Thousands of Slovaks found it
necessary to leave their native country and migrated to
the United States of America.
I.:udovit stur and his generation fired the Slovaks with
new national life, a clear goal and a firm sense of direction
�SLOVAKIA
63
in the spirit of stt1r's slogan: "Backward we cannot go,
Forward we must!"
"Forward" means to free the people from the yoke
of slavery and lead them along the road of independence
and true national cultural growth within a truly free
country. To achieve this tne Slovak nation needs a political
program. The cataclysm of the Revolution of 1848 that
struck Europe impelled the Slovaks to develop their
political program without further hesitation or delay.
The Slovaks reassessed their aims, and aspirations as
well as prevailing circumstances. Since Slovakia was part
of the Hungarian State, they wished primarily to have
the boundaries of the Slovak lands clearly defined in order
that they might have guaranteed equality with the Magyars
living in Hungary.
The Magyars opposed the justified petitions of the
Slovak nation. They banned all Slovak assemblies and
treated Slovak leaders as traitors deserving imprisonment.
When the Slovaks perceived what obstacles their
political program met with in Hungary, they resorted to
arms against the Magyars who themselves were engaged
in a rebellion against the Emperor. The Slovak rebellion
in 1848-49 ended indecisively. The Russian army was asked
to help subdue the revolting Magyars and absolute rule
was imposed in the country. The Magyars were punished
and the Slovaks were forgotten. 52
The Slovaks renewed their political activity in 1861.
They detailed their principles in newspapers and later
called an assembly at Turciansky Sv. Martin where they
formulated a renewed Slovak policy within the comprehensive "Memorandum of the Slovak Nation." They asked
that the Slovaks be permitted the right to develop their
own life without restriction. They asked that they be
recognized as a nation by a special proclamation, and that
Slovakia constitute a distinctive administrative unit in
Hungary. These petitions were submitted to Emperor
Franz Josef (1849-1916). The only concession granted to
the Slovaks was permission to establish a cultural institute
called "Matica Slovenska" ("The Slovak Institute"). They
were also allowed to use private funds to build three high
schools for the education of Slovak youth.
�64
SLOVAKIA
The position of the Slovaks grew steadily worse in
Hungary. Feeling the pressure of denationalization at every
step, they did not stop pledging their allegiance to Hungary.
All these attempts even at appeasement proved futile .
The Hungarian Parliament passed legislation which suppressed Slovak life yet not even these adversities broke
the Slovak nation, for the Slovaks believed "That truth
has never yet suffered in vain, nor will our Slovak truth
suffer needlessly," according to the prophetic dictum of
Andrej Hlinka in 1907 spoken as he was being led to
prison.53
$TOR IN CONTEMPORAR Y HISTORIC PERSPECTIVE
Practicality of Stur's Ideals
:r.udovit stur's role in the revival of Slovak national
life was far reaching and vitally important. As a reformer
of the Slovak literary medium he contributed to modern
national Slovak ideology. He gave his people a new perspective and vision of political freedom and of a better
future. His writings provided a powerful impetus to Slovak
life in general.
His manifold contributions to the Slovak national
revival were not limited to Slovakia alone, but to the
over-all Slavic world, since Slovakia and the Slovak people
are a part of the Slavic world. Neither is his greatness
only by the role he played at the first Slavic Congress
in Prague, but also by his rich correspondence with all
outstanding Slavic leaders, as well as his work "Slavdom
and the World of the Future" which was translated and
published twice by Russian intellectuals in the nineteenth
and twentieth centuries.
stur's school of thought laid the foundation for the
self-determinatio n of Slovakia more than a century ago.
Even in the present the Slovaks are building upon this
foundation. They will keep on pressing their point and
cherishing their hope of success until they do attain
complete freedom from all foreign domination. Just as
stur had defied and condemned the hegemony of the
Magyars and the materialistic philosophy of Marx and
Engels, so do they hope in this day to overcome all
obstacles to true freedom.
�SLOVAKIA
65
The followers of stur made the entire nation their
concern. They applied themselves to improve the country's
economy; they did their utmost to wipe out alcoholism,
indifference, and illiteracy; they labored unceasingly to
arouse national consciousness in more ways than one.
The people at large responded and co-operated generously when r:,tur began to publish his "Slovenske Narodne
Noviny" ("Slovak National News") which had great influence on the thinking of the common people. stur's articles
recalled the heritage of the Slovak people, the glory of its
language, morals, customs, and its homeland-which unites
the nation as a whole and constrains it to press forward
towards attaining the goal of unity.
It was necessary to make the nation feel that someone
was supporting it and was concerned about its welfare.
The people had to be dealt with humanely. This applied
to individuals as well as to groups.
The Slovaks were threatened with complete annihilation, hence stur had to appeal to the mind, the feelings
and the very character of the nation. Without first uniting
this nation he could gain nothing. The sturists envisioned
their task as not the conversion of renegades, but the
instruction of the people to help themselves, to recognize
and to fight for their God-given rights.
Stu.r's newspaper served all classes of people to some
degree-the intelligentsia, the laborer, the peasant, the
minister of the Gospel, the merchant and the tradesman.
The Slovaks did rouse themselves to national consciousness. Without effective journalism of the type provided
by stur it would have been impossible to unite the Slovaks
in so short a time.
stur and his collaborators were realists. They encouraged and exhorted the people to better themselves
by overcoming indolence and ignorance. They provided
and encouraged private enterprise and more efficient ways
of doing things in all fields of endeavor.
The school problem was a factor of great concern to
stur and his coterie. They indicated the necessity of cultivating the native language, the importance of enlightenment,
the value of reading centers, libraries, sound agricultural
programs, progress in industrial and financial enterprise,
�66
SLOVAKIA
revision in tax scales, improvement in animal husbandry
and many other subjects. Temperance societies were
promoted as were cultural and social institutions. Many
stur followers taught Sunday school classes. This innovation of stur was probably the most interesting of all
movements in Slovakia. stur and his followers were not
dreamers; they were practical idealists who had the welfare
and security of the Slovak people at heart.54
stur's school of thought built the foundation for the
independence movement as well. With the help of his
co-workers ::;tur's literary school to a great extent fulfilled
the function of a political and military leadership, thereby
elevating the Slovak people to the cultural level of the rest
of Europe. For these achievements stur's progressive
pedagogical heritage shall continue to live among us for
a long time. His practical and wise suggestions, his courage,
his vision, selflessness, his many precedents which could
be used and developed in our day serve as an undying
example for future generations of Slovaks, inspiring them
to work for their country's freedom, independence and
recognition. At the same time future generations are
challenged to keep alive the flame of the torch which
was passed to them by stur's unfaltering hope of a better
world on the morrow.
Despite stur's comparatively youthful age, his cultural
and social activities were many-sided and diversified.
Slovaks in the free world can gain much by a study of
his works.
Because stur and his co-workers were human, they
naturally made some mistakes. However, their mistakes
were those of the century in which they lived. It behooves
us to judge them according to the fruit of their labor,
the results of their work which brought a new perspective
to the Slovak nation.
stur can rightly be numbered among the outstanding
European revolutionaries of his time. He was a great
apostle of democracy and freedom for all people.
The shining light among the Slovaks of the nineteenth
century, the formulator of their political and social
program, as well as the interpreter of their national desires
was ~udovit stur-the Father of modern Slovak nationalism .55
�SLOVAKIA
67
Application of stur's Theories
in Subsequent Slovak History
The evolution of Slovak national life and the role
of ~udovit stur in its development are mutually inclusive.
Once one delves into a study of stur's life work, he
becomes permanently fascinated with it and cannot be
shed the charm of this genial creator of modern national
Slovak ideology.
stur was endowed with extraordinary creativity and
originality of concepts. Only a genius could create works
of lasting value which survive long after his death. It is
only natural that we return to stur and find support in
him. He is an incentive to future generations to do even
better things than he did. However, to date, he ranks as
one of the most outstanding Slovaks of all time.
Slovakia is grateful to many Slovak leaders who
sacrificed everything for the nation. But most of these
also worked for the realization of the spiritual plan of
Slovak life which was spelled out and left to us by stur
and his co-workers. They gave expression to the righteous
desires of the Slovak nation and became the unsurpassed
model in spiritual and civic activity:56
For more than a century, nothing new nor shaking
has appeared than that which was expressed by stur for
the Slovak nation. Hence it behooves us to return to him,
because it is evident that every new and great plan of
Slovak life must first pass the aqua regia test of stur's
thinking. The aims of the Slovak nation which were
conceived by stur are still the criteria of the life of the
Slavic people. Whatever counters stur also runs counter
to the vital interest of the Slovak nation.
stur's words: "Let us not abandon ourselves, Slovak
fellow citizens! " is just as timely today as they were in
1845. He was a man ahead of his time. His philosophical
views, his democratic thinking, his principles and his social
demands are timely, too. It is necessary for our generation
to recognize the fact that the Slovaks over one hundred
years ago fought to change the political structure of Central
Europe, that they demanded a deserved independent status
for their nation within the framework of a solid federation
built on principles of justice and equity.
�68
SLOVAKIA
Great ideas may be temporarily suppressed and silenced, but in the end they will triumph. That accounts
for the inability of the enemies within and without the
Slovak nation to destroy the concept of individuality of
the Slovak nation, its language, culture and its right to
an independent life. Even today after a lapse of more than
a hundred years, this idea is very much alive.
Despite the fact that Pan-Slavism did not achieve any
notable results during stur's time, it nevertheless had
inherent value. For the first time it revealed the Slavic
mind to the rest of Europe. This is important in the light
of the present role which the Slavs play in Europe today.
The Prague Congress too proved significant by reason
of the fact it was the first expression of Slavic unity, of
Slavic identity, distinct from the Hapsburg rule. It imbued
the Slavs with greater courage and confidence and a guide
for the future action. Slavdom and the World of Future
is today a relatively unknown work, even in the Slavic
world. Yet it had exerted great influence on Russian
thinking in the 1870's and was a beacon light and incentive
to furthering their program and goals.
At the time of s tur's death in 1856, the whole Pan-Slavic
movement was pretty much a failure. It failed because
the very nationalism that it promoted led to its defeat.
Pan-Slavism created dissent among the various Slav nations
because it pressured national consciousness. The more
the people became aware of their individuality, their
historical traditions, and their language, the less they
wanted to sacrifice them for a non-existent Slav federation .
Another hindering factor was the centuries-old and traditional antagonism between the various Slavic nations,
such as the Poles and the Russians, Czechs and Slovaks,
Croatians and Serbs, prevented any success for a plan
that would unite them. Hence Pan-Slavism was hindered
from excercising any dominant or stable influence on
European thought at that time. 57
For two decades after World War I Pan-Slavism seemed
dead. The Western Slavs-the Poles, Czechs, Slovaks,
Croatians, Slovenes and Serbs--established their own
states in 1918. They looked more to the West than to
Moscow for guidance and inspiration. After the German
�SLOVAKIA
69
aggression against Soviet Russia in the summer of 1941,
Joseph Stalin revived Pan-Slavism for the duration of the
war and appealed for the support of all Slavic peoples.
The Soviet Union again discarded Pan-Slavism after
World War II. It was under the aegis of Communism
rather than Pan-Slavism that the U. S. S. R. established
control over the Western and Southern Slavic peoples in
the post war period.
$tur's vision of a unified Slovak cultural, political and
social life did not indicate that he was a mere visionary.
After a century of struggle there exists a Slovak nation
with its own literature and cultural institutions and it is
a strongly literate one. There also exists a sound national
consciousness and a wholesome social stratification, which
is unbalanced only by the unfortunate present Communist
regime. The new generation is imbued with a spirit of
national and social justice among Central European peoples
and constantly resists Communistic ideology, about which
£udovit $tur wrote more than a century ago:
"Communism not only commits outrageous injustice
against all civil society ... it also ruins all personal
initiative, endeavor and enthusiasm. It divides the family,
it destroys the household and thus it opens wide the door
to every type of immorality, dissolution, and indulgence.
It degrades· man to bestial level ...
"Communism has matured to the same degree as
atheism and defection from Christianity . . . In all types
of Communism whatever their classification may be, the
outlook is only toward a dismal life. It brings in its wake
despotism of the grossest kin. It ,shatters all bonds of
social living. In place of holy ties, it offers profiteering,
rioting and their like."
Today when our mighty nation is fighting for freedom
of all enslaved and oppressed nations, this freedom must
not be overlooked for Slovakia. The Slovaks of today still
have the inherent and God given rights to complete freedom
as do all other nations. To fight for the freedom of all
nations, including Slovakia, is the obligation of all lovers
of truth and freedom. The Slovaks have existed and will
continue to exist if they live and remember $tur's words:
"Let us not abandon ourselves, Slovak fellow citizens!"
�70
SLOVAKIA
Today a foreign regime in Slovakia is persecuting and
crushing all that stlir stood for, because it is above all
else concerned with the extermination of the Slovak
traditions which in his time Eudovit stur had recreated
and reformed in such a manner that they remain in permanent basis of Slovak national development. The spirit of
stur lives on!
One can kill a man but never the idea he stands for .
In history there are myriad examples of movements, faiths
and ideologies triumphant "in spite of dungeon, fire and
sword." The Slovak nation did not give up the right to live
in an independent state even if this state was forcibly
liquidated, its rules killed and its adherents persecuted.
All this has made the struggle for independence even more
imperative, because if the idea was worth dying for, it i~
worth fighting for.
More than a century after his death :Cudovit stur is
very much alive. His name is often on the lips of his
followers and his opponents. Books are written about
him, his policies, his philosophy, on both sides of the
Iron Curtain by his friends and his enemies.
With no perceptible results to show, the situation of
the Slovak nation does not look very promising today.
The nation is without its state, lives in slavery but also
lives in hope. There is strong evidence to indicate a living
and vibrant independence movement at home where the
Slovaks after an interim of partial independence are
convinced that there is no substitute for complete independence. The indeology of :Cudovit stur is the source of
strength and belief that independent Slovakia with a
government "of the people, by the people, for the people"
will re-appear on the map of Europe:58
CONCLUSION
The essential part of this study dealt with the assumption that :Cudovit stur and his achievements have long
been recognized by the Slovaks, that he is a great national
figure and is revered as the "Father of Modern Slovak
Nationalism." But what of his place in the history of the
Slavs at this time?
Looking for stur's place in the Slavic world, after the
passing of a century which tested many of his conceptions
�SLOVAKIA
71
and achievements, one cannot avoid some purely Slovak
cultural and political issues. One cannot help but also
agree with Hans Kohn's words that "the Slovak nation
with its own literary language, was definitely established."59
stur's manifold activities made this possible.
Since Pan-Slavism remained the primary concern of
Slavic poets, newsmen, literary scholars, philologists, and
historians, Slavic nationalism was far removed from the
political plan and was situated in the literary field. These
individuals expressed an optimistic belief in man's inevitable progress, in the spiritual rejuvenation which would
result in the assurance of liberty, peace and happiness.
These visionaries felt that perhaps the Slavs were heralds
of a new era. They promised a unified betterment in
a future Slavic world.
According to his book "Slavdom and the World of
the Future" r.udovit stur set out to accomplish four tasks.
He wanted an assurance to determine whether the Slavs
really had a specific role to fulfill in world history. The
Slavic past would yield an affirmative answer, for this
certainty was the basis for the entire Pan-Slavic movement. Without doubt, the Slavs were to be the leaders
of a "New Europe." Since history is a progression of
spent nations being replaced by young and energetic ones,
Slavic Emancipation and self-determination would eventually be realized. stur's gift of prophecy and Kollar's poetic
vision of one Slav nation, language, and culture as
expressed in Kollar's "Daughter of Slavs" ("Slavy dcera"):
"What will the Slavs be in a hundred years? What will
the whole of Europe come to be? Slav life, just as a mighty
flood appears, shall everywhere extend its boundary. The
science shall Slav exponents see, our peoples' customs,
dress and music on both the Seine and Danube modish be."
His second task was to describe the Slavic mission
in universal history against the background of the cultural
difference between Western and Eastern Europe.60
stur could only visualize the destruction of the
peasantry by a moral, political and social dissolution in
the West and the culmination of a schism between religion
and daily life. The West could do little to help, since it
was gradually losing face because of its prodigality.
�72
SLOVAKIA
Western society and its institutions were not worth the
effort of imitation since they were contributing to the
downfall of the West. Hence the Slavs could depend only
on themselves for existence.
Thirdly, Shir presents a highly romantic picture of
the Slavic peoples. They are endowed with extraordinary
virtue. The West was held accountable for the vices of
the Slavs who were presented as being by nature kind,
patient, humble, and democratic. These characteristics
were typical of all Slavs, but especially the Russians, who
were the embodiment of all the best and noblest features
of the entire Slav nation. Logically, he concluded, that
since the Russians were to be the leaders of the Slavs,
they had to be the cream of the Slavic element.61
His last task dealt with the problems of Slavic political
unification. If the Slavs were to attain their goal, unity
was an absolute necessity.
There were three possibilities. The first was a Slavic
confederation without Russia, which could never succeed
because of internal disputes among multi-Slavic peoples.
These nation were of about equal strength, hence the emergence of a leader from these nations was an impossibility.
The second was the transformation of Austria into
a Slavic Empire. Attempts of this nature had been made
before and failed. Shir felt that Austro-Slavism should
not be considered.
The only alternative left was alliance with Russia.
Since she was powerful enough to unite all the Slavic
nations, she was the natural leader that was needed. stur
was impressed by Russia's power and influence. If Slavic
peoples united under Russia, their equal would be second
to none in Europe.
One wonders how it came that such a decisive document was left to us by stur. Yet under the circumstances
with which he had to contend in the 1850's it is not
surprising. His primary concern was Slavic Nationalism,
and Slavic unity. His interest in Russia came only as
a result of this, since he never had any prolonged contact
with the Russians, neither had he ever been in Russia. 62
After more than a century's lapse of time Stu.r's big
dream of a United Slavic peoples under Russia may yet
�SLOVAKIA
73
become a reality, in a strange and unfortunate nature,
because of recent political developments in Central and
Eastern Europe. Moscow has became a political powerhouse of the Slavic world and Russian leadership has
technically materialized.
Stu.rs drive and his vision of Slovak cultural, political
and social betterment did not prove to be a myth either.
There now exists a Slovak nation with its own literature,
cultural institutions and almost universal literacy. Its
people are nationally conscious and they can boast
of sound social stratification, which was recently unbalanced only by the presence of an unwelcome Communist
regime. They are proud of their fighting spirit for national
and social justice, which was passed on them with the
flame of Stu.r's burning torch. There is a constant resistance among them to Communist ideology and this attitude
is another legacy of Stu.r's.
Over a century ago he said: "Communism not only
commits _o utrageous injustices against all civil society ...
but it also ruins all personal initiative, endeavor and
enthusiasm ... It degrades man to a bestial level ... " 63
Although Pan-Slavism did not achieve notable results
during Stu.r's time, it had an inherent value in that it
revealed for the first time to the rest of Europe the Slavic
mind. This is important in the light of the present role
which the Slavs play in Europe.
The Prague Congress, too, was the first expression
of Slavic unity and identity which was separate from the
Hapsburg rule. It also gave the Slavs courage and confidence. Stu.r's book, mentioned earlier in this section, has
had a strong influence on Russian thinking in the 1870's
and was a forerunner of some later developments.
stur and his followers executed their tasks beyond
human expectation, for they came upon a scene of history
when the situation of the Slovaks under the Magyars in
Hungary seemed truly hopeless.
The significance of Eudovit stur in the evolution and
revival of Slovak national life is tremendous and far.
reaching. His role as a reformer of the Slovak literary
language greatly contributed to Slovak national ideology.
It gave his people a new vision and perspective of political
�74
SLOVAKIA
freedom and of a better future. By his example and
writings he provided a strong impetus to Slovak life in
general.
stur rightfully belongs with Jan Kollar and Pavol J.
safarik to the Slovaks of the nineteenth century who are
regarded as great figures of the Slavic world, since Slovakia
and its people are part of the Slavic world.
All three found willing echo in all the Slavic peoples.
As Hans Kohn states: "They were imbued in the familiar
mood of the period, a general belief in historical progress,
in a bright future, in the advent of some great spiritual
manifestation, of a new era for mankind, which would establish for ever the basis of liberty, peace, and happiness."64
(Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree
of Master of Science in History at Marywood College.)
FOOTNOTES
1) Jan V. Ormis, Bibliografia Uudovita Stura ("Stur's Bibliography")
(Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1958), p. 8.
2) Jaroslav Vlcek, Mala Ruko vat' literarno-historicka (A small Hanpbook of Literary History") (Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska,
1932). p. 195.
3) Jan V. Ormis, Bibliografia Uu,dovita Stura ("Stur's Bibliography")
(Turc Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1958), p. 199.
4) Ibid., p. 199.
5) Marian Ziar, "Stur" Father of Modern Slovak Nationalism." Slovakia, March, 1956, pp. 8-9.
6) Philip A. Hrobak, "Stur and the Slovak Independence Movement,"
Slovakia, September-December, 1956, p. 39.
7) Karol Golan, "Sturove reci na slovanskom sjazde roku 1848," ("Stur's
Lectures at the Slavic Congress of 1848,") Slovak Views, AugustSeptember, 1936, p. 422.
8) Henrich Bartek, "Our Tradition and Louis Stur," Slovakia, June,
1956, p. 7.
9) Jan Ormis, Bibliografia Uudovita Stura ("Stur's Bibliography")
(Turc. Sv. Martin : Matica Slovenska, 1958) , p. 199.
10) Jaroslav Vlcek, Dejiny literatury slovenskej (History of Slovak
Literature") Turciansky Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1923), p. 184.
11) St. Osusky, Filozofia Sturovcov ("Sturist Philosophy") (Myjava:
Typ. Daniel Pazicky, 1926), p. 10.
12) Uudovit Bakos, Uul:iovit 5tiir (Bratislava: Vydavatel'stvo Slovenskej
Akademie Vied, 1957 ), p. 34.
13 ) . Ibid., p. 50.
14) Seton-Watson, R. H., A History of the Czechs and Slovaks. (London :
Archon Books, 1943), p. 260.
15) John cajak, Second Slovak History ("Bejepis Slovakov") (Pennsylvania-Pittsburgh: National News, 1914), p. 97.
�SLOVAKIA
75
16) Marian .Ziar, "Stur: Father of Modern Slovak Nationalism," Slovakia, March, 1956, p. 6.
17) Henrich Bartek, " Our Tradition and Uudovit Stur," Slovakia, June
1956, p. 4.
18) Joseph Kirschbaum, UU/dovit Stur and His Place in the Slavic World
(Cleveland: The Slovak Institute, 1958), p. 14.
19 ) R. H. Seton-Watson, A History of the Czechs and Slovaks (London:
Arc hon Books, 1943), PP- 260-261.
20) John cajak, "Slovak History" ("Dejepis Slovakov") (Pittsburgh:
National News, 1914), p. 97.
21 ) Joseph Kirschbaum, "Uudovit Stu!· and His Place in the Slavic
World," Slovakia, March, 1958.
22) Francis Hrusovsky, "Point of No Return," This is Slovakia (Scranton: Obrana Press, 1954), p. 46.
23) Joseph Kirschbaum, "Uudovit Stur in His Place in the Slavic World."
(Cleveland: Slovak Institute, 1958) , p. 20.
24) Ibid., pp. 20-21.
25) Ibid., p. 28.
26 ) Thomas Capek, The Slovaks of Hungary (New York: Knickerbocker
Press, 1906) , pp. 22-23.
27) Joseph Skultety, Sto Dvadsat' Pat' Rokov zo Slovenskeho .Zivota.
1790-1914. ("One Hundred Twenty-five Years of Slovak History")
Turc. Sv. Martin: Knih. -Ocast., 1920), p. 44.
28) Ibid., p. 46.
29 ) Ibidem., p. 46.
30) Joseph Kirschbaum. "Louis Stur Centenial" Slovakia, March, 1956.
(Middletown ) p. 8.
31) Marian .Ziar, "Stur: Father of Modern Slovak Nationalism," Slovakia,
March, 1956, pp. 8-9.
32) Joseph Kirschbaum , Uudovit Stur and His Place in the Slavic
World," (Cleveland: The Slovak Institute, 1958), p. 23.
33) Michael B. P e trovich. The Emergence of Russian Pan-Slavism. (New
York: Columbia University Press, 1956), pp. 18-19.
34) Suzanne Mikula, "Uudovit Stur a~d the Pan-Slavic Movement,"
Slovakia, 1966, pp. 106-107.
35) Henrich Bartek, "Our Tradition and Uudovit Stur," Slovakia, June,
1956, pp. 7-8.
36 ) Thomas Capek. The Slovaks of Hungacy (New York: Knickerbocker
Press, 1906) , pp. 70-71.
37) Ibid., p. 71.
38) Seton-Watson. History of the Czechs and Slovaks (London : Archon
Books, 1943) , p. 162.
39) Suzanne Mikula. "Uudovit Stur and the Pan-Slavic Movement,"
Slovakia, 1966, pp. 109-110.
40 ) Ibid., p. 110.
41) Ibid., p. 110.
42) Joseph Kirschbaum. Uu)dovit Mur and His Place in the Slavic
World (Cleveland: Slovak Institute, 1958), pp. 8-9.
43 ) Suzanne Mikula, "Uudovit Stur and the Pan..Slavic Movement,"
Slovakia, 1966, pp. 110-111.
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SLOVAKIA
44) Michael Petrovich, "l!udovit Stur and Russian Pan-Slavism," Journal
of Central European Pan-Slavism, 1952, p. 6.
45) Hans Kohn, "Pan-Slavism," Encyclopedia International, XIX, 44-45.
46) Ibid., pp. 44-45.
47) ACEN statement, September 20, 1954.
48) Jan V. Ormis, Bibliografia I!udovita Stura ("Bibliography of I!udovit
Stur") (Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1958), pp. 198-199.
49) Philip Hrobak, "Stur and the Slovak I'*-1ependence Movement,"
Slovakia (Sept., Dec., 1956), p. 38.
50) Jan Ormis. Bibliografia L'udovita Stura ("Stur's Bibliography")
(Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1958), p. 199.
51) Francis Vnuk, Dr. Jozef Tiso. (Sydney: Orbis Printing Co. pty. Ltd.,
1967), pp. 5-6.
52) Francis Hrusovsky, "This Is Slovakia," Slovakia, 1969, pp. 91-92.
53 ) Karol Sidor, Andrej Hlinka (Bratislava: 1934), p. 198.
54) Joseph Pauco, "Stur's Group in -the Service of the People," Slovakia,
March, 1956, pp. 12-15.
55 ) Marian .Ziar, "Stur: Father of Modern Slovak Nationalism," Slovakia ,
March, 1956, pp. 10-11.
56) Henrich Bartek, Our Tradition and Louis Stur," Slovakia, June,
1956, pp. 3-4.
57) Suzanne Mikula, "l!udovit Stur and the Pan-Slavic Movement,"
Slovakia, 1966, p. 113.
58 ) Frantisek Vnuk, Dr. Jozef Tiso, (Sidney: Orbis Printing and
Publishing Co., Pty Ltd., 1967), p. 43.
59) Hans Kohn, "Pan-Slavism, Its History a'*-1 Ideology," (University
of Notre Dame Press, 1953), p. 21.
60 ) Suzanne Mikula, "I!uldovit Stur and the Pan-Slavic Movement,·•
Slovakia, p. 111, 1966.
61) Ibid., p. 112.
62) Ibid., p. 112.
63) Joseph Kirschbaum , I!udovit Stur and His Place in the Slavic
Wor~:i (Cleveland: Slovak Institute, 1958), p. 26.
64) Hans Kohn, "Pan-Slavism, Its History and Ideology," (Indiana :
University of Notre Dame Press), p. 22.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Books
Stur, L'udovit. Listy L'udovita Stura. (Letters of I!udovit Stur.") ed. Dr.
Jozef Ambrus. Bratislava: Slovenska Akademia Vied, (Slovak
Academy of Sciences), 1956, pp. 64-375.
Stur, I!udovit, 1864 Nauka Reci Slovenskej. ("Slovak Language Lessons
from r;ui:lovit Stur.") Bratislava, 1946, pp. 1-10.
Bakos, I;udovit. Cudovit Stur. ("Louis Stur.") Bratislava: Slovenska
Akademia Vied, 1957, pp. 34-161.
Bartek, Henrich, C. Stur a Slovencina. ("I;udovit Stur and the Slovak
Language. ") Turc. Sv. Martin: Kompas, 1943, pp. 6-18.
Botto, Julius. Michal M. Rodia. Turciansky Sv. Mart.in: -Ocastinarsky
Spolok, 1911, pp. 11-41.
l'.:ajak, Janko. Dejepis Slovakov. ("History of the Slovaks.") Pittsburgh:
Tlac Narodnych Novin, 1914, pp. 97-110.
�SLOVAKIA
77
tapek, Thomas. The Slovaks of Hungary. New York: Knickerbocker
Press, 1906, .pp. 18-52.
Chrobak, Dobroslav. Rukoviit'. ("Handbook.") Prague: L. Mazac, 1932,
pp. 25-37.
Czambel, Samo. Slovaci a Ich Rec. ("The Slovaks and Their Language.")
Budapest: C. A. Kr. Dvornej Knihtlac Victoria Horney Anskeho,
1903, pp. 25-42.
Golan, Karol. Revolucne Pokolenie 1848-1849. ("The Revolutionary
Generation 1848-1849.") Myjava: Daniel Pazisko, 1926, pp. 91-94.
Hqdal, Juraj. Jan Holly. Trnava: Spolok sv. Vojtecha, 1923, pp. 91-94.
Hrobak, .Philip. Czechoslovakia. Middletown: Jednota Press, 1958, .p. 17.
Hrusovsky, Francis. This Is Slovakia. Scranton: Obrana Press, 1954, pp.
42-47.
Hurban, Jozef M. r.udovit Stur. Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1928,
pp. 7-216.
Kacka, Jozef. Dejiny Slovenskej Literatury. ("History of Slovak Literature.") Ruzomberok: Lev, 1928, pp. 36-39.
Kalal, Karol. Dejiny Slovenska ("History of Slov,alda.") Turc. Svaty
Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1916, .pp. 89-105.
Kirschbaum, Joseph. Nas Boj o Samostatnost' Slovenska. ("Our Struggle
for Slovak Independence.") Cleveland: Slovak Institute, 1968, pp.
292-324.
Kohn, Hans. Hapsburg Empire 1804-1918. An Anvil Original. Princeton:
K. Vian Nostrand Company, 1961, pp. 65-95.
Medvecky, Karol A. Slovensky Prevrat. ("The Slovak Revolution.")
I-IV: 4 vols. Trnava: Spolok sv. Vojtecha, 1930-1931.
Mraz, Andrej. Jozef Skultety. Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1933,
p. 7.
Novak, Uuldovit. Jazykovedne Glosy k Ceskoslovenskej Otazke. ("Linguistic Sounds of the Czecho-Slovak Question.") Turc. Sv. Martin:
Matica Slovenska, 1935, p. 233.
Oddo, Gilbert. Slovakia and Its People. New York: Robert Spelle,r and
Sons, 1960, pp. 108-204.
Ormis, Jan. Bibliografia E,udovita Stura. ("L'udovit Stur and His Bibliography.") Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1958, pp. 3-201.
Pauco, Jozef. r.udovychova u Sturovcov. ("Popular Education among the
Sturists.") Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1943, pp. 5-11.
Pauliny, Heinrich. Dejiny Spisovnej Slovenciny. ("History of Literary
Slovak.") Bratislava: Slovenska Akademia, 1948, p. 393.
Petrovich, Michael B. The Emergence of Russia Pan-Slavism 1856-1870.
New York: Columbia University Press, 1956, p. 18.
Porubsky, Jan. K Ste-mu Vyrociu Literarnej Slovenciny 1856-1944. ("The
One Hundredth Year of Literary Slovak." ) Scranton: Obrana Press,
1944, pp. 154-166.
Ruppelt, Fedor. Koncentracne Snahy Slovenske. ("Concentrated Slovak
Endeavors.") Turc. Sv. Martin: Knihtlaciarsky a Ucastinarsky Spolok, 1928, pp. 64-71.
Skultety, Jozef. Sketches from Slovak History. Middletown: Jednota
Press, 1930, pp. 183-186.
Sto Dvadsat' Pat' Rokov zo Slovenskeho tivota 1790-1914. ("One
�78
SLOVAKIA
Hundred Twenty-five Years of Slovak History." ) Turc. Sv. Martin:
Knihtlaciarsky -Ocast. Spolok, 1920, pp. 31-65.
Vlcek, Jaroslav. Dejiny Literatury Slovenskej. ("History of Slovak
Literature." ) Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1932, pp. 194-204.
Mala Rukoviit' Literarno-Historicka. ("A Small Handbook of Literary
History.") Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1932, pp. 194-204.
Wagner, J;udovit. Slovensky Plutarch. (" Slovak Plutarch.") Nove Mesto
naid Vahom: Jan Trnovsky, 1920, pp. 27-30.
Address-Published
Kirschbaum , Joseph M. 13udovit Stur and His Place in the Slavic World.
An Address to the Annual Meeting of the Canadian Association of
Slavists on June 9, 1957, at the University of Ottawa, Canada.
Periodicals
Bartek, Henrich. " Our Tradition and J;udovit Stur." Slovakia, June,
1956, pp. 3-10.
Bue, Bonaventure. " Conflicts of Slovak Nationalism. " Slovakia, June ,
1958, pp. 1-17.
Hrobak, Philip. "Stur and the Slovak Independence Movement." Slova•
kia, September-December, 1956, pp. 34-39.
Kir schbaum, Joseph. "Independence and the Slovak Past." Slovakia,
March, 1957, pp. 44-53 .
"Louis Stur Centennial." Slovakia, March, 1956, pp. 3-6.
'Misconceptions of American Slavists." Slovakia, March-June, 1962,
pp. 25-43 .
"The Slovak Language and Its Place Among the Slavic Languages." '
Slovakia, 1966, pp. 1-17.
Mikula, Suzanne. "!;udovit Stur and the Pan-Slavic Movement." Slovakia,
1966, pp. 104-115.
Pauco, Joseph. "Stu.r's Group in the Service of the People." Slovakia,
March, 1956, pp. 11-15.
Rekem, John. "The Origin and Development of the Slovak Language ."
Slovakia, March-April, 1962, pp. 1-13.
2iar, Marian. "Stur: Father of Mqdern Slovak Nationalism." Slovakia,
March, 1956, pp. 6-11.
Banik, Anthony A. "Posledni Zastancovia Spi:sovnej Cestiny." (The Last
Supporters of the Literary Czech Language.") Sbornik LiterarnoV edeckeho Odboru SSV., 1935, pp. 18-35.
Horak, Juraj . "Sturova Kniha o Narqdnych Piesnach a Povestiach
Plemien Slovanskych." ('Stu.r's Book on Naitional Hymns and Slavic
Popular Tales.") Sbornik Matice Slovenskej, January-February,
1923, pp. 97-128.
Vlcek, Jaroslav. "Povodina Sturovho Spisu o Narodnych Povestiach
Slovanskych." ("Stu.r's Original Writings on Slavic National Tales.")
Sbornik Matice Slovenskej, pp. 58-63.
Unpublished Material
McCoy, Sheila Marie, Sister. 'The School of Stur," (Unpublished Thesis)
Cabrini College, 1965.
�
20
SLOVAKIA
Political Views of 11udovit St(u
Sister M. Delphina Opet, SS. C. M.
INTRODUCTION
Since this study will concern itself with :Cudovit $tur,
the inspiration of modern national Slovak ideology, it may
be beneficial first of all to review the life story of the man
and then to consider his work and influence.
Though his life was all too short, stur was a key figure
in the Slovak national movement of the second third of
the nineteenth century. He was heir to the cultural, political
and social endeavors of his predecessors, and he developed
his natural gifts to attain the strength, courage and vision,
which it took to launch movements toward realizing a vital
national organization on behalf of his people. Without these
natural and acquired gifts, stur could hardly have been
effective in his work toward attaining independence in
Slovak national life and the pursuit of culture. His greatest
merits lie in the fact that he assumed the historical
challenge to unite the fragmented multicultural powers
of the Slovaks into a liberation front against Hungarian
oppressors.
His contemporaries attributed to stur an almost
legendary but realistic aura even during his lifetime. It
was said of him that he had a magnetic personality, that
his very presence bespoke patriotism and a vibrant national
spirit.
Worthy of specific mention is at least one evaluation
by William Pauliny-T6th: "He is an extraordinary figure-a
manifestation, as it were, of a leader charged to create
a new epoch in the history of the Slovak nation."
His young collaborator, Jozef M. Hurban, devoted to
stur a commemorative and comprehensive monograph
which was published in the first issue of the revitalized
"Slovenske pohl'ady" (Slovak Views) . In his history of
Slovak literature published in 1890, the literary critic and
historian Jaroslav Vlcek rated stur as the central figure
of the Romantic generations, even though he did not see
�SLOVAKIA
21
in stur's poetry the merit which it rightly deserves.
Criticism of stur was not wanting, but it did not detract
from stur's merits or stature at all.1
This fiery patriot was born in Zay-Uhrovec, on the
twentyninth of October, 1815. He was one of five children.
His father was an elementary school teacher and a rigid
disciplinarian both at school and at home. His mother's
was a gentle and loving nature.
The stur family home breathed a peaceful atmosphere
graced with poetry. The natural surroundings of his boyhood, with their profusion of beauty and natural grandeur
influenced stur's outlook on life. It was very likely here
and because of his environment that his aesthetic taste
developed to a remarkable degree.
Leopold Petz, a Lutheran pastor, was his first teacher
in the gymnasium at Rab. He kindled the glow of national
consciousness and patriotism in stur's unfolding mind
and animated his spirit with keen appreciation for the
richness of his mother tongue. He also made him aware
of the rightful place of the Slovaks in the Slavic world
and of the potential concentrated within the new generation. After two years at Rab, stur continued his studies
at the Lutheran Lyceum in Bratislava.2
Here stur and a memorable group of similarly ardent
young men with him (Hurban, Hodza, Francisci, Sladkovic,
Chalupka, et. al.) , were schooled under the powerful
influence of seasoned literary personalities who were still
devoted to fostering at least some forms of Czecho-Slovak
orientation. It was around the chair of Czecho-Slovak
language arts held by Juraj Palkovic that the Czecho-Slovak
Society, later known as the Institute of Language and
Literature, was formed. 3
stur was undeniably a talented leader who devoted
himself first of all to lecturing on Slovak grammar,
literature and history. He devoted much time and thought
to Slovak national poetry, especially to works dealing with
the themes of Great Moravia, Svatopluk, and the Slavic
Apostles, Saints Cyril and Methodius. To the eager young
members of the Czecho-Slovak Society, he spoke of Slavism,
of the hardships and injustices heroically endured by Slav
peoples over long centuries, and of the great responsibility
�22
SLOVAKIA
committed to the younger generation. He pointed out to
them some possible means toward a better future and
fanned their hopes for the building of a glorious large
Slavic family. He made every effort to destroy all roots
of doubt, pessimism, and prejudice, those divisive forces
that plagued Slavic families of nations and fragmented
their efforts toward unity.
His aims for establishing a standard language for
Slovak literary expression were not purely liiterary. Since
Slovak national life was closely connected with literary
expression, it bore a vigorous sense of purpose. Stu.r's
prime objective was to unite the Slovak people culturally,
politically and socially. A universally adopted standard
language would greatly advance this couse. Granted, he
suffered many reversals, but a wakened spirit cannot be
stilled. As authorities intervened to support his Slavic
group meetings at the Lyceum, new literary group in other
places formed in their stead. The strain of the struggle
to resist oppression in student centers left stur physically
exhausted; spiritually, however, he remained strong and
vigorous and indomitable.
In 1838 stur left his center of Slovak literary activity
in Bratislava and went to Halle, Germany. His courses of
study at Halle strongly affected his theoretical foundations
adding depth and fuller meaning to all his later activities.
He learned to favor much in Hegelian thought, the theories
advocated by a German idealist philosophy. This experience
created a mental revolution in Stu.r's objectives and
philosophy. It was, first of all a dialectical style of thinking
which brought to naught all concept of a final validity
in the results of human thinking and activity. This doctrine
maintains that all is involved in a process of development,
all is being perpetually transformed and changed, proceeding from a lower to a higher stage. It also maintains that
human history is a steady process of development of this
kind, as stur put it, an "uninterrupted chain."4
stur was not simply an unquestioning disciple of
Hegelian philosophy, as is often said of him. Together
with several other thinkers of his generation, he formed
an independent philosophical school which exerted farreaching influence and excelled in originality of thought.
�SLOVAKIA
23
stur's excellent book, "sturova filozofia zivota" ("stur's
Philosophy of life"), embodies his philosophical conceptions.
Though his propositions in general are original, stur's
underlying ideas were greatly influenced by Hegel. He
was motivated by the idea that national unity is strongly
furthered by means of common language which gives rise
to mutual understanding. After his return from Germany,
stur set out in 1843 to establish a distinctive literary Slovak
language which he boldly promoted. Its basis was the
central Slovak dialect which he considered the last contaminated by neighboring or foreign influence. He realized
also the need for a common political effort; Kollar's
reciprocity was not enough. He spared no pains to achieve
a social and national awakening of the Slovak people.
In a sense, stur completed the work that Bernolak, the
first codifier of literary Slovak, had begun in 1787.
On his return from Germany stur became an assistant
professor in the Pressburg (Bratislava) Lyceum. As he
lectured in the department of history, students flocked
to him with undivided attention, for this dynamic young
professor had a wealth of attainable ideals to offer. But
chauvinistic authorities viewed this influence with anxiety.
In 1844, stur lost his post as Deputy Professor because the
Magyar government began to tighten its political controls
on Slovakia and found stur's flaming Slovak ardor a threat
to its interests. When he was dismissed, many students
left the Pressburg Lyceum in protest and continued their
studies elsewhere.
The Bratislava incident did not intimidate stur; as a
matter of fact, it only stimulated him to press on. He
kept in close touch with his patriotic adherents. Because
the ground was fertile and properly prepared for a national
change, stur was able to do the apparently impossible.
He strongly voiced the long repressed aspirations and
justified rights of the Slovaks, he formulated the demands
of his people.
13udovit stur's publications of an article titled "Zaloby
a ponosy Slovakov v Uhorsku" ("The Charges and Complaints of the Slovaks in Hungary") which appeared in
Leipzig in 1843 which exposed the chief inspector of the
�24
SLOVAKIA
Lutheran Church and schools because of his measure to
magyarize Slovaks for political gain became a sensation.
The Slovaks had been resisting magyarization quietly but
effectively; now, however, they were determined to secure
an independent political status within the framework of
the Hapsburg Empire. All petitions and demands presented in Vienna and in the Hungarian Diet in Bratislava
were prompted by the following statement by stur: "We
seek no rights established on favor, but we demand our
rights on the basis of inherent right." These words became
the underlying proposition on which were based all the
subsequent petitions and demands of the Slovak leaders
for equal rights. Stu.r's debates and controversies with
Kossuth, the Slovak renegade, stemmed from this moral
and democratic principle. He demanded "peace based on
just rights and mutual understanding" declaring: "In the
paper, Pesti Hirlap, Kossuth is fighting for equality of
rights, but in the Diet he advocates orders to investigate
and punish those who define and seek their rights ... That
is Kossuth's concept of freedom and liberalism."5
stur continues to express his thoughts in writing. In
1844, after three years of waiting, he was granted permission to publish the periodical "Slovenske narodne
noviny" ("The Slovak National News") through which he
was resolved to defend the rights of the Slovak people.
The supplement of the periodical was "Orol tatransky"
("The Tatra Eagle"). Both were widely supported and
endorsed by all classes of people, for the Slovak public
rejoiced in the realization that this publication was in
itself a great step forward in their struggle. stur, too,
was gratified. His program for action toward achieving
ultimate freedom was a realistic one. He gave credit where
it was due yet he did not hesitate to denounce the shortcomings of his people. His editorials defended not only
the purity of the Slovak language, but also the recognition
of the inherent rights of the Slovak nation-rights that
affected all their levels of national freedom: political,
literary, social, economic, etc.
His exhortations are as timely today as they were
in 1845: "Let us not yield, Slovak countrymen. Higher is
the cause of the entire nation, higher is the cause of the
�SLOVAKIA
25
whole than of the individual person, and even the individual
harm us, the cause itself does not do so. But with us thus
far, it has been so that individuals offended by our people,
immediately abandoned the cause itself ... "6
stur's periodicals served their purpose effectively for
three years, uniting the people, teaching and enlightening
them and encouraging them during one of the most crucial
periods of their history. This was almost too good to be
true.
When the Magyars began to realize what these publications were doing for the Slovak people, fanning the flames
of Slovak patriotism to the detriment of Magyar hegemony,
they raised an alarm and put in action measures to have
them confiscated or proscribed. Despite this suppression,
however, much of stur's purpose was already achieved.
The Slovak people were nationally awakened. They were
conscious of a cause and of an obligation to defend it.
Most of this new stirring never would have been realized
without stur's activities and publications.
The codification of a literary language, which was
perfected and universally adopted, concretized the efforts
and fond aspir,a tions and hopes nurtured by Slovak literary
leaders in bygone generations. I'..udovit stur knew that the
times were ripe for the Slovak people to appear on the
national scene of history as an independent political entity.
No language, except their own Slovak language could move
the people to political affectiveness. For this reason, stur
chose to advocate the central-Slovak dialect as a political
and literary instrument.
stur was a deputy from Zvolen at the Presporok
(Pressburg - Bratislava) Assembly in 1847-1848. In official
sessions he spoke out honestly and courageously about the
injustice of disregarding the protest of the subjugated
peoples against enforced Magyarization. He also felt dutybound to advocate the equality of all people and sought
the liberation of subjugated nations at the Hungarian
Diet. The firm stand which stur took became a turning
point in Slovak-Hungarian history.
At the Slav Congress in Prague in 1848, stur and
safarik defined the political aspirations of the Congress.
safarik's view was prophetic, while stur made clear the
�26
SLOVAKIA
political program of the immediate present: "Our aim
should be to preserve ourselves. First of all, we must serve
the best interests of our own people and secondarily of
others. Thus far Austria has flourished, but we have been
declining and perishing. What would be the judgment
of the world if we were to s tand for nothing but the
preservation of Austria? Let us proclaim that we desire
to stand as independent Slovanic communities within the
government of Austria."7 stur was far ahead of his day,
in visualizing a program to federalize Central Europe.
According to Bartek, s tur was not a rebel. As long
as there was evidence of national agreement with the
Magyars, he was not for the destruction of the Hungarian
State. He did warn the Magyar ruling class that it could
not forever ignore and suppress the inherent rights of
subject nationalities and exploit the Slavs of Hungary
without expecting them to strike back with righteous
demands for a free national life, for the very rights which
the Magyars had resolved to defend for themselves in
the Hapsburg Empire. 8
When all these representatio ns and demands continued
to be ignored, only then did stur and his group decide
to lead the Slovaks to revolt against the Magyar intolerance
in 1848. The Slovaks were fully aware of Kossuth's
ultimatum declaring that whatever rights they claimed to
have in the kingdom they would have to secure with sword
in hand. There was no alternative now except to resort
to arms. The torch of national consciousnes s carried by
s tur and his group became a beacon light in Slovakia's
struggle for freedom. Though revolt was crushed and
betrayed by Vienna, it stands as a milestone in Slovak
history.
The tragic reversal of the revolutionary attempt did
not affect the leadership or the stature of ~udovit stur
in the estimation of others. The Hungarian revolution paid
dearly for its national intolerance. It too suffered in a
common defeat. Kossuth was forced into exile. stur and
his group were under constant police surveillance, and
many were their thrilling escapes from police snares and
power.
A tragic death during a hunting event in January 1856
�SLOVAKIA
27
brought stur's life to an untimely end. He died according
to his own predictions in which he had foreseen an analogy
of his death in the death of Julius Caesar. Some Slavs
considered him a setting star but actually he is a brilliant
morning star marking a better day in the history of the
Slavic world.
We return to stur to evaluate his work in the light
of today's standards when, after the passing of a hundred
years, the Slovaks are building on this foundation laid
by stur and his school of thought, the promise of hope
fulfilled-if only a new power from the East did not
frustrate the effort. Just as stur repudiated and condemned
the hegemony of the Magyars, so the Slovaks today rebel
against Communist domination and occupation. 13udovit
stur's spirit lives on even though an Iron Curtain creates
physical bariers to liberty.
GERMAN PHILOSOPHICAL INFLUENCE ON STVR
Among stur's earliest academic interests were the
areas of linguistics, philosophy, history and literature. To
pursue these in depth and to broaden his education, he
decided to study at Halle University in Germany. It was
in 1838 that he came to Halle as a twenty-three year old
student-a gifted energetic man of large vision and great
moral strength. He had been held in high repute at home
and exerted notable influence among his peers. At Halle,
he was an utter stranger in a big unknown world, and
the weight of the strangeness that closed in upon him was
of more than mere physical and social order.
University life in Germany was at this time strongly
influenced by the spirit and theories of Hegel. German
thought and academic preoccupation bore upon the topic
of races. Yet this was in a day when the concept of race,
as such, was not even properly formulated. The Germans
tended to construct entire systems of philosophy and
humanistic theory centered on the concept of race at a
period when formal anthropology was just emerging.
Fundamental misconceptions of race overtook not only
historical scholars but also philosophers of history like
Hegel. His philosophical system meant on the one hand,
equating the Prussian state with the prime law of men
�28
SLOVAKIA
and, on the other, constituting materialism as the ideal
of men and of nations. Exposed to this stress of innovation
which was spread throughout scholarly circles by a ready
press and which was further generally publicized by
novelists and writers of all sorts, stur did not escape
acquaintance with these false principles and this false
philosophy of life was what contaminated all Central
Europe. Fresh from the schools of Bratislava, he was not
yet adequately prepared to discern authentic philosophic
truth from political propaganda; nevertheless, he instinctively sensed the need to withhold complete acquiescence
with Hegel. He tried to come to terms with much of Hegel
but by the very fact that stur placed the moral and spiritual
values of men as top priorities he put himself at odds
with some Hegelian principles.
stur's courses of study at Halle deepened his perspectives even as life in Germany provided him with
countless new impressions-views of life and the world,
concepts and ideas in general.
From the German idealistic philosophy, even as from
Hegel, its chief representative, stur adopted some new
theories which resulted in a mental revolution. First among
these was the aspect of dialectical thinking which brought
to naught his previous conceptions of a final validity of
the results of human thinking and activity. This doctrine
maintains that all is in process of development. All is being
transformed and changed and proceeds from a lower to
a higher stage. It affirms that human history is a process
by which the Absolute Spirit unfolds, a "chain uninterrupted" in stur's words. 9 Hegel conceives of history as
a process involving dialectical oppositions revaluating into
a higher content of historical being. Freedom as an essential
of history becomes an absolute necessity.
Hegel's philosophy of history strongly took hold of
stur's mind at this point. The world seemed to be created
for jjudovit stur. He reveled in the thought of its
systematic, architectural classification, its universality
embracing all the dreams of the human spirit, its justice
toward nations, all its sources of learning, its versatile
penetration of all doctrine--all this bore upon him so
overwhelming flood. 10
�SLOVAKIA
29
The wealth of views offered by Hegel's philosophy
opened up an idealistic world of envisioned by spiritual
concept of nations and not construed from previous
assumptions. It provided a new vista into the domains of
the rights of nations among which there existed the future
tribunal of Slavic nations, too, and led stur to the realms
of Christian idealism.
stur's spirit was reanimated. The receptive soil of his
mind was enriched with fertility for the germination of his
own conceived seed. The Germanic world's new concept
of views regarding world history in politics, religion and
sociology at this time impressed and inspired stur more
strongly than it had heretofore affected any other candidate
from Slovak academies.
When stur returned to his native land, he returned
as a Slav, but foremost as a Slovak returned into the
ranks of his confused and puzzled friends and countrymen.
He brought radical concepts to the rational school and to
liberal life. These concepts characteristically dealt mainly
with the Slovak past, present and future, for he brought
from Germany a wide and rich source of philosophical
and economic knowledge as well as a firm determination
to devote his life to the task of national development. stur
translated Hegel's philosophy into Slovak only insofar as
he accepted his concepts, for stur was a realist in his
approaches to the phenomena of life. 11
In his studies at Halle, Germany, stur was also
spiritually revived. He left the university imbued with
strong tendencies for the policies of Kollar and safarik.
He was, however, an ardent Slovak by conviction rather
than by accident of birth as was their lot. He was an
ardent, tireless worker. The versatility of his talents and
the needs of his country brought him to the fore successively as an orator, a writer, a journalist, a politician and a
soldier. Both his friends and enemies proclaimed him the
most remarkable champion of Slovak rights since the days
of Matthew Oak.
r.udovit stur is sometimes accused of blindly accepting
Hegel's philosophy and applying it to Slovak and Slavic
life indiscriminately. It must be remembered, however,
that political and national controversy existing at that
time made it difficult, if not impossible to evaluate Slovak
�30
SLOVAKIA
philosophy correctly. Granted that stur manifests a dependance on Hegel and contemporary German philosophers,
still to present him in this light alone--as his opponents
have done--seems to be a distortion. According to cyzevski,
a former professor of Halle, stur and his followers were
significant for philosophic thought in general. He goes on
to say that stur's generation included several thinkers
who tried to create their own philosophical system, and
who in these times, excelled among all Slovanic nations
in originality of thinking in philosophy. cyzevski elucidated
his point in the scholarly book Stur's Philosophy of Life
in which he clearly points out that stur was not a simple
student and advocate of Hegel's philosophy, but that he
formed his own independent philosophical system, one
which in many ways differed from Hegel's. cyzevski refutes
the charge that: 1. stur was a simple student of Hegel's;
2. that his philosophical views were those of contemporary
romantic philosophy. stur differed from Hegel in his
approach to life's phenomena which he found realistic.
Prior to his studies at Halle, stur had cultivated
genuine national convictions which were anchored upon
Herder's humanistic thought together with messianic
dreams that were to glorify the future of the Slavs. These
convictions enabled him to take a critical stand in regard
to some of Hegel's ideals though he held Hegel in high
esteem. On the other hand, Hegel's dynamic view of history
matched stur's ideas and provided a justification of his
thoughts concerning the Slavic world, especially his views
of the historical development of the world history of
nations comprising the Slavic world. Because of the influences of the Kollar-Herder conceptions of the historical
mission of the Slavs, stur did not fully agree with Hegel
in his concept of the absolute States of Germany and
Prussia, for in these Hegel saw the completion of historical
development. From the viewpoint of theology stur here
saw in Hegel's philosophy definite dangers of pantheism.
An authentic view of stur's attitude toward Hegel's
philosophy is best provided from a personal letter which
he wrote to Samo Bohdan Hrobon. In it he quotes from
Hrobo:n's poem, in which he sees or perceives from a
religious viewpoint, the shortcoming of Hegel's philosophy:
�SLOVAKIA
31
Povez mi pisani! kde hledat spaseni?
Na svete marnem, cili v pravde vecne?
Cili v kouzelne prajine zpomneni?
Cili v krase, lasce nekonecne ... ?
Ach kam jsi zmisel svete me mladosti?
Kam se rozplynul Buh otec milosti?
Nenit ho vice! Usychejte kvety!
Dechnite duse! do propasti svety!
Nebot jiz umrel ten zakon vecnosti,
Ze vlas sa nehne bez povedomosti.
Tell me, 0 Poet, where to seek salvation?
In the temporal world or in eternal truth?
In the respective countries' pulpits?
In beauty, in undying charity ... ?
0 where has disappeared the world of my youth?
Where has vanished God the Father of Mercy?
He is no longer? 0 wither away, ye flowers!
Die, ye souls! until the world's end!
Fear not for eternal laws have decreed
That not a hair shall move without His knewing. 12
Hrobofl's next poem is encouraging and indicates that
the religious home training and strength of Slavic convictions are more forceful than Hegel's philosophical
doctrines:
Zijet duse ma a zit bude vecne jit zadna bure, zaden boj nezlomi
prave ponad ni s tisicmi hromy
Jako stin lahky v uzase preleti
mec obosecny Hegelove vedy.
Duse ma citem plamennym roztopi
Mee ten, do prichu padne zahanbeny.
Mee ten v nicote jak stin se rozplyne
Pred bleskom vecnym bozskeho nadseni!
Antheus slaviansky Herkula porazi!
My soul lives and will live forever Neither revolutions nor war shall ever break its spirit
Directly above myriads of thunderbolts it soars,
�32
SLOVAKI A
Like a thin wall will crumble in confusio n
The two-edge d sword of Hegel's doctrine.
My soul senses a burning flame within it
Melting away that sword that must fall in dust and
shame
As a wall crumblin g in disgrace,
Before the divine lightning of eternal elan
With which the Slavic Antheus
Will destroy a vaunting Hercules .
Both poems bear heavily the weight of tension and
conflict which the sturists experienc ed because of their
selective ness in analyzing and sponsori ng aspects of Hegel's
philosoph y.
In the first poem, stur expressly discourag es the
publicizi ng of the new philosop hy for fear that the time
is not right and many may be complete ly misled by Hegel.
He advocate d that his followers benefit by the worthy
gifts of the great mind of Hegel and accept his philosoph y
only with due reservati ons; that they revamp it to meet
the need of the Slavs.
stur emphasiz ed the inevitabl e depth of philosoph ical
studies to which Slavic youth would have to devote itself.
Moreove r, he took a critical stand and used the German
philosop hic system modified accordin g to his views regarding Slavdom and moral principle .
Hegel's philosoph ical view became an impetus to stur
in his compilat ion and formulat ion of lectures on Slavic
history and poetry .13
In 1840 stur returned from Halle to Bratislav a where
he was assigned to the chair of Slovak Studies in Language
and Literatur e, succeedin g Palkovic in this post. Adequate ly
to understa nd the nature of this assignme nt, it is importan t
to realize the kind of world in which he was to teach.
To say that it was riddled with rank feudalism is all too
simple a generaliz ation. Far truer it is to realize that stur
came to a land where the Slovaks were held in abyssmal
serfdom, in an invincibl e vise of economic , moral, intellectual, spiritual and national bondage. It was the kind
of situation in which misery bred misery, usually in such
forms as alienatio n, alcoholis m, desperati on, extreme dehumaniz ation of the individua l and loss of personal dignity.
�SLOVAKIA
33
- -- - - - - -- -- - - - - -- - - - - - - -
Unmitigated serfdom was reducing the Slovak into
stultified begger stricken with hunger and penury. Denied
schooling and spiritual enlightenmen t he was all too
readily becoming a prey to superstitious folly and to
grossness. The three-fourths who lorded it over the onefourth that was condemned to pay all the land truces ever
collected in the region saw to it that their victims had no
outlook at all for better things to come-either economically or intellectually or in anyway whatever.
The Slovak element enjoyed no public community life
as such and even though some attempts had been made
to root cultural interests and to rouse the people to national
life (such as the organizations at Trnava, Bratislava,
Banska Bystrica and Budapest), they were doomed to
short-term existence for lack of material support.
As a result, Slovak life became necessarily circumscribed to the primitive pattern of the familial unit
highlighted with such events as christenings, weddings and
funerals. Though the Slovak labored unstintingly, he was
not given the joy of benefiting by the fruits of his soil.
When stur surveyed this situation on his return from
Germany, he was forced to recognize this herd of subjugated beggars as his own people committed to mere
animal existence, and all his nobility of soul rose in revolt
at such inhumanity of man to man. But an emotional
responses alone was no solution to the problem. He set
himself to explore underlying causes, mainly the attitudes
of the people themselves, their thinking, their social
structures, their training and development, their milieu
from small dimensional areas to the broad perspectives
of the Austro-Hung arian domain.
Aware of the need for incentives for self-improvem ent,
and realizing that the most effective incentive of all is
man's conviction that he is a being of value and dignity,
his own consciousnes s of self, stur readily understood
what his main teaching role would be to raise a new
generation for Slovakia. He devoted himself completely to
the enlightenmen t of his people and never in the least
deviated from this objective.
Under his aegis there was a vital burgeoning of new
life among Slovaks of the younger element. He led the
�34
SLOVAKIA
young to new founts of elemental truth and saving virtue.
His personality readily put him into the forefront as an
inspired leader as his peers at Bratislava extolled him
for his idealistic elan as well as his admirable self-discipline,
his moral charm and his firmness directed first of all toward himself and secondly toward others. Impressed by the
spirit of stur, Joseph Hurbl!Il who was a close collaborator
wrote at this time: "We must challenge youth to difficult
moral endeavors and teach the young to be concerned
about the future. We must offer them stur as their
paragon."
Influences of the Industrial Revolution as well as
effects of the national revolutions in France and in the
United States were not lost upon young men and women
of the day. Innovations were rampant on the air-romanticism, humanism, realism, revolution, criticism, democracy,
Pan-Slavic romanticism, and a steady stream of trends
and thoughts swept in upon maturing minds.
stur observed it all and amid all of it mourned the
divisive tendencies that tended to break the nation into
two camps: the Catholics and the Lutherans and only
bred new disadvantage. With clear vision he wrote in his
book N drecie ("Dialect"): "There must be an end to this
kind of partisanship; we must effect brotherly unity."
Also "Our entire Slovak family will be united in a common
speech and after centuries of fragmentation and coldness
the members of one family will recognize each other and
greet each other and embrace."
The work of stur, however, soon evoked harsh Magyar
resistance and this alerted him to the reality that it was
not possible to wait for the younger generation to carry
on toward brighter ideals; the need was immediate; the
solution had to be effected now.
His efforts for political support were fruitless. Every
country from which he could have expected help was
interested in pursuing its own advantage rather than in
relieving the plight of another. His last resort was to
exploit-in the best sense of the word-the very language
of his people. By establishing a standarized form of written
expression he sought to bring about one unifying element
for all the nation, one bond to give to all the Slovaks
�SLOVAKIA
35
a sense of one-ness, and through this medium to reach
into the broader spectrum of unified national consciousness
and national thought. He was convinced that given one
common treasure to cherish and defend, they would be
ever ready to defend it, and in this very effort, they
would preserve their national being; without such a common objective they could readily lose even their national
identity. Their common language would be their talisman.
To implement this idea stur collaborated with Joseph
Hurban and Michael Hodza as early as 1843. All three
were agreed that the dialect of the central regions would
lend itself best as the basis for a standard Slovak literary
medium. Bernolak's earlier (1787) experiments with a
literary standard on the basis of western dialects had
been effective to degree but not wholly successful. Perhaps
this was due to the fact that Bernolak's ideas and efforts
were in advance of his times. Perhaps it was because the
western dialects were not the happiest choice he could
have made for a common medium. Perhaps it was due
also to the fact that traditionally the Catholic segment
of Slovak people was ardent in promoting the Slovak
cause while at the same time the Evangelical Slovaks
promoted the Czech language and culture inasmuch a.s
Czech had been adopted as the official liturgical language
of the Lutheran Church. Nevertheless, Palkovic in 1831-32
translated and published the entire bible into Bernolak's
new medium, and the renowned poet Jan Holly (1785-1849)
wrote all his masterly works in the newly codified Slovak
literary standard.
It is understandable then, that Stu.r's innovative effort
was not readily endorsed even by his own Evangelical
critics. In 1840 an open assault on the Slovaks was made
at the General Assembly of the Lutheran Church. Count
Charles Zay, their Inspector-General and some leading
laymen proclaimed racial apostasy as a duty which the
Slovak Lutherans owed to their fatherland and their
religion. They maintained that since "the Magyar language
is the truest guardian and protector of the liberty of our
country, of Europe, and the Protestant cause, it follows
that Magyarization is the duty of every eager champion
of freedom and intelligence." There followed a series of
�36
SLOVAKIA
attempts to ostracize the Slovak language from Lutheran
Synods and presbyteries. Kossuth who was one of the
elders of the Church and a Slovak renegade spoke publicly
in favor of the abolition of all existing Slav societies in
Lutheran schools. One such society at Levoca had already
been suppressed, "as a breeding ground for Pan-Slavism,"
its library was closed and its president, ~udovit stur,
was deprived of his post at the gymnasium.14
Magyarized Slovak overlords, noblemen and landlords
untiringly sought to Magyarize the Slovaks, even imposing
punishment on those who refused to be enticed into the
Magyarized camp. Archbishop Patatic from Kolac, gave
each of the subjects twelve sticks to beat up anyone who
dared to speak in Slovak. It was publicly proclaimed
that the Slovaks and their language must be exterminated.15
Convinced as s tur was, however, of the greater objectives to be attained, he pressed forward with his new
venture. Youth groups espoused the cause very readily and
this support augured well for the future. In 1844 Hurban's
second volume of the annual Nitra appeared in the new
literary standard and in the same year Hodza established
the society Tatrin which officially recognized the new
literary standard and at once put it to use in the publication
of educational books, monographs and instructional pamphlets for the general public.
Within two more years there appeared stur's political
journal (three times a week ) Slovenske Ndrodne Noviny
with its literary supplement Orol Tatransky. All these
projects notably strengthened the newly devised Slovak
literary form of expression and assured its permanent
adoption.
sT-0-R'S SEARCH FOR A SLOVAK LITERARY MEDIUM
Its Effectiveness in Unifying Slovakia
Slovak life was now assuredly given expression through
the Slovak language. stur maintained that it could not
be otherwise and the years have borne witness to his
judgment. The task was demanding but largely because
the ground for the identity of the new generation was
properly prepared. stur not only understand existing
conditions in Slovakia, he formulated, what the nation
�SLOVAKIA
a7
felt, what the nation needed. He gave expression to the
righteous desires and demands of his Slovak nation and
became its model of an inspired leader devoted to spiritual
and public activity. 16
sttir's call for further action was answered by
Sladkovic, Chalupka, Botto, Hurban and countless others
who felt that the proper course had been taken in
establishing their literary language. Even the Lutherans
finally accepted the Central Slovak dialect as a form of
Slovak expression touched by foreign influence of one
kind or another. On this matter the Slovaks had been
merely sorely split in the past but now there promised
to be a common unity to face the momentous events which
were to follow. The work initiated by Bernolak was
completed by sttir. Even John Holly, the greatest Slovak
poet and ideologist of his nation gave sttir his blessing
in this venture.
sttir and his collaborators found the Slovak language
and literature an invaluable instrument for advancing all
their endeavors especially in rousing the nation to selfconsciousness. They studied its historic past and revealed
it to the people who knew little or nothing about their
historic origins and so had little impulse for experiencing
pride of nation. They wanted to lift up the people from
poverty and abandonment, so they enlightened and trained
the general public.17
sttir can rightly be called the reformer of literary
Slovak. Under his dynamic leadership the Slovaks literally
re-emerged from obscurity and oblivion. They asserted
themselves not only culturally but also politically because
they became qualified and fired to forthcoming uprisings
and events that had trans-European reverberations.
A new era unfolded in Slovak cultural and national life
when sttir adopted aesthetic and philosophical principles
in his literary school. At this point romanticism and
nationalism were pactically identical. sttir's cultural activities were timely in Western and Central Europe where
national consciousness, popular art, and folklore were
the order of the day.
In this climate sttir successfully organized his literary
school and cultural activities, which marked a new era in
�38
SLOVAKIA
Slovak national life. The members of this school "imposed
the most exacting task on themselves in order to elevate
the Slovak people to the same cultural level as the rest
of Europe, to release their creative energies and to enable
a new national culture to arise from the existing popular
art and language. 18
sttir and his school were imbued with objectives
directed towards specific social goals. Hence the literature
which they created echoed not only a melancholy restlessness and romantic involvement but also the call for
a better world.
In 1842 a petition signed by two hundred Slovaks led
by their clergymen was submitted to the Emperor in
Vienna. The only outcome of this effort was that is
provoked Kossuth to charge Superintendent Jozeffy and
his colleague Hodza with betraying the Magyar cause and
the Protestant religion. Both men were publically embarrassed and howled down.
By contrast, two voices were raised in defense of the
Slovaks, those of Count John Mailath, Catholic historian
of Hungary, and Count Stephen Szechenyi who stated
in a public address to the Academy that he hardly knew
a Magyar who "is not transformed into a madman and
even more or less deaf to the laws of fairness and justice,
whenever the question of our nationality and language is
raised." He begged his compatriots to "do as you would
be done by." But the day on which 'the greatest magyar'
and his fellow-magnate entered these protests, the popularity of the two Counts began to fail; the frenzy of
Kossuth, voiced in his brilliant and aggressive organ Pesti
Hirlap, carried all before it.
As early as 1842, Kossuth declared in one of its issues:
"Indeed, indeed I tell you, a Slovak nation has never existed
even in a dream." In 1843 he boasted of his glowing love
for his nation as the only one in Hungary which has any
future based upon politics or law. 19
The argument of the German people, Herrenfolk: "We
must be masters in our own house," was already applied
in the "forties" by Magyars to the "foreign inhabitants"
of Hungary.
At this critical time the Slovaks found three leaders,
�SLOVAKIA
39
full of courage and self-sacrifice, r.udovit stur, Michael
Hodza and Joseph Hurban. All three happened to be Slovak
Lutherans, courageous enough to agree in favor of the
central dialect of the Slovak language for essentially
political reasons. This dialect was a unifying factor which
they believed would help strengthen their position in the
struggle against the Magyars and Magyarones.
The Slovaks could no longer stand this type of op-pression. They appealed to King Ferdinand in Vienna. He
in turn said to them: "Every nation in Hungary should
educate and develop itself according to law and justice
and develop its national language as much as possible.
The highest power will not object to this, but rather aid
it in its endeavor."
The Slovak delegation returned home very hopeful.
But at home disappointments and hardships awaited them,
because the King's words fell on deaf ears and did not
phase the Magyars. 20
In 1844 stur was dismissed from his post at the
Bratislava College as Deputy Professor, because he resisted
Count Zay's plans for Magyarization through the school.
Yet stur continued to express his thoughts in writing
in the newspaper he published, "Slovak National News"
("Slovenske Narodne Noviny"). The permission for the
editing of this paper was given by the Hungarian government after an interim of four years. In this paper he
resolved to defend the rights of the Slovak people.
The joy was great in Slovakia. Most of the Slovaks
realized the importance of this news media, and at what
price it was made possible. When it was first issued the
people rejoiced in diverse ways to express their appreciation of its accomplishment.
The supplement to the "Slovak National News" was
"Orol Tatransky" ("The Tatra Eagle") which was a power
to be reckoned with. This newspaper was both instructive
and amusing. It found favor with all classes of people,
and reached all strata of the populace.
stur's program was a realistic one. He gave credit
where it was due. He voiced his opinions in regard to
the shortcomings of his people and denounced their
delinquencies.
�40
SLOVAKIA
The papers served their mission well for three years,
uniting, teaching, exhorting and encouraging the people
during the most stirring time of Slovak history.
His exhortations today are as timely as they were
in 1845: "Let us not abandon ourselves, Slovak country-men.
Higher is the cause of the entire nation, higher is the cause
of the whole, than of the individual and even though
individuals harm us, the cause itself does not do so, but
with us thus far, it has been that individuals offended by
our people immediately abandoned the cause itself ... " 21
The Magyars came to realize what great influence
the new publications were effecting on the Slovak people
and began to clamor for the immediate suppression of
this press. But the embe:rlS had been stirred. Much of
the purpose of the publications had already been achieved.
The Slovaks were finally reawakened nationally.
In 1847, stur was elected to the Hungarian Parliament
as a deputy for the town of Zvolen, Naturally he had
limited influence since he was the only Slovak deputy in the
House. However, his speeches reveal that he was an
enlightened fighter for freedom and social reform, one who
demanded equal rights for all nationalities in Hungary,
in cultural and political life. He repeatedly insisted that
the Diet adopt laws to free the peasant masses from a
feudalistic Robot system and labor rent, and that the
culture of the people and country be promoted by the
establishment of schools in the national tongues of the
people. Among other things he demanded the industrialization of Slovakia and the adoption of humanitarian laws
between the gentry and the working class.
One of the main topics of Stu.r's speeches was the
obsolete social and political structure of Hungary. He was
all for a federalistic system of government which would
give equal justice to all peoples. He advocated that special
efforts be made to develop the State in new social and
political reforms, and to make it a partner of modern
Europe.
In creating their political program, stur and his
followers, took into consideration not only their aims
and desires, but also the existing circumstances. One was
the fact that Slovakia was a part of the Hungarian state
�SLOVAKIA
41
in which it did not constitute a distinctive separative
administrative unit.
The Slovaks were not planning to break away from
Hungary. What they wanted most of all was to have the
boundaries of the Slovak lands defined so that the Slovak
people might have guaranteed equality with the Magyars
in Hungary. This equality they urged was to apply in all
areas of political, social and especially in cultural life.
They intended to present these petitions to the Emperor
and the Parliament but first they wished to have the
endorsement and the views of the Slovak people regarding
their aims and their achievements. In May of 1848 they
met at the parsonage of Michael Hod.za in Liptovsky Sv.
Mikulas where they drew up a form for Slovakia's future
political program called: "Petitions of the Slovak Nation." 22
Its Contribution Towards a Pan-Slavic Movement
Stu.r's role as a reformer of the Slovak literary language was significant and far-reaching. His great efforts
to this direction contributed greatly even to modern Slovak
ideology. It was he who first gave to his people a new
vision of political freedom and of a better future. stur
provided a strong impetus to Slovak life in general by
his own example, and by his writings embracing fields
as diversified as poetry, philosophy, history, sociology, etc.
From his correspondence one learns that he had direct
relations with the leaders of all Slavic peoples. During
his stay in Vienna he came in contact with other Slav
representatives: The Slovene Stanko Vraz, the Croatian
Ban Jelacic, and the Serbian Patriarch Rajacic, who were
working together and made a joint visit to the Imperial
Court.
stur's reforms of the literary language also brought
about the unity of the Slovak people and this, in turn,
was followed by flourishing cultural and literary activities.
His influence was so vital that some of his principles and
ideology still lives in the cultural life of Slovakia.23
The lyrical element is strong in Stu.r's poetry and
prose. He passed from the sphere of the personal and
social into national and Slavic thought in all his works.
The soul of the nation--or of the Slavs-was his
�42
SLOVAKIA
constant subject. He concentrated on the pain of the
nation's sufferings, struggles, and failures and this theme
pervades the climate of his literary works.
stur and his followers were gifted with keen insight
into existing social problems and this vision they combined
with the romantic inheritance of deep attachment to their
country, its people and to the Slavic world at large. They
did their utmost to advocate and to provide democratic
enlightenment for the unpriviledged classes, viz. the
peasants and workers. They defined, encouraged and
glorified their importance, as they glorified the Slavs and
all their past. One of stur's followers, Samo Tomasik,
composed the Slav anthem, "Hej, Slovania," which bespoke
new hope, a new ideal and a great pride comparable to
that expressed in Vajansky's famous verse:
I am proud to be a Slovak
Elegant is my race;
A hundred million souls it numbers,
Over half the world it rules.
With the Slovak tongue you can traverse
The four parts of the earth!
One of my brothers plants the palm
Another does eternal iceland scan
A third skims o'er the widespread seas!
From the phantasy which Kollar inspired as the great
dream of one great Slav nation and one unified Slav language, the Slovaks, as Hans Kohn agrees "feeling abandoned
in Hungary and their national existence threatened, may
have drawn strength and faith in the indeitructibility of
the Slovak people and language," and it helped to continue
to maintain contacts with the cultural life of other Slavic
peoples. 24
stur's contemporaries indicated their Pan-Slavic sympathy and tendencies by reading Russian, Polish, Ukrainian,
Czech, Croatian and Serbian authors in the original and
were very fond of the famous "Ode to Youth" by Mickiewicz.
According to Bobek: "Not even the Poles received it as
enthusiastically as the Slovaks."
The desire of the Slovak poets and novelists of stur's
time was to imitate other Slav writers, and their enthusiastic belief in one "slavic" culture was intense.
�SLOVAKIA
43
Cizevsky maintains: "The only book which shows
similarities with Mickiewicz's "Book of the Polish Pilgrimage" is $tur's work "An Ancient and a New Age of
Slovaks" ("Stary a novy vek Slovakov") because $tur
speaks of another kingdom and of other peoples. However,
$tur deviates, because he wanted to unfold a realistic
program, and Mickiewicz's Book could not satisfy him.
$tur's position among Slav intellectuals of the nineteenth century is well attested among other various media
by his rich correspondence with practically all oustanding
Slavic leaders of the day also the fact that his work
"Slavdom and the World of the Future" was translated
and twice published by Russian intellectuals in the last
century and at the beginning of this century.
$tur, Kollar and $afarik can rightly be regarded as
great figures of the Slavic world to the Slovaks of the
nineteenth century. All three expressed: "in the familiar
mood of the period, a general belief in historical progress,
in a bright future , in the advent of some great spiritual
manifestation, of a new era for mankind which would
establish forever a basis of liberty, peace and happiness."
In visualizing the Slavs as a unified body with a great
future, they helped the awakening of the national consciousness of their own Slav-speaking peoples.25
:CUDOVi T $ TOR'S ROLE
IN THE PAN- SLAVIC MOVEMENT
His Political and Social Thought
Slovakia is sometimes called the mother of the PanSlavic Movement. One of her sons, John Herkel, first used
the word "pan,slavic" in his Latin treaties of 1826. In
addition, the Slovak poet Jan Kollar and the Slovak scholar
P. J. $afarik were among the main leaders of the Pan-Slavic
Movement. As a matter of fact these two are sometimes
considered the fathers of Pan-Slavism in Slovakia.
Herder, in his "Ideas on the Philosophy of the History
of Humanity" ("Ideen zur Philosophie der Geschichte")
prophesied that the Slavs, who up until then were held
in bondage and oppression, would awaken from their
lethargy and free themselves from the shackless, and
eventually recover their possesion of the vast lands that
�44
SLOVAKIA
stretched from the Adriatic Sea to the Baltic, from the
Don to the Mulda. In this heritage they would devote
themselves to the peaceful development of the arts and
commerce. Though unknowingly, Herder sowed the first
germ of Pan-Slavtsm. 26
stur's significance in the Slavic world of this calibre
was assessed by Seton Watson. In regard to the great
literary efforts of stur, Hurban and safarik, Seton-Watson
states: "their writings were of capital importance in the
whole Slav revival of the last century, and form a strange
sentimental link between the Western romantic school
and the extravagancies of Pan-Slavism."
In reference to the first Slav Congress in Prague in
1848 Seton-Watson maintains that stur "played a decisive
part in the preparation for the Congress." safarik, stur,
Hurban and Hodza played a part second to none except
Palacky at that same Congress. An analysis is in order
in regard to these two opinions to determine stur's
significance in the Pan,Slavic Movement.
As early as 1840, stur had recourse to the throne of
Austria and there presented his petitions in regard to the
injustices perpetrated by Hungary against the Slovak
people. He formally presented his petitions to the Hungarian Assembly. It embodied these provisions for the
betterment of the Slav situation:
1) A systematic investigation of the Slovaks who were
maligned by the Magyars in order to obtain protection
for the oppressed; 2) that there be two censors to safeguard Slovak official writings; 3) that a Slovak literary
seat be established at the Bratislava Lyceum and at Pest
University; 4) that certificates and church records be kept
in Latin; 5) that church ceremonies be in the mother
tongue and that every guarantee and assurance be provided
for this practice.
The country was up in arms because the Slovaks dared
to present their cause to the throne. Voluble insults were
heaped upon the Slovaks in the newspapers, at gatherings,
etc. Those who aided the Slovaks or sympathized with
their cause were also abused. 27
It was at this point that ~udovit stur asked for permission to publish his "Slovak National News" ("Slovenske
�SLOVAKIA
45
Narodne Noviny"). Archprince Joseph retorted by saying:
"The Slovaks do not need newspapers. The publishing
of such newspapers would be considered traitorous."
It was the consensus in 1840 that Austria would lean
on the Slovaks for political reasons, that is Slavic Austria,
against Hungarian Austria (Magyar). But in Hungary
Archduke Joseph had the upper hand and things were
shaped his way. He even had control over the deputation
of Slovak Pest in Church matters. At this point he is to
have said: "In Hungary I know only one people and those
are the Magyars. " 28
The phantom of Pan-Slavism repeated its threat in
1830 when Russia established a Slovak literary seat at
its university. The young Russian Slavists began to visit
the Slavs in the South as well as in Central Europe. For
the ensuing years the word Pan-Slavism had political
connotation for the Russian and Germanic nations implying
a belligerent attempt to replace their civilization with
the Slavic civilization. The connotation derived largely
from the subjugated position of the various Slavic nations
at this time. In Vienna the guards were ordered to stress
in each paragraph of the law of magyarization that every
sermon in Slovak churches be preached in Magyar and
in even remote towns and villages there was a strong ban
against Pan-Slavism of any kind.
"In our country and near its borders," wrote Wessel,
in Kossuth's newspaper, Hirlap, December, 1842, "Slovak
mistakes are dangerous and a threat to all Europe and
to our dynasty and country . .. " "Everyone who defies our
Magyar language and our nationalism and who supports
the mistakes of the Slovaks knowingly or unknowingly is
an enemy to the peace and to our federation, and to our
throne." 29
stur did not advocate the destruction of the Hungarian
State. As long as there was any hope for a settlement with
the Magyars, he was amenable to living with a fair situation.
But he warned the ruling Magyar class that they could
not forever ignore and suppress the inherent rights of
the lesser peoples and exploit the Slovaks and other nations
of Hungary without expecting them to retaliate and to
demand a free national life, just as the Magyars were
themselves demanding it from the Hapsburg Empire.
�46
SLOVAKIA
stlir wrote a sensational article "Charges and Complaints of the Slovaks in Hungary" ( ~aloby a ponosy
Slovakov v Uhorsku") published in Leipzig in 1843, in
which he reprimanded the chief Inspector, Count Zay,
for conniving to Magyarize the Slovaks for political reasons.
Count Zay felt that he was truly aware of the political
currents in Slovakia. By a logic all his own, he divided
the Slovaks into three groups. One was to be concerned
about literary matters. The second was eager to establish
a Western-Slav kingdom in Austria; the third was accused
of secret contacts with Russia. 30
It is uncertain whether these three groups were fully
aware of the gravity of the situation of those times;
however, all had one goal in mind: to save the Slovaks
from utter Magyarization and to secure for the Slovak
nation its independent political status within the framework of the Hapsburg Empire.
"We do not want our rights established on favor, but
we demand our rights on the basis of justice," stlir
declared. These famous words laid the foundation to all
petitions and demands presented in Vienna and at the
Hungarian Diet in Bratislava. stlir's debates with Kossuth
all stemmed from this moral and democratic attitude. On
behalf of his nation stlir demanded "peace based on justice
and mutual understanding." He went on to say: "In the
Pesti Hirlap Kossuth is fighting for equality of rights, but
in the Diet he wants to give the orders to investigate and
punish those who stand up for the rights . . . That is his
freedom and liberalism." 3 1
All of Stu.r's writings indicate a clear political view:
Slovakia established as a sovereign crown land under the
Hapsburgs, an equal partner of other nations in the
Empire. In short, he was even back in his own day
for a program of the federalization of Central Europe.
In a sense stlir appeared as a Romantic visionary in
the eyes 0f all who did not favor Slavic reciprocity or
his vision of a great future for the Slavic world, his
untiring demands for equal rights for the Slovak people
and their national independence which he formulated in
the following terms:
"Each nation is only one part of humanity, and no
�SLOVAKIA
47
nation can make for itself the claim that it alone attained
the best possible human evolution and degree of perfect
ability. Thereafter, no nation has a right to impose upon
another nation its way of life when that nation wants to
move for itself and educate itself as it sees fit.
"So that we Slovaks might be revived and assume
in history that place which is rightfully ottrs by reason
of our native strength and abilities we must once and
for all free ourselves, because a nation which is enslaved
has its hands bound, its spirit stifled, and is forever
threathened with danger that sooner or later it will
perish." 32
The year 1848 was ushered in as a promising one,
but before long it became stormy. The more the Magyars
spoke of freedom, the more tyranically did they suppress
all non-Magyars. They did their utmost to turn public
opinion against the Slovaks. Wessel wrote to Kossuth that
he would rather have 50,000 Germans settle the mountain
countries than 10,000 Slavs. Once again intolerance charged
all the climate.
At this point, Pan-Slavism evolved as a defensive
movement among the Slavs rather than as a political
movement aimed at replacing western dominance in
Europe.
The term "Pan-Slavism" has been used generally to
denote the historical tendency of the Slavic peoples to
manifest in their tangible way, either cultural or political,
their consciousness of ethnic kinship.
Cultural Pan-Slavism had its origin in the remarkable
national awakening of the Slavs at the dawn of the nineteenth century. Submerged for long centuries under cruel
masters, the Slavs were quickened to a renewal of awareness of their national identities, not by political leaders,
but by their cultural leaders. These Slavs realized how
they had been deprived of their national identity. They
nourished better hopes for the future by seeking to
reanimate the faded memories of a glorious past. In this
effort they discovered that they were brothers bound by
a common misfortune yet endowed with a vast cultural
heritage. 33
Slavic men of learning helped to initiate national
�48
SLOVAKIA
movements among their countrymen primarily in order
to establish the individuality and cultural worth of each
Slavic group: Bulgarians, Czechs, Slovaks, Poles, Slovenians, Croats, Serbs and Russians. The various romantic
movements were propagated in individual ways and degrees
yet through them the ideal of Slavic unity, which had been
lost in the past by foreign oppression, was to be resurrected with the surmounting and overthrow of that
oppression. Pan-Slavism as a cultural and even as a political
ideal evolved not in Russia, but rather among the Western
and Southern Slavs, who had far more need of unity
than did the mighty Russian Empire.
This stage of Pan-Slavism signaled the national awakening of central and eastern Europe, and was characterized
by interest and emphasis within the areas of language,
literature, and culture. Among the Slavic peoples many
had experienced a thousand years of injustice and mistreatment which yielded an unhealthy state of discouragement and stagnation. Now in the hour of their national
awakening, the Slovak people seek to forgive their cruel
masters rather than to avenge themselves. This attitude
was shaped by the acute yearning they bore for the selfdetermination of their country. As much as they decried
the enslavement of other nations, they would not permit
another to enslave them.
The literary and scientific Pan-Slavism of Kollar and
::;afarik created a powerful national spirit among the Slavs.
Then it became only natural that this desire for national
unity and selfdetermination should demand to be heard
and to begin to be realized within the context of political
Pan-Slavism. It moved in this direction under I.:udovit ::;tur
who perceived by what stages Pan-Slavism must go. He
foresaw that to achieve their glorious destiny, the Slavic
peoples had to attain an assured measure of political unity.
At this point political Pan-Slavism had two alternatives:
Austroslavism, which meant retaining a form of Austrian
political influence, for which ::;tur was ready to settle when
he advocated it at the Prague Congress in 1848, the first
great manifestation of Pan-Slavism and of Slavic identity,
apart from the Hapsburg rule, and Pan-Russianism which
::;tur adapted after the failure of the Prague Congress.34
�SLOVAKIA
49
As Magyar exploitation of the Slovaks and other
minority nations of Hungary continued, stur's admonitions
to the ruling powers fall on deaf ears. The Magyars stubbornly and universally refused to heed any demands for
redress of any kind of settlement with the non-Magyar
nations in Hungary. This attitude helped to precipitate
the revolution of 1848-49, in which the Slovaks also
participated. stur together with Hodza and Hurban led
an armed resistance force supporting Austria against the
revolution of the Magyar aristocrats. That the Hapsburgs
were forgetful of this effort and ungrateful to the Slovaks,
that they finally settled with the Magyars at the expense
of the non-Magyar nations of Hungary, did not help the
issue of the dissatisfied minorities. The settlement of 1867,
referred to as Austro-Hungarian but being in reality
Austro-Magyar, became the burial pit of the monarchy
which could have become a mighty confederation in Central
Europe. It was I.:udovit stur and not the Slovak Magyar
chauvinist, Louis Kossuth, who was the genuine democrat. 35
No setback dismayed stur completely or caused him
to lose heart. Under opposition and failure he tended to
redouble his energy. stur was the heart, Hodza the brain,
and Hurban the soul of the revolutionary movement. They
set themselves anew to collect funds, provide weapons,
organize a volunteer corps, choose trained soldiers to lead
them, financially aid patriots who were in prison and
conduct a vast correspondence. Though defeated and betrayed in the outcome by Vienna, the Slovak revolution of
1848-49 marked an important milestone in Slovak history.
The first large public manifestation of the Sl0vaks
occured on May 10, 1848 at Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas. On this
occasion a historic memorandum embracing six articles
expressing the demands of the people was adopted unanimously. In substance these articles were:
We demand that our people be permitted to· take
part in the legislative deliberations of the land, and
this not only de jure but de facto. And as such
participation can alone become real and profitable
when conducted in a language that is intelligible to
us, we ask for our representatives the right to speak
Slovak in the Diet.
�50
SLOVAKIA
We demand the right to plead and answer cases
in the courts of law in Slovak.
We demand that the school training of our youth,
which is now so woefully neglected, be conducted in
the mother tongue.
We demand just and equitable representatives in
the Diet.
We demand for ourselves, and shall forever ask
that our nationality, which we will never renounce,
remain inviolate and inviolable.
We demand that this petition be made known
within the entire juristiction of Hungary, in Croatia,
and Slavonia and be brought to the notice of the
viceroy and of the Hungarian ministry, to the end
that all friends of liberty and humanity may plead our
just cause.36
Open-air meetings were held in larger towns throughout all regions during the spring of 1848. Equality and
liberty, the maintenance and defense of the Slovak language
were the keynote of them all. The Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas
program was endorsed by a dozen towns supplemented
here and there with petitions to meet subordinate local
needs.
Swiftly spread the news that Louis Phillipe had
forfeited his crown to the French republicans, in 1848,
anfi it reached every corner of the Hapsburg monarchy.
Vienna was seething with political excitement. Prague was
in feverish anticipation of the approaching Slavic Congress
scheduled to meet there on June 2, in protest against
the bartering of Slavic Austria to Greater Germany.
stur went to Vienna after the March Revolution. There
he met other Slav representatives, especially Ban Jelacic
and the Serbian Patriarch Rajacic, who were working
hand in hand and paid joint visits to the Imperial Court.
At this early stage of developments, stur received an
invitation from the students at Prague which he accepted
and through which he played a decisive part in the
preparations for the Slav Congress. On April 30, he made
a strong appeal in favor of united common action between
the Slovaks and the Czechs. For the time being, at least,
there was a healing of the breaches and disagreements.37
�SLOVAKIA
51
A manifesto program which was initiated by Hurban,
was issued at Teplice in the name of the Slovaks as the
original occupants of this region. It was addressed simultaneously to the Crown and to the newly-formed national
government at Pest. Its main demand was that there be
convened a General Parliament for the brother nations of
Hungary. Precipitously, any further movement in this direction was promptly suppressed by the Magyar authorities.
Kossuth thundered against the Pan-Slavs in Parliament.
Hurban and a few others were obligated to flee and they
joined stur in an attempt to rouse Bohemia, Moravia and
Slovakia to common action, and acclaimed Prague as the
heart of tl<le Slavic world. Meanwhile, Hodza issued a small
book in German, presenting an answer to the Slovaks
to Count Zay and his summons that a choice be made
between Magyarizations and the Russian knout. Hodza's
fiery response was: "Rather the Russian knout than
Hungarian domination, for the one can only enslave our
bodies, while the other threatens us with moral ruin and
death." 36
The time was ripe for action by the Slavs. stur
proclaimed a Slavic Congress and agreed with Czech
writers to set the date for May 31, 1848. Prague was chosen
for the site of the Congress. A total of 362 delegates were
present representing various Slavic nations, especially those
under the Hapsburg rule, but the Poles and the Russians
were also represented. The express objective 1tf the meeting
was the establishment of contacts and regular exchanges
among the Slavic peoples and the drawing up of a program
of action for all peoples living as subject nations under
Austria and/ or Hungarian domination. The four Slovak
leaders-safarik, stur, Hurban and Hodza-played a part
second to none. They were determined to make Slovakia
an equal with Bohemia and Moravia, as part of a Czech-Slav
federal unit, such as Palacky had contemplated.
At this Congress stur offered a program for federalizing Central Europe. The Czech were consistent supporters
of Austroslavism. Consequently the problem came to be
narrowed down to a definition of terms: The objectives
of the Congress was either to save Austria, for with her
lay the best chances of maintaining Slavic identity, or
�52
SLOVAKIA
immediate prov1s10n for the Slavic peoples living under
Austria. stur made it clear, that his aim was not specifically
to preserve Austria, under whom the Slavs had hitherto
rotted, but to preserve his own people; Austria, he added,
was decrepit and lay under a curse. He went on to say:
Our aim should be to save ourselves, not to save
Austria. First we must work for ourselves, then for
others. Thus far Austria has been flourishing but we
have been languishing. What would the world say to
us if we stood for nothing but the preservation of
Austria? Let us say that we want to stand as independent Slovanic communities under the government
of Austria . . . this will give our work a genuinely
Slovanic accent ...39
stur felt that the program of the Congress should
be: 1) the creation of independent Slavic united states
within Austria, and 2) prompt agreement to this, so
that the Austrian armies might be authorized to destroy
Magyar encroachments into Slovakia.
stur stressed Slavic independence: "If we are to
assume that place in history which rightfully belongs
to us by reason of our ability and strength, we must
once and for all free ourselves from this intolerable
foreign thraldom and gain national independence for
ourselves." 40
The necessity of remaining with the Austrian cadre
was crystal clear to stur yet he made no secret of his
distrust of Austria. The Czechs felt otherwise. Because
they had not been mistreated as were the Slovaks under
the Magyars, they were willing to accept and abide by the
vague promises of the Austrian Emperor that Slavic rights
would be recognized and respected.
In return for these promises, the delegates of the
Congress pledged full support to Austria in her effort to
subdue the Magyars. In addition, they adopted a "Manifesto
t o the European Nations" which called for the following
objectives:
1. That the Slavic people under Turkish rule be freed.
2. That the Magyars acknowledge the rights of the
�SLOVAKIA
53
Slovak nation, including the right of its own language.
3. That the Croatian autonomy be maintained.
4. That the Slovenians be permitted to possess their
land. 41
sttir felt that the Congress was a failure, because it
seemed simply to reduce the Pan-Slavic movement to an
attempt to reorganize Austria in a way to satisfy the
nationalism of the Slavs. The insurrection of 1848 against
the Magyars had also failed. sttir was disappointed to say
the least and in the Pan-Slavic Movement was shaken.
But he still cherished the hope that Slavic independence
would be possible. In his despair and disillusionment,
he became almost convinced that a small nation could not
attain its freedom alone. Twice he had experienced having
his great hopes in behalf of Pan-Slavism shaken. Now only
one more possibility remained: alliance or association with
Russia, for Russia alone of the Slavic nations was powerful
enough to lead others to independence. This conclusion
became the basic idea developed in his book, "Slavdom
and the World of the Future," a work which extols the
cultural, moral and political forces of the Russian Empire.
It also presents a detailed program for the union of Slavs
under the leadership of Russia.
HIS POLITICAL RE-ORIENTATIO N
In 1848 and 1849 when the Magyars under Kossuth
arose in armed rebellion against Austria, demanding complete independence, the Slovaks braced themselves against
a new wave of Magyarization pressures. Led by sttir and
his collaborators, they fought in their units with the
Austrians and then with the Russian Armies to subdue
the Magyar rebels. In return the Slovaks hoped to gain
from Vienna recognition of their own national aspirations.
Vienna, however, disappointed them and overlooked guaranteeing their rigl;lts against the encroachment of the
Magyars. Furthermore, influenced by Kollar, the imperial
court used the antiquated Biblical Czech of the Protestants
as the official Slovak language in the translation of the
laws, for instruction in the schools, and in the newly
established newspaper sponsored by the government,
�54
SLOVAKIA
"Slovak News" ("Slovenske Noviny"), published in Vienna.
The fruits of Stu.r's labors seemed doomed and at this
point he turned with greater hope to Russia.
The Revolution that erupted in Paris in February 1848,
and reverberated throughout Europe, encouraged the movement in Hungary. It affected the development of Slovak
life and helped to bring the Slav political program to
greater maturity. Individual regions of Slovakia rebelled
against the imposition of Hungarian as the only recognized
legal language and strove to secure sanctions for Slovak
as their official language. The native tongue of the Slovak
people represented the very survival of Slovakia.
stur's basic concept in "Slavdom and the World of
the Future" ("Das Slawenthum und die Welt der Zukunft")
was an exceptional tribute to the cultural, moral and
political forces at work within the Russian Empire. This
work also included a detailed plan for the union of all
Slavs with Russia, "the most complete and consistently
developed program for the subjugation of Slavs to Russia,"
according to Professor Lednicki.
stur adopted Herder's and Hegel's ideas which in turn
provided the Slavs with a consciousness of unity based
upon the communal element of language and a glorious
destiny, proclaiming them as the prospective leaders of
Europe. stur stressed the belief that the Slavs have a
mission to fulfill in universal history, and that this mission
can be fulfilled only if they are united. There were three
procedures to consider:
1. Slavic federation without Russia.
2. Transformation of Austria into a Slavic federation.
3. Union with Russia as a monarchic empire under
Russian leadership, united in the Orthodox Church
and the Russian literary language.
The first two approached did not appeal to stur's
vision gf a Slavic world of the future. Because of geographical features and considerations, internal rivalries,
religious and cultural differences, and intermingled nonSlavic elements, any attempt to federalize the Slavic nations
at this time seemed doomed to failure. 42
Since the Slavs were to be leaders of the "new"
Europe, stur set out to determine whether the Slavs really
�SLOVAKIA
55
had a role of their own to fulfill in world history. At this
point they were not in position to do anything significant
but history was a progression of spent nations being
replaced by young one, and stur envisioned a future in
which Slavic emancipation would eventually occur.
There was no use in looking to the West for support
in securing Slovakia's self-determination for, the West was
already on the downward path to moral, political and
social dissolution. Western civilization had deteriorated,
the West itself needed help. Only Slavs could aid the Slavs.
stur went on to paint a highly romantic picture of
the Slavs, representing them as good at heart, patient,
humble, kind and democratic. These were the general
characteristics of all the Slavs, but especially of the Russians who were visualized as being at the apex of all the
nobles features of the Slavic nations. stur did not know
them personally. He had never been in Russia, neither had
he any prolonged contact with Russians. He simply claimed
that it had to be so logically, since the Russians were
the leaders of the Slavs; they had to be the best Slavs.
He was convinced too that unity was an absolute necessity
if the Slavs were to achieve their historic mission. The
only alternative left was union with Russia. 43
"Russia is the prime mover and the leader of our
national family. Our people are but a fragment of a single
nationality. They can be reborn and united into a single
whole only by a elated benevolent and great Power." In
stur's mind that power was Russia. "Let us go forth
together in the spirit of our own people, under the leadership of the racial elders given to us by history."
The Slavist, Professor Petrovich maintains that "The
failure of the Slovak revolution and other political demonstrations brought stur to the conclusion that it was u.seless
for his people to seek its own freedom alone or in the
framework of Austroslavism." 44
This definitive decision on the part of stur amazed
contemporary experts in his Slavic world. Yet it is not
hard to understand stur's position when one realized the
facts with which stur had to live in the 1850's. Since his
primary goal was Slavic nationalism, Slavic unity, Russia
was the only leader to whom to turn since Austroslavism
�56
SLOVAKIA
failed. His main objective was the creation of a federation
of independent Slavic states under the Russian leadership,
the same kind of action he had urged at the Prague
Congress in 1848 for Austrian leadership.
The Slavic peoples of the Austrian Empire, such as
Czechs and Slovaks, and the smaller groups looked more
and more toward Russia for help, since they found themselves outnumbered by the ruling Germans and Magyars.
A second Pan-Slav Congress met in Moscow in 1867.
The Poles were not represented. They considered the
Russians their national enemies and oppressors. Russian
chauvini&m was apparent throughout the congress. From
that time on Russian nationalists wished to use Pan-Slavism
as a tool for Russian expansion at the expense of nonRussian Slavs for the destruction of the Austrian Empire
and the Turkish Empire. Both Empires contained large
Slavic minorities.
The Russian war against Turkey in 1877 was accompanied by Pan-Slavic agitation to liberate the Balkan Slavs,
especially the Bulgarians, from the Turkish domination.
World War I also started partly because the Russians
supported the Slavic Serbs against the Austrian Empire.
The fact that Russia herself oppressed several Slavic
peoples--the Poles, the Ukrainians, and the Byelorussian s
-and the fact that the Russian tsarist autocracy was
politically and socially backward militated before 1914
against the claim of the Russians to be regarded as the
spokesmen of all Slavs.45
All the peoples, with the exception of the Croatians,
Slovenians and Serbs were united under Moscow's leadership, and thus many of the extravagant Russian aspirations,
voiced during the Pan-Slav Congress in Moscow, in 1867,
were fulfilled .46 Stu.r's great dream of a family of Slavic
peoples united under Russia may also become a reality
-but not under an Orthodox Church as a dedicated
community, nor under an enlightened Russian Tsar with
humanist and liberal views, nor as a Russian group
struggling for the highest ideals of freedom and respect
for human beings, as stur wished to see it in his work
"Das Slawenthum und die Welt der Zukunft" ("Slavdom
and the World of the Future"), but under a disastrous
�SLOVAKIA
57
policy, the cornerstone of which was laid at Yalta in
February, 1945.
This policy destroyed Europe's individuality and enlarged the power of the Kremlin, a power that has kept
all humanity under constant tension since 1945 and is
a threat to the freedom of all the states it has not yet
captured. It led to the subjugation of an additional 200
million Europeans. On the soil in Northern, Central and
Southern Europe, there arose a new Soviet colonial system.
At a time when in the free world, peoples who
have never enjoyed self-govenment in the past are
gradually attained nationhood and are assisted by the
United Nations in the achievement of their rightful
aspiration-the exact reverse process has been taking
place in Central and Eastern Europe. 47
ST-OR'S IMPACT ON SLOVAKIA
Revival of Slovak National Life
stur knew it was imperative that the Slovaks be
awakened nationally; otherwise they were doomed as a
nation. The nation needed scholars who would delve into
antiquity and from the glory of the past raise a national
enthusiasm and groundwork on which to build for the
future. He assumed the task of providing them. The Slovak
historian, Julius Botto, says of stur: "He trained for the
Slovak nation energetic, selfless men, genuine national
heroes."
Since the Slovak gentry continued to yield its national
identity and was overshadowed and even absorbed by
Magyar influences, the Slovak people became abandoned
in the midst of a rising alien nationalism and political
transformation. Slovak intellectuals had the vision to
realize what was happening and considered it mandatory
to take over the culture of the Slovak peasants, middle
classes and a sparse number of nationally minded aristocrats and garner from these elements their own national
culture and new national consciousness. Without stur's
important role in this effort, the Slovaks might now be
a forgotten nation.
stur successfully organized his literary school and
cultural activities in this climate and was successful in
�58
SLOVAKIA
bringing about a new era of Slovak national life. Since
he had a mystical idea of the nation, and respected it as
a person, his approach was a philosophical one. Aesthetic
and philosophical principles were inaugurated into his
literary school and became the foundation of the Slovak
nation revival of the nineteenth century.
In the past, Slovak national life was little more than
a conglomerate of regrets and passive laments, a life of
hapless "do nothing." stur set up positive perspectives
to create higher cultural and political values and he did
not rest until the people were persuaded to adopt these
new views. He repeatedly advocated a higher and stronger
degree of national pride. He asked the Slovaks not to seek
the source of their national pride in foreign gardens since
they had it right at home in their midst.
stur and his school knew what hopes were directed
toward attaining concrete political and social gains; he
realized how ready his people were to entertain enthusiasm
and spirit for a better world.
National and Slavistic themes permeate stur's poetry
and prose. The soul of the nation-or of the Slavs-was
his constant subject; he was always preoccupied with the
nation's sufferings, struggles and failures. These topics are
the substance of all his written works.
The Slovaks, as Hans Kohn rightly says, "feeling abandoned in Hungary and their national existence threatened,
may have drawn strength and faith in the indestructibility
of the Slovak people and language." This thought supported
them and enabled them to continue to maintain contacts
with the cultural life of other Slavic peoples.
Although stur was not the only leader during the
national revival, he embodied more vitally than did the
others the true spirit of 1848. In his own right he is called
the Daniel O'Connell of Slovak history. At this point is was
not only necessary for the Slovak nation to map out
definite goals, but it was also imperative to chart the way
for coming generations of the Slovak nation in order that
this goal might be realized and preserved.
The task challenging stur and his followers was very
complicated. Besides honoring, they had to find a way and
means to discharge all the work before them in a way
�SLOVAKIA
59
that would be worthy of scrutiny both in their own day
and in the light of history. Much of their work had to be
accomplished under duress, when revolutionary forces
were mounting, when fierce struggles had to be met to
insure national existence and the ennobling of the social
stratum of the Slavic people. $tlir's generation had no
alternative, but to play the role of a vanguard of the Slovak
bourgeoisie which had to be inspired with national consciousness and formed into a worthy class. The group
v0luntarily assuming this role is called the $tlir generation;
in literature it is called the stur school, since it was
Cudovit stur and his group who adopted the traditions
of the Bernolakians for the Slovak linguistic cultural and
national independence. In short, they gave the Slovak
nation both a solid ideology and definite direction under
the leadership of Cudovit $tlir.48
Cudovit stur's activities were directed mainly on behalf
of his native country, his main interest being the Slovak
people caught in an insufferably miserable situation and
desperately needing a solution of their problems. He threw
all his efforts into achieving a social and national awakening of his people and into raising their standards so that
they could be counted as a social and national force.
In the memorable Bratislava parliament of 1847, he
tangled in a heated discussion with Kossuth. stur declared:
"We want freedom. It is easily said that there is plenty
of freedom in our homeland: yes, not only an abundance,
but even an oversupply of freedom." And he went on to
add, "but only the landowner's brand of freedom; for of
the real, human and personal freedom there is very little.
If our towns had had more freedom, our people would
never have fallen into such thraldom."
Kossuth's reply to this was: "That cannot be helped;
that is the way the world moves. It is the fate of one
who stands lower in the community to be suppressed and
bear the burden and taxes; on the other hand, the one
who comes along better in civic life receives rights and
stands in honor. At this time I am opposed to granting
towns a vote in our Assembly."
stur could not be silenced. Again he met Kossuth
in the Hungarian Assembly and said: "Recently when I was
�60
SLOVAKIA
present here and mentioned the sorrowful plight of the
wretched taxpayers, the worthy deputy of Pest County,
Mr. Kossuth, saw the hand of fate in the oppression of
the people and said that is the way of the world when
the lower class is suppressed and the higher class arrogates
more rights to itself. I see no hand of fate in the matter,
because then the status of the oppressed could never be
corrected. We demand freedom in the country and the
assignment of urbanial jobs which are not in line with
freedom. Does a person who works, who works for the
benefit of others and receives contempt instead of reward,
have a fatherland? Will such a person become as devoted
to his country as he would be to his mother? The sacred
cause of mankind challenges us to declare the principle
of the liberation of people and honestly bring it into reality.
When this redemption is accomplished, the judical power
of the landowner and the country gentry must cease,
because freedom would not be served if a people liberated
from the robot would continue to remain under the staves
of the Lords." 49
stur's main aspiration was freedom. If his only achievement had been his effort for the rights of the enslaved
and subjugated at the Bratislava Assembly, he would have
deserved to be honored among the most distinguished sons
of the Slovak nation. But he did not only that but even
more and because of this fact he is loved and revered
by the Slovak nation.
In him were concentrated the cultural and social
endeavors of his predecessors, with the strength and
courage needed for a living national organization. Without
his concentration the pursuits of an independent national
culture would have been impossible. His greatest merit
lies in the fact that he assumed the historical task of
uniting the multi-cultural strength of the Slavs into a
national liberation front.
A legendary atmosphere was built around the magnetic
personality of stur by those who knew him. Around him
there crystallized, as it were, a veritable aura of national
life as is reported by William Pauliny Toth who said of
him : ":Cudovit stur is favored epochally as a created vision
in the history of. the Slovak- Nation." 50
�SLOVAKIA
61
Shir in his time understood that the Slovak national
process had matured and that Slovakia must appear on
the scene of history as an independent political factor. It
is in this foresight also that Shir's merit lies. He exemplifies the Slovak national spirit as a man possessed with
deep convictions and great strength of will sufficient to
execute them. His prime purpose, as we have already
mentioned, was to see Slovakia united culturally, politically
and socially.
We must recall for our own benefit and on behalf of
the free world that stur did not hesitate to accept and
carry to completion the work of preceding Catholic generations; he was ready to press on in order to preserve
the heritage of the Slovak nation, though he was not
a Catholic, but a Lutheran and a member of the Protestant
Evangelical Church.
Contributions as an Energizing Stimulant
to Slovak Life in General
It can be said with assurance that in the history of
the Slovak nation, no individual accomplished as much
in so short a time as did :Cudovit stur, who was only
forty-one years of age when he died. This was possible
only because of the gifts of this phenomenal leader and
because of the fact that the ground and the time were
ripe for the ascension of a new generation. stur found
that he could approve of much that already existed in
Slovakia and he was ready to formulate what the nation
needed and demanded in his day.
One wonders how it was possible at this critical time
for a man to dare to undertake structuring a spiritual
foundation of modern life for the long slighted and
forgotten Slovak people. Though we cannot understand the
force that inspired him we can appreciate the phenomenon
that in one generation, only one extraordinary person, one
:Cudovit stur, appeared as a great leading luminary among
approximately two million of his people.
It goes without s~ying that the Slovak people are
grateful to stur and to those who sacrificed much with
him for the Slavic cause. Their work was aimed toward
the realization of the spiritual plan of Slovak life envisioned by genius and inspiration.
�62
SLOVAKIA
The Slovak nation was not fortunate enough at this
time to have a 1,1mg and cherished tradition or the advantage
of experienced mature people on which to rely. Over long
centuries of oppression under a foreign element, it was
their fate to be wholly submissive and in this attitude to
develop no leaders. Now they had to rely entirely on
comparatively young men for new ideas and new leadership. The Slovak youth was entrusted with the new dawn
and to project future goals, because the difficult life of
the Slovaks in the past did not allow the elders to foster
a strong national life. While many other European nations
had their noble classes to fight their battles and to lead
them to new eras, the Slovaks had no social upper strata
on which to rely for inspiration. Their nobility and their
middle class as well were lost by fusion with other elements
predominantly Magyar milieu. Slovak national awakening
consequently was achieved by the sons of humble people,
usually the strong leaders from among the Catholic and
Protestant clerical circles.
The Slovak language as a literary medium which was
chosen by l'..udovit stur and his collaborators was accepted
by the Slovak population in 1843. Under his dynamic
leadership the Slovaks literally re-emerged from obscurity
and oblivion. They asserted themselves not only culturally
but also politically by their participation in the uprising
in 1848-49. During this revolutionary upheaval they sided
with the Emperor in Vienna but were ill-rewarded for their
services. Their repeated petitions for self-determination
and for guarantees of unhindered cultural development
were repeatedly denied them.5 1
In 1867, when the Austrians concluded a dual agreement with the Magyars, the Slovaks were left at the mercy
of the Magyars. Under this arrangement, Slovak high
schools and cultural organizations were suppressed. Education on an elementary level was permitted in the Magyar
language only. Any who dared to resist magyarization were
victimized and inprisoned. Thousands of Slovaks found it
necessary to leave their native country and migrated to
the United States of America.
I.:udovit stur and his generation fired the Slovaks with
new national life, a clear goal and a firm sense of direction
�SLOVAKIA
63
in the spirit of stt1r's slogan: "Backward we cannot go,
Forward we must!"
"Forward" means to free the people from the yoke
of slavery and lead them along the road of independence
and true national cultural growth within a truly free
country. To achieve this tne Slovak nation needs a political
program. The cataclysm of the Revolution of 1848 that
struck Europe impelled the Slovaks to develop their
political program without further hesitation or delay.
The Slovaks reassessed their aims, and aspirations as
well as prevailing circumstances. Since Slovakia was part
of the Hungarian State, they wished primarily to have
the boundaries of the Slovak lands clearly defined in order
that they might have guaranteed equality with the Magyars
living in Hungary.
The Magyars opposed the justified petitions of the
Slovak nation. They banned all Slovak assemblies and
treated Slovak leaders as traitors deserving imprisonment.
When the Slovaks perceived what obstacles their
political program met with in Hungary, they resorted to
arms against the Magyars who themselves were engaged
in a rebellion against the Emperor. The Slovak rebellion
in 1848-49 ended indecisively. The Russian army was asked
to help subdue the revolting Magyars and absolute rule
was imposed in the country. The Magyars were punished
and the Slovaks were forgotten. 52
The Slovaks renewed their political activity in 1861.
They detailed their principles in newspapers and later
called an assembly at Turciansky Sv. Martin where they
formulated a renewed Slovak policy within the comprehensive "Memorandum of the Slovak Nation." They asked
that the Slovaks be permitted the right to develop their
own life without restriction. They asked that they be
recognized as a nation by a special proclamation, and that
Slovakia constitute a distinctive administrative unit in
Hungary. These petitions were submitted to Emperor
Franz Josef (1849-1916). The only concession granted to
the Slovaks was permission to establish a cultural institute
called "Matica Slovenska" ("The Slovak Institute"). They
were also allowed to use private funds to build three high
schools for the education of Slovak youth.
�64
SLOVAKIA
The position of the Slovaks grew steadily worse in
Hungary. Feeling the pressure of denationalization at every
step, they did not stop pledging their allegiance to Hungary.
All these attempts even at appeasement proved futile .
The Hungarian Parliament passed legislation which suppressed Slovak life yet not even these adversities broke
the Slovak nation, for the Slovaks believed "That truth
has never yet suffered in vain, nor will our Slovak truth
suffer needlessly," according to the prophetic dictum of
Andrej Hlinka in 1907 spoken as he was being led to
prison.53
$TOR IN CONTEMPORAR Y HISTORIC PERSPECTIVE
Practicality of Stur's Ideals
:r.udovit stur's role in the revival of Slovak national
life was far reaching and vitally important. As a reformer
of the Slovak literary medium he contributed to modern
national Slovak ideology. He gave his people a new perspective and vision of political freedom and of a better
future. His writings provided a powerful impetus to Slovak
life in general.
His manifold contributions to the Slovak national
revival were not limited to Slovakia alone, but to the
over-all Slavic world, since Slovakia and the Slovak people
are a part of the Slavic world. Neither is his greatness
only by the role he played at the first Slavic Congress
in Prague, but also by his rich correspondence with all
outstanding Slavic leaders, as well as his work "Slavdom
and the World of the Future" which was translated and
published twice by Russian intellectuals in the nineteenth
and twentieth centuries.
stur's school of thought laid the foundation for the
self-determinatio n of Slovakia more than a century ago.
Even in the present the Slovaks are building upon this
foundation. They will keep on pressing their point and
cherishing their hope of success until they do attain
complete freedom from all foreign domination. Just as
stur had defied and condemned the hegemony of the
Magyars and the materialistic philosophy of Marx and
Engels, so do they hope in this day to overcome all
obstacles to true freedom.
�SLOVAKIA
65
The followers of stur made the entire nation their
concern. They applied themselves to improve the country's
economy; they did their utmost to wipe out alcoholism,
indifference, and illiteracy; they labored unceasingly to
arouse national consciousness in more ways than one.
The people at large responded and co-operated generously when r:,tur began to publish his "Slovenske Narodne
Noviny" ("Slovak National News") which had great influence on the thinking of the common people. stur's articles
recalled the heritage of the Slovak people, the glory of its
language, morals, customs, and its homeland-which unites
the nation as a whole and constrains it to press forward
towards attaining the goal of unity.
It was necessary to make the nation feel that someone
was supporting it and was concerned about its welfare.
The people had to be dealt with humanely. This applied
to individuals as well as to groups.
The Slovaks were threatened with complete annihilation, hence stur had to appeal to the mind, the feelings
and the very character of the nation. Without first uniting
this nation he could gain nothing. The sturists envisioned
their task as not the conversion of renegades, but the
instruction of the people to help themselves, to recognize
and to fight for their God-given rights.
Stu.r's newspaper served all classes of people to some
degree-the intelligentsia, the laborer, the peasant, the
minister of the Gospel, the merchant and the tradesman.
The Slovaks did rouse themselves to national consciousness. Without effective journalism of the type provided
by stur it would have been impossible to unite the Slovaks
in so short a time.
stur and his collaborators were realists. They encouraged and exhorted the people to better themselves
by overcoming indolence and ignorance. They provided
and encouraged private enterprise and more efficient ways
of doing things in all fields of endeavor.
The school problem was a factor of great concern to
stur and his coterie. They indicated the necessity of cultivating the native language, the importance of enlightenment,
the value of reading centers, libraries, sound agricultural
programs, progress in industrial and financial enterprise,
�66
SLOVAKIA
revision in tax scales, improvement in animal husbandry
and many other subjects. Temperance societies were
promoted as were cultural and social institutions. Many
stur followers taught Sunday school classes. This innovation of stur was probably the most interesting of all
movements in Slovakia. stur and his followers were not
dreamers; they were practical idealists who had the welfare
and security of the Slovak people at heart.54
stur's school of thought built the foundation for the
independence movement as well. With the help of his
co-workers ::;tur's literary school to a great extent fulfilled
the function of a political and military leadership, thereby
elevating the Slovak people to the cultural level of the rest
of Europe. For these achievements stur's progressive
pedagogical heritage shall continue to live among us for
a long time. His practical and wise suggestions, his courage,
his vision, selflessness, his many precedents which could
be used and developed in our day serve as an undying
example for future generations of Slovaks, inspiring them
to work for their country's freedom, independence and
recognition. At the same time future generations are
challenged to keep alive the flame of the torch which
was passed to them by stur's unfaltering hope of a better
world on the morrow.
Despite stur's comparatively youthful age, his cultural
and social activities were many-sided and diversified.
Slovaks in the free world can gain much by a study of
his works.
Because stur and his co-workers were human, they
naturally made some mistakes. However, their mistakes
were those of the century in which they lived. It behooves
us to judge them according to the fruit of their labor,
the results of their work which brought a new perspective
to the Slovak nation.
stur can rightly be numbered among the outstanding
European revolutionaries of his time. He was a great
apostle of democracy and freedom for all people.
The shining light among the Slovaks of the nineteenth
century, the formulator of their political and social
program, as well as the interpreter of their national desires
was ~udovit stur-the Father of modern Slovak nationalism .55
�SLOVAKIA
67
Application of stur's Theories
in Subsequent Slovak History
The evolution of Slovak national life and the role
of ~udovit stur in its development are mutually inclusive.
Once one delves into a study of stur's life work, he
becomes permanently fascinated with it and cannot be
shed the charm of this genial creator of modern national
Slovak ideology.
stur was endowed with extraordinary creativity and
originality of concepts. Only a genius could create works
of lasting value which survive long after his death. It is
only natural that we return to stur and find support in
him. He is an incentive to future generations to do even
better things than he did. However, to date, he ranks as
one of the most outstanding Slovaks of all time.
Slovakia is grateful to many Slovak leaders who
sacrificed everything for the nation. But most of these
also worked for the realization of the spiritual plan of
Slovak life which was spelled out and left to us by stur
and his co-workers. They gave expression to the righteous
desires of the Slovak nation and became the unsurpassed
model in spiritual and civic activity:56
For more than a century, nothing new nor shaking
has appeared than that which was expressed by stur for
the Slovak nation. Hence it behooves us to return to him,
because it is evident that every new and great plan of
Slovak life must first pass the aqua regia test of stur's
thinking. The aims of the Slovak nation which were
conceived by stur are still the criteria of the life of the
Slavic people. Whatever counters stur also runs counter
to the vital interest of the Slovak nation.
stur's words: "Let us not abandon ourselves, Slovak
fellow citizens! " is just as timely today as they were in
1845. He was a man ahead of his time. His philosophical
views, his democratic thinking, his principles and his social
demands are timely, too. It is necessary for our generation
to recognize the fact that the Slovaks over one hundred
years ago fought to change the political structure of Central
Europe, that they demanded a deserved independent status
for their nation within the framework of a solid federation
built on principles of justice and equity.
�68
SLOVAKIA
Great ideas may be temporarily suppressed and silenced, but in the end they will triumph. That accounts
for the inability of the enemies within and without the
Slovak nation to destroy the concept of individuality of
the Slovak nation, its language, culture and its right to
an independent life. Even today after a lapse of more than
a hundred years, this idea is very much alive.
Despite the fact that Pan-Slavism did not achieve any
notable results during stur's time, it nevertheless had
inherent value. For the first time it revealed the Slavic
mind to the rest of Europe. This is important in the light
of the present role which the Slavs play in Europe today.
The Prague Congress too proved significant by reason
of the fact it was the first expression of Slavic unity, of
Slavic identity, distinct from the Hapsburg rule. It imbued
the Slavs with greater courage and confidence and a guide
for the future action. Slavdom and the World of Future
is today a relatively unknown work, even in the Slavic
world. Yet it had exerted great influence on Russian
thinking in the 1870's and was a beacon light and incentive
to furthering their program and goals.
At the time of s tur's death in 1856, the whole Pan-Slavic
movement was pretty much a failure. It failed because
the very nationalism that it promoted led to its defeat.
Pan-Slavism created dissent among the various Slav nations
because it pressured national consciousness. The more
the people became aware of their individuality, their
historical traditions, and their language, the less they
wanted to sacrifice them for a non-existent Slav federation .
Another hindering factor was the centuries-old and traditional antagonism between the various Slavic nations,
such as the Poles and the Russians, Czechs and Slovaks,
Croatians and Serbs, prevented any success for a plan
that would unite them. Hence Pan-Slavism was hindered
from excercising any dominant or stable influence on
European thought at that time. 57
For two decades after World War I Pan-Slavism seemed
dead. The Western Slavs-the Poles, Czechs, Slovaks,
Croatians, Slovenes and Serbs--established their own
states in 1918. They looked more to the West than to
Moscow for guidance and inspiration. After the German
�SLOVAKIA
69
aggression against Soviet Russia in the summer of 1941,
Joseph Stalin revived Pan-Slavism for the duration of the
war and appealed for the support of all Slavic peoples.
The Soviet Union again discarded Pan-Slavism after
World War II. It was under the aegis of Communism
rather than Pan-Slavism that the U. S. S. R. established
control over the Western and Southern Slavic peoples in
the post war period.
$tur's vision of a unified Slovak cultural, political and
social life did not indicate that he was a mere visionary.
After a century of struggle there exists a Slovak nation
with its own literature and cultural institutions and it is
a strongly literate one. There also exists a sound national
consciousness and a wholesome social stratification, which
is unbalanced only by the unfortunate present Communist
regime. The new generation is imbued with a spirit of
national and social justice among Central European peoples
and constantly resists Communistic ideology, about which
£udovit $tur wrote more than a century ago:
"Communism not only commits outrageous injustice
against all civil society ... it also ruins all personal
initiative, endeavor and enthusiasm. It divides the family,
it destroys the household and thus it opens wide the door
to every type of immorality, dissolution, and indulgence.
It degrades· man to bestial level ...
"Communism has matured to the same degree as
atheism and defection from Christianity . . . In all types
of Communism whatever their classification may be, the
outlook is only toward a dismal life. It brings in its wake
despotism of the grossest kin. It ,shatters all bonds of
social living. In place of holy ties, it offers profiteering,
rioting and their like."
Today when our mighty nation is fighting for freedom
of all enslaved and oppressed nations, this freedom must
not be overlooked for Slovakia. The Slovaks of today still
have the inherent and God given rights to complete freedom
as do all other nations. To fight for the freedom of all
nations, including Slovakia, is the obligation of all lovers
of truth and freedom. The Slovaks have existed and will
continue to exist if they live and remember $tur's words:
"Let us not abandon ourselves, Slovak fellow citizens!"
�70
SLOVAKIA
Today a foreign regime in Slovakia is persecuting and
crushing all that stlir stood for, because it is above all
else concerned with the extermination of the Slovak
traditions which in his time Eudovit stur had recreated
and reformed in such a manner that they remain in permanent basis of Slovak national development. The spirit of
stur lives on!
One can kill a man but never the idea he stands for .
In history there are myriad examples of movements, faiths
and ideologies triumphant "in spite of dungeon, fire and
sword." The Slovak nation did not give up the right to live
in an independent state even if this state was forcibly
liquidated, its rules killed and its adherents persecuted.
All this has made the struggle for independence even more
imperative, because if the idea was worth dying for, it i~
worth fighting for.
More than a century after his death :Cudovit stur is
very much alive. His name is often on the lips of his
followers and his opponents. Books are written about
him, his policies, his philosophy, on both sides of the
Iron Curtain by his friends and his enemies.
With no perceptible results to show, the situation of
the Slovak nation does not look very promising today.
The nation is without its state, lives in slavery but also
lives in hope. There is strong evidence to indicate a living
and vibrant independence movement at home where the
Slovaks after an interim of partial independence are
convinced that there is no substitute for complete independence. The indeology of :Cudovit stur is the source of
strength and belief that independent Slovakia with a
government "of the people, by the people, for the people"
will re-appear on the map of Europe:58
CONCLUSION
The essential part of this study dealt with the assumption that :Cudovit stur and his achievements have long
been recognized by the Slovaks, that he is a great national
figure and is revered as the "Father of Modern Slovak
Nationalism." But what of his place in the history of the
Slavs at this time?
Looking for stur's place in the Slavic world, after the
passing of a century which tested many of his conceptions
�SLOVAKIA
71
and achievements, one cannot avoid some purely Slovak
cultural and political issues. One cannot help but also
agree with Hans Kohn's words that "the Slovak nation
with its own literary language, was definitely established."59
stur's manifold activities made this possible.
Since Pan-Slavism remained the primary concern of
Slavic poets, newsmen, literary scholars, philologists, and
historians, Slavic nationalism was far removed from the
political plan and was situated in the literary field. These
individuals expressed an optimistic belief in man's inevitable progress, in the spiritual rejuvenation which would
result in the assurance of liberty, peace and happiness.
These visionaries felt that perhaps the Slavs were heralds
of a new era. They promised a unified betterment in
a future Slavic world.
According to his book "Slavdom and the World of
the Future" r.udovit stur set out to accomplish four tasks.
He wanted an assurance to determine whether the Slavs
really had a specific role to fulfill in world history. The
Slavic past would yield an affirmative answer, for this
certainty was the basis for the entire Pan-Slavic movement. Without doubt, the Slavs were to be the leaders
of a "New Europe." Since history is a progression of
spent nations being replaced by young and energetic ones,
Slavic Emancipation and self-determination would eventually be realized. stur's gift of prophecy and Kollar's poetic
vision of one Slav nation, language, and culture as
expressed in Kollar's "Daughter of Slavs" ("Slavy dcera"):
"What will the Slavs be in a hundred years? What will
the whole of Europe come to be? Slav life, just as a mighty
flood appears, shall everywhere extend its boundary. The
science shall Slav exponents see, our peoples' customs,
dress and music on both the Seine and Danube modish be."
His second task was to describe the Slavic mission
in universal history against the background of the cultural
difference between Western and Eastern Europe.60
stur could only visualize the destruction of the
peasantry by a moral, political and social dissolution in
the West and the culmination of a schism between religion
and daily life. The West could do little to help, since it
was gradually losing face because of its prodigality.
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SLOVAKIA
Western society and its institutions were not worth the
effort of imitation since they were contributing to the
downfall of the West. Hence the Slavs could depend only
on themselves for existence.
Thirdly, Shir presents a highly romantic picture of
the Slavic peoples. They are endowed with extraordinary
virtue. The West was held accountable for the vices of
the Slavs who were presented as being by nature kind,
patient, humble, and democratic. These characteristics
were typical of all Slavs, but especially the Russians, who
were the embodiment of all the best and noblest features
of the entire Slav nation. Logically, he concluded, that
since the Russians were to be the leaders of the Slavs,
they had to be the cream of the Slavic element.61
His last task dealt with the problems of Slavic political
unification. If the Slavs were to attain their goal, unity
was an absolute necessity.
There were three possibilities. The first was a Slavic
confederation without Russia, which could never succeed
because of internal disputes among multi-Slavic peoples.
These nation were of about equal strength, hence the emergence of a leader from these nations was an impossibility.
The second was the transformation of Austria into
a Slavic Empire. Attempts of this nature had been made
before and failed. Shir felt that Austro-Slavism should
not be considered.
The only alternative left was alliance with Russia.
Since she was powerful enough to unite all the Slavic
nations, she was the natural leader that was needed. stur
was impressed by Russia's power and influence. If Slavic
peoples united under Russia, their equal would be second
to none in Europe.
One wonders how it came that such a decisive document was left to us by stur. Yet under the circumstances
with which he had to contend in the 1850's it is not
surprising. His primary concern was Slavic Nationalism,
and Slavic unity. His interest in Russia came only as
a result of this, since he never had any prolonged contact
with the Russians, neither had he ever been in Russia. 62
After more than a century's lapse of time Stu.r's big
dream of a United Slavic peoples under Russia may yet
�SLOVAKIA
73
become a reality, in a strange and unfortunate nature,
because of recent political developments in Central and
Eastern Europe. Moscow has became a political powerhouse of the Slavic world and Russian leadership has
technically materialized.
Stu.rs drive and his vision of Slovak cultural, political
and social betterment did not prove to be a myth either.
There now exists a Slovak nation with its own literature,
cultural institutions and almost universal literacy. Its
people are nationally conscious and they can boast
of sound social stratification, which was recently unbalanced only by the presence of an unwelcome Communist
regime. They are proud of their fighting spirit for national
and social justice, which was passed on them with the
flame of Stu.r's burning torch. There is a constant resistance among them to Communist ideology and this attitude
is another legacy of Stu.r's.
Over a century ago he said: "Communism not only
commits _o utrageous injustices against all civil society ...
but it also ruins all personal initiative, endeavor and
enthusiasm ... It degrades man to a bestial level ... " 63
Although Pan-Slavism did not achieve notable results
during Stu.r's time, it had an inherent value in that it
revealed for the first time to the rest of Europe the Slavic
mind. This is important in the light of the present role
which the Slavs play in Europe.
The Prague Congress, too, was the first expression
of Slavic unity and identity which was separate from the
Hapsburg rule. It also gave the Slavs courage and confidence. Stu.r's book, mentioned earlier in this section, has
had a strong influence on Russian thinking in the 1870's
and was a forerunner of some later developments.
stur and his followers executed their tasks beyond
human expectation, for they came upon a scene of history
when the situation of the Slovaks under the Magyars in
Hungary seemed truly hopeless.
The significance of Eudovit stur in the evolution and
revival of Slovak national life is tremendous and far.
reaching. His role as a reformer of the Slovak literary
language greatly contributed to Slovak national ideology.
It gave his people a new vision and perspective of political
�74
SLOVAKIA
freedom and of a better future. By his example and
writings he provided a strong impetus to Slovak life in
general.
stur rightfully belongs with Jan Kollar and Pavol J.
safarik to the Slovaks of the nineteenth century who are
regarded as great figures of the Slavic world, since Slovakia
and its people are part of the Slavic world.
All three found willing echo in all the Slavic peoples.
As Hans Kohn states: "They were imbued in the familiar
mood of the period, a general belief in historical progress,
in a bright future, in the advent of some great spiritual
manifestation, of a new era for mankind, which would establish for ever the basis of liberty, peace, and happiness."64
(Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree
of Master of Science in History at Marywood College.)
FOOTNOTES
1) Jan V. Ormis, Bibliografia Uudovita Stura ("Stur's Bibliography")
(Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1958), p. 8.
2) Jaroslav Vlcek, Mala Ruko vat' literarno-historicka (A small Hanpbook of Literary History") (Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska,
1932). p. 195.
3) Jan V. Ormis, Bibliografia Uu,dovita Stura ("Stur's Bibliography")
(Turc Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1958), p. 199.
4) Ibid., p. 199.
5) Marian Ziar, "Stur" Father of Modern Slovak Nationalism." Slovakia, March, 1956, pp. 8-9.
6) Philip A. Hrobak, "Stur and the Slovak Independence Movement,"
Slovakia, September-December, 1956, p. 39.
7) Karol Golan, "Sturove reci na slovanskom sjazde roku 1848," ("Stur's
Lectures at the Slavic Congress of 1848,") Slovak Views, AugustSeptember, 1936, p. 422.
8) Henrich Bartek, "Our Tradition and Louis Stur," Slovakia, June,
1956, p. 7.
9) Jan Ormis, Bibliografia Uudovita Stura ("Stur's Bibliography")
(Turc. Sv. Martin : Matica Slovenska, 1958) , p. 199.
10) Jaroslav Vlcek, Dejiny literatury slovenskej (History of Slovak
Literature") Turciansky Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1923), p. 184.
11) St. Osusky, Filozofia Sturovcov ("Sturist Philosophy") (Myjava:
Typ. Daniel Pazicky, 1926), p. 10.
12) Uudovit Bakos, Uul:iovit 5tiir (Bratislava: Vydavatel'stvo Slovenskej
Akademie Vied, 1957 ), p. 34.
13 ) . Ibid., p. 50.
14) Seton-Watson, R. H., A History of the Czechs and Slovaks. (London :
Archon Books, 1943), p. 260.
15) John cajak, Second Slovak History ("Bejepis Slovakov") (Pennsylvania-Pittsburgh: National News, 1914), p. 97.
�SLOVAKIA
75
16) Marian .Ziar, "Stur: Father of Modern Slovak Nationalism," Slovakia, March, 1956, p. 6.
17) Henrich Bartek, " Our Tradition and Uudovit Stur," Slovakia, June
1956, p. 4.
18) Joseph Kirschbaum, UU/dovit Stur and His Place in the Slavic World
(Cleveland: The Slovak Institute, 1958), p. 14.
19 ) R. H. Seton-Watson, A History of the Czechs and Slovaks (London:
Arc hon Books, 1943), PP- 260-261.
20) John cajak, "Slovak History" ("Dejepis Slovakov") (Pittsburgh:
National News, 1914), p. 97.
21 ) Joseph Kirschbaum, "Uudovit Stu!· and His Place in the Slavic
World," Slovakia, March, 1958.
22) Francis Hrusovsky, "Point of No Return," This is Slovakia (Scranton: Obrana Press, 1954), p. 46.
23) Joseph Kirschbaum, "Uudovit Stur in His Place in the Slavic World."
(Cleveland: Slovak Institute, 1958) , p. 20.
24) Ibid., pp. 20-21.
25) Ibid., p. 28.
26 ) Thomas Capek, The Slovaks of Hungary (New York: Knickerbocker
Press, 1906) , pp. 22-23.
27) Joseph Skultety, Sto Dvadsat' Pat' Rokov zo Slovenskeho .Zivota.
1790-1914. ("One Hundred Twenty-five Years of Slovak History")
Turc. Sv. Martin: Knih. -Ocast., 1920), p. 44.
28) Ibid., p. 46.
29 ) Ibidem., p. 46.
30) Joseph Kirschbaum. "Louis Stur Centenial" Slovakia, March, 1956.
(Middletown ) p. 8.
31) Marian .Ziar, "Stur: Father of Modern Slovak Nationalism," Slovakia,
March, 1956, pp. 8-9.
32) Joseph Kirschbaum , Uudovit Stur and His Place in the Slavic
World," (Cleveland: The Slovak Institute, 1958), p. 23.
33) Michael B. P e trovich. The Emergence of Russian Pan-Slavism. (New
York: Columbia University Press, 1956), pp. 18-19.
34) Suzanne Mikula, "Uudovit Stur a~d the Pan-Slavic Movement,"
Slovakia, 1966, pp. 106-107.
35) Henrich Bartek, "Our Tradition and Uudovit Stur," Slovakia, June,
1956, pp. 7-8.
36 ) Thomas Capek. The Slovaks of Hungacy (New York: Knickerbocker
Press, 1906) , pp. 70-71.
37) Ibid., p. 71.
38) Seton-Watson. History of the Czechs and Slovaks (London : Archon
Books, 1943) , p. 162.
39) Suzanne Mikula. "Uudovit Stur and the Pan-Slavic Movement,"
Slovakia, 1966, pp. 109-110.
40 ) Ibid., p. 110.
41) Ibid., p. 110.
42) Joseph Kirschbaum. Uu)dovit Mur and His Place in the Slavic
World (Cleveland: Slovak Institute, 1958), pp. 8-9.
43 ) Suzanne Mikula, "Uudovit Stur and the Pan..Slavic Movement,"
Slovakia, 1966, pp. 110-111.
�76
SLOVAKIA
44) Michael Petrovich, "l!udovit Stur and Russian Pan-Slavism," Journal
of Central European Pan-Slavism, 1952, p. 6.
45) Hans Kohn, "Pan-Slavism," Encyclopedia International, XIX, 44-45.
46) Ibid., pp. 44-45.
47) ACEN statement, September 20, 1954.
48) Jan V. Ormis, Bibliografia I!udovita Stura ("Bibliography of I!udovit
Stur") (Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1958), pp. 198-199.
49) Philip Hrobak, "Stur and the Slovak I'*-1ependence Movement,"
Slovakia (Sept., Dec., 1956), p. 38.
50) Jan Ormis. Bibliografia L'udovita Stura ("Stur's Bibliography")
(Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1958), p. 199.
51) Francis Vnuk, Dr. Jozef Tiso. (Sydney: Orbis Printing Co. pty. Ltd.,
1967), pp. 5-6.
52) Francis Hrusovsky, "This Is Slovakia," Slovakia, 1969, pp. 91-92.
53 ) Karol Sidor, Andrej Hlinka (Bratislava: 1934), p. 198.
54) Joseph Pauco, "Stur's Group in -the Service of the People," Slovakia,
March, 1956, pp. 12-15.
55 ) Marian .Ziar, "Stur: Father of Modern Slovak Nationalism," Slovakia ,
March, 1956, pp. 10-11.
56) Henrich Bartek, Our Tradition and Louis Stur," Slovakia, June,
1956, pp. 3-4.
57) Suzanne Mikula, "l!udovit Stur and the Pan-Slavic Movement,"
Slovakia, 1966, p. 113.
58 ) Frantisek Vnuk, Dr. Jozef Tiso, (Sidney: Orbis Printing and
Publishing Co., Pty Ltd., 1967), p. 43.
59) Hans Kohn, "Pan-Slavism, Its History a'*-1 Ideology," (University
of Notre Dame Press, 1953), p. 21.
60 ) Suzanne Mikula, "I!uldovit Stur and the Pan-Slavic Movement,·•
Slovakia, p. 111, 1966.
61) Ibid., p. 112.
62) Ibid., p. 112.
63) Joseph Kirschbaum , I!udovit Stur and His Place in the Slavic
Wor~:i (Cleveland: Slovak Institute, 1958), p. 26.
64) Hans Kohn, "Pan-Slavism, Its History and Ideology," (Indiana :
University of Notre Dame Press), p. 22.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Books
Stur, L'udovit. Listy L'udovita Stura. (Letters of I!udovit Stur.") ed. Dr.
Jozef Ambrus. Bratislava: Slovenska Akademia Vied, (Slovak
Academy of Sciences), 1956, pp. 64-375.
Stur, I!udovit, 1864 Nauka Reci Slovenskej. ("Slovak Language Lessons
from r;ui:lovit Stur.") Bratislava, 1946, pp. 1-10.
Bakos, I;udovit. Cudovit Stur. ("Louis Stur.") Bratislava: Slovenska
Akademia Vied, 1957, pp. 34-161.
Bartek, Henrich, C. Stur a Slovencina. ("I;udovit Stur and the Slovak
Language. ") Turc. Sv. Martin: Kompas, 1943, pp. 6-18.
Botto, Julius. Michal M. Rodia. Turciansky Sv. Mart.in: -Ocastinarsky
Spolok, 1911, pp. 11-41.
l'.:ajak, Janko. Dejepis Slovakov. ("History of the Slovaks.") Pittsburgh:
Tlac Narodnych Novin, 1914, pp. 97-110.
�SLOVAKIA
77
tapek, Thomas. The Slovaks of Hungary. New York: Knickerbocker
Press, 1906, .pp. 18-52.
Chrobak, Dobroslav. Rukoviit'. ("Handbook.") Prague: L. Mazac, 1932,
pp. 25-37.
Czambel, Samo. Slovaci a Ich Rec. ("The Slovaks and Their Language.")
Budapest: C. A. Kr. Dvornej Knihtlac Victoria Horney Anskeho,
1903, pp. 25-42.
Golan, Karol. Revolucne Pokolenie 1848-1849. ("The Revolutionary
Generation 1848-1849.") Myjava: Daniel Pazisko, 1926, pp. 91-94.
Hqdal, Juraj. Jan Holly. Trnava: Spolok sv. Vojtecha, 1923, pp. 91-94.
Hrobak, .Philip. Czechoslovakia. Middletown: Jednota Press, 1958, .p. 17.
Hrusovsky, Francis. This Is Slovakia. Scranton: Obrana Press, 1954, pp.
42-47.
Hurban, Jozef M. r.udovit Stur. Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1928,
pp. 7-216.
Kacka, Jozef. Dejiny Slovenskej Literatury. ("History of Slovak Literature.") Ruzomberok: Lev, 1928, pp. 36-39.
Kalal, Karol. Dejiny Slovenska ("History of Slov,alda.") Turc. Svaty
Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1916, .pp. 89-105.
Kirschbaum, Joseph. Nas Boj o Samostatnost' Slovenska. ("Our Struggle
for Slovak Independence.") Cleveland: Slovak Institute, 1968, pp.
292-324.
Kohn, Hans. Hapsburg Empire 1804-1918. An Anvil Original. Princeton:
K. Vian Nostrand Company, 1961, pp. 65-95.
Medvecky, Karol A. Slovensky Prevrat. ("The Slovak Revolution.")
I-IV: 4 vols. Trnava: Spolok sv. Vojtecha, 1930-1931.
Mraz, Andrej. Jozef Skultety. Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1933,
p. 7.
Novak, Uuldovit. Jazykovedne Glosy k Ceskoslovenskej Otazke. ("Linguistic Sounds of the Czecho-Slovak Question.") Turc. Sv. Martin:
Matica Slovenska, 1935, p. 233.
Oddo, Gilbert. Slovakia and Its People. New York: Robert Spelle,r and
Sons, 1960, pp. 108-204.
Ormis, Jan. Bibliografia E,udovita Stura. ("L'udovit Stur and His Bibliography.") Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1958, pp. 3-201.
Pauco, Jozef. r.udovychova u Sturovcov. ("Popular Education among the
Sturists.") Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1943, pp. 5-11.
Pauliny, Heinrich. Dejiny Spisovnej Slovenciny. ("History of Literary
Slovak.") Bratislava: Slovenska Akademia, 1948, p. 393.
Petrovich, Michael B. The Emergence of Russia Pan-Slavism 1856-1870.
New York: Columbia University Press, 1956, p. 18.
Porubsky, Jan. K Ste-mu Vyrociu Literarnej Slovenciny 1856-1944. ("The
One Hundredth Year of Literary Slovak." ) Scranton: Obrana Press,
1944, pp. 154-166.
Ruppelt, Fedor. Koncentracne Snahy Slovenske. ("Concentrated Slovak
Endeavors.") Turc. Sv. Martin: Knihtlaciarsky a Ucastinarsky Spolok, 1928, pp. 64-71.
Skultety, Jozef. Sketches from Slovak History. Middletown: Jednota
Press, 1930, pp. 183-186.
Sto Dvadsat' Pat' Rokov zo Slovenskeho tivota 1790-1914. ("One
�78
SLOVAKIA
Hundred Twenty-five Years of Slovak History." ) Turc. Sv. Martin:
Knihtlaciarsky -Ocast. Spolok, 1920, pp. 31-65.
Vlcek, Jaroslav. Dejiny Literatury Slovenskej. ("History of Slovak
Literature." ) Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1932, pp. 194-204.
Mala Rukoviit' Literarno-Historicka. ("A Small Handbook of Literary
History.") Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1932, pp. 194-204.
Wagner, J;udovit. Slovensky Plutarch. (" Slovak Plutarch.") Nove Mesto
naid Vahom: Jan Trnovsky, 1920, pp. 27-30.
Address-Published
Kirschbaum , Joseph M. 13udovit Stur and His Place in the Slavic World.
An Address to the Annual Meeting of the Canadian Association of
Slavists on June 9, 1957, at the University of Ottawa, Canada.
Periodicals
Bartek, Henrich. " Our Tradition and J;udovit Stur." Slovakia, June,
1956, pp. 3-10.
Bue, Bonaventure. " Conflicts of Slovak Nationalism. " Slovakia, June ,
1958, pp. 1-17.
Hrobak, Philip. "Stur and the Slovak Independence Movement." Slova•
kia, September-December, 1956, pp. 34-39.
Kir schbaum, Joseph. "Independence and the Slovak Past." Slovakia,
March, 1957, pp. 44-53 .
"Louis Stur Centennial." Slovakia, March, 1956, pp. 3-6.
'Misconceptions of American Slavists." Slovakia, March-June, 1962,
pp. 25-43 .
"The Slovak Language and Its Place Among the Slavic Languages." '
Slovakia, 1966, pp. 1-17.
Mikula, Suzanne. "!;udovit Stur and the Pan-Slavic Movement." Slovakia,
1966, pp. 104-115.
Pauco, Joseph. "Stu.r's Group in the Service of the People." Slovakia,
March, 1956, pp. 11-15.
Rekem, John. "The Origin and Development of the Slovak Language ."
Slovakia, March-April, 1962, pp. 1-13.
2iar, Marian. "Stur: Father of Mqdern Slovak Nationalism." Slovakia,
March, 1956, pp. 6-11.
Banik, Anthony A. "Posledni Zastancovia Spi:sovnej Cestiny." (The Last
Supporters of the Literary Czech Language.") Sbornik LiterarnoV edeckeho Odboru SSV., 1935, pp. 18-35.
Horak, Juraj . "Sturova Kniha o Narqdnych Piesnach a Povestiach
Plemien Slovanskych." ('Stu.r's Book on Naitional Hymns and Slavic
Popular Tales.") Sbornik Matice Slovenskej, January-February,
1923, pp. 97-128.
Vlcek, Jaroslav. "Povodina Sturovho Spisu o Narodnych Povestiach
Slovanskych." ("Stu.r's Original Writings on Slavic National Tales.")
Sbornik Matice Slovenskej, pp. 58-63.
Unpublished Material
McCoy, Sheila Marie, Sister. 'The School of Stur," (Unpublished Thesis)
Cabrini College, 1965.
�
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1971, Vol. 21
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Vol. 21 (No. 44), 1971.
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1971
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20
SLOVAKIA
Political Views of 11udovit St(u
Sister M. Delphina Opet, SS. C. M.
INTRODUCTION
Since this study will concern itself with :Cudovit $tur,
the inspiration of modern national Slovak ideology, it may
be beneficial first of all to review the life story of the man
and then to consider his work and influence.
Though his life was all too short, stur was a key figure
in the Slovak national movement of the second third of
the nineteenth century. He was heir to the cultural, political
and social endeavors of his predecessors, and he developed
his natural gifts to attain the strength, courage and vision,
which it took to launch movements toward realizing a vital
national organization on behalf of his people. Without these
natural and acquired gifts, stur could hardly have been
effective in his work toward attaining independence in
Slovak national life and the pursuit of culture. His greatest
merits lie in the fact that he assumed the historical
challenge to unite the fragmented multicultural powers
of the Slovaks into a liberation front against Hungarian
oppressors.
His contemporaries attributed to stur an almost
legendary but realistic aura even during his lifetime. It
was said of him that he had a magnetic personality, that
his very presence bespoke patriotism and a vibrant national
spirit.
Worthy of specific mention is at least one evaluation
by William Pauliny-T6th: "He is an extraordinary figure-a
manifestation, as it were, of a leader charged to create
a new epoch in the history of the Slovak nation."
His young collaborator, Jozef M. Hurban, devoted to
stur a commemorative and comprehensive monograph
which was published in the first issue of the revitalized
"Slovenske pohl'ady" (Slovak Views) . In his history of
Slovak literature published in 1890, the literary critic and
historian Jaroslav Vlcek rated stur as the central figure
of the Romantic generations, even though he did not see
SLOVAKIA
21
in stur's poetry the merit which it rightly deserves.
Criticism of stur was not wanting, but it did not detract
from stur's merits or stature at all.1
This fiery patriot was born in Zay-Uhrovec, on the
twentyninth of October, 1815. He was one of five children.
His father was an elementary school teacher and a rigid
disciplinarian both at school and at home. His mother's
was a gentle and loving nature.
The stur family home breathed a peaceful atmosphere
graced with poetry. The natural surroundings of his boyhood, with their profusion of beauty and natural grandeur
influenced stur's outlook on life. It was very likely here
and because of his environment that his aesthetic taste
developed to a remarkable degree.
Leopold Petz, a Lutheran pastor, was his first teacher
in the gymnasium at Rab. He kindled the glow of national
consciousness and patriotism in stur's unfolding mind
and animated his spirit with keen appreciation for the
richness of his mother tongue. He also made him aware
of the rightful place of the Slovaks in the Slavic world
and of the potential concentrated within the new generation. After two years at Rab, stur continued his studies
at the Lutheran Lyceum in Bratislava.2
Here stur and a memorable group of similarly ardent
young men with him (Hurban, Hodza, Francisci, Sladkovic,
Chalupka, et. al.) , were schooled under the powerful
influence of seasoned literary personalities who were still
devoted to fostering at least some forms of Czecho-Slovak
orientation. It was around the chair of Czecho-Slovak
language arts held by Juraj Palkovic that the Czecho-Slovak
Society, later known as the Institute of Language and
Literature, was formed. 3
stur was undeniably a talented leader who devoted
himself first of all to lecturing on Slovak grammar,
literature and history. He devoted much time and thought
to Slovak national poetry, especially to works dealing with
the themes of Great Moravia, Svatopluk, and the Slavic
Apostles, Saints Cyril and Methodius. To the eager young
members of the Czecho-Slovak Society, he spoke of Slavism,
of the hardships and injustices heroically endured by Slav
peoples over long centuries, and of the great responsibility
22
SLOVAKIA
committed to the younger generation. He pointed out to
them some possible means toward a better future and
fanned their hopes for the building of a glorious large
Slavic family. He made every effort to destroy all roots
of doubt, pessimism, and prejudice, those divisive forces
that plagued Slavic families of nations and fragmented
their efforts toward unity.
His aims for establishing a standard language for
Slovak literary expression were not purely liiterary. Since
Slovak national life was closely connected with literary
expression, it bore a vigorous sense of purpose. Stu.r's
prime objective was to unite the Slovak people culturally,
politically and socially. A universally adopted standard
language would greatly advance this couse. Granted, he
suffered many reversals, but a wakened spirit cannot be
stilled. As authorities intervened to support his Slavic
group meetings at the Lyceum, new literary group in other
places formed in their stead. The strain of the struggle
to resist oppression in student centers left stur physically
exhausted; spiritually, however, he remained strong and
vigorous and indomitable.
In 1838 stur left his center of Slovak literary activity
in Bratislava and went to Halle, Germany. His courses of
study at Halle strongly affected his theoretical foundations
adding depth and fuller meaning to all his later activities.
He learned to favor much in Hegelian thought, the theories
advocated by a German idealist philosophy. This experience
created a mental revolution in Stu.r's objectives and
philosophy. It was, first of all a dialectical style of thinking
which brought to naught all concept of a final validity
in the results of human thinking and activity. This doctrine
maintains that all is involved in a process of development,
all is being perpetually transformed and changed, proceeding from a lower to a higher stage. It also maintains that
human history is a steady process of development of this
kind, as stur put it, an "uninterrupted chain."4
stur was not simply an unquestioning disciple of
Hegelian philosophy, as is often said of him. Together
with several other thinkers of his generation, he formed
an independent philosophical school which exerted farreaching influence and excelled in originality of thought.
SLOVAKIA
23
stur's excellent book, "sturova filozofia zivota" ("stur's
Philosophy of life"), embodies his philosophical conceptions.
Though his propositions in general are original, stur's
underlying ideas were greatly influenced by Hegel. He
was motivated by the idea that national unity is strongly
furthered by means of common language which gives rise
to mutual understanding. After his return from Germany,
stur set out in 1843 to establish a distinctive literary Slovak
language which he boldly promoted. Its basis was the
central Slovak dialect which he considered the last contaminated by neighboring or foreign influence. He realized
also the need for a common political effort; Kollar's
reciprocity was not enough. He spared no pains to achieve
a social and national awakening of the Slovak people.
In a sense, stur completed the work that Bernolak, the
first codifier of literary Slovak, had begun in 1787.
On his return from Germany stur became an assistant
professor in the Pressburg (Bratislava) Lyceum. As he
lectured in the department of history, students flocked
to him with undivided attention, for this dynamic young
professor had a wealth of attainable ideals to offer. But
chauvinistic authorities viewed this influence with anxiety.
In 1844, stur lost his post as Deputy Professor because the
Magyar government began to tighten its political controls
on Slovakia and found stur's flaming Slovak ardor a threat
to its interests. When he was dismissed, many students
left the Pressburg Lyceum in protest and continued their
studies elsewhere.
The Bratislava incident did not intimidate stur; as a
matter of fact, it only stimulated him to press on. He
kept in close touch with his patriotic adherents. Because
the ground was fertile and properly prepared for a national
change, stur was able to do the apparently impossible.
He strongly voiced the long repressed aspirations and
justified rights of the Slovaks, he formulated the demands
of his people.
13udovit stur's publications of an article titled "Zaloby
a ponosy Slovakov v Uhorsku" ("The Charges and Complaints of the Slovaks in Hungary") which appeared in
Leipzig in 1843 which exposed the chief inspector of the
24
SLOVAKIA
Lutheran Church and schools because of his measure to
magyarize Slovaks for political gain became a sensation.
The Slovaks had been resisting magyarization quietly but
effectively; now, however, they were determined to secure
an independent political status within the framework of
the Hapsburg Empire. All petitions and demands presented in Vienna and in the Hungarian Diet in Bratislava
were prompted by the following statement by stur: "We
seek no rights established on favor, but we demand our
rights on the basis of inherent right." These words became
the underlying proposition on which were based all the
subsequent petitions and demands of the Slovak leaders
for equal rights. Stu.r's debates and controversies with
Kossuth, the Slovak renegade, stemmed from this moral
and democratic principle. He demanded "peace based on
just rights and mutual understanding" declaring: "In the
paper, Pesti Hirlap, Kossuth is fighting for equality of
rights, but in the Diet he advocates orders to investigate
and punish those who define and seek their rights ... That
is Kossuth's concept of freedom and liberalism."5
stur continues to express his thoughts in writing. In
1844, after three years of waiting, he was granted permission to publish the periodical "Slovenske narodne
noviny" ("The Slovak National News") through which he
was resolved to defend the rights of the Slovak people.
The supplement of the periodical was "Orol tatransky"
("The Tatra Eagle"). Both were widely supported and
endorsed by all classes of people, for the Slovak public
rejoiced in the realization that this publication was in
itself a great step forward in their struggle. stur, too,
was gratified. His program for action toward achieving
ultimate freedom was a realistic one. He gave credit where
it was due yet he did not hesitate to denounce the shortcomings of his people. His editorials defended not only
the purity of the Slovak language, but also the recognition
of the inherent rights of the Slovak nation-rights that
affected all their levels of national freedom: political,
literary, social, economic, etc.
His exhortations are as timely today as they were
in 1845: "Let us not yield, Slovak countrymen. Higher is
the cause of the entire nation, higher is the cause of the
SLOVAKIA
25
whole than of the individual person, and even the individual
harm us, the cause itself does not do so. But with us thus
far, it has been so that individuals offended by our people,
immediately abandoned the cause itself ... "6
stur's periodicals served their purpose effectively for
three years, uniting the people, teaching and enlightening
them and encouraging them during one of the most crucial
periods of their history. This was almost too good to be
true.
When the Magyars began to realize what these publications were doing for the Slovak people, fanning the flames
of Slovak patriotism to the detriment of Magyar hegemony,
they raised an alarm and put in action measures to have
them confiscated or proscribed. Despite this suppression,
however, much of stur's purpose was already achieved.
The Slovak people were nationally awakened. They were
conscious of a cause and of an obligation to defend it.
Most of this new stirring never would have been realized
without stur's activities and publications.
The codification of a literary language, which was
perfected and universally adopted, concretized the efforts
and fond aspir,a tions and hopes nurtured by Slovak literary
leaders in bygone generations. I'..udovit stur knew that the
times were ripe for the Slovak people to appear on the
national scene of history as an independent political entity.
No language, except their own Slovak language could move
the people to political affectiveness. For this reason, stur
chose to advocate the central-Slovak dialect as a political
and literary instrument.
stur was a deputy from Zvolen at the Presporok
(Pressburg - Bratislava) Assembly in 1847-1848. In official
sessions he spoke out honestly and courageously about the
injustice of disregarding the protest of the subjugated
peoples against enforced Magyarization. He also felt dutybound to advocate the equality of all people and sought
the liberation of subjugated nations at the Hungarian
Diet. The firm stand which stur took became a turning
point in Slovak-Hungarian history.
At the Slav Congress in Prague in 1848, stur and
safarik defined the political aspirations of the Congress.
safarik's view was prophetic, while stur made clear the
26
SLOVAKIA
political program of the immediate present: "Our aim
should be to preserve ourselves. First of all, we must serve
the best interests of our own people and secondarily of
others. Thus far Austria has flourished, but we have been
declining and perishing. What would be the judgment
of the world if we were to s tand for nothing but the
preservation of Austria? Let us proclaim that we desire
to stand as independent Slovanic communities within the
government of Austria."7 stur was far ahead of his day,
in visualizing a program to federalize Central Europe.
According to Bartek, s tur was not a rebel. As long
as there was evidence of national agreement with the
Magyars, he was not for the destruction of the Hungarian
State. He did warn the Magyar ruling class that it could
not forever ignore and suppress the inherent rights of
subject nationalities and exploit the Slavs of Hungary
without expecting them to strike back with righteous
demands for a free national life, for the very rights which
the Magyars had resolved to defend for themselves in
the Hapsburg Empire. 8
When all these representatio ns and demands continued
to be ignored, only then did stur and his group decide
to lead the Slovaks to revolt against the Magyar intolerance
in 1848. The Slovaks were fully aware of Kossuth's
ultimatum declaring that whatever rights they claimed to
have in the kingdom they would have to secure with sword
in hand. There was no alternative now except to resort
to arms. The torch of national consciousnes s carried by
s tur and his group became a beacon light in Slovakia's
struggle for freedom. Though revolt was crushed and
betrayed by Vienna, it stands as a milestone in Slovak
history.
The tragic reversal of the revolutionary attempt did
not affect the leadership or the stature of ~udovit stur
in the estimation of others. The Hungarian revolution paid
dearly for its national intolerance. It too suffered in a
common defeat. Kossuth was forced into exile. stur and
his group were under constant police surveillance, and
many were their thrilling escapes from police snares and
power.
A tragic death during a hunting event in January 1856
SLOVAKIA
27
brought stur's life to an untimely end. He died according
to his own predictions in which he had foreseen an analogy
of his death in the death of Julius Caesar. Some Slavs
considered him a setting star but actually he is a brilliant
morning star marking a better day in the history of the
Slavic world.
We return to stur to evaluate his work in the light
of today's standards when, after the passing of a hundred
years, the Slovaks are building on this foundation laid
by stur and his school of thought, the promise of hope
fulfilled-if only a new power from the East did not
frustrate the effort. Just as stur repudiated and condemned
the hegemony of the Magyars, so the Slovaks today rebel
against Communist domination and occupation. 13udovit
stur's spirit lives on even though an Iron Curtain creates
physical bariers to liberty.
GERMAN PHILOSOPHICAL INFLUENCE ON STVR
Among stur's earliest academic interests were the
areas of linguistics, philosophy, history and literature. To
pursue these in depth and to broaden his education, he
decided to study at Halle University in Germany. It was
in 1838 that he came to Halle as a twenty-three year old
student-a gifted energetic man of large vision and great
moral strength. He had been held in high repute at home
and exerted notable influence among his peers. At Halle,
he was an utter stranger in a big unknown world, and
the weight of the strangeness that closed in upon him was
of more than mere physical and social order.
University life in Germany was at this time strongly
influenced by the spirit and theories of Hegel. German
thought and academic preoccupation bore upon the topic
of races. Yet this was in a day when the concept of race,
as such, was not even properly formulated. The Germans
tended to construct entire systems of philosophy and
humanistic theory centered on the concept of race at a
period when formal anthropology was just emerging.
Fundamental misconceptions of race overtook not only
historical scholars but also philosophers of history like
Hegel. His philosophical system meant on the one hand,
equating the Prussian state with the prime law of men
28
SLOVAKIA
and, on the other, constituting materialism as the ideal
of men and of nations. Exposed to this stress of innovation
which was spread throughout scholarly circles by a ready
press and which was further generally publicized by
novelists and writers of all sorts, stur did not escape
acquaintance with these false principles and this false
philosophy of life was what contaminated all Central
Europe. Fresh from the schools of Bratislava, he was not
yet adequately prepared to discern authentic philosophic
truth from political propaganda; nevertheless, he instinctively sensed the need to withhold complete acquiescence
with Hegel. He tried to come to terms with much of Hegel
but by the very fact that stur placed the moral and spiritual
values of men as top priorities he put himself at odds
with some Hegelian principles.
stur's courses of study at Halle deepened his perspectives even as life in Germany provided him with
countless new impressions-views of life and the world,
concepts and ideas in general.
From the German idealistic philosophy, even as from
Hegel, its chief representative, stur adopted some new
theories which resulted in a mental revolution. First among
these was the aspect of dialectical thinking which brought
to naught his previous conceptions of a final validity of
the results of human thinking and activity. This doctrine
maintains that all is in process of development. All is being
transformed and changed and proceeds from a lower to
a higher stage. It affirms that human history is a process
by which the Absolute Spirit unfolds, a "chain uninterrupted" in stur's words. 9 Hegel conceives of history as
a process involving dialectical oppositions revaluating into
a higher content of historical being. Freedom as an essential
of history becomes an absolute necessity.
Hegel's philosophy of history strongly took hold of
stur's mind at this point. The world seemed to be created
for jjudovit stur. He reveled in the thought of its
systematic, architectural classification, its universality
embracing all the dreams of the human spirit, its justice
toward nations, all its sources of learning, its versatile
penetration of all doctrine--all this bore upon him so
overwhelming flood. 10
SLOVAKIA
29
The wealth of views offered by Hegel's philosophy
opened up an idealistic world of envisioned by spiritual
concept of nations and not construed from previous
assumptions. It provided a new vista into the domains of
the rights of nations among which there existed the future
tribunal of Slavic nations, too, and led stur to the realms
of Christian idealism.
stur's spirit was reanimated. The receptive soil of his
mind was enriched with fertility for the germination of his
own conceived seed. The Germanic world's new concept
of views regarding world history in politics, religion and
sociology at this time impressed and inspired stur more
strongly than it had heretofore affected any other candidate
from Slovak academies.
When stur returned to his native land, he returned
as a Slav, but foremost as a Slovak returned into the
ranks of his confused and puzzled friends and countrymen.
He brought radical concepts to the rational school and to
liberal life. These concepts characteristically dealt mainly
with the Slovak past, present and future, for he brought
from Germany a wide and rich source of philosophical
and economic knowledge as well as a firm determination
to devote his life to the task of national development. stur
translated Hegel's philosophy into Slovak only insofar as
he accepted his concepts, for stur was a realist in his
approaches to the phenomena of life. 11
In his studies at Halle, Germany, stur was also
spiritually revived. He left the university imbued with
strong tendencies for the policies of Kollar and safarik.
He was, however, an ardent Slovak by conviction rather
than by accident of birth as was their lot. He was an
ardent, tireless worker. The versatility of his talents and
the needs of his country brought him to the fore successively as an orator, a writer, a journalist, a politician and a
soldier. Both his friends and enemies proclaimed him the
most remarkable champion of Slovak rights since the days
of Matthew Oak.
r.udovit stur is sometimes accused of blindly accepting
Hegel's philosophy and applying it to Slovak and Slavic
life indiscriminately. It must be remembered, however,
that political and national controversy existing at that
time made it difficult, if not impossible to evaluate Slovak
30
SLOVAKIA
philosophy correctly. Granted that stur manifests a dependance on Hegel and contemporary German philosophers,
still to present him in this light alone--as his opponents
have done--seems to be a distortion. According to cyzevski,
a former professor of Halle, stur and his followers were
significant for philosophic thought in general. He goes on
to say that stur's generation included several thinkers
who tried to create their own philosophical system, and
who in these times, excelled among all Slovanic nations
in originality of thinking in philosophy. cyzevski elucidated
his point in the scholarly book Stur's Philosophy of Life
in which he clearly points out that stur was not a simple
student and advocate of Hegel's philosophy, but that he
formed his own independent philosophical system, one
which in many ways differed from Hegel's. cyzevski refutes
the charge that: 1. stur was a simple student of Hegel's;
2. that his philosophical views were those of contemporary
romantic philosophy. stur differed from Hegel in his
approach to life's phenomena which he found realistic.
Prior to his studies at Halle, stur had cultivated
genuine national convictions which were anchored upon
Herder's humanistic thought together with messianic
dreams that were to glorify the future of the Slavs. These
convictions enabled him to take a critical stand in regard
to some of Hegel's ideals though he held Hegel in high
esteem. On the other hand, Hegel's dynamic view of history
matched stur's ideas and provided a justification of his
thoughts concerning the Slavic world, especially his views
of the historical development of the world history of
nations comprising the Slavic world. Because of the influences of the Kollar-Herder conceptions of the historical
mission of the Slavs, stur did not fully agree with Hegel
in his concept of the absolute States of Germany and
Prussia, for in these Hegel saw the completion of historical
development. From the viewpoint of theology stur here
saw in Hegel's philosophy definite dangers of pantheism.
An authentic view of stur's attitude toward Hegel's
philosophy is best provided from a personal letter which
he wrote to Samo Bohdan Hrobon. In it he quotes from
Hrobo:n's poem, in which he sees or perceives from a
religious viewpoint, the shortcoming of Hegel's philosophy:
SLOVAKIA
31
Povez mi pisani! kde hledat spaseni?
Na svete marnem, cili v pravde vecne?
Cili v kouzelne prajine zpomneni?
Cili v krase, lasce nekonecne ... ?
Ach kam jsi zmisel svete me mladosti?
Kam se rozplynul Buh otec milosti?
Nenit ho vice! Usychejte kvety!
Dechnite duse! do propasti svety!
Nebot jiz umrel ten zakon vecnosti,
Ze vlas sa nehne bez povedomosti.
Tell me, 0 Poet, where to seek salvation?
In the temporal world or in eternal truth?
In the respective countries' pulpits?
In beauty, in undying charity ... ?
0 where has disappeared the world of my youth?
Where has vanished God the Father of Mercy?
He is no longer? 0 wither away, ye flowers!
Die, ye souls! until the world's end!
Fear not for eternal laws have decreed
That not a hair shall move without His knewing. 12
Hrobofl's next poem is encouraging and indicates that
the religious home training and strength of Slavic convictions are more forceful than Hegel's philosophical
doctrines:
Zijet duse ma a zit bude vecne jit zadna bure, zaden boj nezlomi
prave ponad ni s tisicmi hromy
Jako stin lahky v uzase preleti
mec obosecny Hegelove vedy.
Duse ma citem plamennym roztopi
Mee ten, do prichu padne zahanbeny.
Mee ten v nicote jak stin se rozplyne
Pred bleskom vecnym bozskeho nadseni!
Antheus slaviansky Herkula porazi!
My soul lives and will live forever Neither revolutions nor war shall ever break its spirit
Directly above myriads of thunderbolts it soars,
32
SLOVAKI A
Like a thin wall will crumble in confusio n
The two-edge d sword of Hegel's doctrine.
My soul senses a burning flame within it
Melting away that sword that must fall in dust and
shame
As a wall crumblin g in disgrace,
Before the divine lightning of eternal elan
With which the Slavic Antheus
Will destroy a vaunting Hercules .
Both poems bear heavily the weight of tension and
conflict which the sturists experienc ed because of their
selective ness in analyzing and sponsori ng aspects of Hegel's
philosoph y.
In the first poem, stur expressly discourag es the
publicizi ng of the new philosop hy for fear that the time
is not right and many may be complete ly misled by Hegel.
He advocate d that his followers benefit by the worthy
gifts of the great mind of Hegel and accept his philosoph y
only with due reservati ons; that they revamp it to meet
the need of the Slavs.
stur emphasiz ed the inevitabl e depth of philosoph ical
studies to which Slavic youth would have to devote itself.
Moreove r, he took a critical stand and used the German
philosop hic system modified accordin g to his views regarding Slavdom and moral principle .
Hegel's philosoph ical view became an impetus to stur
in his compilat ion and formulat ion of lectures on Slavic
history and poetry .13
In 1840 stur returned from Halle to Bratislav a where
he was assigned to the chair of Slovak Studies in Language
and Literatur e, succeedin g Palkovic in this post. Adequate ly
to understa nd the nature of this assignme nt, it is importan t
to realize the kind of world in which he was to teach.
To say that it was riddled with rank feudalism is all too
simple a generaliz ation. Far truer it is to realize that stur
came to a land where the Slovaks were held in abyssmal
serfdom, in an invincibl e vise of economic , moral, intellectual, spiritual and national bondage. It was the kind
of situation in which misery bred misery, usually in such
forms as alienatio n, alcoholis m, desperati on, extreme dehumaniz ation of the individua l and loss of personal dignity.
SLOVAKIA
33
- -- - - - - -- -- - - - - -- - - - - - - -
Unmitigated serfdom was reducing the Slovak into
stultified begger stricken with hunger and penury. Denied
schooling and spiritual enlightenmen t he was all too
readily becoming a prey to superstitious folly and to
grossness. The three-fourths who lorded it over the onefourth that was condemned to pay all the land truces ever
collected in the region saw to it that their victims had no
outlook at all for better things to come-either economically or intellectually or in anyway whatever.
The Slovak element enjoyed no public community life
as such and even though some attempts had been made
to root cultural interests and to rouse the people to national
life (such as the organizations at Trnava, Bratislava,
Banska Bystrica and Budapest), they were doomed to
short-term existence for lack of material support.
As a result, Slovak life became necessarily circumscribed to the primitive pattern of the familial unit
highlighted with such events as christenings, weddings and
funerals. Though the Slovak labored unstintingly, he was
not given the joy of benefiting by the fruits of his soil.
When stur surveyed this situation on his return from
Germany, he was forced to recognize this herd of subjugated beggars as his own people committed to mere
animal existence, and all his nobility of soul rose in revolt
at such inhumanity of man to man. But an emotional
responses alone was no solution to the problem. He set
himself to explore underlying causes, mainly the attitudes
of the people themselves, their thinking, their social
structures, their training and development, their milieu
from small dimensional areas to the broad perspectives
of the Austro-Hung arian domain.
Aware of the need for incentives for self-improvem ent,
and realizing that the most effective incentive of all is
man's conviction that he is a being of value and dignity,
his own consciousnes s of self, stur readily understood
what his main teaching role would be to raise a new
generation for Slovakia. He devoted himself completely to
the enlightenmen t of his people and never in the least
deviated from this objective.
Under his aegis there was a vital burgeoning of new
life among Slovaks of the younger element. He led the
34
SLOVAKIA
young to new founts of elemental truth and saving virtue.
His personality readily put him into the forefront as an
inspired leader as his peers at Bratislava extolled him
for his idealistic elan as well as his admirable self-discipline,
his moral charm and his firmness directed first of all toward himself and secondly toward others. Impressed by the
spirit of stur, Joseph Hurbl!Il who was a close collaborator
wrote at this time: "We must challenge youth to difficult
moral endeavors and teach the young to be concerned
about the future. We must offer them stur as their
paragon."
Influences of the Industrial Revolution as well as
effects of the national revolutions in France and in the
United States were not lost upon young men and women
of the day. Innovations were rampant on the air-romanticism, humanism, realism, revolution, criticism, democracy,
Pan-Slavic romanticism, and a steady stream of trends
and thoughts swept in upon maturing minds.
stur observed it all and amid all of it mourned the
divisive tendencies that tended to break the nation into
two camps: the Catholics and the Lutherans and only
bred new disadvantage. With clear vision he wrote in his
book N drecie ("Dialect"): "There must be an end to this
kind of partisanship; we must effect brotherly unity."
Also "Our entire Slovak family will be united in a common
speech and after centuries of fragmentation and coldness
the members of one family will recognize each other and
greet each other and embrace."
The work of stur, however, soon evoked harsh Magyar
resistance and this alerted him to the reality that it was
not possible to wait for the younger generation to carry
on toward brighter ideals; the need was immediate; the
solution had to be effected now.
His efforts for political support were fruitless. Every
country from which he could have expected help was
interested in pursuing its own advantage rather than in
relieving the plight of another. His last resort was to
exploit-in the best sense of the word-the very language
of his people. By establishing a standarized form of written
expression he sought to bring about one unifying element
for all the nation, one bond to give to all the Slovaks
SLOVAKIA
35
a sense of one-ness, and through this medium to reach
into the broader spectrum of unified national consciousness
and national thought. He was convinced that given one
common treasure to cherish and defend, they would be
ever ready to defend it, and in this very effort, they
would preserve their national being; without such a common objective they could readily lose even their national
identity. Their common language would be their talisman.
To implement this idea stur collaborated with Joseph
Hurban and Michael Hodza as early as 1843. All three
were agreed that the dialect of the central regions would
lend itself best as the basis for a standard Slovak literary
medium. Bernolak's earlier (1787) experiments with a
literary standard on the basis of western dialects had
been effective to degree but not wholly successful. Perhaps
this was due to the fact that Bernolak's ideas and efforts
were in advance of his times. Perhaps it was because the
western dialects were not the happiest choice he could
have made for a common medium. Perhaps it was due
also to the fact that traditionally the Catholic segment
of Slovak people was ardent in promoting the Slovak
cause while at the same time the Evangelical Slovaks
promoted the Czech language and culture inasmuch a.s
Czech had been adopted as the official liturgical language
of the Lutheran Church. Nevertheless, Palkovic in 1831-32
translated and published the entire bible into Bernolak's
new medium, and the renowned poet Jan Holly (1785-1849)
wrote all his masterly works in the newly codified Slovak
literary standard.
It is understandable then, that Stu.r's innovative effort
was not readily endorsed even by his own Evangelical
critics. In 1840 an open assault on the Slovaks was made
at the General Assembly of the Lutheran Church. Count
Charles Zay, their Inspector-General and some leading
laymen proclaimed racial apostasy as a duty which the
Slovak Lutherans owed to their fatherland and their
religion. They maintained that since "the Magyar language
is the truest guardian and protector of the liberty of our
country, of Europe, and the Protestant cause, it follows
that Magyarization is the duty of every eager champion
of freedom and intelligence." There followed a series of
36
SLOVAKIA
attempts to ostracize the Slovak language from Lutheran
Synods and presbyteries. Kossuth who was one of the
elders of the Church and a Slovak renegade spoke publicly
in favor of the abolition of all existing Slav societies in
Lutheran schools. One such society at Levoca had already
been suppressed, "as a breeding ground for Pan-Slavism,"
its library was closed and its president, ~udovit stur,
was deprived of his post at the gymnasium.14
Magyarized Slovak overlords, noblemen and landlords
untiringly sought to Magyarize the Slovaks, even imposing
punishment on those who refused to be enticed into the
Magyarized camp. Archbishop Patatic from Kolac, gave
each of the subjects twelve sticks to beat up anyone who
dared to speak in Slovak. It was publicly proclaimed
that the Slovaks and their language must be exterminated.15
Convinced as s tur was, however, of the greater objectives to be attained, he pressed forward with his new
venture. Youth groups espoused the cause very readily and
this support augured well for the future. In 1844 Hurban's
second volume of the annual Nitra appeared in the new
literary standard and in the same year Hodza established
the society Tatrin which officially recognized the new
literary standard and at once put it to use in the publication
of educational books, monographs and instructional pamphlets for the general public.
Within two more years there appeared stur's political
journal (three times a week ) Slovenske Ndrodne Noviny
with its literary supplement Orol Tatransky. All these
projects notably strengthened the newly devised Slovak
literary form of expression and assured its permanent
adoption.
sT-0-R'S SEARCH FOR A SLOVAK LITERARY MEDIUM
Its Effectiveness in Unifying Slovakia
Slovak life was now assuredly given expression through
the Slovak language. stur maintained that it could not
be otherwise and the years have borne witness to his
judgment. The task was demanding but largely because
the ground for the identity of the new generation was
properly prepared. stur not only understand existing
conditions in Slovakia, he formulated, what the nation
SLOVAKIA
a7
felt, what the nation needed. He gave expression to the
righteous desires and demands of his Slovak nation and
became its model of an inspired leader devoted to spiritual
and public activity. 16
sttir's call for further action was answered by
Sladkovic, Chalupka, Botto, Hurban and countless others
who felt that the proper course had been taken in
establishing their literary language. Even the Lutherans
finally accepted the Central Slovak dialect as a form of
Slovak expression touched by foreign influence of one
kind or another. On this matter the Slovaks had been
merely sorely split in the past but now there promised
to be a common unity to face the momentous events which
were to follow. The work initiated by Bernolak was
completed by sttir. Even John Holly, the greatest Slovak
poet and ideologist of his nation gave sttir his blessing
in this venture.
sttir and his collaborators found the Slovak language
and literature an invaluable instrument for advancing all
their endeavors especially in rousing the nation to selfconsciousness. They studied its historic past and revealed
it to the people who knew little or nothing about their
historic origins and so had little impulse for experiencing
pride of nation. They wanted to lift up the people from
poverty and abandonment, so they enlightened and trained
the general public.17
sttir can rightly be called the reformer of literary
Slovak. Under his dynamic leadership the Slovaks literally
re-emerged from obscurity and oblivion. They asserted
themselves not only culturally but also politically because
they became qualified and fired to forthcoming uprisings
and events that had trans-European reverberations.
A new era unfolded in Slovak cultural and national life
when sttir adopted aesthetic and philosophical principles
in his literary school. At this point romanticism and
nationalism were pactically identical. sttir's cultural activities were timely in Western and Central Europe where
national consciousness, popular art, and folklore were
the order of the day.
In this climate sttir successfully organized his literary
school and cultural activities, which marked a new era in
38
SLOVAKIA
Slovak national life. The members of this school "imposed
the most exacting task on themselves in order to elevate
the Slovak people to the same cultural level as the rest
of Europe, to release their creative energies and to enable
a new national culture to arise from the existing popular
art and language. 18
sttir and his school were imbued with objectives
directed towards specific social goals. Hence the literature
which they created echoed not only a melancholy restlessness and romantic involvement but also the call for
a better world.
In 1842 a petition signed by two hundred Slovaks led
by their clergymen was submitted to the Emperor in
Vienna. The only outcome of this effort was that is
provoked Kossuth to charge Superintendent Jozeffy and
his colleague Hodza with betraying the Magyar cause and
the Protestant religion. Both men were publically embarrassed and howled down.
By contrast, two voices were raised in defense of the
Slovaks, those of Count John Mailath, Catholic historian
of Hungary, and Count Stephen Szechenyi who stated
in a public address to the Academy that he hardly knew
a Magyar who "is not transformed into a madman and
even more or less deaf to the laws of fairness and justice,
whenever the question of our nationality and language is
raised." He begged his compatriots to "do as you would
be done by." But the day on which 'the greatest magyar'
and his fellow-magnate entered these protests, the popularity of the two Counts began to fail; the frenzy of
Kossuth, voiced in his brilliant and aggressive organ Pesti
Hirlap, carried all before it.
As early as 1842, Kossuth declared in one of its issues:
"Indeed, indeed I tell you, a Slovak nation has never existed
even in a dream." In 1843 he boasted of his glowing love
for his nation as the only one in Hungary which has any
future based upon politics or law. 19
The argument of the German people, Herrenfolk: "We
must be masters in our own house," was already applied
in the "forties" by Magyars to the "foreign inhabitants"
of Hungary.
At this critical time the Slovaks found three leaders,
SLOVAKIA
39
full of courage and self-sacrifice, r.udovit stur, Michael
Hodza and Joseph Hurban. All three happened to be Slovak
Lutherans, courageous enough to agree in favor of the
central dialect of the Slovak language for essentially
political reasons. This dialect was a unifying factor which
they believed would help strengthen their position in the
struggle against the Magyars and Magyarones.
The Slovaks could no longer stand this type of op-pression. They appealed to King Ferdinand in Vienna. He
in turn said to them: "Every nation in Hungary should
educate and develop itself according to law and justice
and develop its national language as much as possible.
The highest power will not object to this, but rather aid
it in its endeavor."
The Slovak delegation returned home very hopeful.
But at home disappointments and hardships awaited them,
because the King's words fell on deaf ears and did not
phase the Magyars. 20
In 1844 stur was dismissed from his post at the
Bratislava College as Deputy Professor, because he resisted
Count Zay's plans for Magyarization through the school.
Yet stur continued to express his thoughts in writing
in the newspaper he published, "Slovak National News"
("Slovenske Narodne Noviny"). The permission for the
editing of this paper was given by the Hungarian government after an interim of four years. In this paper he
resolved to defend the rights of the Slovak people.
The joy was great in Slovakia. Most of the Slovaks
realized the importance of this news media, and at what
price it was made possible. When it was first issued the
people rejoiced in diverse ways to express their appreciation of its accomplishment.
The supplement to the "Slovak National News" was
"Orol Tatransky" ("The Tatra Eagle") which was a power
to be reckoned with. This newspaper was both instructive
and amusing. It found favor with all classes of people,
and reached all strata of the populace.
stur's program was a realistic one. He gave credit
where it was due. He voiced his opinions in regard to
the shortcomings of his people and denounced their
delinquencies.
40
SLOVAKIA
The papers served their mission well for three years,
uniting, teaching, exhorting and encouraging the people
during the most stirring time of Slovak history.
His exhortations today are as timely as they were
in 1845: "Let us not abandon ourselves, Slovak country-men.
Higher is the cause of the entire nation, higher is the cause
of the whole, than of the individual and even though
individuals harm us, the cause itself does not do so, but
with us thus far, it has been that individuals offended by
our people immediately abandoned the cause itself ... " 21
The Magyars came to realize what great influence
the new publications were effecting on the Slovak people
and began to clamor for the immediate suppression of
this press. But the embe:rlS had been stirred. Much of
the purpose of the publications had already been achieved.
The Slovaks were finally reawakened nationally.
In 1847, stur was elected to the Hungarian Parliament
as a deputy for the town of Zvolen, Naturally he had
limited influence since he was the only Slovak deputy in the
House. However, his speeches reveal that he was an
enlightened fighter for freedom and social reform, one who
demanded equal rights for all nationalities in Hungary,
in cultural and political life. He repeatedly insisted that
the Diet adopt laws to free the peasant masses from a
feudalistic Robot system and labor rent, and that the
culture of the people and country be promoted by the
establishment of schools in the national tongues of the
people. Among other things he demanded the industrialization of Slovakia and the adoption of humanitarian laws
between the gentry and the working class.
One of the main topics of Stu.r's speeches was the
obsolete social and political structure of Hungary. He was
all for a federalistic system of government which would
give equal justice to all peoples. He advocated that special
efforts be made to develop the State in new social and
political reforms, and to make it a partner of modern
Europe.
In creating their political program, stur and his
followers, took into consideration not only their aims
and desires, but also the existing circumstances. One was
the fact that Slovakia was a part of the Hungarian state
SLOVAKIA
41
in which it did not constitute a distinctive separative
administrative unit.
The Slovaks were not planning to break away from
Hungary. What they wanted most of all was to have the
boundaries of the Slovak lands defined so that the Slovak
people might have guaranteed equality with the Magyars
in Hungary. This equality they urged was to apply in all
areas of political, social and especially in cultural life.
They intended to present these petitions to the Emperor
and the Parliament but first they wished to have the
endorsement and the views of the Slovak people regarding
their aims and their achievements. In May of 1848 they
met at the parsonage of Michael Hod.za in Liptovsky Sv.
Mikulas where they drew up a form for Slovakia's future
political program called: "Petitions of the Slovak Nation." 22
Its Contribution Towards a Pan-Slavic Movement
Stu.r's role as a reformer of the Slovak literary language was significant and far-reaching. His great efforts
to this direction contributed greatly even to modern Slovak
ideology. It was he who first gave to his people a new
vision of political freedom and of a better future. stur
provided a strong impetus to Slovak life in general by
his own example, and by his writings embracing fields
as diversified as poetry, philosophy, history, sociology, etc.
From his correspondence one learns that he had direct
relations with the leaders of all Slavic peoples. During
his stay in Vienna he came in contact with other Slav
representatives: The Slovene Stanko Vraz, the Croatian
Ban Jelacic, and the Serbian Patriarch Rajacic, who were
working together and made a joint visit to the Imperial
Court.
stur's reforms of the literary language also brought
about the unity of the Slovak people and this, in turn,
was followed by flourishing cultural and literary activities.
His influence was so vital that some of his principles and
ideology still lives in the cultural life of Slovakia.23
The lyrical element is strong in Stu.r's poetry and
prose. He passed from the sphere of the personal and
social into national and Slavic thought in all his works.
The soul of the nation--or of the Slavs-was his
42
SLOVAKIA
constant subject. He concentrated on the pain of the
nation's sufferings, struggles, and failures and this theme
pervades the climate of his literary works.
stur and his followers were gifted with keen insight
into existing social problems and this vision they combined
with the romantic inheritance of deep attachment to their
country, its people and to the Slavic world at large. They
did their utmost to advocate and to provide democratic
enlightenment for the unpriviledged classes, viz. the
peasants and workers. They defined, encouraged and
glorified their importance, as they glorified the Slavs and
all their past. One of stur's followers, Samo Tomasik,
composed the Slav anthem, "Hej, Slovania," which bespoke
new hope, a new ideal and a great pride comparable to
that expressed in Vajansky's famous verse:
I am proud to be a Slovak
Elegant is my race;
A hundred million souls it numbers,
Over half the world it rules.
With the Slovak tongue you can traverse
The four parts of the earth!
One of my brothers plants the palm
Another does eternal iceland scan
A third skims o'er the widespread seas!
From the phantasy which Kollar inspired as the great
dream of one great Slav nation and one unified Slav language, the Slovaks, as Hans Kohn agrees "feeling abandoned
in Hungary and their national existence threatened, may
have drawn strength and faith in the indeitructibility of
the Slovak people and language," and it helped to continue
to maintain contacts with the cultural life of other Slavic
peoples. 24
stur's contemporaries indicated their Pan-Slavic sympathy and tendencies by reading Russian, Polish, Ukrainian,
Czech, Croatian and Serbian authors in the original and
were very fond of the famous "Ode to Youth" by Mickiewicz.
According to Bobek: "Not even the Poles received it as
enthusiastically as the Slovaks."
The desire of the Slovak poets and novelists of stur's
time was to imitate other Slav writers, and their enthusiastic belief in one "slavic" culture was intense.
SLOVAKIA
43
Cizevsky maintains: "The only book which shows
similarities with Mickiewicz's "Book of the Polish Pilgrimage" is $tur's work "An Ancient and a New Age of
Slovaks" ("Stary a novy vek Slovakov") because $tur
speaks of another kingdom and of other peoples. However,
$tur deviates, because he wanted to unfold a realistic
program, and Mickiewicz's Book could not satisfy him.
$tur's position among Slav intellectuals of the nineteenth century is well attested among other various media
by his rich correspondence with practically all oustanding
Slavic leaders of the day also the fact that his work
"Slavdom and the World of the Future" was translated
and twice published by Russian intellectuals in the last
century and at the beginning of this century.
$tur, Kollar and $afarik can rightly be regarded as
great figures of the Slavic world to the Slovaks of the
nineteenth century. All three expressed: "in the familiar
mood of the period, a general belief in historical progress,
in a bright future , in the advent of some great spiritual
manifestation, of a new era for mankind which would
establish forever a basis of liberty, peace and happiness."
In visualizing the Slavs as a unified body with a great
future, they helped the awakening of the national consciousness of their own Slav-speaking peoples.25
:CUDOVi T $ TOR'S ROLE
IN THE PAN- SLAVIC MOVEMENT
His Political and Social Thought
Slovakia is sometimes called the mother of the PanSlavic Movement. One of her sons, John Herkel, first used
the word "pan,slavic" in his Latin treaties of 1826. In
addition, the Slovak poet Jan Kollar and the Slovak scholar
P. J. $afarik were among the main leaders of the Pan-Slavic
Movement. As a matter of fact these two are sometimes
considered the fathers of Pan-Slavism in Slovakia.
Herder, in his "Ideas on the Philosophy of the History
of Humanity" ("Ideen zur Philosophie der Geschichte")
prophesied that the Slavs, who up until then were held
in bondage and oppression, would awaken from their
lethargy and free themselves from the shackless, and
eventually recover their possesion of the vast lands that
44
SLOVAKIA
stretched from the Adriatic Sea to the Baltic, from the
Don to the Mulda. In this heritage they would devote
themselves to the peaceful development of the arts and
commerce. Though unknowingly, Herder sowed the first
germ of Pan-Slavtsm. 26
stur's significance in the Slavic world of this calibre
was assessed by Seton Watson. In regard to the great
literary efforts of stur, Hurban and safarik, Seton-Watson
states: "their writings were of capital importance in the
whole Slav revival of the last century, and form a strange
sentimental link between the Western romantic school
and the extravagancies of Pan-Slavism."
In reference to the first Slav Congress in Prague in
1848 Seton-Watson maintains that stur "played a decisive
part in the preparation for the Congress." safarik, stur,
Hurban and Hodza played a part second to none except
Palacky at that same Congress. An analysis is in order
in regard to these two opinions to determine stur's
significance in the Pan,Slavic Movement.
As early as 1840, stur had recourse to the throne of
Austria and there presented his petitions in regard to the
injustices perpetrated by Hungary against the Slovak
people. He formally presented his petitions to the Hungarian Assembly. It embodied these provisions for the
betterment of the Slav situation:
1) A systematic investigation of the Slovaks who were
maligned by the Magyars in order to obtain protection
for the oppressed; 2) that there be two censors to safeguard Slovak official writings; 3) that a Slovak literary
seat be established at the Bratislava Lyceum and at Pest
University; 4) that certificates and church records be kept
in Latin; 5) that church ceremonies be in the mother
tongue and that every guarantee and assurance be provided
for this practice.
The country was up in arms because the Slovaks dared
to present their cause to the throne. Voluble insults were
heaped upon the Slovaks in the newspapers, at gatherings,
etc. Those who aided the Slovaks or sympathized with
their cause were also abused. 27
It was at this point that ~udovit stur asked for permission to publish his "Slovak National News" ("Slovenske
SLOVAKIA
45
Narodne Noviny"). Archprince Joseph retorted by saying:
"The Slovaks do not need newspapers. The publishing
of such newspapers would be considered traitorous."
It was the consensus in 1840 that Austria would lean
on the Slovaks for political reasons, that is Slavic Austria,
against Hungarian Austria (Magyar). But in Hungary
Archduke Joseph had the upper hand and things were
shaped his way. He even had control over the deputation
of Slovak Pest in Church matters. At this point he is to
have said: "In Hungary I know only one people and those
are the Magyars. " 28
The phantom of Pan-Slavism repeated its threat in
1830 when Russia established a Slovak literary seat at
its university. The young Russian Slavists began to visit
the Slavs in the South as well as in Central Europe. For
the ensuing years the word Pan-Slavism had political
connotation for the Russian and Germanic nations implying
a belligerent attempt to replace their civilization with
the Slavic civilization. The connotation derived largely
from the subjugated position of the various Slavic nations
at this time. In Vienna the guards were ordered to stress
in each paragraph of the law of magyarization that every
sermon in Slovak churches be preached in Magyar and
in even remote towns and villages there was a strong ban
against Pan-Slavism of any kind.
"In our country and near its borders," wrote Wessel,
in Kossuth's newspaper, Hirlap, December, 1842, "Slovak
mistakes are dangerous and a threat to all Europe and
to our dynasty and country . .. " "Everyone who defies our
Magyar language and our nationalism and who supports
the mistakes of the Slovaks knowingly or unknowingly is
an enemy to the peace and to our federation, and to our
throne." 29
stur did not advocate the destruction of the Hungarian
State. As long as there was any hope for a settlement with
the Magyars, he was amenable to living with a fair situation.
But he warned the ruling Magyar class that they could
not forever ignore and suppress the inherent rights of
the lesser peoples and exploit the Slovaks and other nations
of Hungary without expecting them to retaliate and to
demand a free national life, just as the Magyars were
themselves demanding it from the Hapsburg Empire.
46
SLOVAKIA
stlir wrote a sensational article "Charges and Complaints of the Slovaks in Hungary" ( ~aloby a ponosy
Slovakov v Uhorsku") published in Leipzig in 1843, in
which he reprimanded the chief Inspector, Count Zay,
for conniving to Magyarize the Slovaks for political reasons.
Count Zay felt that he was truly aware of the political
currents in Slovakia. By a logic all his own, he divided
the Slovaks into three groups. One was to be concerned
about literary matters. The second was eager to establish
a Western-Slav kingdom in Austria; the third was accused
of secret contacts with Russia. 30
It is uncertain whether these three groups were fully
aware of the gravity of the situation of those times;
however, all had one goal in mind: to save the Slovaks
from utter Magyarization and to secure for the Slovak
nation its independent political status within the framework of the Hapsburg Empire.
"We do not want our rights established on favor, but
we demand our rights on the basis of justice," stlir
declared. These famous words laid the foundation to all
petitions and demands presented in Vienna and at the
Hungarian Diet in Bratislava. stlir's debates with Kossuth
all stemmed from this moral and democratic attitude. On
behalf of his nation stlir demanded "peace based on justice
and mutual understanding." He went on to say: "In the
Pesti Hirlap Kossuth is fighting for equality of rights, but
in the Diet he wants to give the orders to investigate and
punish those who stand up for the rights . . . That is his
freedom and liberalism." 3 1
All of Stu.r's writings indicate a clear political view:
Slovakia established as a sovereign crown land under the
Hapsburgs, an equal partner of other nations in the
Empire. In short, he was even back in his own day
for a program of the federalization of Central Europe.
In a sense stlir appeared as a Romantic visionary in
the eyes 0f all who did not favor Slavic reciprocity or
his vision of a great future for the Slavic world, his
untiring demands for equal rights for the Slovak people
and their national independence which he formulated in
the following terms:
"Each nation is only one part of humanity, and no
SLOVAKIA
47
nation can make for itself the claim that it alone attained
the best possible human evolution and degree of perfect
ability. Thereafter, no nation has a right to impose upon
another nation its way of life when that nation wants to
move for itself and educate itself as it sees fit.
"So that we Slovaks might be revived and assume
in history that place which is rightfully ottrs by reason
of our native strength and abilities we must once and
for all free ourselves, because a nation which is enslaved
has its hands bound, its spirit stifled, and is forever
threathened with danger that sooner or later it will
perish." 32
The year 1848 was ushered in as a promising one,
but before long it became stormy. The more the Magyars
spoke of freedom, the more tyranically did they suppress
all non-Magyars. They did their utmost to turn public
opinion against the Slovaks. Wessel wrote to Kossuth that
he would rather have 50,000 Germans settle the mountain
countries than 10,000 Slavs. Once again intolerance charged
all the climate.
At this point, Pan-Slavism evolved as a defensive
movement among the Slavs rather than as a political
movement aimed at replacing western dominance in
Europe.
The term "Pan-Slavism" has been used generally to
denote the historical tendency of the Slavic peoples to
manifest in their tangible way, either cultural or political,
their consciousness of ethnic kinship.
Cultural Pan-Slavism had its origin in the remarkable
national awakening of the Slavs at the dawn of the nineteenth century. Submerged for long centuries under cruel
masters, the Slavs were quickened to a renewal of awareness of their national identities, not by political leaders,
but by their cultural leaders. These Slavs realized how
they had been deprived of their national identity. They
nourished better hopes for the future by seeking to
reanimate the faded memories of a glorious past. In this
effort they discovered that they were brothers bound by
a common misfortune yet endowed with a vast cultural
heritage. 33
Slavic men of learning helped to initiate national
48
SLOVAKIA
movements among their countrymen primarily in order
to establish the individuality and cultural worth of each
Slavic group: Bulgarians, Czechs, Slovaks, Poles, Slovenians, Croats, Serbs and Russians. The various romantic
movements were propagated in individual ways and degrees
yet through them the ideal of Slavic unity, which had been
lost in the past by foreign oppression, was to be resurrected with the surmounting and overthrow of that
oppression. Pan-Slavism as a cultural and even as a political
ideal evolved not in Russia, but rather among the Western
and Southern Slavs, who had far more need of unity
than did the mighty Russian Empire.
This stage of Pan-Slavism signaled the national awakening of central and eastern Europe, and was characterized
by interest and emphasis within the areas of language,
literature, and culture. Among the Slavic peoples many
had experienced a thousand years of injustice and mistreatment which yielded an unhealthy state of discouragement and stagnation. Now in the hour of their national
awakening, the Slovak people seek to forgive their cruel
masters rather than to avenge themselves. This attitude
was shaped by the acute yearning they bore for the selfdetermination of their country. As much as they decried
the enslavement of other nations, they would not permit
another to enslave them.
The literary and scientific Pan-Slavism of Kollar and
::;afarik created a powerful national spirit among the Slavs.
Then it became only natural that this desire for national
unity and selfdetermination should demand to be heard
and to begin to be realized within the context of political
Pan-Slavism. It moved in this direction under I.:udovit ::;tur
who perceived by what stages Pan-Slavism must go. He
foresaw that to achieve their glorious destiny, the Slavic
peoples had to attain an assured measure of political unity.
At this point political Pan-Slavism had two alternatives:
Austroslavism, which meant retaining a form of Austrian
political influence, for which ::;tur was ready to settle when
he advocated it at the Prague Congress in 1848, the first
great manifestation of Pan-Slavism and of Slavic identity,
apart from the Hapsburg rule, and Pan-Russianism which
::;tur adapted after the failure of the Prague Congress.34
SLOVAKIA
49
As Magyar exploitation of the Slovaks and other
minority nations of Hungary continued, stur's admonitions
to the ruling powers fall on deaf ears. The Magyars stubbornly and universally refused to heed any demands for
redress of any kind of settlement with the non-Magyar
nations in Hungary. This attitude helped to precipitate
the revolution of 1848-49, in which the Slovaks also
participated. stur together with Hodza and Hurban led
an armed resistance force supporting Austria against the
revolution of the Magyar aristocrats. That the Hapsburgs
were forgetful of this effort and ungrateful to the Slovaks,
that they finally settled with the Magyars at the expense
of the non-Magyar nations of Hungary, did not help the
issue of the dissatisfied minorities. The settlement of 1867,
referred to as Austro-Hungarian but being in reality
Austro-Magyar, became the burial pit of the monarchy
which could have become a mighty confederation in Central
Europe. It was I.:udovit stur and not the Slovak Magyar
chauvinist, Louis Kossuth, who was the genuine democrat. 35
No setback dismayed stur completely or caused him
to lose heart. Under opposition and failure he tended to
redouble his energy. stur was the heart, Hodza the brain,
and Hurban the soul of the revolutionary movement. They
set themselves anew to collect funds, provide weapons,
organize a volunteer corps, choose trained soldiers to lead
them, financially aid patriots who were in prison and
conduct a vast correspondence. Though defeated and betrayed in the outcome by Vienna, the Slovak revolution of
1848-49 marked an important milestone in Slovak history.
The first large public manifestation of the Sl0vaks
occured on May 10, 1848 at Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas. On this
occasion a historic memorandum embracing six articles
expressing the demands of the people was adopted unanimously. In substance these articles were:
We demand that our people be permitted to· take
part in the legislative deliberations of the land, and
this not only de jure but de facto. And as such
participation can alone become real and profitable
when conducted in a language that is intelligible to
us, we ask for our representatives the right to speak
Slovak in the Diet.
50
SLOVAKIA
We demand the right to plead and answer cases
in the courts of law in Slovak.
We demand that the school training of our youth,
which is now so woefully neglected, be conducted in
the mother tongue.
We demand just and equitable representatives in
the Diet.
We demand for ourselves, and shall forever ask
that our nationality, which we will never renounce,
remain inviolate and inviolable.
We demand that this petition be made known
within the entire juristiction of Hungary, in Croatia,
and Slavonia and be brought to the notice of the
viceroy and of the Hungarian ministry, to the end
that all friends of liberty and humanity may plead our
just cause.36
Open-air meetings were held in larger towns throughout all regions during the spring of 1848. Equality and
liberty, the maintenance and defense of the Slovak language
were the keynote of them all. The Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas
program was endorsed by a dozen towns supplemented
here and there with petitions to meet subordinate local
needs.
Swiftly spread the news that Louis Phillipe had
forfeited his crown to the French republicans, in 1848,
anfi it reached every corner of the Hapsburg monarchy.
Vienna was seething with political excitement. Prague was
in feverish anticipation of the approaching Slavic Congress
scheduled to meet there on June 2, in protest against
the bartering of Slavic Austria to Greater Germany.
stur went to Vienna after the March Revolution. There
he met other Slav representatives, especially Ban Jelacic
and the Serbian Patriarch Rajacic, who were working
hand in hand and paid joint visits to the Imperial Court.
At this early stage of developments, stur received an
invitation from the students at Prague which he accepted
and through which he played a decisive part in the
preparations for the Slav Congress. On April 30, he made
a strong appeal in favor of united common action between
the Slovaks and the Czechs. For the time being, at least,
there was a healing of the breaches and disagreements.37
SLOVAKIA
51
A manifesto program which was initiated by Hurban,
was issued at Teplice in the name of the Slovaks as the
original occupants of this region. It was addressed simultaneously to the Crown and to the newly-formed national
government at Pest. Its main demand was that there be
convened a General Parliament for the brother nations of
Hungary. Precipitously, any further movement in this direction was promptly suppressed by the Magyar authorities.
Kossuth thundered against the Pan-Slavs in Parliament.
Hurban and a few others were obligated to flee and they
joined stur in an attempt to rouse Bohemia, Moravia and
Slovakia to common action, and acclaimed Prague as the
heart of tl<le Slavic world. Meanwhile, Hodza issued a small
book in German, presenting an answer to the Slovaks
to Count Zay and his summons that a choice be made
between Magyarizations and the Russian knout. Hodza's
fiery response was: "Rather the Russian knout than
Hungarian domination, for the one can only enslave our
bodies, while the other threatens us with moral ruin and
death." 36
The time was ripe for action by the Slavs. stur
proclaimed a Slavic Congress and agreed with Czech
writers to set the date for May 31, 1848. Prague was chosen
for the site of the Congress. A total of 362 delegates were
present representing various Slavic nations, especially those
under the Hapsburg rule, but the Poles and the Russians
were also represented. The express objective 1tf the meeting
was the establishment of contacts and regular exchanges
among the Slavic peoples and the drawing up of a program
of action for all peoples living as subject nations under
Austria and/ or Hungarian domination. The four Slovak
leaders-safarik, stur, Hurban and Hodza-played a part
second to none. They were determined to make Slovakia
an equal with Bohemia and Moravia, as part of a Czech-Slav
federal unit, such as Palacky had contemplated.
At this Congress stur offered a program for federalizing Central Europe. The Czech were consistent supporters
of Austroslavism. Consequently the problem came to be
narrowed down to a definition of terms: The objectives
of the Congress was either to save Austria, for with her
lay the best chances of maintaining Slavic identity, or
52
SLOVAKIA
immediate prov1s10n for the Slavic peoples living under
Austria. stur made it clear, that his aim was not specifically
to preserve Austria, under whom the Slavs had hitherto
rotted, but to preserve his own people; Austria, he added,
was decrepit and lay under a curse. He went on to say:
Our aim should be to save ourselves, not to save
Austria. First we must work for ourselves, then for
others. Thus far Austria has been flourishing but we
have been languishing. What would the world say to
us if we stood for nothing but the preservation of
Austria? Let us say that we want to stand as independent Slovanic communities under the government
of Austria . . . this will give our work a genuinely
Slovanic accent ...39
stur felt that the program of the Congress should
be: 1) the creation of independent Slavic united states
within Austria, and 2) prompt agreement to this, so
that the Austrian armies might be authorized to destroy
Magyar encroachments into Slovakia.
stur stressed Slavic independence: "If we are to
assume that place in history which rightfully belongs
to us by reason of our ability and strength, we must
once and for all free ourselves from this intolerable
foreign thraldom and gain national independence for
ourselves." 40
The necessity of remaining with the Austrian cadre
was crystal clear to stur yet he made no secret of his
distrust of Austria. The Czechs felt otherwise. Because
they had not been mistreated as were the Slovaks under
the Magyars, they were willing to accept and abide by the
vague promises of the Austrian Emperor that Slavic rights
would be recognized and respected.
In return for these promises, the delegates of the
Congress pledged full support to Austria in her effort to
subdue the Magyars. In addition, they adopted a "Manifesto
t o the European Nations" which called for the following
objectives:
1. That the Slavic people under Turkish rule be freed.
2. That the Magyars acknowledge the rights of the
SLOVAKIA
53
Slovak nation, including the right of its own language.
3. That the Croatian autonomy be maintained.
4. That the Slovenians be permitted to possess their
land. 41
sttir felt that the Congress was a failure, because it
seemed simply to reduce the Pan-Slavic movement to an
attempt to reorganize Austria in a way to satisfy the
nationalism of the Slavs. The insurrection of 1848 against
the Magyars had also failed. sttir was disappointed to say
the least and in the Pan-Slavic Movement was shaken.
But he still cherished the hope that Slavic independence
would be possible. In his despair and disillusionment,
he became almost convinced that a small nation could not
attain its freedom alone. Twice he had experienced having
his great hopes in behalf of Pan-Slavism shaken. Now only
one more possibility remained: alliance or association with
Russia, for Russia alone of the Slavic nations was powerful
enough to lead others to independence. This conclusion
became the basic idea developed in his book, "Slavdom
and the World of the Future," a work which extols the
cultural, moral and political forces of the Russian Empire.
It also presents a detailed program for the union of Slavs
under the leadership of Russia.
HIS POLITICAL RE-ORIENTATIO N
In 1848 and 1849 when the Magyars under Kossuth
arose in armed rebellion against Austria, demanding complete independence, the Slovaks braced themselves against
a new wave of Magyarization pressures. Led by sttir and
his collaborators, they fought in their units with the
Austrians and then with the Russian Armies to subdue
the Magyar rebels. In return the Slovaks hoped to gain
from Vienna recognition of their own national aspirations.
Vienna, however, disappointed them and overlooked guaranteeing their rigl;lts against the encroachment of the
Magyars. Furthermore, influenced by Kollar, the imperial
court used the antiquated Biblical Czech of the Protestants
as the official Slovak language in the translation of the
laws, for instruction in the schools, and in the newly
established newspaper sponsored by the government,
54
SLOVAKIA
"Slovak News" ("Slovenske Noviny"), published in Vienna.
The fruits of Stu.r's labors seemed doomed and at this
point he turned with greater hope to Russia.
The Revolution that erupted in Paris in February 1848,
and reverberated throughout Europe, encouraged the movement in Hungary. It affected the development of Slovak
life and helped to bring the Slav political program to
greater maturity. Individual regions of Slovakia rebelled
against the imposition of Hungarian as the only recognized
legal language and strove to secure sanctions for Slovak
as their official language. The native tongue of the Slovak
people represented the very survival of Slovakia.
stur's basic concept in "Slavdom and the World of
the Future" ("Das Slawenthum und die Welt der Zukunft")
was an exceptional tribute to the cultural, moral and
political forces at work within the Russian Empire. This
work also included a detailed plan for the union of all
Slavs with Russia, "the most complete and consistently
developed program for the subjugation of Slavs to Russia,"
according to Professor Lednicki.
stur adopted Herder's and Hegel's ideas which in turn
provided the Slavs with a consciousness of unity based
upon the communal element of language and a glorious
destiny, proclaiming them as the prospective leaders of
Europe. stur stressed the belief that the Slavs have a
mission to fulfill in universal history, and that this mission
can be fulfilled only if they are united. There were three
procedures to consider:
1. Slavic federation without Russia.
2. Transformation of Austria into a Slavic federation.
3. Union with Russia as a monarchic empire under
Russian leadership, united in the Orthodox Church
and the Russian literary language.
The first two approached did not appeal to stur's
vision gf a Slavic world of the future. Because of geographical features and considerations, internal rivalries,
religious and cultural differences, and intermingled nonSlavic elements, any attempt to federalize the Slavic nations
at this time seemed doomed to failure. 42
Since the Slavs were to be leaders of the "new"
Europe, stur set out to determine whether the Slavs really
SLOVAKIA
55
had a role of their own to fulfill in world history. At this
point they were not in position to do anything significant
but history was a progression of spent nations being
replaced by young one, and stur envisioned a future in
which Slavic emancipation would eventually occur.
There was no use in looking to the West for support
in securing Slovakia's self-determination for, the West was
already on the downward path to moral, political and
social dissolution. Western civilization had deteriorated,
the West itself needed help. Only Slavs could aid the Slavs.
stur went on to paint a highly romantic picture of
the Slavs, representing them as good at heart, patient,
humble, kind and democratic. These were the general
characteristics of all the Slavs, but especially of the Russians who were visualized as being at the apex of all the
nobles features of the Slavic nations. stur did not know
them personally. He had never been in Russia, neither had
he any prolonged contact with Russians. He simply claimed
that it had to be so logically, since the Russians were
the leaders of the Slavs; they had to be the best Slavs.
He was convinced too that unity was an absolute necessity
if the Slavs were to achieve their historic mission. The
only alternative left was union with Russia. 43
"Russia is the prime mover and the leader of our
national family. Our people are but a fragment of a single
nationality. They can be reborn and united into a single
whole only by a elated benevolent and great Power." In
stur's mind that power was Russia. "Let us go forth
together in the spirit of our own people, under the leadership of the racial elders given to us by history."
The Slavist, Professor Petrovich maintains that "The
failure of the Slovak revolution and other political demonstrations brought stur to the conclusion that it was u.seless
for his people to seek its own freedom alone or in the
framework of Austroslavism." 44
This definitive decision on the part of stur amazed
contemporary experts in his Slavic world. Yet it is not
hard to understand stur's position when one realized the
facts with which stur had to live in the 1850's. Since his
primary goal was Slavic nationalism, Slavic unity, Russia
was the only leader to whom to turn since Austroslavism
56
SLOVAKIA
failed. His main objective was the creation of a federation
of independent Slavic states under the Russian leadership,
the same kind of action he had urged at the Prague
Congress in 1848 for Austrian leadership.
The Slavic peoples of the Austrian Empire, such as
Czechs and Slovaks, and the smaller groups looked more
and more toward Russia for help, since they found themselves outnumbered by the ruling Germans and Magyars.
A second Pan-Slav Congress met in Moscow in 1867.
The Poles were not represented. They considered the
Russians their national enemies and oppressors. Russian
chauvini&m was apparent throughout the congress. From
that time on Russian nationalists wished to use Pan-Slavism
as a tool for Russian expansion at the expense of nonRussian Slavs for the destruction of the Austrian Empire
and the Turkish Empire. Both Empires contained large
Slavic minorities.
The Russian war against Turkey in 1877 was accompanied by Pan-Slavic agitation to liberate the Balkan Slavs,
especially the Bulgarians, from the Turkish domination.
World War I also started partly because the Russians
supported the Slavic Serbs against the Austrian Empire.
The fact that Russia herself oppressed several Slavic
peoples--the Poles, the Ukrainians, and the Byelorussian s
-and the fact that the Russian tsarist autocracy was
politically and socially backward militated before 1914
against the claim of the Russians to be regarded as the
spokesmen of all Slavs.45
All the peoples, with the exception of the Croatians,
Slovenians and Serbs were united under Moscow's leadership, and thus many of the extravagant Russian aspirations,
voiced during the Pan-Slav Congress in Moscow, in 1867,
were fulfilled .46 Stu.r's great dream of a family of Slavic
peoples united under Russia may also become a reality
-but not under an Orthodox Church as a dedicated
community, nor under an enlightened Russian Tsar with
humanist and liberal views, nor as a Russian group
struggling for the highest ideals of freedom and respect
for human beings, as stur wished to see it in his work
"Das Slawenthum und die Welt der Zukunft" ("Slavdom
and the World of the Future"), but under a disastrous
SLOVAKIA
57
policy, the cornerstone of which was laid at Yalta in
February, 1945.
This policy destroyed Europe's individuality and enlarged the power of the Kremlin, a power that has kept
all humanity under constant tension since 1945 and is
a threat to the freedom of all the states it has not yet
captured. It led to the subjugation of an additional 200
million Europeans. On the soil in Northern, Central and
Southern Europe, there arose a new Soviet colonial system.
At a time when in the free world, peoples who
have never enjoyed self-govenment in the past are
gradually attained nationhood and are assisted by the
United Nations in the achievement of their rightful
aspiration-the exact reverse process has been taking
place in Central and Eastern Europe. 47
ST-OR'S IMPACT ON SLOVAKIA
Revival of Slovak National Life
stur knew it was imperative that the Slovaks be
awakened nationally; otherwise they were doomed as a
nation. The nation needed scholars who would delve into
antiquity and from the glory of the past raise a national
enthusiasm and groundwork on which to build for the
future. He assumed the task of providing them. The Slovak
historian, Julius Botto, says of stur: "He trained for the
Slovak nation energetic, selfless men, genuine national
heroes."
Since the Slovak gentry continued to yield its national
identity and was overshadowed and even absorbed by
Magyar influences, the Slovak people became abandoned
in the midst of a rising alien nationalism and political
transformation. Slovak intellectuals had the vision to
realize what was happening and considered it mandatory
to take over the culture of the Slovak peasants, middle
classes and a sparse number of nationally minded aristocrats and garner from these elements their own national
culture and new national consciousness. Without stur's
important role in this effort, the Slovaks might now be
a forgotten nation.
stur successfully organized his literary school and
cultural activities in this climate and was successful in
58
SLOVAKIA
bringing about a new era of Slovak national life. Since
he had a mystical idea of the nation, and respected it as
a person, his approach was a philosophical one. Aesthetic
and philosophical principles were inaugurated into his
literary school and became the foundation of the Slovak
nation revival of the nineteenth century.
In the past, Slovak national life was little more than
a conglomerate of regrets and passive laments, a life of
hapless "do nothing." stur set up positive perspectives
to create higher cultural and political values and he did
not rest until the people were persuaded to adopt these
new views. He repeatedly advocated a higher and stronger
degree of national pride. He asked the Slovaks not to seek
the source of their national pride in foreign gardens since
they had it right at home in their midst.
stur and his school knew what hopes were directed
toward attaining concrete political and social gains; he
realized how ready his people were to entertain enthusiasm
and spirit for a better world.
National and Slavistic themes permeate stur's poetry
and prose. The soul of the nation-or of the Slavs-was
his constant subject; he was always preoccupied with the
nation's sufferings, struggles and failures. These topics are
the substance of all his written works.
The Slovaks, as Hans Kohn rightly says, "feeling abandoned in Hungary and their national existence threatened,
may have drawn strength and faith in the indestructibility
of the Slovak people and language." This thought supported
them and enabled them to continue to maintain contacts
with the cultural life of other Slavic peoples.
Although stur was not the only leader during the
national revival, he embodied more vitally than did the
others the true spirit of 1848. In his own right he is called
the Daniel O'Connell of Slovak history. At this point is was
not only necessary for the Slovak nation to map out
definite goals, but it was also imperative to chart the way
for coming generations of the Slovak nation in order that
this goal might be realized and preserved.
The task challenging stur and his followers was very
complicated. Besides honoring, they had to find a way and
means to discharge all the work before them in a way
SLOVAKIA
59
that would be worthy of scrutiny both in their own day
and in the light of history. Much of their work had to be
accomplished under duress, when revolutionary forces
were mounting, when fierce struggles had to be met to
insure national existence and the ennobling of the social
stratum of the Slavic people. $tlir's generation had no
alternative, but to play the role of a vanguard of the Slovak
bourgeoisie which had to be inspired with national consciousness and formed into a worthy class. The group
v0luntarily assuming this role is called the $tlir generation;
in literature it is called the stur school, since it was
Cudovit stur and his group who adopted the traditions
of the Bernolakians for the Slovak linguistic cultural and
national independence. In short, they gave the Slovak
nation both a solid ideology and definite direction under
the leadership of Cudovit $tlir.48
Cudovit stur's activities were directed mainly on behalf
of his native country, his main interest being the Slovak
people caught in an insufferably miserable situation and
desperately needing a solution of their problems. He threw
all his efforts into achieving a social and national awakening of his people and into raising their standards so that
they could be counted as a social and national force.
In the memorable Bratislava parliament of 1847, he
tangled in a heated discussion with Kossuth. stur declared:
"We want freedom. It is easily said that there is plenty
of freedom in our homeland: yes, not only an abundance,
but even an oversupply of freedom." And he went on to
add, "but only the landowner's brand of freedom; for of
the real, human and personal freedom there is very little.
If our towns had had more freedom, our people would
never have fallen into such thraldom."
Kossuth's reply to this was: "That cannot be helped;
that is the way the world moves. It is the fate of one
who stands lower in the community to be suppressed and
bear the burden and taxes; on the other hand, the one
who comes along better in civic life receives rights and
stands in honor. At this time I am opposed to granting
towns a vote in our Assembly."
stur could not be silenced. Again he met Kossuth
in the Hungarian Assembly and said: "Recently when I was
60
SLOVAKIA
present here and mentioned the sorrowful plight of the
wretched taxpayers, the worthy deputy of Pest County,
Mr. Kossuth, saw the hand of fate in the oppression of
the people and said that is the way of the world when
the lower class is suppressed and the higher class arrogates
more rights to itself. I see no hand of fate in the matter,
because then the status of the oppressed could never be
corrected. We demand freedom in the country and the
assignment of urbanial jobs which are not in line with
freedom. Does a person who works, who works for the
benefit of others and receives contempt instead of reward,
have a fatherland? Will such a person become as devoted
to his country as he would be to his mother? The sacred
cause of mankind challenges us to declare the principle
of the liberation of people and honestly bring it into reality.
When this redemption is accomplished, the judical power
of the landowner and the country gentry must cease,
because freedom would not be served if a people liberated
from the robot would continue to remain under the staves
of the Lords." 49
stur's main aspiration was freedom. If his only achievement had been his effort for the rights of the enslaved
and subjugated at the Bratislava Assembly, he would have
deserved to be honored among the most distinguished sons
of the Slovak nation. But he did not only that but even
more and because of this fact he is loved and revered
by the Slovak nation.
In him were concentrated the cultural and social
endeavors of his predecessors, with the strength and
courage needed for a living national organization. Without
his concentration the pursuits of an independent national
culture would have been impossible. His greatest merit
lies in the fact that he assumed the historical task of
uniting the multi-cultural strength of the Slavs into a
national liberation front.
A legendary atmosphere was built around the magnetic
personality of stur by those who knew him. Around him
there crystallized, as it were, a veritable aura of national
life as is reported by William Pauliny Toth who said of
him : ":Cudovit stur is favored epochally as a created vision
in the history of. the Slovak- Nation." 50
SLOVAKIA
61
Shir in his time understood that the Slovak national
process had matured and that Slovakia must appear on
the scene of history as an independent political factor. It
is in this foresight also that Shir's merit lies. He exemplifies the Slovak national spirit as a man possessed with
deep convictions and great strength of will sufficient to
execute them. His prime purpose, as we have already
mentioned, was to see Slovakia united culturally, politically
and socially.
We must recall for our own benefit and on behalf of
the free world that stur did not hesitate to accept and
carry to completion the work of preceding Catholic generations; he was ready to press on in order to preserve
the heritage of the Slovak nation, though he was not
a Catholic, but a Lutheran and a member of the Protestant
Evangelical Church.
Contributions as an Energizing Stimulant
to Slovak Life in General
It can be said with assurance that in the history of
the Slovak nation, no individual accomplished as much
in so short a time as did :Cudovit stur, who was only
forty-one years of age when he died. This was possible
only because of the gifts of this phenomenal leader and
because of the fact that the ground and the time were
ripe for the ascension of a new generation. stur found
that he could approve of much that already existed in
Slovakia and he was ready to formulate what the nation
needed and demanded in his day.
One wonders how it was possible at this critical time
for a man to dare to undertake structuring a spiritual
foundation of modern life for the long slighted and
forgotten Slovak people. Though we cannot understand the
force that inspired him we can appreciate the phenomenon
that in one generation, only one extraordinary person, one
:Cudovit stur, appeared as a great leading luminary among
approximately two million of his people.
It goes without s~ying that the Slovak people are
grateful to stur and to those who sacrificed much with
him for the Slavic cause. Their work was aimed toward
the realization of the spiritual plan of Slovak life envisioned by genius and inspiration.
62
SLOVAKIA
The Slovak nation was not fortunate enough at this
time to have a 1,1mg and cherished tradition or the advantage
of experienced mature people on which to rely. Over long
centuries of oppression under a foreign element, it was
their fate to be wholly submissive and in this attitude to
develop no leaders. Now they had to rely entirely on
comparatively young men for new ideas and new leadership. The Slovak youth was entrusted with the new dawn
and to project future goals, because the difficult life of
the Slovaks in the past did not allow the elders to foster
a strong national life. While many other European nations
had their noble classes to fight their battles and to lead
them to new eras, the Slovaks had no social upper strata
on which to rely for inspiration. Their nobility and their
middle class as well were lost by fusion with other elements
predominantly Magyar milieu. Slovak national awakening
consequently was achieved by the sons of humble people,
usually the strong leaders from among the Catholic and
Protestant clerical circles.
The Slovak language as a literary medium which was
chosen by l'..udovit stur and his collaborators was accepted
by the Slovak population in 1843. Under his dynamic
leadership the Slovaks literally re-emerged from obscurity
and oblivion. They asserted themselves not only culturally
but also politically by their participation in the uprising
in 1848-49. During this revolutionary upheaval they sided
with the Emperor in Vienna but were ill-rewarded for their
services. Their repeated petitions for self-determination
and for guarantees of unhindered cultural development
were repeatedly denied them.5 1
In 1867, when the Austrians concluded a dual agreement with the Magyars, the Slovaks were left at the mercy
of the Magyars. Under this arrangement, Slovak high
schools and cultural organizations were suppressed. Education on an elementary level was permitted in the Magyar
language only. Any who dared to resist magyarization were
victimized and inprisoned. Thousands of Slovaks found it
necessary to leave their native country and migrated to
the United States of America.
I.:udovit stur and his generation fired the Slovaks with
new national life, a clear goal and a firm sense of direction
SLOVAKIA
63
in the spirit of stt1r's slogan: "Backward we cannot go,
Forward we must!"
"Forward" means to free the people from the yoke
of slavery and lead them along the road of independence
and true national cultural growth within a truly free
country. To achieve this tne Slovak nation needs a political
program. The cataclysm of the Revolution of 1848 that
struck Europe impelled the Slovaks to develop their
political program without further hesitation or delay.
The Slovaks reassessed their aims, and aspirations as
well as prevailing circumstances. Since Slovakia was part
of the Hungarian State, they wished primarily to have
the boundaries of the Slovak lands clearly defined in order
that they might have guaranteed equality with the Magyars
living in Hungary.
The Magyars opposed the justified petitions of the
Slovak nation. They banned all Slovak assemblies and
treated Slovak leaders as traitors deserving imprisonment.
When the Slovaks perceived what obstacles their
political program met with in Hungary, they resorted to
arms against the Magyars who themselves were engaged
in a rebellion against the Emperor. The Slovak rebellion
in 1848-49 ended indecisively. The Russian army was asked
to help subdue the revolting Magyars and absolute rule
was imposed in the country. The Magyars were punished
and the Slovaks were forgotten. 52
The Slovaks renewed their political activity in 1861.
They detailed their principles in newspapers and later
called an assembly at Turciansky Sv. Martin where they
formulated a renewed Slovak policy within the comprehensive "Memorandum of the Slovak Nation." They asked
that the Slovaks be permitted the right to develop their
own life without restriction. They asked that they be
recognized as a nation by a special proclamation, and that
Slovakia constitute a distinctive administrative unit in
Hungary. These petitions were submitted to Emperor
Franz Josef (1849-1916). The only concession granted to
the Slovaks was permission to establish a cultural institute
called "Matica Slovenska" ("The Slovak Institute"). They
were also allowed to use private funds to build three high
schools for the education of Slovak youth.
64
SLOVAKIA
The position of the Slovaks grew steadily worse in
Hungary. Feeling the pressure of denationalization at every
step, they did not stop pledging their allegiance to Hungary.
All these attempts even at appeasement proved futile .
The Hungarian Parliament passed legislation which suppressed Slovak life yet not even these adversities broke
the Slovak nation, for the Slovaks believed "That truth
has never yet suffered in vain, nor will our Slovak truth
suffer needlessly," according to the prophetic dictum of
Andrej Hlinka in 1907 spoken as he was being led to
prison.53
$TOR IN CONTEMPORAR Y HISTORIC PERSPECTIVE
Practicality of Stur's Ideals
:r.udovit stur's role in the revival of Slovak national
life was far reaching and vitally important. As a reformer
of the Slovak literary medium he contributed to modern
national Slovak ideology. He gave his people a new perspective and vision of political freedom and of a better
future. His writings provided a powerful impetus to Slovak
life in general.
His manifold contributions to the Slovak national
revival were not limited to Slovakia alone, but to the
over-all Slavic world, since Slovakia and the Slovak people
are a part of the Slavic world. Neither is his greatness
only by the role he played at the first Slavic Congress
in Prague, but also by his rich correspondence with all
outstanding Slavic leaders, as well as his work "Slavdom
and the World of the Future" which was translated and
published twice by Russian intellectuals in the nineteenth
and twentieth centuries.
stur's school of thought laid the foundation for the
self-determinatio n of Slovakia more than a century ago.
Even in the present the Slovaks are building upon this
foundation. They will keep on pressing their point and
cherishing their hope of success until they do attain
complete freedom from all foreign domination. Just as
stur had defied and condemned the hegemony of the
Magyars and the materialistic philosophy of Marx and
Engels, so do they hope in this day to overcome all
obstacles to true freedom.
SLOVAKIA
65
The followers of stur made the entire nation their
concern. They applied themselves to improve the country's
economy; they did their utmost to wipe out alcoholism,
indifference, and illiteracy; they labored unceasingly to
arouse national consciousness in more ways than one.
The people at large responded and co-operated generously when r:,tur began to publish his "Slovenske Narodne
Noviny" ("Slovak National News") which had great influence on the thinking of the common people. stur's articles
recalled the heritage of the Slovak people, the glory of its
language, morals, customs, and its homeland-which unites
the nation as a whole and constrains it to press forward
towards attaining the goal of unity.
It was necessary to make the nation feel that someone
was supporting it and was concerned about its welfare.
The people had to be dealt with humanely. This applied
to individuals as well as to groups.
The Slovaks were threatened with complete annihilation, hence stur had to appeal to the mind, the feelings
and the very character of the nation. Without first uniting
this nation he could gain nothing. The sturists envisioned
their task as not the conversion of renegades, but the
instruction of the people to help themselves, to recognize
and to fight for their God-given rights.
Stu.r's newspaper served all classes of people to some
degree-the intelligentsia, the laborer, the peasant, the
minister of the Gospel, the merchant and the tradesman.
The Slovaks did rouse themselves to national consciousness. Without effective journalism of the type provided
by stur it would have been impossible to unite the Slovaks
in so short a time.
stur and his collaborators were realists. They encouraged and exhorted the people to better themselves
by overcoming indolence and ignorance. They provided
and encouraged private enterprise and more efficient ways
of doing things in all fields of endeavor.
The school problem was a factor of great concern to
stur and his coterie. They indicated the necessity of cultivating the native language, the importance of enlightenment,
the value of reading centers, libraries, sound agricultural
programs, progress in industrial and financial enterprise,
66
SLOVAKIA
revision in tax scales, improvement in animal husbandry
and many other subjects. Temperance societies were
promoted as were cultural and social institutions. Many
stur followers taught Sunday school classes. This innovation of stur was probably the most interesting of all
movements in Slovakia. stur and his followers were not
dreamers; they were practical idealists who had the welfare
and security of the Slovak people at heart.54
stur's school of thought built the foundation for the
independence movement as well. With the help of his
co-workers ::;tur's literary school to a great extent fulfilled
the function of a political and military leadership, thereby
elevating the Slovak people to the cultural level of the rest
of Europe. For these achievements stur's progressive
pedagogical heritage shall continue to live among us for
a long time. His practical and wise suggestions, his courage,
his vision, selflessness, his many precedents which could
be used and developed in our day serve as an undying
example for future generations of Slovaks, inspiring them
to work for their country's freedom, independence and
recognition. At the same time future generations are
challenged to keep alive the flame of the torch which
was passed to them by stur's unfaltering hope of a better
world on the morrow.
Despite stur's comparatively youthful age, his cultural
and social activities were many-sided and diversified.
Slovaks in the free world can gain much by a study of
his works.
Because stur and his co-workers were human, they
naturally made some mistakes. However, their mistakes
were those of the century in which they lived. It behooves
us to judge them according to the fruit of their labor,
the results of their work which brought a new perspective
to the Slovak nation.
stur can rightly be numbered among the outstanding
European revolutionaries of his time. He was a great
apostle of democracy and freedom for all people.
The shining light among the Slovaks of the nineteenth
century, the formulator of their political and social
program, as well as the interpreter of their national desires
was ~udovit stur-the Father of modern Slovak nationalism .55
SLOVAKIA
67
Application of stur's Theories
in Subsequent Slovak History
The evolution of Slovak national life and the role
of ~udovit stur in its development are mutually inclusive.
Once one delves into a study of stur's life work, he
becomes permanently fascinated with it and cannot be
shed the charm of this genial creator of modern national
Slovak ideology.
stur was endowed with extraordinary creativity and
originality of concepts. Only a genius could create works
of lasting value which survive long after his death. It is
only natural that we return to stur and find support in
him. He is an incentive to future generations to do even
better things than he did. However, to date, he ranks as
one of the most outstanding Slovaks of all time.
Slovakia is grateful to many Slovak leaders who
sacrificed everything for the nation. But most of these
also worked for the realization of the spiritual plan of
Slovak life which was spelled out and left to us by stur
and his co-workers. They gave expression to the righteous
desires of the Slovak nation and became the unsurpassed
model in spiritual and civic activity:56
For more than a century, nothing new nor shaking
has appeared than that which was expressed by stur for
the Slovak nation. Hence it behooves us to return to him,
because it is evident that every new and great plan of
Slovak life must first pass the aqua regia test of stur's
thinking. The aims of the Slovak nation which were
conceived by stur are still the criteria of the life of the
Slavic people. Whatever counters stur also runs counter
to the vital interest of the Slovak nation.
stur's words: "Let us not abandon ourselves, Slovak
fellow citizens! " is just as timely today as they were in
1845. He was a man ahead of his time. His philosophical
views, his democratic thinking, his principles and his social
demands are timely, too. It is necessary for our generation
to recognize the fact that the Slovaks over one hundred
years ago fought to change the political structure of Central
Europe, that they demanded a deserved independent status
for their nation within the framework of a solid federation
built on principles of justice and equity.
68
SLOVAKIA
Great ideas may be temporarily suppressed and silenced, but in the end they will triumph. That accounts
for the inability of the enemies within and without the
Slovak nation to destroy the concept of individuality of
the Slovak nation, its language, culture and its right to
an independent life. Even today after a lapse of more than
a hundred years, this idea is very much alive.
Despite the fact that Pan-Slavism did not achieve any
notable results during stur's time, it nevertheless had
inherent value. For the first time it revealed the Slavic
mind to the rest of Europe. This is important in the light
of the present role which the Slavs play in Europe today.
The Prague Congress too proved significant by reason
of the fact it was the first expression of Slavic unity, of
Slavic identity, distinct from the Hapsburg rule. It imbued
the Slavs with greater courage and confidence and a guide
for the future action. Slavdom and the World of Future
is today a relatively unknown work, even in the Slavic
world. Yet it had exerted great influence on Russian
thinking in the 1870's and was a beacon light and incentive
to furthering their program and goals.
At the time of s tur's death in 1856, the whole Pan-Slavic
movement was pretty much a failure. It failed because
the very nationalism that it promoted led to its defeat.
Pan-Slavism created dissent among the various Slav nations
because it pressured national consciousness. The more
the people became aware of their individuality, their
historical traditions, and their language, the less they
wanted to sacrifice them for a non-existent Slav federation .
Another hindering factor was the centuries-old and traditional antagonism between the various Slavic nations,
such as the Poles and the Russians, Czechs and Slovaks,
Croatians and Serbs, prevented any success for a plan
that would unite them. Hence Pan-Slavism was hindered
from excercising any dominant or stable influence on
European thought at that time. 57
For two decades after World War I Pan-Slavism seemed
dead. The Western Slavs-the Poles, Czechs, Slovaks,
Croatians, Slovenes and Serbs--established their own
states in 1918. They looked more to the West than to
Moscow for guidance and inspiration. After the German
SLOVAKIA
69
aggression against Soviet Russia in the summer of 1941,
Joseph Stalin revived Pan-Slavism for the duration of the
war and appealed for the support of all Slavic peoples.
The Soviet Union again discarded Pan-Slavism after
World War II. It was under the aegis of Communism
rather than Pan-Slavism that the U. S. S. R. established
control over the Western and Southern Slavic peoples in
the post war period.
$tur's vision of a unified Slovak cultural, political and
social life did not indicate that he was a mere visionary.
After a century of struggle there exists a Slovak nation
with its own literature and cultural institutions and it is
a strongly literate one. There also exists a sound national
consciousness and a wholesome social stratification, which
is unbalanced only by the unfortunate present Communist
regime. The new generation is imbued with a spirit of
national and social justice among Central European peoples
and constantly resists Communistic ideology, about which
£udovit $tur wrote more than a century ago:
"Communism not only commits outrageous injustice
against all civil society ... it also ruins all personal
initiative, endeavor and enthusiasm. It divides the family,
it destroys the household and thus it opens wide the door
to every type of immorality, dissolution, and indulgence.
It degrades· man to bestial level ...
"Communism has matured to the same degree as
atheism and defection from Christianity . . . In all types
of Communism whatever their classification may be, the
outlook is only toward a dismal life. It brings in its wake
despotism of the grossest kin. It ,shatters all bonds of
social living. In place of holy ties, it offers profiteering,
rioting and their like."
Today when our mighty nation is fighting for freedom
of all enslaved and oppressed nations, this freedom must
not be overlooked for Slovakia. The Slovaks of today still
have the inherent and God given rights to complete freedom
as do all other nations. To fight for the freedom of all
nations, including Slovakia, is the obligation of all lovers
of truth and freedom. The Slovaks have existed and will
continue to exist if they live and remember $tur's words:
"Let us not abandon ourselves, Slovak fellow citizens!"
70
SLOVAKIA
Today a foreign regime in Slovakia is persecuting and
crushing all that stlir stood for, because it is above all
else concerned with the extermination of the Slovak
traditions which in his time Eudovit stur had recreated
and reformed in such a manner that they remain in permanent basis of Slovak national development. The spirit of
stur lives on!
One can kill a man but never the idea he stands for .
In history there are myriad examples of movements, faiths
and ideologies triumphant "in spite of dungeon, fire and
sword." The Slovak nation did not give up the right to live
in an independent state even if this state was forcibly
liquidated, its rules killed and its adherents persecuted.
All this has made the struggle for independence even more
imperative, because if the idea was worth dying for, it i~
worth fighting for.
More than a century after his death :Cudovit stur is
very much alive. His name is often on the lips of his
followers and his opponents. Books are written about
him, his policies, his philosophy, on both sides of the
Iron Curtain by his friends and his enemies.
With no perceptible results to show, the situation of
the Slovak nation does not look very promising today.
The nation is without its state, lives in slavery but also
lives in hope. There is strong evidence to indicate a living
and vibrant independence movement at home where the
Slovaks after an interim of partial independence are
convinced that there is no substitute for complete independence. The indeology of :Cudovit stur is the source of
strength and belief that independent Slovakia with a
government "of the people, by the people, for the people"
will re-appear on the map of Europe:58
CONCLUSION
The essential part of this study dealt with the assumption that :Cudovit stur and his achievements have long
been recognized by the Slovaks, that he is a great national
figure and is revered as the "Father of Modern Slovak
Nationalism." But what of his place in the history of the
Slavs at this time?
Looking for stur's place in the Slavic world, after the
passing of a century which tested many of his conceptions
SLOVAKIA
71
and achievements, one cannot avoid some purely Slovak
cultural and political issues. One cannot help but also
agree with Hans Kohn's words that "the Slovak nation
with its own literary language, was definitely established."59
stur's manifold activities made this possible.
Since Pan-Slavism remained the primary concern of
Slavic poets, newsmen, literary scholars, philologists, and
historians, Slavic nationalism was far removed from the
political plan and was situated in the literary field. These
individuals expressed an optimistic belief in man's inevitable progress, in the spiritual rejuvenation which would
result in the assurance of liberty, peace and happiness.
These visionaries felt that perhaps the Slavs were heralds
of a new era. They promised a unified betterment in
a future Slavic world.
According to his book "Slavdom and the World of
the Future" r.udovit stur set out to accomplish four tasks.
He wanted an assurance to determine whether the Slavs
really had a specific role to fulfill in world history. The
Slavic past would yield an affirmative answer, for this
certainty was the basis for the entire Pan-Slavic movement. Without doubt, the Slavs were to be the leaders
of a "New Europe." Since history is a progression of
spent nations being replaced by young and energetic ones,
Slavic Emancipation and self-determination would eventually be realized. stur's gift of prophecy and Kollar's poetic
vision of one Slav nation, language, and culture as
expressed in Kollar's "Daughter of Slavs" ("Slavy dcera"):
"What will the Slavs be in a hundred years? What will
the whole of Europe come to be? Slav life, just as a mighty
flood appears, shall everywhere extend its boundary. The
science shall Slav exponents see, our peoples' customs,
dress and music on both the Seine and Danube modish be."
His second task was to describe the Slavic mission
in universal history against the background of the cultural
difference between Western and Eastern Europe.60
stur could only visualize the destruction of the
peasantry by a moral, political and social dissolution in
the West and the culmination of a schism between religion
and daily life. The West could do little to help, since it
was gradually losing face because of its prodigality.
72
SLOVAKIA
Western society and its institutions were not worth the
effort of imitation since they were contributing to the
downfall of the West. Hence the Slavs could depend only
on themselves for existence.
Thirdly, Shir presents a highly romantic picture of
the Slavic peoples. They are endowed with extraordinary
virtue. The West was held accountable for the vices of
the Slavs who were presented as being by nature kind,
patient, humble, and democratic. These characteristics
were typical of all Slavs, but especially the Russians, who
were the embodiment of all the best and noblest features
of the entire Slav nation. Logically, he concluded, that
since the Russians were to be the leaders of the Slavs,
they had to be the cream of the Slavic element.61
His last task dealt with the problems of Slavic political
unification. If the Slavs were to attain their goal, unity
was an absolute necessity.
There were three possibilities. The first was a Slavic
confederation without Russia, which could never succeed
because of internal disputes among multi-Slavic peoples.
These nation were of about equal strength, hence the emergence of a leader from these nations was an impossibility.
The second was the transformation of Austria into
a Slavic Empire. Attempts of this nature had been made
before and failed. Shir felt that Austro-Slavism should
not be considered.
The only alternative left was alliance with Russia.
Since she was powerful enough to unite all the Slavic
nations, she was the natural leader that was needed. stur
was impressed by Russia's power and influence. If Slavic
peoples united under Russia, their equal would be second
to none in Europe.
One wonders how it came that such a decisive document was left to us by stur. Yet under the circumstances
with which he had to contend in the 1850's it is not
surprising. His primary concern was Slavic Nationalism,
and Slavic unity. His interest in Russia came only as
a result of this, since he never had any prolonged contact
with the Russians, neither had he ever been in Russia. 62
After more than a century's lapse of time Stu.r's big
dream of a United Slavic peoples under Russia may yet
SLOVAKIA
73
become a reality, in a strange and unfortunate nature,
because of recent political developments in Central and
Eastern Europe. Moscow has became a political powerhouse of the Slavic world and Russian leadership has
technically materialized.
Stu.rs drive and his vision of Slovak cultural, political
and social betterment did not prove to be a myth either.
There now exists a Slovak nation with its own literature,
cultural institutions and almost universal literacy. Its
people are nationally conscious and they can boast
of sound social stratification, which was recently unbalanced only by the presence of an unwelcome Communist
regime. They are proud of their fighting spirit for national
and social justice, which was passed on them with the
flame of Stu.r's burning torch. There is a constant resistance among them to Communist ideology and this attitude
is another legacy of Stu.r's.
Over a century ago he said: "Communism not only
commits _o utrageous injustices against all civil society ...
but it also ruins all personal initiative, endeavor and
enthusiasm ... It degrades man to a bestial level ... " 63
Although Pan-Slavism did not achieve notable results
during Stu.r's time, it had an inherent value in that it
revealed for the first time to the rest of Europe the Slavic
mind. This is important in the light of the present role
which the Slavs play in Europe.
The Prague Congress, too, was the first expression
of Slavic unity and identity which was separate from the
Hapsburg rule. It also gave the Slavs courage and confidence. Stu.r's book, mentioned earlier in this section, has
had a strong influence on Russian thinking in the 1870's
and was a forerunner of some later developments.
stur and his followers executed their tasks beyond
human expectation, for they came upon a scene of history
when the situation of the Slovaks under the Magyars in
Hungary seemed truly hopeless.
The significance of Eudovit stur in the evolution and
revival of Slovak national life is tremendous and far.
reaching. His role as a reformer of the Slovak literary
language greatly contributed to Slovak national ideology.
It gave his people a new vision and perspective of political
74
SLOVAKIA
freedom and of a better future. By his example and
writings he provided a strong impetus to Slovak life in
general.
stur rightfully belongs with Jan Kollar and Pavol J.
safarik to the Slovaks of the nineteenth century who are
regarded as great figures of the Slavic world, since Slovakia
and its people are part of the Slavic world.
All three found willing echo in all the Slavic peoples.
As Hans Kohn states: "They were imbued in the familiar
mood of the period, a general belief in historical progress,
in a bright future, in the advent of some great spiritual
manifestation, of a new era for mankind, which would establish for ever the basis of liberty, peace, and happiness."64
(Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree
of Master of Science in History at Marywood College.)
FOOTNOTES
1) Jan V. Ormis, Bibliografia Uudovita Stura ("Stur's Bibliography")
(Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1958), p. 8.
2) Jaroslav Vlcek, Mala Ruko vat' literarno-historicka (A small Hanpbook of Literary History") (Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska,
1932). p. 195.
3) Jan V. Ormis, Bibliografia Uu,dovita Stura ("Stur's Bibliography")
(Turc Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1958), p. 199.
4) Ibid., p. 199.
5) Marian Ziar, "Stur" Father of Modern Slovak Nationalism." Slovakia, March, 1956, pp. 8-9.
6) Philip A. Hrobak, "Stur and the Slovak Independence Movement,"
Slovakia, September-December, 1956, p. 39.
7) Karol Golan, "Sturove reci na slovanskom sjazde roku 1848," ("Stur's
Lectures at the Slavic Congress of 1848,") Slovak Views, AugustSeptember, 1936, p. 422.
8) Henrich Bartek, "Our Tradition and Louis Stur," Slovakia, June,
1956, p. 7.
9) Jan Ormis, Bibliografia Uudovita Stura ("Stur's Bibliography")
(Turc. Sv. Martin : Matica Slovenska, 1958) , p. 199.
10) Jaroslav Vlcek, Dejiny literatury slovenskej (History of Slovak
Literature") Turciansky Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1923), p. 184.
11) St. Osusky, Filozofia Sturovcov ("Sturist Philosophy") (Myjava:
Typ. Daniel Pazicky, 1926), p. 10.
12) Uudovit Bakos, Uul:iovit 5tiir (Bratislava: Vydavatel'stvo Slovenskej
Akademie Vied, 1957 ), p. 34.
13 ) . Ibid., p. 50.
14) Seton-Watson, R. H., A History of the Czechs and Slovaks. (London :
Archon Books, 1943), p. 260.
15) John cajak, Second Slovak History ("Bejepis Slovakov") (Pennsylvania-Pittsburgh: National News, 1914), p. 97.
SLOVAKIA
75
16) Marian .Ziar, "Stur: Father of Modern Slovak Nationalism," Slovakia, March, 1956, p. 6.
17) Henrich Bartek, " Our Tradition and Uudovit Stur," Slovakia, June
1956, p. 4.
18) Joseph Kirschbaum, UU/dovit Stur and His Place in the Slavic World
(Cleveland: The Slovak Institute, 1958), p. 14.
19 ) R. H. Seton-Watson, A History of the Czechs and Slovaks (London:
Arc hon Books, 1943), PP- 260-261.
20) John cajak, "Slovak History" ("Dejepis Slovakov") (Pittsburgh:
National News, 1914), p. 97.
21 ) Joseph Kirschbaum, "Uudovit Stu!· and His Place in the Slavic
World," Slovakia, March, 1958.
22) Francis Hrusovsky, "Point of No Return," This is Slovakia (Scranton: Obrana Press, 1954), p. 46.
23) Joseph Kirschbaum, "Uudovit Stur in His Place in the Slavic World."
(Cleveland: Slovak Institute, 1958) , p. 20.
24) Ibid., pp. 20-21.
25) Ibid., p. 28.
26 ) Thomas Capek, The Slovaks of Hungary (New York: Knickerbocker
Press, 1906) , pp. 22-23.
27) Joseph Skultety, Sto Dvadsat' Pat' Rokov zo Slovenskeho .Zivota.
1790-1914. ("One Hundred Twenty-five Years of Slovak History")
Turc. Sv. Martin: Knih. -Ocast., 1920), p. 44.
28) Ibid., p. 46.
29 ) Ibidem., p. 46.
30) Joseph Kirschbaum. "Louis Stur Centenial" Slovakia, March, 1956.
(Middletown ) p. 8.
31) Marian .Ziar, "Stur: Father of Modern Slovak Nationalism," Slovakia,
March, 1956, pp. 8-9.
32) Joseph Kirschbaum , Uudovit Stur and His Place in the Slavic
World," (Cleveland: The Slovak Institute, 1958), p. 23.
33) Michael B. P e trovich. The Emergence of Russian Pan-Slavism. (New
York: Columbia University Press, 1956), pp. 18-19.
34) Suzanne Mikula, "Uudovit Stur a~d the Pan-Slavic Movement,"
Slovakia, 1966, pp. 106-107.
35) Henrich Bartek, "Our Tradition and Uudovit Stur," Slovakia, June,
1956, pp. 7-8.
36 ) Thomas Capek. The Slovaks of Hungacy (New York: Knickerbocker
Press, 1906) , pp. 70-71.
37) Ibid., p. 71.
38) Seton-Watson. History of the Czechs and Slovaks (London : Archon
Books, 1943) , p. 162.
39) Suzanne Mikula. "Uudovit Stur and the Pan-Slavic Movement,"
Slovakia, 1966, pp. 109-110.
40 ) Ibid., p. 110.
41) Ibid., p. 110.
42) Joseph Kirschbaum. Uu)dovit Mur and His Place in the Slavic
World (Cleveland: Slovak Institute, 1958), pp. 8-9.
43 ) Suzanne Mikula, "Uudovit Stur and the Pan..Slavic Movement,"
Slovakia, 1966, pp. 110-111.
76
SLOVAKIA
44) Michael Petrovich, "l!udovit Stur and Russian Pan-Slavism," Journal
of Central European Pan-Slavism, 1952, p. 6.
45) Hans Kohn, "Pan-Slavism," Encyclopedia International, XIX, 44-45.
46) Ibid., pp. 44-45.
47) ACEN statement, September 20, 1954.
48) Jan V. Ormis, Bibliografia I!udovita Stura ("Bibliography of I!udovit
Stur") (Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1958), pp. 198-199.
49) Philip Hrobak, "Stur and the Slovak I'*-1ependence Movement,"
Slovakia (Sept., Dec., 1956), p. 38.
50) Jan Ormis. Bibliografia L'udovita Stura ("Stur's Bibliography")
(Turc. Sv. Martin: Matica Slovenska, 1958), p. 199.
51) Francis Vnuk, Dr. Jozef Tiso. (Sydney: Orbis Printing Co. pty. Ltd.,
1967), pp. 5-6.
52) Francis Hrusovsky, "This Is Slovakia," Slovakia, 1969, pp. 91-92.
53 ) Karol Sidor, Andrej Hlinka (Bratislava: 1934), p. 198.
54) Joseph Pauco, "Stur's Group in -the Service of the People," Slovakia,
March, 1956, pp. 12-15.
55 ) Marian .Ziar, "Stur: Father of Modern Slovak Nationalism," Slovakia ,
March, 1956, pp. 10-11.
56) Henrich Bartek, Our Tradition and Louis Stur," Slovakia, June,
1956, pp. 3-4.
57) Suzanne Mikula, "l!udovit Stur and the Pan-Slavic Movement,"
Slovakia, 1966, p. 113.
58 ) Frantisek Vnuk, Dr. Jozef Tiso, (Sidney: Orbis Printing and
Publishing Co., Pty Ltd., 1967), p. 43.
59) Hans Kohn, "Pan-Slavism, Its History a'*-1 Ideology," (University
of Notre Dame Press, 1953), p. 21.
60 ) Suzanne Mikula, "I!uldovit Stur and the Pan-Slavic Movement,·•
Slovakia, p. 111, 1966.
61) Ibid., p. 112.
62) Ibid., p. 112.
63) Joseph Kirschbaum , I!udovit Stur and His Place in the Slavic
Wor~:i (Cleveland: Slovak Institute, 1958), p. 26.
64) Hans Kohn, "Pan-Slavism, Its History and Ideology," (Indiana :
University of Notre Dame Press), p. 22.
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tapek, Thomas. The Slovaks of Hungary. New York: Knickerbocker
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Sto Dvadsat' Pat' Rokov zo Slovenskeho tivota 1790-1914. ("One
78
SLOVAKIA
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Vlcek, Jaroslav. Dejiny Literatury Slovenskej. ("History of Slovak
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Address-Published
Kirschbaum , Joseph M. 13udovit Stur and His Place in the Slavic World.
An Address to the Annual Meeting of the Canadian Association of
Slavists on June 9, 1957, at the University of Ottawa, Canada.
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Bartek, Henrich. " Our Tradition and J;udovit Stur." Slovakia, June,
1956, pp. 3-10.
Bue, Bonaventure. " Conflicts of Slovak Nationalism. " Slovakia, June ,
1958, pp. 1-17.
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Kir schbaum, Joseph. "Independence and the Slovak Past." Slovakia,
March, 1957, pp. 44-53 .
"Louis Stur Centennial." Slovakia, March, 1956, pp. 3-6.
'Misconceptions of American Slavists." Slovakia, March-June, 1962,
pp. 25-43 .
"The Slovak Language and Its Place Among the Slavic Languages." '
Slovakia, 1966, pp. 1-17.
Mikula, Suzanne. "!;udovit Stur and the Pan-Slavic Movement." Slovakia,
1966, pp. 104-115.
Pauco, Joseph. "Stu.r's Group in the Service of the People." Slovakia,
March, 1956, pp. 11-15.
Rekem, John. "The Origin and Development of the Slovak Language ."
Slovakia, March-April, 1962, pp. 1-13.
2iar, Marian. "Stur: Father of Mqdern Slovak Nationalism." Slovakia,
March, 1956, pp. 6-11.
Banik, Anthony A. "Posledni Zastancovia Spi:sovnej Cestiny." (The Last
Supporters of the Literary Czech Language.") Sbornik LiterarnoV edeckeho Odboru SSV., 1935, pp. 18-35.
Horak, Juraj . "Sturova Kniha o Narqdnych Piesnach a Povestiach
Plemien Slovanskych." ('Stu.r's Book on Naitional Hymns and Slavic
Popular Tales.") Sbornik Matice Slovenskej, January-February,
1923, pp. 97-128.
Vlcek, Jaroslav. "Povodina Sturovho Spisu o Narodnych Povestiach
Slovanskych." ("Stu.r's Original Writings on Slavic National Tales.")
Sbornik Matice Slovenskej, pp. 58-63.
Unpublished Material
McCoy, Sheila Marie, Sister. 'The School of Stur," (Unpublished Thesis)
Cabrini College, 1965.
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Political Views of Ľudovít Štúr
Description
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Sister M. Delphina Opet, SS.C.M.
Slovakia, Vol. 21 (No. 44), 1971
pp. 20-78
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Opet, Sister M. Delphina, SS.C.M.
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1971
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SLOVAKIA
79
The Assin1ilation Process
of An1e rican Slovaks
J . M . Ki rs c h b au m, Ph. D .
Historians and sociologists have presented the United
States during the past 200 years as a vast melting pot
in which immigrants from many nations and continents
were supposed to become Americans and lose their identity.
This belief became a part of the national consciousness
of the majority of Americans and foreign scholars have
accepted uncritically the idea that successive waves of immigrants have been "digested" and have become an integral
part of the American nation. During the past few year s,
this hypothesis has been put in doubt by scholars and
especially by sociologists dealing with today's America.
Some of them assert that the melting pot was a romantic
idea about something which happened only in the writings
of historians who dealt with national ambitions and dreams
and not with reality. Even 200 years after the enunciation
of the melting pot idea, the ethnic groups continue to
behave differently from the Anglo-Saxon element. According to recent studies, the melting pot concept extended
chiefly to the political and economic spheres. In other
areas, what sociologists call "structual separation," persists.
In religion and in social relations, the ethnic groups resist
amalgamation.
In view of this situation, the Organization of American
Historians dedicated a session during its annual meeting
in 1969 to the topic : "Ethnicity: A Neglected Dimension of
American History." At this meeting, some scholars challenged the traditional ways of interpreting American history
and came to the conclusions which brought renewed
academic interest in the problems of the ethnic groups .1
The historians were joined by sociologists and linguists
and the results of their research contradicts to a great
degree the idea of a melting pot and monolithic structure
of the American nation. They found out that even Americans of western European origin (German, Norwegian,
�80
SLOVAKIA
Swedish, Irish, etc.) continue to this very day t.o recognize
their ancestry and t.o partially define themselves in
accordance with it. "For reasons that are not really well
understood, these groups have not lost themselves entirely
within their American surroundings even after three, four,
or more generations, although they have had every opportunity to do so." 2 The ethnic groups preserved, however,
not only the awareness of their European ancestry and
cultural heritage, but many of them maintained the languages spoken by their fathers and fore-fathers. As a result,
the idea of ethnicity and of language maintenance in
America is becoming of interest not only to scholars but
also to other Americans. "That third and subsequent
generations frequently continue to think of themselves
in partially ethnic terms and frequently maintain positive
attitudes and interests with respect to the heritage of
their grandparents, became a significant fact in American
life." 3
Prof. Fishman in the recent book Language Loyalty
in the United States which he edited together with several
American scholars, deals especially with the maintenance
and perpetuation of non-English mother tongues of American ethnic and religious groups. Through thorough research, Fishman and a group of American scholars came
to startling results about present-day America. They also
mention Slovaks and in view of the possibility that the
statistics confused again Czechs and Slovaks, the new
generation of Slovaks educated at American universities
should carry out genuine research into the problems of
the Slovak ethnic group in the United States.
According to Fishman, the assimilation process of the
Slovaks proceeds much faster than that of many other
ethnic groups. They have assimilated much faster than,
for instance, Poles, Magyars, Ukrainians, or Germans.
According to the census data, there were 274,948 Slovaks
in 1920 who were not born in the United States, whereas
in 1940 only 171,580 and 125,000 in 1960. As for Slovaks
born in the United States, the 1920 statistics show 344,918
as against 283,520 in 1940 and 125,000 in 1960, which means
a considerable decrease from decade to decade. The number
of Slovaks born in America who gave their mother tongue
�SLOVAKIA
81
as Slovaks, according to the censuses of 1920 and 1940
is again percentagewise much smaller than in the case of
other Slavs or even Magyars.
The maintenance of mother tongues or the admission
of Slovak parentage declines among the children of Slovak
parents from generation to generation, according to
American statistics. Thus the process of assimilation seems
to be much stronger among Slovaks than among Poles,
Ukrainians, Lithuanians, Magyars or Germans. For instance, in 1960, 125,000 first generation Slovaks claimed
their mother tongue as Slovak. The same number of
second generation Slovaks appear in the statistics, but
in the third generation, only 10,000 Americans born to
Slovak parents claimed Slovak as their mother tongue.
As a result, only 260,000 persons born in the United States
claimed in 1960 to be of Slovak origin or admitted that
their mother tongue was Slovak. The total number of
foreign and native born persons who claimed Slovak as
their mother tongue was 484,360 in 1940 and only 260,0000
in 1960.4
The decrease or assimilation process among Slovaks
in the United States is best shown by the following
comparison with other central European immigrants:
Slovaks decreased by 46.3 %
Poles decreased by 9 .6 %
Serbs and Croats decreased by 10.8 %
Ukrainians increased by 202.6 %
Prof. Fishman carefully mentions that mother tongue
data on natives of foreign or mixed parentage does not
necessarily reflect the real number of people born in the
individual ethnic groups. Some demographic and some
non-demographic factors account for the fact that some
Americans of non Anglo-Saxon origin did not reveal their
ethnic origin and mother tongue. Among the factors were
a) "the varying prestige of the mother tongue both among
its own speakers and among Americans in general," and
b) tlile social mobility experienced by the second generation.
Where the prestige of a particular mother tongue was
low, and where the social mobility of its prospective
claimants was high, it is likely the language less frequently
�82
SLOVAKIA
became the mother of American-born (second generation)
offspring and was even less frequently claimed as such.
"Unfortunately," concludes Fishman, "no census-type data
are available on either of these variables and it has been
necessary to study them by other means." 5
Generally, the immigrants from Central and Eastern
Europe preserved their language and cultural heritage
much better than immigrants from other parts of the
European Continent. In the case of Slovaks, the statistics
show that in spite of the greater number of parishes,
organizations and newspapers compared to some other
ethnic groups from Central Europe had in the past decades,
the assimilation process was much stronger.
As far as the mother tongue maintenance is concerned,
American Slovaks are in twelfth place among the 23 ethnic
groups in 1969, but for the period 1940-1960 in the 15th
place. They are far ahead of Magyars, Russians, Poles,
Croats, or Serbians in their integration into the AngloSaxon language group.
There are no statistics about the number of Slovak
newspapers and periodicals since these were shown under
"other Slavic Groups" which includes Slovenes, Croatians,
and Serbians. The statistics also show that the number
of Slovaks is inferior during some decades to the number
of Czechs and this could lead to the conclusion that the
census takers may have confused the Czechs with Slovaks
and vice-versa, as it happened according to the official
admission in the Canadian census of 1961.
The statistics quoted above and used in Fishman's
book have been derived from U.S. Census of Population
1960: General Social and Economic Characteristics, United
States Summary, Final Report PC ( 1 )-lC.6 The statistics
do not add, however, correctly and they seem to be at
odds with unofficial statistics and numbers of Slovaks who
are at the present time organized in Slovak organizations
in the United States. Although generally only 15 to 20 %
of Americans or Canadians of East European origin are
members of their fraternal or socio-cultural associations,
the number of Slovaks organized in the United States
amounted in 1969 to well over 450,000 according to the
�SLOVAKIA
83
Secretary of the Slovak League of America, Joseph Pauco,
Ph.D.
In addition 'to this membership, we have to take into
consideration social clubs and church organizations, as
well as cultural centres which have been organized within
Slovak Catholic and Protestant parishes or in larger American cities, and whose members are only partly organized
in the fraternal Slovak organizations. According to Dr.
Pauco, there is almost at each parish such a club or church
organization and half of its membership does not belong
to any Slovak fraternal organization. Since there are over
400 parishes in the United States, and taking into account
that Slovak families are usually very large, counting five
members as a f!1inimum, Dr. Pauco, as a long time Secretary
of the Federation of Slovak Organizations in the United
States, the Slovak League of America, assumes that the
number of Americans of Slovak origin who to a great
degree are still conscious of their ethnic background,
amount to approximately two million. 7
However, if the official statistics are correct, then we
cannot but come to the conclusion that the assimilation
process of Slovaks is much stronger than we are willing
to admit. On the other hand, if the statistics can be
doubted, then there is only one remedy; the educated
Slovaks whose numbers are not negligible, should begin
a thorough research into the problems of American Slovaks.
Their task will be now much easier than a few years ago
since a joint commission cif the Organization of American
Historians and the American Historical Association issued
a statement on the writing and teaching of American history
in the text books, stressing the fact that American ethnlc
difference must be "faithfully portrayed." Also many other
things reveal that a new tide of ethnic studies is at hand.
The first sign is the growing interest of publishers and,
second, new scholarship efforts are growing in American
universities.
The renewed interest in ethnic Americans was underscored by the Ford Foundation which announced in Ne,v
York a new program of fellowships to encourage scholarships in the field of ethnic studies. A. national award of
$288,052.00 will go to 87 doctoral candidacies at 58 graduate
�SLOVAKIA
84
schools for the writing of dissertations on subjects dealing
with the experience and culture of ethnic minorities in
the United States. "The new program is designed to help
stimulate the development of a body of knowledge on the
history and culture of the nation's ethnic minorities, which
is already becoming a subject of intense interest to a new
generation of American students," according to F. Champion Ward, the Foundation's Vice-President for Higher
Education and Research. 8
1) International Migration Rev.iew, an article by Dean Cincl, p. 58-63.
2)
See Fishman et al, Language Loyalty in the United States (Mouton
& Co., The Hague) , 1966.
3) Fishman, op. c. p. 31.
4 ) Fishman, ibid. p. 44. This figure shou}jd read 415,000 because Fishman
shows 125,000 for foreign born (,p. 36) and 260,000 for native born
( p. 42) .
5 ) Ibid. , p. 40.
6 ) Published in Washington, D. C., by U.S. Government Printing Office, 1965.
7 ) Personal letter by Dr. Pauco /dated December 8, 1970.
Dr. Pauco's estimate of the number of Slovaks in the United States
is corroborated also by the figures on the emigration from Slovakia
to the United States published recently by the Slovak Academy of
Sciences. In the years 1880-1890, 122,479 persons left Slovakia for
the United States; in the years 1901-1910, 215,292 persons, and in
the years 1850-1921 529,949 persons; althogether 867,720 persons left
for the United States. Even if i,t is true that many of these persons
returned after two or three years spent in the United States, the
statistics justify the estimate that about two million Americans are
of Slovak origin.
8 ) The New York Times, November 27, 1970, page L. 41.
"
THE SWVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA heartily commends all efforts of our governmental and other organs
to ferret out and unmask all Communists and fellow travellers, as well as all persons and organizations who wittingly
or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of
Communism promoted by the Soviet Union.
�
SLOVAKIA
79
The Assin1ilation Process
of An1e rican Slovaks
J . M . Ki rs c h b au m, Ph. D .
Historians and sociologists have presented the United
States during the past 200 years as a vast melting pot
in which immigrants from many nations and continents
were supposed to become Americans and lose their identity.
This belief became a part of the national consciousness
of the majority of Americans and foreign scholars have
accepted uncritically the idea that successive waves of immigrants have been "digested" and have become an integral
part of the American nation. During the past few year s,
this hypothesis has been put in doubt by scholars and
especially by sociologists dealing with today's America.
Some of them assert that the melting pot was a romantic
idea about something which happened only in the writings
of historians who dealt with national ambitions and dreams
and not with reality. Even 200 years after the enunciation
of the melting pot idea, the ethnic groups continue to
behave differently from the Anglo-Saxon element. According to recent studies, the melting pot concept extended
chiefly to the political and economic spheres. In other
areas, what sociologists call "structual separation," persists.
In religion and in social relations, the ethnic groups resist
amalgamation.
In view of this situation, the Organization of American
Historians dedicated a session during its annual meeting
in 1969 to the topic : "Ethnicity: A Neglected Dimension of
American History." At this meeting, some scholars challenged the traditional ways of interpreting American history
and came to the conclusions which brought renewed
academic interest in the problems of the ethnic groups .1
The historians were joined by sociologists and linguists
and the results of their research contradicts to a great
degree the idea of a melting pot and monolithic structure
of the American nation. They found out that even Americans of western European origin (German, Norwegian,
�80
SLOVAKIA
Swedish, Irish, etc.) continue to this very day t.o recognize
their ancestry and t.o partially define themselves in
accordance with it. "For reasons that are not really well
understood, these groups have not lost themselves entirely
within their American surroundings even after three, four,
or more generations, although they have had every opportunity to do so." 2 The ethnic groups preserved, however,
not only the awareness of their European ancestry and
cultural heritage, but many of them maintained the languages spoken by their fathers and fore-fathers. As a result,
the idea of ethnicity and of language maintenance in
America is becoming of interest not only to scholars but
also to other Americans. "That third and subsequent
generations frequently continue to think of themselves
in partially ethnic terms and frequently maintain positive
attitudes and interests with respect to the heritage of
their grandparents, became a significant fact in American
life." 3
Prof. Fishman in the recent book Language Loyalty
in the United States which he edited together with several
American scholars, deals especially with the maintenance
and perpetuation of non-English mother tongues of American ethnic and religious groups. Through thorough research, Fishman and a group of American scholars came
to startling results about present-day America. They also
mention Slovaks and in view of the possibility that the
statistics confused again Czechs and Slovaks, the new
generation of Slovaks educated at American universities
should carry out genuine research into the problems of
the Slovak ethnic group in the United States.
According to Fishman, the assimilation process of the
Slovaks proceeds much faster than that of many other
ethnic groups. They have assimilated much faster than,
for instance, Poles, Magyars, Ukrainians, or Germans.
According to the census data, there were 274,948 Slovaks
in 1920 who were not born in the United States, whereas
in 1940 only 171,580 and 125,000 in 1960. As for Slovaks
born in the United States, the 1920 statistics show 344,918
as against 283,520 in 1940 and 125,000 in 1960, which means
a considerable decrease from decade to decade. The number
of Slovaks born in America who gave their mother tongue
�SLOVAKIA
81
as Slovaks, according to the censuses of 1920 and 1940
is again percentagewise much smaller than in the case of
other Slavs or even Magyars.
The maintenance of mother tongues or the admission
of Slovak parentage declines among the children of Slovak
parents from generation to generation, according to
American statistics. Thus the process of assimilation seems
to be much stronger among Slovaks than among Poles,
Ukrainians, Lithuanians, Magyars or Germans. For instance, in 1960, 125,000 first generation Slovaks claimed
their mother tongue as Slovak. The same number of
second generation Slovaks appear in the statistics, but
in the third generation, only 10,000 Americans born to
Slovak parents claimed Slovak as their mother tongue.
As a result, only 260,000 persons born in the United States
claimed in 1960 to be of Slovak origin or admitted that
their mother tongue was Slovak. The total number of
foreign and native born persons who claimed Slovak as
their mother tongue was 484,360 in 1940 and only 260,0000
in 1960.4
The decrease or assimilation process among Slovaks
in the United States is best shown by the following
comparison with other central European immigrants:
Slovaks decreased by 46.3 %
Poles decreased by 9 .6 %
Serbs and Croats decreased by 10.8 %
Ukrainians increased by 202.6 %
Prof. Fishman carefully mentions that mother tongue
data on natives of foreign or mixed parentage does not
necessarily reflect the real number of people born in the
individual ethnic groups. Some demographic and some
non-demographic factors account for the fact that some
Americans of non Anglo-Saxon origin did not reveal their
ethnic origin and mother tongue. Among the factors were
a) "the varying prestige of the mother tongue both among
its own speakers and among Americans in general," and
b) tlile social mobility experienced by the second generation.
Where the prestige of a particular mother tongue was
low, and where the social mobility of its prospective
claimants was high, it is likely the language less frequently
�82
SLOVAKIA
became the mother of American-born (second generation)
offspring and was even less frequently claimed as such.
"Unfortunately," concludes Fishman, "no census-type data
are available on either of these variables and it has been
necessary to study them by other means." 5
Generally, the immigrants from Central and Eastern
Europe preserved their language and cultural heritage
much better than immigrants from other parts of the
European Continent. In the case of Slovaks, the statistics
show that in spite of the greater number of parishes,
organizations and newspapers compared to some other
ethnic groups from Central Europe had in the past decades,
the assimilation process was much stronger.
As far as the mother tongue maintenance is concerned,
American Slovaks are in twelfth place among the 23 ethnic
groups in 1969, but for the period 1940-1960 in the 15th
place. They are far ahead of Magyars, Russians, Poles,
Croats, or Serbians in their integration into the AngloSaxon language group.
There are no statistics about the number of Slovak
newspapers and periodicals since these were shown under
"other Slavic Groups" which includes Slovenes, Croatians,
and Serbians. The statistics also show that the number
of Slovaks is inferior during some decades to the number
of Czechs and this could lead to the conclusion that the
census takers may have confused the Czechs with Slovaks
and vice-versa, as it happened according to the official
admission in the Canadian census of 1961.
The statistics quoted above and used in Fishman's
book have been derived from U.S. Census of Population
1960: General Social and Economic Characteristics, United
States Summary, Final Report PC ( 1 )-lC.6 The statistics
do not add, however, correctly and they seem to be at
odds with unofficial statistics and numbers of Slovaks who
are at the present time organized in Slovak organizations
in the United States. Although generally only 15 to 20 %
of Americans or Canadians of East European origin are
members of their fraternal or socio-cultural associations,
the number of Slovaks organized in the United States
amounted in 1969 to well over 450,000 according to the
�SLOVAKIA
83
Secretary of the Slovak League of America, Joseph Pauco,
Ph.D.
In addition 'to this membership, we have to take into
consideration social clubs and church organizations, as
well as cultural centres which have been organized within
Slovak Catholic and Protestant parishes or in larger American cities, and whose members are only partly organized
in the fraternal Slovak organizations. According to Dr.
Pauco, there is almost at each parish such a club or church
organization and half of its membership does not belong
to any Slovak fraternal organization. Since there are over
400 parishes in the United States, and taking into account
that Slovak families are usually very large, counting five
members as a f!1inimum, Dr. Pauco, as a long time Secretary
of the Federation of Slovak Organizations in the United
States, the Slovak League of America, assumes that the
number of Americans of Slovak origin who to a great
degree are still conscious of their ethnic background,
amount to approximately two million. 7
However, if the official statistics are correct, then we
cannot but come to the conclusion that the assimilation
process of Slovaks is much stronger than we are willing
to admit. On the other hand, if the statistics can be
doubted, then there is only one remedy; the educated
Slovaks whose numbers are not negligible, should begin
a thorough research into the problems of American Slovaks.
Their task will be now much easier than a few years ago
since a joint commission cif the Organization of American
Historians and the American Historical Association issued
a statement on the writing and teaching of American history
in the text books, stressing the fact that American ethnlc
difference must be "faithfully portrayed." Also many other
things reveal that a new tide of ethnic studies is at hand.
The first sign is the growing interest of publishers and,
second, new scholarship efforts are growing in American
universities.
The renewed interest in ethnic Americans was underscored by the Ford Foundation which announced in Ne,v
York a new program of fellowships to encourage scholarships in the field of ethnic studies. A. national award of
$288,052.00 will go to 87 doctoral candidacies at 58 graduate
�SLOVAKIA
84
schools for the writing of dissertations on subjects dealing
with the experience and culture of ethnic minorities in
the United States. "The new program is designed to help
stimulate the development of a body of knowledge on the
history and culture of the nation's ethnic minorities, which
is already becoming a subject of intense interest to a new
generation of American students," according to F. Champion Ward, the Foundation's Vice-President for Higher
Education and Research. 8
1) International Migration Rev.iew, an article by Dean Cincl, p. 58-63.
2)
See Fishman et al, Language Loyalty in the United States (Mouton
& Co., The Hague) , 1966.
3) Fishman, op. c. p. 31.
4 ) Fishman, ibid. p. 44. This figure shou}jd read 415,000 because Fishman
shows 125,000 for foreign born (,p. 36) and 260,000 for native born
( p. 42) .
5 ) Ibid. , p. 40.
6 ) Published in Washington, D. C., by U.S. Government Printing Office, 1965.
7 ) Personal letter by Dr. Pauco /dated December 8, 1970.
Dr. Pauco's estimate of the number of Slovaks in the United States
is corroborated also by the figures on the emigration from Slovakia
to the United States published recently by the Slovak Academy of
Sciences. In the years 1880-1890, 122,479 persons left Slovakia for
the United States; in the years 1901-1910, 215,292 persons, and in
the years 1850-1921 529,949 persons; althogether 867,720 persons left
for the United States. Even if i,t is true that many of these persons
returned after two or three years spent in the United States, the
statistics justify the estimate that about two million Americans are
of Slovak origin.
8 ) The New York Times, November 27, 1970, page L. 41.
"
THE SWVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA heartily commends all efforts of our governmental and other organs
to ferret out and unmask all Communists and fellow travellers, as well as all persons and organizations who wittingly
or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of
Communism promoted by the Soviet Union.
�
Dublin Core
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Title
A name given to the resource
1971, Vol. 21
Description
An account of the resource
Vol. 21 (No. 44), 1971.
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
The Slovak League of America
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1971
Text
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Text
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SLOVAKIA
79
The Assin1ilation Process
of An1e rican Slovaks
J . M . Ki rs c h b au m, Ph. D .
Historians and sociologists have presented the United
States during the past 200 years as a vast melting pot
in which immigrants from many nations and continents
were supposed to become Americans and lose their identity.
This belief became a part of the national consciousness
of the majority of Americans and foreign scholars have
accepted uncritically the idea that successive waves of immigrants have been "digested" and have become an integral
part of the American nation. During the past few year s,
this hypothesis has been put in doubt by scholars and
especially by sociologists dealing with today's America.
Some of them assert that the melting pot was a romantic
idea about something which happened only in the writings
of historians who dealt with national ambitions and dreams
and not with reality. Even 200 years after the enunciation
of the melting pot idea, the ethnic groups continue to
behave differently from the Anglo-Saxon element. According to recent studies, the melting pot concept extended
chiefly to the political and economic spheres. In other
areas, what sociologists call "structual separation," persists.
In religion and in social relations, the ethnic groups resist
amalgamation.
In view of this situation, the Organization of American
Historians dedicated a session during its annual meeting
in 1969 to the topic : "Ethnicity: A Neglected Dimension of
American History." At this meeting, some scholars challenged the traditional ways of interpreting American history
and came to the conclusions which brought renewed
academic interest in the problems of the ethnic groups .1
The historians were joined by sociologists and linguists
and the results of their research contradicts to a great
degree the idea of a melting pot and monolithic structure
of the American nation. They found out that even Americans of western European origin (German, Norwegian,
80
SLOVAKIA
Swedish, Irish, etc.) continue to this very day t.o recognize
their ancestry and t.o partially define themselves in
accordance with it. "For reasons that are not really well
understood, these groups have not lost themselves entirely
within their American surroundings even after three, four,
or more generations, although they have had every opportunity to do so." 2 The ethnic groups preserved, however,
not only the awareness of their European ancestry and
cultural heritage, but many of them maintained the languages spoken by their fathers and fore-fathers. As a result,
the idea of ethnicity and of language maintenance in
America is becoming of interest not only to scholars but
also to other Americans. "That third and subsequent
generations frequently continue to think of themselves
in partially ethnic terms and frequently maintain positive
attitudes and interests with respect to the heritage of
their grandparents, became a significant fact in American
life." 3
Prof. Fishman in the recent book Language Loyalty
in the United States which he edited together with several
American scholars, deals especially with the maintenance
and perpetuation of non-English mother tongues of American ethnic and religious groups. Through thorough research, Fishman and a group of American scholars came
to startling results about present-day America. They also
mention Slovaks and in view of the possibility that the
statistics confused again Czechs and Slovaks, the new
generation of Slovaks educated at American universities
should carry out genuine research into the problems of
the Slovak ethnic group in the United States.
According to Fishman, the assimilation process of the
Slovaks proceeds much faster than that of many other
ethnic groups. They have assimilated much faster than,
for instance, Poles, Magyars, Ukrainians, or Germans.
According to the census data, there were 274,948 Slovaks
in 1920 who were not born in the United States, whereas
in 1940 only 171,580 and 125,000 in 1960. As for Slovaks
born in the United States, the 1920 statistics show 344,918
as against 283,520 in 1940 and 125,000 in 1960, which means
a considerable decrease from decade to decade. The number
of Slovaks born in America who gave their mother tongue
SLOVAKIA
81
as Slovaks, according to the censuses of 1920 and 1940
is again percentagewise much smaller than in the case of
other Slavs or even Magyars.
The maintenance of mother tongues or the admission
of Slovak parentage declines among the children of Slovak
parents from generation to generation, according to
American statistics. Thus the process of assimilation seems
to be much stronger among Slovaks than among Poles,
Ukrainians, Lithuanians, Magyars or Germans. For instance, in 1960, 125,000 first generation Slovaks claimed
their mother tongue as Slovak. The same number of
second generation Slovaks appear in the statistics, but
in the third generation, only 10,000 Americans born to
Slovak parents claimed Slovak as their mother tongue.
As a result, only 260,000 persons born in the United States
claimed in 1960 to be of Slovak origin or admitted that
their mother tongue was Slovak. The total number of
foreign and native born persons who claimed Slovak as
their mother tongue was 484,360 in 1940 and only 260,0000
in 1960.4
The decrease or assimilation process among Slovaks
in the United States is best shown by the following
comparison with other central European immigrants:
Slovaks decreased by 46.3 %
Poles decreased by 9 .6 %
Serbs and Croats decreased by 10.8 %
Ukrainians increased by 202.6 %
Prof. Fishman carefully mentions that mother tongue
data on natives of foreign or mixed parentage does not
necessarily reflect the real number of people born in the
individual ethnic groups. Some demographic and some
non-demographic factors account for the fact that some
Americans of non Anglo-Saxon origin did not reveal their
ethnic origin and mother tongue. Among the factors were
a) "the varying prestige of the mother tongue both among
its own speakers and among Americans in general," and
b) tlile social mobility experienced by the second generation.
Where the prestige of a particular mother tongue was
low, and where the social mobility of its prospective
claimants was high, it is likely the language less frequently
82
SLOVAKIA
became the mother of American-born (second generation)
offspring and was even less frequently claimed as such.
"Unfortunately," concludes Fishman, "no census-type data
are available on either of these variables and it has been
necessary to study them by other means." 5
Generally, the immigrants from Central and Eastern
Europe preserved their language and cultural heritage
much better than immigrants from other parts of the
European Continent. In the case of Slovaks, the statistics
show that in spite of the greater number of parishes,
organizations and newspapers compared to some other
ethnic groups from Central Europe had in the past decades,
the assimilation process was much stronger.
As far as the mother tongue maintenance is concerned,
American Slovaks are in twelfth place among the 23 ethnic
groups in 1969, but for the period 1940-1960 in the 15th
place. They are far ahead of Magyars, Russians, Poles,
Croats, or Serbians in their integration into the AngloSaxon language group.
There are no statistics about the number of Slovak
newspapers and periodicals since these were shown under
"other Slavic Groups" which includes Slovenes, Croatians,
and Serbians. The statistics also show that the number
of Slovaks is inferior during some decades to the number
of Czechs and this could lead to the conclusion that the
census takers may have confused the Czechs with Slovaks
and vice-versa, as it happened according to the official
admission in the Canadian census of 1961.
The statistics quoted above and used in Fishman's
book have been derived from U.S. Census of Population
1960: General Social and Economic Characteristics, United
States Summary, Final Report PC ( 1 )-lC.6 The statistics
do not add, however, correctly and they seem to be at
odds with unofficial statistics and numbers of Slovaks who
are at the present time organized in Slovak organizations
in the United States. Although generally only 15 to 20 %
of Americans or Canadians of East European origin are
members of their fraternal or socio-cultural associations,
the number of Slovaks organized in the United States
amounted in 1969 to well over 450,000 according to the
SLOVAKIA
83
Secretary of the Slovak League of America, Joseph Pauco,
Ph.D.
In addition 'to this membership, we have to take into
consideration social clubs and church organizations, as
well as cultural centres which have been organized within
Slovak Catholic and Protestant parishes or in larger American cities, and whose members are only partly organized
in the fraternal Slovak organizations. According to Dr.
Pauco, there is almost at each parish such a club or church
organization and half of its membership does not belong
to any Slovak fraternal organization. Since there are over
400 parishes in the United States, and taking into account
that Slovak families are usually very large, counting five
members as a f!1inimum, Dr. Pauco, as a long time Secretary
of the Federation of Slovak Organizations in the United
States, the Slovak League of America, assumes that the
number of Americans of Slovak origin who to a great
degree are still conscious of their ethnic background,
amount to approximately two million. 7
However, if the official statistics are correct, then we
cannot but come to the conclusion that the assimilation
process of Slovaks is much stronger than we are willing
to admit. On the other hand, if the statistics can be
doubted, then there is only one remedy; the educated
Slovaks whose numbers are not negligible, should begin
a thorough research into the problems of American Slovaks.
Their task will be now much easier than a few years ago
since a joint commission cif the Organization of American
Historians and the American Historical Association issued
a statement on the writing and teaching of American history
in the text books, stressing the fact that American ethnlc
difference must be "faithfully portrayed." Also many other
things reveal that a new tide of ethnic studies is at hand.
The first sign is the growing interest of publishers and,
second, new scholarship efforts are growing in American
universities.
The renewed interest in ethnic Americans was underscored by the Ford Foundation which announced in Ne,v
York a new program of fellowships to encourage scholarships in the field of ethnic studies. A. national award of
$288,052.00 will go to 87 doctoral candidacies at 58 graduate
SLOVAKIA
84
schools for the writing of dissertations on subjects dealing
with the experience and culture of ethnic minorities in
the United States. "The new program is designed to help
stimulate the development of a body of knowledge on the
history and culture of the nation's ethnic minorities, which
is already becoming a subject of intense interest to a new
generation of American students," according to F. Champion Ward, the Foundation's Vice-President for Higher
Education and Research. 8
1) International Migration Rev.iew, an article by Dean Cincl, p. 58-63.
2)
See Fishman et al, Language Loyalty in the United States (Mouton
& Co., The Hague) , 1966.
3) Fishman, op. c. p. 31.
4 ) Fishman, ibid. p. 44. This figure shou}jd read 415,000 because Fishman
shows 125,000 for foreign born (,p. 36) and 260,000 for native born
( p. 42) .
5 ) Ibid. , p. 40.
6 ) Published in Washington, D. C., by U.S. Government Printing Office, 1965.
7 ) Personal letter by Dr. Pauco /dated December 8, 1970.
Dr. Pauco's estimate of the number of Slovaks in the United States
is corroborated also by the figures on the emigration from Slovakia
to the United States published recently by the Slovak Academy of
Sciences. In the years 1880-1890, 122,479 persons left Slovakia for
the United States; in the years 1901-1910, 215,292 persons, and in
the years 1850-1921 529,949 persons; althogether 867,720 persons left
for the United States. Even if i,t is true that many of these persons
returned after two or three years spent in the United States, the
statistics justify the estimate that about two million Americans are
of Slovak origin.
8 ) The New York Times, November 27, 1970, page L. 41.
"
THE SWVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA heartily commends all efforts of our governmental and other organs
to ferret out and unmask all Communists and fellow travellers, as well as all persons and organizations who wittingly
or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of
Communism promoted by the Soviet Union.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The Assimilation Process of American Slovaks
Description
An account of the resource
J. M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D
Slovakia, Vol. 21 (No. 44), 1971
pp. 79-84
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Kirschbaum, Jozef M., 1913-2001
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1971
SNK
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https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/adfa3c760fa984f80ae9d956da0d118c.pdf
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PDF Text
Text
SLOVAKIA
85
The Slovak National Awakening
By Edward A. Tuleya
Since the Congress of Vienna in 1815 democratic
principles and nationalism had been suppressed by the
joint efforts of the great powers. However, by 1848 the
dream of freedom could no longer be contained, and
throughout the continent of Europe, except for Russia,
the revolution spread. Revolts in Palermo, Paris, Vienna,
and Prague were like huge cannon aimed to destroy the
fortress of reaction. 1 The time that Prince Metternich
feared had come, and on March 14th he was forced to flee
Vienna. Hope for the oppressed ran high. 2 Within the
framework of the Austrian Empire dissatisfied nations
now saw the opportunity to gain rights which had long
been denied them.
Magyars Would Deny Others Freedom
Napoleon's downfall had created a dilemma for Vienna
and she reacted by adopting a policy which relegated the
Slavs to an inferior status within the Empire, especially
those living in Hungary. The Russian more than any other
army was responsible for the defeat of Napoleon. Gratitude
quickly gave way to suspicion as to what the Russian Tsar
might do now that he had the strongest fighting force in
Europe. Vienna feared that Russia would use her power
to back up the demands of the Slav nations in Empire,
for the improvement of their political position or more
alarming for breaking away from Hapsburg control. Instead of turning to a rational policy for her Slav subjects,
she opted for a diametrical course by seeking the co-operation of the Magyars who were in complete sympathy with
Vienna, at least on that overriding issue. Vienna gave the
Magyars more than tacit support to do whatever was necessary in Hungary to preserve the Empire's internal security.
What the Magyars had in mind was something more, greater
independence from Vienna. For centuries the Magyars ruled
a population three fourths of which was made up of nonMagyar peoples, such as Germans, Slovaks, Croats, Serbs,
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SLOVAKIA
Ruthenians, and Rumanians. But the Magyar leaders had
no sympathy for others when the latter called for equal
rights. 3
Thus, while the Magyars were pressing Vienna for
more rights, the non-Magyar nations were being refused
those very same rights and others by the Magyars. 4 The
lot of the subject races in Hungary was difficult, particularly for the Slovaks, a Slavic people, numbering close
to three million and living in northern Hungary. Unlike
the Croats, Serbs, and Rumanians, the Slovaks did not
enjoy favor in Vienna, representation in Parliament, nor
the right to cultivate their own language. 5
It was not, however, until the end of the eighteenth
century that the Magyars began to accelerate the Magyarization of the Slovaks and other ·non-Magyar nations. The
greatest contributing factor to their plan was Joseph II's
policy to centralize and Germanize the Empire. In 1784
Joseph II ordered that in place of the dead language,
Latin, German would be the official language in Hungary.
From that time on there was a strong reawakening of
the people.6 "Just as the encroachments of German had
awakened the susceptibilities of the Magyars", writes A.
Patterson, "so did the encroachments of Hungarian
(Magyar) awaken those of the Croats and Slovaks."7
Effect of Joseph's Policy on Magyarization
The policy of Joseph II, instead of unifying the Empire
through Germanization, only aroused the subject nations
to take further steps to defend their national identity.8
The awakened spirit affected the Magyar nationalists
to adhere to the belief that the security of Hungary as
a Magyar nation could only be assured if all its inhabitants
were Magyars. 9 In opposition to this, Michael Hodza, ardent
fighter for Slovak people, exclaimed, "We don't want
Magyar as our language. If you fought against Germanization of Joseph II, we also fight against your Magyarization."10 Therefore, the Slovaks who had enjoyed some
linguistic tolerance were now to feel the pains of a
denaturalization program. Lack of concern on the part of
the Magyars and their feeling of superiority and arrogance
can be best expressed in a; Magyar proverb: "Toth ember
nem ember." (The Slovak is not a man).11
�SLOVAKIA
87
The first Magyarization laws were passed in 1791-92
by the County councils.12 For several years the laws. were
poorly enforced and not too much concern was paid to
the activities of the non-Magyar groups or their resistance
to assimilation. This apathy, however, was not the rule
in all quarters. In some cities in Hungary it was calculated
that in 1798 the Magyar and the Slovak population was
equal, and because of the manner in which the Germans
had been absorbed by the Slovaks, the Magyars could not
expect a better fate .13 Reaction to this fear took different
forms on the part of the Magyars. In many cases Magyar
priests unable to speak Slovak were sent to Slovak
churches. In the village of :r.udovilovo-Komarno police were
posted outside the doors of the church to keep the people
from leaving. Those who protasted were placed on the
deres and beaten. Me;:i,nwhile Slovak priests were not
allowed to perform services and Magyars were appointed. 14
This could have had a disastrous affect on the Slovaks,
for the Catholic priests and Protestant ministers were
looked upon as leaders by the people. With few exceptions,
the clergy were the only national-minded Slovaks possessing a higher education. They used their learning to better
the lives of the people through writing and organizing
schools. The Slovak aristocracy, on the other hand, were
pro-Magyar in their sympathies and looked with indifference on their own countrymen.
Influ ence of Anton B ernolak
In 1787, Anton Bernolak, a Catholic priest, published
his Slovak grammar. His work laid the foundations for
a Slovak literary language and contributed to a growing
national consciousness. 15
Heretofore, Slovak writers had used Czech as a medium
of written expression, but now they had, based on the
West Sl@vak dialect, the beginning of their own literary
language. Slovak writers now turned to the distant p ast
in Slovak history, and using the new idiom, wrote about
her past glory and achievements in an effort to inspire
the people. Not long afterwards, in 1793, Bernolak and his
followers founded the Slovak Education Society for the
purpose of publishing and distributing Slovak books. A
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SLOVAKIA
generous patron and member of the Trnava Literary circle
was Alexander Rudnay, Archbishop Cardinal of Ostrihom,
who openly proclaimed, "Slovak I am and if I were a
Pope I would still be a Slovak."16
For the Slovak people, Bernolak and his followers
had taken the first stride toward the preservation of their
language, heritage, and nation. 17 "Had it not been for
those who in the 1790's were awake, as true Slovaks, by
the year 1867 we would have been smothered by Magyarization," were the words used by Skultety to stress the
importance of the school of Bernolak.18
Before the Slovaks could present a more united front
against the Magyars, however, it was necessary to close
the ranks among their own people. One of the greate$t
obstacles which confronted the Slovak leaders was the
selection of a literary language which would be accepted
by both Catholic and Protestant groups.
Centered in Trnava, the Catholics continued on their
new course by using the Western Slovak vernacular as
their vehicle for development of a literary language. The
Bernolak group was steering away from the Czech which
until this time had been used by the educated class as
the literary language in Slovakia. On the other hand, the
Protestants remained adherents of the Czech. They in turn
began to gather around the Lutheran Lycee in Bratislava.
In 1801, they founded the "Society for Slovak Literature,"
and two years later they established a chair for the study
of the Slovak language and literature at the Lycee. 19
Eudovit Stur And The Defense of Slovak Rights
For the Slovaks much good emanated from the Lycee
in the years that followed. In the circles of the young
students, Eudovit sttir from 1836 became prominent. Born
in the small town of Uhrovec, the son of a school teacher,
:Cudovit was destined to devote his life to his people.
He succeeded in getting the chair of Slovak as substitute
of the superannuated Professor George Palkovic.20
In order to prepare himself for the cause of his nation,
sttir, in 1838, departed for Germany to take up studies
at the University of Halle. During his sojourn at Halle
he continued to keep contact with his homeland by
�SLOVAKIA
89
exchanging letters witl1 his literary associates in Slovakia
and Bohemia.
Before returning home $tur visited the Lusatians, an
island of the Western Slavic people located in the "German
Sea." He hoped to find the purest type of Slavic character
and racial purity. He came upon a village which except
for the name of the community had lost all its Slavic
identity. $tur wa.s moved by this experience and in a poem
called "The Pagan Priest" expressed with sadness the
eventual loss of these people to the Slavic world. On his
way home he lingered in Prague at the home of a dear
friend, Jaroslav Pospisil. Unfortunately, $tur fell down
the steps and was forced to remain. 21 During his convalescence he fell in love with his host's daughter, Maria. After
great deliberation, $tur decided against placing his own
personal feelings before those of his people.
It may, be said by some that a marriage at this time
by $tur would have meant his loss to the Slovak cause.
There is no doubt that during his marital adjustment he
may have neglected his life'is work, but one must not
forget his burning desire to fulfill his mission for the
welfare of his people. It must also be remembered that
$tur's prospective father-in-law was a man steeped in the
Slavic cause which in itself would certainly have not been
a deterring factor towards $tur's continued efforts in the
Slovak cause. Indeed, the Slovak people came much closer
to losing their great son in 1833 and from an entirely
different quarter.
After completing his studies in that year at the Lycee
in Bratislava, $tur was employed at the office on the
estate of Count Zay. Such a position would have been
cherished by most young men, yet $tur resigned. His
mission and work lay elsewhere. When his mother protested and pleaded that he remain, $tur in a voice full of
love and emotion said, "Mommy dear, as you see today,
I will still be a student. I must be a student." $tur returned
to Bratislava where he gave himself to his people. 22 Few
will deny that Jan Kollar's "Slavy Dcera" (The Daughter
of Slava) and Paul Joseph $afarik's "Slavonic Antiquities"
had influenced $tur's decision. 23
The Lycee attracted not only Slovaks but also Serbian
�90
SLOVAKIA
and Croatian youth. 24 Replicas of the society at the Lycee
were found in other schools in Slovakia. Stimulating
contacts among the Catholic and Lutheran Slovak students
was established through correspondence. They were preparing each other for future duties in life.
Acceleration of Magyarization
It was not until the 1830's that-the non-Magyar nations
began to rise and defend themselves against the accelerated
Magyarization program. 25 By 1820, in some counties,
Magyar was advocated as the language in non-Magyar
schools. 26 A terrible blow was dealt to Slovak people by
the Hungarian Diet in 1825-27. Seemingly, the only purpose
of the Diet body at the time was to replace Latin with
Magyar as the official language. Consequently this meant
that all citizens of Hungary would be forced to use the
Magyar language in schools, civil service, army and public
life as well. To further the cause of Magyarization, Count
Stefan Szechenyi, prominent Magyar nobleman, offered
to donate his yearly income towards the building of a
Magyar academy. A member of the parliament explained
that the chief reason for such aims was for the defense
against Russian pressure. 27 The constant fear of Russia led
the Magyars to look upon a strong Poland as a likely ally.
Professor Daniel Rapant explains that Felsobukki Nagy
Pal in his Parliamentary speech in 1833 called for the need
of a resurrected Poland and a widening of Magyarization
to the remotest frontiers of Hungary. He emphasized
a common frontier with Poland. 28 Needless to say, much
of this fear can be attributed to the cleverness of the
Magyars in their defense against the Slavic nations. Both
German and Magyar publishers used "Pan-Slavism" extensively as their propaganda weapon.
With their careful program of assimilating other
nations, the Magyars themselves made blunders which
were to turn the Slovak people further away from them.
M. Rey wrote:
"The Magyar nobles had often made generous sacrifices
in the defense of their own interests but they had always
shown the most deplorable selfishness as regards the
condition of the peasants." 29 All this in turn gave the
�SLOVAKIA
91
Austrian crown an opportunity to play the part of the
oppressed peasants' friend. 30
The Slovak peasant from the middle of the 16th to
the middle of the 19th century bore the main burden of
taxation in Hungary, paying fifty per cent of what he
produced to his lord and to the crown.31 There is no
question that the conditiorts of the peasantry in Slovakia
were pitiful. 32 Therefore, it is understandable that occasionally open peasant rebellions took place against their lords.
One of the latest to occur was in 1831 which took place
in the counties of saris, Zemplin, Spis, Abauj, and Gerner
with the outbreak of cholera. Some of the lords were put
to death by the people who accused them of having
poisoned the wells. 33 According t:o Bakes, the disease had
spread across the frontier from Poland where Russian
soldiers had been encamped.34 rt is estimated that 56,000
died, and one writer claims that Russian agents incited
the people to revolt against their lords. 35 The brutality
with which the revolt was put down left hatred in the
hearts of those who survived.
In this state of affairs the Emperor in 1833 invited
the Diet to meet at Bratislava to discuss agrarian reforms
which he claimed were drawn up by himself. 36 Among
the people there was great hope that such interest on
the part of the Emperor would mean the gradual alleviation
of their terrible conditions. Actually, the congress did not
concern itself with such matters and instead they were
put aside to be dealt with at later sessions. Something
more important now commanded their attention, the
coronation of Francis's son, Ferdinand, as kin of Hungary.
As Magyars they were won over to the new king when
he contributed his coronation gift to the Magyar Scientific
Academy.
Ferdinand, who claimed to be Magyar at heart, became
a strong supporter for the Magyarization program. In 1830,
the Diet passed a series of laws which extended the
reaches of the Magyar language. By 1836, Magyar was
elevated to equal stature with Latin as a language to be
used in courts and documents. As a result of the Diet
of 1839, Magyar now became the official language of
Hungary . Now Magyarization would need only time. What
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SLOVAKIA
would St. Stephen, Hungary's greatest king, have said of
this? The Magyars had revered their king and maybe they
would have been wiser had they paid heed to his words
of wisdom. In a letter written by St. Stephen to his son,
St. Emerich, we find him saying: "For as guests some from
various parts of the provinces, they bring different languages and customs, knowledge, and arms, all of which
adorn the royal court; and make it more magnificent.
All this shakes the self-confidence of foreigners. A country
with one language and one morality is weak and fragile.
Therefore I exhort you, my son, to accept them with
benevolence and hold them in esteem in order that they
may prefer staying with you in the kingdom."37 Thus, the
Magyars were taking their ship on a different course than
that charted by their great captam, St. Stephen.
At this time, Uudovit stur returned to the Lycee in
Bratislava from Germany where he had been studying for
the last two years. Much had taken place in his absence;
however, he was the man destined to lead his people
during their great trial in 1848-49.
An effective weapon t,o be used against stur and his followers was the Pesti Hirlap, the first political newspaper in
Hungary and edited by Louis Kossuth in 1841. The "forties"
were to see the Magyars, "champions" of the newly-won
freedom of the press acting quickly to refuse its benefits
to their weaker fellow nations. Although some assurances
were given that racial tolerance would be honored to all,
it was not long before the true character of the journal
became evident. Kossuth was very free in his attacks
on the Slovaks and answers to his attacks were never
allowed space in his "democratic" paper. 38 The Pesti Hirlap
became the voice of Magyarization.
The Magyars in their search for every technique and
new approach did not overlook the possibilities of using
the religious issue as a vehicle toward their goal of assimilation. This only served to strengthen Slovak resistance.
On September 10, 1840, Count Zay was appointed chief
inspector of the Protestant Congregations and schools.39
In his acceptance speech he called for the promotion of
Magyarization as the only salvation for the Protestant
confession in Slovakia. Zay's goal was to unify the Lutheran
�SLOVAKIA
93
and Calvinist Churches. Of all the Lutherans in Hungary,
five eights were Slovaks, the rest were Germans. On the
other hand, the Calvinists were Magyars and were greater
in number. This in itself added to Slovak suspicions that
such a union was not in the interest of the faith as
proclaimed, but actually a chauvinistic design on the part
of the Magyars to absorb the Slovak people.40
Zay openly announced in a public circular, September
26, 1840, his determination to Magyarize the Slovaks.
Moreover, he stated that the Slovak language would prevent
the Slovaks from being good stolid Protestants, and the
Magyarization of the Slavs was the holiest duty of every
genuine patriot:u
Hungary, according to Zay, could only be strong if she
were welded into one nation, for she could then defend
herself from the danger in the north, Russia. 42 Slovak
leaders were not tardy in answering Zay. Sttir's rebuttal
was so intelligently plain that Zay became firmly convinced
Sttir was behind all the protestations that were being
made. He was determined to have Stlir removed from the
chair of Slovak Studies at the Lycee. This appeared to be
quite difficult to do inasmuch as i:ittir was very popUllar.
Nevertheless, supporters of Zay's plan proclaimed that the
Lycee's at Bratislava and Levoca were the hotbeds of all
Slovak societies at Lutheran schools and colleges in
Slovakia. For the time being, however, Magyar plans were
not successful.
Jan Seberini answered Zay on April 2, 1841, by stating
that he, Zay, professed to Magyarize in the name of
Protestantism; yet that is not only contrary to the
Protestant beliefs, but also to all Christian teachings.
"Who has the right to say what language a man must
speak?" he continued, " I am a Slovak not because of glory
and honor but according to Christian teachings, for God
wanted that I be born Slovak. Therefore, I am not ashamed
of my origin nor my tongue just as any German, Frenchman, Magyar need not to be ashamed." 43
It must be remembered that not all of the Protestant
clergy sensed danger in the union; nevertheless, Zay's
program eventually became evident even to those idealists.
At Nitra, where some believed that union of the two
�94
SLOVAKIA
Protestant groups was in good faith, Jozef Miloslav Hurban
warned them to be more realistic and not to be taken in.
The part that Hurban was to play in the revolt of 1848-49
was second to none but his great friend and comrade
in arms, Jjudovit Stlir.
Jozef Miloslav Hurban
Born on the 19th of March, 1817, in Beckov, Jozef
Hurban was educated by his father, Pavol, a Lutheran
Minister of that place. His father was timid and wished
not to implicate himself in national problems. Therefore,
under these circumstances, the youthful Hurban while
at home was not exposed to Slovak national consciousness.44 After spending his lower grades at Trencin, he
went in 1830 to study at the Lycee at Bratislava. He was
there for six years before he met Shir. Prior to this time
Hurban had not taken part in Slovak aspirations at the
Lycee.
One evening, while taking a walk in the streets of
Bratislava, he met stlir who asked him whether he was
studying and practicing in the Slovak language. This stur explained, was the duty of all Slovaks. Hurban at the moment
was embarrassed and could not answer. stur then said,
"You are a Slovak, is that correct? And is not your friend
George Zaborsky?" Hurban replied that he was a Slovak
and that his friend was George Zabo11sky. 45 stur complimented Hurban for his selection of such a good, able
friend and recommended that he continue to cultivate
Zaborsky's friendship. Before the two had departed,
Hurban was invited to visit stur.
That meeting was to have far-reaching effects on
Hurban; for, when he arrived home, his mind was full
of thought. The lamp in his room burned past midnight,
while Hurban wrote hils first verse in Slovak. This he
presented to stur the next morning and from that time
on the Slovak Institute in Bratislava, as well as the Slovak
nation, did not have a more zealous member nor a more
deserving son than Hurban.
A trip to Devin was planned for April 24, 1836, by
the members of the Slovak Society at the Lycee in order
to initiate and plan more definite activities. The ruins
�SLOVAKIA
95
of Devin, reminders of a rich history, stood majestic on
her pedestal of massive rock guarding the confluence of
the Morava and Danube rivers. This place recalled the
Great Moravian Empire in the 9th century and her ceaseless
struggles against German and Magyar. For the new Slovak
generation this was a setting best suited for the revival
of Slovak national feeling. 46 On this day filled with bright
spring sunshine, lectures were given, prose recited, and
songs were sung. Everyone participated in the theme of
awakening Slovak consciousness. 47
In a further expression of loyalty to their beloved
cause, they adopted Slavic names which they pledged
to carry forever. sttir was the first to announce that he
was to take the name of Velislav and others followed suit,
taking different Slavic names. Hurban took the name
Miloslav, a name which was to live in Slovak history. 48
Below the fortress of Devin rested a small town by
the same name, and there in a tavern the young Slovaks
gathered after an eventful day. Conversation, according
to Hurban, had to be carried on in Latin so that waiters
might not learn and betray their information.49
Just as stur and others had taken trips to broaden
their views and get better acquainted with affairs which
might influence their actions, Hurban also traveled. 50 His
opportunity was afforded during a vacation 1839 when
he visited Vienna, Bohemia and Moravia. 51 In 1841, a book
relating his experiences was published: Trip of a Slovak
to his Slav Brothers in Moravia and Bohemia. 52
When he completed his studies in 1840, Hurban became
town chaplain at Brezova. For Hurban, the post at Brezova
was a fortunate one, for here his work was to be understood
and appreciated. Even before his arrival, the people of
Brezova had had experiences in the struggle against the
landed gentry. The peasants were aware of their rights
and were prepared to defend them. They, too, had been
effected by stur and showed a keen interest in his work. 53
Although Hurban knew that the upper classes would
hold it against him, he, nevertheless, set about to reach
the less fortunate classes. 54 Within himself there was a
shining spiritual fire that others felt, and with his expressive face, warm kind eyes, and strong thundering
�96
SLOVAKIA
voice, he imparted to others the knowledge he had. Through
talks and writings, he began to create among the uneducated people an interest in how they could better
themselves. Out of this grew a Sunday school and Moderation and Temperance Society, both of which were to help
in strengthening his people.
The Sunday school was designed for those living in
Brezova and it met on Sundays and holidays and on other
days when time permitted. Those who attended were
taught the arts and sciences. The Moderation and Temperance Society was just as important. Drunkenness came
to Slovakia not through a habit developed from pleasure,
but as a medium of escape from the extreme hardships
of life. Not anywhere in Hungary was misery so great
as in Slovakia, nor was drunkenness more widespread.
Besides education, there was a dire need for bettering
the lot of these people who lived under such deplorable
conditions.55 The enlightened Slovak leaders knew that
in order to lift up their nation they must first of all
remove this scourge of alcoholism. 56 Throughout Slovakia,
Moderation Societies were set up which were similar to
those in America, but were chiefly modeled after those
in Ireland where conditions were unfortunately similar
to those found in Slovakia. However, the obstacle to
legislation which would have curbed, if not eliminated, the
sale of liquor came from the great landowners and Jews. 57
They owned the distilleries as well as the village taverns.
The latter were frequented by those who could not pay
and high rates of interest were charged them. 58
Agricultural schools had been established, but they
were more for the middle class: townsmen, tradesmen,
and prosperous farmers who were able to save their
earnings.59 But for the less fortunate people of the lower
classes, the Moderation and Temperance Societies had
greater meaning and importance.6 1, Its founders believed
that Slovak patriotism must be aroused, for a poor and
drunken nation could achieve nothing but death.
In the field of literary activitieis Hurban felt there
was a strong need for a journal to help to direct Slovak
literary life. In fact, when in May, 1840, Hurban grieved
that there was no journal which could serve the interest
�SLOVAKIA
97
of defending national rights, he made this comparison:
"A journal is to the life of a nation what hands are to
a clock to indicate the time; therefore, as conditions exist
we do not even have a clock."61
Putting forth all his efforts, he managed, by 1842, to
produce a yearly almanac, Nitra, written in Czech, consisting of some three hundred pages.62 Included in the first
edition were songs, poems, and prose from members of
the young Slovak generation. Nitra's title page was consecrated to "The daughters and sons of Slovakia, Moravia,
Bohemia and Silesia."
Hurban dedicated the introductory poem of this first
issue of Nitra to Jan Caplovic, landowner and great lover
of books and literature. All this was done purposefully
so that he might join the Slovak cause more actively .63
There was some speculation among the Magyars as
to Hurban's purpose of editing the Nitra. Some claimed
that the almanac was given the name Nitra so that Slovakia
might arise around the glory that surrounded that name.
Prior to this time any open discussion about historic Nitra
was forbidden. However, friends of Hurban came to his
rescue by tactfully assuring the Magyars there was nothing
to fear from Hurban who was but a young man and as
such should be excused for his actions. 64 A weaker man
would have sensed the danger but Hurban stayed on to
put out three more almanacs until 1848 when he was
forced to flee for his life.
In the year 1843, Hurban was called as pastor to
Hlboke and there he edited his second issue of Nitra, but
this time in the new Slovak literary language, and censors
played havoc with this issue.65
The Magyars also hindered in every way the realization
of a Slovak newspaper. stur, with the help of Kollar, had
petitioned in 1842 for permission to publish a newspaper,
but approval was denied. There was no telling how long
this condition would last. In the meantime, something
had to be done to draw the Slovak people together into
a unified body. It was for this purpose in 1843 that the
Slovak leaders stur and Hodza met in Hurban's residence
in Hlboke.66 Here they decided that if they were not free
to edit a newspaper, a society formed along national lines
might help achieve the same results.
�98
SLOVAKIA
Slovak Literary Language
The triumvirate agreed that Czech should no longer
be used by the Lutherans in their churches and writings.
Therefore, the adoption of the Central Slovak dialect by
this body brought the Lutherans and Catholics closer to
the goal of having one dialect as a base for their literary
language. There was a great need to reach the people, but
in a language that was dear to them and one which they
understood. Not all people could read the Czech, only
the educated; it seemed so foreign to the common people.
The society planned for in Hlboke paved the way for
the achievement of a common langu&ge.67 Near the beautiful
High Tatra mountains on the 27th of August, 1844, in
Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas, the Tatrin Society was organized.
In the words of Rapant, "It was the culminating point of
cultural organization in Slovakia at that time; and it was
the most important organ for the stur generation."68 A
factor of far reaching consequences for Slovakia was that
it was the first national Slovak organization and it encompassed all of the sides and segments of the nation, Catholic
and Lutheran.69
Along with unity of language, it concerned itself with
the cultural needs of the Slovaks.70 The Tatrin gave
financial support to young Catholic and Protestant men
who were studying in higher schools of education. Peter
Bohun, the famous Slovak artist who painted portraits
and scenes of the revolution of 1848-1849, was given such
assistance by the Tatrin, so that he was able to publish
a book of national costumes. 71
The third meeting of the Tatrin was held at cachtice
in the Catholic parish house chiefly to resolve the language
issue.72 On this memorial occasion the Catholics and
Lutherans on the 10th of August, 1847, agreed to adopt
the Central Slovak as the common literary language. The
effect of this meeting meant the rupture with the Czechs.
As was expected, it drew exclamations of disapproval from
Palkovic, Kollar, and others who felt the only salvation
for the Slovaks was in their tie with the Czechs. On the
part of the Czechs there was great anger, and claims were
made that such a move only strengthened the German
influence about them.
�SLOVAKIA
99
The Czech nationals could not understand the Slovak
problem,73 for the vernacular is the natural medium and
the truest heartbeat of the people. It, the vernacular, only
could help enlighten and lift the Slovak people from their
death sleep. Not all Czechs, however, were against the
founding of a new literary language. This group argued
that a Slovak literature would enrich the whole of Slavic
literature.
On the other hand, the agreement reached in Cachtice
was celebrated throughout Slovakia by Protestants and
Catholics alike. stl1r's former students who now served
as Protestant clergymen were filled with joy. It seemed
that at once Slovak was elevated to a literary language
bringing with it a new life which surged into the land.
Slavic historians claim that had not such a step been
taken it is doubtful whether the Slovaks could have withstood the pressure of Magyarization. 74 It seemed that
every,.vhere nobles, townscitizens, and people of the villages
began to proclaim that they were Slovaks. The poor classes
were not able to understand most of what was written.
Time was needed so they might completely understand.
Along with Sunday schools which had been established
new ones sprang up, and, in addition, writing and reading
rooms were opened. People began to realize that through
learning and enlightenment they could be helped out of
their misery. In Brezova, peasants who had long been
held under the nobles' yoke began their attempt to free
themselves by purchasing the land. Now that it was their
land they worked it as never before. 75
Books and articles were not written to adorn libraries
but to serve the people. Advice on practical matters in
the written medium was beginning to evidence itself in the
lives of the Slovak people. The societies which already
existed in the cultural, social, and economic field were
given a tremendous impetus by the new language.
In the meantime, all protests against Zay had not
been aired. The inroads of Magyarization aroused superintendent Dr. Paul Jozeffy 76 to protest at the Lutheran
general convention on September 10, 1841. He warned that
if they continued forcing Magyarization into Slovak
churches and schools, he himself would present these
�100
SLOVAKIA
~ievances to the court.77 Needless to say, Magyar ambitions
were not deterred, for when in 1840 the Jittenka (Morning
Star), a student journal, was first issued at Levoca the
Magyar press vehemently attacked it as a tool of PanSlavism. By 1841 the young students were forced to cease
its publication.78
Paul Jozeffy Heads Delegation to Vienna, June, 1842
Every move by the Slovaks the Magyars suspected as
intrigues against their kingdom and made use of the
strongest propaganda weapon by crying "Pan-Slavism."
They claimed Pan-Slavism was nc.t only dangerous to the
Magyars but also politically perilous to the Empire;
therefore, it was necessary that the Magyars and Germans
fight this menace. 79
All candidates for Slovak pastorates were barred unless
they could speak Magyar fluently. It was under these
conditions that 200 ministers under the supervision of
Jozeffy signed a petition demanding rights for the Slovaks.
Jozeffy and his delegation went to Vienna in early June
1842 where they presented their grievances before Ferdinand V. The petition began by stating that the Slovaks
are an individual nation which can progress only when
it fosters its own tongue. Furthermore, for many centuries
the Slovaks had made sacrifices along with other nations .
of Hungary for the preservation of the Empire. They had
been able to use their own language, but now the Slovak
priests were being humiliated by having to adopt another
tongue. _Because of this, the Slovak language and its
literature was suffering, while in business transactions
Slovak was no longer used. They, therefore, petitioned:
1) that the King should declare officially as false all
testimony against the Slovaks that had been so proven,
2) that proper authority be granted ·so that two censors
for Slovak literature be assigned to interpret and defend
Slovak works, 3) that the seat of language and literature
at the Lycee at Bratislava be confirmed and fully certified,
4') that at the University of Pest there be established
a seat of Slavic language and literature, 5) that for matriculation records and church protocol Latin be put in
use again, 6) that churches and schools be defended against
�SLOVAKIA
101
fanatic, self styled patriots who seek to Magyarize everything.80
This petition was signed by Paul Jozeffy, John Seberini,
John Chalupka, Michael Hodza, Samuel Ferjencik, George
Palkovic and 200 ministers, teachers and men of all stations
in life.81
Although the Slovak delegation did not get very far
w:.th its request, it served as a morale booster for the
Slovaks. From the outset, promises were made and it
looked as though something might be accomplished. The
delegation had an audience with Metternich who assured
them their request would be studied. After leaving Metternich they saw Count Kolowrat, a Czech nobleman and
member of the Emperor's entourage. Although he greeted
them with great warmth and is reported to have said,
"Slav must help Slav," the delegation felt that they were
being sidetracked. Kolowrat sensed this lack of confidence
and assured them that he would lend them his support.
When they left Vienna, the delegation felt something
would be achieved. Now it seemed necessary only to wait.
Upon their return home the delegation was shocked by the
Magyar's overt reaction. The Slovak delegation had gone to
Vienna with nothing but peaceful intentions in mind. But
now the chauvinistic Magyars were infuriated and began
to reel off in their papers and journals diatribes against
the deputation headed by Jozeffy. Amidst this growing
fervor a climax was reached when Kossuth delivered his
flailing message at the General Convention on June 15th
in Pest. In his attack, Kossuth, capable orator that he
was, spared no words and vehemently described the
deputation as a shame for the Protestant church and the
betrayal of the best interest of the kingdom of Hungary.
Kossuth demanded the punishment and resignation of
Jozeffy from his superintendency.
By the end of October, 1842, the petition was sent
from Vienna to Buda to Palatine Joseph for his study
and recommendations. When Kollar got wind of this he
wrote a letter in November advising Jozeffy to come to
Buda and intercede with the Palatine. Jozeffy arrived in
Buda at the end of November and brought with him data
and other materials with which he could strengthen his
�102
SLOVAKIA
position before the Pa1atine.82 But all proved futile, for
prior to his arrival Joseph had been prepared by the
Magyars for such an audience.
Already on the 16th of April, 1843, Kollar had warned
Jozeffy that the Palatine was Magyar in his symphaties.
Moreover, according to Kollar, the Palatine Joseph had
been oriented and advised by Vienna to disregard the
Slovak demands. Vienna had no desire to strengthen the
Slavs whether they be Slovak, Czech, or Serb, for in their
union and strength she saw jeopardy to her position. At
the same time she knew she could depend upon the support
of the Slavs in case the Magyars caused trouble. And yet
because of rumblings in Germany and Italy she could not
afford to offend the Magyars.
This policy of "cat and mouse" by Vienna was reaffirmed when in his letter to Jozeffy dated April 25th,
184J, the Palatine urged him to be patient, thus leaving
Jozeffy to hope that all was not in vain. Hodza summed
up the situation: "We cannot expect help from the Magyars
but we must look to the Empire which is far away; and
God is too high to help." 83
Other attempts were made to present Slovak grievances
before the Emperor but they likewise proved fruitless .
The Slovaks now more than ever realized that they must
fight alone.
s tur Leaves Bratislava
As a result of Kossuth's charges at the General Convention an inquiry was held to det ermine for the Magyars
the real reason for Jozeffy's trip to Vienna. Through their
cunning, Zay and Kossuth at last felt they had a way
of removing s tur from his position as professor of Slovak
Studies at the Lycee. With it they hoped that if they could
not remove the chair of studies completely, they could
at least render it harmless through an appointee of their
choice. The Slovaks called his investigation an inquisition,
but in spite of all the false charges and doctored methods
the inquiry ended in an acquittal of the charges made.
Zay, however, insisted upon action which in the future
would prevent stur from making lectures. Unheard-of
pressure brought the removal of stur in December 1843.
�SLOVAKIA
103
A petition initiated by his beloved students was circulated
for signatures. From all over Slovakia protests came from
clergy and laity for the restoration of stur to his post.84
This did not, however, bring the result desired. In a feeling
of indignation the young students left Bratislava. While
most of them stopped at Levoca, others continued on to
Presov, Kezmarok, stiavnica and Jelenova. 85 On their way,
with heavy hearts but no resignation, they composed a song
"Nad Tatrou sa blyska" (Over Tatra's Peaks Lightning
Flashes) .86
The Magyars, blinded by their recent victory, did not
realize that they had ironically rendered a great service
to the Slovak cause. Previously the young Slovak students
were centered in Bratislava where observation could be
made of their every move, but they now were being
scattered throughout Slovakia. Like so many seeds the
ideals of stur and other Slovak leadership, knowledge,
national pride, betterment and unity of purpose began
to sprout and grow.
The Slovak National News
For st\ir his removal meant that his next fight would
not be in the schools as before but among the masses
of the Slovak people. To help reach the people a newspaper
was needed. It was not until 1845, however, that the first
issue of the Slovenske N<irodne Noviny (Slovak National
News) was published.87 The paper, written in Slovak, was
to become the most important vehicle in presenting stur's
platform, and in fighting for Slovak rights. 88 Though
criticized by some for lacking more aggressive action, stur
stuck to his conservative approach, for he knew that if
the Magyars were irritated the paper would not have long
to live.
stur believed that in order that the Slovak people
might better preserve their nation they must be first
educated in politics as well as home affairs. Some of his
articles seemingly were written for the benefit of the
Magyars to whom stur wished to prove that the Slovaks
desired only peace and what was rightfully theirs. Through
his paper, stur hoped to modernize his people, therefore
he discussed their schools, institutions, libraries, and
�104
SLOVAKIA
societies. His words gave new hope to those who long
suffered under the burden of serfdom.
As a result of the appearance of the Slovak National
News, there blossomed in all corners of Slovakia in 1845
a great number of Literary, Social, Agricultural, Economic,
Woman's, and Moderation and Temperance societies. They
were modeled after those which had been found in previous
years, but now they seemed to grow everywhere. To reach
national unity and purpose every facet was tried. As with
her fighting sons, the role women were to play became
apparent. Articles appeared in st1.1r's newspaper stressing
the point that being good mother was no longer sufficient,
for all women now must take on additional responsibilities
and become interested in the affairs of their nation. 89
Other writers called for the establishment of a girls' institute
where industry and devotion to the Slovak cause would be
taught.90 Readers of the Slovak newspapers were reproached for not helping themselves and were given
sound advice that jealousy of others will not get them
ahead. stur wrote that, "In order for the Slovaks to be
more fortunate, they must be concerned about themselves
and must get a 'common soul.'" He stated further,
"Authough the mark of a nation is her language, the Slovak
tongue is completely neglected in schools; it does not
have social and constitutional rights for its cultivation.
This is due to the fact that the Slovaks have not lived
like a nation but as an individual. He has hidden his
tongue only for use in the home and therefore it has
no chance of blossoming forth into reality." 91 Hodza in
his Dobruo slovo (Good Word) proclaimed that the Slovaks
must recognize their own nation and then others will do
likewise.
The program of sttir as outlined in the Slovak National
News was but the continuation of demands placed before
Vienna and Pest by the Slovaks for the past twenty years.
Aside from the need of economic reforms the major issue
was that of language. stur's paper was read in towns
and villages. Hurban wrote, "The voice of that national
organ under stur was really strong, one which had to be
considered." 92 The Slovak National News had awakened
the Slovak people and helped prepare them for the moment
for which everyone waited.
�SLOVAKIA
105
FOOTNOTES
1) Charles E. Maurice, The Rev olutionary Movements of 1848-1849,
p . vi.
2 ) Daniel Rapant, Slov enske Pov stanie, ( Slovak Uprising) Vol. I, Bk.
I, p. 18.
3) Milan Hodfa, "Political Evolution of Slovakia," Slov akia Then and
Now, ed. R. W . Seton-Watson, p . 71.
4 ) Alphonse M. Lamarune, "Past, Present and Future," North Ameri can Revi ew, LXXII, (Jan. 1851) , p . 206.
5) Rapant, op. cit. , pp. 75, 88, 89; " Austria and Germany," Quarterly
Review, LXXXIV, (Dec. 1849), p. 198.
6 ) Julius Botto, Slovcici , (Slovaks) , I, 23 ; Arnost Dennis, Slov cici:
Otcizka Rakouskci, (Slovaks : The Austrian Question), p. 134; C. J . C.
Street, Slov akia Past and Present, p. 9; Rapant, op. cit., p. 84.
7) Arthur Patterson, The Magyars, II, 70.
8) Jozef Cieker, Slovenskci Otcizka, (Slovak Question) , pp. 19, 20; E. L.
Miyatovich, "Panslavism: Its Rise and Decline", Fortnightly Revi ew,
XIV (1873) , p. 96.
9 ) Michael Hodza, Der Slowake, (The Slovak), p . 10; Rapant, op. cit.,
p . 4.
10) Htjdza, op. cit., p. 16.
11 ) Louis Leger, A History of Austro-Hungary, p. 520; Geoffrey Drage,
Austria-Hungary, p. 200 ; Harold W. Ternperley, "Racial Strife in
Hungary," Westminster Review, C. XIX (Jan. 1908) , p. 4.
12) Daniel Rapant, Ileqalna Mad'arizcicia: 1790-1840, (Illegal Magyarization) , p. 3.
13 ) Cieker, op. cit ., p. 39.
14) Hodza, op. ci t ., p. 10.
15) Ernest Flachbarth, Companion to Hungarian Studies, p. 372.
16 ) Michael Hodza, Der Slowake, (The Slovak), p. 41.
17) Frantisek Hrusovsky, Slovenske D ej iny, (Slovak History) , p. 248.
18) Skultety, op. cit., p. 62.
19) Julius Bodnar, Dr. Jozef Miloslav Hurban, p. 12.
20) Jozef Skultety, Sketches from Slo·va.lc History, trans. 0 . D. Koreff,
p. 184; Bodnar, Zoe. cit.; Albert Prazak, Dejiny Spisovne Slovenstiny
po Dobu sturovu , (History of Literary Slovak Before the Time
of Stur) p. 163; Miss Parooe, an English lady who traveled throughout Hungary in the late 1830's w110te, "It is said that in the whole
k!ingdom there is not so high and liberal an academic spirit in
any scholastic establishment as in that of the Lycee of Bratislava"
(City of the Magyar and Hungary) , JI, 281.
21 ) Frantisek Frydecky, Dopisy .fudev ita Stura Jaroslavu Pospisilovi,
(Letters of Cudovit Stur to Jaroslav Pospisil) , pp. 31, 73.
�SLOVAKIA
106
22) Jozef Hurban, I!udovit Stur, I, 38,39.
23) See R. W. Seton-Watson, A H istory of the Czechs
m#
Slovaks, pp.
173-176.
24) There were, in aj:ldition, German and Magyar societies at the Lycee
at Bratislava.
25) Daniel Rapant, llegalna Mad'arizacia: 1790-1840, (Illegal Magyarization), p. v.
26) Ibid., p. 23; Pardoe, op. cit., III, 78-80.
27) Rapant, op. cit., p. 24.
28) Daniel Rapant, Slovenske Povstanie, (Slovak Uprising), Vol. I., Bk.
I ., p. 66.
29) M. Rey in his study of this period described the privileges of the
nobility: " The rights of the nobles were as vast as a privileged race
of conquerors could possibly enjoy ... Neither the noble himself
nor his servants paid any tax, real or personal, to the king or the
counties; neither his horse nor his men could be required to work
on the roald or the dykes. The peasant alone was the person who
paid the tax termed 'domestical' for the expense of the Diet and
the county administration. The peasant paid the salary of the school
master, the notary, the priest, the patrol. The peasant constructed
and maintained either with his ,o wn money or his labor, the roads,
bridges, churches, schools, public bui~dings, dykes, canals; and it
was the peasant and the townsman who drained the marshes, turned
the course of rivers, etc. The peasant and the townspeople paid the
war tax and furnished recruits." (Autriche, Hongrie, et Turquie on
1839-48, p. 126, cited by Corvinus, Hungary: Its Constitutions and
the Catastrophe, p. 17) ; Louis Leger, A History of Austro-Hungary,
p. 493.
30 ) Peter E. Turnbull, Austria: Social a111:l Political Conditions, II, 21, 22.
31 ) Stefan Jansak, "The Land Question in Slovakia," The Slav onic
Review, (March, 1930), p. 620.
32) As a result of the Diet of 1764 a law was passed restricting the
power of inflicting corporal punishment to the bestowing of twentyfive lashes. (Lord Henry Brougham, Political Philosophy, II, 9.3 ).
33 ) Leger, op. cit., pp. 493, 494.
34) Frantisek Bokes, Dejiny Slovakov a Slovenska, (History of the
Slovaks and Slovakia ); Vol. IV, Slovenska Vlastiveda, p. 146.
35 ) Arthur Yolland, Hungary, p. 253.
36) Leger, op. cit., p. 494.
37) Ernest Flachbarth, History of Hungcry's Nati onalities, pp. 5, 6.
38) Arminius Vambery, Hungary, p. 417.
39) Hurban, op. cit., II, 118.
40 ) Arnost Dennis, Slovaci: Otazka Rakouska, p. 155.
�SLOVAKIA
107
41) ~udovit Stur, Stary i Novy Vek Slovaku, (Old and New Slovak Age),
p. 39.
42) Stur writes the Magyars feel that they can only be safe from Russia
by Magyarizing the Slovaks. "Was there a time," he asked, "when
the Slovaks have not ·prov~d faithful? We have fought for our
country, Hungary, and thousands have shed their blood." (Ibid. ,
p . 42) .
43) Julius Botto, Slovaci, pp. 53, 54.
44) Hurban, op. cit., III, 228.
45) Dr. Luidvik Ktihn, Buditelia v zupe bratislavskej, p. 66 .
46) Nitra had been considered.
47) Hurban, op. cit., I, 94-106.
48)\ Ibid., 102.
49) Ibid., 103.
50) Ibid., 155.
51) Hurban visited the Rajhrad Cloister in Moravia and made the
following entry in the visitors' book on July 10, 1839: "Miloslav Jozef
Hurban, a traveling Slovak, visited .this famous cloister with the
motto, 'Long Live Czecho-Slovak' " (Author in 1948 humbly ~dded
his name to the same visitors' book at the Rajhrad Cloister).
52) Cesta Slovaka ku b1·atrum slavenskym na Morave av techach.
53) Julius Bodnar, Dr. Jozef Miloslav Hurban, p. 17.
54) Ibid., p . 16.
55) See Stefan Jansak, Les Conditions Sociales dans l'Anciene Hongrie
et la Situation de la Slovaquie.
56 ) Rapant, op. cit., p. 159.
57 ) Ibid., p. 160; Max Schlesinger, The War in Hungary, 1848-1849, II,
218, 2l9.
58) G. R. Gleig, Germany_. Bohemia, arlji Hungary, III, 59-62.
59) Rapant, op. cit., p. 158.
60) Rapant relates that many of 't hese people would spend their last
earnings for liquor, and that in some areas between one thiDd to
one half of the population on certain days were intoxicated; even
children in the nursing stages were given alcohol L-Oc. cit.
61) Karol Golan, Rok so Sturovcami, p. 11.
62) At that time there were practically no printing facilities available
in Slovakia.
63) Vendelin Jankovic, Jan taplovic: Zivot, Osobnost', Dielo, p. 24.
64) Bodnar, op. cit., p. 20.
65) J . Skultety, 0 Slovakoch (About the Slovaks), p. 254.
66) Hurban, op. cit., II, 302; Hurban wrote : "Tatrin's function was to
the nation what Stur's was to the Slovak youth." Loe. cit.
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SLOVAKIA
67) Prazak, op. cit., p. 304.
68) Rapant, op. cit., p. 156.
69) Mikulas Dohnany, Historia Povstanja Slovenskjeho z Roku 1848,
(History of the Slovak Uprising in 1848), p. 21.
70) Hodza, op. cit., p. 54.
71) Hurban, op. cit., p. 298; Dohnany, op. cit., p. 21 .
72) Botto, op. cit., p. 62.
73) Dohnany, op. cit., p. 22.
74) Albert Prazak, "Czechs and Slovaks in Revolution of 1848," The
Slavonic Review, V (March, 1927), p. 573.
75) Dohnany, op. cit., p. 20.
76) In ~::ldition to his fine qualities his contemporaries described Dr.
Jozeffy as being timid and lacking ,t he firmness and obstinancy
needed for his time. One can well imagine that when such a man
is roused to make a protest of this order it generally must be for
reason. (Botto, op. cit., p. 55) .
77) Hurban, op. cit., p. 115.
78) Ibid. , p. 116.
79) Jozef Cieker, Slovenska Otazka, p. 72.
80) Botto, op. cit., pp. 57, 58; Hurban, op. cit., pp. 166-168.
81) Ibid. , p. 164.
82) Ibid., p. 171.
cit., p. 32.
84) Skultety, op. cit., p. 200.
83) Hodza, op.
85) Prazak, Dejiny Spisovne Slovenstiny, op. cit., pp. 285, 286.
86) Jan Matuska ( 1821-1877) was the writer of that song.
87) It may be interesting to note that Zay was commission~ by his
government to study Stur's request for a Slovak paper. To the
surprise of Stur and his followers the request was granted. The
rejoicing which took place was not to last for any great length
of time for when the Magyars saw fit, they deprived the Slovaks
of their news organ.
88) Bokes, op. cit., p. 158.
89) Rapant, op. cit., p. 155.
90) Cieker, op. cit., p. 210.
91) Rapant, op. cit., p. 148.
92) Hurban, op. cit., III, 80, 81.
•
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is interest.eel
primarily in promoting the welfare and security of the
Unit.eel States of America.
�
SLOVAKIA
85
The Slovak National Awakening
By Edward A. Tuleya
Since the Congress of Vienna in 1815 democratic
principles and nationalism had been suppressed by the
joint efforts of the great powers. However, by 1848 the
dream of freedom could no longer be contained, and
throughout the continent of Europe, except for Russia,
the revolution spread. Revolts in Palermo, Paris, Vienna,
and Prague were like huge cannon aimed to destroy the
fortress of reaction. 1 The time that Prince Metternich
feared had come, and on March 14th he was forced to flee
Vienna. Hope for the oppressed ran high. 2 Within the
framework of the Austrian Empire dissatisfied nations
now saw the opportunity to gain rights which had long
been denied them.
Magyars Would Deny Others Freedom
Napoleon's downfall had created a dilemma for Vienna
and she reacted by adopting a policy which relegated the
Slavs to an inferior status within the Empire, especially
those living in Hungary. The Russian more than any other
army was responsible for the defeat of Napoleon. Gratitude
quickly gave way to suspicion as to what the Russian Tsar
might do now that he had the strongest fighting force in
Europe. Vienna feared that Russia would use her power
to back up the demands of the Slav nations in Empire,
for the improvement of their political position or more
alarming for breaking away from Hapsburg control. Instead of turning to a rational policy for her Slav subjects,
she opted for a diametrical course by seeking the co-operation of the Magyars who were in complete sympathy with
Vienna, at least on that overriding issue. Vienna gave the
Magyars more than tacit support to do whatever was necessary in Hungary to preserve the Empire's internal security.
What the Magyars had in mind was something more, greater
independence from Vienna. For centuries the Magyars ruled
a population three fourths of which was made up of nonMagyar peoples, such as Germans, Slovaks, Croats, Serbs,
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SLOVAKIA
Ruthenians, and Rumanians. But the Magyar leaders had
no sympathy for others when the latter called for equal
rights. 3
Thus, while the Magyars were pressing Vienna for
more rights, the non-Magyar nations were being refused
those very same rights and others by the Magyars. 4 The
lot of the subject races in Hungary was difficult, particularly for the Slovaks, a Slavic people, numbering close
to three million and living in northern Hungary. Unlike
the Croats, Serbs, and Rumanians, the Slovaks did not
enjoy favor in Vienna, representation in Parliament, nor
the right to cultivate their own language. 5
It was not, however, until the end of the eighteenth
century that the Magyars began to accelerate the Magyarization of the Slovaks and other ·non-Magyar nations. The
greatest contributing factor to their plan was Joseph II's
policy to centralize and Germanize the Empire. In 1784
Joseph II ordered that in place of the dead language,
Latin, German would be the official language in Hungary.
From that time on there was a strong reawakening of
the people.6 "Just as the encroachments of German had
awakened the susceptibilities of the Magyars", writes A.
Patterson, "so did the encroachments of Hungarian
(Magyar) awaken those of the Croats and Slovaks."7
Effect of Joseph's Policy on Magyarization
The policy of Joseph II, instead of unifying the Empire
through Germanization, only aroused the subject nations
to take further steps to defend their national identity.8
The awakened spirit affected the Magyar nationalists
to adhere to the belief that the security of Hungary as
a Magyar nation could only be assured if all its inhabitants
were Magyars. 9 In opposition to this, Michael Hodza, ardent
fighter for Slovak people, exclaimed, "We don't want
Magyar as our language. If you fought against Germanization of Joseph II, we also fight against your Magyarization."10 Therefore, the Slovaks who had enjoyed some
linguistic tolerance were now to feel the pains of a
denaturalization program. Lack of concern on the part of
the Magyars and their feeling of superiority and arrogance
can be best expressed in a; Magyar proverb: "Toth ember
nem ember." (The Slovak is not a man).11
�SLOVAKIA
87
The first Magyarization laws were passed in 1791-92
by the County councils.12 For several years the laws. were
poorly enforced and not too much concern was paid to
the activities of the non-Magyar groups or their resistance
to assimilation. This apathy, however, was not the rule
in all quarters. In some cities in Hungary it was calculated
that in 1798 the Magyar and the Slovak population was
equal, and because of the manner in which the Germans
had been absorbed by the Slovaks, the Magyars could not
expect a better fate .13 Reaction to this fear took different
forms on the part of the Magyars. In many cases Magyar
priests unable to speak Slovak were sent to Slovak
churches. In the village of :r.udovilovo-Komarno police were
posted outside the doors of the church to keep the people
from leaving. Those who protasted were placed on the
deres and beaten. Me;:i,nwhile Slovak priests were not
allowed to perform services and Magyars were appointed. 14
This could have had a disastrous affect on the Slovaks,
for the Catholic priests and Protestant ministers were
looked upon as leaders by the people. With few exceptions,
the clergy were the only national-minded Slovaks possessing a higher education. They used their learning to better
the lives of the people through writing and organizing
schools. The Slovak aristocracy, on the other hand, were
pro-Magyar in their sympathies and looked with indifference on their own countrymen.
Influ ence of Anton B ernolak
In 1787, Anton Bernolak, a Catholic priest, published
his Slovak grammar. His work laid the foundations for
a Slovak literary language and contributed to a growing
national consciousness. 15
Heretofore, Slovak writers had used Czech as a medium
of written expression, but now they had, based on the
West Sl@vak dialect, the beginning of their own literary
language. Slovak writers now turned to the distant p ast
in Slovak history, and using the new idiom, wrote about
her past glory and achievements in an effort to inspire
the people. Not long afterwards, in 1793, Bernolak and his
followers founded the Slovak Education Society for the
purpose of publishing and distributing Slovak books. A
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SLOVAKIA
generous patron and member of the Trnava Literary circle
was Alexander Rudnay, Archbishop Cardinal of Ostrihom,
who openly proclaimed, "Slovak I am and if I were a
Pope I would still be a Slovak."16
For the Slovak people, Bernolak and his followers
had taken the first stride toward the preservation of their
language, heritage, and nation. 17 "Had it not been for
those who in the 1790's were awake, as true Slovaks, by
the year 1867 we would have been smothered by Magyarization," were the words used by Skultety to stress the
importance of the school of Bernolak.18
Before the Slovaks could present a more united front
against the Magyars, however, it was necessary to close
the ranks among their own people. One of the greate$t
obstacles which confronted the Slovak leaders was the
selection of a literary language which would be accepted
by both Catholic and Protestant groups.
Centered in Trnava, the Catholics continued on their
new course by using the Western Slovak vernacular as
their vehicle for development of a literary language. The
Bernolak group was steering away from the Czech which
until this time had been used by the educated class as
the literary language in Slovakia. On the other hand, the
Protestants remained adherents of the Czech. They in turn
began to gather around the Lutheran Lycee in Bratislava.
In 1801, they founded the "Society for Slovak Literature,"
and two years later they established a chair for the study
of the Slovak language and literature at the Lycee. 19
Eudovit Stur And The Defense of Slovak Rights
For the Slovaks much good emanated from the Lycee
in the years that followed. In the circles of the young
students, Eudovit sttir from 1836 became prominent. Born
in the small town of Uhrovec, the son of a school teacher,
:Cudovit was destined to devote his life to his people.
He succeeded in getting the chair of Slovak as substitute
of the superannuated Professor George Palkovic.20
In order to prepare himself for the cause of his nation,
sttir, in 1838, departed for Germany to take up studies
at the University of Halle. During his sojourn at Halle
he continued to keep contact with his homeland by
�SLOVAKIA
89
exchanging letters witl1 his literary associates in Slovakia
and Bohemia.
Before returning home $tur visited the Lusatians, an
island of the Western Slavic people located in the "German
Sea." He hoped to find the purest type of Slavic character
and racial purity. He came upon a village which except
for the name of the community had lost all its Slavic
identity. $tur wa.s moved by this experience and in a poem
called "The Pagan Priest" expressed with sadness the
eventual loss of these people to the Slavic world. On his
way home he lingered in Prague at the home of a dear
friend, Jaroslav Pospisil. Unfortunately, $tur fell down
the steps and was forced to remain. 21 During his convalescence he fell in love with his host's daughter, Maria. After
great deliberation, $tur decided against placing his own
personal feelings before those of his people.
It may, be said by some that a marriage at this time
by $tur would have meant his loss to the Slovak cause.
There is no doubt that during his marital adjustment he
may have neglected his life'is work, but one must not
forget his burning desire to fulfill his mission for the
welfare of his people. It must also be remembered that
$tur's prospective father-in-law was a man steeped in the
Slavic cause which in itself would certainly have not been
a deterring factor towards $tur's continued efforts in the
Slovak cause. Indeed, the Slovak people came much closer
to losing their great son in 1833 and from an entirely
different quarter.
After completing his studies in that year at the Lycee
in Bratislava, $tur was employed at the office on the
estate of Count Zay. Such a position would have been
cherished by most young men, yet $tur resigned. His
mission and work lay elsewhere. When his mother protested and pleaded that he remain, $tur in a voice full of
love and emotion said, "Mommy dear, as you see today,
I will still be a student. I must be a student." $tur returned
to Bratislava where he gave himself to his people. 22 Few
will deny that Jan Kollar's "Slavy Dcera" (The Daughter
of Slava) and Paul Joseph $afarik's "Slavonic Antiquities"
had influenced $tur's decision. 23
The Lycee attracted not only Slovaks but also Serbian
�90
SLOVAKIA
and Croatian youth. 24 Replicas of the society at the Lycee
were found in other schools in Slovakia. Stimulating
contacts among the Catholic and Lutheran Slovak students
was established through correspondence. They were preparing each other for future duties in life.
Acceleration of Magyarization
It was not until the 1830's that-the non-Magyar nations
began to rise and defend themselves against the accelerated
Magyarization program. 25 By 1820, in some counties,
Magyar was advocated as the language in non-Magyar
schools. 26 A terrible blow was dealt to Slovak people by
the Hungarian Diet in 1825-27. Seemingly, the only purpose
of the Diet body at the time was to replace Latin with
Magyar as the official language. Consequently this meant
that all citizens of Hungary would be forced to use the
Magyar language in schools, civil service, army and public
life as well. To further the cause of Magyarization, Count
Stefan Szechenyi, prominent Magyar nobleman, offered
to donate his yearly income towards the building of a
Magyar academy. A member of the parliament explained
that the chief reason for such aims was for the defense
against Russian pressure. 27 The constant fear of Russia led
the Magyars to look upon a strong Poland as a likely ally.
Professor Daniel Rapant explains that Felsobukki Nagy
Pal in his Parliamentary speech in 1833 called for the need
of a resurrected Poland and a widening of Magyarization
to the remotest frontiers of Hungary. He emphasized
a common frontier with Poland. 28 Needless to say, much
of this fear can be attributed to the cleverness of the
Magyars in their defense against the Slavic nations. Both
German and Magyar publishers used "Pan-Slavism" extensively as their propaganda weapon.
With their careful program of assimilating other
nations, the Magyars themselves made blunders which
were to turn the Slovak people further away from them.
M. Rey wrote:
"The Magyar nobles had often made generous sacrifices
in the defense of their own interests but they had always
shown the most deplorable selfishness as regards the
condition of the peasants." 29 All this in turn gave the
�SLOVAKIA
91
Austrian crown an opportunity to play the part of the
oppressed peasants' friend. 30
The Slovak peasant from the middle of the 16th to
the middle of the 19th century bore the main burden of
taxation in Hungary, paying fifty per cent of what he
produced to his lord and to the crown.31 There is no
question that the conditiorts of the peasantry in Slovakia
were pitiful. 32 Therefore, it is understandable that occasionally open peasant rebellions took place against their lords.
One of the latest to occur was in 1831 which took place
in the counties of saris, Zemplin, Spis, Abauj, and Gerner
with the outbreak of cholera. Some of the lords were put
to death by the people who accused them of having
poisoned the wells. 33 According t:o Bakes, the disease had
spread across the frontier from Poland where Russian
soldiers had been encamped.34 rt is estimated that 56,000
died, and one writer claims that Russian agents incited
the people to revolt against their lords. 35 The brutality
with which the revolt was put down left hatred in the
hearts of those who survived.
In this state of affairs the Emperor in 1833 invited
the Diet to meet at Bratislava to discuss agrarian reforms
which he claimed were drawn up by himself. 36 Among
the people there was great hope that such interest on
the part of the Emperor would mean the gradual alleviation
of their terrible conditions. Actually, the congress did not
concern itself with such matters and instead they were
put aside to be dealt with at later sessions. Something
more important now commanded their attention, the
coronation of Francis's son, Ferdinand, as kin of Hungary.
As Magyars they were won over to the new king when
he contributed his coronation gift to the Magyar Scientific
Academy.
Ferdinand, who claimed to be Magyar at heart, became
a strong supporter for the Magyarization program. In 1830,
the Diet passed a series of laws which extended the
reaches of the Magyar language. By 1836, Magyar was
elevated to equal stature with Latin as a language to be
used in courts and documents. As a result of the Diet
of 1839, Magyar now became the official language of
Hungary . Now Magyarization would need only time. What
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SLOVAKIA
would St. Stephen, Hungary's greatest king, have said of
this? The Magyars had revered their king and maybe they
would have been wiser had they paid heed to his words
of wisdom. In a letter written by St. Stephen to his son,
St. Emerich, we find him saying: "For as guests some from
various parts of the provinces, they bring different languages and customs, knowledge, and arms, all of which
adorn the royal court; and make it more magnificent.
All this shakes the self-confidence of foreigners. A country
with one language and one morality is weak and fragile.
Therefore I exhort you, my son, to accept them with
benevolence and hold them in esteem in order that they
may prefer staying with you in the kingdom."37 Thus, the
Magyars were taking their ship on a different course than
that charted by their great captam, St. Stephen.
At this time, Uudovit stur returned to the Lycee in
Bratislava from Germany where he had been studying for
the last two years. Much had taken place in his absence;
however, he was the man destined to lead his people
during their great trial in 1848-49.
An effective weapon t,o be used against stur and his followers was the Pesti Hirlap, the first political newspaper in
Hungary and edited by Louis Kossuth in 1841. The "forties"
were to see the Magyars, "champions" of the newly-won
freedom of the press acting quickly to refuse its benefits
to their weaker fellow nations. Although some assurances
were given that racial tolerance would be honored to all,
it was not long before the true character of the journal
became evident. Kossuth was very free in his attacks
on the Slovaks and answers to his attacks were never
allowed space in his "democratic" paper. 38 The Pesti Hirlap
became the voice of Magyarization.
The Magyars in their search for every technique and
new approach did not overlook the possibilities of using
the religious issue as a vehicle toward their goal of assimilation. This only served to strengthen Slovak resistance.
On September 10, 1840, Count Zay was appointed chief
inspector of the Protestant Congregations and schools.39
In his acceptance speech he called for the promotion of
Magyarization as the only salvation for the Protestant
confession in Slovakia. Zay's goal was to unify the Lutheran
�SLOVAKIA
93
and Calvinist Churches. Of all the Lutherans in Hungary,
five eights were Slovaks, the rest were Germans. On the
other hand, the Calvinists were Magyars and were greater
in number. This in itself added to Slovak suspicions that
such a union was not in the interest of the faith as
proclaimed, but actually a chauvinistic design on the part
of the Magyars to absorb the Slovak people.40
Zay openly announced in a public circular, September
26, 1840, his determination to Magyarize the Slovaks.
Moreover, he stated that the Slovak language would prevent
the Slovaks from being good stolid Protestants, and the
Magyarization of the Slavs was the holiest duty of every
genuine patriot:u
Hungary, according to Zay, could only be strong if she
were welded into one nation, for she could then defend
herself from the danger in the north, Russia. 42 Slovak
leaders were not tardy in answering Zay. Sttir's rebuttal
was so intelligently plain that Zay became firmly convinced
Sttir was behind all the protestations that were being
made. He was determined to have Stlir removed from the
chair of Slovak Studies at the Lycee. This appeared to be
quite difficult to do inasmuch as i:ittir was very popUllar.
Nevertheless, supporters of Zay's plan proclaimed that the
Lycee's at Bratislava and Levoca were the hotbeds of all
Slovak societies at Lutheran schools and colleges in
Slovakia. For the time being, however, Magyar plans were
not successful.
Jan Seberini answered Zay on April 2, 1841, by stating
that he, Zay, professed to Magyarize in the name of
Protestantism; yet that is not only contrary to the
Protestant beliefs, but also to all Christian teachings.
"Who has the right to say what language a man must
speak?" he continued, " I am a Slovak not because of glory
and honor but according to Christian teachings, for God
wanted that I be born Slovak. Therefore, I am not ashamed
of my origin nor my tongue just as any German, Frenchman, Magyar need not to be ashamed." 43
It must be remembered that not all of the Protestant
clergy sensed danger in the union; nevertheless, Zay's
program eventually became evident even to those idealists.
At Nitra, where some believed that union of the two
�94
SLOVAKIA
Protestant groups was in good faith, Jozef Miloslav Hurban
warned them to be more realistic and not to be taken in.
The part that Hurban was to play in the revolt of 1848-49
was second to none but his great friend and comrade
in arms, Jjudovit Stlir.
Jozef Miloslav Hurban
Born on the 19th of March, 1817, in Beckov, Jozef
Hurban was educated by his father, Pavol, a Lutheran
Minister of that place. His father was timid and wished
not to implicate himself in national problems. Therefore,
under these circumstances, the youthful Hurban while
at home was not exposed to Slovak national consciousness.44 After spending his lower grades at Trencin, he
went in 1830 to study at the Lycee at Bratislava. He was
there for six years before he met Shir. Prior to this time
Hurban had not taken part in Slovak aspirations at the
Lycee.
One evening, while taking a walk in the streets of
Bratislava, he met stlir who asked him whether he was
studying and practicing in the Slovak language. This stur explained, was the duty of all Slovaks. Hurban at the moment
was embarrassed and could not answer. stur then said,
"You are a Slovak, is that correct? And is not your friend
George Zaborsky?" Hurban replied that he was a Slovak
and that his friend was George Zabo11sky. 45 stur complimented Hurban for his selection of such a good, able
friend and recommended that he continue to cultivate
Zaborsky's friendship. Before the two had departed,
Hurban was invited to visit stur.
That meeting was to have far-reaching effects on
Hurban; for, when he arrived home, his mind was full
of thought. The lamp in his room burned past midnight,
while Hurban wrote hils first verse in Slovak. This he
presented to stur the next morning and from that time
on the Slovak Institute in Bratislava, as well as the Slovak
nation, did not have a more zealous member nor a more
deserving son than Hurban.
A trip to Devin was planned for April 24, 1836, by
the members of the Slovak Society at the Lycee in order
to initiate and plan more definite activities. The ruins
�SLOVAKIA
95
of Devin, reminders of a rich history, stood majestic on
her pedestal of massive rock guarding the confluence of
the Morava and Danube rivers. This place recalled the
Great Moravian Empire in the 9th century and her ceaseless
struggles against German and Magyar. For the new Slovak
generation this was a setting best suited for the revival
of Slovak national feeling. 46 On this day filled with bright
spring sunshine, lectures were given, prose recited, and
songs were sung. Everyone participated in the theme of
awakening Slovak consciousness. 47
In a further expression of loyalty to their beloved
cause, they adopted Slavic names which they pledged
to carry forever. sttir was the first to announce that he
was to take the name of Velislav and others followed suit,
taking different Slavic names. Hurban took the name
Miloslav, a name which was to live in Slovak history. 48
Below the fortress of Devin rested a small town by
the same name, and there in a tavern the young Slovaks
gathered after an eventful day. Conversation, according
to Hurban, had to be carried on in Latin so that waiters
might not learn and betray their information.49
Just as stur and others had taken trips to broaden
their views and get better acquainted with affairs which
might influence their actions, Hurban also traveled. 50 His
opportunity was afforded during a vacation 1839 when
he visited Vienna, Bohemia and Moravia. 51 In 1841, a book
relating his experiences was published: Trip of a Slovak
to his Slav Brothers in Moravia and Bohemia. 52
When he completed his studies in 1840, Hurban became
town chaplain at Brezova. For Hurban, the post at Brezova
was a fortunate one, for here his work was to be understood
and appreciated. Even before his arrival, the people of
Brezova had had experiences in the struggle against the
landed gentry. The peasants were aware of their rights
and were prepared to defend them. They, too, had been
effected by stur and showed a keen interest in his work. 53
Although Hurban knew that the upper classes would
hold it against him, he, nevertheless, set about to reach
the less fortunate classes. 54 Within himself there was a
shining spiritual fire that others felt, and with his expressive face, warm kind eyes, and strong thundering
�96
SLOVAKIA
voice, he imparted to others the knowledge he had. Through
talks and writings, he began to create among the uneducated people an interest in how they could better
themselves. Out of this grew a Sunday school and Moderation and Temperance Society, both of which were to help
in strengthening his people.
The Sunday school was designed for those living in
Brezova and it met on Sundays and holidays and on other
days when time permitted. Those who attended were
taught the arts and sciences. The Moderation and Temperance Society was just as important. Drunkenness came
to Slovakia not through a habit developed from pleasure,
but as a medium of escape from the extreme hardships
of life. Not anywhere in Hungary was misery so great
as in Slovakia, nor was drunkenness more widespread.
Besides education, there was a dire need for bettering
the lot of these people who lived under such deplorable
conditions.55 The enlightened Slovak leaders knew that
in order to lift up their nation they must first of all
remove this scourge of alcoholism. 56 Throughout Slovakia,
Moderation Societies were set up which were similar to
those in America, but were chiefly modeled after those
in Ireland where conditions were unfortunately similar
to those found in Slovakia. However, the obstacle to
legislation which would have curbed, if not eliminated, the
sale of liquor came from the great landowners and Jews. 57
They owned the distilleries as well as the village taverns.
The latter were frequented by those who could not pay
and high rates of interest were charged them. 58
Agricultural schools had been established, but they
were more for the middle class: townsmen, tradesmen,
and prosperous farmers who were able to save their
earnings.59 But for the less fortunate people of the lower
classes, the Moderation and Temperance Societies had
greater meaning and importance.6 1, Its founders believed
that Slovak patriotism must be aroused, for a poor and
drunken nation could achieve nothing but death.
In the field of literary activitieis Hurban felt there
was a strong need for a journal to help to direct Slovak
literary life. In fact, when in May, 1840, Hurban grieved
that there was no journal which could serve the interest
�SLOVAKIA
97
of defending national rights, he made this comparison:
"A journal is to the life of a nation what hands are to
a clock to indicate the time; therefore, as conditions exist
we do not even have a clock."61
Putting forth all his efforts, he managed, by 1842, to
produce a yearly almanac, Nitra, written in Czech, consisting of some three hundred pages.62 Included in the first
edition were songs, poems, and prose from members of
the young Slovak generation. Nitra's title page was consecrated to "The daughters and sons of Slovakia, Moravia,
Bohemia and Silesia."
Hurban dedicated the introductory poem of this first
issue of Nitra to Jan Caplovic, landowner and great lover
of books and literature. All this was done purposefully
so that he might join the Slovak cause more actively .63
There was some speculation among the Magyars as
to Hurban's purpose of editing the Nitra. Some claimed
that the almanac was given the name Nitra so that Slovakia
might arise around the glory that surrounded that name.
Prior to this time any open discussion about historic Nitra
was forbidden. However, friends of Hurban came to his
rescue by tactfully assuring the Magyars there was nothing
to fear from Hurban who was but a young man and as
such should be excused for his actions. 64 A weaker man
would have sensed the danger but Hurban stayed on to
put out three more almanacs until 1848 when he was
forced to flee for his life.
In the year 1843, Hurban was called as pastor to
Hlboke and there he edited his second issue of Nitra, but
this time in the new Slovak literary language, and censors
played havoc with this issue.65
The Magyars also hindered in every way the realization
of a Slovak newspaper. stur, with the help of Kollar, had
petitioned in 1842 for permission to publish a newspaper,
but approval was denied. There was no telling how long
this condition would last. In the meantime, something
had to be done to draw the Slovak people together into
a unified body. It was for this purpose in 1843 that the
Slovak leaders stur and Hodza met in Hurban's residence
in Hlboke.66 Here they decided that if they were not free
to edit a newspaper, a society formed along national lines
might help achieve the same results.
�98
SLOVAKIA
Slovak Literary Language
The triumvirate agreed that Czech should no longer
be used by the Lutherans in their churches and writings.
Therefore, the adoption of the Central Slovak dialect by
this body brought the Lutherans and Catholics closer to
the goal of having one dialect as a base for their literary
language. There was a great need to reach the people, but
in a language that was dear to them and one which they
understood. Not all people could read the Czech, only
the educated; it seemed so foreign to the common people.
The society planned for in Hlboke paved the way for
the achievement of a common langu&ge.67 Near the beautiful
High Tatra mountains on the 27th of August, 1844, in
Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas, the Tatrin Society was organized.
In the words of Rapant, "It was the culminating point of
cultural organization in Slovakia at that time; and it was
the most important organ for the stur generation."68 A
factor of far reaching consequences for Slovakia was that
it was the first national Slovak organization and it encompassed all of the sides and segments of the nation, Catholic
and Lutheran.69
Along with unity of language, it concerned itself with
the cultural needs of the Slovaks.70 The Tatrin gave
financial support to young Catholic and Protestant men
who were studying in higher schools of education. Peter
Bohun, the famous Slovak artist who painted portraits
and scenes of the revolution of 1848-1849, was given such
assistance by the Tatrin, so that he was able to publish
a book of national costumes. 71
The third meeting of the Tatrin was held at cachtice
in the Catholic parish house chiefly to resolve the language
issue.72 On this memorial occasion the Catholics and
Lutherans on the 10th of August, 1847, agreed to adopt
the Central Slovak as the common literary language. The
effect of this meeting meant the rupture with the Czechs.
As was expected, it drew exclamations of disapproval from
Palkovic, Kollar, and others who felt the only salvation
for the Slovaks was in their tie with the Czechs. On the
part of the Czechs there was great anger, and claims were
made that such a move only strengthened the German
influence about them.
�SLOVAKIA
99
The Czech nationals could not understand the Slovak
problem,73 for the vernacular is the natural medium and
the truest heartbeat of the people. It, the vernacular, only
could help enlighten and lift the Slovak people from their
death sleep. Not all Czechs, however, were against the
founding of a new literary language. This group argued
that a Slovak literature would enrich the whole of Slavic
literature.
On the other hand, the agreement reached in Cachtice
was celebrated throughout Slovakia by Protestants and
Catholics alike. stl1r's former students who now served
as Protestant clergymen were filled with joy. It seemed
that at once Slovak was elevated to a literary language
bringing with it a new life which surged into the land.
Slavic historians claim that had not such a step been
taken it is doubtful whether the Slovaks could have withstood the pressure of Magyarization. 74 It seemed that
every,.vhere nobles, townscitizens, and people of the villages
began to proclaim that they were Slovaks. The poor classes
were not able to understand most of what was written.
Time was needed so they might completely understand.
Along with Sunday schools which had been established
new ones sprang up, and, in addition, writing and reading
rooms were opened. People began to realize that through
learning and enlightenment they could be helped out of
their misery. In Brezova, peasants who had long been
held under the nobles' yoke began their attempt to free
themselves by purchasing the land. Now that it was their
land they worked it as never before. 75
Books and articles were not written to adorn libraries
but to serve the people. Advice on practical matters in
the written medium was beginning to evidence itself in the
lives of the Slovak people. The societies which already
existed in the cultural, social, and economic field were
given a tremendous impetus by the new language.
In the meantime, all protests against Zay had not
been aired. The inroads of Magyarization aroused superintendent Dr. Paul Jozeffy 76 to protest at the Lutheran
general convention on September 10, 1841. He warned that
if they continued forcing Magyarization into Slovak
churches and schools, he himself would present these
�100
SLOVAKIA
~ievances to the court.77 Needless to say, Magyar ambitions
were not deterred, for when in 1840 the Jittenka (Morning
Star), a student journal, was first issued at Levoca the
Magyar press vehemently attacked it as a tool of PanSlavism. By 1841 the young students were forced to cease
its publication.78
Paul Jozeffy Heads Delegation to Vienna, June, 1842
Every move by the Slovaks the Magyars suspected as
intrigues against their kingdom and made use of the
strongest propaganda weapon by crying "Pan-Slavism."
They claimed Pan-Slavism was nc.t only dangerous to the
Magyars but also politically perilous to the Empire;
therefore, it was necessary that the Magyars and Germans
fight this menace. 79
All candidates for Slovak pastorates were barred unless
they could speak Magyar fluently. It was under these
conditions that 200 ministers under the supervision of
Jozeffy signed a petition demanding rights for the Slovaks.
Jozeffy and his delegation went to Vienna in early June
1842 where they presented their grievances before Ferdinand V. The petition began by stating that the Slovaks
are an individual nation which can progress only when
it fosters its own tongue. Furthermore, for many centuries
the Slovaks had made sacrifices along with other nations .
of Hungary for the preservation of the Empire. They had
been able to use their own language, but now the Slovak
priests were being humiliated by having to adopt another
tongue. _Because of this, the Slovak language and its
literature was suffering, while in business transactions
Slovak was no longer used. They, therefore, petitioned:
1) that the King should declare officially as false all
testimony against the Slovaks that had been so proven,
2) that proper authority be granted ·so that two censors
for Slovak literature be assigned to interpret and defend
Slovak works, 3) that the seat of language and literature
at the Lycee at Bratislava be confirmed and fully certified,
4') that at the University of Pest there be established
a seat of Slavic language and literature, 5) that for matriculation records and church protocol Latin be put in
use again, 6) that churches and schools be defended against
�SLOVAKIA
101
fanatic, self styled patriots who seek to Magyarize everything.80
This petition was signed by Paul Jozeffy, John Seberini,
John Chalupka, Michael Hodza, Samuel Ferjencik, George
Palkovic and 200 ministers, teachers and men of all stations
in life.81
Although the Slovak delegation did not get very far
w:.th its request, it served as a morale booster for the
Slovaks. From the outset, promises were made and it
looked as though something might be accomplished. The
delegation had an audience with Metternich who assured
them their request would be studied. After leaving Metternich they saw Count Kolowrat, a Czech nobleman and
member of the Emperor's entourage. Although he greeted
them with great warmth and is reported to have said,
"Slav must help Slav," the delegation felt that they were
being sidetracked. Kolowrat sensed this lack of confidence
and assured them that he would lend them his support.
When they left Vienna, the delegation felt something
would be achieved. Now it seemed necessary only to wait.
Upon their return home the delegation was shocked by the
Magyar's overt reaction. The Slovak delegation had gone to
Vienna with nothing but peaceful intentions in mind. But
now the chauvinistic Magyars were infuriated and began
to reel off in their papers and journals diatribes against
the deputation headed by Jozeffy. Amidst this growing
fervor a climax was reached when Kossuth delivered his
flailing message at the General Convention on June 15th
in Pest. In his attack, Kossuth, capable orator that he
was, spared no words and vehemently described the
deputation as a shame for the Protestant church and the
betrayal of the best interest of the kingdom of Hungary.
Kossuth demanded the punishment and resignation of
Jozeffy from his superintendency.
By the end of October, 1842, the petition was sent
from Vienna to Buda to Palatine Joseph for his study
and recommendations. When Kollar got wind of this he
wrote a letter in November advising Jozeffy to come to
Buda and intercede with the Palatine. Jozeffy arrived in
Buda at the end of November and brought with him data
and other materials with which he could strengthen his
�102
SLOVAKIA
position before the Pa1atine.82 But all proved futile, for
prior to his arrival Joseph had been prepared by the
Magyars for such an audience.
Already on the 16th of April, 1843, Kollar had warned
Jozeffy that the Palatine was Magyar in his symphaties.
Moreover, according to Kollar, the Palatine Joseph had
been oriented and advised by Vienna to disregard the
Slovak demands. Vienna had no desire to strengthen the
Slavs whether they be Slovak, Czech, or Serb, for in their
union and strength she saw jeopardy to her position. At
the same time she knew she could depend upon the support
of the Slavs in case the Magyars caused trouble. And yet
because of rumblings in Germany and Italy she could not
afford to offend the Magyars.
This policy of "cat and mouse" by Vienna was reaffirmed when in his letter to Jozeffy dated April 25th,
184J, the Palatine urged him to be patient, thus leaving
Jozeffy to hope that all was not in vain. Hodza summed
up the situation: "We cannot expect help from the Magyars
but we must look to the Empire which is far away; and
God is too high to help." 83
Other attempts were made to present Slovak grievances
before the Emperor but they likewise proved fruitless .
The Slovaks now more than ever realized that they must
fight alone.
s tur Leaves Bratislava
As a result of Kossuth's charges at the General Convention an inquiry was held to det ermine for the Magyars
the real reason for Jozeffy's trip to Vienna. Through their
cunning, Zay and Kossuth at last felt they had a way
of removing s tur from his position as professor of Slovak
Studies at the Lycee. With it they hoped that if they could
not remove the chair of studies completely, they could
at least render it harmless through an appointee of their
choice. The Slovaks called his investigation an inquisition,
but in spite of all the false charges and doctored methods
the inquiry ended in an acquittal of the charges made.
Zay, however, insisted upon action which in the future
would prevent stur from making lectures. Unheard-of
pressure brought the removal of stur in December 1843.
�SLOVAKIA
103
A petition initiated by his beloved students was circulated
for signatures. From all over Slovakia protests came from
clergy and laity for the restoration of stur to his post.84
This did not, however, bring the result desired. In a feeling
of indignation the young students left Bratislava. While
most of them stopped at Levoca, others continued on to
Presov, Kezmarok, stiavnica and Jelenova. 85 On their way,
with heavy hearts but no resignation, they composed a song
"Nad Tatrou sa blyska" (Over Tatra's Peaks Lightning
Flashes) .86
The Magyars, blinded by their recent victory, did not
realize that they had ironically rendered a great service
to the Slovak cause. Previously the young Slovak students
were centered in Bratislava where observation could be
made of their every move, but they now were being
scattered throughout Slovakia. Like so many seeds the
ideals of stur and other Slovak leadership, knowledge,
national pride, betterment and unity of purpose began
to sprout and grow.
The Slovak National News
For st\ir his removal meant that his next fight would
not be in the schools as before but among the masses
of the Slovak people. To help reach the people a newspaper
was needed. It was not until 1845, however, that the first
issue of the Slovenske N<irodne Noviny (Slovak National
News) was published.87 The paper, written in Slovak, was
to become the most important vehicle in presenting stur's
platform, and in fighting for Slovak rights. 88 Though
criticized by some for lacking more aggressive action, stur
stuck to his conservative approach, for he knew that if
the Magyars were irritated the paper would not have long
to live.
stur believed that in order that the Slovak people
might better preserve their nation they must be first
educated in politics as well as home affairs. Some of his
articles seemingly were written for the benefit of the
Magyars to whom stur wished to prove that the Slovaks
desired only peace and what was rightfully theirs. Through
his paper, stur hoped to modernize his people, therefore
he discussed their schools, institutions, libraries, and
�104
SLOVAKIA
societies. His words gave new hope to those who long
suffered under the burden of serfdom.
As a result of the appearance of the Slovak National
News, there blossomed in all corners of Slovakia in 1845
a great number of Literary, Social, Agricultural, Economic,
Woman's, and Moderation and Temperance societies. They
were modeled after those which had been found in previous
years, but now they seemed to grow everywhere. To reach
national unity and purpose every facet was tried. As with
her fighting sons, the role women were to play became
apparent. Articles appeared in st1.1r's newspaper stressing
the point that being good mother was no longer sufficient,
for all women now must take on additional responsibilities
and become interested in the affairs of their nation. 89
Other writers called for the establishment of a girls' institute
where industry and devotion to the Slovak cause would be
taught.90 Readers of the Slovak newspapers were reproached for not helping themselves and were given
sound advice that jealousy of others will not get them
ahead. stur wrote that, "In order for the Slovaks to be
more fortunate, they must be concerned about themselves
and must get a 'common soul.'" He stated further,
"Authough the mark of a nation is her language, the Slovak
tongue is completely neglected in schools; it does not
have social and constitutional rights for its cultivation.
This is due to the fact that the Slovaks have not lived
like a nation but as an individual. He has hidden his
tongue only for use in the home and therefore it has
no chance of blossoming forth into reality." 91 Hodza in
his Dobruo slovo (Good Word) proclaimed that the Slovaks
must recognize their own nation and then others will do
likewise.
The program of sttir as outlined in the Slovak National
News was but the continuation of demands placed before
Vienna and Pest by the Slovaks for the past twenty years.
Aside from the need of economic reforms the major issue
was that of language. stur's paper was read in towns
and villages. Hurban wrote, "The voice of that national
organ under stur was really strong, one which had to be
considered." 92 The Slovak National News had awakened
the Slovak people and helped prepare them for the moment
for which everyone waited.
�SLOVAKIA
105
FOOTNOTES
1) Charles E. Maurice, The Rev olutionary Movements of 1848-1849,
p . vi.
2 ) Daniel Rapant, Slov enske Pov stanie, ( Slovak Uprising) Vol. I, Bk.
I, p. 18.
3) Milan Hodfa, "Political Evolution of Slovakia," Slov akia Then and
Now, ed. R. W . Seton-Watson, p . 71.
4 ) Alphonse M. Lamarune, "Past, Present and Future," North Ameri can Revi ew, LXXII, (Jan. 1851) , p . 206.
5) Rapant, op. cit. , pp. 75, 88, 89; " Austria and Germany," Quarterly
Review, LXXXIV, (Dec. 1849), p. 198.
6 ) Julius Botto, Slovcici , (Slovaks) , I, 23 ; Arnost Dennis, Slov cici:
Otcizka Rakouskci, (Slovaks : The Austrian Question), p. 134; C. J . C.
Street, Slov akia Past and Present, p. 9; Rapant, op. cit., p. 84.
7) Arthur Patterson, The Magyars, II, 70.
8) Jozef Cieker, Slovenskci Otcizka, (Slovak Question) , pp. 19, 20; E. L.
Miyatovich, "Panslavism: Its Rise and Decline", Fortnightly Revi ew,
XIV (1873) , p. 96.
9 ) Michael Hodza, Der Slowake, (The Slovak), p . 10; Rapant, op. cit.,
p . 4.
10) Htjdza, op. cit., p. 16.
11 ) Louis Leger, A History of Austro-Hungary, p. 520; Geoffrey Drage,
Austria-Hungary, p. 200 ; Harold W. Ternperley, "Racial Strife in
Hungary," Westminster Review, C. XIX (Jan. 1908) , p. 4.
12) Daniel Rapant, Ileqalna Mad'arizcicia: 1790-1840, (Illegal Magyarization) , p. 3.
13 ) Cieker, op. cit ., p. 39.
14) Hodza, op. ci t ., p. 10.
15) Ernest Flachbarth, Companion to Hungarian Studies, p. 372.
16 ) Michael Hodza, Der Slowake, (The Slovak), p. 41.
17) Frantisek Hrusovsky, Slovenske D ej iny, (Slovak History) , p. 248.
18) Skultety, op. cit., p. 62.
19) Julius Bodnar, Dr. Jozef Miloslav Hurban, p. 12.
20) Jozef Skultety, Sketches from Slo·va.lc History, trans. 0 . D. Koreff,
p. 184; Bodnar, Zoe. cit.; Albert Prazak, Dejiny Spisovne Slovenstiny
po Dobu sturovu , (History of Literary Slovak Before the Time
of Stur) p. 163; Miss Parooe, an English lady who traveled throughout Hungary in the late 1830's w110te, "It is said that in the whole
k!ingdom there is not so high and liberal an academic spirit in
any scholastic establishment as in that of the Lycee of Bratislava"
(City of the Magyar and Hungary) , JI, 281.
21 ) Frantisek Frydecky, Dopisy .fudev ita Stura Jaroslavu Pospisilovi,
(Letters of Cudovit Stur to Jaroslav Pospisil) , pp. 31, 73.
�SLOVAKIA
106
22) Jozef Hurban, I!udovit Stur, I, 38,39.
23) See R. W. Seton-Watson, A H istory of the Czechs
m#
Slovaks, pp.
173-176.
24) There were, in aj:ldition, German and Magyar societies at the Lycee
at Bratislava.
25) Daniel Rapant, llegalna Mad'arizacia: 1790-1840, (Illegal Magyarization), p. v.
26) Ibid., p. 23; Pardoe, op. cit., III, 78-80.
27) Rapant, op. cit., p. 24.
28) Daniel Rapant, Slovenske Povstanie, (Slovak Uprising), Vol. I., Bk.
I ., p. 66.
29) M. Rey in his study of this period described the privileges of the
nobility: " The rights of the nobles were as vast as a privileged race
of conquerors could possibly enjoy ... Neither the noble himself
nor his servants paid any tax, real or personal, to the king or the
counties; neither his horse nor his men could be required to work
on the roald or the dykes. The peasant alone was the person who
paid the tax termed 'domestical' for the expense of the Diet and
the county administration. The peasant paid the salary of the school
master, the notary, the priest, the patrol. The peasant constructed
and maintained either with his ,o wn money or his labor, the roads,
bridges, churches, schools, public bui~dings, dykes, canals; and it
was the peasant and the townsman who drained the marshes, turned
the course of rivers, etc. The peasant and the townspeople paid the
war tax and furnished recruits." (Autriche, Hongrie, et Turquie on
1839-48, p. 126, cited by Corvinus, Hungary: Its Constitutions and
the Catastrophe, p. 17) ; Louis Leger, A History of Austro-Hungary,
p. 493.
30 ) Peter E. Turnbull, Austria: Social a111:l Political Conditions, II, 21, 22.
31 ) Stefan Jansak, "The Land Question in Slovakia," The Slav onic
Review, (March, 1930), p. 620.
32) As a result of the Diet of 1764 a law was passed restricting the
power of inflicting corporal punishment to the bestowing of twentyfive lashes. (Lord Henry Brougham, Political Philosophy, II, 9.3 ).
33 ) Leger, op. cit., pp. 493, 494.
34) Frantisek Bokes, Dejiny Slovakov a Slovenska, (History of the
Slovaks and Slovakia ); Vol. IV, Slovenska Vlastiveda, p. 146.
35 ) Arthur Yolland, Hungary, p. 253.
36) Leger, op. cit., p. 494.
37) Ernest Flachbarth, History of Hungcry's Nati onalities, pp. 5, 6.
38) Arminius Vambery, Hungary, p. 417.
39) Hurban, op. cit., II, 118.
40 ) Arnost Dennis, Slovaci: Otazka Rakouska, p. 155.
�SLOVAKIA
107
41) ~udovit Stur, Stary i Novy Vek Slovaku, (Old and New Slovak Age),
p. 39.
42) Stur writes the Magyars feel that they can only be safe from Russia
by Magyarizing the Slovaks. "Was there a time," he asked, "when
the Slovaks have not ·prov~d faithful? We have fought for our
country, Hungary, and thousands have shed their blood." (Ibid. ,
p . 42) .
43) Julius Botto, Slovaci, pp. 53, 54.
44) Hurban, op. cit., III, 228.
45) Dr. Luidvik Ktihn, Buditelia v zupe bratislavskej, p. 66 .
46) Nitra had been considered.
47) Hurban, op. cit., I, 94-106.
48)\ Ibid., 102.
49) Ibid., 103.
50) Ibid., 155.
51) Hurban visited the Rajhrad Cloister in Moravia and made the
following entry in the visitors' book on July 10, 1839: "Miloslav Jozef
Hurban, a traveling Slovak, visited .this famous cloister with the
motto, 'Long Live Czecho-Slovak' " (Author in 1948 humbly ~dded
his name to the same visitors' book at the Rajhrad Cloister).
52) Cesta Slovaka ku b1·atrum slavenskym na Morave av techach.
53) Julius Bodnar, Dr. Jozef Miloslav Hurban, p. 17.
54) Ibid., p . 16.
55) See Stefan Jansak, Les Conditions Sociales dans l'Anciene Hongrie
et la Situation de la Slovaquie.
56 ) Rapant, op. cit., p. 159.
57 ) Ibid., p. 160; Max Schlesinger, The War in Hungary, 1848-1849, II,
218, 2l9.
58) G. R. Gleig, Germany_. Bohemia, arlji Hungary, III, 59-62.
59) Rapant, op. cit., p. 158.
60) Rapant relates that many of 't hese people would spend their last
earnings for liquor, and that in some areas between one thiDd to
one half of the population on certain days were intoxicated; even
children in the nursing stages were given alcohol L-Oc. cit.
61) Karol Golan, Rok so Sturovcami, p. 11.
62) At that time there were practically no printing facilities available
in Slovakia.
63) Vendelin Jankovic, Jan taplovic: Zivot, Osobnost', Dielo, p. 24.
64) Bodnar, op. cit., p. 20.
65) J . Skultety, 0 Slovakoch (About the Slovaks), p. 254.
66) Hurban, op. cit., II, 302; Hurban wrote : "Tatrin's function was to
the nation what Stur's was to the Slovak youth." Loe. cit.
�108
SLOVAKIA
67) Prazak, op. cit., p. 304.
68) Rapant, op. cit., p. 156.
69) Mikulas Dohnany, Historia Povstanja Slovenskjeho z Roku 1848,
(History of the Slovak Uprising in 1848), p. 21.
70) Hodza, op. cit., p. 54.
71) Hurban, op. cit., p. 298; Dohnany, op. cit., p. 21 .
72) Botto, op. cit., p. 62.
73) Dohnany, op. cit., p. 22.
74) Albert Prazak, "Czechs and Slovaks in Revolution of 1848," The
Slavonic Review, V (March, 1927), p. 573.
75) Dohnany, op. cit., p. 20.
76) In ~::ldition to his fine qualities his contemporaries described Dr.
Jozeffy as being timid and lacking ,t he firmness and obstinancy
needed for his time. One can well imagine that when such a man
is roused to make a protest of this order it generally must be for
reason. (Botto, op. cit., p. 55) .
77) Hurban, op. cit., p. 115.
78) Ibid. , p. 116.
79) Jozef Cieker, Slovenska Otazka, p. 72.
80) Botto, op. cit., pp. 57, 58; Hurban, op. cit., pp. 166-168.
81) Ibid. , p. 164.
82) Ibid., p. 171.
cit., p. 32.
84) Skultety, op. cit., p. 200.
83) Hodza, op.
85) Prazak, Dejiny Spisovne Slovenstiny, op. cit., pp. 285, 286.
86) Jan Matuska ( 1821-1877) was the writer of that song.
87) It may be interesting to note that Zay was commission~ by his
government to study Stur's request for a Slovak paper. To the
surprise of Stur and his followers the request was granted. The
rejoicing which took place was not to last for any great length
of time for when the Magyars saw fit, they deprived the Slovaks
of their news organ.
88) Bokes, op. cit., p. 158.
89) Rapant, op. cit., p. 155.
90) Cieker, op. cit., p. 210.
91) Rapant, op. cit., p. 148.
92) Hurban, op. cit., III, 80, 81.
•
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is interest.eel
primarily in promoting the welfare and security of the
Unit.eel States of America.
�
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SLOVAKIA
85
The Slovak National Awakening
By Edward A. Tuleya
Since the Congress of Vienna in 1815 democratic
principles and nationalism had been suppressed by the
joint efforts of the great powers. However, by 1848 the
dream of freedom could no longer be contained, and
throughout the continent of Europe, except for Russia,
the revolution spread. Revolts in Palermo, Paris, Vienna,
and Prague were like huge cannon aimed to destroy the
fortress of reaction. 1 The time that Prince Metternich
feared had come, and on March 14th he was forced to flee
Vienna. Hope for the oppressed ran high. 2 Within the
framework of the Austrian Empire dissatisfied nations
now saw the opportunity to gain rights which had long
been denied them.
Magyars Would Deny Others Freedom
Napoleon's downfall had created a dilemma for Vienna
and she reacted by adopting a policy which relegated the
Slavs to an inferior status within the Empire, especially
those living in Hungary. The Russian more than any other
army was responsible for the defeat of Napoleon. Gratitude
quickly gave way to suspicion as to what the Russian Tsar
might do now that he had the strongest fighting force in
Europe. Vienna feared that Russia would use her power
to back up the demands of the Slav nations in Empire,
for the improvement of their political position or more
alarming for breaking away from Hapsburg control. Instead of turning to a rational policy for her Slav subjects,
she opted for a diametrical course by seeking the co-operation of the Magyars who were in complete sympathy with
Vienna, at least on that overriding issue. Vienna gave the
Magyars more than tacit support to do whatever was necessary in Hungary to preserve the Empire's internal security.
What the Magyars had in mind was something more, greater
independence from Vienna. For centuries the Magyars ruled
a population three fourths of which was made up of nonMagyar peoples, such as Germans, Slovaks, Croats, Serbs,
86
SLOVAKIA
Ruthenians, and Rumanians. But the Magyar leaders had
no sympathy for others when the latter called for equal
rights. 3
Thus, while the Magyars were pressing Vienna for
more rights, the non-Magyar nations were being refused
those very same rights and others by the Magyars. 4 The
lot of the subject races in Hungary was difficult, particularly for the Slovaks, a Slavic people, numbering close
to three million and living in northern Hungary. Unlike
the Croats, Serbs, and Rumanians, the Slovaks did not
enjoy favor in Vienna, representation in Parliament, nor
the right to cultivate their own language. 5
It was not, however, until the end of the eighteenth
century that the Magyars began to accelerate the Magyarization of the Slovaks and other ·non-Magyar nations. The
greatest contributing factor to their plan was Joseph II's
policy to centralize and Germanize the Empire. In 1784
Joseph II ordered that in place of the dead language,
Latin, German would be the official language in Hungary.
From that time on there was a strong reawakening of
the people.6 "Just as the encroachments of German had
awakened the susceptibilities of the Magyars", writes A.
Patterson, "so did the encroachments of Hungarian
(Magyar) awaken those of the Croats and Slovaks."7
Effect of Joseph's Policy on Magyarization
The policy of Joseph II, instead of unifying the Empire
through Germanization, only aroused the subject nations
to take further steps to defend their national identity.8
The awakened spirit affected the Magyar nationalists
to adhere to the belief that the security of Hungary as
a Magyar nation could only be assured if all its inhabitants
were Magyars. 9 In opposition to this, Michael Hodza, ardent
fighter for Slovak people, exclaimed, "We don't want
Magyar as our language. If you fought against Germanization of Joseph II, we also fight against your Magyarization."10 Therefore, the Slovaks who had enjoyed some
linguistic tolerance were now to feel the pains of a
denaturalization program. Lack of concern on the part of
the Magyars and their feeling of superiority and arrogance
can be best expressed in a; Magyar proverb: "Toth ember
nem ember." (The Slovak is not a man).11
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87
The first Magyarization laws were passed in 1791-92
by the County councils.12 For several years the laws. were
poorly enforced and not too much concern was paid to
the activities of the non-Magyar groups or their resistance
to assimilation. This apathy, however, was not the rule
in all quarters. In some cities in Hungary it was calculated
that in 1798 the Magyar and the Slovak population was
equal, and because of the manner in which the Germans
had been absorbed by the Slovaks, the Magyars could not
expect a better fate .13 Reaction to this fear took different
forms on the part of the Magyars. In many cases Magyar
priests unable to speak Slovak were sent to Slovak
churches. In the village of :r.udovilovo-Komarno police were
posted outside the doors of the church to keep the people
from leaving. Those who protasted were placed on the
deres and beaten. Me;:i,nwhile Slovak priests were not
allowed to perform services and Magyars were appointed. 14
This could have had a disastrous affect on the Slovaks,
for the Catholic priests and Protestant ministers were
looked upon as leaders by the people. With few exceptions,
the clergy were the only national-minded Slovaks possessing a higher education. They used their learning to better
the lives of the people through writing and organizing
schools. The Slovak aristocracy, on the other hand, were
pro-Magyar in their sympathies and looked with indifference on their own countrymen.
Influ ence of Anton B ernolak
In 1787, Anton Bernolak, a Catholic priest, published
his Slovak grammar. His work laid the foundations for
a Slovak literary language and contributed to a growing
national consciousness. 15
Heretofore, Slovak writers had used Czech as a medium
of written expression, but now they had, based on the
West Sl@vak dialect, the beginning of their own literary
language. Slovak writers now turned to the distant p ast
in Slovak history, and using the new idiom, wrote about
her past glory and achievements in an effort to inspire
the people. Not long afterwards, in 1793, Bernolak and his
followers founded the Slovak Education Society for the
purpose of publishing and distributing Slovak books. A
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SLOVAKIA
generous patron and member of the Trnava Literary circle
was Alexander Rudnay, Archbishop Cardinal of Ostrihom,
who openly proclaimed, "Slovak I am and if I were a
Pope I would still be a Slovak."16
For the Slovak people, Bernolak and his followers
had taken the first stride toward the preservation of their
language, heritage, and nation. 17 "Had it not been for
those who in the 1790's were awake, as true Slovaks, by
the year 1867 we would have been smothered by Magyarization," were the words used by Skultety to stress the
importance of the school of Bernolak.18
Before the Slovaks could present a more united front
against the Magyars, however, it was necessary to close
the ranks among their own people. One of the greate$t
obstacles which confronted the Slovak leaders was the
selection of a literary language which would be accepted
by both Catholic and Protestant groups.
Centered in Trnava, the Catholics continued on their
new course by using the Western Slovak vernacular as
their vehicle for development of a literary language. The
Bernolak group was steering away from the Czech which
until this time had been used by the educated class as
the literary language in Slovakia. On the other hand, the
Protestants remained adherents of the Czech. They in turn
began to gather around the Lutheran Lycee in Bratislava.
In 1801, they founded the "Society for Slovak Literature,"
and two years later they established a chair for the study
of the Slovak language and literature at the Lycee. 19
Eudovit Stur And The Defense of Slovak Rights
For the Slovaks much good emanated from the Lycee
in the years that followed. In the circles of the young
students, Eudovit sttir from 1836 became prominent. Born
in the small town of Uhrovec, the son of a school teacher,
:Cudovit was destined to devote his life to his people.
He succeeded in getting the chair of Slovak as substitute
of the superannuated Professor George Palkovic.20
In order to prepare himself for the cause of his nation,
sttir, in 1838, departed for Germany to take up studies
at the University of Halle. During his sojourn at Halle
he continued to keep contact with his homeland by
SLOVAKIA
89
exchanging letters witl1 his literary associates in Slovakia
and Bohemia.
Before returning home $tur visited the Lusatians, an
island of the Western Slavic people located in the "German
Sea." He hoped to find the purest type of Slavic character
and racial purity. He came upon a village which except
for the name of the community had lost all its Slavic
identity. $tur wa.s moved by this experience and in a poem
called "The Pagan Priest" expressed with sadness the
eventual loss of these people to the Slavic world. On his
way home he lingered in Prague at the home of a dear
friend, Jaroslav Pospisil. Unfortunately, $tur fell down
the steps and was forced to remain. 21 During his convalescence he fell in love with his host's daughter, Maria. After
great deliberation, $tur decided against placing his own
personal feelings before those of his people.
It may, be said by some that a marriage at this time
by $tur would have meant his loss to the Slovak cause.
There is no doubt that during his marital adjustment he
may have neglected his life'is work, but one must not
forget his burning desire to fulfill his mission for the
welfare of his people. It must also be remembered that
$tur's prospective father-in-law was a man steeped in the
Slavic cause which in itself would certainly have not been
a deterring factor towards $tur's continued efforts in the
Slovak cause. Indeed, the Slovak people came much closer
to losing their great son in 1833 and from an entirely
different quarter.
After completing his studies in that year at the Lycee
in Bratislava, $tur was employed at the office on the
estate of Count Zay. Such a position would have been
cherished by most young men, yet $tur resigned. His
mission and work lay elsewhere. When his mother protested and pleaded that he remain, $tur in a voice full of
love and emotion said, "Mommy dear, as you see today,
I will still be a student. I must be a student." $tur returned
to Bratislava where he gave himself to his people. 22 Few
will deny that Jan Kollar's "Slavy Dcera" (The Daughter
of Slava) and Paul Joseph $afarik's "Slavonic Antiquities"
had influenced $tur's decision. 23
The Lycee attracted not only Slovaks but also Serbian
90
SLOVAKIA
and Croatian youth. 24 Replicas of the society at the Lycee
were found in other schools in Slovakia. Stimulating
contacts among the Catholic and Lutheran Slovak students
was established through correspondence. They were preparing each other for future duties in life.
Acceleration of Magyarization
It was not until the 1830's that-the non-Magyar nations
began to rise and defend themselves against the accelerated
Magyarization program. 25 By 1820, in some counties,
Magyar was advocated as the language in non-Magyar
schools. 26 A terrible blow was dealt to Slovak people by
the Hungarian Diet in 1825-27. Seemingly, the only purpose
of the Diet body at the time was to replace Latin with
Magyar as the official language. Consequently this meant
that all citizens of Hungary would be forced to use the
Magyar language in schools, civil service, army and public
life as well. To further the cause of Magyarization, Count
Stefan Szechenyi, prominent Magyar nobleman, offered
to donate his yearly income towards the building of a
Magyar academy. A member of the parliament explained
that the chief reason for such aims was for the defense
against Russian pressure. 27 The constant fear of Russia led
the Magyars to look upon a strong Poland as a likely ally.
Professor Daniel Rapant explains that Felsobukki Nagy
Pal in his Parliamentary speech in 1833 called for the need
of a resurrected Poland and a widening of Magyarization
to the remotest frontiers of Hungary. He emphasized
a common frontier with Poland. 28 Needless to say, much
of this fear can be attributed to the cleverness of the
Magyars in their defense against the Slavic nations. Both
German and Magyar publishers used "Pan-Slavism" extensively as their propaganda weapon.
With their careful program of assimilating other
nations, the Magyars themselves made blunders which
were to turn the Slovak people further away from them.
M. Rey wrote:
"The Magyar nobles had often made generous sacrifices
in the defense of their own interests but they had always
shown the most deplorable selfishness as regards the
condition of the peasants." 29 All this in turn gave the
SLOVAKIA
91
Austrian crown an opportunity to play the part of the
oppressed peasants' friend. 30
The Slovak peasant from the middle of the 16th to
the middle of the 19th century bore the main burden of
taxation in Hungary, paying fifty per cent of what he
produced to his lord and to the crown.31 There is no
question that the conditiorts of the peasantry in Slovakia
were pitiful. 32 Therefore, it is understandable that occasionally open peasant rebellions took place against their lords.
One of the latest to occur was in 1831 which took place
in the counties of saris, Zemplin, Spis, Abauj, and Gerner
with the outbreak of cholera. Some of the lords were put
to death by the people who accused them of having
poisoned the wells. 33 According t:o Bakes, the disease had
spread across the frontier from Poland where Russian
soldiers had been encamped.34 rt is estimated that 56,000
died, and one writer claims that Russian agents incited
the people to revolt against their lords. 35 The brutality
with which the revolt was put down left hatred in the
hearts of those who survived.
In this state of affairs the Emperor in 1833 invited
the Diet to meet at Bratislava to discuss agrarian reforms
which he claimed were drawn up by himself. 36 Among
the people there was great hope that such interest on
the part of the Emperor would mean the gradual alleviation
of their terrible conditions. Actually, the congress did not
concern itself with such matters and instead they were
put aside to be dealt with at later sessions. Something
more important now commanded their attention, the
coronation of Francis's son, Ferdinand, as kin of Hungary.
As Magyars they were won over to the new king when
he contributed his coronation gift to the Magyar Scientific
Academy.
Ferdinand, who claimed to be Magyar at heart, became
a strong supporter for the Magyarization program. In 1830,
the Diet passed a series of laws which extended the
reaches of the Magyar language. By 1836, Magyar was
elevated to equal stature with Latin as a language to be
used in courts and documents. As a result of the Diet
of 1839, Magyar now became the official language of
Hungary . Now Magyarization would need only time. What
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SLOVAKIA
would St. Stephen, Hungary's greatest king, have said of
this? The Magyars had revered their king and maybe they
would have been wiser had they paid heed to his words
of wisdom. In a letter written by St. Stephen to his son,
St. Emerich, we find him saying: "For as guests some from
various parts of the provinces, they bring different languages and customs, knowledge, and arms, all of which
adorn the royal court; and make it more magnificent.
All this shakes the self-confidence of foreigners. A country
with one language and one morality is weak and fragile.
Therefore I exhort you, my son, to accept them with
benevolence and hold them in esteem in order that they
may prefer staying with you in the kingdom."37 Thus, the
Magyars were taking their ship on a different course than
that charted by their great captam, St. Stephen.
At this time, Uudovit stur returned to the Lycee in
Bratislava from Germany where he had been studying for
the last two years. Much had taken place in his absence;
however, he was the man destined to lead his people
during their great trial in 1848-49.
An effective weapon t,o be used against stur and his followers was the Pesti Hirlap, the first political newspaper in
Hungary and edited by Louis Kossuth in 1841. The "forties"
were to see the Magyars, "champions" of the newly-won
freedom of the press acting quickly to refuse its benefits
to their weaker fellow nations. Although some assurances
were given that racial tolerance would be honored to all,
it was not long before the true character of the journal
became evident. Kossuth was very free in his attacks
on the Slovaks and answers to his attacks were never
allowed space in his "democratic" paper. 38 The Pesti Hirlap
became the voice of Magyarization.
The Magyars in their search for every technique and
new approach did not overlook the possibilities of using
the religious issue as a vehicle toward their goal of assimilation. This only served to strengthen Slovak resistance.
On September 10, 1840, Count Zay was appointed chief
inspector of the Protestant Congregations and schools.39
In his acceptance speech he called for the promotion of
Magyarization as the only salvation for the Protestant
confession in Slovakia. Zay's goal was to unify the Lutheran
SLOVAKIA
93
and Calvinist Churches. Of all the Lutherans in Hungary,
five eights were Slovaks, the rest were Germans. On the
other hand, the Calvinists were Magyars and were greater
in number. This in itself added to Slovak suspicions that
such a union was not in the interest of the faith as
proclaimed, but actually a chauvinistic design on the part
of the Magyars to absorb the Slovak people.40
Zay openly announced in a public circular, September
26, 1840, his determination to Magyarize the Slovaks.
Moreover, he stated that the Slovak language would prevent
the Slovaks from being good stolid Protestants, and the
Magyarization of the Slavs was the holiest duty of every
genuine patriot:u
Hungary, according to Zay, could only be strong if she
were welded into one nation, for she could then defend
herself from the danger in the north, Russia. 42 Slovak
leaders were not tardy in answering Zay. Sttir's rebuttal
was so intelligently plain that Zay became firmly convinced
Sttir was behind all the protestations that were being
made. He was determined to have Stlir removed from the
chair of Slovak Studies at the Lycee. This appeared to be
quite difficult to do inasmuch as i:ittir was very popUllar.
Nevertheless, supporters of Zay's plan proclaimed that the
Lycee's at Bratislava and Levoca were the hotbeds of all
Slovak societies at Lutheran schools and colleges in
Slovakia. For the time being, however, Magyar plans were
not successful.
Jan Seberini answered Zay on April 2, 1841, by stating
that he, Zay, professed to Magyarize in the name of
Protestantism; yet that is not only contrary to the
Protestant beliefs, but also to all Christian teachings.
"Who has the right to say what language a man must
speak?" he continued, " I am a Slovak not because of glory
and honor but according to Christian teachings, for God
wanted that I be born Slovak. Therefore, I am not ashamed
of my origin nor my tongue just as any German, Frenchman, Magyar need not to be ashamed." 43
It must be remembered that not all of the Protestant
clergy sensed danger in the union; nevertheless, Zay's
program eventually became evident even to those idealists.
At Nitra, where some believed that union of the two
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SLOVAKIA
Protestant groups was in good faith, Jozef Miloslav Hurban
warned them to be more realistic and not to be taken in.
The part that Hurban was to play in the revolt of 1848-49
was second to none but his great friend and comrade
in arms, Jjudovit Stlir.
Jozef Miloslav Hurban
Born on the 19th of March, 1817, in Beckov, Jozef
Hurban was educated by his father, Pavol, a Lutheran
Minister of that place. His father was timid and wished
not to implicate himself in national problems. Therefore,
under these circumstances, the youthful Hurban while
at home was not exposed to Slovak national consciousness.44 After spending his lower grades at Trencin, he
went in 1830 to study at the Lycee at Bratislava. He was
there for six years before he met Shir. Prior to this time
Hurban had not taken part in Slovak aspirations at the
Lycee.
One evening, while taking a walk in the streets of
Bratislava, he met stlir who asked him whether he was
studying and practicing in the Slovak language. This stur explained, was the duty of all Slovaks. Hurban at the moment
was embarrassed and could not answer. stur then said,
"You are a Slovak, is that correct? And is not your friend
George Zaborsky?" Hurban replied that he was a Slovak
and that his friend was George Zabo11sky. 45 stur complimented Hurban for his selection of such a good, able
friend and recommended that he continue to cultivate
Zaborsky's friendship. Before the two had departed,
Hurban was invited to visit stur.
That meeting was to have far-reaching effects on
Hurban; for, when he arrived home, his mind was full
of thought. The lamp in his room burned past midnight,
while Hurban wrote hils first verse in Slovak. This he
presented to stur the next morning and from that time
on the Slovak Institute in Bratislava, as well as the Slovak
nation, did not have a more zealous member nor a more
deserving son than Hurban.
A trip to Devin was planned for April 24, 1836, by
the members of the Slovak Society at the Lycee in order
to initiate and plan more definite activities. The ruins
SLOVAKIA
95
of Devin, reminders of a rich history, stood majestic on
her pedestal of massive rock guarding the confluence of
the Morava and Danube rivers. This place recalled the
Great Moravian Empire in the 9th century and her ceaseless
struggles against German and Magyar. For the new Slovak
generation this was a setting best suited for the revival
of Slovak national feeling. 46 On this day filled with bright
spring sunshine, lectures were given, prose recited, and
songs were sung. Everyone participated in the theme of
awakening Slovak consciousness. 47
In a further expression of loyalty to their beloved
cause, they adopted Slavic names which they pledged
to carry forever. sttir was the first to announce that he
was to take the name of Velislav and others followed suit,
taking different Slavic names. Hurban took the name
Miloslav, a name which was to live in Slovak history. 48
Below the fortress of Devin rested a small town by
the same name, and there in a tavern the young Slovaks
gathered after an eventful day. Conversation, according
to Hurban, had to be carried on in Latin so that waiters
might not learn and betray their information.49
Just as stur and others had taken trips to broaden
their views and get better acquainted with affairs which
might influence their actions, Hurban also traveled. 50 His
opportunity was afforded during a vacation 1839 when
he visited Vienna, Bohemia and Moravia. 51 In 1841, a book
relating his experiences was published: Trip of a Slovak
to his Slav Brothers in Moravia and Bohemia. 52
When he completed his studies in 1840, Hurban became
town chaplain at Brezova. For Hurban, the post at Brezova
was a fortunate one, for here his work was to be understood
and appreciated. Even before his arrival, the people of
Brezova had had experiences in the struggle against the
landed gentry. The peasants were aware of their rights
and were prepared to defend them. They, too, had been
effected by stur and showed a keen interest in his work. 53
Although Hurban knew that the upper classes would
hold it against him, he, nevertheless, set about to reach
the less fortunate classes. 54 Within himself there was a
shining spiritual fire that others felt, and with his expressive face, warm kind eyes, and strong thundering
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SLOVAKIA
voice, he imparted to others the knowledge he had. Through
talks and writings, he began to create among the uneducated people an interest in how they could better
themselves. Out of this grew a Sunday school and Moderation and Temperance Society, both of which were to help
in strengthening his people.
The Sunday school was designed for those living in
Brezova and it met on Sundays and holidays and on other
days when time permitted. Those who attended were
taught the arts and sciences. The Moderation and Temperance Society was just as important. Drunkenness came
to Slovakia not through a habit developed from pleasure,
but as a medium of escape from the extreme hardships
of life. Not anywhere in Hungary was misery so great
as in Slovakia, nor was drunkenness more widespread.
Besides education, there was a dire need for bettering
the lot of these people who lived under such deplorable
conditions.55 The enlightened Slovak leaders knew that
in order to lift up their nation they must first of all
remove this scourge of alcoholism. 56 Throughout Slovakia,
Moderation Societies were set up which were similar to
those in America, but were chiefly modeled after those
in Ireland where conditions were unfortunately similar
to those found in Slovakia. However, the obstacle to
legislation which would have curbed, if not eliminated, the
sale of liquor came from the great landowners and Jews. 57
They owned the distilleries as well as the village taverns.
The latter were frequented by those who could not pay
and high rates of interest were charged them. 58
Agricultural schools had been established, but they
were more for the middle class: townsmen, tradesmen,
and prosperous farmers who were able to save their
earnings.59 But for the less fortunate people of the lower
classes, the Moderation and Temperance Societies had
greater meaning and importance.6 1, Its founders believed
that Slovak patriotism must be aroused, for a poor and
drunken nation could achieve nothing but death.
In the field of literary activitieis Hurban felt there
was a strong need for a journal to help to direct Slovak
literary life. In fact, when in May, 1840, Hurban grieved
that there was no journal which could serve the interest
SLOVAKIA
97
of defending national rights, he made this comparison:
"A journal is to the life of a nation what hands are to
a clock to indicate the time; therefore, as conditions exist
we do not even have a clock."61
Putting forth all his efforts, he managed, by 1842, to
produce a yearly almanac, Nitra, written in Czech, consisting of some three hundred pages.62 Included in the first
edition were songs, poems, and prose from members of
the young Slovak generation. Nitra's title page was consecrated to "The daughters and sons of Slovakia, Moravia,
Bohemia and Silesia."
Hurban dedicated the introductory poem of this first
issue of Nitra to Jan Caplovic, landowner and great lover
of books and literature. All this was done purposefully
so that he might join the Slovak cause more actively .63
There was some speculation among the Magyars as
to Hurban's purpose of editing the Nitra. Some claimed
that the almanac was given the name Nitra so that Slovakia
might arise around the glory that surrounded that name.
Prior to this time any open discussion about historic Nitra
was forbidden. However, friends of Hurban came to his
rescue by tactfully assuring the Magyars there was nothing
to fear from Hurban who was but a young man and as
such should be excused for his actions. 64 A weaker man
would have sensed the danger but Hurban stayed on to
put out three more almanacs until 1848 when he was
forced to flee for his life.
In the year 1843, Hurban was called as pastor to
Hlboke and there he edited his second issue of Nitra, but
this time in the new Slovak literary language, and censors
played havoc with this issue.65
The Magyars also hindered in every way the realization
of a Slovak newspaper. stur, with the help of Kollar, had
petitioned in 1842 for permission to publish a newspaper,
but approval was denied. There was no telling how long
this condition would last. In the meantime, something
had to be done to draw the Slovak people together into
a unified body. It was for this purpose in 1843 that the
Slovak leaders stur and Hodza met in Hurban's residence
in Hlboke.66 Here they decided that if they were not free
to edit a newspaper, a society formed along national lines
might help achieve the same results.
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SLOVAKIA
Slovak Literary Language
The triumvirate agreed that Czech should no longer
be used by the Lutherans in their churches and writings.
Therefore, the adoption of the Central Slovak dialect by
this body brought the Lutherans and Catholics closer to
the goal of having one dialect as a base for their literary
language. There was a great need to reach the people, but
in a language that was dear to them and one which they
understood. Not all people could read the Czech, only
the educated; it seemed so foreign to the common people.
The society planned for in Hlboke paved the way for
the achievement of a common langu&ge.67 Near the beautiful
High Tatra mountains on the 27th of August, 1844, in
Liptovsky Sv. Mikulas, the Tatrin Society was organized.
In the words of Rapant, "It was the culminating point of
cultural organization in Slovakia at that time; and it was
the most important organ for the stur generation."68 A
factor of far reaching consequences for Slovakia was that
it was the first national Slovak organization and it encompassed all of the sides and segments of the nation, Catholic
and Lutheran.69
Along with unity of language, it concerned itself with
the cultural needs of the Slovaks.70 The Tatrin gave
financial support to young Catholic and Protestant men
who were studying in higher schools of education. Peter
Bohun, the famous Slovak artist who painted portraits
and scenes of the revolution of 1848-1849, was given such
assistance by the Tatrin, so that he was able to publish
a book of national costumes. 71
The third meeting of the Tatrin was held at cachtice
in the Catholic parish house chiefly to resolve the language
issue.72 On this memorial occasion the Catholics and
Lutherans on the 10th of August, 1847, agreed to adopt
the Central Slovak as the common literary language. The
effect of this meeting meant the rupture with the Czechs.
As was expected, it drew exclamations of disapproval from
Palkovic, Kollar, and others who felt the only salvation
for the Slovaks was in their tie with the Czechs. On the
part of the Czechs there was great anger, and claims were
made that such a move only strengthened the German
influence about them.
SLOVAKIA
99
The Czech nationals could not understand the Slovak
problem,73 for the vernacular is the natural medium and
the truest heartbeat of the people. It, the vernacular, only
could help enlighten and lift the Slovak people from their
death sleep. Not all Czechs, however, were against the
founding of a new literary language. This group argued
that a Slovak literature would enrich the whole of Slavic
literature.
On the other hand, the agreement reached in Cachtice
was celebrated throughout Slovakia by Protestants and
Catholics alike. stl1r's former students who now served
as Protestant clergymen were filled with joy. It seemed
that at once Slovak was elevated to a literary language
bringing with it a new life which surged into the land.
Slavic historians claim that had not such a step been
taken it is doubtful whether the Slovaks could have withstood the pressure of Magyarization. 74 It seemed that
every,.vhere nobles, townscitizens, and people of the villages
began to proclaim that they were Slovaks. The poor classes
were not able to understand most of what was written.
Time was needed so they might completely understand.
Along with Sunday schools which had been established
new ones sprang up, and, in addition, writing and reading
rooms were opened. People began to realize that through
learning and enlightenment they could be helped out of
their misery. In Brezova, peasants who had long been
held under the nobles' yoke began their attempt to free
themselves by purchasing the land. Now that it was their
land they worked it as never before. 75
Books and articles were not written to adorn libraries
but to serve the people. Advice on practical matters in
the written medium was beginning to evidence itself in the
lives of the Slovak people. The societies which already
existed in the cultural, social, and economic field were
given a tremendous impetus by the new language.
In the meantime, all protests against Zay had not
been aired. The inroads of Magyarization aroused superintendent Dr. Paul Jozeffy 76 to protest at the Lutheran
general convention on September 10, 1841. He warned that
if they continued forcing Magyarization into Slovak
churches and schools, he himself would present these
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SLOVAKIA
~ievances to the court.77 Needless to say, Magyar ambitions
were not deterred, for when in 1840 the Jittenka (Morning
Star), a student journal, was first issued at Levoca the
Magyar press vehemently attacked it as a tool of PanSlavism. By 1841 the young students were forced to cease
its publication.78
Paul Jozeffy Heads Delegation to Vienna, June, 1842
Every move by the Slovaks the Magyars suspected as
intrigues against their kingdom and made use of the
strongest propaganda weapon by crying "Pan-Slavism."
They claimed Pan-Slavism was nc.t only dangerous to the
Magyars but also politically perilous to the Empire;
therefore, it was necessary that the Magyars and Germans
fight this menace. 79
All candidates for Slovak pastorates were barred unless
they could speak Magyar fluently. It was under these
conditions that 200 ministers under the supervision of
Jozeffy signed a petition demanding rights for the Slovaks.
Jozeffy and his delegation went to Vienna in early June
1842 where they presented their grievances before Ferdinand V. The petition began by stating that the Slovaks
are an individual nation which can progress only when
it fosters its own tongue. Furthermore, for many centuries
the Slovaks had made sacrifices along with other nations .
of Hungary for the preservation of the Empire. They had
been able to use their own language, but now the Slovak
priests were being humiliated by having to adopt another
tongue. _Because of this, the Slovak language and its
literature was suffering, while in business transactions
Slovak was no longer used. They, therefore, petitioned:
1) that the King should declare officially as false all
testimony against the Slovaks that had been so proven,
2) that proper authority be granted ·so that two censors
for Slovak literature be assigned to interpret and defend
Slovak works, 3) that the seat of language and literature
at the Lycee at Bratislava be confirmed and fully certified,
4') that at the University of Pest there be established
a seat of Slavic language and literature, 5) that for matriculation records and church protocol Latin be put in
use again, 6) that churches and schools be defended against
SLOVAKIA
101
fanatic, self styled patriots who seek to Magyarize everything.80
This petition was signed by Paul Jozeffy, John Seberini,
John Chalupka, Michael Hodza, Samuel Ferjencik, George
Palkovic and 200 ministers, teachers and men of all stations
in life.81
Although the Slovak delegation did not get very far
w:.th its request, it served as a morale booster for the
Slovaks. From the outset, promises were made and it
looked as though something might be accomplished. The
delegation had an audience with Metternich who assured
them their request would be studied. After leaving Metternich they saw Count Kolowrat, a Czech nobleman and
member of the Emperor's entourage. Although he greeted
them with great warmth and is reported to have said,
"Slav must help Slav," the delegation felt that they were
being sidetracked. Kolowrat sensed this lack of confidence
and assured them that he would lend them his support.
When they left Vienna, the delegation felt something
would be achieved. Now it seemed necessary only to wait.
Upon their return home the delegation was shocked by the
Magyar's overt reaction. The Slovak delegation had gone to
Vienna with nothing but peaceful intentions in mind. But
now the chauvinistic Magyars were infuriated and began
to reel off in their papers and journals diatribes against
the deputation headed by Jozeffy. Amidst this growing
fervor a climax was reached when Kossuth delivered his
flailing message at the General Convention on June 15th
in Pest. In his attack, Kossuth, capable orator that he
was, spared no words and vehemently described the
deputation as a shame for the Protestant church and the
betrayal of the best interest of the kingdom of Hungary.
Kossuth demanded the punishment and resignation of
Jozeffy from his superintendency.
By the end of October, 1842, the petition was sent
from Vienna to Buda to Palatine Joseph for his study
and recommendations. When Kollar got wind of this he
wrote a letter in November advising Jozeffy to come to
Buda and intercede with the Palatine. Jozeffy arrived in
Buda at the end of November and brought with him data
and other materials with which he could strengthen his
102
SLOVAKIA
position before the Pa1atine.82 But all proved futile, for
prior to his arrival Joseph had been prepared by the
Magyars for such an audience.
Already on the 16th of April, 1843, Kollar had warned
Jozeffy that the Palatine was Magyar in his symphaties.
Moreover, according to Kollar, the Palatine Joseph had
been oriented and advised by Vienna to disregard the
Slovak demands. Vienna had no desire to strengthen the
Slavs whether they be Slovak, Czech, or Serb, for in their
union and strength she saw jeopardy to her position. At
the same time she knew she could depend upon the support
of the Slavs in case the Magyars caused trouble. And yet
because of rumblings in Germany and Italy she could not
afford to offend the Magyars.
This policy of "cat and mouse" by Vienna was reaffirmed when in his letter to Jozeffy dated April 25th,
184J, the Palatine urged him to be patient, thus leaving
Jozeffy to hope that all was not in vain. Hodza summed
up the situation: "We cannot expect help from the Magyars
but we must look to the Empire which is far away; and
God is too high to help." 83
Other attempts were made to present Slovak grievances
before the Emperor but they likewise proved fruitless .
The Slovaks now more than ever realized that they must
fight alone.
s tur Leaves Bratislava
As a result of Kossuth's charges at the General Convention an inquiry was held to det ermine for the Magyars
the real reason for Jozeffy's trip to Vienna. Through their
cunning, Zay and Kossuth at last felt they had a way
of removing s tur from his position as professor of Slovak
Studies at the Lycee. With it they hoped that if they could
not remove the chair of studies completely, they could
at least render it harmless through an appointee of their
choice. The Slovaks called his investigation an inquisition,
but in spite of all the false charges and doctored methods
the inquiry ended in an acquittal of the charges made.
Zay, however, insisted upon action which in the future
would prevent stur from making lectures. Unheard-of
pressure brought the removal of stur in December 1843.
SLOVAKIA
103
A petition initiated by his beloved students was circulated
for signatures. From all over Slovakia protests came from
clergy and laity for the restoration of stur to his post.84
This did not, however, bring the result desired. In a feeling
of indignation the young students left Bratislava. While
most of them stopped at Levoca, others continued on to
Presov, Kezmarok, stiavnica and Jelenova. 85 On their way,
with heavy hearts but no resignation, they composed a song
"Nad Tatrou sa blyska" (Over Tatra's Peaks Lightning
Flashes) .86
The Magyars, blinded by their recent victory, did not
realize that they had ironically rendered a great service
to the Slovak cause. Previously the young Slovak students
were centered in Bratislava where observation could be
made of their every move, but they now were being
scattered throughout Slovakia. Like so many seeds the
ideals of stur and other Slovak leadership, knowledge,
national pride, betterment and unity of purpose began
to sprout and grow.
The Slovak National News
For st\ir his removal meant that his next fight would
not be in the schools as before but among the masses
of the Slovak people. To help reach the people a newspaper
was needed. It was not until 1845, however, that the first
issue of the Slovenske N<irodne Noviny (Slovak National
News) was published.87 The paper, written in Slovak, was
to become the most important vehicle in presenting stur's
platform, and in fighting for Slovak rights. 88 Though
criticized by some for lacking more aggressive action, stur
stuck to his conservative approach, for he knew that if
the Magyars were irritated the paper would not have long
to live.
stur believed that in order that the Slovak people
might better preserve their nation they must be first
educated in politics as well as home affairs. Some of his
articles seemingly were written for the benefit of the
Magyars to whom stur wished to prove that the Slovaks
desired only peace and what was rightfully theirs. Through
his paper, stur hoped to modernize his people, therefore
he discussed their schools, institutions, libraries, and
104
SLOVAKIA
societies. His words gave new hope to those who long
suffered under the burden of serfdom.
As a result of the appearance of the Slovak National
News, there blossomed in all corners of Slovakia in 1845
a great number of Literary, Social, Agricultural, Economic,
Woman's, and Moderation and Temperance societies. They
were modeled after those which had been found in previous
years, but now they seemed to grow everywhere. To reach
national unity and purpose every facet was tried. As with
her fighting sons, the role women were to play became
apparent. Articles appeared in st1.1r's newspaper stressing
the point that being good mother was no longer sufficient,
for all women now must take on additional responsibilities
and become interested in the affairs of their nation. 89
Other writers called for the establishment of a girls' institute
where industry and devotion to the Slovak cause would be
taught.90 Readers of the Slovak newspapers were reproached for not helping themselves and were given
sound advice that jealousy of others will not get them
ahead. stur wrote that, "In order for the Slovaks to be
more fortunate, they must be concerned about themselves
and must get a 'common soul.'" He stated further,
"Authough the mark of a nation is her language, the Slovak
tongue is completely neglected in schools; it does not
have social and constitutional rights for its cultivation.
This is due to the fact that the Slovaks have not lived
like a nation but as an individual. He has hidden his
tongue only for use in the home and therefore it has
no chance of blossoming forth into reality." 91 Hodza in
his Dobruo slovo (Good Word) proclaimed that the Slovaks
must recognize their own nation and then others will do
likewise.
The program of sttir as outlined in the Slovak National
News was but the continuation of demands placed before
Vienna and Pest by the Slovaks for the past twenty years.
Aside from the need of economic reforms the major issue
was that of language. stur's paper was read in towns
and villages. Hurban wrote, "The voice of that national
organ under stur was really strong, one which had to be
considered." 92 The Slovak National News had awakened
the Slovak people and helped prepare them for the moment
for which everyone waited.
SLOVAKIA
105
FOOTNOTES
1) Charles E. Maurice, The Rev olutionary Movements of 1848-1849,
p . vi.
2 ) Daniel Rapant, Slov enske Pov stanie, ( Slovak Uprising) Vol. I, Bk.
I, p. 18.
3) Milan Hodfa, "Political Evolution of Slovakia," Slov akia Then and
Now, ed. R. W . Seton-Watson, p . 71.
4 ) Alphonse M. Lamarune, "Past, Present and Future," North Ameri can Revi ew, LXXII, (Jan. 1851) , p . 206.
5) Rapant, op. cit. , pp. 75, 88, 89; " Austria and Germany," Quarterly
Review, LXXXIV, (Dec. 1849), p. 198.
6 ) Julius Botto, Slovcici , (Slovaks) , I, 23 ; Arnost Dennis, Slov cici:
Otcizka Rakouskci, (Slovaks : The Austrian Question), p. 134; C. J . C.
Street, Slov akia Past and Present, p. 9; Rapant, op. cit., p. 84.
7) Arthur Patterson, The Magyars, II, 70.
8) Jozef Cieker, Slovenskci Otcizka, (Slovak Question) , pp. 19, 20; E. L.
Miyatovich, "Panslavism: Its Rise and Decline", Fortnightly Revi ew,
XIV (1873) , p. 96.
9 ) Michael Hodza, Der Slowake, (The Slovak), p . 10; Rapant, op. cit.,
p . 4.
10) Htjdza, op. cit., p. 16.
11 ) Louis Leger, A History of Austro-Hungary, p. 520; Geoffrey Drage,
Austria-Hungary, p. 200 ; Harold W. Ternperley, "Racial Strife in
Hungary," Westminster Review, C. XIX (Jan. 1908) , p. 4.
12) Daniel Rapant, Ileqalna Mad'arizcicia: 1790-1840, (Illegal Magyarization) , p. 3.
13 ) Cieker, op. cit ., p. 39.
14) Hodza, op. ci t ., p. 10.
15) Ernest Flachbarth, Companion to Hungarian Studies, p. 372.
16 ) Michael Hodza, Der Slowake, (The Slovak), p. 41.
17) Frantisek Hrusovsky, Slovenske D ej iny, (Slovak History) , p. 248.
18) Skultety, op. cit., p. 62.
19) Julius Bodnar, Dr. Jozef Miloslav Hurban, p. 12.
20) Jozef Skultety, Sketches from Slo·va.lc History, trans. 0 . D. Koreff,
p. 184; Bodnar, Zoe. cit.; Albert Prazak, Dejiny Spisovne Slovenstiny
po Dobu sturovu , (History of Literary Slovak Before the Time
of Stur) p. 163; Miss Parooe, an English lady who traveled throughout Hungary in the late 1830's w110te, "It is said that in the whole
k!ingdom there is not so high and liberal an academic spirit in
any scholastic establishment as in that of the Lycee of Bratislava"
(City of the Magyar and Hungary) , JI, 281.
21 ) Frantisek Frydecky, Dopisy .fudev ita Stura Jaroslavu Pospisilovi,
(Letters of Cudovit Stur to Jaroslav Pospisil) , pp. 31, 73.
SLOVAKIA
106
22) Jozef Hurban, I!udovit Stur, I, 38,39.
23) See R. W. Seton-Watson, A H istory of the Czechs
m#
Slovaks, pp.
173-176.
24) There were, in aj:ldition, German and Magyar societies at the Lycee
at Bratislava.
25) Daniel Rapant, llegalna Mad'arizacia: 1790-1840, (Illegal Magyarization), p. v.
26) Ibid., p. 23; Pardoe, op. cit., III, 78-80.
27) Rapant, op. cit., p. 24.
28) Daniel Rapant, Slovenske Povstanie, (Slovak Uprising), Vol. I., Bk.
I ., p. 66.
29) M. Rey in his study of this period described the privileges of the
nobility: " The rights of the nobles were as vast as a privileged race
of conquerors could possibly enjoy ... Neither the noble himself
nor his servants paid any tax, real or personal, to the king or the
counties; neither his horse nor his men could be required to work
on the roald or the dykes. The peasant alone was the person who
paid the tax termed 'domestical' for the expense of the Diet and
the county administration. The peasant paid the salary of the school
master, the notary, the priest, the patrol. The peasant constructed
and maintained either with his ,o wn money or his labor, the roads,
bridges, churches, schools, public bui~dings, dykes, canals; and it
was the peasant and the townsman who drained the marshes, turned
the course of rivers, etc. The peasant and the townspeople paid the
war tax and furnished recruits." (Autriche, Hongrie, et Turquie on
1839-48, p. 126, cited by Corvinus, Hungary: Its Constitutions and
the Catastrophe, p. 17) ; Louis Leger, A History of Austro-Hungary,
p. 493.
30 ) Peter E. Turnbull, Austria: Social a111:l Political Conditions, II, 21, 22.
31 ) Stefan Jansak, "The Land Question in Slovakia," The Slav onic
Review, (March, 1930), p. 620.
32) As a result of the Diet of 1764 a law was passed restricting the
power of inflicting corporal punishment to the bestowing of twentyfive lashes. (Lord Henry Brougham, Political Philosophy, II, 9.3 ).
33 ) Leger, op. cit., pp. 493, 494.
34) Frantisek Bokes, Dejiny Slovakov a Slovenska, (History of the
Slovaks and Slovakia ); Vol. IV, Slovenska Vlastiveda, p. 146.
35 ) Arthur Yolland, Hungary, p. 253.
36) Leger, op. cit., p. 494.
37) Ernest Flachbarth, History of Hungcry's Nati onalities, pp. 5, 6.
38) Arminius Vambery, Hungary, p. 417.
39) Hurban, op. cit., II, 118.
40 ) Arnost Dennis, Slovaci: Otazka Rakouska, p. 155.
SLOVAKIA
107
41) ~udovit Stur, Stary i Novy Vek Slovaku, (Old and New Slovak Age),
p. 39.
42) Stur writes the Magyars feel that they can only be safe from Russia
by Magyarizing the Slovaks. "Was there a time," he asked, "when
the Slovaks have not ·prov~d faithful? We have fought for our
country, Hungary, and thousands have shed their blood." (Ibid. ,
p . 42) .
43) Julius Botto, Slovaci, pp. 53, 54.
44) Hurban, op. cit., III, 228.
45) Dr. Luidvik Ktihn, Buditelia v zupe bratislavskej, p. 66 .
46) Nitra had been considered.
47) Hurban, op. cit., I, 94-106.
48)\ Ibid., 102.
49) Ibid., 103.
50) Ibid., 155.
51) Hurban visited the Rajhrad Cloister in Moravia and made the
following entry in the visitors' book on July 10, 1839: "Miloslav Jozef
Hurban, a traveling Slovak, visited .this famous cloister with the
motto, 'Long Live Czecho-Slovak' " (Author in 1948 humbly ~dded
his name to the same visitors' book at the Rajhrad Cloister).
52) Cesta Slovaka ku b1·atrum slavenskym na Morave av techach.
53) Julius Bodnar, Dr. Jozef Miloslav Hurban, p. 17.
54) Ibid., p . 16.
55) See Stefan Jansak, Les Conditions Sociales dans l'Anciene Hongrie
et la Situation de la Slovaquie.
56 ) Rapant, op. cit., p. 159.
57 ) Ibid., p. 160; Max Schlesinger, The War in Hungary, 1848-1849, II,
218, 2l9.
58) G. R. Gleig, Germany_. Bohemia, arlji Hungary, III, 59-62.
59) Rapant, op. cit., p. 158.
60) Rapant relates that many of 't hese people would spend their last
earnings for liquor, and that in some areas between one thiDd to
one half of the population on certain days were intoxicated; even
children in the nursing stages were given alcohol L-Oc. cit.
61) Karol Golan, Rok so Sturovcami, p. 11.
62) At that time there were practically no printing facilities available
in Slovakia.
63) Vendelin Jankovic, Jan taplovic: Zivot, Osobnost', Dielo, p. 24.
64) Bodnar, op. cit., p. 20.
65) J . Skultety, 0 Slovakoch (About the Slovaks), p. 254.
66) Hurban, op. cit., II, 302; Hurban wrote : "Tatrin's function was to
the nation what Stur's was to the Slovak youth." Loe. cit.
108
SLOVAKIA
67) Prazak, op. cit., p. 304.
68) Rapant, op. cit., p. 156.
69) Mikulas Dohnany, Historia Povstanja Slovenskjeho z Roku 1848,
(History of the Slovak Uprising in 1848), p. 21.
70) Hodza, op. cit., p. 54.
71) Hurban, op. cit., p. 298; Dohnany, op. cit., p. 21 .
72) Botto, op. cit., p. 62.
73) Dohnany, op. cit., p. 22.
74) Albert Prazak, "Czechs and Slovaks in Revolution of 1848," The
Slavonic Review, V (March, 1927), p. 573.
75) Dohnany, op. cit., p. 20.
76) In ~::ldition to his fine qualities his contemporaries described Dr.
Jozeffy as being timid and lacking ,t he firmness and obstinancy
needed for his time. One can well imagine that when such a man
is roused to make a protest of this order it generally must be for
reason. (Botto, op. cit., p. 55) .
77) Hurban, op. cit., p. 115.
78) Ibid. , p. 116.
79) Jozef Cieker, Slovenska Otazka, p. 72.
80) Botto, op. cit., pp. 57, 58; Hurban, op. cit., pp. 166-168.
81) Ibid. , p. 164.
82) Ibid., p. 171.
cit., p. 32.
84) Skultety, op. cit., p. 200.
83) Hodza, op.
85) Prazak, Dejiny Spisovne Slovenstiny, op. cit., pp. 285, 286.
86) Jan Matuska ( 1821-1877) was the writer of that song.
87) It may be interesting to note that Zay was commission~ by his
government to study Stur's request for a Slovak paper. To the
surprise of Stur and his followers the request was granted. The
rejoicing which took place was not to last for any great length
of time for when the Magyars saw fit, they deprived the Slovaks
of their news organ.
88) Bokes, op. cit., p. 158.
89) Rapant, op. cit., p. 155.
90) Cieker, op. cit., p. 210.
91) Rapant, op. cit., p. 148.
92) Hurban, op. cit., III, 80, 81.
•
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is interest.eel
primarily in promoting the welfare and security of the
Unit.eel States of America.
Dublin Core
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Title
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The Slovak National Awakening
Description
An account of the resource
Edward A. Tuleya
Slovakia, Vol. 21 (No. 44), 1971
pp. 85-108
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Tuleya, Edward Andrew, 1919-2008
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1971
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https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/f5ca1a388ad860f4ed82d3e78c2ad7ad.pdf
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PDF Text
Text
SLOVAKIA
109
Winning Essays - Slovak League Scholarship Awards
The Emergence of the Slovak State
Daniel F. T a n z o n e
I.
Following the collapse of the Hapsburg monarchy
the small nations of Central Europe organized their own
national states. The Slovaks joined hands with their Czech
brothers and organized a common state: the Czecho-Slovak
Republic. On the part of the Slovaks it was a belated
re-appearance on the map of Europe after their ancestors
hll-ci made a short debut in the Moravian Empire of the
Ninth century.
The union with the Czechs was considered as the
most opportune alternative, the others being complete
independence which was beyond their will, or autonomy
within Hungary. It is interesting to note that large Slovak
emigrant organizations in the United States came to the
same conclusions, although there was no co-ordination
of action between the Slovaks in Slovakia and those in
the United States.
"During· the war of 1914-18 every action for the
unification of the Czechs and Slovaks into a common
state was considered by the Austro-Hungarian authorities
as treason, and consequently there were only a few sporadic
pronouncements on this theme." 1 "But the idea was being
entertained by the Czech and Slovak leaders at home,
while abroad an active group led by Thomas G. Masaryk
and Milan R. Stefanik and Benes worked with the Allies
for the establishment of Czecho-Slovakia." 2 Their hard
work, carried out with superhuman endurance and untiring stubborness against many odds, was crowned with
splendid success.
On October 30, 1918 in Turciansky Svaty Martin the
Slovak representatives claiming "the absolute right to selfdetermination" declared for unity with the Czechs (at a
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SLOVAKIA
meeting which bore all the marks of haste and excitement).
The declaration called not only for political but also for
linguistic and cultural unity and marked the beginning
of a new epoch in Slovak history. From living under the
Magyars, the Slovaks started a new life with the Czechs.3
To go back for_a minute to look at the situation in
America the historic month of May, 1918, saw events both
at home and abroad moving inexorably toward the formation of a new Czecho-Slovak Republic. May saw Masaryk
in Pittsburgh meeting with American Czech and Slovak
leaders, explaining just how Czecho-Slovakia would be
administered and precisely what the status of Slovakia
would be within the new state. He assured Slovaks that
Slovakia would be autonomous, would have its own
schools, its own language, its own local administration,
its own courts, its own legislative assembly and to further
appease Slovak sensibilities he drafted a document
which has since been hotly debated. It is known in history
as the Pittsburgh Pact. Because Masaryk had written the
draft in pencil Albert Mamatey, the President of the Slovak
League of America had calligraphed and later took it to
Washington where Masaryk (his government now officially
recognized by the Wilson Administration), already temporary president of Czecho-Slovakia, signed the calligraphed copy on November 14 just before his departure
for Europe. 4
The agreement was necessary to assure the American
Slovaks of the position of Slovakia in the Czecho-Slovak
Republic. The American Czechs and Slovaks under the
leadership of the Rev. Joseph Murgas, pastor of Sacred
Heart Slovak Roman Catholic Church in Wilkes-Barre,
Pennsylvania, launched a drive to raise funds for the
cause of Czech and Slovak liberation. The drive netted
the sum of well over $800,000.00 and it was sent to
Masaryk, Benes, the former's daughter Alice, the National
Council's offices in Paris, Russia, and the United States. 5
The agreement proclaimed that Slovaks and Czechs
would form one state but that Slovakia would be completely autonomous, and that Czechs would not meddle
in the domestic affairs of Slovakia. The Pittsburgh Pact
is as follows:
�SLOVAKIA
111
THE PITISBURGH PACT
May 30, 1918
The representatives of the Slovak and Czech organizations in
the United States-The Slovak League of America, the Czech
National Alliance, and the Union of Czech Catholics-have
!deliberated, in the presence of the Chairman of rthe Czecho-Slovak
National Council, Professor Masaryk, on the C2iecho-Slovak question
and on our previous program manifestations, and have resolved
as follows:
We favor a political program whose purpose it shall be to
unite the Czechs and the Slovaks into an autonomous state comprising the Czech lands and Slovakia.
Slovakia shall have her own administration, heT own assembly
and her own courts.
The Slovak language shall be the official language in the
schools in public offices, and in public life in general.
The Czecho Slovak State shall be a republic ; its constitution
shall be democratic.
The cooperation of the Czechs and the Slovaks in the United
States shall be intensified and regulated by mutual consent, accord•
ing to need and changing situations.
Detailed provisions relating to the organization of the CzechoSlov,ak state shall be left to the liberated Czechs and Slovaks anci
their legal representatives.
0
Signators
Slovak Representatives: A. Mamatey, I. Bielek, J. Jancek,
M. Gazdik, M. Getting, J . Pankuch, G. H. Mika, M. Bosak,
I. Gessay, Rev. John Kubasek, A. Schustek, Rev. L. J .
Karlovsky, Rev. Paul J . Siska, J. A. Feriencik, I. Daxner.
Czech Representatives: T. G. Masaryk, K. Pergler, H. Dostal,
Dr. L. Fischer, Rev. Oldrich Zla.mal, B. Simek, V. Benes,
J. Zmrhal, Rev. I. Restl, J. Straka, J. Martinek, Dr. G. V.
Pecival6
II.
The transition was loaded with difficulties optimistically minimized or overlooked (in the initial enthusiasm)
but which started to transpire as the honeymoon was
wearing thin. The Slovaks ( and the Czechs, too) found
very soon that they were much further apart than two
branches of one nation ought to be or are supposed to be.
Apart from an undeniable linguistic similarity there was
little else these two nations had in common. In 1918 the
Czechs were more progressive in their views, more aggressive in their action and more western in their political
outlook than the Slovaks. At the same time the Slovaks
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SLOVAKIA
were practically without "intelligentsia", emerging from
a battle for survival which they had very nearly lost and
their general attitude was more conservative than revolutionary; in a word, they were badly equipped for the stormy
days ahead. They depended greatly on Czech help. From
1919 under the pretext of helping Slovakia the Czechs
were sending into Slovakia hundreds upon hundreds of
teachers, officials and technicians; some of these did
creditable work and rendered valuable services, others
less so. Many of the new Czech arrivals commited a great
number of unnecessary blunders which discredited their
often well-meant help. Their ignorance of Slovak psy-•
chology made their approach to their Slovak brothers
awkward and sometimes even insulting. 7
When Masaryk entered upon the work of liberating
the Czechs he did so with a singular talent and thoroughness. No other man could have possibly done better. The
Czechs came to revere him as the personification of Czech
genius expressed in an essentially rationalist philosophy.
His outlook became fundamentally Czech. He came to be
an admirer of John Hus. Educated in German schools,
he was thus well equipped to cope with the German
mentality. He became less a Slovak and more a stranger
to the Slovak outlook and Slovak mentality. The Slovak
has a deep respect for tradition: he is conservative, and
does not change his opinions overnight with each new
bit of information or of knowledge he may acquire. The
Czech has less respect for tradition, indeed, challenges it,
and is essentially opportunistic rather than conservative. 8
The first post-war weeks witnessed a sudden revival
of anti-Catholic and Hussite traditions in Bohemia. The
Czechs saw in the Catholic Church a Hapsburg ally and
wanted the Slovaks to see in her an instrument of
Magyarization. They tried to transplant their excesses into
Slovakia but with no success. For most Slovaks the Catholic
Church was an object of awe and respect and any attack
on it, secret or open, horrified them, even made them
nostalgic for those days when the Church was sacrosanct.
The British minister in Prague summed up the principal
errors of the Czech administration in Slovakia in his
report of November 6, 1919 as follows:
�SLOVAKIA
113
1. Hostility to the Roman Catholic Church is evidenced by
Czech soldiers and offidals and includes the desecration and
mutilation of crucifixes and holy images, interruption of marriages,
and similar offenses against the principles of culture and decency.
2. The Country has been flooded with Czech officials and
Slovaks dismissed, or, if employed, they receive from one half
to two-thirds less pay than the Czechs.
3. Corruption exists in public offices.
4. Attempts are being made to substitute the Czech for the
Slovak language.9
The British representative not only pointed out these
errors but strove for their rectification. With the approval
of his government he advocated with both Masaryk and
Benes more moderate courses and a more reasonable
approach to the Slovak problem.
One of the most important laws passed by the Czechoslovak Republic (hyphen was dropped) which antagonized
the Slovaks was the Language Act (No. 122 of the year
1920). It provided that the state official language of CzechoSlovakia was the "Czechoslovak" language in which (with
the exception of the provisions made for the use of the
languages of the minorities, namely German and Hungarian) the proceedings of all courts, organs, institutions
and enterprises of the state were to conducted. 10
The last paragraph of the Pittsburgh Agreement notes
that the "detailed regulations, concerning the ·establishment
of the Czecho-Slovak state, are left to the liberated Czechs
and Slovaks and their legal representatives." Only one
recognized authority existed in the years 1918-20: the
Provisional Constituent Assembly of Czecho-Slovakia. 11
Meanwhile, on December 12, 1918, Vavro ~robar was
sent to Slovakia with "full powers" from the central
government and placed at the head of a semi-autonomous
administration named by Prague. Soon Czech generals.
Czecho-Slovak legionnaires, and tens of thousands of
Czech officials would follow him. Thus, ~robar, who had
already turned against his former benefactor, Monsignor
Andrew Hlinka, P.A., and had renounced his Catholic
Faith, could and did in time impose a "Czech peace" upon
a people who had illusions of cultural autonomy after
centuries of oppression from Budapest.12
As Slovakia represented 23 percent of the Republic's
population, it would have seemed logical-as the com-
�114
SLOVAKIA
petitive system was not generally used-to reserve for
Slovaks 23 per cent of the positions in the central administration. Now the statistics for the Slovak civil servants
during the twentieth and last year of the Czecho-Slovak
Republic show the following:
Slovaks Civil Servants
The Parliament of Prague ....... .
Service to the Chief of State ..... .
Presidency of the Council .. . .... .
Ministries:
Foreign Affairs . ... ........ . .. .
Interior ..... ..... ............ .
Justice ... ..... . .. . ....... . . .. .
Unification ..... .. .. . ... . ..... .
National Defense ............. .
Generals ......... .... ........ .
Industry: Civil Servants ......... .
Agriculture ................. ... . .
Post Offices . .... ............... .
Communications .... ........... .
Public Works ......... . ........ .
Commerce ....... .. . . . ... . .... . .
Social Welfare ..... . .. . ......... .
Public Health .... . .. ... . . ... ... .
Finance ....... . .. .............. .
1 out of 224
96
3
153
9
33
2
12
6
6
1
4
11
7
9
4
1
4
6
12
1,246
386
143
51
1,300
139
417
391
305
1,006
82
322
397
182
630 13
Of the 318,981,000 Crowns representing the sum total
of the salaries paid annually to the civil servants of the
Republic, the Slovaks received only 3,614,000, that is 1,1
per cent. If the 23 per cent proportion had been respected ,
the Slovak civil servants would have received 73,000,000
Crowns annually .14
Considering the fact that there were few Slovak
intellectuals in 1918, after twenty years, the picture remained the same as regards the position of the Slovaks
in the Republic. According to the Czechs, the Slovak
constitutional demands have gone so far and been pressed
so ruthlessly that it is not facetious to say that in CzechoSlovakia everyone now has autonomy except the Czechs.
The Czechs dismissed the Slovak behavior outwardly as
the pranks of a headstrong child who has been given a new
toy.15
�SLOVAKIA
115
All these problems led to the development of the
autonomist movement led by Monsignor Andrew Hlinka.
After the 1925 election his party, known as the Slovak
People's Party, emerges as the strongest party in Slovakia
(among twenty odd parties contesting the election) scoring
34 % of the total votes (489,111 out of 1,425,595) .16
In such an atmosphere the situation was ripening for
a show-down. The young generation was predominantly
autonomist and radical. Educated by Czech teachers it
knew how to fight the Czechs with their own weapons.
The nationalism of the Twenties with all its immature
self-expression was coming of age. Its claims were now
more demanding and better substantiated. There was no
other way of satisfying them except by granting them.
The difficult period when Slovakia had practically no
nationally conscious intelligentsia, no administrative experience and no definite political aims, was now over.
Even reasonable Czechs were aware of the fact that the
Slovaks did not need tutelage in everything and were
willing to grant gradually some sort of autonomy. In fact
there was more opposition to the part of centralist Slovaks
than on the part of the Czechs themselves.
III.
The Slovak problem re-emerged in all its magnitude
in 1938. Up to that year it was relatively unknown outside
Czecho-Slovakia, very few foreigners being aware even
of its existence. The Czech-German dispute had made it
a second-rate affair and being an internal one it had
captured little attention abroad. But in September 1938
its presence and importance were stressed by both Hitler
and Mussolini. Hitler in his speech of September 26 at
the Sportpalast said that the Czechs and the Slovaks were
separate nations and "the Slovaks did not want to have
anything to do with the Czechs." 17 Mussolini in his open
letter to Runciman pointed out that "there is not only
a Sudeten-German problem, there is also a Hungarian, a
Polish and a Slovak problem." 18 The tragi-comic element
of their focusing attention on this problem lies in the fact
that they were actually repeating, practically word for
word, what had been said or written at least 20 years
�116
SLOVAKIA
before by Msgr. Hlinka in September, 1919 demanding an
autonomous status for Slovakia in Paris. 19
By the Munich Agreement of the European Big Four
Slovakia was condemned to transfer to Hungary the
southern zone settled by Magyars. Faced with the threat
of mutilation, the country reacted healthily in knitting
the national unity more closely together. The numerous
parties of the former system resulting from Prague's
policy of "divide et impera" were spontaneously abandoned
by their leaders and replaced by a gathering together of
all Slovaks of good will. The amputation decided in Vienna
was painful but not fatal for the country.20
On October 6, 1938, under international pressure,
Prague had to make up its mind to take care of the Slovak
problem. On September 22, 1938, in the course of the
crisis brought on by the German question Mr. Benes,
after many postponements and three modifications, finally
had the text of a plan of solution put into the hands
of Monsignor Joseph Tiso, Vice-President of the Populist
party in Bratislava.21
General John Syrovy, who headed the Prague Government in Prague after Munich, nominated the First autonomous government of Slovakia. Monsignor Joseph Tiso
was appointed Prime Minister. Tiso's government was
empowered with full control over all matters affecting
Slovak territory with the exception of foreign affairs,
national finance, and national defense, which remained
matters of common juristiction with Prague. Tiso's cabinet
consisted of four ministers-Matth ew Cernak, Education;
Ferdinand Durcansky, Justice; Paul Teplansky, Agriculture;
John Lichner, trade and Public Works, Railroads and Post.
Durcansky was a member of the Hlinka's People's Party,
Cernak was an independent autonomist, while Teplansky
and Lichner were members of the Czecho-Slovak Agrarian
Party.22
Monsignor Tiso announced that Slovakia would be
a part of a Federated Czecho-Slovak Republic. The hyphen
was again incorporated in the title to emphasize the
component parts that make up the state.
After the victory of Munich, Germany was no less
determined than before to liquidate Czecho-Slovakia. Hun-
�SLOVAKIA
117
gary made demands upon territory in Slovakia which
contained a heavy Hungarian population. Before March
13, 1939, Berlin was faced with the following alternative
in regard to the Slovak question: either Slovakia would
declare its independence and become Germany's ally, or
else it would refuse--an act which would be one reason
for the Reich's leaving Hungary's hands free to reconquer
the former territory of the crown of St. Stephen. Hitler
never ceased plotting in Budapest. As early as February,
1939, Dr. Edmund Wesenmayer, who was later to become
Minister Plenipotentiary of the Third Reich in Budapest,
informed Slovak politicians that Hungary was considering
March 15 to attack Slovak territory. He did not forget
to add that only the Declaration of Independence could
ward off Hungarian intervention.23
In March, inspite of strong autonomist tendencies, .
the Czech preponderance in Slovakia was still considerable.
The effects of twenty years just could not be undone in
several months. Mostly because of lack of qualified personnel, the officers' corps in the army units stationed in
Slovakia, police and gendarmerie and higher officials in the
administrative service were still largely Czech. Industry
ran mostly on Czech capital and Slovak economy was
closely linked to the economy of the Czech lands . These
facts were realized by Tiso and it caused him to be very
cautious in his actions against the Czech lands. Independence at this angle spelled great economic danger and
administrative chaos in Slovakia.
Monsignor Tiso went to see Hitler and discuss the
Slovak situation. Hitler definitely had no interest in anything east of the Carpathian mountains. It was indifferent
to him what happened there. Hitler stated that if Slovakia
wanted independence he would support this endeavor and
even guarantee it. Hitler wanted Tiso to declare Slovakia's
independence on the Berlin Radio, but he refused this
because he did not have the right to decide Slovakia's fate.
It was up to the Parliament in Bratislava to decide
Slovakia's fate. Tiso called President Ha.cha, the president
of Czecho-Slovakia to call the Slovak deputies together
for the meeting of the parliament.
After an exposition by Tiso behind closed doors the
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SLOVAKIA
fifty-seven deputies from the Slovak Parliament voted
unanimously for independence. Three quarters of an hour
later the same parliament voted the following law:
Article 1. The Slovak land kleclared itself an independent State.
The Diet of the Slovak land is transformed into a parliament of
the Slovak State.
Article 2. Until the adoption of the Constitution of the Slovak
State, the executive power is entrusted to the government named
by the Presidency of the Parliament.
Article 3. All the laws, decrees and dispositions valid up to the
present continue in force with the changes resulting from the fact
of the existence of the i~dependent Slovak State.
Article 4. By means of decrees, the government is instructed to
take all measures necessary for the maintenance of order and the
protection of the interests of the Slovak State.
Article 5. This law goes into effect this very day and it devolves
upon the government to enforce it.
Bratislava, Slovakia, March 14, 1939
The new government comprised the Prime Minister,
Msgr. Dr. Joseph Tiso; Vice-Premier, Dr. Vojtech Tuka;
Foreign Affairs, Dr. Ferdinand t>urcansky; Interior, Karol
Sidor; National Defense, Lieutenant-Colonel Ferdinand
Catlos; Public Education, Joseph Sivak; Economy, Dr.
Gejza Medricky; Finance, Dr. Mikulas Pruzinsky; Communications and Public Works, Julius Stano; Justice, Dr.
Gejza Fritz.25
Slovakia became Germany's ally rather than her victim
as in the Czech lands, but German policy wanted to prove
how happy even a small Slavic nation could be in Hitler's
new order. Slovakia was recognized, and many Czech
historians neglect to admit, by many countries both 'de
facto' and 'de jure'. She was recognized by Poland, Hungary,
and Germany in March of 1939, Italy, Switzerland, and
Spain in April, and on May by Great Britain by a 'de facto'
recognition. Before the outbreak of the war she was
recognized by Vatican, Yugoslavia, Rumania, Sweden,
Japan, Liberia, Equador, Costa Rica, both 'de facto' and
'de jure'. In addition she received recognition 'de facto'
from France and Belgium. On September 17, 1939 the
Soviet Union recognized Slovakia both 'de facto' and 'de
jure'.
After the declaration of independence on March 14,
�SLOVAKIA
119
1939, Slovakia, for the time in over one thousand years
she took her place among the nations of the earth. She
no longer had stringis attached to Budapest or Prague.
The Slovak government first wanted to solve the problem
of a heavy Czech labor force in intellectual areas of
thought. "On October 1, 1938 the number of teachers in
Slovakia was 345 Slovaks and 523 Czechs. This figure
completely reversed by 1940 when there were 680 Slovak
teachers as opposed to 73 Czech teachers." 27 Slovakia
did have many problems in her economy which were
heavily exploited by German interference.
The very fact that in 1939 a separate Slovak state
could somehow exist where it would have been an impossibility twenty years earlier shown that the Slovaks
had not only been able students but had also had able
teachers in the Czechs. But there were still those who
would show arrogance and lack of undestanding for Slovak
pride and spoil the atmosphere. Although some authors
like Schmitt feel that the "independent Slovakia and the
Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia became, for all
practical purpose, parts of the Reich." 28 Yet some authors
seem to negate the fact that there was a declaration of
independence by the Slovak Parliament which represented
the Slovak people and only the Slovak people. Another
fact which is paramount in a nation's right to life is the
fact of recognition by other nations. It must be emphasized
that Slovakia was recognized by nations in both camps,
Allied and German.
IV.
The way in which Slovakia disappeared from the face
of Europe and became again a part of the Czecho-Slovak
Republic offers experts of international law and political
science an interesting subject for study and investigation.
Considering the fact that Slovakia was recognized by 27
states, of which two thirds were on the side of the Allies,
the Slovak Republic became a member of the international
community and subject to the codes of international law.
We must consider the fact that Slovakia like Hungary,
Finland, Bulgaria and Rumania were defeated states but
they were never incorporated into any other states. Accordin~ to the Atlantic Charter Slovakia should have been
�120
SLOVAKIA
treated as an existing state under military occupation and
remain such until the Peace treaties were signed.
Indeed the Allies favored the Czech exiles and decided
not to apply the right of self-determination and the
principles of the Atlantic Charter to the Slovak people.
This seems very strange because of the fact that when
a state is recognized it cannot be desolved with the impression that it never had existed. "On May 8, 1945 the
Slovak Government signed a document of 'protection' or
'surrender' to the Allied High Command."29 Considering
the fact that Slovakia never declared war against the
Western Allies-Great Britain, France, or the United States.
The attempts to save Slovakia as an independent state
failed and her right to self-government disappeared. Never
consulting the Slovak people, she was again a part of the
Czecho-Slovak Republic. All signs of autonomy as evidenced
before the war disappeared within the Czecho-Slovak
Republic. Slovakia again became a mere appendage of
the term "Czechoslovak." Slovaks could no longer speak
for Slovaks but had to look to the Czechs in Prague.
V.
In conclusion the road to Slovakia's independence led
through stormy days of the post-Munich period and the
time of her independence on the European scene was not
very propitious. But we must remember that there are
some things in life in which we have no say in. It is highly
unlikely that Slovakia would have survived if she had
appeared after World War I due to the fact that she
lacked a substantial intellectual class. The fact remains
that fifty years before she possessed a larger intelligentsia
than in 1918. The one thousand year sentence of subjugation
under Magyarization had almost destroyed the Slovaks
and their civilization.
The Slovaks owe much to the Czechs, for without
them they would not have been able twenty years later
to possess an intelligentsia which had multiplied in size
and improved in . depth and competence and stand on
their own feet in March of 1939. The Czecho-Slovak
Republic might have worked if it was bilateral and not
unilateral as it was. The Czechs neglected to realize the
�SLOVAKIA
121
fact that children do mature and no longer need to be
tied to their mother's apron strings.
It was tragic that the United States' indolence resulted
in Slovakia again being incorporated into the Czecho-Slovak
Republic against the will of majority of her people. It was
astrous that the United States favored the Czech Benes
over the Slovak Tiso in deciding the fate of the Slovak
people.
The Slovakia that did emerge on March 14, 1939 was
not the archetype that I would have envisioned, for there
were many things wrong, among them heavy dependence
on Germany. It is both simple and sweet to assert that
Adolph Hitler imposed independence on Slovakia but
these allegations are not factual. The circumstances surrounding Slovakia's birth are far more complex. The
Slovaks, unable to escape Central European events, reconciled themselves to the geographical and political
conditions of 1939, as they thought best. Independence
was not rejected, it was hailed, true some more eagerly
than others.
Slovakia was a failure in one respect in that it could
not avert the persecution of its Jewish population, of
whom about a fourth survived the six years of Slovakia's
existence. The Catholic bishops however, under the leadership of Archbishop Karol Kmet'ko, of Nitra, were as
outspoken in their criticism of anti-Jewish legislation and
courageous in their defense of human dignity as was
s:inybody in Hitler's Europe.
We can all appreciate the fact that no nation on earth
desires tyranny over freedom, and even some who have
a different view regarding the Slovak Republic and her
war-time regime. No man on earth has the right to condemn the Slovaks to be an appendage to any other nation
nor to be a colony of any other nation no matter how
ethnically or linguistically they are related. The Slovak
does not want any Czech to use his debasive form of
rhetoric in international spheres of interest on behalf of
his culture, language and history but rather feels quite
proficient enough to do this for himself. The Slovak
nation has a God-given right to live a free and independent
life according to its tr,aditions.
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SLOVAKIA
One very important thing the world has to learn is
the fact that the dreams and aspirations of little nations
must be respected and supported even if they cramp the
style of a brother nation who in the world's eyes seemingly
wants only the best for its little brother. Another thing
is the fact that the Slovaks do not wish to be known as
Czechs or "Czechoslovaks". They are not a mere appendage
but a distinct entity. If politics is the art of the impossible,
then we cannot condemn the Slovaks for having achieved
that impossible dream in the years of 1939-1945.
Althought I am an American born of Slovak blood
only on my mother's side I have come to know and love
the aspirations of the Slovak people. As an American
I can appreciate freedom and justice and see the same
for my brothers in Slovakia. The story and traditions of
the Slovak people are among the most glorious in all of
history. No other nation has suffered so much nor been
more misunderstood and yet still possesses a fire of
determination for its freedom and self-determination.
Slovakia did emerge but unfortunately was stiffled, but
she will again someday rise up to stand among the free
and independent peoples of the earth as master of her
own household. Ibsen's words from his work "An Enemy
of the People, V" seem to be appropriate:
"The Strongest man in the world is he who stands
most alone ... "
1) F. Vnuk, "Slovakia's Six Eventful Months ( Oct. 1938- March 1939) ,"
Slovak Studies IV, Historica II, 1964, 14.
2) J . Lettrich, "The Declaration of Turciansky Sv. Martin," A Histor y
of Modern Slovakia, p. 288.
3) F . Vnuk, op. cit., p. 15.
4) G. L. Oddo, "To be Free of Budapest," Slov akia anji Its People,
(New York, 1960) , p. 174.
5) Ibid., p. 175.
6) IbH, p. 175-76
7) F . Vnuk, op. cit., p. 16.
8) P . P . Yurchak, "Masaryk," The Slovaks,(Whiting, Ind.,1946), pp. 206.
9) Vnuk, op. cit., p. 16.
10) I. Derer, The Unity of the Czechs and Slovaks, (Prague, 1938) p. 32.
11) G. L. Ojddo, "Czecho-Slovakia," Slovakia and Its People, (New York,
1960) , p. 205.
�SLOVAKIA
123
12) Ibid. , p. 205.
13 ) J . A. Mikus, "Czecho-Slovakia (1918-1939) " , Slovakia: A Political
history, Marquette Slavic Studies ed., (Milwaukee, 1963) , pp. 38-39.
14 ) Ibid., p. 39.
15 ) G. F. Kennan, "Report on Conditions in Slovakia," From Prague
After Muni ch, Princeton University Press ed. (Princeton, N. J .
1968) , p . 19.
16) F . Vnuk, op. cit., p. 17.
17 ) F . Vnuk, op. ci t ., p. 23.
18) Ibid., p . 23 .
19) F Vnuk, loc. cit.
20 ) J. A. Mikus, op. cit., p. 66.
21 ) Ibid, p. 67.
22 ) G. L. Oddo, op. cit ., p. 237.
23 ) J. A. Mikus, op. ci t ., p. 76.
24 ) J. A. Mikus, op . cit., pp. 86-87.
25 ) Ibid., p. 88.
26 ) I bid. , pp. 135-36.
27 ) J . A. Mikus, op. ci t ., pp. 108-09.
28 ) B. E. Schmitt, " The Road to Munich," Czechoslov akia, R. J . Kerner
ed., (Los Angeles, 1949), p. 438.
29 ) J . M. Kirschbaum, "Twenty years of Czech an/d Communist Rule in
Slovakia," Slov akia, XV, (1965) , p. 80.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Derer , Ivan, The Unity of the Czechs and Slovaks, Prague, The Orbis
Publishing Company, 1938.
Heymann, Frederick, G., Poland and Czechoslovakia, Englewood Cliffs,
New Jersey, Prentice-Hall Inc., 1966.
Kennan, George, F ., From Prague After Munich, Princeton, New Jersey,
Princeton University Press, 1968.
Kirschbaum, Joseph, M ., "Twenty Years of Ozech and Communist Rule
in Slovakia," Slovaki a, XV, ( 1965) , pp. 78-90.
Lettrich, Joseph, A. , A History of Modern Slovakia, New York, N . Y .,
Praeger Publishing, 1955.
Mikus, Joseph, A. , Slovakia a Political History: 1918-1950, Milwaukee,
Wisconsin, The Marquette University Press, 1963.
Oddo, Gilbert, L., Slovakia and Its People, New York, Robert Speller and
Sons, 1960.
Schmitt, Berna/dette, E ., Czechoslovakia, Los Angeles, Ca.Hfornia. University of California Press, 1949.
Vnuk, Francis, Slov ak Studies IV, Rome, Italy, Slovak Institute of SS.
Cyril and Methodius Press, 1964, pp. 7-164.
Yurchak, Peter, P., The Slovaks, Whiting, Indiana, The Rev. John J.
Lach Press, 1946.
( FIRST PRIZE AWARD)
�
SLOVAKIA
109
Winning Essays - Slovak League Scholarship Awards
The Emergence of the Slovak State
Daniel F. T a n z o n e
I.
Following the collapse of the Hapsburg monarchy
the small nations of Central Europe organized their own
national states. The Slovaks joined hands with their Czech
brothers and organized a common state: the Czecho-Slovak
Republic. On the part of the Slovaks it was a belated
re-appearance on the map of Europe after their ancestors
hll-ci made a short debut in the Moravian Empire of the
Ninth century.
The union with the Czechs was considered as the
most opportune alternative, the others being complete
independence which was beyond their will, or autonomy
within Hungary. It is interesting to note that large Slovak
emigrant organizations in the United States came to the
same conclusions, although there was no co-ordination
of action between the Slovaks in Slovakia and those in
the United States.
"During· the war of 1914-18 every action for the
unification of the Czechs and Slovaks into a common
state was considered by the Austro-Hungarian authorities
as treason, and consequently there were only a few sporadic
pronouncements on this theme." 1 "But the idea was being
entertained by the Czech and Slovak leaders at home,
while abroad an active group led by Thomas G. Masaryk
and Milan R. Stefanik and Benes worked with the Allies
for the establishment of Czecho-Slovakia." 2 Their hard
work, carried out with superhuman endurance and untiring stubborness against many odds, was crowned with
splendid success.
On October 30, 1918 in Turciansky Svaty Martin the
Slovak representatives claiming "the absolute right to selfdetermination" declared for unity with the Czechs (at a
�110
SLOVAKIA
meeting which bore all the marks of haste and excitement).
The declaration called not only for political but also for
linguistic and cultural unity and marked the beginning
of a new epoch in Slovak history. From living under the
Magyars, the Slovaks started a new life with the Czechs.3
To go back for_a minute to look at the situation in
America the historic month of May, 1918, saw events both
at home and abroad moving inexorably toward the formation of a new Czecho-Slovak Republic. May saw Masaryk
in Pittsburgh meeting with American Czech and Slovak
leaders, explaining just how Czecho-Slovakia would be
administered and precisely what the status of Slovakia
would be within the new state. He assured Slovaks that
Slovakia would be autonomous, would have its own
schools, its own language, its own local administration,
its own courts, its own legislative assembly and to further
appease Slovak sensibilities he drafted a document
which has since been hotly debated. It is known in history
as the Pittsburgh Pact. Because Masaryk had written the
draft in pencil Albert Mamatey, the President of the Slovak
League of America had calligraphed and later took it to
Washington where Masaryk (his government now officially
recognized by the Wilson Administration), already temporary president of Czecho-Slovakia, signed the calligraphed copy on November 14 just before his departure
for Europe. 4
The agreement was necessary to assure the American
Slovaks of the position of Slovakia in the Czecho-Slovak
Republic. The American Czechs and Slovaks under the
leadership of the Rev. Joseph Murgas, pastor of Sacred
Heart Slovak Roman Catholic Church in Wilkes-Barre,
Pennsylvania, launched a drive to raise funds for the
cause of Czech and Slovak liberation. The drive netted
the sum of well over $800,000.00 and it was sent to
Masaryk, Benes, the former's daughter Alice, the National
Council's offices in Paris, Russia, and the United States. 5
The agreement proclaimed that Slovaks and Czechs
would form one state but that Slovakia would be completely autonomous, and that Czechs would not meddle
in the domestic affairs of Slovakia. The Pittsburgh Pact
is as follows:
�SLOVAKIA
111
THE PITISBURGH PACT
May 30, 1918
The representatives of the Slovak and Czech organizations in
the United States-The Slovak League of America, the Czech
National Alliance, and the Union of Czech Catholics-have
!deliberated, in the presence of the Chairman of rthe Czecho-Slovak
National Council, Professor Masaryk, on the C2iecho-Slovak question
and on our previous program manifestations, and have resolved
as follows:
We favor a political program whose purpose it shall be to
unite the Czechs and the Slovaks into an autonomous state comprising the Czech lands and Slovakia.
Slovakia shall have her own administration, heT own assembly
and her own courts.
The Slovak language shall be the official language in the
schools in public offices, and in public life in general.
The Czecho Slovak State shall be a republic ; its constitution
shall be democratic.
The cooperation of the Czechs and the Slovaks in the United
States shall be intensified and regulated by mutual consent, accord•
ing to need and changing situations.
Detailed provisions relating to the organization of the CzechoSlov,ak state shall be left to the liberated Czechs and Slovaks anci
their legal representatives.
0
Signators
Slovak Representatives: A. Mamatey, I. Bielek, J. Jancek,
M. Gazdik, M. Getting, J . Pankuch, G. H. Mika, M. Bosak,
I. Gessay, Rev. John Kubasek, A. Schustek, Rev. L. J .
Karlovsky, Rev. Paul J . Siska, J. A. Feriencik, I. Daxner.
Czech Representatives: T. G. Masaryk, K. Pergler, H. Dostal,
Dr. L. Fischer, Rev. Oldrich Zla.mal, B. Simek, V. Benes,
J. Zmrhal, Rev. I. Restl, J. Straka, J. Martinek, Dr. G. V.
Pecival6
II.
The transition was loaded with difficulties optimistically minimized or overlooked (in the initial enthusiasm)
but which started to transpire as the honeymoon was
wearing thin. The Slovaks ( and the Czechs, too) found
very soon that they were much further apart than two
branches of one nation ought to be or are supposed to be.
Apart from an undeniable linguistic similarity there was
little else these two nations had in common. In 1918 the
Czechs were more progressive in their views, more aggressive in their action and more western in their political
outlook than the Slovaks. At the same time the Slovaks
�112
SLOVAKIA
were practically without "intelligentsia", emerging from
a battle for survival which they had very nearly lost and
their general attitude was more conservative than revolutionary; in a word, they were badly equipped for the stormy
days ahead. They depended greatly on Czech help. From
1919 under the pretext of helping Slovakia the Czechs
were sending into Slovakia hundreds upon hundreds of
teachers, officials and technicians; some of these did
creditable work and rendered valuable services, others
less so. Many of the new Czech arrivals commited a great
number of unnecessary blunders which discredited their
often well-meant help. Their ignorance of Slovak psy-•
chology made their approach to their Slovak brothers
awkward and sometimes even insulting. 7
When Masaryk entered upon the work of liberating
the Czechs he did so with a singular talent and thoroughness. No other man could have possibly done better. The
Czechs came to revere him as the personification of Czech
genius expressed in an essentially rationalist philosophy.
His outlook became fundamentally Czech. He came to be
an admirer of John Hus. Educated in German schools,
he was thus well equipped to cope with the German
mentality. He became less a Slovak and more a stranger
to the Slovak outlook and Slovak mentality. The Slovak
has a deep respect for tradition: he is conservative, and
does not change his opinions overnight with each new
bit of information or of knowledge he may acquire. The
Czech has less respect for tradition, indeed, challenges it,
and is essentially opportunistic rather than conservative. 8
The first post-war weeks witnessed a sudden revival
of anti-Catholic and Hussite traditions in Bohemia. The
Czechs saw in the Catholic Church a Hapsburg ally and
wanted the Slovaks to see in her an instrument of
Magyarization. They tried to transplant their excesses into
Slovakia but with no success. For most Slovaks the Catholic
Church was an object of awe and respect and any attack
on it, secret or open, horrified them, even made them
nostalgic for those days when the Church was sacrosanct.
The British minister in Prague summed up the principal
errors of the Czech administration in Slovakia in his
report of November 6, 1919 as follows:
�SLOVAKIA
113
1. Hostility to the Roman Catholic Church is evidenced by
Czech soldiers and offidals and includes the desecration and
mutilation of crucifixes and holy images, interruption of marriages,
and similar offenses against the principles of culture and decency.
2. The Country has been flooded with Czech officials and
Slovaks dismissed, or, if employed, they receive from one half
to two-thirds less pay than the Czechs.
3. Corruption exists in public offices.
4. Attempts are being made to substitute the Czech for the
Slovak language.9
The British representative not only pointed out these
errors but strove for their rectification. With the approval
of his government he advocated with both Masaryk and
Benes more moderate courses and a more reasonable
approach to the Slovak problem.
One of the most important laws passed by the Czechoslovak Republic (hyphen was dropped) which antagonized
the Slovaks was the Language Act (No. 122 of the year
1920). It provided that the state official language of CzechoSlovakia was the "Czechoslovak" language in which (with
the exception of the provisions made for the use of the
languages of the minorities, namely German and Hungarian) the proceedings of all courts, organs, institutions
and enterprises of the state were to conducted. 10
The last paragraph of the Pittsburgh Agreement notes
that the "detailed regulations, concerning the ·establishment
of the Czecho-Slovak state, are left to the liberated Czechs
and Slovaks and their legal representatives." Only one
recognized authority existed in the years 1918-20: the
Provisional Constituent Assembly of Czecho-Slovakia. 11
Meanwhile, on December 12, 1918, Vavro ~robar was
sent to Slovakia with "full powers" from the central
government and placed at the head of a semi-autonomous
administration named by Prague. Soon Czech generals.
Czecho-Slovak legionnaires, and tens of thousands of
Czech officials would follow him. Thus, ~robar, who had
already turned against his former benefactor, Monsignor
Andrew Hlinka, P.A., and had renounced his Catholic
Faith, could and did in time impose a "Czech peace" upon
a people who had illusions of cultural autonomy after
centuries of oppression from Budapest.12
As Slovakia represented 23 percent of the Republic's
population, it would have seemed logical-as the com-
�114
SLOVAKIA
petitive system was not generally used-to reserve for
Slovaks 23 per cent of the positions in the central administration. Now the statistics for the Slovak civil servants
during the twentieth and last year of the Czecho-Slovak
Republic show the following:
Slovaks Civil Servants
The Parliament of Prague ....... .
Service to the Chief of State ..... .
Presidency of the Council .. . .... .
Ministries:
Foreign Affairs . ... ........ . .. .
Interior ..... ..... ............ .
Justice ... ..... . .. . ....... . . .. .
Unification ..... .. .. . ... . ..... .
National Defense ............. .
Generals ......... .... ........ .
Industry: Civil Servants ......... .
Agriculture ................. ... . .
Post Offices . .... ............... .
Communications .... ........... .
Public Works ......... . ........ .
Commerce ....... .. . . . ... . .... . .
Social Welfare ..... . .. . ......... .
Public Health .... . .. ... . . ... ... .
Finance ....... . .. .............. .
1 out of 224
96
3
153
9
33
2
12
6
6
1
4
11
7
9
4
1
4
6
12
1,246
386
143
51
1,300
139
417
391
305
1,006
82
322
397
182
630 13
Of the 318,981,000 Crowns representing the sum total
of the salaries paid annually to the civil servants of the
Republic, the Slovaks received only 3,614,000, that is 1,1
per cent. If the 23 per cent proportion had been respected ,
the Slovak civil servants would have received 73,000,000
Crowns annually .14
Considering the fact that there were few Slovak
intellectuals in 1918, after twenty years, the picture remained the same as regards the position of the Slovaks
in the Republic. According to the Czechs, the Slovak
constitutional demands have gone so far and been pressed
so ruthlessly that it is not facetious to say that in CzechoSlovakia everyone now has autonomy except the Czechs.
The Czechs dismissed the Slovak behavior outwardly as
the pranks of a headstrong child who has been given a new
toy.15
�SLOVAKIA
115
All these problems led to the development of the
autonomist movement led by Monsignor Andrew Hlinka.
After the 1925 election his party, known as the Slovak
People's Party, emerges as the strongest party in Slovakia
(among twenty odd parties contesting the election) scoring
34 % of the total votes (489,111 out of 1,425,595) .16
In such an atmosphere the situation was ripening for
a show-down. The young generation was predominantly
autonomist and radical. Educated by Czech teachers it
knew how to fight the Czechs with their own weapons.
The nationalism of the Twenties with all its immature
self-expression was coming of age. Its claims were now
more demanding and better substantiated. There was no
other way of satisfying them except by granting them.
The difficult period when Slovakia had practically no
nationally conscious intelligentsia, no administrative experience and no definite political aims, was now over.
Even reasonable Czechs were aware of the fact that the
Slovaks did not need tutelage in everything and were
willing to grant gradually some sort of autonomy. In fact
there was more opposition to the part of centralist Slovaks
than on the part of the Czechs themselves.
III.
The Slovak problem re-emerged in all its magnitude
in 1938. Up to that year it was relatively unknown outside
Czecho-Slovakia, very few foreigners being aware even
of its existence. The Czech-German dispute had made it
a second-rate affair and being an internal one it had
captured little attention abroad. But in September 1938
its presence and importance were stressed by both Hitler
and Mussolini. Hitler in his speech of September 26 at
the Sportpalast said that the Czechs and the Slovaks were
separate nations and "the Slovaks did not want to have
anything to do with the Czechs." 17 Mussolini in his open
letter to Runciman pointed out that "there is not only
a Sudeten-German problem, there is also a Hungarian, a
Polish and a Slovak problem." 18 The tragi-comic element
of their focusing attention on this problem lies in the fact
that they were actually repeating, practically word for
word, what had been said or written at least 20 years
�116
SLOVAKIA
before by Msgr. Hlinka in September, 1919 demanding an
autonomous status for Slovakia in Paris. 19
By the Munich Agreement of the European Big Four
Slovakia was condemned to transfer to Hungary the
southern zone settled by Magyars. Faced with the threat
of mutilation, the country reacted healthily in knitting
the national unity more closely together. The numerous
parties of the former system resulting from Prague's
policy of "divide et impera" were spontaneously abandoned
by their leaders and replaced by a gathering together of
all Slovaks of good will. The amputation decided in Vienna
was painful but not fatal for the country.20
On October 6, 1938, under international pressure,
Prague had to make up its mind to take care of the Slovak
problem. On September 22, 1938, in the course of the
crisis brought on by the German question Mr. Benes,
after many postponements and three modifications, finally
had the text of a plan of solution put into the hands
of Monsignor Joseph Tiso, Vice-President of the Populist
party in Bratislava.21
General John Syrovy, who headed the Prague Government in Prague after Munich, nominated the First autonomous government of Slovakia. Monsignor Joseph Tiso
was appointed Prime Minister. Tiso's government was
empowered with full control over all matters affecting
Slovak territory with the exception of foreign affairs,
national finance, and national defense, which remained
matters of common juristiction with Prague. Tiso's cabinet
consisted of four ministers-Matth ew Cernak, Education;
Ferdinand Durcansky, Justice; Paul Teplansky, Agriculture;
John Lichner, trade and Public Works, Railroads and Post.
Durcansky was a member of the Hlinka's People's Party,
Cernak was an independent autonomist, while Teplansky
and Lichner were members of the Czecho-Slovak Agrarian
Party.22
Monsignor Tiso announced that Slovakia would be
a part of a Federated Czecho-Slovak Republic. The hyphen
was again incorporated in the title to emphasize the
component parts that make up the state.
After the victory of Munich, Germany was no less
determined than before to liquidate Czecho-Slovakia. Hun-
�SLOVAKIA
117
gary made demands upon territory in Slovakia which
contained a heavy Hungarian population. Before March
13, 1939, Berlin was faced with the following alternative
in regard to the Slovak question: either Slovakia would
declare its independence and become Germany's ally, or
else it would refuse--an act which would be one reason
for the Reich's leaving Hungary's hands free to reconquer
the former territory of the crown of St. Stephen. Hitler
never ceased plotting in Budapest. As early as February,
1939, Dr. Edmund Wesenmayer, who was later to become
Minister Plenipotentiary of the Third Reich in Budapest,
informed Slovak politicians that Hungary was considering
March 15 to attack Slovak territory. He did not forget
to add that only the Declaration of Independence could
ward off Hungarian intervention.23
In March, inspite of strong autonomist tendencies, .
the Czech preponderance in Slovakia was still considerable.
The effects of twenty years just could not be undone in
several months. Mostly because of lack of qualified personnel, the officers' corps in the army units stationed in
Slovakia, police and gendarmerie and higher officials in the
administrative service were still largely Czech. Industry
ran mostly on Czech capital and Slovak economy was
closely linked to the economy of the Czech lands . These
facts were realized by Tiso and it caused him to be very
cautious in his actions against the Czech lands. Independence at this angle spelled great economic danger and
administrative chaos in Slovakia.
Monsignor Tiso went to see Hitler and discuss the
Slovak situation. Hitler definitely had no interest in anything east of the Carpathian mountains. It was indifferent
to him what happened there. Hitler stated that if Slovakia
wanted independence he would support this endeavor and
even guarantee it. Hitler wanted Tiso to declare Slovakia's
independence on the Berlin Radio, but he refused this
because he did not have the right to decide Slovakia's fate.
It was up to the Parliament in Bratislava to decide
Slovakia's fate. Tiso called President Ha.cha, the president
of Czecho-Slovakia to call the Slovak deputies together
for the meeting of the parliament.
After an exposition by Tiso behind closed doors the
�118
SLOVAKIA
fifty-seven deputies from the Slovak Parliament voted
unanimously for independence. Three quarters of an hour
later the same parliament voted the following law:
Article 1. The Slovak land kleclared itself an independent State.
The Diet of the Slovak land is transformed into a parliament of
the Slovak State.
Article 2. Until the adoption of the Constitution of the Slovak
State, the executive power is entrusted to the government named
by the Presidency of the Parliament.
Article 3. All the laws, decrees and dispositions valid up to the
present continue in force with the changes resulting from the fact
of the existence of the i~dependent Slovak State.
Article 4. By means of decrees, the government is instructed to
take all measures necessary for the maintenance of order and the
protection of the interests of the Slovak State.
Article 5. This law goes into effect this very day and it devolves
upon the government to enforce it.
Bratislava, Slovakia, March 14, 1939
The new government comprised the Prime Minister,
Msgr. Dr. Joseph Tiso; Vice-Premier, Dr. Vojtech Tuka;
Foreign Affairs, Dr. Ferdinand t>urcansky; Interior, Karol
Sidor; National Defense, Lieutenant-Colonel Ferdinand
Catlos; Public Education, Joseph Sivak; Economy, Dr.
Gejza Medricky; Finance, Dr. Mikulas Pruzinsky; Communications and Public Works, Julius Stano; Justice, Dr.
Gejza Fritz.25
Slovakia became Germany's ally rather than her victim
as in the Czech lands, but German policy wanted to prove
how happy even a small Slavic nation could be in Hitler's
new order. Slovakia was recognized, and many Czech
historians neglect to admit, by many countries both 'de
facto' and 'de jure'. She was recognized by Poland, Hungary,
and Germany in March of 1939, Italy, Switzerland, and
Spain in April, and on May by Great Britain by a 'de facto'
recognition. Before the outbreak of the war she was
recognized by Vatican, Yugoslavia, Rumania, Sweden,
Japan, Liberia, Equador, Costa Rica, both 'de facto' and
'de jure'. In addition she received recognition 'de facto'
from France and Belgium. On September 17, 1939 the
Soviet Union recognized Slovakia both 'de facto' and 'de
jure'.
After the declaration of independence on March 14,
�SLOVAKIA
119
1939, Slovakia, for the time in over one thousand years
she took her place among the nations of the earth. She
no longer had stringis attached to Budapest or Prague.
The Slovak government first wanted to solve the problem
of a heavy Czech labor force in intellectual areas of
thought. "On October 1, 1938 the number of teachers in
Slovakia was 345 Slovaks and 523 Czechs. This figure
completely reversed by 1940 when there were 680 Slovak
teachers as opposed to 73 Czech teachers." 27 Slovakia
did have many problems in her economy which were
heavily exploited by German interference.
The very fact that in 1939 a separate Slovak state
could somehow exist where it would have been an impossibility twenty years earlier shown that the Slovaks
had not only been able students but had also had able
teachers in the Czechs. But there were still those who
would show arrogance and lack of undestanding for Slovak
pride and spoil the atmosphere. Although some authors
like Schmitt feel that the "independent Slovakia and the
Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia became, for all
practical purpose, parts of the Reich." 28 Yet some authors
seem to negate the fact that there was a declaration of
independence by the Slovak Parliament which represented
the Slovak people and only the Slovak people. Another
fact which is paramount in a nation's right to life is the
fact of recognition by other nations. It must be emphasized
that Slovakia was recognized by nations in both camps,
Allied and German.
IV.
The way in which Slovakia disappeared from the face
of Europe and became again a part of the Czecho-Slovak
Republic offers experts of international law and political
science an interesting subject for study and investigation.
Considering the fact that Slovakia was recognized by 27
states, of which two thirds were on the side of the Allies,
the Slovak Republic became a member of the international
community and subject to the codes of international law.
We must consider the fact that Slovakia like Hungary,
Finland, Bulgaria and Rumania were defeated states but
they were never incorporated into any other states. Accordin~ to the Atlantic Charter Slovakia should have been
�120
SLOVAKIA
treated as an existing state under military occupation and
remain such until the Peace treaties were signed.
Indeed the Allies favored the Czech exiles and decided
not to apply the right of self-determination and the
principles of the Atlantic Charter to the Slovak people.
This seems very strange because of the fact that when
a state is recognized it cannot be desolved with the impression that it never had existed. "On May 8, 1945 the
Slovak Government signed a document of 'protection' or
'surrender' to the Allied High Command."29 Considering
the fact that Slovakia never declared war against the
Western Allies-Great Britain, France, or the United States.
The attempts to save Slovakia as an independent state
failed and her right to self-government disappeared. Never
consulting the Slovak people, she was again a part of the
Czecho-Slovak Republic. All signs of autonomy as evidenced
before the war disappeared within the Czecho-Slovak
Republic. Slovakia again became a mere appendage of
the term "Czechoslovak." Slovaks could no longer speak
for Slovaks but had to look to the Czechs in Prague.
V.
In conclusion the road to Slovakia's independence led
through stormy days of the post-Munich period and the
time of her independence on the European scene was not
very propitious. But we must remember that there are
some things in life in which we have no say in. It is highly
unlikely that Slovakia would have survived if she had
appeared after World War I due to the fact that she
lacked a substantial intellectual class. The fact remains
that fifty years before she possessed a larger intelligentsia
than in 1918. The one thousand year sentence of subjugation
under Magyarization had almost destroyed the Slovaks
and their civilization.
The Slovaks owe much to the Czechs, for without
them they would not have been able twenty years later
to possess an intelligentsia which had multiplied in size
and improved in . depth and competence and stand on
their own feet in March of 1939. The Czecho-Slovak
Republic might have worked if it was bilateral and not
unilateral as it was. The Czechs neglected to realize the
�SLOVAKIA
121
fact that children do mature and no longer need to be
tied to their mother's apron strings.
It was tragic that the United States' indolence resulted
in Slovakia again being incorporated into the Czecho-Slovak
Republic against the will of majority of her people. It was
astrous that the United States favored the Czech Benes
over the Slovak Tiso in deciding the fate of the Slovak
people.
The Slovakia that did emerge on March 14, 1939 was
not the archetype that I would have envisioned, for there
were many things wrong, among them heavy dependence
on Germany. It is both simple and sweet to assert that
Adolph Hitler imposed independence on Slovakia but
these allegations are not factual. The circumstances surrounding Slovakia's birth are far more complex. The
Slovaks, unable to escape Central European events, reconciled themselves to the geographical and political
conditions of 1939, as they thought best. Independence
was not rejected, it was hailed, true some more eagerly
than others.
Slovakia was a failure in one respect in that it could
not avert the persecution of its Jewish population, of
whom about a fourth survived the six years of Slovakia's
existence. The Catholic bishops however, under the leadership of Archbishop Karol Kmet'ko, of Nitra, were as
outspoken in their criticism of anti-Jewish legislation and
courageous in their defense of human dignity as was
s:inybody in Hitler's Europe.
We can all appreciate the fact that no nation on earth
desires tyranny over freedom, and even some who have
a different view regarding the Slovak Republic and her
war-time regime. No man on earth has the right to condemn the Slovaks to be an appendage to any other nation
nor to be a colony of any other nation no matter how
ethnically or linguistically they are related. The Slovak
does not want any Czech to use his debasive form of
rhetoric in international spheres of interest on behalf of
his culture, language and history but rather feels quite
proficient enough to do this for himself. The Slovak
nation has a God-given right to live a free and independent
life according to its tr,aditions.
�122
SLOVAKIA
One very important thing the world has to learn is
the fact that the dreams and aspirations of little nations
must be respected and supported even if they cramp the
style of a brother nation who in the world's eyes seemingly
wants only the best for its little brother. Another thing
is the fact that the Slovaks do not wish to be known as
Czechs or "Czechoslovaks". They are not a mere appendage
but a distinct entity. If politics is the art of the impossible,
then we cannot condemn the Slovaks for having achieved
that impossible dream in the years of 1939-1945.
Althought I am an American born of Slovak blood
only on my mother's side I have come to know and love
the aspirations of the Slovak people. As an American
I can appreciate freedom and justice and see the same
for my brothers in Slovakia. The story and traditions of
the Slovak people are among the most glorious in all of
history. No other nation has suffered so much nor been
more misunderstood and yet still possesses a fire of
determination for its freedom and self-determination.
Slovakia did emerge but unfortunately was stiffled, but
she will again someday rise up to stand among the free
and independent peoples of the earth as master of her
own household. Ibsen's words from his work "An Enemy
of the People, V" seem to be appropriate:
"The Strongest man in the world is he who stands
most alone ... "
1) F. Vnuk, "Slovakia's Six Eventful Months ( Oct. 1938- March 1939) ,"
Slovak Studies IV, Historica II, 1964, 14.
2) J . Lettrich, "The Declaration of Turciansky Sv. Martin," A Histor y
of Modern Slovakia, p. 288.
3) F . Vnuk, op. cit., p. 15.
4) G. L. Oddo, "To be Free of Budapest," Slov akia anji Its People,
(New York, 1960) , p. 174.
5) Ibid., p. 175.
6) IbH, p. 175-76
7) F . Vnuk, op. cit., p. 16.
8) P . P . Yurchak, "Masaryk," The Slovaks,(Whiting, Ind.,1946), pp. 206.
9) Vnuk, op. cit., p. 16.
10) I. Derer, The Unity of the Czechs and Slovaks, (Prague, 1938) p. 32.
11) G. L. Ojddo, "Czecho-Slovakia," Slovakia and Its People, (New York,
1960) , p. 205.
�SLOVAKIA
123
12) Ibid. , p. 205.
13 ) J . A. Mikus, "Czecho-Slovakia (1918-1939) " , Slovakia: A Political
history, Marquette Slavic Studies ed., (Milwaukee, 1963) , pp. 38-39.
14 ) Ibid., p. 39.
15 ) G. F. Kennan, "Report on Conditions in Slovakia," From Prague
After Muni ch, Princeton University Press ed. (Princeton, N. J .
1968) , p . 19.
16) F . Vnuk, op. cit., p. 17.
17 ) F . Vnuk, op. ci t ., p. 23.
18) Ibid., p . 23 .
19) F Vnuk, loc. cit.
20 ) J. A. Mikus, op. cit., p. 66.
21 ) Ibid, p. 67.
22 ) G. L. Oddo, op. cit ., p. 237.
23 ) J. A. Mikus, op. ci t ., p. 76.
24 ) J. A. Mikus, op . cit., pp. 86-87.
25 ) Ibid., p. 88.
26 ) I bid. , pp. 135-36.
27 ) J . A. Mikus, op. ci t ., pp. 108-09.
28 ) B. E. Schmitt, " The Road to Munich," Czechoslov akia, R. J . Kerner
ed., (Los Angeles, 1949), p. 438.
29 ) J . M. Kirschbaum, "Twenty years of Czech an/d Communist Rule in
Slovakia," Slov akia, XV, (1965) , p. 80.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Derer , Ivan, The Unity of the Czechs and Slovaks, Prague, The Orbis
Publishing Company, 1938.
Heymann, Frederick, G., Poland and Czechoslovakia, Englewood Cliffs,
New Jersey, Prentice-Hall Inc., 1966.
Kennan, George, F ., From Prague After Munich, Princeton, New Jersey,
Princeton University Press, 1968.
Kirschbaum, Joseph, M ., "Twenty Years of Ozech and Communist Rule
in Slovakia," Slovaki a, XV, ( 1965) , pp. 78-90.
Lettrich, Joseph, A. , A History of Modern Slovakia, New York, N . Y .,
Praeger Publishing, 1955.
Mikus, Joseph, A. , Slovakia a Political History: 1918-1950, Milwaukee,
Wisconsin, The Marquette University Press, 1963.
Oddo, Gilbert, L., Slovakia and Its People, New York, Robert Speller and
Sons, 1960.
Schmitt, Berna/dette, E ., Czechoslovakia, Los Angeles, Ca.Hfornia. University of California Press, 1949.
Vnuk, Francis, Slov ak Studies IV, Rome, Italy, Slovak Institute of SS.
Cyril and Methodius Press, 1964, pp. 7-164.
Yurchak, Peter, P., The Slovaks, Whiting, Indiana, The Rev. John J.
Lach Press, 1946.
( FIRST PRIZE AWARD)
�
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Vol. 21 (No. 44), 1971.
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SLOVAKIA
109
Winning Essays - Slovak League Scholarship Awards
The Emergence of the Slovak State
Daniel F. T a n z o n e
I.
Following the collapse of the Hapsburg monarchy
the small nations of Central Europe organized their own
national states. The Slovaks joined hands with their Czech
brothers and organized a common state: the Czecho-Slovak
Republic. On the part of the Slovaks it was a belated
re-appearance on the map of Europe after their ancestors
hll-ci made a short debut in the Moravian Empire of the
Ninth century.
The union with the Czechs was considered as the
most opportune alternative, the others being complete
independence which was beyond their will, or autonomy
within Hungary. It is interesting to note that large Slovak
emigrant organizations in the United States came to the
same conclusions, although there was no co-ordination
of action between the Slovaks in Slovakia and those in
the United States.
"During· the war of 1914-18 every action for the
unification of the Czechs and Slovaks into a common
state was considered by the Austro-Hungarian authorities
as treason, and consequently there were only a few sporadic
pronouncements on this theme." 1 "But the idea was being
entertained by the Czech and Slovak leaders at home,
while abroad an active group led by Thomas G. Masaryk
and Milan R. Stefanik and Benes worked with the Allies
for the establishment of Czecho-Slovakia." 2 Their hard
work, carried out with superhuman endurance and untiring stubborness against many odds, was crowned with
splendid success.
On October 30, 1918 in Turciansky Svaty Martin the
Slovak representatives claiming "the absolute right to selfdetermination" declared for unity with the Czechs (at a
110
SLOVAKIA
meeting which bore all the marks of haste and excitement).
The declaration called not only for political but also for
linguistic and cultural unity and marked the beginning
of a new epoch in Slovak history. From living under the
Magyars, the Slovaks started a new life with the Czechs.3
To go back for_a minute to look at the situation in
America the historic month of May, 1918, saw events both
at home and abroad moving inexorably toward the formation of a new Czecho-Slovak Republic. May saw Masaryk
in Pittsburgh meeting with American Czech and Slovak
leaders, explaining just how Czecho-Slovakia would be
administered and precisely what the status of Slovakia
would be within the new state. He assured Slovaks that
Slovakia would be autonomous, would have its own
schools, its own language, its own local administration,
its own courts, its own legislative assembly and to further
appease Slovak sensibilities he drafted a document
which has since been hotly debated. It is known in history
as the Pittsburgh Pact. Because Masaryk had written the
draft in pencil Albert Mamatey, the President of the Slovak
League of America had calligraphed and later took it to
Washington where Masaryk (his government now officially
recognized by the Wilson Administration), already temporary president of Czecho-Slovakia, signed the calligraphed copy on November 14 just before his departure
for Europe. 4
The agreement was necessary to assure the American
Slovaks of the position of Slovakia in the Czecho-Slovak
Republic. The American Czechs and Slovaks under the
leadership of the Rev. Joseph Murgas, pastor of Sacred
Heart Slovak Roman Catholic Church in Wilkes-Barre,
Pennsylvania, launched a drive to raise funds for the
cause of Czech and Slovak liberation. The drive netted
the sum of well over $800,000.00 and it was sent to
Masaryk, Benes, the former's daughter Alice, the National
Council's offices in Paris, Russia, and the United States. 5
The agreement proclaimed that Slovaks and Czechs
would form one state but that Slovakia would be completely autonomous, and that Czechs would not meddle
in the domestic affairs of Slovakia. The Pittsburgh Pact
is as follows:
SLOVAKIA
111
THE PITISBURGH PACT
May 30, 1918
The representatives of the Slovak and Czech organizations in
the United States-The Slovak League of America, the Czech
National Alliance, and the Union of Czech Catholics-have
!deliberated, in the presence of the Chairman of rthe Czecho-Slovak
National Council, Professor Masaryk, on the C2iecho-Slovak question
and on our previous program manifestations, and have resolved
as follows:
We favor a political program whose purpose it shall be to
unite the Czechs and the Slovaks into an autonomous state comprising the Czech lands and Slovakia.
Slovakia shall have her own administration, heT own assembly
and her own courts.
The Slovak language shall be the official language in the
schools in public offices, and in public life in general.
The Czecho Slovak State shall be a republic ; its constitution
shall be democratic.
The cooperation of the Czechs and the Slovaks in the United
States shall be intensified and regulated by mutual consent, accord•
ing to need and changing situations.
Detailed provisions relating to the organization of the CzechoSlov,ak state shall be left to the liberated Czechs and Slovaks anci
their legal representatives.
0
Signators
Slovak Representatives: A. Mamatey, I. Bielek, J. Jancek,
M. Gazdik, M. Getting, J . Pankuch, G. H. Mika, M. Bosak,
I. Gessay, Rev. John Kubasek, A. Schustek, Rev. L. J .
Karlovsky, Rev. Paul J . Siska, J. A. Feriencik, I. Daxner.
Czech Representatives: T. G. Masaryk, K. Pergler, H. Dostal,
Dr. L. Fischer, Rev. Oldrich Zla.mal, B. Simek, V. Benes,
J. Zmrhal, Rev. I. Restl, J. Straka, J. Martinek, Dr. G. V.
Pecival6
II.
The transition was loaded with difficulties optimistically minimized or overlooked (in the initial enthusiasm)
but which started to transpire as the honeymoon was
wearing thin. The Slovaks ( and the Czechs, too) found
very soon that they were much further apart than two
branches of one nation ought to be or are supposed to be.
Apart from an undeniable linguistic similarity there was
little else these two nations had in common. In 1918 the
Czechs were more progressive in their views, more aggressive in their action and more western in their political
outlook than the Slovaks. At the same time the Slovaks
112
SLOVAKIA
were practically without "intelligentsia", emerging from
a battle for survival which they had very nearly lost and
their general attitude was more conservative than revolutionary; in a word, they were badly equipped for the stormy
days ahead. They depended greatly on Czech help. From
1919 under the pretext of helping Slovakia the Czechs
were sending into Slovakia hundreds upon hundreds of
teachers, officials and technicians; some of these did
creditable work and rendered valuable services, others
less so. Many of the new Czech arrivals commited a great
number of unnecessary blunders which discredited their
often well-meant help. Their ignorance of Slovak psy-•
chology made their approach to their Slovak brothers
awkward and sometimes even insulting. 7
When Masaryk entered upon the work of liberating
the Czechs he did so with a singular talent and thoroughness. No other man could have possibly done better. The
Czechs came to revere him as the personification of Czech
genius expressed in an essentially rationalist philosophy.
His outlook became fundamentally Czech. He came to be
an admirer of John Hus. Educated in German schools,
he was thus well equipped to cope with the German
mentality. He became less a Slovak and more a stranger
to the Slovak outlook and Slovak mentality. The Slovak
has a deep respect for tradition: he is conservative, and
does not change his opinions overnight with each new
bit of information or of knowledge he may acquire. The
Czech has less respect for tradition, indeed, challenges it,
and is essentially opportunistic rather than conservative. 8
The first post-war weeks witnessed a sudden revival
of anti-Catholic and Hussite traditions in Bohemia. The
Czechs saw in the Catholic Church a Hapsburg ally and
wanted the Slovaks to see in her an instrument of
Magyarization. They tried to transplant their excesses into
Slovakia but with no success. For most Slovaks the Catholic
Church was an object of awe and respect and any attack
on it, secret or open, horrified them, even made them
nostalgic for those days when the Church was sacrosanct.
The British minister in Prague summed up the principal
errors of the Czech administration in Slovakia in his
report of November 6, 1919 as follows:
SLOVAKIA
113
1. Hostility to the Roman Catholic Church is evidenced by
Czech soldiers and offidals and includes the desecration and
mutilation of crucifixes and holy images, interruption of marriages,
and similar offenses against the principles of culture and decency.
2. The Country has been flooded with Czech officials and
Slovaks dismissed, or, if employed, they receive from one half
to two-thirds less pay than the Czechs.
3. Corruption exists in public offices.
4. Attempts are being made to substitute the Czech for the
Slovak language.9
The British representative not only pointed out these
errors but strove for their rectification. With the approval
of his government he advocated with both Masaryk and
Benes more moderate courses and a more reasonable
approach to the Slovak problem.
One of the most important laws passed by the Czechoslovak Republic (hyphen was dropped) which antagonized
the Slovaks was the Language Act (No. 122 of the year
1920). It provided that the state official language of CzechoSlovakia was the "Czechoslovak" language in which (with
the exception of the provisions made for the use of the
languages of the minorities, namely German and Hungarian) the proceedings of all courts, organs, institutions
and enterprises of the state were to conducted. 10
The last paragraph of the Pittsburgh Agreement notes
that the "detailed regulations, concerning the ·establishment
of the Czecho-Slovak state, are left to the liberated Czechs
and Slovaks and their legal representatives." Only one
recognized authority existed in the years 1918-20: the
Provisional Constituent Assembly of Czecho-Slovakia. 11
Meanwhile, on December 12, 1918, Vavro ~robar was
sent to Slovakia with "full powers" from the central
government and placed at the head of a semi-autonomous
administration named by Prague. Soon Czech generals.
Czecho-Slovak legionnaires, and tens of thousands of
Czech officials would follow him. Thus, ~robar, who had
already turned against his former benefactor, Monsignor
Andrew Hlinka, P.A., and had renounced his Catholic
Faith, could and did in time impose a "Czech peace" upon
a people who had illusions of cultural autonomy after
centuries of oppression from Budapest.12
As Slovakia represented 23 percent of the Republic's
population, it would have seemed logical-as the com-
114
SLOVAKIA
petitive system was not generally used-to reserve for
Slovaks 23 per cent of the positions in the central administration. Now the statistics for the Slovak civil servants
during the twentieth and last year of the Czecho-Slovak
Republic show the following:
Slovaks Civil Servants
The Parliament of Prague ....... .
Service to the Chief of State ..... .
Presidency of the Council .. . .... .
Ministries:
Foreign Affairs . ... ........ . .. .
Interior ..... ..... ............ .
Justice ... ..... . .. . ....... . . .. .
Unification ..... .. .. . ... . ..... .
National Defense ............. .
Generals ......... .... ........ .
Industry: Civil Servants ......... .
Agriculture ................. ... . .
Post Offices . .... ............... .
Communications .... ........... .
Public Works ......... . ........ .
Commerce ....... .. . . . ... . .... . .
Social Welfare ..... . .. . ......... .
Public Health .... . .. ... . . ... ... .
Finance ....... . .. .............. .
1 out of 224
96
3
153
9
33
2
12
6
6
1
4
11
7
9
4
1
4
6
12
1,246
386
143
51
1,300
139
417
391
305
1,006
82
322
397
182
630 13
Of the 318,981,000 Crowns representing the sum total
of the salaries paid annually to the civil servants of the
Republic, the Slovaks received only 3,614,000, that is 1,1
per cent. If the 23 per cent proportion had been respected ,
the Slovak civil servants would have received 73,000,000
Crowns annually .14
Considering the fact that there were few Slovak
intellectuals in 1918, after twenty years, the picture remained the same as regards the position of the Slovaks
in the Republic. According to the Czechs, the Slovak
constitutional demands have gone so far and been pressed
so ruthlessly that it is not facetious to say that in CzechoSlovakia everyone now has autonomy except the Czechs.
The Czechs dismissed the Slovak behavior outwardly as
the pranks of a headstrong child who has been given a new
toy.15
SLOVAKIA
115
All these problems led to the development of the
autonomist movement led by Monsignor Andrew Hlinka.
After the 1925 election his party, known as the Slovak
People's Party, emerges as the strongest party in Slovakia
(among twenty odd parties contesting the election) scoring
34 % of the total votes (489,111 out of 1,425,595) .16
In such an atmosphere the situation was ripening for
a show-down. The young generation was predominantly
autonomist and radical. Educated by Czech teachers it
knew how to fight the Czechs with their own weapons.
The nationalism of the Twenties with all its immature
self-expression was coming of age. Its claims were now
more demanding and better substantiated. There was no
other way of satisfying them except by granting them.
The difficult period when Slovakia had practically no
nationally conscious intelligentsia, no administrative experience and no definite political aims, was now over.
Even reasonable Czechs were aware of the fact that the
Slovaks did not need tutelage in everything and were
willing to grant gradually some sort of autonomy. In fact
there was more opposition to the part of centralist Slovaks
than on the part of the Czechs themselves.
III.
The Slovak problem re-emerged in all its magnitude
in 1938. Up to that year it was relatively unknown outside
Czecho-Slovakia, very few foreigners being aware even
of its existence. The Czech-German dispute had made it
a second-rate affair and being an internal one it had
captured little attention abroad. But in September 1938
its presence and importance were stressed by both Hitler
and Mussolini. Hitler in his speech of September 26 at
the Sportpalast said that the Czechs and the Slovaks were
separate nations and "the Slovaks did not want to have
anything to do with the Czechs." 17 Mussolini in his open
letter to Runciman pointed out that "there is not only
a Sudeten-German problem, there is also a Hungarian, a
Polish and a Slovak problem." 18 The tragi-comic element
of their focusing attention on this problem lies in the fact
that they were actually repeating, practically word for
word, what had been said or written at least 20 years
116
SLOVAKIA
before by Msgr. Hlinka in September, 1919 demanding an
autonomous status for Slovakia in Paris. 19
By the Munich Agreement of the European Big Four
Slovakia was condemned to transfer to Hungary the
southern zone settled by Magyars. Faced with the threat
of mutilation, the country reacted healthily in knitting
the national unity more closely together. The numerous
parties of the former system resulting from Prague's
policy of "divide et impera" were spontaneously abandoned
by their leaders and replaced by a gathering together of
all Slovaks of good will. The amputation decided in Vienna
was painful but not fatal for the country.20
On October 6, 1938, under international pressure,
Prague had to make up its mind to take care of the Slovak
problem. On September 22, 1938, in the course of the
crisis brought on by the German question Mr. Benes,
after many postponements and three modifications, finally
had the text of a plan of solution put into the hands
of Monsignor Joseph Tiso, Vice-President of the Populist
party in Bratislava.21
General John Syrovy, who headed the Prague Government in Prague after Munich, nominated the First autonomous government of Slovakia. Monsignor Joseph Tiso
was appointed Prime Minister. Tiso's government was
empowered with full control over all matters affecting
Slovak territory with the exception of foreign affairs,
national finance, and national defense, which remained
matters of common juristiction with Prague. Tiso's cabinet
consisted of four ministers-Matth ew Cernak, Education;
Ferdinand Durcansky, Justice; Paul Teplansky, Agriculture;
John Lichner, trade and Public Works, Railroads and Post.
Durcansky was a member of the Hlinka's People's Party,
Cernak was an independent autonomist, while Teplansky
and Lichner were members of the Czecho-Slovak Agrarian
Party.22
Monsignor Tiso announced that Slovakia would be
a part of a Federated Czecho-Slovak Republic. The hyphen
was again incorporated in the title to emphasize the
component parts that make up the state.
After the victory of Munich, Germany was no less
determined than before to liquidate Czecho-Slovakia. Hun-
SLOVAKIA
117
gary made demands upon territory in Slovakia which
contained a heavy Hungarian population. Before March
13, 1939, Berlin was faced with the following alternative
in regard to the Slovak question: either Slovakia would
declare its independence and become Germany's ally, or
else it would refuse--an act which would be one reason
for the Reich's leaving Hungary's hands free to reconquer
the former territory of the crown of St. Stephen. Hitler
never ceased plotting in Budapest. As early as February,
1939, Dr. Edmund Wesenmayer, who was later to become
Minister Plenipotentiary of the Third Reich in Budapest,
informed Slovak politicians that Hungary was considering
March 15 to attack Slovak territory. He did not forget
to add that only the Declaration of Independence could
ward off Hungarian intervention.23
In March, inspite of strong autonomist tendencies, .
the Czech preponderance in Slovakia was still considerable.
The effects of twenty years just could not be undone in
several months. Mostly because of lack of qualified personnel, the officers' corps in the army units stationed in
Slovakia, police and gendarmerie and higher officials in the
administrative service were still largely Czech. Industry
ran mostly on Czech capital and Slovak economy was
closely linked to the economy of the Czech lands . These
facts were realized by Tiso and it caused him to be very
cautious in his actions against the Czech lands. Independence at this angle spelled great economic danger and
administrative chaos in Slovakia.
Monsignor Tiso went to see Hitler and discuss the
Slovak situation. Hitler definitely had no interest in anything east of the Carpathian mountains. It was indifferent
to him what happened there. Hitler stated that if Slovakia
wanted independence he would support this endeavor and
even guarantee it. Hitler wanted Tiso to declare Slovakia's
independence on the Berlin Radio, but he refused this
because he did not have the right to decide Slovakia's fate.
It was up to the Parliament in Bratislava to decide
Slovakia's fate. Tiso called President Ha.cha, the president
of Czecho-Slovakia to call the Slovak deputies together
for the meeting of the parliament.
After an exposition by Tiso behind closed doors the
118
SLOVAKIA
fifty-seven deputies from the Slovak Parliament voted
unanimously for independence. Three quarters of an hour
later the same parliament voted the following law:
Article 1. The Slovak land kleclared itself an independent State.
The Diet of the Slovak land is transformed into a parliament of
the Slovak State.
Article 2. Until the adoption of the Constitution of the Slovak
State, the executive power is entrusted to the government named
by the Presidency of the Parliament.
Article 3. All the laws, decrees and dispositions valid up to the
present continue in force with the changes resulting from the fact
of the existence of the i~dependent Slovak State.
Article 4. By means of decrees, the government is instructed to
take all measures necessary for the maintenance of order and the
protection of the interests of the Slovak State.
Article 5. This law goes into effect this very day and it devolves
upon the government to enforce it.
Bratislava, Slovakia, March 14, 1939
The new government comprised the Prime Minister,
Msgr. Dr. Joseph Tiso; Vice-Premier, Dr. Vojtech Tuka;
Foreign Affairs, Dr. Ferdinand t>urcansky; Interior, Karol
Sidor; National Defense, Lieutenant-Colonel Ferdinand
Catlos; Public Education, Joseph Sivak; Economy, Dr.
Gejza Medricky; Finance, Dr. Mikulas Pruzinsky; Communications and Public Works, Julius Stano; Justice, Dr.
Gejza Fritz.25
Slovakia became Germany's ally rather than her victim
as in the Czech lands, but German policy wanted to prove
how happy even a small Slavic nation could be in Hitler's
new order. Slovakia was recognized, and many Czech
historians neglect to admit, by many countries both 'de
facto' and 'de jure'. She was recognized by Poland, Hungary,
and Germany in March of 1939, Italy, Switzerland, and
Spain in April, and on May by Great Britain by a 'de facto'
recognition. Before the outbreak of the war she was
recognized by Vatican, Yugoslavia, Rumania, Sweden,
Japan, Liberia, Equador, Costa Rica, both 'de facto' and
'de jure'. In addition she received recognition 'de facto'
from France and Belgium. On September 17, 1939 the
Soviet Union recognized Slovakia both 'de facto' and 'de
jure'.
After the declaration of independence on March 14,
SLOVAKIA
119
1939, Slovakia, for the time in over one thousand years
she took her place among the nations of the earth. She
no longer had stringis attached to Budapest or Prague.
The Slovak government first wanted to solve the problem
of a heavy Czech labor force in intellectual areas of
thought. "On October 1, 1938 the number of teachers in
Slovakia was 345 Slovaks and 523 Czechs. This figure
completely reversed by 1940 when there were 680 Slovak
teachers as opposed to 73 Czech teachers." 27 Slovakia
did have many problems in her economy which were
heavily exploited by German interference.
The very fact that in 1939 a separate Slovak state
could somehow exist where it would have been an impossibility twenty years earlier shown that the Slovaks
had not only been able students but had also had able
teachers in the Czechs. But there were still those who
would show arrogance and lack of undestanding for Slovak
pride and spoil the atmosphere. Although some authors
like Schmitt feel that the "independent Slovakia and the
Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia became, for all
practical purpose, parts of the Reich." 28 Yet some authors
seem to negate the fact that there was a declaration of
independence by the Slovak Parliament which represented
the Slovak people and only the Slovak people. Another
fact which is paramount in a nation's right to life is the
fact of recognition by other nations. It must be emphasized
that Slovakia was recognized by nations in both camps,
Allied and German.
IV.
The way in which Slovakia disappeared from the face
of Europe and became again a part of the Czecho-Slovak
Republic offers experts of international law and political
science an interesting subject for study and investigation.
Considering the fact that Slovakia was recognized by 27
states, of which two thirds were on the side of the Allies,
the Slovak Republic became a member of the international
community and subject to the codes of international law.
We must consider the fact that Slovakia like Hungary,
Finland, Bulgaria and Rumania were defeated states but
they were never incorporated into any other states. Accordin~ to the Atlantic Charter Slovakia should have been
120
SLOVAKIA
treated as an existing state under military occupation and
remain such until the Peace treaties were signed.
Indeed the Allies favored the Czech exiles and decided
not to apply the right of self-determination and the
principles of the Atlantic Charter to the Slovak people.
This seems very strange because of the fact that when
a state is recognized it cannot be desolved with the impression that it never had existed. "On May 8, 1945 the
Slovak Government signed a document of 'protection' or
'surrender' to the Allied High Command."29 Considering
the fact that Slovakia never declared war against the
Western Allies-Great Britain, France, or the United States.
The attempts to save Slovakia as an independent state
failed and her right to self-government disappeared. Never
consulting the Slovak people, she was again a part of the
Czecho-Slovak Republic. All signs of autonomy as evidenced
before the war disappeared within the Czecho-Slovak
Republic. Slovakia again became a mere appendage of
the term "Czechoslovak." Slovaks could no longer speak
for Slovaks but had to look to the Czechs in Prague.
V.
In conclusion the road to Slovakia's independence led
through stormy days of the post-Munich period and the
time of her independence on the European scene was not
very propitious. But we must remember that there are
some things in life in which we have no say in. It is highly
unlikely that Slovakia would have survived if she had
appeared after World War I due to the fact that she
lacked a substantial intellectual class. The fact remains
that fifty years before she possessed a larger intelligentsia
than in 1918. The one thousand year sentence of subjugation
under Magyarization had almost destroyed the Slovaks
and their civilization.
The Slovaks owe much to the Czechs, for without
them they would not have been able twenty years later
to possess an intelligentsia which had multiplied in size
and improved in . depth and competence and stand on
their own feet in March of 1939. The Czecho-Slovak
Republic might have worked if it was bilateral and not
unilateral as it was. The Czechs neglected to realize the
SLOVAKIA
121
fact that children do mature and no longer need to be
tied to their mother's apron strings.
It was tragic that the United States' indolence resulted
in Slovakia again being incorporated into the Czecho-Slovak
Republic against the will of majority of her people. It was
astrous that the United States favored the Czech Benes
over the Slovak Tiso in deciding the fate of the Slovak
people.
The Slovakia that did emerge on March 14, 1939 was
not the archetype that I would have envisioned, for there
were many things wrong, among them heavy dependence
on Germany. It is both simple and sweet to assert that
Adolph Hitler imposed independence on Slovakia but
these allegations are not factual. The circumstances surrounding Slovakia's birth are far more complex. The
Slovaks, unable to escape Central European events, reconciled themselves to the geographical and political
conditions of 1939, as they thought best. Independence
was not rejected, it was hailed, true some more eagerly
than others.
Slovakia was a failure in one respect in that it could
not avert the persecution of its Jewish population, of
whom about a fourth survived the six years of Slovakia's
existence. The Catholic bishops however, under the leadership of Archbishop Karol Kmet'ko, of Nitra, were as
outspoken in their criticism of anti-Jewish legislation and
courageous in their defense of human dignity as was
s:inybody in Hitler's Europe.
We can all appreciate the fact that no nation on earth
desires tyranny over freedom, and even some who have
a different view regarding the Slovak Republic and her
war-time regime. No man on earth has the right to condemn the Slovaks to be an appendage to any other nation
nor to be a colony of any other nation no matter how
ethnically or linguistically they are related. The Slovak
does not want any Czech to use his debasive form of
rhetoric in international spheres of interest on behalf of
his culture, language and history but rather feels quite
proficient enough to do this for himself. The Slovak
nation has a God-given right to live a free and independent
life according to its tr,aditions.
122
SLOVAKIA
One very important thing the world has to learn is
the fact that the dreams and aspirations of little nations
must be respected and supported even if they cramp the
style of a brother nation who in the world's eyes seemingly
wants only the best for its little brother. Another thing
is the fact that the Slovaks do not wish to be known as
Czechs or "Czechoslovaks". They are not a mere appendage
but a distinct entity. If politics is the art of the impossible,
then we cannot condemn the Slovaks for having achieved
that impossible dream in the years of 1939-1945.
Althought I am an American born of Slovak blood
only on my mother's side I have come to know and love
the aspirations of the Slovak people. As an American
I can appreciate freedom and justice and see the same
for my brothers in Slovakia. The story and traditions of
the Slovak people are among the most glorious in all of
history. No other nation has suffered so much nor been
more misunderstood and yet still possesses a fire of
determination for its freedom and self-determination.
Slovakia did emerge but unfortunately was stiffled, but
she will again someday rise up to stand among the free
and independent peoples of the earth as master of her
own household. Ibsen's words from his work "An Enemy
of the People, V" seem to be appropriate:
"The Strongest man in the world is he who stands
most alone ... "
1) F. Vnuk, "Slovakia's Six Eventful Months ( Oct. 1938- March 1939) ,"
Slovak Studies IV, Historica II, 1964, 14.
2) J . Lettrich, "The Declaration of Turciansky Sv. Martin," A Histor y
of Modern Slovakia, p. 288.
3) F . Vnuk, op. cit., p. 15.
4) G. L. Oddo, "To be Free of Budapest," Slov akia anji Its People,
(New York, 1960) , p. 174.
5) Ibid., p. 175.
6) IbH, p. 175-76
7) F . Vnuk, op. cit., p. 16.
8) P . P . Yurchak, "Masaryk," The Slovaks,(Whiting, Ind.,1946), pp. 206.
9) Vnuk, op. cit., p. 16.
10) I. Derer, The Unity of the Czechs and Slovaks, (Prague, 1938) p. 32.
11) G. L. Ojddo, "Czecho-Slovakia," Slovakia and Its People, (New York,
1960) , p. 205.
SLOVAKIA
123
12) Ibid. , p. 205.
13 ) J . A. Mikus, "Czecho-Slovakia (1918-1939) " , Slovakia: A Political
history, Marquette Slavic Studies ed., (Milwaukee, 1963) , pp. 38-39.
14 ) Ibid., p. 39.
15 ) G. F. Kennan, "Report on Conditions in Slovakia," From Prague
After Muni ch, Princeton University Press ed. (Princeton, N. J .
1968) , p . 19.
16) F . Vnuk, op. cit., p. 17.
17 ) F . Vnuk, op. ci t ., p. 23.
18) Ibid., p . 23 .
19) F Vnuk, loc. cit.
20 ) J. A. Mikus, op. cit., p. 66.
21 ) Ibid, p. 67.
22 ) G. L. Oddo, op. cit ., p. 237.
23 ) J. A. Mikus, op. ci t ., p. 76.
24 ) J. A. Mikus, op . cit., pp. 86-87.
25 ) Ibid., p. 88.
26 ) I bid. , pp. 135-36.
27 ) J . A. Mikus, op. ci t ., pp. 108-09.
28 ) B. E. Schmitt, " The Road to Munich," Czechoslov akia, R. J . Kerner
ed., (Los Angeles, 1949), p. 438.
29 ) J . M. Kirschbaum, "Twenty years of Czech an/d Communist Rule in
Slovakia," Slov akia, XV, (1965) , p. 80.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Derer , Ivan, The Unity of the Czechs and Slovaks, Prague, The Orbis
Publishing Company, 1938.
Heymann, Frederick, G., Poland and Czechoslovakia, Englewood Cliffs,
New Jersey, Prentice-Hall Inc., 1966.
Kennan, George, F ., From Prague After Munich, Princeton, New Jersey,
Princeton University Press, 1968.
Kirschbaum, Joseph, M ., "Twenty Years of Ozech and Communist Rule
in Slovakia," Slovaki a, XV, ( 1965) , pp. 78-90.
Lettrich, Joseph, A. , A History of Modern Slovakia, New York, N . Y .,
Praeger Publishing, 1955.
Mikus, Joseph, A. , Slovakia a Political History: 1918-1950, Milwaukee,
Wisconsin, The Marquette University Press, 1963.
Oddo, Gilbert, L., Slovakia and Its People, New York, Robert Speller and
Sons, 1960.
Schmitt, Berna/dette, E ., Czechoslovakia, Los Angeles, Ca.Hfornia. University of California Press, 1949.
Vnuk, Francis, Slov ak Studies IV, Rome, Italy, Slovak Institute of SS.
Cyril and Methodius Press, 1964, pp. 7-164.
Yurchak, Peter, P., The Slovaks, Whiting, Indiana, The Rev. John J.
Lach Press, 1946.
( FIRST PRIZE AWARD)
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Title
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The Emergence of the Slovak State
Description
An account of the resource
Daniel F. Tanzone
Slovakia, Vol. 21 (No. 44), 1971
pp. 109-123
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Tanzone, Daniel F.
Date
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1971
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Text
124
SLOVAKIA
General Milan Rastislav Stefanik and
the Moven1ent for Czecho-Slovak
Independence
Mary Ann Kadera
It soon became apparent to Thomas G. Masaryk and
the group of exiles around him; namely, Edward Benes,
Antonin Svehla, and the Doctors Hajn, Scheiner, Herban
and samal1 that in order to induce the allies to agree to
the partition of the Dual Monarchy, the people who would
be free after the partition had to make a tangible contribution to the allied war efforts. "To this end the National
Czecho-Slovak Committee was established with Masaryk
as head, Edward Benes, Masaryk's right-hand man, as
secretary and the great Slovak, General Milan Stefanik
as vice president." 2 Since Stefanik was the only one of
the three who had had any military experience (he had
served with distinction in the French Air Force) the task
of providing a Czecho-Slovak division to fight with the
allied armies was given to him.
The son of a Protestant minister, Stefanik, who was
born in the Slovak village of Kosariska in 1880, had
achieved a brilliant career as a mathematician and an
astronomer of world wide stature. After completing his
studies of science, law and medicine at the University of
Prague, he went to Paris in 19043 where he became
Secretary to the Astronomical Observ:atory. As a result he
was sent on scientific and astronomical missions to various
parts of the world such as Mont Blanc, Spain, Oxford,
Turkestan, Algiers, South America and Tahiti. 4
Using his influence in the Frenoh social circle, Stefanik
began to acquaint those in influence of Magyar tyranny
and to gain their sympathy for the suffering Slovak nation.
As soon as Austria declared war on Serbs, Stefanik
left Marocco where he had been engaged in astronomical
observation and returned to France and enlisted as a
private in the French army. (Stefanik was also a citizen
�SLOVAKIA
125
of France). After first fighting on the Western front,
Stefanik was tranferred to the French Air Force in January
and in July 1915 took part in the battles on the Aisne
and near Ypres. 5 Afterwards he was sent as an airman
to Serbia. Having no contact with Masaryk or his plans
as yet, Stefanik already thought of organizing a separate
corps of Slovaks who had fought against their convictions
on the side of Austria-Hungary and who had been captured
by the Allies. Due to the Serbian retreat he was forced
to abandon this plan.
Toward the end of November, Stefanik arrived in
Rome on a special torpedo boat from Vallona. While in
Rome his fame as a member of the French Academy led
to his acquaintance with the French Ambassador, Monsieur
Barrere and Sonnino, the Italian Foreign Minister.
Upon returning to Paris, Stefanik became associated
with Masaryk and Benes. Thus the nucleus of the CzechoSlovak Legion was organized in France.
It was Stefanik who held the link to the important
government officials who would one day decide the fate
of Austria-Hungary and with it Czecho-Slovakia.
Stefanik travelled to Italy where he used his influence
to spread the cause of establishing an independent state
for the Czechs and the Slovaks after the defeat of AustriaHungary. In July and August of 19166 he visited Russia
where he conferred with all military authorities and even
with the Tsar who sent, through Stefanik, greetings to
Masaryk and approval of his policy.
From Russia Stefanik went to the Rumanian front
where he organized many volunteer Slovak prisoners for
military service in France which arrived in the summer
of 1917. He returned to Russia in January 1917 and then
proceeded to Paris. While in Paris, he kept in touch with
the Southern Slavic states and Italy. Then, he continued
to Rome. 7
Of Stefanik and his journey, Thomas G. Masaryk, in
his book, The Making of a State, comments:
His methods were those of an apostle rather than of <1
diplomat and soldier. In Paris, where he had gradually made
a ckcle of friends and admirers, he smoothed the way for me and
for Dr. Benes in many an influential quarter and he did tqe same
in Rome. When I Ulink of him I always remember the picture ()f
�126
SLOVAKIA
our little Slovak tinkers who wander throughout the world; but
this Slovak wandered through all the Allied fronts, through all
Government Departments, political drawing-rooms and Courts.
From him Marshall Foch heard for the first time about us and
our work against Austria.a
"But perhaps stefanik's most important contribution
to the future of his people was the visit he made to the
United States in 1917." 9 In the United States, American
Slovaks and Czechs were promoting the cause of Czechoslovakia. It was Stefanik who was largely responsible
for the combining of the two efforts ( one here and the
other in Paris) toward the common goal both were seeking.
Although the American Slovaks wanted a Slovakia free
of Magyar rule, they distrusted the idea of uniting with
the Czechs who were numerically superior. Before they
would accept this union, they had to be guaranteeed that
Slovakia would be a political and cultural autonomy in
the proposed new state. For this reason representatives
of the Czech National Alliance and the Slovak League met
and signed the Cleveland Agreement.
In the Agreement three main points were emphasized:
1) The new state would be a federal republic consisting
of both Czech lands (Moravia, Bohemia and Silesia) and
Slovakia. 2) Slovakia would be nationally autonomous, it
would have its own administration, schools and cultural
development and also the use of the Slovak language
within its borders. 3) Voting suffrage in Czecho-Slovakia
would be secret, universal and direct. 10
But despite the good will which was created by the
Cleveland Agreement, Slovak fears of "Czechism" still
persisted. There was good reason for this fear. In 1916
Czech spokesmen began to use the term "Czechia" to
describe the Council's objectives, the Council's publication,
"Samostatnost," talked unceasingly of the Czech army, the
Czech language and the Czech culture, leaving no doubt
that for them the new state was to be dominated by the
Czechs. Even Masaryk stated in an official communique
to London that "The Slovaks are Czechs." In so doing,
he not only ignored a thousand years of history but also
brought the full weight of Slovak wrath upon him.
In his reply to Masaryk, Vladimir Hurban wrote to
Masaryk in 1917:
�SLOVAKIA
127
There is not a single Slovak in all Slovakia who would call
himself a Czech. Slovaks regard themselves as an ethnically distinct
nation, as such we have lived and suffered. As Slovaks we hope
to see dawn of liberty fur our land; we wish to unite with Czechs
in one political state, but onl.y if our national and cultural autonomy
will be safeguarded.11
In order to counteract the Pan-Czech attitude and
to have the Cleveland Agreement gain wider acceptance
in Europe, the Slovak League of America sent Gustav Kosik,
editor of the Catholic Sokol and Dr. Stephen Osusky,
a lawyer and a Protestant minister, as its representative
to the National Council.
During this time the recruitment of the Czech-Slovak
foreign legion was going wery slowly. For this reason
Edward Benes requested the French government to entrust
Stefanik with the mission of organizing volunteers among
the American Czechs and Slovaks for the army in France
with the approval of the United States government. Permission was granted while Stefanik was still in Russia.
Stefanik postponed this trip to the United States in order
to complete his work in Rumania where he gained one
thousand 12 prisoners for the Czecho-Slovak army.
Before stefanik's departure 1 the French government
had already sent a special political commission headed
by Franklin Bouillon to gain the permission of the United
States government for this task.
Upon arriving in America in June 191713 Stefanik
through the French ambassador, Jusserand, immediately
contacted the government officials in Washington. After
a conference with the then Secretary of State, Lansing,
in which Jusserand stressed the loyalty of the Czechs
and Slovaks to the United States of America, permission
was granted to all Czechs and Slovaks not subject to
military duty in the American army to join the CzechoSlovak Legion in France. Besides the recruitment, Stefanik
· also had to see to the financial and travelling arrangements.
While in the United States, Stefanik contacted American journalists and wrote several articles on the cause
for the newpapers. He aroused both the interest of F. H.
Allen of the "World" and of Gordon Smith, ("The New
Republic,") and his articles soon appeared in their
magazines.
�128
SLOVAKIA
Theodore Roosevelt, Lansing Frank and A. Polk Oater
the head of the American delegation at the Peace Conference
at Versailles) were other influential people with whom
Stefanik caxne in close contact. 14
It has been conceded by most historians that Stefanik
achieved his greatest success in the United States by
securing the cooperation of both parties ( the Czechs and
the Slovaks) in the Czecho-Slovak movement.
stefanik was a true Slovak patriot. "While dealing
with him the American Slovaks could be sure of an
integrity and a sincere awareness of Slovak affairs they
often found missing in Czech leaders." 15 For this reason,
Stefanik was able to dispel the skepticism with which the
Slovaks had greeted any and all manifestations of centralist
Pan-Czechism.
The first important meeting between Stefanik and the
Czechs and the Slovaks was held on July 1, 191 7 at the
Congress Hall Hotel in Washington. Dr. Fisher, President
of the Czech National Society; Albert Mamatey, President
of the Slovak League; Emil Voslm; Ivan Daxner; Charles
Pergler; Dr. Hrdlicka; Ivan Bielek; and, Ferdinand Pisecky
were some of the important men who attended. "Stefanik
reported on conditions in Russia but the main object of
the meeting was to arrange the military organization and
the cooperation of the Czechs and Slovaks. At this meeting
Daxner raised the Czecho-Slovak question and against his
so-called 'autonomistic attitude,' Stefanik emphasized the
necessity of forming a politically inseparable state and not
an ethnographically inseparable one." 16 (Whether Stefanik
envisioned a separate Slovak assembly in Bratislava to
handle Slovak affairs is not clear.)
Charles Pergler who also attended the meeting has
asserted:
" Naturally, the representatives of the Slovak organizations of
the future Czechoslovak state often came to Stefanik. Stefanik
always insisted that it was the concern of the nation at home, that
it alone must decide concerning its future organization, in short,
that it is impossible to dictate from beyond the borders of the
country and that every such attempt would be futile. Whenever
the question of Slovak autonomy arose, he !decidedly pointed out,
that no guarantees could be demanded from th<>se living outside of
the new state. " 11
�SLOVAKIA
129
However, it is impossible to deny the fact that
Stefanik, although he gave no written promise, did reach
an agreement with the American Slovaks and succeeded
in gaining their cooperation with the American Czechs
without the Slovaks relinquishing their principles.
Stefanik in a ringing declaration on September 16
at the Carnegie Hall mass meeting told several thousand
compatriots that "Our fight against Austria-Hungary can
end only when both our fraternal nations, the Czechs and
the Slovaks, are united in an independent State free of
Magyar-German domination." 18 It was at this meeting
also that Franklin Bouillon made the first public statement
by an influential allied statesman officially calling for the
dismemberment of Austria-Hungary.
At a meeting held in New York on September 20,
Stefanik was able to dispel the fears of the Slovak Catholic
clergymen-that Slovak Catholicism would suffer at the
hands of a completely Czechi"zed non-Catholic or perhaps
anti-Catholic government in Prague.
Stefanik and the Clergy agreed that the new state
would have to guarantee religious in addition to cultural
freedom for Slovakia before the American Slovaks would
give their full support to it.
Of the success of this meeting Benes later wrote: ''The
meeting with the Slovak priests was very important
because at this meeting Stefanik broke all suspicion and
unwillingness of the priests as regards the movement for
independence . . ." 19
Although stefanik's delicate health prohibited him
from making many public appearances, when he did,
however, he succeeded in making a deep impression upon
his listeners. He spoke both Slovak and Czech and would
sometimes pass from one laguage into the other in the
same speech. "He gained the confidence off the people
by his enthusiasm and his fascinating manner as well as
with his firm and uncompromising attitude towards all
things." 20
In other meetings which were held Stefanik met with
presidents of the Slovak and Czech organizations (July 1);
received a deputation of Slovaks headed by Milan Getting
�130
SLOVAKIA
(July 24); was present at a meeting of Czecho-Slovak
artists (August 13); and, in September addressed the Czech
and Slovak women of New York. 21
After a meeting which took place between the sixteenth
and eighteenth of October, Stefanik along with other Czech
and Slovak leaders organized a Czecho-Slovak military
committee in order that the recruiting could proceed in
an orga_¢zed manner. After the meeting recruiting was
begun by a proclamation for mobilization by Stefanik
who also issued instructions for the Czecho-Slovak soldiers
in America. The country was divided into four sections
each · with a separate "reporter" who was responsible to
Stefanik. This plan later had to be adjusted.
The recruiting did not go as well as had been expected.
Many of the Czechs and Slovaks had already joined the
Canadian army even before the United States entered the
War and, forty thousand22 joined the American army soon
after the United States entered. Thus, only two thousand
five hundred23 men were recruited.
Having completed the task of cementing Czecho-Sloval{
relationships in the United States, Stefanik was granted
permission by French General Vignal to return to Paris
in order to organize the Czechs in France. Vignal highly
praised stefanik's work in America in a telegram sent
on November 5 and December 5, 1917 saying:
"He proved to possess the highest degree of tact, discipline
and sense for organization. His personal influence in all matters
was such that no misunderstanding arose during his stay and all
the Crech groups followed his directions" aqd again "I am not
able to praise sufficiently this great patriot, coolheaded and
inspired by the most honest and highest feelings. Full of tact and
wisdom, he gained the sympathies of the highest officials of the
American Ministry of Foreign Affairs and he organizeld with the
greatest success the recruiting of the Czechoslovaks."24
All of this time, the collapse of Austria-Hungary
continued steadily. In 1918 for the first time the Czech
members of the Reichsrat demanded a sovereign state
of their own. The establishment of Czecho-Slovakia had
only vaguely been an allied war aim. However, when the
Allies realized how important a Czech and Slovak movement free of Bolshevism would be in central Europe,
the National Council then began to make progress. It was
�SLOVAKIA
131
Stefani.k's Czecho-Slovak legion in Russia that finally
swayed the tide of allied opinion. The legion had remained
apart from and had even fought against the Bolsheviks
and, for this reason, Allied statesmen took another look
at Masaryk's National Council and its aims.
May 30, 1918 Thomas Masaryk signed the Pittsburgh
Pact which guaranteed Slovakia its autonomy.
"On September 3, 1918 Masaryk and the National
Council were recognized as the de-facto government of
Czecho-Slovakia. The new government now had legal
existence.''.25
However, the feeling which followed this was shortlived. It was soon discovered that Masaryk did not take
the signing of the Pittsburgh Pact seriously as can be
seen by the statement, "it (the Pittsburgh Pact) was
concluded in order to appease a small faction which was
dreaming of God knows what sort of independence for
Slovakia." 26 According to Gilbert L. Oddo, the Slovaks in
America should have insisted that Stefanik, too, sign the
Pittsburgh Pact thus binding the National Council itself.
The declaration of independence that was presented
to Secretary of State Lansing in order to be approved had
stated: "that the rights of Bohemia might be united to
those of the Slovak brethren in Slovakia, once a part
of our (Czech) state ... " 27
Stefanik was displeased with the manner and the
wording of the declaration. An aide had written that the
General was disturbed because the proclamation was
issued in Washington instead of Paris; issued without his
previous knowledge; and, that Masaryk had affixed his
(Stefanik's) signature to it without prior consultation.
Stefanik voiced these objections both to Masaryk and
Benes by telegraph on October eighteenth. 28
Soon after Masaryk's National Council took over the
Czecho-Slovak government in Prague on October 28, 191829
other atrocities were committed to make Slovakia seem
more insignificant. Dr. Vavro srobar was appointed by
Prague as Minister Plenipotentiary for the administration
of Slovakia. He had surrounded himself solely with
Prague-educated Czechophiles and was strongly against
any form of Slovak autonomy.
�132
SLOVAKIA
At the Peace Conference at Versailles in 1919, the
Slovak nation was included in Czecho-Slovakia only because
Masaryk and Benes asserted that the Slovaks were Czechs
who spoke a dialect of the Czech language. When Andrew
Hlinka, the great Slovak fighter for autonomy and leader
of the Slovak People's Party, wanted to expose this false
claim, he was expelled. He was later imprisoned by the
Czechs.
But the worst blow to Slovakia was the death of
General Milan Stefanik amidst circumstances that have
been suspected ever since. A little after 11 a.m. on May
4, 1919 the Italian plane-Caproni No. 11,495, carrying
Stefanik to CzechoSlovakia to take up his duties as first
Minister of Defense in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, circled
the Vajnory Airport near Bratislava for a landing. In one
blind flash the plane rocked, burst into flames, and crashed
to the ground, a victim of an anti-aircraft barrage thrown
up by the Czecho-Slovak military garrison at the field on
orders from its Czech commanding officer.
Prague tried to keep the tragedy very secret. When that
proved to be impossible, stefanik's death was explained
as an accident. The commanding officer had thought it
to be an enemy plane. "But despite all the rationalizing
attempts of Czech propaganda, eye witnesses still alive
today, as well as certain members of the military garrison,
insist that the shooting was willful, that Stefanik was
deliberately murdered." 30
Masaryk expressed his personal regrets but refused
to have the "accident" investigated either because it would
damage the negotiations at Versailles or perhaps because
it would give damaging evidence of Czech duplicity and
deceit.
Stefanik had been openly displeased with the slighting
reference to Slovakia in Masaryk's declaration of independence. "Stefanik was a fierce Slovak patriot who would
not stand still to the Czech centralism, the outline of
which by this time had already been revealed."31 He was a
Slovak Christian who could nev_er compromise with the
rationalist agnosticism of the chief policy makers in Prague.
Stefanik was thus an "inconvenient gadfly" 32 to Czech
plans to make Slovakia a part of the "great Czechia" that
�SLOVAKIA
133
the National Council had dreamed of. The death of
Stefanik served Prague well. It can only be suspected if
it was planned that way.
Even from the sketchy reference to his work and the surprisingly meagre sources available to the historian of today, it is
clearly evident that in courage, in self-sacrifice, in tact and ability
in diplomacy, in integrity, and in zeal for the cause he was no t
surpassed by anyone of the leaders in the Czech<>-Slovak movement
for independence.33
Thus, with stefanik',s death the year 1919 came to
a tragic close. The autonomy which had been sought,
cherished and died for under Magyar rule still seemed
a remote hope. Indeed, Slovakia did not become an
independent state until 1939 under Tiso.
1)
2)
3)
4)
5)
6)
7)
8)
9)
10)
11)
12)
13)
14)
15)
16)
17)
18)
19)
20)
21)
22)
23)
24)
25)
26)
27)
28)
29)
30)
S. Harrison Thomson, Czecho-Slovakia in European History, Princeton, New Jersey : Princeton University Press, 1944, p. 252.
Gilbert L. Oddo, Slovakia And Its People, New York : Robert
Speller & Sons, 1960, p . 160.
Dr. Thomas Garigue Masaryk, The Making of a State, New York :
Frederick A. Stokes, 1927, p. 191.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid. , p. 102.
Ibid., p. 104.
Gilbert L. Oddo, op. cit., p . 161.
Ibid., p. 162.
Ibid., p . 163.
Stephanie 0. Husek, " General Milan Rastislav Stefanik in America,"'
Jednota Katolicky Kalend.ar, 1938, p. 184.
Gilbert L. O<l):lo, op. cit., p. 165.
Stephanie 0 . Husek, op. cit., p. 185.
Gilbert L. Oddo, op. cit., p. 166.
Stephanie 0 . Rusek, op. cit., p. 189.
Ibid.
Gilbert L. Oddo, op. cit., p. 167.
Ibid. , pp. 168-169.
Stephanie 0. Husek, <ip. cit., p. 190.
Ibid.
Ibid. , p. 183.
Ib~i., p. 184.
Ibid. , p. 192.
Gilbert L. Oddo, op. cit., p. 177.
Ibid., p. 176.
Ibid., p. 183.
Ibid.
Ibid., p. 182.
Ibid., pp. 191-192.
�134
SLOVAKIA
31) Ibid., p . 192.
32) Ibid.
33) Stephanie 0. Rusek, op. cit., p. 182.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Harrison, S. Czechoslovakia in European History, Princeton, New Jersey:
Princeton University Press, 1944, pp. 196-283.
Husek, Stephanie 0 . Ph.D. "General Milan Ra:stislav Stefanik in America," in Jednota Katolicky Kalerzt:lar, 1938, pp. 181-192.
Kerner, Robert J . (ed). Czechoslovakia, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1940.
Masaryk, Thomas Garigue, The Making of a State, New York: Frederick
A. Stokes, 1927.
Oddo, Gilbert L. Slovakia And Its People, New York: Robert Speller &
Sons, 1960.
Seton-Watson, R. W. A History of the Czechs and Slovaks, New York:
Hutchinson and Co., 1943.
Weiss, Louise. "The Founders of the Czech Republic," in Current
H istory, Vol. 11, pp. 287-289.
(SECOND PRIZE AWARD)
Svatopluk: Political Opportunist
or National Hero?
Mary Susan Sabol
Great Moravia, founded in the early ninth century, was
the first political organization established by the Danubian
Slavs without foreign leadership or foreign interference.
Because of the Frankish pressure on the Slavs after the
Avar's fall, the Slavs under Mojmir I determined to create
an independent state, with its power centers at Devin and
Nitra, based on the tradition of the previous Samo state.
Great Moravia achieved its greatest power and influence
under Svatopluk, of the Mojmirid line, from 871 to 894.1
In 870, Svatopluk, regent of Nitra, plotted with
German backing against his uncle, Rastislav, ruler of the
Great Moravian Empire. 2 When Rastislav heard of the
plot, he challenged Svatopluk to do battle. Rastislav,
however, was defeated and taken prisoner by the Germans.
Svatopluk was entrusted with Great Moravia by Carloman,
son of Louis the German. Soon Svatopluk lost the confidence of the Germans; was deposed and imprisoned.
�
124
SLOVAKIA
General Milan Rastislav Stefanik and
the Moven1ent for Czecho-Slovak
Independence
Mary Ann Kadera
It soon became apparent to Thomas G. Masaryk and
the group of exiles around him; namely, Edward Benes,
Antonin Svehla, and the Doctors Hajn, Scheiner, Herban
and samal1 that in order to induce the allies to agree to
the partition of the Dual Monarchy, the people who would
be free after the partition had to make a tangible contribution to the allied war efforts. "To this end the National
Czecho-Slovak Committee was established with Masaryk
as head, Edward Benes, Masaryk's right-hand man, as
secretary and the great Slovak, General Milan Stefanik
as vice president." 2 Since Stefanik was the only one of
the three who had had any military experience (he had
served with distinction in the French Air Force) the task
of providing a Czecho-Slovak division to fight with the
allied armies was given to him.
The son of a Protestant minister, Stefanik, who was
born in the Slovak village of Kosariska in 1880, had
achieved a brilliant career as a mathematician and an
astronomer of world wide stature. After completing his
studies of science, law and medicine at the University of
Prague, he went to Paris in 19043 where he became
Secretary to the Astronomical Observ:atory. As a result he
was sent on scientific and astronomical missions to various
parts of the world such as Mont Blanc, Spain, Oxford,
Turkestan, Algiers, South America and Tahiti. 4
Using his influence in the Frenoh social circle, Stefanik
began to acquaint those in influence of Magyar tyranny
and to gain their sympathy for the suffering Slovak nation.
As soon as Austria declared war on Serbs, Stefanik
left Marocco where he had been engaged in astronomical
observation and returned to France and enlisted as a
private in the French army. (Stefanik was also a citizen
�SLOVAKIA
125
of France). After first fighting on the Western front,
Stefanik was tranferred to the French Air Force in January
and in July 1915 took part in the battles on the Aisne
and near Ypres. 5 Afterwards he was sent as an airman
to Serbia. Having no contact with Masaryk or his plans
as yet, Stefanik already thought of organizing a separate
corps of Slovaks who had fought against their convictions
on the side of Austria-Hungary and who had been captured
by the Allies. Due to the Serbian retreat he was forced
to abandon this plan.
Toward the end of November, Stefanik arrived in
Rome on a special torpedo boat from Vallona. While in
Rome his fame as a member of the French Academy led
to his acquaintance with the French Ambassador, Monsieur
Barrere and Sonnino, the Italian Foreign Minister.
Upon returning to Paris, Stefanik became associated
with Masaryk and Benes. Thus the nucleus of the CzechoSlovak Legion was organized in France.
It was Stefanik who held the link to the important
government officials who would one day decide the fate
of Austria-Hungary and with it Czecho-Slovakia.
Stefanik travelled to Italy where he used his influence
to spread the cause of establishing an independent state
for the Czechs and the Slovaks after the defeat of AustriaHungary. In July and August of 19166 he visited Russia
where he conferred with all military authorities and even
with the Tsar who sent, through Stefanik, greetings to
Masaryk and approval of his policy.
From Russia Stefanik went to the Rumanian front
where he organized many volunteer Slovak prisoners for
military service in France which arrived in the summer
of 1917. He returned to Russia in January 1917 and then
proceeded to Paris. While in Paris, he kept in touch with
the Southern Slavic states and Italy. Then, he continued
to Rome. 7
Of Stefanik and his journey, Thomas G. Masaryk, in
his book, The Making of a State, comments:
His methods were those of an apostle rather than of <1
diplomat and soldier. In Paris, where he had gradually made
a ckcle of friends and admirers, he smoothed the way for me and
for Dr. Benes in many an influential quarter and he did tqe same
in Rome. When I Ulink of him I always remember the picture ()f
�126
SLOVAKIA
our little Slovak tinkers who wander throughout the world; but
this Slovak wandered through all the Allied fronts, through all
Government Departments, political drawing-rooms and Courts.
From him Marshall Foch heard for the first time about us and
our work against Austria.a
"But perhaps stefanik's most important contribution
to the future of his people was the visit he made to the
United States in 1917." 9 In the United States, American
Slovaks and Czechs were promoting the cause of Czechoslovakia. It was Stefanik who was largely responsible
for the combining of the two efforts ( one here and the
other in Paris) toward the common goal both were seeking.
Although the American Slovaks wanted a Slovakia free
of Magyar rule, they distrusted the idea of uniting with
the Czechs who were numerically superior. Before they
would accept this union, they had to be guaranteeed that
Slovakia would be a political and cultural autonomy in
the proposed new state. For this reason representatives
of the Czech National Alliance and the Slovak League met
and signed the Cleveland Agreement.
In the Agreement three main points were emphasized:
1) The new state would be a federal republic consisting
of both Czech lands (Moravia, Bohemia and Silesia) and
Slovakia. 2) Slovakia would be nationally autonomous, it
would have its own administration, schools and cultural
development and also the use of the Slovak language
within its borders. 3) Voting suffrage in Czecho-Slovakia
would be secret, universal and direct. 10
But despite the good will which was created by the
Cleveland Agreement, Slovak fears of "Czechism" still
persisted. There was good reason for this fear. In 1916
Czech spokesmen began to use the term "Czechia" to
describe the Council's objectives, the Council's publication,
"Samostatnost," talked unceasingly of the Czech army, the
Czech language and the Czech culture, leaving no doubt
that for them the new state was to be dominated by the
Czechs. Even Masaryk stated in an official communique
to London that "The Slovaks are Czechs." In so doing,
he not only ignored a thousand years of history but also
brought the full weight of Slovak wrath upon him.
In his reply to Masaryk, Vladimir Hurban wrote to
Masaryk in 1917:
�SLOVAKIA
127
There is not a single Slovak in all Slovakia who would call
himself a Czech. Slovaks regard themselves as an ethnically distinct
nation, as such we have lived and suffered. As Slovaks we hope
to see dawn of liberty fur our land; we wish to unite with Czechs
in one political state, but onl.y if our national and cultural autonomy
will be safeguarded.11
In order to counteract the Pan-Czech attitude and
to have the Cleveland Agreement gain wider acceptance
in Europe, the Slovak League of America sent Gustav Kosik,
editor of the Catholic Sokol and Dr. Stephen Osusky,
a lawyer and a Protestant minister, as its representative
to the National Council.
During this time the recruitment of the Czech-Slovak
foreign legion was going wery slowly. For this reason
Edward Benes requested the French government to entrust
Stefanik with the mission of organizing volunteers among
the American Czechs and Slovaks for the army in France
with the approval of the United States government. Permission was granted while Stefanik was still in Russia.
Stefanik postponed this trip to the United States in order
to complete his work in Rumania where he gained one
thousand 12 prisoners for the Czecho-Slovak army.
Before stefanik's departure 1 the French government
had already sent a special political commission headed
by Franklin Bouillon to gain the permission of the United
States government for this task.
Upon arriving in America in June 191713 Stefanik
through the French ambassador, Jusserand, immediately
contacted the government officials in Washington. After
a conference with the then Secretary of State, Lansing,
in which Jusserand stressed the loyalty of the Czechs
and Slovaks to the United States of America, permission
was granted to all Czechs and Slovaks not subject to
military duty in the American army to join the CzechoSlovak Legion in France. Besides the recruitment, Stefanik
· also had to see to the financial and travelling arrangements.
While in the United States, Stefanik contacted American journalists and wrote several articles on the cause
for the newpapers. He aroused both the interest of F. H.
Allen of the "World" and of Gordon Smith, ("The New
Republic,") and his articles soon appeared in their
magazines.
�128
SLOVAKIA
Theodore Roosevelt, Lansing Frank and A. Polk Oater
the head of the American delegation at the Peace Conference
at Versailles) were other influential people with whom
Stefanik caxne in close contact. 14
It has been conceded by most historians that Stefanik
achieved his greatest success in the United States by
securing the cooperation of both parties ( the Czechs and
the Slovaks) in the Czecho-Slovak movement.
stefanik was a true Slovak patriot. "While dealing
with him the American Slovaks could be sure of an
integrity and a sincere awareness of Slovak affairs they
often found missing in Czech leaders." 15 For this reason,
Stefanik was able to dispel the skepticism with which the
Slovaks had greeted any and all manifestations of centralist
Pan-Czechism.
The first important meeting between Stefanik and the
Czechs and the Slovaks was held on July 1, 191 7 at the
Congress Hall Hotel in Washington. Dr. Fisher, President
of the Czech National Society; Albert Mamatey, President
of the Slovak League; Emil Voslm; Ivan Daxner; Charles
Pergler; Dr. Hrdlicka; Ivan Bielek; and, Ferdinand Pisecky
were some of the important men who attended. "Stefanik
reported on conditions in Russia but the main object of
the meeting was to arrange the military organization and
the cooperation of the Czechs and Slovaks. At this meeting
Daxner raised the Czecho-Slovak question and against his
so-called 'autonomistic attitude,' Stefanik emphasized the
necessity of forming a politically inseparable state and not
an ethnographically inseparable one." 16 (Whether Stefanik
envisioned a separate Slovak assembly in Bratislava to
handle Slovak affairs is not clear.)
Charles Pergler who also attended the meeting has
asserted:
" Naturally, the representatives of the Slovak organizations of
the future Czechoslovak state often came to Stefanik. Stefanik
always insisted that it was the concern of the nation at home, that
it alone must decide concerning its future organization, in short,
that it is impossible to dictate from beyond the borders of the
country and that every such attempt would be futile. Whenever
the question of Slovak autonomy arose, he !decidedly pointed out,
that no guarantees could be demanded from th<>se living outside of
the new state. " 11
�SLOVAKIA
129
However, it is impossible to deny the fact that
Stefanik, although he gave no written promise, did reach
an agreement with the American Slovaks and succeeded
in gaining their cooperation with the American Czechs
without the Slovaks relinquishing their principles.
Stefanik in a ringing declaration on September 16
at the Carnegie Hall mass meeting told several thousand
compatriots that "Our fight against Austria-Hungary can
end only when both our fraternal nations, the Czechs and
the Slovaks, are united in an independent State free of
Magyar-German domination." 18 It was at this meeting
also that Franklin Bouillon made the first public statement
by an influential allied statesman officially calling for the
dismemberment of Austria-Hungary.
At a meeting held in New York on September 20,
Stefanik was able to dispel the fears of the Slovak Catholic
clergymen-that Slovak Catholicism would suffer at the
hands of a completely Czechi"zed non-Catholic or perhaps
anti-Catholic government in Prague.
Stefanik and the Clergy agreed that the new state
would have to guarantee religious in addition to cultural
freedom for Slovakia before the American Slovaks would
give their full support to it.
Of the success of this meeting Benes later wrote: ''The
meeting with the Slovak priests was very important
because at this meeting Stefanik broke all suspicion and
unwillingness of the priests as regards the movement for
independence . . ." 19
Although stefanik's delicate health prohibited him
from making many public appearances, when he did,
however, he succeeded in making a deep impression upon
his listeners. He spoke both Slovak and Czech and would
sometimes pass from one laguage into the other in the
same speech. "He gained the confidence off the people
by his enthusiasm and his fascinating manner as well as
with his firm and uncompromising attitude towards all
things." 20
In other meetings which were held Stefanik met with
presidents of the Slovak and Czech organizations (July 1);
received a deputation of Slovaks headed by Milan Getting
�130
SLOVAKIA
(July 24); was present at a meeting of Czecho-Slovak
artists (August 13); and, in September addressed the Czech
and Slovak women of New York. 21
After a meeting which took place between the sixteenth
and eighteenth of October, Stefanik along with other Czech
and Slovak leaders organized a Czecho-Slovak military
committee in order that the recruiting could proceed in
an orga_¢zed manner. After the meeting recruiting was
begun by a proclamation for mobilization by Stefanik
who also issued instructions for the Czecho-Slovak soldiers
in America. The country was divided into four sections
each · with a separate "reporter" who was responsible to
Stefanik. This plan later had to be adjusted.
The recruiting did not go as well as had been expected.
Many of the Czechs and Slovaks had already joined the
Canadian army even before the United States entered the
War and, forty thousand22 joined the American army soon
after the United States entered. Thus, only two thousand
five hundred23 men were recruited.
Having completed the task of cementing Czecho-Sloval{
relationships in the United States, Stefanik was granted
permission by French General Vignal to return to Paris
in order to organize the Czechs in France. Vignal highly
praised stefanik's work in America in a telegram sent
on November 5 and December 5, 1917 saying:
"He proved to possess the highest degree of tact, discipline
and sense for organization. His personal influence in all matters
was such that no misunderstanding arose during his stay and all
the Crech groups followed his directions" aqd again "I am not
able to praise sufficiently this great patriot, coolheaded and
inspired by the most honest and highest feelings. Full of tact and
wisdom, he gained the sympathies of the highest officials of the
American Ministry of Foreign Affairs and he organizeld with the
greatest success the recruiting of the Czechoslovaks."24
All of this time, the collapse of Austria-Hungary
continued steadily. In 1918 for the first time the Czech
members of the Reichsrat demanded a sovereign state
of their own. The establishment of Czecho-Slovakia had
only vaguely been an allied war aim. However, when the
Allies realized how important a Czech and Slovak movement free of Bolshevism would be in central Europe,
the National Council then began to make progress. It was
�SLOVAKIA
131
Stefani.k's Czecho-Slovak legion in Russia that finally
swayed the tide of allied opinion. The legion had remained
apart from and had even fought against the Bolsheviks
and, for this reason, Allied statesmen took another look
at Masaryk's National Council and its aims.
May 30, 1918 Thomas Masaryk signed the Pittsburgh
Pact which guaranteed Slovakia its autonomy.
"On September 3, 1918 Masaryk and the National
Council were recognized as the de-facto government of
Czecho-Slovakia. The new government now had legal
existence.''.25
However, the feeling which followed this was shortlived. It was soon discovered that Masaryk did not take
the signing of the Pittsburgh Pact seriously as can be
seen by the statement, "it (the Pittsburgh Pact) was
concluded in order to appease a small faction which was
dreaming of God knows what sort of independence for
Slovakia." 26 According to Gilbert L. Oddo, the Slovaks in
America should have insisted that Stefanik, too, sign the
Pittsburgh Pact thus binding the National Council itself.
The declaration of independence that was presented
to Secretary of State Lansing in order to be approved had
stated: "that the rights of Bohemia might be united to
those of the Slovak brethren in Slovakia, once a part
of our (Czech) state ... " 27
Stefanik was displeased with the manner and the
wording of the declaration. An aide had written that the
General was disturbed because the proclamation was
issued in Washington instead of Paris; issued without his
previous knowledge; and, that Masaryk had affixed his
(Stefanik's) signature to it without prior consultation.
Stefanik voiced these objections both to Masaryk and
Benes by telegraph on October eighteenth. 28
Soon after Masaryk's National Council took over the
Czecho-Slovak government in Prague on October 28, 191829
other atrocities were committed to make Slovakia seem
more insignificant. Dr. Vavro srobar was appointed by
Prague as Minister Plenipotentiary for the administration
of Slovakia. He had surrounded himself solely with
Prague-educated Czechophiles and was strongly against
any form of Slovak autonomy.
�132
SLOVAKIA
At the Peace Conference at Versailles in 1919, the
Slovak nation was included in Czecho-Slovakia only because
Masaryk and Benes asserted that the Slovaks were Czechs
who spoke a dialect of the Czech language. When Andrew
Hlinka, the great Slovak fighter for autonomy and leader
of the Slovak People's Party, wanted to expose this false
claim, he was expelled. He was later imprisoned by the
Czechs.
But the worst blow to Slovakia was the death of
General Milan Stefanik amidst circumstances that have
been suspected ever since. A little after 11 a.m. on May
4, 1919 the Italian plane-Caproni No. 11,495, carrying
Stefanik to CzechoSlovakia to take up his duties as first
Minister of Defense in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, circled
the Vajnory Airport near Bratislava for a landing. In one
blind flash the plane rocked, burst into flames, and crashed
to the ground, a victim of an anti-aircraft barrage thrown
up by the Czecho-Slovak military garrison at the field on
orders from its Czech commanding officer.
Prague tried to keep the tragedy very secret. When that
proved to be impossible, stefanik's death was explained
as an accident. The commanding officer had thought it
to be an enemy plane. "But despite all the rationalizing
attempts of Czech propaganda, eye witnesses still alive
today, as well as certain members of the military garrison,
insist that the shooting was willful, that Stefanik was
deliberately murdered." 30
Masaryk expressed his personal regrets but refused
to have the "accident" investigated either because it would
damage the negotiations at Versailles or perhaps because
it would give damaging evidence of Czech duplicity and
deceit.
Stefanik had been openly displeased with the slighting
reference to Slovakia in Masaryk's declaration of independence. "Stefanik was a fierce Slovak patriot who would
not stand still to the Czech centralism, the outline of
which by this time had already been revealed."31 He was a
Slovak Christian who could nev_er compromise with the
rationalist agnosticism of the chief policy makers in Prague.
Stefanik was thus an "inconvenient gadfly" 32 to Czech
plans to make Slovakia a part of the "great Czechia" that
�SLOVAKIA
133
the National Council had dreamed of. The death of
Stefanik served Prague well. It can only be suspected if
it was planned that way.
Even from the sketchy reference to his work and the surprisingly meagre sources available to the historian of today, it is
clearly evident that in courage, in self-sacrifice, in tact and ability
in diplomacy, in integrity, and in zeal for the cause he was no t
surpassed by anyone of the leaders in the Czech<>-Slovak movement
for independence.33
Thus, with stefanik',s death the year 1919 came to
a tragic close. The autonomy which had been sought,
cherished and died for under Magyar rule still seemed
a remote hope. Indeed, Slovakia did not become an
independent state until 1939 under Tiso.
1)
2)
3)
4)
5)
6)
7)
8)
9)
10)
11)
12)
13)
14)
15)
16)
17)
18)
19)
20)
21)
22)
23)
24)
25)
26)
27)
28)
29)
30)
S. Harrison Thomson, Czecho-Slovakia in European History, Princeton, New Jersey : Princeton University Press, 1944, p. 252.
Gilbert L. Oddo, Slovakia And Its People, New York : Robert
Speller & Sons, 1960, p . 160.
Dr. Thomas Garigue Masaryk, The Making of a State, New York :
Frederick A. Stokes, 1927, p. 191.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid. , p. 102.
Ibid., p. 104.
Gilbert L. Oddo, op. cit., p . 161.
Ibid., p. 162.
Ibid., p . 163.
Stephanie 0. Husek, " General Milan Rastislav Stefanik in America,"'
Jednota Katolicky Kalend.ar, 1938, p. 184.
Gilbert L. O<l):lo, op. cit., p. 165.
Stephanie 0 . Husek, op. cit., p. 185.
Gilbert L. Oddo, op. cit., p. 166.
Stephanie 0 . Rusek, op. cit., p. 189.
Ibid.
Gilbert L. Oddo, op. cit., p. 167.
Ibid. , pp. 168-169.
Stephanie 0. Husek, <ip. cit., p. 190.
Ibid.
Ibid. , p. 183.
Ib~i., p. 184.
Ibid. , p. 192.
Gilbert L. Oddo, op. cit., p. 177.
Ibid., p. 176.
Ibid., p. 183.
Ibid.
Ibid., p. 182.
Ibid., pp. 191-192.
�134
SLOVAKIA
31) Ibid., p . 192.
32) Ibid.
33) Stephanie 0. Rusek, op. cit., p. 182.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Harrison, S. Czechoslovakia in European History, Princeton, New Jersey:
Princeton University Press, 1944, pp. 196-283.
Husek, Stephanie 0 . Ph.D. "General Milan Ra:stislav Stefanik in America," in Jednota Katolicky Kalerzt:lar, 1938, pp. 181-192.
Kerner, Robert J . (ed). Czechoslovakia, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1940.
Masaryk, Thomas Garigue, The Making of a State, New York: Frederick
A. Stokes, 1927.
Oddo, Gilbert L. Slovakia And Its People, New York: Robert Speller &
Sons, 1960.
Seton-Watson, R. W. A History of the Czechs and Slovaks, New York:
Hutchinson and Co., 1943.
Weiss, Louise. "The Founders of the Czech Republic," in Current
H istory, Vol. 11, pp. 287-289.
(SECOND PRIZE AWARD)
Svatopluk: Political Opportunist
or National Hero?
Mary Susan Sabol
Great Moravia, founded in the early ninth century, was
the first political organization established by the Danubian
Slavs without foreign leadership or foreign interference.
Because of the Frankish pressure on the Slavs after the
Avar's fall, the Slavs under Mojmir I determined to create
an independent state, with its power centers at Devin and
Nitra, based on the tradition of the previous Samo state.
Great Moravia achieved its greatest power and influence
under Svatopluk, of the Mojmirid line, from 871 to 894.1
In 870, Svatopluk, regent of Nitra, plotted with
German backing against his uncle, Rastislav, ruler of the
Great Moravian Empire. 2 When Rastislav heard of the
plot, he challenged Svatopluk to do battle. Rastislav,
however, was defeated and taken prisoner by the Germans.
Svatopluk was entrusted with Great Moravia by Carloman,
son of Louis the German. Soon Svatopluk lost the confidence of the Germans; was deposed and imprisoned.
�
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Title
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1971, Vol. 21
Description
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Vol. 21 (No. 44), 1971.
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The Slovak League of America
Date
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1971
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124
SLOVAKIA
General Milan Rastislav Stefanik and
the Moven1ent for Czecho-Slovak
Independence
Mary Ann Kadera
It soon became apparent to Thomas G. Masaryk and
the group of exiles around him; namely, Edward Benes,
Antonin Svehla, and the Doctors Hajn, Scheiner, Herban
and samal1 that in order to induce the allies to agree to
the partition of the Dual Monarchy, the people who would
be free after the partition had to make a tangible contribution to the allied war efforts. "To this end the National
Czecho-Slovak Committee was established with Masaryk
as head, Edward Benes, Masaryk's right-hand man, as
secretary and the great Slovak, General Milan Stefanik
as vice president." 2 Since Stefanik was the only one of
the three who had had any military experience (he had
served with distinction in the French Air Force) the task
of providing a Czecho-Slovak division to fight with the
allied armies was given to him.
The son of a Protestant minister, Stefanik, who was
born in the Slovak village of Kosariska in 1880, had
achieved a brilliant career as a mathematician and an
astronomer of world wide stature. After completing his
studies of science, law and medicine at the University of
Prague, he went to Paris in 19043 where he became
Secretary to the Astronomical Observ:atory. As a result he
was sent on scientific and astronomical missions to various
parts of the world such as Mont Blanc, Spain, Oxford,
Turkestan, Algiers, South America and Tahiti. 4
Using his influence in the Frenoh social circle, Stefanik
began to acquaint those in influence of Magyar tyranny
and to gain their sympathy for the suffering Slovak nation.
As soon as Austria declared war on Serbs, Stefanik
left Marocco where he had been engaged in astronomical
observation and returned to France and enlisted as a
private in the French army. (Stefanik was also a citizen
SLOVAKIA
125
of France). After first fighting on the Western front,
Stefanik was tranferred to the French Air Force in January
and in July 1915 took part in the battles on the Aisne
and near Ypres. 5 Afterwards he was sent as an airman
to Serbia. Having no contact with Masaryk or his plans
as yet, Stefanik already thought of organizing a separate
corps of Slovaks who had fought against their convictions
on the side of Austria-Hungary and who had been captured
by the Allies. Due to the Serbian retreat he was forced
to abandon this plan.
Toward the end of November, Stefanik arrived in
Rome on a special torpedo boat from Vallona. While in
Rome his fame as a member of the French Academy led
to his acquaintance with the French Ambassador, Monsieur
Barrere and Sonnino, the Italian Foreign Minister.
Upon returning to Paris, Stefanik became associated
with Masaryk and Benes. Thus the nucleus of the CzechoSlovak Legion was organized in France.
It was Stefanik who held the link to the important
government officials who would one day decide the fate
of Austria-Hungary and with it Czecho-Slovakia.
Stefanik travelled to Italy where he used his influence
to spread the cause of establishing an independent state
for the Czechs and the Slovaks after the defeat of AustriaHungary. In July and August of 19166 he visited Russia
where he conferred with all military authorities and even
with the Tsar who sent, through Stefanik, greetings to
Masaryk and approval of his policy.
From Russia Stefanik went to the Rumanian front
where he organized many volunteer Slovak prisoners for
military service in France which arrived in the summer
of 1917. He returned to Russia in January 1917 and then
proceeded to Paris. While in Paris, he kept in touch with
the Southern Slavic states and Italy. Then, he continued
to Rome. 7
Of Stefanik and his journey, Thomas G. Masaryk, in
his book, The Making of a State, comments:
His methods were those of an apostle rather than of <1
diplomat and soldier. In Paris, where he had gradually made
a ckcle of friends and admirers, he smoothed the way for me and
for Dr. Benes in many an influential quarter and he did tqe same
in Rome. When I Ulink of him I always remember the picture ()f
126
SLOVAKIA
our little Slovak tinkers who wander throughout the world; but
this Slovak wandered through all the Allied fronts, through all
Government Departments, political drawing-rooms and Courts.
From him Marshall Foch heard for the first time about us and
our work against Austria.a
"But perhaps stefanik's most important contribution
to the future of his people was the visit he made to the
United States in 1917." 9 In the United States, American
Slovaks and Czechs were promoting the cause of Czechoslovakia. It was Stefanik who was largely responsible
for the combining of the two efforts ( one here and the
other in Paris) toward the common goal both were seeking.
Although the American Slovaks wanted a Slovakia free
of Magyar rule, they distrusted the idea of uniting with
the Czechs who were numerically superior. Before they
would accept this union, they had to be guaranteeed that
Slovakia would be a political and cultural autonomy in
the proposed new state. For this reason representatives
of the Czech National Alliance and the Slovak League met
and signed the Cleveland Agreement.
In the Agreement three main points were emphasized:
1) The new state would be a federal republic consisting
of both Czech lands (Moravia, Bohemia and Silesia) and
Slovakia. 2) Slovakia would be nationally autonomous, it
would have its own administration, schools and cultural
development and also the use of the Slovak language
within its borders. 3) Voting suffrage in Czecho-Slovakia
would be secret, universal and direct. 10
But despite the good will which was created by the
Cleveland Agreement, Slovak fears of "Czechism" still
persisted. There was good reason for this fear. In 1916
Czech spokesmen began to use the term "Czechia" to
describe the Council's objectives, the Council's publication,
"Samostatnost," talked unceasingly of the Czech army, the
Czech language and the Czech culture, leaving no doubt
that for them the new state was to be dominated by the
Czechs. Even Masaryk stated in an official communique
to London that "The Slovaks are Czechs." In so doing,
he not only ignored a thousand years of history but also
brought the full weight of Slovak wrath upon him.
In his reply to Masaryk, Vladimir Hurban wrote to
Masaryk in 1917:
SLOVAKIA
127
There is not a single Slovak in all Slovakia who would call
himself a Czech. Slovaks regard themselves as an ethnically distinct
nation, as such we have lived and suffered. As Slovaks we hope
to see dawn of liberty fur our land; we wish to unite with Czechs
in one political state, but onl.y if our national and cultural autonomy
will be safeguarded.11
In order to counteract the Pan-Czech attitude and
to have the Cleveland Agreement gain wider acceptance
in Europe, the Slovak League of America sent Gustav Kosik,
editor of the Catholic Sokol and Dr. Stephen Osusky,
a lawyer and a Protestant minister, as its representative
to the National Council.
During this time the recruitment of the Czech-Slovak
foreign legion was going wery slowly. For this reason
Edward Benes requested the French government to entrust
Stefanik with the mission of organizing volunteers among
the American Czechs and Slovaks for the army in France
with the approval of the United States government. Permission was granted while Stefanik was still in Russia.
Stefanik postponed this trip to the United States in order
to complete his work in Rumania where he gained one
thousand 12 prisoners for the Czecho-Slovak army.
Before stefanik's departure 1 the French government
had already sent a special political commission headed
by Franklin Bouillon to gain the permission of the United
States government for this task.
Upon arriving in America in June 191713 Stefanik
through the French ambassador, Jusserand, immediately
contacted the government officials in Washington. After
a conference with the then Secretary of State, Lansing,
in which Jusserand stressed the loyalty of the Czechs
and Slovaks to the United States of America, permission
was granted to all Czechs and Slovaks not subject to
military duty in the American army to join the CzechoSlovak Legion in France. Besides the recruitment, Stefanik
· also had to see to the financial and travelling arrangements.
While in the United States, Stefanik contacted American journalists and wrote several articles on the cause
for the newpapers. He aroused both the interest of F. H.
Allen of the "World" and of Gordon Smith, ("The New
Republic,") and his articles soon appeared in their
magazines.
128
SLOVAKIA
Theodore Roosevelt, Lansing Frank and A. Polk Oater
the head of the American delegation at the Peace Conference
at Versailles) were other influential people with whom
Stefanik caxne in close contact. 14
It has been conceded by most historians that Stefanik
achieved his greatest success in the United States by
securing the cooperation of both parties ( the Czechs and
the Slovaks) in the Czecho-Slovak movement.
stefanik was a true Slovak patriot. "While dealing
with him the American Slovaks could be sure of an
integrity and a sincere awareness of Slovak affairs they
often found missing in Czech leaders." 15 For this reason,
Stefanik was able to dispel the skepticism with which the
Slovaks had greeted any and all manifestations of centralist
Pan-Czechism.
The first important meeting between Stefanik and the
Czechs and the Slovaks was held on July 1, 191 7 at the
Congress Hall Hotel in Washington. Dr. Fisher, President
of the Czech National Society; Albert Mamatey, President
of the Slovak League; Emil Voslm; Ivan Daxner; Charles
Pergler; Dr. Hrdlicka; Ivan Bielek; and, Ferdinand Pisecky
were some of the important men who attended. "Stefanik
reported on conditions in Russia but the main object of
the meeting was to arrange the military organization and
the cooperation of the Czechs and Slovaks. At this meeting
Daxner raised the Czecho-Slovak question and against his
so-called 'autonomistic attitude,' Stefanik emphasized the
necessity of forming a politically inseparable state and not
an ethnographically inseparable one." 16 (Whether Stefanik
envisioned a separate Slovak assembly in Bratislava to
handle Slovak affairs is not clear.)
Charles Pergler who also attended the meeting has
asserted:
" Naturally, the representatives of the Slovak organizations of
the future Czechoslovak state often came to Stefanik. Stefanik
always insisted that it was the concern of the nation at home, that
it alone must decide concerning its future organization, in short,
that it is impossible to dictate from beyond the borders of the
country and that every such attempt would be futile. Whenever
the question of Slovak autonomy arose, he !decidedly pointed out,
that no guarantees could be demanded from th<>se living outside of
the new state. " 11
SLOVAKIA
129
However, it is impossible to deny the fact that
Stefanik, although he gave no written promise, did reach
an agreement with the American Slovaks and succeeded
in gaining their cooperation with the American Czechs
without the Slovaks relinquishing their principles.
Stefanik in a ringing declaration on September 16
at the Carnegie Hall mass meeting told several thousand
compatriots that "Our fight against Austria-Hungary can
end only when both our fraternal nations, the Czechs and
the Slovaks, are united in an independent State free of
Magyar-German domination." 18 It was at this meeting
also that Franklin Bouillon made the first public statement
by an influential allied statesman officially calling for the
dismemberment of Austria-Hungary.
At a meeting held in New York on September 20,
Stefanik was able to dispel the fears of the Slovak Catholic
clergymen-that Slovak Catholicism would suffer at the
hands of a completely Czechi"zed non-Catholic or perhaps
anti-Catholic government in Prague.
Stefanik and the Clergy agreed that the new state
would have to guarantee religious in addition to cultural
freedom for Slovakia before the American Slovaks would
give their full support to it.
Of the success of this meeting Benes later wrote: ''The
meeting with the Slovak priests was very important
because at this meeting Stefanik broke all suspicion and
unwillingness of the priests as regards the movement for
independence . . ." 19
Although stefanik's delicate health prohibited him
from making many public appearances, when he did,
however, he succeeded in making a deep impression upon
his listeners. He spoke both Slovak and Czech and would
sometimes pass from one laguage into the other in the
same speech. "He gained the confidence off the people
by his enthusiasm and his fascinating manner as well as
with his firm and uncompromising attitude towards all
things." 20
In other meetings which were held Stefanik met with
presidents of the Slovak and Czech organizations (July 1);
received a deputation of Slovaks headed by Milan Getting
130
SLOVAKIA
(July 24); was present at a meeting of Czecho-Slovak
artists (August 13); and, in September addressed the Czech
and Slovak women of New York. 21
After a meeting which took place between the sixteenth
and eighteenth of October, Stefanik along with other Czech
and Slovak leaders organized a Czecho-Slovak military
committee in order that the recruiting could proceed in
an orga_¢zed manner. After the meeting recruiting was
begun by a proclamation for mobilization by Stefanik
who also issued instructions for the Czecho-Slovak soldiers
in America. The country was divided into four sections
each · with a separate "reporter" who was responsible to
Stefanik. This plan later had to be adjusted.
The recruiting did not go as well as had been expected.
Many of the Czechs and Slovaks had already joined the
Canadian army even before the United States entered the
War and, forty thousand22 joined the American army soon
after the United States entered. Thus, only two thousand
five hundred23 men were recruited.
Having completed the task of cementing Czecho-Sloval{
relationships in the United States, Stefanik was granted
permission by French General Vignal to return to Paris
in order to organize the Czechs in France. Vignal highly
praised stefanik's work in America in a telegram sent
on November 5 and December 5, 1917 saying:
"He proved to possess the highest degree of tact, discipline
and sense for organization. His personal influence in all matters
was such that no misunderstanding arose during his stay and all
the Crech groups followed his directions" aqd again "I am not
able to praise sufficiently this great patriot, coolheaded and
inspired by the most honest and highest feelings. Full of tact and
wisdom, he gained the sympathies of the highest officials of the
American Ministry of Foreign Affairs and he organizeld with the
greatest success the recruiting of the Czechoslovaks."24
All of this time, the collapse of Austria-Hungary
continued steadily. In 1918 for the first time the Czech
members of the Reichsrat demanded a sovereign state
of their own. The establishment of Czecho-Slovakia had
only vaguely been an allied war aim. However, when the
Allies realized how important a Czech and Slovak movement free of Bolshevism would be in central Europe,
the National Council then began to make progress. It was
SLOVAKIA
131
Stefani.k's Czecho-Slovak legion in Russia that finally
swayed the tide of allied opinion. The legion had remained
apart from and had even fought against the Bolsheviks
and, for this reason, Allied statesmen took another look
at Masaryk's National Council and its aims.
May 30, 1918 Thomas Masaryk signed the Pittsburgh
Pact which guaranteed Slovakia its autonomy.
"On September 3, 1918 Masaryk and the National
Council were recognized as the de-facto government of
Czecho-Slovakia. The new government now had legal
existence.''.25
However, the feeling which followed this was shortlived. It was soon discovered that Masaryk did not take
the signing of the Pittsburgh Pact seriously as can be
seen by the statement, "it (the Pittsburgh Pact) was
concluded in order to appease a small faction which was
dreaming of God knows what sort of independence for
Slovakia." 26 According to Gilbert L. Oddo, the Slovaks in
America should have insisted that Stefanik, too, sign the
Pittsburgh Pact thus binding the National Council itself.
The declaration of independence that was presented
to Secretary of State Lansing in order to be approved had
stated: "that the rights of Bohemia might be united to
those of the Slovak brethren in Slovakia, once a part
of our (Czech) state ... " 27
Stefanik was displeased with the manner and the
wording of the declaration. An aide had written that the
General was disturbed because the proclamation was
issued in Washington instead of Paris; issued without his
previous knowledge; and, that Masaryk had affixed his
(Stefanik's) signature to it without prior consultation.
Stefanik voiced these objections both to Masaryk and
Benes by telegraph on October eighteenth. 28
Soon after Masaryk's National Council took over the
Czecho-Slovak government in Prague on October 28, 191829
other atrocities were committed to make Slovakia seem
more insignificant. Dr. Vavro srobar was appointed by
Prague as Minister Plenipotentiary for the administration
of Slovakia. He had surrounded himself solely with
Prague-educated Czechophiles and was strongly against
any form of Slovak autonomy.
132
SLOVAKIA
At the Peace Conference at Versailles in 1919, the
Slovak nation was included in Czecho-Slovakia only because
Masaryk and Benes asserted that the Slovaks were Czechs
who spoke a dialect of the Czech language. When Andrew
Hlinka, the great Slovak fighter for autonomy and leader
of the Slovak People's Party, wanted to expose this false
claim, he was expelled. He was later imprisoned by the
Czechs.
But the worst blow to Slovakia was the death of
General Milan Stefanik amidst circumstances that have
been suspected ever since. A little after 11 a.m. on May
4, 1919 the Italian plane-Caproni No. 11,495, carrying
Stefanik to CzechoSlovakia to take up his duties as first
Minister of Defense in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, circled
the Vajnory Airport near Bratislava for a landing. In one
blind flash the plane rocked, burst into flames, and crashed
to the ground, a victim of an anti-aircraft barrage thrown
up by the Czecho-Slovak military garrison at the field on
orders from its Czech commanding officer.
Prague tried to keep the tragedy very secret. When that
proved to be impossible, stefanik's death was explained
as an accident. The commanding officer had thought it
to be an enemy plane. "But despite all the rationalizing
attempts of Czech propaganda, eye witnesses still alive
today, as well as certain members of the military garrison,
insist that the shooting was willful, that Stefanik was
deliberately murdered." 30
Masaryk expressed his personal regrets but refused
to have the "accident" investigated either because it would
damage the negotiations at Versailles or perhaps because
it would give damaging evidence of Czech duplicity and
deceit.
Stefanik had been openly displeased with the slighting
reference to Slovakia in Masaryk's declaration of independence. "Stefanik was a fierce Slovak patriot who would
not stand still to the Czech centralism, the outline of
which by this time had already been revealed."31 He was a
Slovak Christian who could nev_er compromise with the
rationalist agnosticism of the chief policy makers in Prague.
Stefanik was thus an "inconvenient gadfly" 32 to Czech
plans to make Slovakia a part of the "great Czechia" that
SLOVAKIA
133
the National Council had dreamed of. The death of
Stefanik served Prague well. It can only be suspected if
it was planned that way.
Even from the sketchy reference to his work and the surprisingly meagre sources available to the historian of today, it is
clearly evident that in courage, in self-sacrifice, in tact and ability
in diplomacy, in integrity, and in zeal for the cause he was no t
surpassed by anyone of the leaders in the Czech<>-Slovak movement
for independence.33
Thus, with stefanik',s death the year 1919 came to
a tragic close. The autonomy which had been sought,
cherished and died for under Magyar rule still seemed
a remote hope. Indeed, Slovakia did not become an
independent state until 1939 under Tiso.
1)
2)
3)
4)
5)
6)
7)
8)
9)
10)
11)
12)
13)
14)
15)
16)
17)
18)
19)
20)
21)
22)
23)
24)
25)
26)
27)
28)
29)
30)
S. Harrison Thomson, Czecho-Slovakia in European History, Princeton, New Jersey : Princeton University Press, 1944, p. 252.
Gilbert L. Oddo, Slovakia And Its People, New York : Robert
Speller & Sons, 1960, p . 160.
Dr. Thomas Garigue Masaryk, The Making of a State, New York :
Frederick A. Stokes, 1927, p. 191.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid. , p. 102.
Ibid., p. 104.
Gilbert L. Oddo, op. cit., p . 161.
Ibid., p. 162.
Ibid., p . 163.
Stephanie 0. Husek, " General Milan Rastislav Stefanik in America,"'
Jednota Katolicky Kalend.ar, 1938, p. 184.
Gilbert L. O<l):lo, op. cit., p. 165.
Stephanie 0 . Husek, op. cit., p. 185.
Gilbert L. Oddo, op. cit., p. 166.
Stephanie 0 . Rusek, op. cit., p. 189.
Ibid.
Gilbert L. Oddo, op. cit., p. 167.
Ibid. , pp. 168-169.
Stephanie 0. Husek, <ip. cit., p. 190.
Ibid.
Ibid. , p. 183.
Ib~i., p. 184.
Ibid. , p. 192.
Gilbert L. Oddo, op. cit., p. 177.
Ibid., p. 176.
Ibid., p. 183.
Ibid.
Ibid., p. 182.
Ibid., pp. 191-192.
134
SLOVAKIA
31) Ibid., p . 192.
32) Ibid.
33) Stephanie 0. Rusek, op. cit., p. 182.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Harrison, S. Czechoslovakia in European History, Princeton, New Jersey:
Princeton University Press, 1944, pp. 196-283.
Husek, Stephanie 0 . Ph.D. "General Milan Ra:stislav Stefanik in America," in Jednota Katolicky Kalerzt:lar, 1938, pp. 181-192.
Kerner, Robert J . (ed). Czechoslovakia, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1940.
Masaryk, Thomas Garigue, The Making of a State, New York: Frederick
A. Stokes, 1927.
Oddo, Gilbert L. Slovakia And Its People, New York: Robert Speller &
Sons, 1960.
Seton-Watson, R. W. A History of the Czechs and Slovaks, New York:
Hutchinson and Co., 1943.
Weiss, Louise. "The Founders of the Czech Republic," in Current
H istory, Vol. 11, pp. 287-289.
(SECOND PRIZE AWARD)
Svatopluk: Political Opportunist
or National Hero?
Mary Susan Sabol
Great Moravia, founded in the early ninth century, was
the first political organization established by the Danubian
Slavs without foreign leadership or foreign interference.
Because of the Frankish pressure on the Slavs after the
Avar's fall, the Slavs under Mojmir I determined to create
an independent state, with its power centers at Devin and
Nitra, based on the tradition of the previous Samo state.
Great Moravia achieved its greatest power and influence
under Svatopluk, of the Mojmirid line, from 871 to 894.1
In 870, Svatopluk, regent of Nitra, plotted with
German backing against his uncle, Rastislav, ruler of the
Great Moravian Empire. 2 When Rastislav heard of the
plot, he challenged Svatopluk to do battle. Rastislav,
however, was defeated and taken prisoner by the Germans.
Svatopluk was entrusted with Great Moravia by Carloman,
son of Louis the German. Soon Svatopluk lost the confidence of the Germans; was deposed and imprisoned.
Dublin Core
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Title
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General Milan Rastislav Štefánik and the Movement for Czecho-Slovak Independence
Description
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Mary Ann Kadera
Slovakia, Vol. 21 (No. 44), 1971
pp. 124-134
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Kadera, Mary Ann
Date
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1971
name
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https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/41c5c4e4a7537be7f2b42199ad687ee4.pdf
3e132eeb4e29481927e19b13a01fbee7
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Text
134
SLOVAKIA
31) Ibid., p . 192.
32) Ibid.
33) Stephanie 0. Rusek, op. cit., p. 182.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Harrison, S. Czechoslovakia in European History, Princeton, New Jersey:
Princeton University Press, 1944, pp. 196-283.
Husek, Stephanie 0 . Ph.D. "General Milan Ra:stislav Stefanik in America," in Jednota Katolicky Kalerzt:lar, 1938, pp. 181-192.
Kerner, Robert J . (ed). Czechoslovakia, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1940.
Masaryk, Thomas Garigue, The Making of a State, New York: Frederick
A. Stokes, 1927.
Oddo, Gilbert L. Slovakia And Its People, New York: Robert Speller &
Sons, 1960.
Seton-Watson, R. W. A History of the Czechs and Slovaks, New York:
Hutchinson and Co., 1943.
Weiss, Louise. "The Founders of the Czech Republic," in Current
H istory, Vol. 11, pp. 287-289.
(SECOND PRIZE AWARD)
Svatopluk: Political Opportunist
or National Hero?
Mary Susan Sabol
Great Moravia, founded in the early ninth century, was
the first political organization established by the Danubian
Slavs without foreign leadership or foreign interference.
Because of the Frankish pressure on the Slavs after the
Avar's fall, the Slavs under Mojmir I determined to create
an independent state, with its power centers at Devin and
Nitra, based on the tradition of the previous Samo state.
Great Moravia achieved its greatest power and influence
under Svatopluk, of the Mojmirid line, from 871 to 894.1
In 870, Svatopluk, regent of Nitra, plotted with
German backing against his uncle, Rastislav, ruler of the
Great Moravian Empire. 2 When Rastislav heard of the
plot, he challenged Svatopluk to do battle. Rastislav,
however, was defeated and taken prisoner by the Germans.
Svatopluk was entrusted with Great Moravia by Carloman,
son of Louis the German. Soon Svatopluk lost the confidence of the Germans; was deposed and imprisoned.
�SLOVAKIA
135
Louis the German feared Svatopluk was building a strong
Slavic state that could pose a threat to his German Empire.
Consequently, Slavomir, a Moravian prince, was elected
by the Slavs to take over Svatopluk's position of leadership,
and initiated a rebellion against the Germans.3 Svatopluk
eonvinced Carloman to allow him to direct a siege of the
fortress of Devin, where he betrayed his troops, destroyed
the German army, and again became the ruler of the Great
Moravian Empire. He pressed the offensive against the
Germans, and in 873, he defeated Carloman decisively.
Carloman sought a truce, and in 874, he signed a treaty
with Svatopluk at Forsheim which acknowledged the
independence of Great Moravia. Svatopluk then waged
wars against Panonia, Bohemia, the Vislanians, and the
Lusatian Serbs to extend the frontier of his empire.
Because Carloman's son and successor as one of the
claimants of the German Empire, Arnulf, also feared a
large Slavic state on his eastern border, he sought an
alliance with the Magyars against Great Moravia and
attacked Devin several times during the remainder of
Svatopluk's reign. The empire always repulsed those
attacks as long as Svatopluk lived. 4
It is almost impossible to determine the motives of
a man who lived oved a millenium ago, yet the question
arises whether Svatopluk sought control and expansion
of the ~reat Moravian Empire to satisfy his own powerlust,
or whether he was convinced of the importance and
necessity of a united Slavic peoples, and determined to
create such a union. Svatopluk's first move for power
appears to be a traitorous one. It is doubtful that he
questioned his uncle's statesmanship and loyalty to the
Slavic state, because Rastislav considered the independence
of his country most important. He was painfully aware
of the German military and cultural imperialistic foreign
policy.5
Consequently, he strengthened his country militarily.
Fortresses were built, a strong army was trained, and
support was obtained from the other Moravian princes
who still retained their lands after the fall of Mojmir,
the predecessor of Rastislav. Rastislav was able to defeat
the attacking German armies in 855, thus gaining even
greater support from the local princes.6 By this time,
�136
SLOVAKIA
Great Moravia was secure, and Rastislav was able to
concentrate on the domestic problems in his country.
Rastislav publicly opposed the Carolingian brand of
Christianity the German missionaries were imposing on
the Slavs in a foreign language. He realized that the
Christian culture spread by the German clerics would
inevitably cause the ebbing of Slavonic community among
his people and a gradual German takeover of the Great
Moravian Empire. 7 However, Rastislav was aware of the
political advantage Christianity held for the Slavs. If the
Slavic people accepted it, the Christian faith might be
an invaluable link in the alliance of the Slavs against their
enemies.8 He turned to the East and asked Michael III,
Emperor at Constantinople, to send missionaries who
would teach in the Slavonic language.9 In 863, Rastislav
welcomed the brothers, Constantine and Methodius to his
domain to teach Christianity in the vernacular. 10
The German bishops in Salzburg, Passau, and Regensburg and the Bavarian missionaries in Moravia protested
against the activities of the eastern missionaries, accusing
them of initiating dangerous liturgical reforms and ignoring
German ecclesiastical authority. Constantine and Methodius
were called to Rome to defend themselves.11 After convincing the papacy of their orthodoxy, and then, after
Constantine's untimely death, Methodius returned alone to
Great Moravia as archbishop and papal legate with the
authority to organize the Church among the Slavs, and
with the permission to use the Slavonic liturgy. 12 The
German bishops flouted the papacy's approval of Methodius' apostolate and imprisoned him.
At this time, Church-state affairs were considerably
integrated. Papal authority in secular affairs developed
as a result of fifth century papal thinking, which held
that ecclesiastical and secular jurisdictions were distinct,
but papal authority was considered superior to secular
power because the papacy had sovereign authority, whereas
the secular leadership had only derivative administrative
authority.13 Theoretically under the pope's authority, the
Church's bishops, who were often from aristocratic families, asserted their leadership and influence in major
European cities. They created the only effective replace-
�SLOVAKIA
137
ment for the diminishing secular organization of society,
becoming the main secular power of their districts. However, because of their own power bases, the bishops were
often tempted and often did, in fact, flout the pope's
dictates, creating division not necessarily between the pope
and secular ruler, but between the pope and bishops, with
the secular . ruler siding with either one, as occured in
the Great Moravia case. 14
Svatopluk, during his regency at Nitra, championed the
German opposition in the Moravian religious controversy
in order to gain the German backing for his attempt to
usurp Rastis1av's power. 15 Thus, Svatopluk's first major
powerplay was made after his extensive effort to form
a strong political alliance with the Germans succeeded.
Svatopluk proved to be a strong and independent
ruler once in control of the Great Moravian Empire. Having
achieved the headship of state, he sought the absolute
control of the Moravian Empire. Soon, however, the
Germans suspected his loyalty to the German Empire.
Consequently, in 871, Svatopluk was deposed and imprisoned, despite his denial of charges for having plotted
against the German Crown. 16
Svatopluk continued to play his political games with
the Germans despite his temporary loss of a power base.
Carloman was unable to suppress, after several attempts,
Slavomir's rebellion. Therefore, Svatopluk asked to lead
an army against Slavomir.17 Carloman finally decided to
risk Svatopluk's leadership, and sent the Slav in command
of the German army to put down the Moravian uprising,
trusting for the success of the arrangement to Svatopluk's
gratitude and to the division among the Moravian princes. 18
When the army reached Devin, Svatopluk ordered his men
to encamp below the fortress while he went up to the
castle under the pretenses of persuading the Moravians
under Slavomir to surrender without a fight. 19 However,
since the most he could receive from a German victory
was limited control of Great Moravia under German
hegemony, although he would more likely be imprisoned
eventually for trying to build a strong Moravian Empire
again, Svatopluk decided that the Germans had outlived
their usefulness to his quest for power. Consequently, he
�138
SLOVAKIA
reversed his loyalties, betrayed his command, and told
Slavomfr of a plan he had to defeat the German army.
Then, taking command of the Moravian forces, Svatopluk
waged a surprise attack on the men he was commanding
the previous day. The German troops were crushed under
the savage attack. 20
Svatopluk continued to press the offensive against
Carloman until the German sought a truce in 873. The
following year at Forsheim, Carloman signed an agreement
recognizing the independence of the Great Moravian
Empire.21 Svatopluk's ambition to have absolute control
of Great Moravia was finally realized.
It was no longer politically expedient for Svatopluk
to curry German favor, so he turned to his Slav neighbors
to strengthen his power position. He married the sister
of the Czech duke, Botivoj, to broaden the sphere of his
influence to include Bohemia.22 He brought the Pannonians
and the Lusatian Serbs under his rule and defeated the
powerful pagan ruler of the Vislanian Poles. His extended
Great Moravian Empire appears to have been more of
a federation than an empire, which was created by the
alliances of the overpowered Slavic princes under the
leadership of Svatopluk.23
The foreign policy of the Great Moravian Empire under
Rastislav was reshaped by Svatopluk. He wanted to gain
the support of the papacy in Rome rather than that of
the Byzantine Emperor.24 In 879, the relationship between
the East Frankish. Empire and Rome was cool, and the
Byzantine Empire was considered a theological threat to
Christianity. Svatopluk reasoned that the pope would
want and need an ally. Therefore, he sent his personal
envoy, Zemezizeit, along with Archbishop Methodius, who
had been freed in 873 from his German captors, to secure
for his empire the recognition and "protection" of the
papacy. 25
However, Svatopluk did not return the favor to
Methodius and back his position on ecclesiastical matters.
Methodius had been freed after three years of German
imprisonment, through the efforts of Pope John VIII,
who suspended the German bishops and thretened them
with excommunication.26 In 879, however, Methodius was
�SLOVAKIA
139
summoned to Rome again to appear before the Roman
Synod. Through the instigation of Wiching, a German
Benedictine who Svatopluk appointed Bishop of Nitra
during Methodius' imprisonment, the German bishops
charged Methodius with supporting and teaching the Greek
heresy of the Single Procession. Again, Methodius defended
himself successfully, convinced the pope that he accepted
his authority, and returned to Moravia with the pope's
blessing.27
After this contrived issue was resolved, the actual
dispute was brought to a head. The German bishops were
determined to prove the Slavonic liturgy unlawful, and to
abolish the Archbishopric of Moravia. They declared that
the use of the "barbarous" Slavonic language in the liturgy
degraded the religious service. Their argument was a
reference in the scriptures which described the inscription
Pilate had written on the Cross in Latin, Greek and Hebrew.
Methodius argued than on Pentecost, the apostles taught
about the Christ in all the languages so that all present
could understand. The pope rejected the German clergy's
argument, and, once again, sanctioned the apostolic works
of Methodius.28
Svatopluk found it convenient to side with the German
bishops on this issue. Pope John suggested that Svatopluk
and his courtiers could use the Latin liturgy at his court,
if they really felt that strongly about the liturgy issue. 29
Pope John also made a statement concerning Svatopluk's appointment of Wiching as Bishop of Nitra. The
pope was aware of Svatopluk's intention to counterbalance
the authority of Methodius. Therefore, he agreed to recognize the appointment provided that Wiching was
subordinate to Methodius. John also recommended that
Svatopluk appoints future bishops with Methodius' advice
and consent. 30 Of course, the pope was protecting his own
political interests. Methodius was the safer party to back,
rather than the German bishops, whose first loyalties
were always to the German Empire.
Svatopluk even used Methodius when his political
position would be enhanced. He subtly used Methodius'
presence in Rome to try to obtain the recognition of his
Great Moravian Empire by the papacy in 879. However,
�140
SLOVAKIA
Svatopluk generally opposed the efforts of the missionary,
because of his fierce hatred for Methodius.31 Svatopluk
was a nominal Christian who still followed pagan practices.
His behavior made Methodius' task of creating a solid
organization among the Slavs more difficult, since their
leader did not take the Christian faith seriously. It appears
as though Methodius reproached him on occasion for his
irresponsibility, and Svatopluk naturally resented it.32 The
hostility that existed between Methodius and Svatopluk
might have eventually resulted in the exile or death of
the archbishop, had not the relations between Svatopluk
and Arnulf become cold because of Arnulf's growing
influence in Pannonia.
Svatopluk's preocupation with Arnulf's menacing prevented the Moravian ruler from taking stronger action
against Methodius. However, after Methodius' death in
885, Svatopluk rejected the archbishop's chosen successor,
Gorazd, warmed his relations with An1ulf, and expelled
Methodius' closest followers from Moravia. Slavic services
were outlowed by Svatopluk; a new pope was elected in
Rome, who condoned Svatopluk's action; and the German
priests of the Latin rite took control of the church
organization in the Great Moravian Empire.33
Arnulf never trusted the strong Moravian ruler on his
borders. Therefore, he sought an alliance with the Magyars,
who had recently migrated to the vicinity, to destroy the
i>lavic empire. Yet, despite the nwnerous German-Magyar
attacks, Great Moravia thrived until the death of Svatopluk
in 894. 34
Svatopluk's record as ruler of the Great Moravian
Empire is almost a flawless case study for Hans Morgenthau's power school theory, which asserts that all politics
is a struggle for power. 35 The evidence shows that throughout his public life, Svatopluk would use any means to
gain and maintain power. His initial rise to power was
cloaked in treachery. After he lost his power, he managed
to persuade his captor to trust him with an army which
was to attack Svatopluk's countrymen, only to betray
his army and seize control of Great Moravia again. He
waged wars recurrently to extend his influence over the
Slavs, and to stand up to the Germans. He negotiated
�SLOVAKIA
141
alliances when they would strengthen his position. It
appears that he always gave his support or sought support
only when it was politically expedient.
Since every move Svatopluk made seemed to be a
politically expedient one, one of his official policies does
not fit into the pattern. For the most part, he actively
opposed the Christianization of the Great Moravian Empire
in the Slavonic language. He rejected Rastislav's contention
that Slavonic Christianity would enhance the ethnic community of the Great Moravian Empire, fortify it from
German culture, and, especially, create a strong bond
among the Slavic peoples. Svatopluk must have realized
that his own power could only be strengthened under
such circumstances, yet, he continually opposed Methodius'
activities.
Historians propose that Svatopluk was against the
archbishop because Methodius rebuked him for his pagan
ways, which hindered the effectiveness of the apostle's
mission. Svatopluk's relations with Methodius seem to be
the one major contradiction in the former's career. For
the wily Svatopluk to jeopardize his power over a personality conflict seems out of character, which leads
one to suspect that he might have considered Methodius
to be larger threat to his power than the Germans were.
Though the German bishops were temporal princes as
well as spiritual leaders, Svatopluk was probably confident
in his ability to deal with them. He might have feared
Methodius because of the missionary's widespread popularity and influence over all the Slavs, which could have
easily been used to the advantage of the archbishop if he
sought temporal power as the German bishops did. If
Svatopluk did consider Methodius a threat to his power,
and not just a bothersome conscience, such a threat would
be far more immediate to Svatopluk than a German
cultural-imperialistic foreign policy, and therefore, his
antagonism toward Methodius would be understandable.
The evidence, construed from the few known facts
about Svatopluk, would suggest that Svatopluk was indeed
a political opportunist. However, the Slovak romantic
writers of the nineteenth century, in an effort to create
a feeling of a glorious national past among their people,
�142
SLOVAKIA
cast Svatopluk into the role of a great national hero
whose sole intention was to build a strong Slavic state
for the Slavis in East Central Europe. Jan Holly, a leading
Slovak poet, in his epic, "Svatopluk," gives an exaggerated
picture of Svatopluk's victories in his military campaigns
for independence and enlargement of the Great Moravian
Empire. 36 Most of the nineteenth century writers embroidered legend over fact to create a very noble Svatopluk,
downplaying his crimes because, according to their sources,
he repented in the end anyway. Slovak romantics wanted
a national hero with integrity, selfless motivation, and
absolute devotion to the Slavic Empire. Consequently, they
squeezed Svatopluk into their conceived mold of a national
hero, rewriting history in the process.
Too many kings and soldiers who tremendously increased the power and prestige of a nation are either
remembered mainly for their treachery and cruelty, or
are recast into noble superhuman King Arthurs and
Lancelots, while some bishops and priests, who may have
weakened the national consciousness and national independence by preaching foremost loyalty to the Church,
are revered and even considered "symbols of a distinctive
national life."38
Svatopluk was a cruel and unscrupulous antagonist
of Methodius and his disciples. He was treacherous in
usurping his uncle's power. He was a talented politician
who used every legitimate, as well as illegitimate, form
of statescraft to increase his power. He was a political
opportunist. Svatopluk was on the opposite side of the
spectrum from the virtuous hero the nineteenth century
romantics wanted to make him. Yet, from the objective
nationalistic viewpoint, he did establish Slavic greatness.
He did champion the independence of the Slavic Empire.
He did defend the Great Moravian Empire against the
barbaric Magyar invaders. 39 Under Svatopluk's leadership,
Great Moravia became the center of a strong Slavic alliance.
Svatopluk wielded an authority over the Slav princes which
was at least equal to that of the German Emperor over
the princes which were subject to him. 40
The impact of Svatopluk's unified Slavic state has
influenced Slavic political history throughout the last
�SLOVAKIA
143
twelve hundred years. Sviitopluk developed the tradition
of unity.
FOOTNOTES
Oscar Halecki, Borderlands of Western Civilization (New York,
1952 ) , p. 25; hereafter cited as Haleckrl..
2) Gilbert L. Oddo, Slovaki a and Its People (New York, N . Y. , 1960 ),
p. 15; hereafter cited as Oddo.
1)
3 ) 0&10, p. 16.
4 ) Od/do, pp. 17-18.
5 ) Joseph Skultety, Sketches from Slovak History (Middletown, Pa.,
1930 ), p. 10; hereafter cited as Skultety.
6) P. Yurchak, The Slovaks (Scranton, Pa. , 1946 ), p. 35; hereafter
cited as Yurchak.
7 ) Skultety, p. 10.
8) C. Edmund Maurice, Bohemia (New York, 1896) , p. 10; hereafter
9)
10 )
11 )
12 )
13 )
14)
15)
16 )
17 )
18 )
19)
20 )
21 )
22 )
23 )
24 )
25 )
26)
27 )
28)
29 )
30 )
31 )
32 )
cited as Maurice.
Oddo, p. 12.
Maurice, p. 10.
Yurchak, p. 51 .
Yurchak, p. 52.
Norman Cantor, Western Civili zation Its Genesis and Destiny
(Glenview, Ill., 1969), p. 301 ; hereafter citdd as Cantor.
Cantor, p. 301 .
Maurice, p. 11 .
Oddo, p. 16.
Oddo, p. 16.
Yurchak, p. 36.
Oddo, p. 17.
Oddo, p. 17.
Oddo, p. 17.
Maurice, p . 12.
Yurchak, p. 37.
Frantisek Kavka, A n Outline of Czechoslovak Hist ory (Prague,
1963 ) , p. 18; hereafter cited as Kavka.
ojddo, p. 17.
Oddo, p. 17.
Maurice, p. 14.
Maurice, p. 15.
Maurice, p. 15.
Maurice, p. 15.
R. W. Seton-Watson, A History of the Czechs and Slovaks (Hamden,
Conn., 1965 ), p. 13 ; hereafter cited as Seton-Watson.
Oddo, p. 18.
�144
SLOVAKIA
33) Maurice, p. 16.
34) Frederick G. Heymann, Poland and Czechoslovakia (Englewood
Cliffs, N. J ., 1966), p. 27.
35 ) Hans J . Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations (New York, 1967 ),
4th dd., p . 3.
36) Yurchak, p. 37.
37 ) Seton-Watson, p. 25.
38 ) Maurice, p. 18.
39 ) Maurice, p. 19.
40) Maurice, p. 19.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Cantor, Norman. Western Civilization Its Genesis and Destiny. Glenview,
Ill.: Scott, Foresman and Co., 1969.
Halecki, Oscar. Borderlands of Western Civilizati on. New York: The
Ronald Press Company, 1952.
Heymann, Frederick C. Poland and Czechoslovaki a. Englewood Cliffs,
N. J.: Prentice Hall Inc., 1966.
Kavka, Franti.sek. An Outline of Czechoslovak History. Prague: Orbis,
1963.
Krofta, Kamil. A Short History of Czechoslovakia. London: Williams and
Norgate L~d., 1935.
Lutzow, Count. Bohemi a: An Historical Sketch. London: J. M . Dent and
Sons, 1910
Maurice, C. Edmund. Bohemia. New York: G. P. Putnam and Sons, 1896.
Monroe, W. S. Bohemia and the Czechs. London: L. C. Page and Co.
Inc., 1910.
Morgenthau, Hans J. Politics Among Nations, 4th ed. New York :
Alfred A. Knopf, 1967.
Od\do, Gilbert L. Slov akia and Its People. New York : Robert ,Speller and
Sons, Publishers, 1960.
Rechcigl, Miloslav, ed. The Czec hoslovak Contribution to World Cul.titre.
The Hague: Mouton and Co., 1964.
Seton-Watson, R. W. A History of the Czechs and Slovaks. Hamden,
Conn.: Archon Books, 1965.
Skultety, Joseph. Sketches from Slovak History. Middletown, Pa.: Jednota Press, 1930.
Wiskeman, Elizabeth. Czechs and Germans. London: Oxforid University
Press, 1938.
Yurchak, P. The Slovaks. Scranton, Pa. 1946.
(THIRD PRIZE AWARD)
�
134
SLOVAKIA
31) Ibid., p . 192.
32) Ibid.
33) Stephanie 0. Rusek, op. cit., p. 182.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Harrison, S. Czechoslovakia in European History, Princeton, New Jersey:
Princeton University Press, 1944, pp. 196-283.
Husek, Stephanie 0 . Ph.D. "General Milan Ra:stislav Stefanik in America," in Jednota Katolicky Kalerzt:lar, 1938, pp. 181-192.
Kerner, Robert J . (ed). Czechoslovakia, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1940.
Masaryk, Thomas Garigue, The Making of a State, New York: Frederick
A. Stokes, 1927.
Oddo, Gilbert L. Slovakia And Its People, New York: Robert Speller &
Sons, 1960.
Seton-Watson, R. W. A History of the Czechs and Slovaks, New York:
Hutchinson and Co., 1943.
Weiss, Louise. "The Founders of the Czech Republic," in Current
H istory, Vol. 11, pp. 287-289.
(SECOND PRIZE AWARD)
Svatopluk: Political Opportunist
or National Hero?
Mary Susan Sabol
Great Moravia, founded in the early ninth century, was
the first political organization established by the Danubian
Slavs without foreign leadership or foreign interference.
Because of the Frankish pressure on the Slavs after the
Avar's fall, the Slavs under Mojmir I determined to create
an independent state, with its power centers at Devin and
Nitra, based on the tradition of the previous Samo state.
Great Moravia achieved its greatest power and influence
under Svatopluk, of the Mojmirid line, from 871 to 894.1
In 870, Svatopluk, regent of Nitra, plotted with
German backing against his uncle, Rastislav, ruler of the
Great Moravian Empire. 2 When Rastislav heard of the
plot, he challenged Svatopluk to do battle. Rastislav,
however, was defeated and taken prisoner by the Germans.
Svatopluk was entrusted with Great Moravia by Carloman,
son of Louis the German. Soon Svatopluk lost the confidence of the Germans; was deposed and imprisoned.
�SLOVAKIA
135
Louis the German feared Svatopluk was building a strong
Slavic state that could pose a threat to his German Empire.
Consequently, Slavomir, a Moravian prince, was elected
by the Slavs to take over Svatopluk's position of leadership,
and initiated a rebellion against the Germans.3 Svatopluk
eonvinced Carloman to allow him to direct a siege of the
fortress of Devin, where he betrayed his troops, destroyed
the German army, and again became the ruler of the Great
Moravian Empire. He pressed the offensive against the
Germans, and in 873, he defeated Carloman decisively.
Carloman sought a truce, and in 874, he signed a treaty
with Svatopluk at Forsheim which acknowledged the
independence of Great Moravia. Svatopluk then waged
wars against Panonia, Bohemia, the Vislanians, and the
Lusatian Serbs to extend the frontier of his empire.
Because Carloman's son and successor as one of the
claimants of the German Empire, Arnulf, also feared a
large Slavic state on his eastern border, he sought an
alliance with the Magyars against Great Moravia and
attacked Devin several times during the remainder of
Svatopluk's reign. The empire always repulsed those
attacks as long as Svatopluk lived. 4
It is almost impossible to determine the motives of
a man who lived oved a millenium ago, yet the question
arises whether Svatopluk sought control and expansion
of the ~reat Moravian Empire to satisfy his own powerlust,
or whether he was convinced of the importance and
necessity of a united Slavic peoples, and determined to
create such a union. Svatopluk's first move for power
appears to be a traitorous one. It is doubtful that he
questioned his uncle's statesmanship and loyalty to the
Slavic state, because Rastislav considered the independence
of his country most important. He was painfully aware
of the German military and cultural imperialistic foreign
policy.5
Consequently, he strengthened his country militarily.
Fortresses were built, a strong army was trained, and
support was obtained from the other Moravian princes
who still retained their lands after the fall of Mojmir,
the predecessor of Rastislav. Rastislav was able to defeat
the attacking German armies in 855, thus gaining even
greater support from the local princes.6 By this time,
�136
SLOVAKIA
Great Moravia was secure, and Rastislav was able to
concentrate on the domestic problems in his country.
Rastislav publicly opposed the Carolingian brand of
Christianity the German missionaries were imposing on
the Slavs in a foreign language. He realized that the
Christian culture spread by the German clerics would
inevitably cause the ebbing of Slavonic community among
his people and a gradual German takeover of the Great
Moravian Empire. 7 However, Rastislav was aware of the
political advantage Christianity held for the Slavs. If the
Slavic people accepted it, the Christian faith might be
an invaluable link in the alliance of the Slavs against their
enemies.8 He turned to the East and asked Michael III,
Emperor at Constantinople, to send missionaries who
would teach in the Slavonic language.9 In 863, Rastislav
welcomed the brothers, Constantine and Methodius to his
domain to teach Christianity in the vernacular. 10
The German bishops in Salzburg, Passau, and Regensburg and the Bavarian missionaries in Moravia protested
against the activities of the eastern missionaries, accusing
them of initiating dangerous liturgical reforms and ignoring
German ecclesiastical authority. Constantine and Methodius
were called to Rome to defend themselves.11 After convincing the papacy of their orthodoxy, and then, after
Constantine's untimely death, Methodius returned alone to
Great Moravia as archbishop and papal legate with the
authority to organize the Church among the Slavs, and
with the permission to use the Slavonic liturgy. 12 The
German bishops flouted the papacy's approval of Methodius' apostolate and imprisoned him.
At this time, Church-state affairs were considerably
integrated. Papal authority in secular affairs developed
as a result of fifth century papal thinking, which held
that ecclesiastical and secular jurisdictions were distinct,
but papal authority was considered superior to secular
power because the papacy had sovereign authority, whereas
the secular leadership had only derivative administrative
authority.13 Theoretically under the pope's authority, the
Church's bishops, who were often from aristocratic families, asserted their leadership and influence in major
European cities. They created the only effective replace-
�SLOVAKIA
137
ment for the diminishing secular organization of society,
becoming the main secular power of their districts. However, because of their own power bases, the bishops were
often tempted and often did, in fact, flout the pope's
dictates, creating division not necessarily between the pope
and secular ruler, but between the pope and bishops, with
the secular . ruler siding with either one, as occured in
the Great Moravia case. 14
Svatopluk, during his regency at Nitra, championed the
German opposition in the Moravian religious controversy
in order to gain the German backing for his attempt to
usurp Rastis1av's power. 15 Thus, Svatopluk's first major
powerplay was made after his extensive effort to form
a strong political alliance with the Germans succeeded.
Svatopluk proved to be a strong and independent
ruler once in control of the Great Moravian Empire. Having
achieved the headship of state, he sought the absolute
control of the Moravian Empire. Soon, however, the
Germans suspected his loyalty to the German Empire.
Consequently, in 871, Svatopluk was deposed and imprisoned, despite his denial of charges for having plotted
against the German Crown. 16
Svatopluk continued to play his political games with
the Germans despite his temporary loss of a power base.
Carloman was unable to suppress, after several attempts,
Slavomir's rebellion. Therefore, Svatopluk asked to lead
an army against Slavomir.17 Carloman finally decided to
risk Svatopluk's leadership, and sent the Slav in command
of the German army to put down the Moravian uprising,
trusting for the success of the arrangement to Svatopluk's
gratitude and to the division among the Moravian princes. 18
When the army reached Devin, Svatopluk ordered his men
to encamp below the fortress while he went up to the
castle under the pretenses of persuading the Moravians
under Slavomir to surrender without a fight. 19 However,
since the most he could receive from a German victory
was limited control of Great Moravia under German
hegemony, although he would more likely be imprisoned
eventually for trying to build a strong Moravian Empire
again, Svatopluk decided that the Germans had outlived
their usefulness to his quest for power. Consequently, he
�138
SLOVAKIA
reversed his loyalties, betrayed his command, and told
Slavomfr of a plan he had to defeat the German army.
Then, taking command of the Moravian forces, Svatopluk
waged a surprise attack on the men he was commanding
the previous day. The German troops were crushed under
the savage attack. 20
Svatopluk continued to press the offensive against
Carloman until the German sought a truce in 873. The
following year at Forsheim, Carloman signed an agreement
recognizing the independence of the Great Moravian
Empire.21 Svatopluk's ambition to have absolute control
of Great Moravia was finally realized.
It was no longer politically expedient for Svatopluk
to curry German favor, so he turned to his Slav neighbors
to strengthen his power position. He married the sister
of the Czech duke, Botivoj, to broaden the sphere of his
influence to include Bohemia.22 He brought the Pannonians
and the Lusatian Serbs under his rule and defeated the
powerful pagan ruler of the Vislanian Poles. His extended
Great Moravian Empire appears to have been more of
a federation than an empire, which was created by the
alliances of the overpowered Slavic princes under the
leadership of Svatopluk.23
The foreign policy of the Great Moravian Empire under
Rastislav was reshaped by Svatopluk. He wanted to gain
the support of the papacy in Rome rather than that of
the Byzantine Emperor.24 In 879, the relationship between
the East Frankish. Empire and Rome was cool, and the
Byzantine Empire was considered a theological threat to
Christianity. Svatopluk reasoned that the pope would
want and need an ally. Therefore, he sent his personal
envoy, Zemezizeit, along with Archbishop Methodius, who
had been freed in 873 from his German captors, to secure
for his empire the recognition and "protection" of the
papacy. 25
However, Svatopluk did not return the favor to
Methodius and back his position on ecclesiastical matters.
Methodius had been freed after three years of German
imprisonment, through the efforts of Pope John VIII,
who suspended the German bishops and thretened them
with excommunication.26 In 879, however, Methodius was
�SLOVAKIA
139
summoned to Rome again to appear before the Roman
Synod. Through the instigation of Wiching, a German
Benedictine who Svatopluk appointed Bishop of Nitra
during Methodius' imprisonment, the German bishops
charged Methodius with supporting and teaching the Greek
heresy of the Single Procession. Again, Methodius defended
himself successfully, convinced the pope that he accepted
his authority, and returned to Moravia with the pope's
blessing.27
After this contrived issue was resolved, the actual
dispute was brought to a head. The German bishops were
determined to prove the Slavonic liturgy unlawful, and to
abolish the Archbishopric of Moravia. They declared that
the use of the "barbarous" Slavonic language in the liturgy
degraded the religious service. Their argument was a
reference in the scriptures which described the inscription
Pilate had written on the Cross in Latin, Greek and Hebrew.
Methodius argued than on Pentecost, the apostles taught
about the Christ in all the languages so that all present
could understand. The pope rejected the German clergy's
argument, and, once again, sanctioned the apostolic works
of Methodius.28
Svatopluk found it convenient to side with the German
bishops on this issue. Pope John suggested that Svatopluk
and his courtiers could use the Latin liturgy at his court,
if they really felt that strongly about the liturgy issue. 29
Pope John also made a statement concerning Svatopluk's appointment of Wiching as Bishop of Nitra. The
pope was aware of Svatopluk's intention to counterbalance
the authority of Methodius. Therefore, he agreed to recognize the appointment provided that Wiching was
subordinate to Methodius. John also recommended that
Svatopluk appoints future bishops with Methodius' advice
and consent. 30 Of course, the pope was protecting his own
political interests. Methodius was the safer party to back,
rather than the German bishops, whose first loyalties
were always to the German Empire.
Svatopluk even used Methodius when his political
position would be enhanced. He subtly used Methodius'
presence in Rome to try to obtain the recognition of his
Great Moravian Empire by the papacy in 879. However,
�140
SLOVAKIA
Svatopluk generally opposed the efforts of the missionary,
because of his fierce hatred for Methodius.31 Svatopluk
was a nominal Christian who still followed pagan practices.
His behavior made Methodius' task of creating a solid
organization among the Slavs more difficult, since their
leader did not take the Christian faith seriously. It appears
as though Methodius reproached him on occasion for his
irresponsibility, and Svatopluk naturally resented it.32 The
hostility that existed between Methodius and Svatopluk
might have eventually resulted in the exile or death of
the archbishop, had not the relations between Svatopluk
and Arnulf become cold because of Arnulf's growing
influence in Pannonia.
Svatopluk's preocupation with Arnulf's menacing prevented the Moravian ruler from taking stronger action
against Methodius. However, after Methodius' death in
885, Svatopluk rejected the archbishop's chosen successor,
Gorazd, warmed his relations with An1ulf, and expelled
Methodius' closest followers from Moravia. Slavic services
were outlowed by Svatopluk; a new pope was elected in
Rome, who condoned Svatopluk's action; and the German
priests of the Latin rite took control of the church
organization in the Great Moravian Empire.33
Arnulf never trusted the strong Moravian ruler on his
borders. Therefore, he sought an alliance with the Magyars,
who had recently migrated to the vicinity, to destroy the
i>lavic empire. Yet, despite the nwnerous German-Magyar
attacks, Great Moravia thrived until the death of Svatopluk
in 894. 34
Svatopluk's record as ruler of the Great Moravian
Empire is almost a flawless case study for Hans Morgenthau's power school theory, which asserts that all politics
is a struggle for power. 35 The evidence shows that throughout his public life, Svatopluk would use any means to
gain and maintain power. His initial rise to power was
cloaked in treachery. After he lost his power, he managed
to persuade his captor to trust him with an army which
was to attack Svatopluk's countrymen, only to betray
his army and seize control of Great Moravia again. He
waged wars recurrently to extend his influence over the
Slavs, and to stand up to the Germans. He negotiated
�SLOVAKIA
141
alliances when they would strengthen his position. It
appears that he always gave his support or sought support
only when it was politically expedient.
Since every move Svatopluk made seemed to be a
politically expedient one, one of his official policies does
not fit into the pattern. For the most part, he actively
opposed the Christianization of the Great Moravian Empire
in the Slavonic language. He rejected Rastislav's contention
that Slavonic Christianity would enhance the ethnic community of the Great Moravian Empire, fortify it from
German culture, and, especially, create a strong bond
among the Slavic peoples. Svatopluk must have realized
that his own power could only be strengthened under
such circumstances, yet, he continually opposed Methodius'
activities.
Historians propose that Svatopluk was against the
archbishop because Methodius rebuked him for his pagan
ways, which hindered the effectiveness of the apostle's
mission. Svatopluk's relations with Methodius seem to be
the one major contradiction in the former's career. For
the wily Svatopluk to jeopardize his power over a personality conflict seems out of character, which leads
one to suspect that he might have considered Methodius
to be larger threat to his power than the Germans were.
Though the German bishops were temporal princes as
well as spiritual leaders, Svatopluk was probably confident
in his ability to deal with them. He might have feared
Methodius because of the missionary's widespread popularity and influence over all the Slavs, which could have
easily been used to the advantage of the archbishop if he
sought temporal power as the German bishops did. If
Svatopluk did consider Methodius a threat to his power,
and not just a bothersome conscience, such a threat would
be far more immediate to Svatopluk than a German
cultural-imperialistic foreign policy, and therefore, his
antagonism toward Methodius would be understandable.
The evidence, construed from the few known facts
about Svatopluk, would suggest that Svatopluk was indeed
a political opportunist. However, the Slovak romantic
writers of the nineteenth century, in an effort to create
a feeling of a glorious national past among their people,
�142
SLOVAKIA
cast Svatopluk into the role of a great national hero
whose sole intention was to build a strong Slavic state
for the Slavis in East Central Europe. Jan Holly, a leading
Slovak poet, in his epic, "Svatopluk," gives an exaggerated
picture of Svatopluk's victories in his military campaigns
for independence and enlargement of the Great Moravian
Empire. 36 Most of the nineteenth century writers embroidered legend over fact to create a very noble Svatopluk,
downplaying his crimes because, according to their sources,
he repented in the end anyway. Slovak romantics wanted
a national hero with integrity, selfless motivation, and
absolute devotion to the Slavic Empire. Consequently, they
squeezed Svatopluk into their conceived mold of a national
hero, rewriting history in the process.
Too many kings and soldiers who tremendously increased the power and prestige of a nation are either
remembered mainly for their treachery and cruelty, or
are recast into noble superhuman King Arthurs and
Lancelots, while some bishops and priests, who may have
weakened the national consciousness and national independence by preaching foremost loyalty to the Church,
are revered and even considered "symbols of a distinctive
national life."38
Svatopluk was a cruel and unscrupulous antagonist
of Methodius and his disciples. He was treacherous in
usurping his uncle's power. He was a talented politician
who used every legitimate, as well as illegitimate, form
of statescraft to increase his power. He was a political
opportunist. Svatopluk was on the opposite side of the
spectrum from the virtuous hero the nineteenth century
romantics wanted to make him. Yet, from the objective
nationalistic viewpoint, he did establish Slavic greatness.
He did champion the independence of the Slavic Empire.
He did defend the Great Moravian Empire against the
barbaric Magyar invaders. 39 Under Svatopluk's leadership,
Great Moravia became the center of a strong Slavic alliance.
Svatopluk wielded an authority over the Slav princes which
was at least equal to that of the German Emperor over
the princes which were subject to him. 40
The impact of Svatopluk's unified Slavic state has
influenced Slavic political history throughout the last
�SLOVAKIA
143
twelve hundred years. Sviitopluk developed the tradition
of unity.
FOOTNOTES
Oscar Halecki, Borderlands of Western Civilization (New York,
1952 ) , p. 25; hereafter cited as Haleckrl..
2) Gilbert L. Oddo, Slovaki a and Its People (New York, N . Y. , 1960 ),
p. 15; hereafter cited as Oddo.
1)
3 ) 0&10, p. 16.
4 ) Od/do, pp. 17-18.
5 ) Joseph Skultety, Sketches from Slovak History (Middletown, Pa.,
1930 ), p. 10; hereafter cited as Skultety.
6) P. Yurchak, The Slovaks (Scranton, Pa. , 1946 ), p. 35; hereafter
cited as Yurchak.
7 ) Skultety, p. 10.
8) C. Edmund Maurice, Bohemia (New York, 1896) , p. 10; hereafter
9)
10 )
11 )
12 )
13 )
14)
15)
16 )
17 )
18 )
19)
20 )
21 )
22 )
23 )
24 )
25 )
26)
27 )
28)
29 )
30 )
31 )
32 )
cited as Maurice.
Oddo, p. 12.
Maurice, p. 10.
Yurchak, p. 51 .
Yurchak, p. 52.
Norman Cantor, Western Civili zation Its Genesis and Destiny
(Glenview, Ill., 1969), p. 301 ; hereafter citdd as Cantor.
Cantor, p. 301 .
Maurice, p. 11 .
Oddo, p. 16.
Oddo, p. 16.
Yurchak, p. 36.
Oddo, p. 17.
Oddo, p. 17.
Oddo, p. 17.
Maurice, p . 12.
Yurchak, p. 37.
Frantisek Kavka, A n Outline of Czechoslovak Hist ory (Prague,
1963 ) , p. 18; hereafter cited as Kavka.
ojddo, p. 17.
Oddo, p. 17.
Maurice, p. 14.
Maurice, p. 15.
Maurice, p. 15.
Maurice, p. 15.
R. W. Seton-Watson, A History of the Czechs and Slovaks (Hamden,
Conn., 1965 ), p. 13 ; hereafter cited as Seton-Watson.
Oddo, p. 18.
�144
SLOVAKIA
33) Maurice, p. 16.
34) Frederick G. Heymann, Poland and Czechoslovakia (Englewood
Cliffs, N. J ., 1966), p. 27.
35 ) Hans J . Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations (New York, 1967 ),
4th dd., p . 3.
36) Yurchak, p. 37.
37 ) Seton-Watson, p. 25.
38 ) Maurice, p. 18.
39 ) Maurice, p. 19.
40) Maurice, p. 19.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Cantor, Norman. Western Civilization Its Genesis and Destiny. Glenview,
Ill.: Scott, Foresman and Co., 1969.
Halecki, Oscar. Borderlands of Western Civilizati on. New York: The
Ronald Press Company, 1952.
Heymann, Frederick C. Poland and Czechoslovaki a. Englewood Cliffs,
N. J.: Prentice Hall Inc., 1966.
Kavka, Franti.sek. An Outline of Czechoslovak History. Prague: Orbis,
1963.
Krofta, Kamil. A Short History of Czechoslovakia. London: Williams and
Norgate L~d., 1935.
Lutzow, Count. Bohemi a: An Historical Sketch. London: J. M . Dent and
Sons, 1910
Maurice, C. Edmund. Bohemia. New York: G. P. Putnam and Sons, 1896.
Monroe, W. S. Bohemia and the Czechs. London: L. C. Page and Co.
Inc., 1910.
Morgenthau, Hans J. Politics Among Nations, 4th ed. New York :
Alfred A. Knopf, 1967.
Od\do, Gilbert L. Slov akia and Its People. New York : Robert ,Speller and
Sons, Publishers, 1960.
Rechcigl, Miloslav, ed. The Czec hoslovak Contribution to World Cul.titre.
The Hague: Mouton and Co., 1964.
Seton-Watson, R. W. A History of the Czechs and Slovaks. Hamden,
Conn.: Archon Books, 1965.
Skultety, Joseph. Sketches from Slovak History. Middletown, Pa.: Jednota Press, 1930.
Wiskeman, Elizabeth. Czechs and Germans. London: Oxforid University
Press, 1938.
Yurchak, P. The Slovaks. Scranton, Pa. 1946.
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Dublin Core
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1971, Vol. 21
Description
An account of the resource
Vol. 21 (No. 44), 1971.
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
The Slovak League of America
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1971
Text
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134
SLOVAKIA
31) Ibid., p . 192.
32) Ibid.
33) Stephanie 0. Rusek, op. cit., p. 182.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Harrison, S. Czechoslovakia in European History, Princeton, New Jersey:
Princeton University Press, 1944, pp. 196-283.
Husek, Stephanie 0 . Ph.D. "General Milan Ra:stislav Stefanik in America," in Jednota Katolicky Kalerzt:lar, 1938, pp. 181-192.
Kerner, Robert J . (ed). Czechoslovakia, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1940.
Masaryk, Thomas Garigue, The Making of a State, New York: Frederick
A. Stokes, 1927.
Oddo, Gilbert L. Slovakia And Its People, New York: Robert Speller &
Sons, 1960.
Seton-Watson, R. W. A History of the Czechs and Slovaks, New York:
Hutchinson and Co., 1943.
Weiss, Louise. "The Founders of the Czech Republic," in Current
H istory, Vol. 11, pp. 287-289.
(SECOND PRIZE AWARD)
Svatopluk: Political Opportunist
or National Hero?
Mary Susan Sabol
Great Moravia, founded in the early ninth century, was
the first political organization established by the Danubian
Slavs without foreign leadership or foreign interference.
Because of the Frankish pressure on the Slavs after the
Avar's fall, the Slavs under Mojmir I determined to create
an independent state, with its power centers at Devin and
Nitra, based on the tradition of the previous Samo state.
Great Moravia achieved its greatest power and influence
under Svatopluk, of the Mojmirid line, from 871 to 894.1
In 870, Svatopluk, regent of Nitra, plotted with
German backing against his uncle, Rastislav, ruler of the
Great Moravian Empire. 2 When Rastislav heard of the
plot, he challenged Svatopluk to do battle. Rastislav,
however, was defeated and taken prisoner by the Germans.
Svatopluk was entrusted with Great Moravia by Carloman,
son of Louis the German. Soon Svatopluk lost the confidence of the Germans; was deposed and imprisoned.
SLOVAKIA
135
Louis the German feared Svatopluk was building a strong
Slavic state that could pose a threat to his German Empire.
Consequently, Slavomir, a Moravian prince, was elected
by the Slavs to take over Svatopluk's position of leadership,
and initiated a rebellion against the Germans.3 Svatopluk
eonvinced Carloman to allow him to direct a siege of the
fortress of Devin, where he betrayed his troops, destroyed
the German army, and again became the ruler of the Great
Moravian Empire. He pressed the offensive against the
Germans, and in 873, he defeated Carloman decisively.
Carloman sought a truce, and in 874, he signed a treaty
with Svatopluk at Forsheim which acknowledged the
independence of Great Moravia. Svatopluk then waged
wars against Panonia, Bohemia, the Vislanians, and the
Lusatian Serbs to extend the frontier of his empire.
Because Carloman's son and successor as one of the
claimants of the German Empire, Arnulf, also feared a
large Slavic state on his eastern border, he sought an
alliance with the Magyars against Great Moravia and
attacked Devin several times during the remainder of
Svatopluk's reign. The empire always repulsed those
attacks as long as Svatopluk lived. 4
It is almost impossible to determine the motives of
a man who lived oved a millenium ago, yet the question
arises whether Svatopluk sought control and expansion
of the ~reat Moravian Empire to satisfy his own powerlust,
or whether he was convinced of the importance and
necessity of a united Slavic peoples, and determined to
create such a union. Svatopluk's first move for power
appears to be a traitorous one. It is doubtful that he
questioned his uncle's statesmanship and loyalty to the
Slavic state, because Rastislav considered the independence
of his country most important. He was painfully aware
of the German military and cultural imperialistic foreign
policy.5
Consequently, he strengthened his country militarily.
Fortresses were built, a strong army was trained, and
support was obtained from the other Moravian princes
who still retained their lands after the fall of Mojmir,
the predecessor of Rastislav. Rastislav was able to defeat
the attacking German armies in 855, thus gaining even
greater support from the local princes.6 By this time,
136
SLOVAKIA
Great Moravia was secure, and Rastislav was able to
concentrate on the domestic problems in his country.
Rastislav publicly opposed the Carolingian brand of
Christianity the German missionaries were imposing on
the Slavs in a foreign language. He realized that the
Christian culture spread by the German clerics would
inevitably cause the ebbing of Slavonic community among
his people and a gradual German takeover of the Great
Moravian Empire. 7 However, Rastislav was aware of the
political advantage Christianity held for the Slavs. If the
Slavic people accepted it, the Christian faith might be
an invaluable link in the alliance of the Slavs against their
enemies.8 He turned to the East and asked Michael III,
Emperor at Constantinople, to send missionaries who
would teach in the Slavonic language.9 In 863, Rastislav
welcomed the brothers, Constantine and Methodius to his
domain to teach Christianity in the vernacular. 10
The German bishops in Salzburg, Passau, and Regensburg and the Bavarian missionaries in Moravia protested
against the activities of the eastern missionaries, accusing
them of initiating dangerous liturgical reforms and ignoring
German ecclesiastical authority. Constantine and Methodius
were called to Rome to defend themselves.11 After convincing the papacy of their orthodoxy, and then, after
Constantine's untimely death, Methodius returned alone to
Great Moravia as archbishop and papal legate with the
authority to organize the Church among the Slavs, and
with the permission to use the Slavonic liturgy. 12 The
German bishops flouted the papacy's approval of Methodius' apostolate and imprisoned him.
At this time, Church-state affairs were considerably
integrated. Papal authority in secular affairs developed
as a result of fifth century papal thinking, which held
that ecclesiastical and secular jurisdictions were distinct,
but papal authority was considered superior to secular
power because the papacy had sovereign authority, whereas
the secular leadership had only derivative administrative
authority.13 Theoretically under the pope's authority, the
Church's bishops, who were often from aristocratic families, asserted their leadership and influence in major
European cities. They created the only effective replace-
SLOVAKIA
137
ment for the diminishing secular organization of society,
becoming the main secular power of their districts. However, because of their own power bases, the bishops were
often tempted and often did, in fact, flout the pope's
dictates, creating division not necessarily between the pope
and secular ruler, but between the pope and bishops, with
the secular . ruler siding with either one, as occured in
the Great Moravia case. 14
Svatopluk, during his regency at Nitra, championed the
German opposition in the Moravian religious controversy
in order to gain the German backing for his attempt to
usurp Rastis1av's power. 15 Thus, Svatopluk's first major
powerplay was made after his extensive effort to form
a strong political alliance with the Germans succeeded.
Svatopluk proved to be a strong and independent
ruler once in control of the Great Moravian Empire. Having
achieved the headship of state, he sought the absolute
control of the Moravian Empire. Soon, however, the
Germans suspected his loyalty to the German Empire.
Consequently, in 871, Svatopluk was deposed and imprisoned, despite his denial of charges for having plotted
against the German Crown. 16
Svatopluk continued to play his political games with
the Germans despite his temporary loss of a power base.
Carloman was unable to suppress, after several attempts,
Slavomir's rebellion. Therefore, Svatopluk asked to lead
an army against Slavomir.17 Carloman finally decided to
risk Svatopluk's leadership, and sent the Slav in command
of the German army to put down the Moravian uprising,
trusting for the success of the arrangement to Svatopluk's
gratitude and to the division among the Moravian princes. 18
When the army reached Devin, Svatopluk ordered his men
to encamp below the fortress while he went up to the
castle under the pretenses of persuading the Moravians
under Slavomir to surrender without a fight. 19 However,
since the most he could receive from a German victory
was limited control of Great Moravia under German
hegemony, although he would more likely be imprisoned
eventually for trying to build a strong Moravian Empire
again, Svatopluk decided that the Germans had outlived
their usefulness to his quest for power. Consequently, he
138
SLOVAKIA
reversed his loyalties, betrayed his command, and told
Slavomfr of a plan he had to defeat the German army.
Then, taking command of the Moravian forces, Svatopluk
waged a surprise attack on the men he was commanding
the previous day. The German troops were crushed under
the savage attack. 20
Svatopluk continued to press the offensive against
Carloman until the German sought a truce in 873. The
following year at Forsheim, Carloman signed an agreement
recognizing the independence of the Great Moravian
Empire.21 Svatopluk's ambition to have absolute control
of Great Moravia was finally realized.
It was no longer politically expedient for Svatopluk
to curry German favor, so he turned to his Slav neighbors
to strengthen his power position. He married the sister
of the Czech duke, Botivoj, to broaden the sphere of his
influence to include Bohemia.22 He brought the Pannonians
and the Lusatian Serbs under his rule and defeated the
powerful pagan ruler of the Vislanian Poles. His extended
Great Moravian Empire appears to have been more of
a federation than an empire, which was created by the
alliances of the overpowered Slavic princes under the
leadership of Svatopluk.23
The foreign policy of the Great Moravian Empire under
Rastislav was reshaped by Svatopluk. He wanted to gain
the support of the papacy in Rome rather than that of
the Byzantine Emperor.24 In 879, the relationship between
the East Frankish. Empire and Rome was cool, and the
Byzantine Empire was considered a theological threat to
Christianity. Svatopluk reasoned that the pope would
want and need an ally. Therefore, he sent his personal
envoy, Zemezizeit, along with Archbishop Methodius, who
had been freed in 873 from his German captors, to secure
for his empire the recognition and "protection" of the
papacy. 25
However, Svatopluk did not return the favor to
Methodius and back his position on ecclesiastical matters.
Methodius had been freed after three years of German
imprisonment, through the efforts of Pope John VIII,
who suspended the German bishops and thretened them
with excommunication.26 In 879, however, Methodius was
SLOVAKIA
139
summoned to Rome again to appear before the Roman
Synod. Through the instigation of Wiching, a German
Benedictine who Svatopluk appointed Bishop of Nitra
during Methodius' imprisonment, the German bishops
charged Methodius with supporting and teaching the Greek
heresy of the Single Procession. Again, Methodius defended
himself successfully, convinced the pope that he accepted
his authority, and returned to Moravia with the pope's
blessing.27
After this contrived issue was resolved, the actual
dispute was brought to a head. The German bishops were
determined to prove the Slavonic liturgy unlawful, and to
abolish the Archbishopric of Moravia. They declared that
the use of the "barbarous" Slavonic language in the liturgy
degraded the religious service. Their argument was a
reference in the scriptures which described the inscription
Pilate had written on the Cross in Latin, Greek and Hebrew.
Methodius argued than on Pentecost, the apostles taught
about the Christ in all the languages so that all present
could understand. The pope rejected the German clergy's
argument, and, once again, sanctioned the apostolic works
of Methodius.28
Svatopluk found it convenient to side with the German
bishops on this issue. Pope John suggested that Svatopluk
and his courtiers could use the Latin liturgy at his court,
if they really felt that strongly about the liturgy issue. 29
Pope John also made a statement concerning Svatopluk's appointment of Wiching as Bishop of Nitra. The
pope was aware of Svatopluk's intention to counterbalance
the authority of Methodius. Therefore, he agreed to recognize the appointment provided that Wiching was
subordinate to Methodius. John also recommended that
Svatopluk appoints future bishops with Methodius' advice
and consent. 30 Of course, the pope was protecting his own
political interests. Methodius was the safer party to back,
rather than the German bishops, whose first loyalties
were always to the German Empire.
Svatopluk even used Methodius when his political
position would be enhanced. He subtly used Methodius'
presence in Rome to try to obtain the recognition of his
Great Moravian Empire by the papacy in 879. However,
140
SLOVAKIA
Svatopluk generally opposed the efforts of the missionary,
because of his fierce hatred for Methodius.31 Svatopluk
was a nominal Christian who still followed pagan practices.
His behavior made Methodius' task of creating a solid
organization among the Slavs more difficult, since their
leader did not take the Christian faith seriously. It appears
as though Methodius reproached him on occasion for his
irresponsibility, and Svatopluk naturally resented it.32 The
hostility that existed between Methodius and Svatopluk
might have eventually resulted in the exile or death of
the archbishop, had not the relations between Svatopluk
and Arnulf become cold because of Arnulf's growing
influence in Pannonia.
Svatopluk's preocupation with Arnulf's menacing prevented the Moravian ruler from taking stronger action
against Methodius. However, after Methodius' death in
885, Svatopluk rejected the archbishop's chosen successor,
Gorazd, warmed his relations with An1ulf, and expelled
Methodius' closest followers from Moravia. Slavic services
were outlowed by Svatopluk; a new pope was elected in
Rome, who condoned Svatopluk's action; and the German
priests of the Latin rite took control of the church
organization in the Great Moravian Empire.33
Arnulf never trusted the strong Moravian ruler on his
borders. Therefore, he sought an alliance with the Magyars,
who had recently migrated to the vicinity, to destroy the
i>lavic empire. Yet, despite the nwnerous German-Magyar
attacks, Great Moravia thrived until the death of Svatopluk
in 894. 34
Svatopluk's record as ruler of the Great Moravian
Empire is almost a flawless case study for Hans Morgenthau's power school theory, which asserts that all politics
is a struggle for power. 35 The evidence shows that throughout his public life, Svatopluk would use any means to
gain and maintain power. His initial rise to power was
cloaked in treachery. After he lost his power, he managed
to persuade his captor to trust him with an army which
was to attack Svatopluk's countrymen, only to betray
his army and seize control of Great Moravia again. He
waged wars recurrently to extend his influence over the
Slavs, and to stand up to the Germans. He negotiated
SLOVAKIA
141
alliances when they would strengthen his position. It
appears that he always gave his support or sought support
only when it was politically expedient.
Since every move Svatopluk made seemed to be a
politically expedient one, one of his official policies does
not fit into the pattern. For the most part, he actively
opposed the Christianization of the Great Moravian Empire
in the Slavonic language. He rejected Rastislav's contention
that Slavonic Christianity would enhance the ethnic community of the Great Moravian Empire, fortify it from
German culture, and, especially, create a strong bond
among the Slavic peoples. Svatopluk must have realized
that his own power could only be strengthened under
such circumstances, yet, he continually opposed Methodius'
activities.
Historians propose that Svatopluk was against the
archbishop because Methodius rebuked him for his pagan
ways, which hindered the effectiveness of the apostle's
mission. Svatopluk's relations with Methodius seem to be
the one major contradiction in the former's career. For
the wily Svatopluk to jeopardize his power over a personality conflict seems out of character, which leads
one to suspect that he might have considered Methodius
to be larger threat to his power than the Germans were.
Though the German bishops were temporal princes as
well as spiritual leaders, Svatopluk was probably confident
in his ability to deal with them. He might have feared
Methodius because of the missionary's widespread popularity and influence over all the Slavs, which could have
easily been used to the advantage of the archbishop if he
sought temporal power as the German bishops did. If
Svatopluk did consider Methodius a threat to his power,
and not just a bothersome conscience, such a threat would
be far more immediate to Svatopluk than a German
cultural-imperialistic foreign policy, and therefore, his
antagonism toward Methodius would be understandable.
The evidence, construed from the few known facts
about Svatopluk, would suggest that Svatopluk was indeed
a political opportunist. However, the Slovak romantic
writers of the nineteenth century, in an effort to create
a feeling of a glorious national past among their people,
142
SLOVAKIA
cast Svatopluk into the role of a great national hero
whose sole intention was to build a strong Slavic state
for the Slavis in East Central Europe. Jan Holly, a leading
Slovak poet, in his epic, "Svatopluk," gives an exaggerated
picture of Svatopluk's victories in his military campaigns
for independence and enlargement of the Great Moravian
Empire. 36 Most of the nineteenth century writers embroidered legend over fact to create a very noble Svatopluk,
downplaying his crimes because, according to their sources,
he repented in the end anyway. Slovak romantics wanted
a national hero with integrity, selfless motivation, and
absolute devotion to the Slavic Empire. Consequently, they
squeezed Svatopluk into their conceived mold of a national
hero, rewriting history in the process.
Too many kings and soldiers who tremendously increased the power and prestige of a nation are either
remembered mainly for their treachery and cruelty, or
are recast into noble superhuman King Arthurs and
Lancelots, while some bishops and priests, who may have
weakened the national consciousness and national independence by preaching foremost loyalty to the Church,
are revered and even considered "symbols of a distinctive
national life."38
Svatopluk was a cruel and unscrupulous antagonist
of Methodius and his disciples. He was treacherous in
usurping his uncle's power. He was a talented politician
who used every legitimate, as well as illegitimate, form
of statescraft to increase his power. He was a political
opportunist. Svatopluk was on the opposite side of the
spectrum from the virtuous hero the nineteenth century
romantics wanted to make him. Yet, from the objective
nationalistic viewpoint, he did establish Slavic greatness.
He did champion the independence of the Slavic Empire.
He did defend the Great Moravian Empire against the
barbaric Magyar invaders. 39 Under Svatopluk's leadership,
Great Moravia became the center of a strong Slavic alliance.
Svatopluk wielded an authority over the Slav princes which
was at least equal to that of the German Emperor over
the princes which were subject to him. 40
The impact of Svatopluk's unified Slavic state has
influenced Slavic political history throughout the last
SLOVAKIA
143
twelve hundred years. Sviitopluk developed the tradition
of unity.
FOOTNOTES
Oscar Halecki, Borderlands of Western Civilization (New York,
1952 ) , p. 25; hereafter cited as Haleckrl..
2) Gilbert L. Oddo, Slovaki a and Its People (New York, N . Y. , 1960 ),
p. 15; hereafter cited as Oddo.
1)
3 ) 0&10, p. 16.
4 ) Od/do, pp. 17-18.
5 ) Joseph Skultety, Sketches from Slovak History (Middletown, Pa.,
1930 ), p. 10; hereafter cited as Skultety.
6) P. Yurchak, The Slovaks (Scranton, Pa. , 1946 ), p. 35; hereafter
cited as Yurchak.
7 ) Skultety, p. 10.
8) C. Edmund Maurice, Bohemia (New York, 1896) , p. 10; hereafter
9)
10 )
11 )
12 )
13 )
14)
15)
16 )
17 )
18 )
19)
20 )
21 )
22 )
23 )
24 )
25 )
26)
27 )
28)
29 )
30 )
31 )
32 )
cited as Maurice.
Oddo, p. 12.
Maurice, p. 10.
Yurchak, p. 51 .
Yurchak, p. 52.
Norman Cantor, Western Civili zation Its Genesis and Destiny
(Glenview, Ill., 1969), p. 301 ; hereafter citdd as Cantor.
Cantor, p. 301 .
Maurice, p. 11 .
Oddo, p. 16.
Oddo, p. 16.
Yurchak, p. 36.
Oddo, p. 17.
Oddo, p. 17.
Oddo, p. 17.
Maurice, p . 12.
Yurchak, p. 37.
Frantisek Kavka, A n Outline of Czechoslovak Hist ory (Prague,
1963 ) , p. 18; hereafter cited as Kavka.
ojddo, p. 17.
Oddo, p. 17.
Maurice, p. 14.
Maurice, p. 15.
Maurice, p. 15.
Maurice, p. 15.
R. W. Seton-Watson, A History of the Czechs and Slovaks (Hamden,
Conn., 1965 ), p. 13 ; hereafter cited as Seton-Watson.
Oddo, p. 18.
144
SLOVAKIA
33) Maurice, p. 16.
34) Frederick G. Heymann, Poland and Czechoslovakia (Englewood
Cliffs, N. J ., 1966), p. 27.
35 ) Hans J . Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations (New York, 1967 ),
4th dd., p . 3.
36) Yurchak, p. 37.
37 ) Seton-Watson, p. 25.
38 ) Maurice, p. 18.
39 ) Maurice, p. 19.
40) Maurice, p. 19.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Cantor, Norman. Western Civilization Its Genesis and Destiny. Glenview,
Ill.: Scott, Foresman and Co., 1969.
Halecki, Oscar. Borderlands of Western Civilizati on. New York: The
Ronald Press Company, 1952.
Heymann, Frederick C. Poland and Czechoslovaki a. Englewood Cliffs,
N. J.: Prentice Hall Inc., 1966.
Kavka, Franti.sek. An Outline of Czechoslovak History. Prague: Orbis,
1963.
Krofta, Kamil. A Short History of Czechoslovakia. London: Williams and
Norgate L~d., 1935.
Lutzow, Count. Bohemi a: An Historical Sketch. London: J. M . Dent and
Sons, 1910
Maurice, C. Edmund. Bohemia. New York: G. P. Putnam and Sons, 1896.
Monroe, W. S. Bohemia and the Czechs. London: L. C. Page and Co.
Inc., 1910.
Morgenthau, Hans J. Politics Among Nations, 4th ed. New York :
Alfred A. Knopf, 1967.
Od\do, Gilbert L. Slov akia and Its People. New York : Robert ,Speller and
Sons, Publishers, 1960.
Rechcigl, Miloslav, ed. The Czec hoslovak Contribution to World Cul.titre.
The Hague: Mouton and Co., 1964.
Seton-Watson, R. W. A History of the Czechs and Slovaks. Hamden,
Conn.: Archon Books, 1965.
Skultety, Joseph. Sketches from Slovak History. Middletown, Pa.: Jednota Press, 1930.
Wiskeman, Elizabeth. Czechs and Germans. London: Oxforid University
Press, 1938.
Yurchak, P. The Slovaks. Scranton, Pa. 1946.
(THIRD PRIZE AWARD)
Dublin Core
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Title
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Svätopluk: Political Opportunist or National Hero?
Description
An account of the resource
Mary Susan Sabol
Slovakia, Vol. 21 (No. 44), 1971
pp. 134-144
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Sabol, Mary Susan
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1971
name
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https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/b6b8000204ecbaea6c54d44eefc26dac.pdf
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PDF Text
Text
SLOVAKIA
145
Slovaks
A PART OF THE GREAT EMIGRATION TO AMERICA
Joseph John K r a j s a
The Slovak nation and the Slovak people, who have
had their own territory of Slovakia since the sixth century
in Central Europe, and who were a part of the great
emigration to America, have left their indelible imprint
on the character of America.
Slovakia's history is a very tragic one. This country
has suffered for over 1,100 years from every type of
oppression ever conceived by man. It is one of the oldest
Christian nations in Central Eure>pe, and has suffered
under foreign domination more than any other nation. At
times the Slovaks have been misunderstood and misrepresented, but they clung to their language, religion,
customs, and traditions. The Slovaks lived through the
predominance of feudalistic Hungary, the glory of the
Magyars and the Czechs, and presently the Slovaks are
ever determined to outlive the terror of Communism that
has been thrust on them since 1945.
Until recent years, very little has been written in this
country on the history and culture of the Slovak people,
in spite of the fact that almost one-third of all the Slovaks
in the world live in the United States and Canada. 1
In area Slovakia is larger than Switzerland or Denmark. It lies along the northern shores of the Central
Danube River, where its slopes on the east touch the Alps
and the western slopes the Carpathian mountains. Since
the beginning of European history, a route run through
the gate of the Danube basin connecting the West and
the East. Because of this fact, Slovakia is a nation that
blends the culture of the West with the Eastern Slovanic
culture even though the Romans withdraw from the Danube
at the end of the 4th century.
Oppressive measures continued for centuries in one
form or another, but when it became possible to rid
themselves of this oppression, the Slovaks migrated to
�146
SLOVAKIA
America to help mould the American culture-one rooted
in the best traditions which they brought with them.
True, the Slovaks began coming to America after 1875
numbers and before the great exodus itself, there
great
in
hardly was a family in Slovakia which did not have at
least one relative in America.
The Slovaks were not always welcomed in the locale
where they settled. When my grandfather arrived in A·
merica in 1906, he was stoned by the "Americans" from
the railroad station until he arrived in the section of the
town called a Ward where all the "foreigners" were living.
When he became settled, he was hard at work like the
rest of the immigrants. He worked as a wiremaker ( drotar)
and became what the handbook, "Gateway to Citizenship",
prepared by the Department of Justice, said in tribute:
The Slovak
The endlessly unbowed,
That gave the west continent
The proudest and best of my
Broad backs and eager youth ...
Ask the coal you burn, who mined it,
The ore, what worker wrung it from the earth,
The bridge, what man bound its steel togetherAn every third answer will be a 'Slovak' ...
And shall you forget me?2
President Taft did not forgot when he said of the
Slovaks:
The truth is, we need a little ,p oetry among our native Americans;
we need an appreciation of poetic ideals; we need to have mixed
with our every-day humdrum life a little bit of the romance that
you bring from the old country and we welcome you on that
account. 2 a
President Franklin D. Roosevelt did not forgot the
Slovak1s when he said:
This country is m~dful of the vast contribution the Slovaks have
made to ,the cause of furthering its development and growth-moral,
cultural and material. The stout-hearted, clear-minded, freedomloving and determined people of Slovakia, who, sensitive of the
wrongs and deprivations experienced in th~ir own country at the
hands of invading forces, turned to America seeking a new home,
now comprise with their children and grandchildren an asset in
life, industry and culture of this great land that defies human
power of appraisal.3
�SLOVAKIA
147
EARLY SWVAK EMIGRATION
Even before the great "new emigration" which began
around 1873, many Slovaks came to America as part of
the "old emigration". Long before the exodus of the Slovak
peasants and journeymen for America, hundreds of Slovaks
left their homeland for life elsewhere. The Slovak emigration was not only for economic reasons, but also involved
was the impelling desire to be part of the dream of a free
world. This was also the dream of other ethnic groups
from Central Europe.
It should be mentioned, however, that before the mass
emigration to the United States after the 1870's, there were
Slovaks who made their mark in this land of the free.
One Slovak who helped America gain her independence
from Great Britain was a soldier, Major John J. Polereck~•,
son of Count Andrew Polerecky of Polerieka, Turiec County,
Slovakia.
In 1781, when the army of Cornwallis was defeated, its arms were
surrendered to Polerecky at Yorktown, Va. The story of John
Polerecky's participation in the American Revolution was unfolded
by Dr. Joseph Cincik, a professor in Cleveland, Ohio, who is a
distant relative of Major Polerecky. John Polerecky, promoted to
a Major in the " French Hussars" by Louis XV, came to America
with the French expeditionary army of Rochambeau to help the
colonists overthrow British rule. It was during the siege of Yorktown, ait: the beginning of 1781, that Major Polerecky became
acquainted with Col. Henry Dearborn (1751-1829) and Col. Benjamin Lincoln (1733-1810), who later became General in the
American Army and then Secretary of War. On October 20, 1781,
when Rochambeau sent Duke de Lauzun to Paris to report the
victory to the French King, Polerecky accompanied him. Polerecky
became a naturalized citizen by an act of ;the Massachusetts legislature and his papers were signed by Governor John Hancock, one
of the signers of ,the American Dec1aration of Independence. Major
Polerecky held various public offices from 1789 to 1828.4
Another Slovak who came to America in the earlier
years was a doctor, Dr. Samuel Figuly, who fought in the
Civil War in the side of the North and is especially noted
for his many contributions to the scientific cultivation of
tabacco in Virginia. As a plantation owner, he settled down
to the cultivation of tabacco in the South, counseled from
abroad by the Slovak botanist, Holuby. During the latter
part of his life, Dr. Figuly took part in the unsuccessful
expedition to the North Pole.5
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SLOVAKIA
There is a long list of Slovak names that appear on
the list of volunteers during the Civil War, especially with
the militia in Chicago known as the "Lincoln Riflemen of
Slovak Origin". Such names as Filip, Krupinsky, Fiala, and
Kozlej are listed as some of the volunteers.6
The famed Civil War soldier who commanded the
"Lincoln Riflemen of Slovak Origin" was a Slovak, Col
Gejza Mihalotzy, who was killed later at Chattanooga. The
fort there was then referred to as "Fort Mihalotzy". Col.
Mihalotzy recruited the company of riflemen in Illinois
and received permission from the President to call his
group the "Lincoln Riflemen of Slovak Origin" .7
A Slovak, Andrew Jelik, was a tailor on a Dutch Ship
which sailed to America in 1754-1755.8 Another Slovak who
arrived in America during the 18th century was Count
Maurice Benovsky who landed in Baltimore, Maryland in
1757 . .Ais an adventurer his career took him to Madagascar
where he became King. In the year 1800, a Slovak dealer
in oils surprised a Slovak Jesuit by making his confession
in Slovak. 9
The first Slovak setUement was made in Philadelphia,
Pa. by wire-workers (drotari), in 1840 at 412-414 Front
Street.10A Martin Chalan landed in the United States in
1872, took out his first papers in 1876, and became an
American citizen in 1879. He made the round-trip across
the ocean twenty-six times.11
THE GREAT SURGE OF SLOVAK EMIGRATION
In the wake of the great emigration to America, the
movement seems to have begun in the eastern part of
Slovakia, especially the counties of Zemplin, saris, and
Spis.12 Between the years 1869-1890, the county of Spis
lost 14 % of her youth between the ages of 20 to 25 years
and 31 % of the men between 26 and 30; saris lost 34 %
of those between 20 and 25 and 44 % of the men ·b etween
26 and 30 years of age. The movement spread in Slovakia
as their brethren became settled in America and the central
and western counties took to emigration in the next
decade. 13
Between 1875-1914, great masses of Slovak intellectuals,
peasants, tradesmen, and artists made up the hundreds
�SLOVAKIA
149
of thousands who crowded the cities of New York, Scranton, Hazleton, Cleveland, Wilkes-Barre, Chicago, Pittsburgh,
Youngstown, Philadelphia, Detroit, Bridgeport, Newark and
the eastern industrial portions of the United States.
These big cities and the little towns around them
became centers of the new Slovak life in this country.
There scarcely was an industry or trade, factory, mill,
mine, or iron works where Slovak immigrants and their
sons could not be found. Because of their brawn, they
took on the most difficult jobs.14
New York ranked first as the port of entry to America;
then in order followed Baltimore, Philadelphia, New
Orleans, Boston, and Portland. From Slovakia, the immigrants generally moved by rail to German, Dutch, or
Italian ports. Through the port of Hamburg, Germany
passed the greatest number of emigrants. Their voyage
took from 13 to 19 days. For my grandmother and grandfather, who came across the ocean in different ships and
in different years, the voyage lasted thirteen days. All
they brought with them was a suitcase made of straw.
It is difficult to give the exact figures on Slovak
immigration before 1899 because the authorities counted
the immigrants according to the country of last residence,
and many of the Slovaks listed Hungary as their country
of last residence. The total immigration to the United
States numbered 9,555,673 in the period of 1899-1910, and
of this number there were 337,527 Slovaks. The peak year
was 1905 for the Slovaks when 52,368 of them were
admitted to this new country of America. 15
In the twelve years ending with June 30, 1910, Slovakia
ranked eight among the nations who emigrated to the
United States. The Slovaks percentage rate of emigration
was the highest of any other group. In fact, the rate of
emigration of Slovaks per 1,000 was 18.6; double that
of any other race of people, except the Hebrews (18.3). 16
SWV AK PIONEERS
The truth remains that Slovakia, a nation with an
area of 31,600 square miles-situated in the very heart
of Central Europe; a small number of people of five million
�150
SLOVAKIA
in population and the oldest nation on the central Danube
River, contributed much to the development of America. 17
In 1963, United States Attorney General Robert F.
Kennedy, reflected pointedly about the Slovaks when he
spoke in Youngstown, Ohio:
The United States wou~d be a poorer nation today, economically,
intellectually, culturally, and in every other way, if it were not
for the over two million of our citizens who are of Slovak birth
or ancestry.17a
The passing of some eighty years and the contributions
of Slovaks to this country prompted Attorney General
Kennedy to make the above conclusion.
The immigrant, no matter where he was situated in
the United States, had two seemingly opposing drives that
moved him. One was toward becoming an American with
which came the social acceptance all immigrants wanted
from those who came to this country before them. The
other was to preserve the culture, language, and faith of
their Slovak past. Strange as it may seem, the two aims
did not clash, instead, the two meshed and contributed
largerly to the dedication and labors of the Slovak pioneers
in the new land. Living in a vastly different environment,
they were able to fashion a completely new life. 18
Thou, 0 Columbia, hast rent their chains,
And lifted them to manhood, heaven, God!l9
On United States soil, the Slovaks developed a very
living and dynamic organized activity; chiefly in journalism,
fratemalism, education, music, drama, and religion. 20
Among the first was Julius Wolf (1859-1930) and John Slovensky
( 1856-1900) who, shortly after arriving in America in 1879, founded
in Pittsburgh, Pa., the first Slovak periodical, the BULLETIN"
(1885), which was hectograph~d. lit was replaced a year later, on
October 21, 1886, by the first Slovak newspaper published in
America, the AMERIKANSKO-SLOVENSK:t NOVINY (The American-Slovak News), through which Wolf and Slovensky set about
encouraging the twofold development of .Slovaks in America. Intergration and yet preservation were ,the ideas of Slovensky and Wolf,
both former teachers in Spis County, held out as maxims to the
new immigrant.21
The second Slovak newspaper in the United States,
called NOVA VLAS1' (The New Homeland), was founded
in 1888 in Streator, Illinois. However, the town of Plymouth,
�SLOVAKIA
151
Pennsylvania is the cradle of SWV .AK V AMERIKE (Slovak In America), which is actually the oldest continuously
published Slovak newspaper in the world. The founder
of this newspaper was Albert S. Ambrose in 1889.22 The
largest and most influential American-Slovak newspaper
in the world-even today-is the JEDNOTA (The Union)
-circulation 40,000-the official organ of the First Catholic
Slovak Union, which was founded by the Rev. Stephen
Furdek in Cleveland, Ohio, May 12, 1891.23
From the very beginning, the Slovaks set out to
preserve their Christian heritage, and, because of economic
and social need, they formed societies or lodges. Both
established organizational life for the Slovaks and the
task of implementing it fell on the shoulders of clergymen.
It was the Slovak clergymen who came from the old
country and responded to the call of the people and founded
and helped to organize parishes, fraternal benefit societies,
other organizations, and edited newspapers and periodicals.24
It was natural that the Slovaks first wanted to have
their own churches for that was their prized heritage.
In 862, there already stood in our Nitra, Slovakia, a Christian church
for more than thirty years, the first among all western Slavs and
the first church in Central Europe.25
The Slovak Calvinists of Jessup, Pa. had a chapel there
in 1888 and were first organized as a religious group in
1887 in Scranton, Pa. 26 The Slovak Lutherans were the
first to organize on a religious basis in the United States.
They established the Parish of the Holy Trinity in Streator,
Illinois, October 5, 1884, and their first minister was Karol
Horak. Other Lutheran parishes were organized in Freeland, Pa. and Nanticoke, Pa., in 1886, and Minneapolis,
Minnesota, in 1888.27 The Slovak Lutherans of Chicago
organized the Evangelical Lutheran Church in 1893 and
in 1894, the Rev. L. Boor became the pastor. 28
Today, the Protestant group represents about 12 %
of the Americans of Slovak descent. The Slovak Evangelical
Lutheran Church has 52 churches and the Slovak Presbyterians have 15 churches. A very small number of Slovaks
also belong to other denominations. 29
The first Catholic parish was founded in Hazleton,
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SLOVAKIA
Pa., in 1882, by the Slovak priest, Ignatius Jaskovic. His
St. Joseph's Parish was actually formed in November 18,
1884. Prior to that he 1said Mass for his people in the
"Irish Church", St. Gabriel's of Hazleton.30
The Slovak Catholics had two problems: priests were
needed who could speak the language and funds were
needed for parish churches and schools. One of the first
Slovak priests who came to the new world, and luckily
for the future, was the Rev. Stephen Furdek, a native of
the village of Trstemi, Orava County, Slovakia. He arrived
in Cleveland, Ohio in the early spring of 1882, and with
Bishop Richard Gilmour's understanding and cooperation,
he set the pattern in motion to solve the Slovak's problems.
At the Bishop's request, Father Furdek went to Europe
to seek out priests who would serve the spiritual needs
of the Catholic Slovaks, Slovenes, and Croatians.31 Besides
Father Furdek, other Catholic clergymen-Rev. Paul Lisicky, Dr. Alexander Dianiska, Rev. Anton Gracik, Rev. Joseph
Murgas, Msgr. Stephen Krasul'a, and others became
dynamic leaders of the Slovaks in America.32
Slovak Catholics number about 85 % of the American
Slovaks in this country.33
A look at our Church dignitaries shows Bishop Joseph A. Durick,
Bishop Andrew G. Grutka, Bishop Paul Hnilica, Bishop Michael
Rusnak (the first Bishop i-n over 1,100 years for the Slovaks of the
Byzantine Rite); Abbots Theodore Kojis, Stanislav F. Gmuca, Jerome Koval; five with the rank of Protonotary Apostolic; over
fifty prelates; and over 1,000 American,Slov,ak priests. There are
seven friaries, one abbey, nine motherhouses for Sisters; nine
institutions of higher learning; an orphanage; four old age homes;
hundreds of elementary schools; and about 300 Slovak Catholic
Parishes. 34
It was toward the maintaining of his Catholic faith
that the Slovak Catholic immigrant devoted the greatest
portion of his efforts. He did this by organizing parishes,
schools, social clubs, and fraternal societies to keep the
faith rooted in the young. He did it with whatever time
and financial resources he had left after sending stipends
back to relatives in the old country for payment of his
passage to America or to help his next of kin to emigrate
to this land of opportunity.35
Mine disasters and other tragedies often took the lives
of husbands and fathers, leaving the family destitute and
�SLOVAKIA
153
without money for the funeral. In answer to the need of
sickness and funeral benefits, a large number of societies
grew up in the industrial and mining towns. Father Furdek
organized these individual societies into a Union (Jednota)
-the First Catholic Slovak Union (1890). He also organized
the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union (1892), the Slovak
Institute (Matica Slovenska) (1893), The National Fund,
and the Fund to Preserve National Heritage. 36
The First Catholic Slovak Union, the largest Slovak
fraternal benefit society in the world (105,000 members),
founded in Cleveland, on September 4, 1890, is undoubtedly
the greatest achievement of Father Furdek's fruitful life.
He founded the organization's official organ, JEDNOT A
(The Union), on May 12, 1891, and edited and published it
and the KALENDAR JEDNOTA (Annual Jednota) for over
a decade. 37
To write about the contributions of the Jednota to
American-Slovak life would require a manuscript that could
fill a good size book. In fact, on the society's 75th Anniversary in 1965, its history was published in a 560-page
book: 75 ROKOV PRVEJ KATOLfCKEJ SLOVENSKEJ
JEDNOTY (75 Year History of the First Catholic Slovak
Union), by Dr. Joseph Pauco.
This book portrays the early struggles of the Slovak immigrant.:;,
their traits of character, their involvement in events, both here
and rn their fatherland, their progress from life in simple settlements to flourishing parishes and to the founding of religious,
dducational, cultural and eharitable institutions. It presents thumbnail sketches of institutions like the Catholic Slovak Federation of
men and women, the newly established Institute of SS. Cyril and
Methodius in Rome for the training of priests for Slovakia. It
includes biographical sketches of notable persons in Slovak life,
contemporary ,as well as past, persons whose names were household
words in their day-Furdek, Jankola, Hrobak, Dianiska, Pavfo,
Murga§, Husek, Kozak, Lach, Rovnianek-all active in American
Slovak life.as
The Immigrant Archives of the University of Minnesota
is establishing a Slovak Room with materials and references
from Jednota Press in Middletown, Pa. Other Slovak
societies and institutions are making their resources available to the study.39
Another Slovak pioneer, Peter P. Rovnianek, an outstanding organizer, brilliant writer and speaker, organized
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SLOVAKIA
the National Slovak Society "for all the Slovaks" without
regard to creed (1890). He was born in Dolny Hricov,
Trencin County, Slovakia. 40
In al:idition to the National Slovak Society, the First Catholic Slovak
Union, and the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union, other Slovak
fraternal benefit societies were organized: the Zivena Beneficial
Society (1891), the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union (1893),
the Slovak Evangelical Union (1893), the Slovak Gymnastic Union
(1896), the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Ladies Union (1898), the
Slovak Caitholic Sokol (1905), the Oanadian Slovak League (1932).
The total membership of the Slovak fraternal benefit societies in
the United States and Canada today is at the 500,000 mark.41
The newspapers were the sounding boards of popular
oprmon as well as a unifying force among the Slovaks.
Almanacs, such as the FIRST SLOVAK NATIONAL
ALMANAC of the National Slovak Society (1893), and
KALEND.AR JEDNOTA (Annual Jednota) (1896) of the
First Catholic Slovak Union, provided the literary reading
that most Slovaks did: short stories, political essays,
reviews of important events, religious essays, articles on
marriage, and articles pertaining to almost any subject
useful to the Slovak readers. Almanacs by the Slovak
writers reached the American-Slovak public and became
so popular that twenty-nine were published at one time.t2
Slovakia was a land of song and dancing and any
celebration of even slight importance in America had to
be combined with singing, dancing, and shouting of the
most vigorous sort.43 The Slovaks have thousands of folk
songs and the 'cardas' dance is the universal favorite. 41
Slovak dramatic clubs were organized at the Slovak parishes and the plays served as the handmaid of religion
and stirred the audiences. The best remembered plays are
"St. Elizabeth", "St. Genevieva", and "Fabiola", by Fr.
Matthew Jankola, a man who foresaw the needs of the
Slovak immigrants and did much for them, especially in
the field of education. Often enacted were
... entertaining skits portraying the Foibles of human nature,
each with a wholesome lesson.4s
The Slovaks also organized political clubs, cultural
societies, and literary circles, but these had to wait because
the Slovaks were occupied with labor conflicts. The early
�SLOVAKIA
155
history of unions show the great part the Slovaks played
in the labor movement. 46
The Slovaks made their contribution to agriculture
in this country. Slovaktown, Arkansas, was a farm community near the town of Stuttgart, which was established
by Slovak settlers from the "old country" who came there
from the coal fields of Pennsylvania to produce dairy
products and vegetables. Slovaktown was chartered in 1895,
through the efforts of Peter V. Rovnianek, Francis Pucher,
Julius Tatraj, Rev. Stephen Dzubaj, Rev. Stephen Furdek,
and Rev. Vaclav Panuska. 47
The first Slovak Catholic parochial school in America
was established in 1889 in Streator, Illinois, by the Rev.
Ervin E. Gelhoff. 48 Today there are over 200 parochial
schools, several high schools, also : St. Andrew's Abbey
of the Slovak Benedictines, Cleveland, Ohio; the Slovak
Franciscan Fathers of Uniontown, Pa., Pittsburgh, Pa.,
Valparaiso, Ind., Columbiana, Ohio, and Easton, Pa.; the
Order of Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Danville, Pa.;
the Slovak Dominican Sisters, Oxford, Mich.; the Slovak
Vincentian Sisters, Perrysville, Pa., Bedford, Ohio; the
Slovak Franciscan Sisters of Bellevue, Pa., Lacon, Ill., and
Bethlehem, Pa; and the Slovak Benedictine Sisters, Tinley
Park, Ill .49 Their contribution to the education and the
life of the Slovak immigrants should be regarded with
deep appreciation for the achievements and accomplishments for the Slovaks in America. They have fulfilled their
mission and lived up to their motto "For God and Country"
(Za Boha a narod ).50
There remains a whole list of Slovak pioneers, and,
with those already mentioned in some detail, a whole
volume can be written on each with ease. Perhaps the
most fertile, imaginative mind among the Slovaks who
came to this country belonged to Father Joseph Murgas.
A man of many talents, a painter, and yet having literary
skill, Father Murgas made outstanding contributions in
the field of electronics. Working even before Marconi had
perfected his wireless, Murgas pioneered in telegraphic
communication. He perfected a method to transit messages
to moving railroad trains and secured a series of patents
for his invention which he called the "Tone System". With
his financial resources exhausted, Fr. Murgas invited
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SLOVAKIA
Marconi and the famous Professor Fessendom of the University of Pittsburgh to assess his work. What followed
is not too clear, but shortly the "Sonorous System"
appeared on the commercial market that infringed upon
Murgas' patents. The "System" was sold in Europe beyond
the reach of U.S. patent courts.
Father Murgas held twelve patents, all instrumental
in making wireless communications between railroad trains
possible. In Slovakia, a new radio station was named
after him and the Slovak Republic issued a postage stamp
in his memory. In United States during World War II,
a Liberty Ship was named in his honor. Father Murgas
is also the founder of the Slovak Catholic Federation of
America, a Slovak Catholic Action organization which
came into existence on February 22, 1911, in Wilkes-Barre,
Pa.st
Just as the Slovak Catholic Federation of America
was founded to promote Catholic Action, so on May 26,
1907, Father Furdek presided over 7,000 Slovaks in Cleveland, Ohio, representing all the Slovak societies and
newspapers and clergy and laity of various religious and
political convictions, to found the Slovak League of
America. The purpose of the League was to unite all
Americans of Slovak descent in the fight of the Slovak
nation abroad. 52 The activities of the League and the
Federation are a significant chapter in the life of the
Slovak immigrants and they still function today with
effectiveness. The League promotes Slovak culture and
maintains the identity of the Slovak, and the Federation
continues to promote Catholic Action.
Another Slovak immigrant who "labored indefatigably"
to preserve the Catholic faith among the people of his
nationality was the Rev. Matthew Jankola. He not only
took care of and built parishes in Hazleton, Pa., Pittston,
Pa., and Bridgeport, Conn., but served as president of the
First Catholic Slovak Union; was editor of JEDNOJ;'A (The
Union); contributed to Slovak periodicals; and was responsible, after tremendous effort, of establishing a teaching
community of Slovak Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius
for the perpetuation of Catholic education among the
Slovak people of America.53 It has been said that what Fr.
�SLOVAKIA
157
Furdek was to the national life of the Slovak immigrants,
Father Jankola was to their religious life.54
CONCLUSION
The Slovak pioneer has built the foundation and started
the process of development in the religious field, in
education, in fraternalism, in journalism, in literature,
and in culture. He did this in a strange environment, living
in big cities and small towns, with a frightening language
barrier, but he enjoyed and breathed freedom. He was
free to think, work, write, and worship as he wished.
He grasped every opportunity to grow and prosper in this
free land, and he did all this to good advantage, thereby
reaping all the precious things necessary and peculiar
to him in the new world. And, the Slovak pioneer did
this within one generation! 55
The Slovak with his sons and their sons, the new
generations, advanced rapidly and their activity in the
business world, political life, sports, and social life became
more pronounced.
But it was the hundreds of thousands of Slovak workers-the
peasants representing practically every village in Slovakia- who
gave concrete meaning to the dream which brought them here.56
The immigrants and those of Slovak descent took on
another task when they resolved in the spirit of America
that their homeland, Slovakia, would some day be free
and independent of alien rule. They worked for and were
determined to see in their time,
. . . that Slovakia some day would be master of its own household,
free to work out its own destiny ·as on equal among the civilized
nations of the eavth.57
Along with Father Furdek, countless others played
a large role in this work. Among them were Michael Bosak,
Sr., whose warm story follows the traditionally American
"rags to riches" theme. He was the wealthiest American
of Slovak descent in the entire country. 58 Then there was
Joseph Rusek, who spent thirty-seven years as the editor
of the JEDNOTA (The Union), the most widely read
American-Slovak newspaper in the United States. Both
these men were instrumental in getting Slovakia's problems
before their fellow Americans.59
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SLOVAKIA
There were also many significant contributions by
the American Slovaks in all the wars. Not only did the
youth serve with distinction in the armed forces, but the
Slovak leaders at home conducted huge War Bond drives.
In World War II, headed by the Rev. John J. Lach of
Whiting, Indiana, the Committee sold over $53 million in
bonds. In recognition of this achievement, the Treasury
Department credited the Slovak League with five bombers
and named four "Liberty Ships" after famous Slovaks:
"The Stephen Furdek", "The Mathias Kocak", "The General
Milan R. t'itefanik", and "The Joseph Murgas". 60
In 1964, the Slovaks of America donated over one-half
million dollars to build the Slovak Institute of SS. Cyril
and Methodius in Rome, where young men are being
trained to be priests so that one day they can serve Slovakia
when it is free of communism. Another great contribution
was the Chapel of Our Mother of Sorrows, a gift of the
First Catholic Slovak Union which was dedicated on
September 5, 1965 in the National Shrine of the Immaculate
Conception, Washington, D. C. This occasion was also the
Diamond Jubilee of the Jednota and over 15,000 American•
Slovaks gathered in the nation's capital to hear Senator
Frank Lausche of Ohio laud the achievements of the
American Slovaks. 61
The Slovaks contributed a large quota of stars and
stalwarts in the field of sports and athletics in American
colleges and on the professional teams. 62 The names on
the teams' rosters today are witness to this fact, but
names like: Pafko, Lapchik, Musial, Bucha, Bednarik, Valo,
Kralik and Mucha are familiar to most sports-minded
Americans.
Yes, indeed, the Slovakis were a part of the "great
emigration and:
... they have definitely and permanently united their /destiny with
the destiny of America. It was men like Furdek, Murgas, Jankola,
Rovnianek, and others who came after them that aided and guided
their fellow Slovaks. They interpret~d America to the Slovaks and
likewise interpreted the psychology and ideals of the Slovaks to
their American neighbors. Through their leadership and guidance
the Slovaks of America were enabled to make their contribution to
the material, cultural, and spiritual progress of their adopted land.6 3
The Slovak was similar in many ways to other im-
�SLOVAKIA
159
migrants in the assimilation process, but unlike the other
ethnic groups, he was destined to play a role in the future
of his homeland.64
In the last 25 years, over 15,000 Slovaks fled from
their homeland to escape the vengeance of the communists
and over 3,000 of these were Slovak intellectuals. Among
the refugees from this tyranny are some of the best known
Slovak novelists, journalists, poets, and writers.
These writers preserved their literary creativeness and formed the
Association of Slovak Writers and Artists and opened avenue to
the greatest surge of literary efforts aboUlt Slovaks on several
continents. More books have been published and distributed about
the Slovak!s on this continent in the last ten years than in all the
prevfous years put together.65
There is no question that these writers and historians
will echo the deeds of their countrymen for posterity.
What is still needed, however, are writers about the Slovaks
in the English language.
The Most Reverend Joseph A. Durick, D. D., Bishop,
Diocese of Nashville, Tenn., speaking in 1965 in Washington,
D. C.,summed it all up when in tribute to the Slovaks he
said:
The triumph of the Slov,aks has come about because of constant
effort, faithful service, zeal for God's house and the willingness
always to sacrifice. The Slovaks great triumph over innumerable
odds has made ,t heir contribution to Church and Country a considerable one. By their loyalty to the Faith and subscription to the great
fundamental fre~doms which they •have exemplified in the market
place and in th~ home, they have helped to build the great city
of God and the city of man in our beloved Country.66
FOOTNOTES
1) Victor R. Greene, " Sons of Hunkies: Men With A Past," SLOVAKI,\ ,
Vol. XVI (No. 39, 1966) , 80.
2) Peter P. Yurchak, Esq., THE SLOVAKS (Scranton, Pa., 1946) , p. 176.
2a ) Ibid., p. 177.
3) Peter P. Yurchak, Esq., THE SLOVAKS (Scranton, Pa., 1946), p. 178.
4 ) Gilbert L. Oddo, SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York, N. Y. ,
1960) , pp. 331-332.
5) Peter P. Yurchak, Esq., THE SLOVAKS (Scranton, Pa., 1946),p. 168.
6)
John Porubsky, "Lincoln And The Slovaks", KALEND'AR JEDNOTA, XLVII (1944), 129.
�160
SLOVAKI A
7) Gilbert L. Oddo, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York,
N. Y., 1960) , p. 332.
8 ) Konstantin Culen, DEJINY SLOVAKOV V AMERJKE (History of
the Slovaks In America) (Slovakia, 1942), I, 24-25.
9 ) Ibid., p. 26-27.
10 ) Ibid. , p. 28.
11) Ibid., p . 29.
12) Emily Greene Balch, Ph.D., OUR SLAVIC FELLOW CITIZENS
(New York, N. Y., 1910), p. 99.
13 ) James J. Zatko, Ph.D., "Early Beginnings of Slovaks in America",
SLOVAKIA , XV ( 1965), 15.
14) Gilbert L. Oddo, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York,
N. Y., 1960) , p. 333.
15) Emily Greene Balch, Ph.D., OUR SLAVIC CITIZENS (New York,
N. Y., 1910) , p. 103.
16) James J . Zatko, Ph.D., "Early Beginnings of Slovaks in America",
SLOVAKIA , XV (1965), 16.
17 ) Joseph M. Kirschbaum , LL.D., Ph.D., SLOVAKIA : NATION AT
THE CROSSROA DS OF CENTRAL EUROPE (New York, N. Y.,
1960) , p . 15.
17a ) Joseph N. Misany, Esq., "Father Andrew Hlinka", SLOVAKIA ,
xv (1965), p. 76.
18) Gilbert L. Oddo, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York,
N. Y. , 1960), p. 333.
19) Peter P . Yurchak, Esq., THE SLOVAKS (Scranton, Pa., 1946), p . 157.
20) Bonaventu re S. Bue, Ph.D., SLOVAK NATIONAL ISM: ITS ORIGINS,
CONFLICT S AND OBJECTIV ES (M.ddletow n, Pa., 1957), p. 60.
21) Oddo, op. cit., p. 334.
22) William Kona, M.A., "The Oldest Slovak Newpaper in the U.S.A.",
S LOVAKIA, XV (1965), pp. 38-39.
23 ) Joseph Pauoo, Ph.D., 75 ROKOV PRVEJ KATOLfCK EJ SLOVENSKEJ JEDNOTY (75 Year History of the First Catholic Slovak
Union) (Middletow n, Pa., 1965) , pp. 13-14.
24 ) Gilbert Oddo, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York,
N. Y., 1960 ), p. 169.
25 ) Joseph Skultety, SKETCHE S FROM SLOVAK HISTORY (Middletown, Pa., 1930), p. 10.
26) Konstantin Culen, DEJINY SLOVAKO V V AMERIKE (History of
the Slovaks in America) (Slovakia, 1942), I, 114-115.
28) James J . Zatko, Ph.D., "Early Beginnings of Slovaks in America",
SLOVAKIA , XV (1965), 28.
29) Gilbert L. Oddo, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York,
N. Y., 1960 ), p. 338.
�SLOVAKIA
161
30) "St. Joseph's Hazleton: Slovak Church Rebuilt", JEDNOTA (The
Union), LXXV (1966) , p. 12.
31) Gilbert L. o'ddo, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York,
N. Y., 1960), p. 334.
32) Peter P. Yurchak, Esq., THE SLOVAKS (Scranton, Pa., 1946), p. 169.
33) Oddo, op. cit., p. 337.
34) Joseph C. Krajsa, "Slovaks Have Arrived", SLOVAKIA, XV (1965) ,
p. 65.
35) Gilbert L. Oddo, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York,
N. Y., 1960), p. 336.
36) Ibid., p. 335.
37) Ibid., p . 334.
38) Mother M. Emerentia, SS.C.M., "Book Reviews", SLOVAKIA, XV,
(1965), pp. 152-155.
39) Joseph C. Krajsa, "Jednota Talk", JEDNOTA (The Union), LXXV,
(1966), p. 5.
40) Dr. Peter Hletko, "The Founder of Our Society", ALMANAC FOR
THE YEAR 1966, LXXIV (1966), 3.
41) Gilbert L. Oddo, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York.
N. Y., 1960), p . 339.
42) James J. Zatko, Ph.D., "Early Beginnings of the Slovaks in America", SLOVAKIA, XV (1965), p . 25.
43) Sr. Mary Eileen, SS.C.M., SLOVAK WEEK LECTURES: FEATURING ART AND MUSIC (Danville, Pa., 1957), p. 1.
44) James J . .Zatko, Ph.D., Early Beginnings of Slovaks in America",
SLOVAKIA, XV (1965), p . 19.
45) Sr. M. Consuela Gregorovic, M .A., CONTRIBUTIONS OF MATTHEW JANKOLA TO SLOVAK EDUCATION IN THE UNITED
STATES (Danville, Pa., 1959), pp. 11, 47.
46) .Zatko, op. cit. , p. 29.
47) James J . .Zatko, Ph.D., "Early Beginnings of Slovaks in America",
SLOVAKIA , XV (1965), p. 30.
48) Joseph C. Krajsa, "Looking Back", JEDNOTA (The Union), LXXV
( 1966), p. 5.
49) Philip A. Hrobak, SLOVAK CATHOLIC PARISHES AND INSTITUTIONS (Middletown, Pa., 1955) , p. 23.
50) Ibid., p. 27.
51) Canon Joseph Altany, LL.D., "Joseph Murgas: Father of Wireless",
DOBRY PASTIER (Good Shepherd), XXXVII (1964), p. 3.
52) Gilbert L. Oddo, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York,
N. Y., 1960) , pp. 343, 344.
53) Sr. M. Consuela Gregorovic, M.A., CONTRIBUTIONS OF MAT-
�162
SLOVAKIA
THEW JANKOLA TO SLOVAK EDUCATION IN THE UNITED
STATES (Danville, Pa., 1959), p. 6.
54) Joseph Pauco, Ph.D., 75 ROKOV PRVEJ KATOLfCKEJ SLOVENSKEJ JEDNOTY (75 Year History of the First Catholic Slovak
Union) (Mid/dletown, Pa., 1965), .p . 306.
55) Gilbert L. Oddo, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York,
N. Y., 1960), p. 331.
56) Peter P. Yurchak, Esq., THE SLOVAKS (Scranton, Pa., 1946), p. 157.
57) Gilbert L. Oddo, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York,
N. Y., 1960), p. 344.
58) Joseph Pauco, Ph.D., 75 ROKOV PRVEJ KATOLfCKEJ SLOVENSKEJ JEDNOTY (75 Year History of ,the First Catholic Slovak
Union) (Middletown, Pa., 1965), p. 179.
59) Ibid., p. 344.
60) Oddo, op. cit., p. 338.
61) Joseph C. Krajsa, "Slovaks Have Arrivejd", SLOVAKIA, XV (1965),
pp. 66, 67.
62) Peter P. Yurchak, Esq., THE SLOVAKS (Scranton,Pa., 1946),p.176.
63) Peter P. Yurchak, Esq., THE SLOVAKS (Scranton, Pa., 1946), p. 177.
64) Gilbert L. O~do, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York,
N. Y.), p. 346.
65) Joseph C. Krajsa, "Slovaks Have Arrived", SLOVAKIA, XV (1965) ,
p. 65.
66) Joseph C. Krajsa, "Jednota's Glories and Future", JEDNOTA
ANNUAL FURDEK, 1966, V (1966), pp. 4, 5.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Altany, Joseph. " Rev. Joseph Murgas, Founder of the Slovak Catholic
Federation of America, Recogniz~ as the 'Father of Wireless'",
Dobry Pastier (Good Shepherd), XXXVII (1964).
Balch, Emily G. Our Slavic Fellow Citizens, New York: Charities Publication, 1910.
Consuela, Sr. M. Contributions of Reverend Matthew Jankola to Slovak
Catholic Education in the United States. Danville, Pa., 1958.
<'.'.:ulen, Konstantin. Dejiny Slovakov v Amerike (History of the Slovaks
in America), Bratislava, Slovakia, 1942.
Eileen, Sr. M. Slovak Week Lectures: Featuring Art and Music. Danville,
Pa., 1957.
Emerentia, Mother M. "Book reviews", Slovakia, XV (1965).
Greene, Victor R. "Sons of Hunkies: Men With a Past?", Slovakia, XVI,
Middletown, Pa., (1966).
Hletko, Peter. "The Founder of Our Society", Almanac for the Year
1966. LXXIV, Pittsburgh, Pa., (1966).
�SLOVAKIA
163
Hrobak, Philip. Slovak Catholic Parishes and Instituti ons. Midjdletown,
Pa.: Jednota Press, 1955.
Kirschbaum, Joseph. Slovakia: Nation at the Crossroads of Central
Europe. New York: Robert Speller & Sons, 1960.
Kona, William. "The Oldest Slovak Newspaper in the U.S.A.", Slovakia ,
XV, Middletown, Pa., (1965).
Krajsa, Joseph C. "St. Joseph, Hazleton: Slovak Church Rebuilt", Jednota (The Union), LXXV, No. 3998 (1966).
"Jednota Talk", Jednota (The Union), LXXV, No. 3999 (1966).
"Looking Back", Jednota (The Union), LXXV, No. 4000 (1966).
"Je\foOlta Glories and Future", Jednota Annual Furdek. V, Middletown, Pa.: Jednota Press, (1960).
"Slovaks Have Arrived", Slovakia. XV, Jednota Press, Middletown ,
Pa., (1965)°.
Misany, Joseph N. "Father Andrew ffiinka", Slovakia, XV, Jednota
Press, Middletown, Pa. ( 1965).
Mother Tongue of the Foreign Born. U. S. Department of Commerce,
Bureau of Census, United States Census of Population, 1960. Washington, D. C. (1966).
Qido, Gilbert L. Slovakia and Its People. New York : Robert Speller &
Sons, 1960.
Orth, Samuel P. Immigration and Labor. New Haven, Conn.: Yale
University Press, 1920.
Pauco, Joseph. 75 Rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty (75 Year
History of the First Catholic Slovak Union). Middletown, Pa.:
Jednota Press, 1965.
Porubsky, John Rev. "Lincoln and the Slovaks", Kalendar Jednota
(Annual Jednota) XLVII, Middletown, Pa.: Jednota Press, (1944) .
Skultety, Joseph. Sketches from Slovak History. Middletown, Pa.: Jednota Press, 1930.
Steiner, Edward A. The Immigrant Tide: Its Ebb and Flow. New York:
Fleming H. Revell Company, 1909.
Yurchak, Peter P. The Slovaks. Scranton, Pa.: Obrana Press, 1946.
2atko, James J. "Early Beginnings of Slovaks in America", Slovakia,
XV, Middletown, Pa., Jednota Press, (1965).
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to
works of charity, materially and morally aids Slovaks,
here and abroad, who may be in need of such aid; it supports the American Red Cross, United Fund Campaigns
and other American charitable projects.
�
SLOVAKIA
145
Slovaks
A PART OF THE GREAT EMIGRATION TO AMERICA
Joseph John K r a j s a
The Slovak nation and the Slovak people, who have
had their own territory of Slovakia since the sixth century
in Central Europe, and who were a part of the great
emigration to America, have left their indelible imprint
on the character of America.
Slovakia's history is a very tragic one. This country
has suffered for over 1,100 years from every type of
oppression ever conceived by man. It is one of the oldest
Christian nations in Central Eure>pe, and has suffered
under foreign domination more than any other nation. At
times the Slovaks have been misunderstood and misrepresented, but they clung to their language, religion,
customs, and traditions. The Slovaks lived through the
predominance of feudalistic Hungary, the glory of the
Magyars and the Czechs, and presently the Slovaks are
ever determined to outlive the terror of Communism that
has been thrust on them since 1945.
Until recent years, very little has been written in this
country on the history and culture of the Slovak people,
in spite of the fact that almost one-third of all the Slovaks
in the world live in the United States and Canada. 1
In area Slovakia is larger than Switzerland or Denmark. It lies along the northern shores of the Central
Danube River, where its slopes on the east touch the Alps
and the western slopes the Carpathian mountains. Since
the beginning of European history, a route run through
the gate of the Danube basin connecting the West and
the East. Because of this fact, Slovakia is a nation that
blends the culture of the West with the Eastern Slovanic
culture even though the Romans withdraw from the Danube
at the end of the 4th century.
Oppressive measures continued for centuries in one
form or another, but when it became possible to rid
themselves of this oppression, the Slovaks migrated to
�146
SLOVAKIA
America to help mould the American culture-one rooted
in the best traditions which they brought with them.
True, the Slovaks began coming to America after 1875
numbers and before the great exodus itself, there
great
in
hardly was a family in Slovakia which did not have at
least one relative in America.
The Slovaks were not always welcomed in the locale
where they settled. When my grandfather arrived in A·
merica in 1906, he was stoned by the "Americans" from
the railroad station until he arrived in the section of the
town called a Ward where all the "foreigners" were living.
When he became settled, he was hard at work like the
rest of the immigrants. He worked as a wiremaker ( drotar)
and became what the handbook, "Gateway to Citizenship",
prepared by the Department of Justice, said in tribute:
The Slovak
The endlessly unbowed,
That gave the west continent
The proudest and best of my
Broad backs and eager youth ...
Ask the coal you burn, who mined it,
The ore, what worker wrung it from the earth,
The bridge, what man bound its steel togetherAn every third answer will be a 'Slovak' ...
And shall you forget me?2
President Taft did not forgot when he said of the
Slovaks:
The truth is, we need a little ,p oetry among our native Americans;
we need an appreciation of poetic ideals; we need to have mixed
with our every-day humdrum life a little bit of the romance that
you bring from the old country and we welcome you on that
account. 2 a
President Franklin D. Roosevelt did not forgot the
Slovak1s when he said:
This country is m~dful of the vast contribution the Slovaks have
made to ,the cause of furthering its development and growth-moral,
cultural and material. The stout-hearted, clear-minded, freedomloving and determined people of Slovakia, who, sensitive of the
wrongs and deprivations experienced in th~ir own country at the
hands of invading forces, turned to America seeking a new home,
now comprise with their children and grandchildren an asset in
life, industry and culture of this great land that defies human
power of appraisal.3
�SLOVAKIA
147
EARLY SWVAK EMIGRATION
Even before the great "new emigration" which began
around 1873, many Slovaks came to America as part of
the "old emigration". Long before the exodus of the Slovak
peasants and journeymen for America, hundreds of Slovaks
left their homeland for life elsewhere. The Slovak emigration was not only for economic reasons, but also involved
was the impelling desire to be part of the dream of a free
world. This was also the dream of other ethnic groups
from Central Europe.
It should be mentioned, however, that before the mass
emigration to the United States after the 1870's, there were
Slovaks who made their mark in this land of the free.
One Slovak who helped America gain her independence
from Great Britain was a soldier, Major John J. Polereck~•,
son of Count Andrew Polerecky of Polerieka, Turiec County,
Slovakia.
In 1781, when the army of Cornwallis was defeated, its arms were
surrendered to Polerecky at Yorktown, Va. The story of John
Polerecky's participation in the American Revolution was unfolded
by Dr. Joseph Cincik, a professor in Cleveland, Ohio, who is a
distant relative of Major Polerecky. John Polerecky, promoted to
a Major in the " French Hussars" by Louis XV, came to America
with the French expeditionary army of Rochambeau to help the
colonists overthrow British rule. It was during the siege of Yorktown, ait: the beginning of 1781, that Major Polerecky became
acquainted with Col. Henry Dearborn (1751-1829) and Col. Benjamin Lincoln (1733-1810), who later became General in the
American Army and then Secretary of War. On October 20, 1781,
when Rochambeau sent Duke de Lauzun to Paris to report the
victory to the French King, Polerecky accompanied him. Polerecky
became a naturalized citizen by an act of ;the Massachusetts legislature and his papers were signed by Governor John Hancock, one
of the signers of ,the American Dec1aration of Independence. Major
Polerecky held various public offices from 1789 to 1828.4
Another Slovak who came to America in the earlier
years was a doctor, Dr. Samuel Figuly, who fought in the
Civil War in the side of the North and is especially noted
for his many contributions to the scientific cultivation of
tabacco in Virginia. As a plantation owner, he settled down
to the cultivation of tabacco in the South, counseled from
abroad by the Slovak botanist, Holuby. During the latter
part of his life, Dr. Figuly took part in the unsuccessful
expedition to the North Pole.5
�148
SLOVAKIA
There is a long list of Slovak names that appear on
the list of volunteers during the Civil War, especially with
the militia in Chicago known as the "Lincoln Riflemen of
Slovak Origin". Such names as Filip, Krupinsky, Fiala, and
Kozlej are listed as some of the volunteers.6
The famed Civil War soldier who commanded the
"Lincoln Riflemen of Slovak Origin" was a Slovak, Col
Gejza Mihalotzy, who was killed later at Chattanooga. The
fort there was then referred to as "Fort Mihalotzy". Col.
Mihalotzy recruited the company of riflemen in Illinois
and received permission from the President to call his
group the "Lincoln Riflemen of Slovak Origin" .7
A Slovak, Andrew Jelik, was a tailor on a Dutch Ship
which sailed to America in 1754-1755.8 Another Slovak who
arrived in America during the 18th century was Count
Maurice Benovsky who landed in Baltimore, Maryland in
1757 . .Ais an adventurer his career took him to Madagascar
where he became King. In the year 1800, a Slovak dealer
in oils surprised a Slovak Jesuit by making his confession
in Slovak. 9
The first Slovak setUement was made in Philadelphia,
Pa. by wire-workers (drotari), in 1840 at 412-414 Front
Street.10A Martin Chalan landed in the United States in
1872, took out his first papers in 1876, and became an
American citizen in 1879. He made the round-trip across
the ocean twenty-six times.11
THE GREAT SURGE OF SLOVAK EMIGRATION
In the wake of the great emigration to America, the
movement seems to have begun in the eastern part of
Slovakia, especially the counties of Zemplin, saris, and
Spis.12 Between the years 1869-1890, the county of Spis
lost 14 % of her youth between the ages of 20 to 25 years
and 31 % of the men between 26 and 30; saris lost 34 %
of those between 20 and 25 and 44 % of the men ·b etween
26 and 30 years of age. The movement spread in Slovakia
as their brethren became settled in America and the central
and western counties took to emigration in the next
decade. 13
Between 1875-1914, great masses of Slovak intellectuals,
peasants, tradesmen, and artists made up the hundreds
�SLOVAKIA
149
of thousands who crowded the cities of New York, Scranton, Hazleton, Cleveland, Wilkes-Barre, Chicago, Pittsburgh,
Youngstown, Philadelphia, Detroit, Bridgeport, Newark and
the eastern industrial portions of the United States.
These big cities and the little towns around them
became centers of the new Slovak life in this country.
There scarcely was an industry or trade, factory, mill,
mine, or iron works where Slovak immigrants and their
sons could not be found. Because of their brawn, they
took on the most difficult jobs.14
New York ranked first as the port of entry to America;
then in order followed Baltimore, Philadelphia, New
Orleans, Boston, and Portland. From Slovakia, the immigrants generally moved by rail to German, Dutch, or
Italian ports. Through the port of Hamburg, Germany
passed the greatest number of emigrants. Their voyage
took from 13 to 19 days. For my grandmother and grandfather, who came across the ocean in different ships and
in different years, the voyage lasted thirteen days. All
they brought with them was a suitcase made of straw.
It is difficult to give the exact figures on Slovak
immigration before 1899 because the authorities counted
the immigrants according to the country of last residence,
and many of the Slovaks listed Hungary as their country
of last residence. The total immigration to the United
States numbered 9,555,673 in the period of 1899-1910, and
of this number there were 337,527 Slovaks. The peak year
was 1905 for the Slovaks when 52,368 of them were
admitted to this new country of America. 15
In the twelve years ending with June 30, 1910, Slovakia
ranked eight among the nations who emigrated to the
United States. The Slovaks percentage rate of emigration
was the highest of any other group. In fact, the rate of
emigration of Slovaks per 1,000 was 18.6; double that
of any other race of people, except the Hebrews (18.3). 16
SWV AK PIONEERS
The truth remains that Slovakia, a nation with an
area of 31,600 square miles-situated in the very heart
of Central Europe; a small number of people of five million
�150
SLOVAKIA
in population and the oldest nation on the central Danube
River, contributed much to the development of America. 17
In 1963, United States Attorney General Robert F.
Kennedy, reflected pointedly about the Slovaks when he
spoke in Youngstown, Ohio:
The United States wou~d be a poorer nation today, economically,
intellectually, culturally, and in every other way, if it were not
for the over two million of our citizens who are of Slovak birth
or ancestry.17a
The passing of some eighty years and the contributions
of Slovaks to this country prompted Attorney General
Kennedy to make the above conclusion.
The immigrant, no matter where he was situated in
the United States, had two seemingly opposing drives that
moved him. One was toward becoming an American with
which came the social acceptance all immigrants wanted
from those who came to this country before them. The
other was to preserve the culture, language, and faith of
their Slovak past. Strange as it may seem, the two aims
did not clash, instead, the two meshed and contributed
largerly to the dedication and labors of the Slovak pioneers
in the new land. Living in a vastly different environment,
they were able to fashion a completely new life. 18
Thou, 0 Columbia, hast rent their chains,
And lifted them to manhood, heaven, God!l9
On United States soil, the Slovaks developed a very
living and dynamic organized activity; chiefly in journalism,
fratemalism, education, music, drama, and religion. 20
Among the first was Julius Wolf (1859-1930) and John Slovensky
( 1856-1900) who, shortly after arriving in America in 1879, founded
in Pittsburgh, Pa., the first Slovak periodical, the BULLETIN"
(1885), which was hectograph~d. lit was replaced a year later, on
October 21, 1886, by the first Slovak newspaper published in
America, the AMERIKANSKO-SLOVENSK:t NOVINY (The American-Slovak News), through which Wolf and Slovensky set about
encouraging the twofold development of .Slovaks in America. Intergration and yet preservation were ,the ideas of Slovensky and Wolf,
both former teachers in Spis County, held out as maxims to the
new immigrant.21
The second Slovak newspaper in the United States,
called NOVA VLAS1' (The New Homeland), was founded
in 1888 in Streator, Illinois. However, the town of Plymouth,
�SLOVAKIA
151
Pennsylvania is the cradle of SWV .AK V AMERIKE (Slovak In America), which is actually the oldest continuously
published Slovak newspaper in the world. The founder
of this newspaper was Albert S. Ambrose in 1889.22 The
largest and most influential American-Slovak newspaper
in the world-even today-is the JEDNOTA (The Union)
-circulation 40,000-the official organ of the First Catholic
Slovak Union, which was founded by the Rev. Stephen
Furdek in Cleveland, Ohio, May 12, 1891.23
From the very beginning, the Slovaks set out to
preserve their Christian heritage, and, because of economic
and social need, they formed societies or lodges. Both
established organizational life for the Slovaks and the
task of implementing it fell on the shoulders of clergymen.
It was the Slovak clergymen who came from the old
country and responded to the call of the people and founded
and helped to organize parishes, fraternal benefit societies,
other organizations, and edited newspapers and periodicals.24
It was natural that the Slovaks first wanted to have
their own churches for that was their prized heritage.
In 862, there already stood in our Nitra, Slovakia, a Christian church
for more than thirty years, the first among all western Slavs and
the first church in Central Europe.25
The Slovak Calvinists of Jessup, Pa. had a chapel there
in 1888 and were first organized as a religious group in
1887 in Scranton, Pa. 26 The Slovak Lutherans were the
first to organize on a religious basis in the United States.
They established the Parish of the Holy Trinity in Streator,
Illinois, October 5, 1884, and their first minister was Karol
Horak. Other Lutheran parishes were organized in Freeland, Pa. and Nanticoke, Pa., in 1886, and Minneapolis,
Minnesota, in 1888.27 The Slovak Lutherans of Chicago
organized the Evangelical Lutheran Church in 1893 and
in 1894, the Rev. L. Boor became the pastor. 28
Today, the Protestant group represents about 12 %
of the Americans of Slovak descent. The Slovak Evangelical
Lutheran Church has 52 churches and the Slovak Presbyterians have 15 churches. A very small number of Slovaks
also belong to other denominations. 29
The first Catholic parish was founded in Hazleton,
�152
SLOVAKIA
Pa., in 1882, by the Slovak priest, Ignatius Jaskovic. His
St. Joseph's Parish was actually formed in November 18,
1884. Prior to that he 1said Mass for his people in the
"Irish Church", St. Gabriel's of Hazleton.30
The Slovak Catholics had two problems: priests were
needed who could speak the language and funds were
needed for parish churches and schools. One of the first
Slovak priests who came to the new world, and luckily
for the future, was the Rev. Stephen Furdek, a native of
the village of Trstemi, Orava County, Slovakia. He arrived
in Cleveland, Ohio in the early spring of 1882, and with
Bishop Richard Gilmour's understanding and cooperation,
he set the pattern in motion to solve the Slovak's problems.
At the Bishop's request, Father Furdek went to Europe
to seek out priests who would serve the spiritual needs
of the Catholic Slovaks, Slovenes, and Croatians.31 Besides
Father Furdek, other Catholic clergymen-Rev. Paul Lisicky, Dr. Alexander Dianiska, Rev. Anton Gracik, Rev. Joseph
Murgas, Msgr. Stephen Krasul'a, and others became
dynamic leaders of the Slovaks in America.32
Slovak Catholics number about 85 % of the American
Slovaks in this country.33
A look at our Church dignitaries shows Bishop Joseph A. Durick,
Bishop Andrew G. Grutka, Bishop Paul Hnilica, Bishop Michael
Rusnak (the first Bishop i-n over 1,100 years for the Slovaks of the
Byzantine Rite); Abbots Theodore Kojis, Stanislav F. Gmuca, Jerome Koval; five with the rank of Protonotary Apostolic; over
fifty prelates; and over 1,000 American,Slov,ak priests. There are
seven friaries, one abbey, nine motherhouses for Sisters; nine
institutions of higher learning; an orphanage; four old age homes;
hundreds of elementary schools; and about 300 Slovak Catholic
Parishes. 34
It was toward the maintaining of his Catholic faith
that the Slovak Catholic immigrant devoted the greatest
portion of his efforts. He did this by organizing parishes,
schools, social clubs, and fraternal societies to keep the
faith rooted in the young. He did it with whatever time
and financial resources he had left after sending stipends
back to relatives in the old country for payment of his
passage to America or to help his next of kin to emigrate
to this land of opportunity.35
Mine disasters and other tragedies often took the lives
of husbands and fathers, leaving the family destitute and
�SLOVAKIA
153
without money for the funeral. In answer to the need of
sickness and funeral benefits, a large number of societies
grew up in the industrial and mining towns. Father Furdek
organized these individual societies into a Union (Jednota)
-the First Catholic Slovak Union (1890). He also organized
the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union (1892), the Slovak
Institute (Matica Slovenska) (1893), The National Fund,
and the Fund to Preserve National Heritage. 36
The First Catholic Slovak Union, the largest Slovak
fraternal benefit society in the world (105,000 members),
founded in Cleveland, on September 4, 1890, is undoubtedly
the greatest achievement of Father Furdek's fruitful life.
He founded the organization's official organ, JEDNOT A
(The Union), on May 12, 1891, and edited and published it
and the KALENDAR JEDNOTA (Annual Jednota) for over
a decade. 37
To write about the contributions of the Jednota to
American-Slovak life would require a manuscript that could
fill a good size book. In fact, on the society's 75th Anniversary in 1965, its history was published in a 560-page
book: 75 ROKOV PRVEJ KATOLfCKEJ SLOVENSKEJ
JEDNOTY (75 Year History of the First Catholic Slovak
Union), by Dr. Joseph Pauco.
This book portrays the early struggles of the Slovak immigrant.:;,
their traits of character, their involvement in events, both here
and rn their fatherland, their progress from life in simple settlements to flourishing parishes and to the founding of religious,
dducational, cultural and eharitable institutions. It presents thumbnail sketches of institutions like the Catholic Slovak Federation of
men and women, the newly established Institute of SS. Cyril and
Methodius in Rome for the training of priests for Slovakia. It
includes biographical sketches of notable persons in Slovak life,
contemporary ,as well as past, persons whose names were household
words in their day-Furdek, Jankola, Hrobak, Dianiska, Pavfo,
Murga§, Husek, Kozak, Lach, Rovnianek-all active in American
Slovak life.as
The Immigrant Archives of the University of Minnesota
is establishing a Slovak Room with materials and references
from Jednota Press in Middletown, Pa. Other Slovak
societies and institutions are making their resources available to the study.39
Another Slovak pioneer, Peter P. Rovnianek, an outstanding organizer, brilliant writer and speaker, organized
�154
SLOVAKIA
the National Slovak Society "for all the Slovaks" without
regard to creed (1890). He was born in Dolny Hricov,
Trencin County, Slovakia. 40
In al:idition to the National Slovak Society, the First Catholic Slovak
Union, and the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union, other Slovak
fraternal benefit societies were organized: the Zivena Beneficial
Society (1891), the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union (1893),
the Slovak Evangelical Union (1893), the Slovak Gymnastic Union
(1896), the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Ladies Union (1898), the
Slovak Caitholic Sokol (1905), the Oanadian Slovak League (1932).
The total membership of the Slovak fraternal benefit societies in
the United States and Canada today is at the 500,000 mark.41
The newspapers were the sounding boards of popular
oprmon as well as a unifying force among the Slovaks.
Almanacs, such as the FIRST SLOVAK NATIONAL
ALMANAC of the National Slovak Society (1893), and
KALEND.AR JEDNOTA (Annual Jednota) (1896) of the
First Catholic Slovak Union, provided the literary reading
that most Slovaks did: short stories, political essays,
reviews of important events, religious essays, articles on
marriage, and articles pertaining to almost any subject
useful to the Slovak readers. Almanacs by the Slovak
writers reached the American-Slovak public and became
so popular that twenty-nine were published at one time.t2
Slovakia was a land of song and dancing and any
celebration of even slight importance in America had to
be combined with singing, dancing, and shouting of the
most vigorous sort.43 The Slovaks have thousands of folk
songs and the 'cardas' dance is the universal favorite. 41
Slovak dramatic clubs were organized at the Slovak parishes and the plays served as the handmaid of religion
and stirred the audiences. The best remembered plays are
"St. Elizabeth", "St. Genevieva", and "Fabiola", by Fr.
Matthew Jankola, a man who foresaw the needs of the
Slovak immigrants and did much for them, especially in
the field of education. Often enacted were
... entertaining skits portraying the Foibles of human nature,
each with a wholesome lesson.4s
The Slovaks also organized political clubs, cultural
societies, and literary circles, but these had to wait because
the Slovaks were occupied with labor conflicts. The early
�SLOVAKIA
155
history of unions show the great part the Slovaks played
in the labor movement. 46
The Slovaks made their contribution to agriculture
in this country. Slovaktown, Arkansas, was a farm community near the town of Stuttgart, which was established
by Slovak settlers from the "old country" who came there
from the coal fields of Pennsylvania to produce dairy
products and vegetables. Slovaktown was chartered in 1895,
through the efforts of Peter V. Rovnianek, Francis Pucher,
Julius Tatraj, Rev. Stephen Dzubaj, Rev. Stephen Furdek,
and Rev. Vaclav Panuska. 47
The first Slovak Catholic parochial school in America
was established in 1889 in Streator, Illinois, by the Rev.
Ervin E. Gelhoff. 48 Today there are over 200 parochial
schools, several high schools, also : St. Andrew's Abbey
of the Slovak Benedictines, Cleveland, Ohio; the Slovak
Franciscan Fathers of Uniontown, Pa., Pittsburgh, Pa.,
Valparaiso, Ind., Columbiana, Ohio, and Easton, Pa.; the
Order of Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Danville, Pa.;
the Slovak Dominican Sisters, Oxford, Mich.; the Slovak
Vincentian Sisters, Perrysville, Pa., Bedford, Ohio; the
Slovak Franciscan Sisters of Bellevue, Pa., Lacon, Ill., and
Bethlehem, Pa; and the Slovak Benedictine Sisters, Tinley
Park, Ill .49 Their contribution to the education and the
life of the Slovak immigrants should be regarded with
deep appreciation for the achievements and accomplishments for the Slovaks in America. They have fulfilled their
mission and lived up to their motto "For God and Country"
(Za Boha a narod ).50
There remains a whole list of Slovak pioneers, and,
with those already mentioned in some detail, a whole
volume can be written on each with ease. Perhaps the
most fertile, imaginative mind among the Slovaks who
came to this country belonged to Father Joseph Murgas.
A man of many talents, a painter, and yet having literary
skill, Father Murgas made outstanding contributions in
the field of electronics. Working even before Marconi had
perfected his wireless, Murgas pioneered in telegraphic
communication. He perfected a method to transit messages
to moving railroad trains and secured a series of patents
for his invention which he called the "Tone System". With
his financial resources exhausted, Fr. Murgas invited
�156
SLOVAKIA
Marconi and the famous Professor Fessendom of the University of Pittsburgh to assess his work. What followed
is not too clear, but shortly the "Sonorous System"
appeared on the commercial market that infringed upon
Murgas' patents. The "System" was sold in Europe beyond
the reach of U.S. patent courts.
Father Murgas held twelve patents, all instrumental
in making wireless communications between railroad trains
possible. In Slovakia, a new radio station was named
after him and the Slovak Republic issued a postage stamp
in his memory. In United States during World War II,
a Liberty Ship was named in his honor. Father Murgas
is also the founder of the Slovak Catholic Federation of
America, a Slovak Catholic Action organization which
came into existence on February 22, 1911, in Wilkes-Barre,
Pa.st
Just as the Slovak Catholic Federation of America
was founded to promote Catholic Action, so on May 26,
1907, Father Furdek presided over 7,000 Slovaks in Cleveland, Ohio, representing all the Slovak societies and
newspapers and clergy and laity of various religious and
political convictions, to found the Slovak League of
America. The purpose of the League was to unite all
Americans of Slovak descent in the fight of the Slovak
nation abroad. 52 The activities of the League and the
Federation are a significant chapter in the life of the
Slovak immigrants and they still function today with
effectiveness. The League promotes Slovak culture and
maintains the identity of the Slovak, and the Federation
continues to promote Catholic Action.
Another Slovak immigrant who "labored indefatigably"
to preserve the Catholic faith among the people of his
nationality was the Rev. Matthew Jankola. He not only
took care of and built parishes in Hazleton, Pa., Pittston,
Pa., and Bridgeport, Conn., but served as president of the
First Catholic Slovak Union; was editor of JEDNOJ;'A (The
Union); contributed to Slovak periodicals; and was responsible, after tremendous effort, of establishing a teaching
community of Slovak Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius
for the perpetuation of Catholic education among the
Slovak people of America.53 It has been said that what Fr.
�SLOVAKIA
157
Furdek was to the national life of the Slovak immigrants,
Father Jankola was to their religious life.54
CONCLUSION
The Slovak pioneer has built the foundation and started
the process of development in the religious field, in
education, in fraternalism, in journalism, in literature,
and in culture. He did this in a strange environment, living
in big cities and small towns, with a frightening language
barrier, but he enjoyed and breathed freedom. He was
free to think, work, write, and worship as he wished.
He grasped every opportunity to grow and prosper in this
free land, and he did all this to good advantage, thereby
reaping all the precious things necessary and peculiar
to him in the new world. And, the Slovak pioneer did
this within one generation! 55
The Slovak with his sons and their sons, the new
generations, advanced rapidly and their activity in the
business world, political life, sports, and social life became
more pronounced.
But it was the hundreds of thousands of Slovak workers-the
peasants representing practically every village in Slovakia- who
gave concrete meaning to the dream which brought them here.56
The immigrants and those of Slovak descent took on
another task when they resolved in the spirit of America
that their homeland, Slovakia, would some day be free
and independent of alien rule. They worked for and were
determined to see in their time,
. . . that Slovakia some day would be master of its own household,
free to work out its own destiny ·as on equal among the civilized
nations of the eavth.57
Along with Father Furdek, countless others played
a large role in this work. Among them were Michael Bosak,
Sr., whose warm story follows the traditionally American
"rags to riches" theme. He was the wealthiest American
of Slovak descent in the entire country. 58 Then there was
Joseph Rusek, who spent thirty-seven years as the editor
of the JEDNOTA (The Union), the most widely read
American-Slovak newspaper in the United States. Both
these men were instrumental in getting Slovakia's problems
before their fellow Americans.59
�158
SLOVAKIA
There were also many significant contributions by
the American Slovaks in all the wars. Not only did the
youth serve with distinction in the armed forces, but the
Slovak leaders at home conducted huge War Bond drives.
In World War II, headed by the Rev. John J. Lach of
Whiting, Indiana, the Committee sold over $53 million in
bonds. In recognition of this achievement, the Treasury
Department credited the Slovak League with five bombers
and named four "Liberty Ships" after famous Slovaks:
"The Stephen Furdek", "The Mathias Kocak", "The General
Milan R. t'itefanik", and "The Joseph Murgas". 60
In 1964, the Slovaks of America donated over one-half
million dollars to build the Slovak Institute of SS. Cyril
and Methodius in Rome, where young men are being
trained to be priests so that one day they can serve Slovakia
when it is free of communism. Another great contribution
was the Chapel of Our Mother of Sorrows, a gift of the
First Catholic Slovak Union which was dedicated on
September 5, 1965 in the National Shrine of the Immaculate
Conception, Washington, D. C. This occasion was also the
Diamond Jubilee of the Jednota and over 15,000 American•
Slovaks gathered in the nation's capital to hear Senator
Frank Lausche of Ohio laud the achievements of the
American Slovaks. 61
The Slovaks contributed a large quota of stars and
stalwarts in the field of sports and athletics in American
colleges and on the professional teams. 62 The names on
the teams' rosters today are witness to this fact, but
names like: Pafko, Lapchik, Musial, Bucha, Bednarik, Valo,
Kralik and Mucha are familiar to most sports-minded
Americans.
Yes, indeed, the Slovakis were a part of the "great
emigration and:
... they have definitely and permanently united their /destiny with
the destiny of America. It was men like Furdek, Murgas, Jankola,
Rovnianek, and others who came after them that aided and guided
their fellow Slovaks. They interpret~d America to the Slovaks and
likewise interpreted the psychology and ideals of the Slovaks to
their American neighbors. Through their leadership and guidance
the Slovaks of America were enabled to make their contribution to
the material, cultural, and spiritual progress of their adopted land.6 3
The Slovak was similar in many ways to other im-
�SLOVAKIA
159
migrants in the assimilation process, but unlike the other
ethnic groups, he was destined to play a role in the future
of his homeland.64
In the last 25 years, over 15,000 Slovaks fled from
their homeland to escape the vengeance of the communists
and over 3,000 of these were Slovak intellectuals. Among
the refugees from this tyranny are some of the best known
Slovak novelists, journalists, poets, and writers.
These writers preserved their literary creativeness and formed the
Association of Slovak Writers and Artists and opened avenue to
the greatest surge of literary efforts aboUlt Slovaks on several
continents. More books have been published and distributed about
the Slovak!s on this continent in the last ten years than in all the
prevfous years put together.65
There is no question that these writers and historians
will echo the deeds of their countrymen for posterity.
What is still needed, however, are writers about the Slovaks
in the English language.
The Most Reverend Joseph A. Durick, D. D., Bishop,
Diocese of Nashville, Tenn., speaking in 1965 in Washington,
D. C.,summed it all up when in tribute to the Slovaks he
said:
The triumph of the Slov,aks has come about because of constant
effort, faithful service, zeal for God's house and the willingness
always to sacrifice. The Slovaks great triumph over innumerable
odds has made ,t heir contribution to Church and Country a considerable one. By their loyalty to the Faith and subscription to the great
fundamental fre~doms which they •have exemplified in the market
place and in th~ home, they have helped to build the great city
of God and the city of man in our beloved Country.66
FOOTNOTES
1) Victor R. Greene, " Sons of Hunkies: Men With A Past," SLOVAKI,\ ,
Vol. XVI (No. 39, 1966) , 80.
2) Peter P. Yurchak, Esq., THE SLOVAKS (Scranton, Pa., 1946) , p. 176.
2a ) Ibid., p. 177.
3) Peter P. Yurchak, Esq., THE SLOVAKS (Scranton, Pa., 1946), p. 178.
4 ) Gilbert L. Oddo, SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York, N. Y. ,
1960) , pp. 331-332.
5) Peter P. Yurchak, Esq., THE SLOVAKS (Scranton, Pa., 1946),p. 168.
6)
John Porubsky, "Lincoln And The Slovaks", KALEND'AR JEDNOTA, XLVII (1944), 129.
�160
SLOVAKI A
7) Gilbert L. Oddo, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York,
N. Y., 1960) , p. 332.
8 ) Konstantin Culen, DEJINY SLOVAKOV V AMERJKE (History of
the Slovaks In America) (Slovakia, 1942), I, 24-25.
9 ) Ibid., p. 26-27.
10 ) Ibid. , p. 28.
11) Ibid., p . 29.
12) Emily Greene Balch, Ph.D., OUR SLAVIC FELLOW CITIZENS
(New York, N. Y., 1910), p. 99.
13 ) James J. Zatko, Ph.D., "Early Beginnings of Slovaks in America",
SLOVAKIA , XV ( 1965), 15.
14) Gilbert L. Oddo, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York,
N. Y., 1960) , p. 333.
15) Emily Greene Balch, Ph.D., OUR SLAVIC CITIZENS (New York,
N. Y., 1910) , p. 103.
16) James J . Zatko, Ph.D., "Early Beginnings of Slovaks in America",
SLOVAKIA , XV (1965), 16.
17 ) Joseph M. Kirschbaum , LL.D., Ph.D., SLOVAKIA : NATION AT
THE CROSSROA DS OF CENTRAL EUROPE (New York, N. Y.,
1960) , p . 15.
17a ) Joseph N. Misany, Esq., "Father Andrew Hlinka", SLOVAKIA ,
xv (1965), p. 76.
18) Gilbert L. Oddo, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York,
N. Y. , 1960), p. 333.
19) Peter P . Yurchak, Esq., THE SLOVAKS (Scranton, Pa., 1946), p . 157.
20) Bonaventu re S. Bue, Ph.D., SLOVAK NATIONAL ISM: ITS ORIGINS,
CONFLICT S AND OBJECTIV ES (M.ddletow n, Pa., 1957), p. 60.
21) Oddo, op. cit., p. 334.
22) William Kona, M.A., "The Oldest Slovak Newpaper in the U.S.A.",
S LOVAKIA, XV (1965), pp. 38-39.
23 ) Joseph Pauoo, Ph.D., 75 ROKOV PRVEJ KATOLfCK EJ SLOVENSKEJ JEDNOTY (75 Year History of the First Catholic Slovak
Union) (Middletow n, Pa., 1965) , pp. 13-14.
24 ) Gilbert Oddo, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York,
N. Y., 1960 ), p. 169.
25 ) Joseph Skultety, SKETCHE S FROM SLOVAK HISTORY (Middletown, Pa., 1930), p. 10.
26) Konstantin Culen, DEJINY SLOVAKO V V AMERIKE (History of
the Slovaks in America) (Slovakia, 1942), I, 114-115.
28) James J . Zatko, Ph.D., "Early Beginnings of Slovaks in America",
SLOVAKIA , XV (1965), 28.
29) Gilbert L. Oddo, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York,
N. Y., 1960 ), p. 338.
�SLOVAKIA
161
30) "St. Joseph's Hazleton: Slovak Church Rebuilt", JEDNOTA (The
Union), LXXV (1966) , p. 12.
31) Gilbert L. o'ddo, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York,
N. Y., 1960), p. 334.
32) Peter P. Yurchak, Esq., THE SLOVAKS (Scranton, Pa., 1946), p. 169.
33) Oddo, op. cit., p. 337.
34) Joseph C. Krajsa, "Slovaks Have Arrived", SLOVAKIA, XV (1965) ,
p. 65.
35) Gilbert L. Oddo, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York,
N. Y., 1960), p. 336.
36) Ibid., p. 335.
37) Ibid., p . 334.
38) Mother M. Emerentia, SS.C.M., "Book Reviews", SLOVAKIA, XV,
(1965), pp. 152-155.
39) Joseph C. Krajsa, "Jednota Talk", JEDNOTA (The Union), LXXV,
(1966), p. 5.
40) Dr. Peter Hletko, "The Founder of Our Society", ALMANAC FOR
THE YEAR 1966, LXXIV (1966), 3.
41) Gilbert L. Oddo, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York.
N. Y., 1960), p . 339.
42) James J. Zatko, Ph.D., "Early Beginnings of the Slovaks in America", SLOVAKIA, XV (1965), p . 25.
43) Sr. Mary Eileen, SS.C.M., SLOVAK WEEK LECTURES: FEATURING ART AND MUSIC (Danville, Pa., 1957), p. 1.
44) James J . .Zatko, Ph.D., Early Beginnings of Slovaks in America",
SLOVAKIA, XV (1965), p . 19.
45) Sr. M. Consuela Gregorovic, M .A., CONTRIBUTIONS OF MATTHEW JANKOLA TO SLOVAK EDUCATION IN THE UNITED
STATES (Danville, Pa., 1959), pp. 11, 47.
46) .Zatko, op. cit. , p. 29.
47) James J . .Zatko, Ph.D., "Early Beginnings of Slovaks in America",
SLOVAKIA , XV (1965), p. 30.
48) Joseph C. Krajsa, "Looking Back", JEDNOTA (The Union), LXXV
( 1966), p. 5.
49) Philip A. Hrobak, SLOVAK CATHOLIC PARISHES AND INSTITUTIONS (Middletown, Pa., 1955) , p. 23.
50) Ibid., p. 27.
51) Canon Joseph Altany, LL.D., "Joseph Murgas: Father of Wireless",
DOBRY PASTIER (Good Shepherd), XXXVII (1964), p. 3.
52) Gilbert L. Oddo, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York,
N. Y., 1960) , pp. 343, 344.
53) Sr. M. Consuela Gregorovic, M.A., CONTRIBUTIONS OF MAT-
�162
SLOVAKIA
THEW JANKOLA TO SLOVAK EDUCATION IN THE UNITED
STATES (Danville, Pa., 1959), p. 6.
54) Joseph Pauco, Ph.D., 75 ROKOV PRVEJ KATOLfCKEJ SLOVENSKEJ JEDNOTY (75 Year History of the First Catholic Slovak
Union) (Mid/dletown, Pa., 1965), .p . 306.
55) Gilbert L. Oddo, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York,
N. Y., 1960), p. 331.
56) Peter P. Yurchak, Esq., THE SLOVAKS (Scranton, Pa., 1946), p. 157.
57) Gilbert L. Oddo, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York,
N. Y., 1960), p. 344.
58) Joseph Pauco, Ph.D., 75 ROKOV PRVEJ KATOLfCKEJ SLOVENSKEJ JEDNOTY (75 Year History of ,the First Catholic Slovak
Union) (Middletown, Pa., 1965), p. 179.
59) Ibid., p. 344.
60) Oddo, op. cit., p. 338.
61) Joseph C. Krajsa, "Slovaks Have Arrivejd", SLOVAKIA, XV (1965),
pp. 66, 67.
62) Peter P. Yurchak, Esq., THE SLOVAKS (Scranton,Pa., 1946),p.176.
63) Peter P. Yurchak, Esq., THE SLOVAKS (Scranton, Pa., 1946), p. 177.
64) Gilbert L. O~do, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York,
N. Y.), p. 346.
65) Joseph C. Krajsa, "Slovaks Have Arrived", SLOVAKIA, XV (1965) ,
p. 65.
66) Joseph C. Krajsa, "Jednota's Glories and Future", JEDNOTA
ANNUAL FURDEK, 1966, V (1966), pp. 4, 5.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Altany, Joseph. " Rev. Joseph Murgas, Founder of the Slovak Catholic
Federation of America, Recogniz~ as the 'Father of Wireless'",
Dobry Pastier (Good Shepherd), XXXVII (1964).
Balch, Emily G. Our Slavic Fellow Citizens, New York: Charities Publication, 1910.
Consuela, Sr. M. Contributions of Reverend Matthew Jankola to Slovak
Catholic Education in the United States. Danville, Pa., 1958.
<'.'.:ulen, Konstantin. Dejiny Slovakov v Amerike (History of the Slovaks
in America), Bratislava, Slovakia, 1942.
Eileen, Sr. M. Slovak Week Lectures: Featuring Art and Music. Danville,
Pa., 1957.
Emerentia, Mother M. "Book reviews", Slovakia, XV (1965).
Greene, Victor R. "Sons of Hunkies: Men With a Past?", Slovakia, XVI,
Middletown, Pa., (1966).
Hletko, Peter. "The Founder of Our Society", Almanac for the Year
1966. LXXIV, Pittsburgh, Pa., (1966).
�SLOVAKIA
163
Hrobak, Philip. Slovak Catholic Parishes and Instituti ons. Midjdletown,
Pa.: Jednota Press, 1955.
Kirschbaum, Joseph. Slovakia: Nation at the Crossroads of Central
Europe. New York: Robert Speller & Sons, 1960.
Kona, William. "The Oldest Slovak Newspaper in the U.S.A.", Slovakia ,
XV, Middletown, Pa., (1965).
Krajsa, Joseph C. "St. Joseph, Hazleton: Slovak Church Rebuilt", Jednota (The Union), LXXV, No. 3998 (1966).
"Jednota Talk", Jednota (The Union), LXXV, No. 3999 (1966).
"Looking Back", Jednota (The Union), LXXV, No. 4000 (1966).
"Je\foOlta Glories and Future", Jednota Annual Furdek. V, Middletown, Pa.: Jednota Press, (1960).
"Slovaks Have Arrived", Slovakia. XV, Jednota Press, Middletown ,
Pa., (1965)°.
Misany, Joseph N. "Father Andrew ffiinka", Slovakia, XV, Jednota
Press, Middletown, Pa. ( 1965).
Mother Tongue of the Foreign Born. U. S. Department of Commerce,
Bureau of Census, United States Census of Population, 1960. Washington, D. C. (1966).
Qido, Gilbert L. Slovakia and Its People. New York : Robert Speller &
Sons, 1960.
Orth, Samuel P. Immigration and Labor. New Haven, Conn.: Yale
University Press, 1920.
Pauco, Joseph. 75 Rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty (75 Year
History of the First Catholic Slovak Union). Middletown, Pa.:
Jednota Press, 1965.
Porubsky, John Rev. "Lincoln and the Slovaks", Kalendar Jednota
(Annual Jednota) XLVII, Middletown, Pa.: Jednota Press, (1944) .
Skultety, Joseph. Sketches from Slovak History. Middletown, Pa.: Jednota Press, 1930.
Steiner, Edward A. The Immigrant Tide: Its Ebb and Flow. New York:
Fleming H. Revell Company, 1909.
Yurchak, Peter P. The Slovaks. Scranton, Pa.: Obrana Press, 1946.
2atko, James J. "Early Beginnings of Slovaks in America", Slovakia,
XV, Middletown, Pa., Jednota Press, (1965).
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to
works of charity, materially and morally aids Slovaks,
here and abroad, who may be in need of such aid; it supports the American Red Cross, United Fund Campaigns
and other American charitable projects.
�
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Vol. 21 (No. 44), 1971.
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SLOVAKIA
145
Slovaks
A PART OF THE GREAT EMIGRATION TO AMERICA
Joseph John K r a j s a
The Slovak nation and the Slovak people, who have
had their own territory of Slovakia since the sixth century
in Central Europe, and who were a part of the great
emigration to America, have left their indelible imprint
on the character of America.
Slovakia's history is a very tragic one. This country
has suffered for over 1,100 years from every type of
oppression ever conceived by man. It is one of the oldest
Christian nations in Central Eure>pe, and has suffered
under foreign domination more than any other nation. At
times the Slovaks have been misunderstood and misrepresented, but they clung to their language, religion,
customs, and traditions. The Slovaks lived through the
predominance of feudalistic Hungary, the glory of the
Magyars and the Czechs, and presently the Slovaks are
ever determined to outlive the terror of Communism that
has been thrust on them since 1945.
Until recent years, very little has been written in this
country on the history and culture of the Slovak people,
in spite of the fact that almost one-third of all the Slovaks
in the world live in the United States and Canada. 1
In area Slovakia is larger than Switzerland or Denmark. It lies along the northern shores of the Central
Danube River, where its slopes on the east touch the Alps
and the western slopes the Carpathian mountains. Since
the beginning of European history, a route run through
the gate of the Danube basin connecting the West and
the East. Because of this fact, Slovakia is a nation that
blends the culture of the West with the Eastern Slovanic
culture even though the Romans withdraw from the Danube
at the end of the 4th century.
Oppressive measures continued for centuries in one
form or another, but when it became possible to rid
themselves of this oppression, the Slovaks migrated to
146
SLOVAKIA
America to help mould the American culture-one rooted
in the best traditions which they brought with them.
True, the Slovaks began coming to America after 1875
numbers and before the great exodus itself, there
great
in
hardly was a family in Slovakia which did not have at
least one relative in America.
The Slovaks were not always welcomed in the locale
where they settled. When my grandfather arrived in A·
merica in 1906, he was stoned by the "Americans" from
the railroad station until he arrived in the section of the
town called a Ward where all the "foreigners" were living.
When he became settled, he was hard at work like the
rest of the immigrants. He worked as a wiremaker ( drotar)
and became what the handbook, "Gateway to Citizenship",
prepared by the Department of Justice, said in tribute:
The Slovak
The endlessly unbowed,
That gave the west continent
The proudest and best of my
Broad backs and eager youth ...
Ask the coal you burn, who mined it,
The ore, what worker wrung it from the earth,
The bridge, what man bound its steel togetherAn every third answer will be a 'Slovak' ...
And shall you forget me?2
President Taft did not forgot when he said of the
Slovaks:
The truth is, we need a little ,p oetry among our native Americans;
we need an appreciation of poetic ideals; we need to have mixed
with our every-day humdrum life a little bit of the romance that
you bring from the old country and we welcome you on that
account. 2 a
President Franklin D. Roosevelt did not forgot the
Slovak1s when he said:
This country is m~dful of the vast contribution the Slovaks have
made to ,the cause of furthering its development and growth-moral,
cultural and material. The stout-hearted, clear-minded, freedomloving and determined people of Slovakia, who, sensitive of the
wrongs and deprivations experienced in th~ir own country at the
hands of invading forces, turned to America seeking a new home,
now comprise with their children and grandchildren an asset in
life, industry and culture of this great land that defies human
power of appraisal.3
SLOVAKIA
147
EARLY SWVAK EMIGRATION
Even before the great "new emigration" which began
around 1873, many Slovaks came to America as part of
the "old emigration". Long before the exodus of the Slovak
peasants and journeymen for America, hundreds of Slovaks
left their homeland for life elsewhere. The Slovak emigration was not only for economic reasons, but also involved
was the impelling desire to be part of the dream of a free
world. This was also the dream of other ethnic groups
from Central Europe.
It should be mentioned, however, that before the mass
emigration to the United States after the 1870's, there were
Slovaks who made their mark in this land of the free.
One Slovak who helped America gain her independence
from Great Britain was a soldier, Major John J. Polereck~•,
son of Count Andrew Polerecky of Polerieka, Turiec County,
Slovakia.
In 1781, when the army of Cornwallis was defeated, its arms were
surrendered to Polerecky at Yorktown, Va. The story of John
Polerecky's participation in the American Revolution was unfolded
by Dr. Joseph Cincik, a professor in Cleveland, Ohio, who is a
distant relative of Major Polerecky. John Polerecky, promoted to
a Major in the " French Hussars" by Louis XV, came to America
with the French expeditionary army of Rochambeau to help the
colonists overthrow British rule. It was during the siege of Yorktown, ait: the beginning of 1781, that Major Polerecky became
acquainted with Col. Henry Dearborn (1751-1829) and Col. Benjamin Lincoln (1733-1810), who later became General in the
American Army and then Secretary of War. On October 20, 1781,
when Rochambeau sent Duke de Lauzun to Paris to report the
victory to the French King, Polerecky accompanied him. Polerecky
became a naturalized citizen by an act of ;the Massachusetts legislature and his papers were signed by Governor John Hancock, one
of the signers of ,the American Dec1aration of Independence. Major
Polerecky held various public offices from 1789 to 1828.4
Another Slovak who came to America in the earlier
years was a doctor, Dr. Samuel Figuly, who fought in the
Civil War in the side of the North and is especially noted
for his many contributions to the scientific cultivation of
tabacco in Virginia. As a plantation owner, he settled down
to the cultivation of tabacco in the South, counseled from
abroad by the Slovak botanist, Holuby. During the latter
part of his life, Dr. Figuly took part in the unsuccessful
expedition to the North Pole.5
148
SLOVAKIA
There is a long list of Slovak names that appear on
the list of volunteers during the Civil War, especially with
the militia in Chicago known as the "Lincoln Riflemen of
Slovak Origin". Such names as Filip, Krupinsky, Fiala, and
Kozlej are listed as some of the volunteers.6
The famed Civil War soldier who commanded the
"Lincoln Riflemen of Slovak Origin" was a Slovak, Col
Gejza Mihalotzy, who was killed later at Chattanooga. The
fort there was then referred to as "Fort Mihalotzy". Col.
Mihalotzy recruited the company of riflemen in Illinois
and received permission from the President to call his
group the "Lincoln Riflemen of Slovak Origin" .7
A Slovak, Andrew Jelik, was a tailor on a Dutch Ship
which sailed to America in 1754-1755.8 Another Slovak who
arrived in America during the 18th century was Count
Maurice Benovsky who landed in Baltimore, Maryland in
1757 . .Ais an adventurer his career took him to Madagascar
where he became King. In the year 1800, a Slovak dealer
in oils surprised a Slovak Jesuit by making his confession
in Slovak. 9
The first Slovak setUement was made in Philadelphia,
Pa. by wire-workers (drotari), in 1840 at 412-414 Front
Street.10A Martin Chalan landed in the United States in
1872, took out his first papers in 1876, and became an
American citizen in 1879. He made the round-trip across
the ocean twenty-six times.11
THE GREAT SURGE OF SLOVAK EMIGRATION
In the wake of the great emigration to America, the
movement seems to have begun in the eastern part of
Slovakia, especially the counties of Zemplin, saris, and
Spis.12 Between the years 1869-1890, the county of Spis
lost 14 % of her youth between the ages of 20 to 25 years
and 31 % of the men between 26 and 30; saris lost 34 %
of those between 20 and 25 and 44 % of the men ·b etween
26 and 30 years of age. The movement spread in Slovakia
as their brethren became settled in America and the central
and western counties took to emigration in the next
decade. 13
Between 1875-1914, great masses of Slovak intellectuals,
peasants, tradesmen, and artists made up the hundreds
SLOVAKIA
149
of thousands who crowded the cities of New York, Scranton, Hazleton, Cleveland, Wilkes-Barre, Chicago, Pittsburgh,
Youngstown, Philadelphia, Detroit, Bridgeport, Newark and
the eastern industrial portions of the United States.
These big cities and the little towns around them
became centers of the new Slovak life in this country.
There scarcely was an industry or trade, factory, mill,
mine, or iron works where Slovak immigrants and their
sons could not be found. Because of their brawn, they
took on the most difficult jobs.14
New York ranked first as the port of entry to America;
then in order followed Baltimore, Philadelphia, New
Orleans, Boston, and Portland. From Slovakia, the immigrants generally moved by rail to German, Dutch, or
Italian ports. Through the port of Hamburg, Germany
passed the greatest number of emigrants. Their voyage
took from 13 to 19 days. For my grandmother and grandfather, who came across the ocean in different ships and
in different years, the voyage lasted thirteen days. All
they brought with them was a suitcase made of straw.
It is difficult to give the exact figures on Slovak
immigration before 1899 because the authorities counted
the immigrants according to the country of last residence,
and many of the Slovaks listed Hungary as their country
of last residence. The total immigration to the United
States numbered 9,555,673 in the period of 1899-1910, and
of this number there were 337,527 Slovaks. The peak year
was 1905 for the Slovaks when 52,368 of them were
admitted to this new country of America. 15
In the twelve years ending with June 30, 1910, Slovakia
ranked eight among the nations who emigrated to the
United States. The Slovaks percentage rate of emigration
was the highest of any other group. In fact, the rate of
emigration of Slovaks per 1,000 was 18.6; double that
of any other race of people, except the Hebrews (18.3). 16
SWV AK PIONEERS
The truth remains that Slovakia, a nation with an
area of 31,600 square miles-situated in the very heart
of Central Europe; a small number of people of five million
150
SLOVAKIA
in population and the oldest nation on the central Danube
River, contributed much to the development of America. 17
In 1963, United States Attorney General Robert F.
Kennedy, reflected pointedly about the Slovaks when he
spoke in Youngstown, Ohio:
The United States wou~d be a poorer nation today, economically,
intellectually, culturally, and in every other way, if it were not
for the over two million of our citizens who are of Slovak birth
or ancestry.17a
The passing of some eighty years and the contributions
of Slovaks to this country prompted Attorney General
Kennedy to make the above conclusion.
The immigrant, no matter where he was situated in
the United States, had two seemingly opposing drives that
moved him. One was toward becoming an American with
which came the social acceptance all immigrants wanted
from those who came to this country before them. The
other was to preserve the culture, language, and faith of
their Slovak past. Strange as it may seem, the two aims
did not clash, instead, the two meshed and contributed
largerly to the dedication and labors of the Slovak pioneers
in the new land. Living in a vastly different environment,
they were able to fashion a completely new life. 18
Thou, 0 Columbia, hast rent their chains,
And lifted them to manhood, heaven, God!l9
On United States soil, the Slovaks developed a very
living and dynamic organized activity; chiefly in journalism,
fratemalism, education, music, drama, and religion. 20
Among the first was Julius Wolf (1859-1930) and John Slovensky
( 1856-1900) who, shortly after arriving in America in 1879, founded
in Pittsburgh, Pa., the first Slovak periodical, the BULLETIN"
(1885), which was hectograph~d. lit was replaced a year later, on
October 21, 1886, by the first Slovak newspaper published in
America, the AMERIKANSKO-SLOVENSK:t NOVINY (The American-Slovak News), through which Wolf and Slovensky set about
encouraging the twofold development of .Slovaks in America. Intergration and yet preservation were ,the ideas of Slovensky and Wolf,
both former teachers in Spis County, held out as maxims to the
new immigrant.21
The second Slovak newspaper in the United States,
called NOVA VLAS1' (The New Homeland), was founded
in 1888 in Streator, Illinois. However, the town of Plymouth,
SLOVAKIA
151
Pennsylvania is the cradle of SWV .AK V AMERIKE (Slovak In America), which is actually the oldest continuously
published Slovak newspaper in the world. The founder
of this newspaper was Albert S. Ambrose in 1889.22 The
largest and most influential American-Slovak newspaper
in the world-even today-is the JEDNOTA (The Union)
-circulation 40,000-the official organ of the First Catholic
Slovak Union, which was founded by the Rev. Stephen
Furdek in Cleveland, Ohio, May 12, 1891.23
From the very beginning, the Slovaks set out to
preserve their Christian heritage, and, because of economic
and social need, they formed societies or lodges. Both
established organizational life for the Slovaks and the
task of implementing it fell on the shoulders of clergymen.
It was the Slovak clergymen who came from the old
country and responded to the call of the people and founded
and helped to organize parishes, fraternal benefit societies,
other organizations, and edited newspapers and periodicals.24
It was natural that the Slovaks first wanted to have
their own churches for that was their prized heritage.
In 862, there already stood in our Nitra, Slovakia, a Christian church
for more than thirty years, the first among all western Slavs and
the first church in Central Europe.25
The Slovak Calvinists of Jessup, Pa. had a chapel there
in 1888 and were first organized as a religious group in
1887 in Scranton, Pa. 26 The Slovak Lutherans were the
first to organize on a religious basis in the United States.
They established the Parish of the Holy Trinity in Streator,
Illinois, October 5, 1884, and their first minister was Karol
Horak. Other Lutheran parishes were organized in Freeland, Pa. and Nanticoke, Pa., in 1886, and Minneapolis,
Minnesota, in 1888.27 The Slovak Lutherans of Chicago
organized the Evangelical Lutheran Church in 1893 and
in 1894, the Rev. L. Boor became the pastor. 28
Today, the Protestant group represents about 12 %
of the Americans of Slovak descent. The Slovak Evangelical
Lutheran Church has 52 churches and the Slovak Presbyterians have 15 churches. A very small number of Slovaks
also belong to other denominations. 29
The first Catholic parish was founded in Hazleton,
152
SLOVAKIA
Pa., in 1882, by the Slovak priest, Ignatius Jaskovic. His
St. Joseph's Parish was actually formed in November 18,
1884. Prior to that he 1said Mass for his people in the
"Irish Church", St. Gabriel's of Hazleton.30
The Slovak Catholics had two problems: priests were
needed who could speak the language and funds were
needed for parish churches and schools. One of the first
Slovak priests who came to the new world, and luckily
for the future, was the Rev. Stephen Furdek, a native of
the village of Trstemi, Orava County, Slovakia. He arrived
in Cleveland, Ohio in the early spring of 1882, and with
Bishop Richard Gilmour's understanding and cooperation,
he set the pattern in motion to solve the Slovak's problems.
At the Bishop's request, Father Furdek went to Europe
to seek out priests who would serve the spiritual needs
of the Catholic Slovaks, Slovenes, and Croatians.31 Besides
Father Furdek, other Catholic clergymen-Rev. Paul Lisicky, Dr. Alexander Dianiska, Rev. Anton Gracik, Rev. Joseph
Murgas, Msgr. Stephen Krasul'a, and others became
dynamic leaders of the Slovaks in America.32
Slovak Catholics number about 85 % of the American
Slovaks in this country.33
A look at our Church dignitaries shows Bishop Joseph A. Durick,
Bishop Andrew G. Grutka, Bishop Paul Hnilica, Bishop Michael
Rusnak (the first Bishop i-n over 1,100 years for the Slovaks of the
Byzantine Rite); Abbots Theodore Kojis, Stanislav F. Gmuca, Jerome Koval; five with the rank of Protonotary Apostolic; over
fifty prelates; and over 1,000 American,Slov,ak priests. There are
seven friaries, one abbey, nine motherhouses for Sisters; nine
institutions of higher learning; an orphanage; four old age homes;
hundreds of elementary schools; and about 300 Slovak Catholic
Parishes. 34
It was toward the maintaining of his Catholic faith
that the Slovak Catholic immigrant devoted the greatest
portion of his efforts. He did this by organizing parishes,
schools, social clubs, and fraternal societies to keep the
faith rooted in the young. He did it with whatever time
and financial resources he had left after sending stipends
back to relatives in the old country for payment of his
passage to America or to help his next of kin to emigrate
to this land of opportunity.35
Mine disasters and other tragedies often took the lives
of husbands and fathers, leaving the family destitute and
SLOVAKIA
153
without money for the funeral. In answer to the need of
sickness and funeral benefits, a large number of societies
grew up in the industrial and mining towns. Father Furdek
organized these individual societies into a Union (Jednota)
-the First Catholic Slovak Union (1890). He also organized
the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union (1892), the Slovak
Institute (Matica Slovenska) (1893), The National Fund,
and the Fund to Preserve National Heritage. 36
The First Catholic Slovak Union, the largest Slovak
fraternal benefit society in the world (105,000 members),
founded in Cleveland, on September 4, 1890, is undoubtedly
the greatest achievement of Father Furdek's fruitful life.
He founded the organization's official organ, JEDNOT A
(The Union), on May 12, 1891, and edited and published it
and the KALENDAR JEDNOTA (Annual Jednota) for over
a decade. 37
To write about the contributions of the Jednota to
American-Slovak life would require a manuscript that could
fill a good size book. In fact, on the society's 75th Anniversary in 1965, its history was published in a 560-page
book: 75 ROKOV PRVEJ KATOLfCKEJ SLOVENSKEJ
JEDNOTY (75 Year History of the First Catholic Slovak
Union), by Dr. Joseph Pauco.
This book portrays the early struggles of the Slovak immigrant.:;,
their traits of character, their involvement in events, both here
and rn their fatherland, their progress from life in simple settlements to flourishing parishes and to the founding of religious,
dducational, cultural and eharitable institutions. It presents thumbnail sketches of institutions like the Catholic Slovak Federation of
men and women, the newly established Institute of SS. Cyril and
Methodius in Rome for the training of priests for Slovakia. It
includes biographical sketches of notable persons in Slovak life,
contemporary ,as well as past, persons whose names were household
words in their day-Furdek, Jankola, Hrobak, Dianiska, Pavfo,
Murga§, Husek, Kozak, Lach, Rovnianek-all active in American
Slovak life.as
The Immigrant Archives of the University of Minnesota
is establishing a Slovak Room with materials and references
from Jednota Press in Middletown, Pa. Other Slovak
societies and institutions are making their resources available to the study.39
Another Slovak pioneer, Peter P. Rovnianek, an outstanding organizer, brilliant writer and speaker, organized
154
SLOVAKIA
the National Slovak Society "for all the Slovaks" without
regard to creed (1890). He was born in Dolny Hricov,
Trencin County, Slovakia. 40
In al:idition to the National Slovak Society, the First Catholic Slovak
Union, and the First Catholic Slovak Ladies Union, other Slovak
fraternal benefit societies were organized: the Zivena Beneficial
Society (1891), the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Union (1893),
the Slovak Evangelical Union (1893), the Slovak Gymnastic Union
(1896), the Pennsylvania Slovak Catholic Ladies Union (1898), the
Slovak Caitholic Sokol (1905), the Oanadian Slovak League (1932).
The total membership of the Slovak fraternal benefit societies in
the United States and Canada today is at the 500,000 mark.41
The newspapers were the sounding boards of popular
oprmon as well as a unifying force among the Slovaks.
Almanacs, such as the FIRST SLOVAK NATIONAL
ALMANAC of the National Slovak Society (1893), and
KALEND.AR JEDNOTA (Annual Jednota) (1896) of the
First Catholic Slovak Union, provided the literary reading
that most Slovaks did: short stories, political essays,
reviews of important events, religious essays, articles on
marriage, and articles pertaining to almost any subject
useful to the Slovak readers. Almanacs by the Slovak
writers reached the American-Slovak public and became
so popular that twenty-nine were published at one time.t2
Slovakia was a land of song and dancing and any
celebration of even slight importance in America had to
be combined with singing, dancing, and shouting of the
most vigorous sort.43 The Slovaks have thousands of folk
songs and the 'cardas' dance is the universal favorite. 41
Slovak dramatic clubs were organized at the Slovak parishes and the plays served as the handmaid of religion
and stirred the audiences. The best remembered plays are
"St. Elizabeth", "St. Genevieva", and "Fabiola", by Fr.
Matthew Jankola, a man who foresaw the needs of the
Slovak immigrants and did much for them, especially in
the field of education. Often enacted were
... entertaining skits portraying the Foibles of human nature,
each with a wholesome lesson.4s
The Slovaks also organized political clubs, cultural
societies, and literary circles, but these had to wait because
the Slovaks were occupied with labor conflicts. The early
SLOVAKIA
155
history of unions show the great part the Slovaks played
in the labor movement. 46
The Slovaks made their contribution to agriculture
in this country. Slovaktown, Arkansas, was a farm community near the town of Stuttgart, which was established
by Slovak settlers from the "old country" who came there
from the coal fields of Pennsylvania to produce dairy
products and vegetables. Slovaktown was chartered in 1895,
through the efforts of Peter V. Rovnianek, Francis Pucher,
Julius Tatraj, Rev. Stephen Dzubaj, Rev. Stephen Furdek,
and Rev. Vaclav Panuska. 47
The first Slovak Catholic parochial school in America
was established in 1889 in Streator, Illinois, by the Rev.
Ervin E. Gelhoff. 48 Today there are over 200 parochial
schools, several high schools, also : St. Andrew's Abbey
of the Slovak Benedictines, Cleveland, Ohio; the Slovak
Franciscan Fathers of Uniontown, Pa., Pittsburgh, Pa.,
Valparaiso, Ind., Columbiana, Ohio, and Easton, Pa.; the
Order of Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius, Danville, Pa.;
the Slovak Dominican Sisters, Oxford, Mich.; the Slovak
Vincentian Sisters, Perrysville, Pa., Bedford, Ohio; the
Slovak Franciscan Sisters of Bellevue, Pa., Lacon, Ill., and
Bethlehem, Pa; and the Slovak Benedictine Sisters, Tinley
Park, Ill .49 Their contribution to the education and the
life of the Slovak immigrants should be regarded with
deep appreciation for the achievements and accomplishments for the Slovaks in America. They have fulfilled their
mission and lived up to their motto "For God and Country"
(Za Boha a narod ).50
There remains a whole list of Slovak pioneers, and,
with those already mentioned in some detail, a whole
volume can be written on each with ease. Perhaps the
most fertile, imaginative mind among the Slovaks who
came to this country belonged to Father Joseph Murgas.
A man of many talents, a painter, and yet having literary
skill, Father Murgas made outstanding contributions in
the field of electronics. Working even before Marconi had
perfected his wireless, Murgas pioneered in telegraphic
communication. He perfected a method to transit messages
to moving railroad trains and secured a series of patents
for his invention which he called the "Tone System". With
his financial resources exhausted, Fr. Murgas invited
156
SLOVAKIA
Marconi and the famous Professor Fessendom of the University of Pittsburgh to assess his work. What followed
is not too clear, but shortly the "Sonorous System"
appeared on the commercial market that infringed upon
Murgas' patents. The "System" was sold in Europe beyond
the reach of U.S. patent courts.
Father Murgas held twelve patents, all instrumental
in making wireless communications between railroad trains
possible. In Slovakia, a new radio station was named
after him and the Slovak Republic issued a postage stamp
in his memory. In United States during World War II,
a Liberty Ship was named in his honor. Father Murgas
is also the founder of the Slovak Catholic Federation of
America, a Slovak Catholic Action organization which
came into existence on February 22, 1911, in Wilkes-Barre,
Pa.st
Just as the Slovak Catholic Federation of America
was founded to promote Catholic Action, so on May 26,
1907, Father Furdek presided over 7,000 Slovaks in Cleveland, Ohio, representing all the Slovak societies and
newspapers and clergy and laity of various religious and
political convictions, to found the Slovak League of
America. The purpose of the League was to unite all
Americans of Slovak descent in the fight of the Slovak
nation abroad. 52 The activities of the League and the
Federation are a significant chapter in the life of the
Slovak immigrants and they still function today with
effectiveness. The League promotes Slovak culture and
maintains the identity of the Slovak, and the Federation
continues to promote Catholic Action.
Another Slovak immigrant who "labored indefatigably"
to preserve the Catholic faith among the people of his
nationality was the Rev. Matthew Jankola. He not only
took care of and built parishes in Hazleton, Pa., Pittston,
Pa., and Bridgeport, Conn., but served as president of the
First Catholic Slovak Union; was editor of JEDNOJ;'A (The
Union); contributed to Slovak periodicals; and was responsible, after tremendous effort, of establishing a teaching
community of Slovak Sisters of SS. Cyril and Methodius
for the perpetuation of Catholic education among the
Slovak people of America.53 It has been said that what Fr.
SLOVAKIA
157
Furdek was to the national life of the Slovak immigrants,
Father Jankola was to their religious life.54
CONCLUSION
The Slovak pioneer has built the foundation and started
the process of development in the religious field, in
education, in fraternalism, in journalism, in literature,
and in culture. He did this in a strange environment, living
in big cities and small towns, with a frightening language
barrier, but he enjoyed and breathed freedom. He was
free to think, work, write, and worship as he wished.
He grasped every opportunity to grow and prosper in this
free land, and he did all this to good advantage, thereby
reaping all the precious things necessary and peculiar
to him in the new world. And, the Slovak pioneer did
this within one generation! 55
The Slovak with his sons and their sons, the new
generations, advanced rapidly and their activity in the
business world, political life, sports, and social life became
more pronounced.
But it was the hundreds of thousands of Slovak workers-the
peasants representing practically every village in Slovakia- who
gave concrete meaning to the dream which brought them here.56
The immigrants and those of Slovak descent took on
another task when they resolved in the spirit of America
that their homeland, Slovakia, would some day be free
and independent of alien rule. They worked for and were
determined to see in their time,
. . . that Slovakia some day would be master of its own household,
free to work out its own destiny ·as on equal among the civilized
nations of the eavth.57
Along with Father Furdek, countless others played
a large role in this work. Among them were Michael Bosak,
Sr., whose warm story follows the traditionally American
"rags to riches" theme. He was the wealthiest American
of Slovak descent in the entire country. 58 Then there was
Joseph Rusek, who spent thirty-seven years as the editor
of the JEDNOTA (The Union), the most widely read
American-Slovak newspaper in the United States. Both
these men were instrumental in getting Slovakia's problems
before their fellow Americans.59
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SLOVAKIA
There were also many significant contributions by
the American Slovaks in all the wars. Not only did the
youth serve with distinction in the armed forces, but the
Slovak leaders at home conducted huge War Bond drives.
In World War II, headed by the Rev. John J. Lach of
Whiting, Indiana, the Committee sold over $53 million in
bonds. In recognition of this achievement, the Treasury
Department credited the Slovak League with five bombers
and named four "Liberty Ships" after famous Slovaks:
"The Stephen Furdek", "The Mathias Kocak", "The General
Milan R. t'itefanik", and "The Joseph Murgas". 60
In 1964, the Slovaks of America donated over one-half
million dollars to build the Slovak Institute of SS. Cyril
and Methodius in Rome, where young men are being
trained to be priests so that one day they can serve Slovakia
when it is free of communism. Another great contribution
was the Chapel of Our Mother of Sorrows, a gift of the
First Catholic Slovak Union which was dedicated on
September 5, 1965 in the National Shrine of the Immaculate
Conception, Washington, D. C. This occasion was also the
Diamond Jubilee of the Jednota and over 15,000 American•
Slovaks gathered in the nation's capital to hear Senator
Frank Lausche of Ohio laud the achievements of the
American Slovaks. 61
The Slovaks contributed a large quota of stars and
stalwarts in the field of sports and athletics in American
colleges and on the professional teams. 62 The names on
the teams' rosters today are witness to this fact, but
names like: Pafko, Lapchik, Musial, Bucha, Bednarik, Valo,
Kralik and Mucha are familiar to most sports-minded
Americans.
Yes, indeed, the Slovakis were a part of the "great
emigration and:
... they have definitely and permanently united their /destiny with
the destiny of America. It was men like Furdek, Murgas, Jankola,
Rovnianek, and others who came after them that aided and guided
their fellow Slovaks. They interpret~d America to the Slovaks and
likewise interpreted the psychology and ideals of the Slovaks to
their American neighbors. Through their leadership and guidance
the Slovaks of America were enabled to make their contribution to
the material, cultural, and spiritual progress of their adopted land.6 3
The Slovak was similar in many ways to other im-
SLOVAKIA
159
migrants in the assimilation process, but unlike the other
ethnic groups, he was destined to play a role in the future
of his homeland.64
In the last 25 years, over 15,000 Slovaks fled from
their homeland to escape the vengeance of the communists
and over 3,000 of these were Slovak intellectuals. Among
the refugees from this tyranny are some of the best known
Slovak novelists, journalists, poets, and writers.
These writers preserved their literary creativeness and formed the
Association of Slovak Writers and Artists and opened avenue to
the greatest surge of literary efforts aboUlt Slovaks on several
continents. More books have been published and distributed about
the Slovak!s on this continent in the last ten years than in all the
prevfous years put together.65
There is no question that these writers and historians
will echo the deeds of their countrymen for posterity.
What is still needed, however, are writers about the Slovaks
in the English language.
The Most Reverend Joseph A. Durick, D. D., Bishop,
Diocese of Nashville, Tenn., speaking in 1965 in Washington,
D. C.,summed it all up when in tribute to the Slovaks he
said:
The triumph of the Slov,aks has come about because of constant
effort, faithful service, zeal for God's house and the willingness
always to sacrifice. The Slovaks great triumph over innumerable
odds has made ,t heir contribution to Church and Country a considerable one. By their loyalty to the Faith and subscription to the great
fundamental fre~doms which they •have exemplified in the market
place and in th~ home, they have helped to build the great city
of God and the city of man in our beloved Country.66
FOOTNOTES
1) Victor R. Greene, " Sons of Hunkies: Men With A Past," SLOVAKI,\ ,
Vol. XVI (No. 39, 1966) , 80.
2) Peter P. Yurchak, Esq., THE SLOVAKS (Scranton, Pa., 1946) , p. 176.
2a ) Ibid., p. 177.
3) Peter P. Yurchak, Esq., THE SLOVAKS (Scranton, Pa., 1946), p. 178.
4 ) Gilbert L. Oddo, SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York, N. Y. ,
1960) , pp. 331-332.
5) Peter P. Yurchak, Esq., THE SLOVAKS (Scranton, Pa., 1946),p. 168.
6)
John Porubsky, "Lincoln And The Slovaks", KALEND'AR JEDNOTA, XLVII (1944), 129.
160
SLOVAKI A
7) Gilbert L. Oddo, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York,
N. Y., 1960) , p. 332.
8 ) Konstantin Culen, DEJINY SLOVAKOV V AMERJKE (History of
the Slovaks In America) (Slovakia, 1942), I, 24-25.
9 ) Ibid., p. 26-27.
10 ) Ibid. , p. 28.
11) Ibid., p . 29.
12) Emily Greene Balch, Ph.D., OUR SLAVIC FELLOW CITIZENS
(New York, N. Y., 1910), p. 99.
13 ) James J. Zatko, Ph.D., "Early Beginnings of Slovaks in America",
SLOVAKIA , XV ( 1965), 15.
14) Gilbert L. Oddo, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York,
N. Y., 1960) , p. 333.
15) Emily Greene Balch, Ph.D., OUR SLAVIC CITIZENS (New York,
N. Y., 1910) , p. 103.
16) James J . Zatko, Ph.D., "Early Beginnings of Slovaks in America",
SLOVAKIA , XV (1965), 16.
17 ) Joseph M. Kirschbaum , LL.D., Ph.D., SLOVAKIA : NATION AT
THE CROSSROA DS OF CENTRAL EUROPE (New York, N. Y.,
1960) , p . 15.
17a ) Joseph N. Misany, Esq., "Father Andrew Hlinka", SLOVAKIA ,
xv (1965), p. 76.
18) Gilbert L. Oddo, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York,
N. Y. , 1960), p. 333.
19) Peter P . Yurchak, Esq., THE SLOVAKS (Scranton, Pa., 1946), p . 157.
20) Bonaventu re S. Bue, Ph.D., SLOVAK NATIONAL ISM: ITS ORIGINS,
CONFLICT S AND OBJECTIV ES (M.ddletow n, Pa., 1957), p. 60.
21) Oddo, op. cit., p. 334.
22) William Kona, M.A., "The Oldest Slovak Newpaper in the U.S.A.",
S LOVAKIA, XV (1965), pp. 38-39.
23 ) Joseph Pauoo, Ph.D., 75 ROKOV PRVEJ KATOLfCK EJ SLOVENSKEJ JEDNOTY (75 Year History of the First Catholic Slovak
Union) (Middletow n, Pa., 1965) , pp. 13-14.
24 ) Gilbert Oddo, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York,
N. Y., 1960 ), p. 169.
25 ) Joseph Skultety, SKETCHE S FROM SLOVAK HISTORY (Middletown, Pa., 1930), p. 10.
26) Konstantin Culen, DEJINY SLOVAKO V V AMERIKE (History of
the Slovaks in America) (Slovakia, 1942), I, 114-115.
28) James J . Zatko, Ph.D., "Early Beginnings of Slovaks in America",
SLOVAKIA , XV (1965), 28.
29) Gilbert L. Oddo, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York,
N. Y., 1960 ), p. 338.
SLOVAKIA
161
30) "St. Joseph's Hazleton: Slovak Church Rebuilt", JEDNOTA (The
Union), LXXV (1966) , p. 12.
31) Gilbert L. o'ddo, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York,
N. Y., 1960), p. 334.
32) Peter P. Yurchak, Esq., THE SLOVAKS (Scranton, Pa., 1946), p. 169.
33) Oddo, op. cit., p. 337.
34) Joseph C. Krajsa, "Slovaks Have Arrived", SLOVAKIA, XV (1965) ,
p. 65.
35) Gilbert L. Oddo, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York,
N. Y., 1960), p. 336.
36) Ibid., p. 335.
37) Ibid., p . 334.
38) Mother M. Emerentia, SS.C.M., "Book Reviews", SLOVAKIA, XV,
(1965), pp. 152-155.
39) Joseph C. Krajsa, "Jednota Talk", JEDNOTA (The Union), LXXV,
(1966), p. 5.
40) Dr. Peter Hletko, "The Founder of Our Society", ALMANAC FOR
THE YEAR 1966, LXXIV (1966), 3.
41) Gilbert L. Oddo, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York.
N. Y., 1960), p . 339.
42) James J. Zatko, Ph.D., "Early Beginnings of the Slovaks in America", SLOVAKIA, XV (1965), p . 25.
43) Sr. Mary Eileen, SS.C.M., SLOVAK WEEK LECTURES: FEATURING ART AND MUSIC (Danville, Pa., 1957), p. 1.
44) James J . .Zatko, Ph.D., Early Beginnings of Slovaks in America",
SLOVAKIA, XV (1965), p . 19.
45) Sr. M. Consuela Gregorovic, M .A., CONTRIBUTIONS OF MATTHEW JANKOLA TO SLOVAK EDUCATION IN THE UNITED
STATES (Danville, Pa., 1959), pp. 11, 47.
46) .Zatko, op. cit. , p. 29.
47) James J . .Zatko, Ph.D., "Early Beginnings of Slovaks in America",
SLOVAKIA , XV (1965), p. 30.
48) Joseph C. Krajsa, "Looking Back", JEDNOTA (The Union), LXXV
( 1966), p. 5.
49) Philip A. Hrobak, SLOVAK CATHOLIC PARISHES AND INSTITUTIONS (Middletown, Pa., 1955) , p. 23.
50) Ibid., p. 27.
51) Canon Joseph Altany, LL.D., "Joseph Murgas: Father of Wireless",
DOBRY PASTIER (Good Shepherd), XXXVII (1964), p. 3.
52) Gilbert L. Oddo, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York,
N. Y., 1960) , pp. 343, 344.
53) Sr. M. Consuela Gregorovic, M.A., CONTRIBUTIONS OF MAT-
162
SLOVAKIA
THEW JANKOLA TO SLOVAK EDUCATION IN THE UNITED
STATES (Danville, Pa., 1959), p. 6.
54) Joseph Pauco, Ph.D., 75 ROKOV PRVEJ KATOLfCKEJ SLOVENSKEJ JEDNOTY (75 Year History of the First Catholic Slovak
Union) (Mid/dletown, Pa., 1965), .p . 306.
55) Gilbert L. Oddo, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York,
N. Y., 1960), p. 331.
56) Peter P. Yurchak, Esq., THE SLOVAKS (Scranton, Pa., 1946), p. 157.
57) Gilbert L. Oddo, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York,
N. Y., 1960), p. 344.
58) Joseph Pauco, Ph.D., 75 ROKOV PRVEJ KATOLfCKEJ SLOVENSKEJ JEDNOTY (75 Year History of ,the First Catholic Slovak
Union) (Middletown, Pa., 1965), p. 179.
59) Ibid., p. 344.
60) Oddo, op. cit., p. 338.
61) Joseph C. Krajsa, "Slovaks Have Arrivejd", SLOVAKIA, XV (1965),
pp. 66, 67.
62) Peter P. Yurchak, Esq., THE SLOVAKS (Scranton,Pa., 1946),p.176.
63) Peter P. Yurchak, Esq., THE SLOVAKS (Scranton, Pa., 1946), p. 177.
64) Gilbert L. O~do, Ph.D., SLOVAKIA AND ITS PEOPLE (New York,
N. Y.), p. 346.
65) Joseph C. Krajsa, "Slovaks Have Arrived", SLOVAKIA, XV (1965) ,
p. 65.
66) Joseph C. Krajsa, "Jednota's Glories and Future", JEDNOTA
ANNUAL FURDEK, 1966, V (1966), pp. 4, 5.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Altany, Joseph. " Rev. Joseph Murgas, Founder of the Slovak Catholic
Federation of America, Recogniz~ as the 'Father of Wireless'",
Dobry Pastier (Good Shepherd), XXXVII (1964).
Balch, Emily G. Our Slavic Fellow Citizens, New York: Charities Publication, 1910.
Consuela, Sr. M. Contributions of Reverend Matthew Jankola to Slovak
Catholic Education in the United States. Danville, Pa., 1958.
<'.'.:ulen, Konstantin. Dejiny Slovakov v Amerike (History of the Slovaks
in America), Bratislava, Slovakia, 1942.
Eileen, Sr. M. Slovak Week Lectures: Featuring Art and Music. Danville,
Pa., 1957.
Emerentia, Mother M. "Book reviews", Slovakia, XV (1965).
Greene, Victor R. "Sons of Hunkies: Men With a Past?", Slovakia, XVI,
Middletown, Pa., (1966).
Hletko, Peter. "The Founder of Our Society", Almanac for the Year
1966. LXXIV, Pittsburgh, Pa., (1966).
SLOVAKIA
163
Hrobak, Philip. Slovak Catholic Parishes and Instituti ons. Midjdletown,
Pa.: Jednota Press, 1955.
Kirschbaum, Joseph. Slovakia: Nation at the Crossroads of Central
Europe. New York: Robert Speller & Sons, 1960.
Kona, William. "The Oldest Slovak Newspaper in the U.S.A.", Slovakia ,
XV, Middletown, Pa., (1965).
Krajsa, Joseph C. "St. Joseph, Hazleton: Slovak Church Rebuilt", Jednota (The Union), LXXV, No. 3998 (1966).
"Jednota Talk", Jednota (The Union), LXXV, No. 3999 (1966).
"Looking Back", Jednota (The Union), LXXV, No. 4000 (1966).
"Je\foOlta Glories and Future", Jednota Annual Furdek. V, Middletown, Pa.: Jednota Press, (1960).
"Slovaks Have Arrived", Slovakia. XV, Jednota Press, Middletown ,
Pa., (1965)°.
Misany, Joseph N. "Father Andrew ffiinka", Slovakia, XV, Jednota
Press, Middletown, Pa. ( 1965).
Mother Tongue of the Foreign Born. U. S. Department of Commerce,
Bureau of Census, United States Census of Population, 1960. Washington, D. C. (1966).
Qido, Gilbert L. Slovakia and Its People. New York : Robert Speller &
Sons, 1960.
Orth, Samuel P. Immigration and Labor. New Haven, Conn.: Yale
University Press, 1920.
Pauco, Joseph. 75 Rokov Prvej Katolickej Slovenskej Jednoty (75 Year
History of the First Catholic Slovak Union). Middletown, Pa.:
Jednota Press, 1965.
Porubsky, John Rev. "Lincoln and the Slovaks", Kalendar Jednota
(Annual Jednota) XLVII, Middletown, Pa.: Jednota Press, (1944) .
Skultety, Joseph. Sketches from Slovak History. Middletown, Pa.: Jednota Press, 1930.
Steiner, Edward A. The Immigrant Tide: Its Ebb and Flow. New York:
Fleming H. Revell Company, 1909.
Yurchak, Peter P. The Slovaks. Scranton, Pa.: Obrana Press, 1946.
2atko, James J. "Early Beginnings of Slovaks in America", Slovakia,
XV, Middletown, Pa., Jednota Press, (1965).
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to
works of charity, materially and morally aids Slovaks,
here and abroad, who may be in need of such aid; it supports the American Red Cross, United Fund Campaigns
and other American charitable projects.
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Slovaks: A Part of the Great Emigration to America
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Joseph John Krajsa
Slovakia, Vol. 21 (No. 44), 1971
pp. 145-163
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Krajsa, Joseph John
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1971
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164
SLOVAKIA
BRATISLAVA: Ancient Slovak
Cultural Center
(A translation from the Slovak of a portion of I.:udo
Ztibek's Moja Bratislava (My Bratislava), published by
Mlade Leta Publishing House, Bratislava, 1965)
1467 ACADEMIA ISTROPOLITANA
Bratislava's city chamberlain, who had charge of the
so-called chamberlain book (the book of the city's receipts
and expenditures ) recorded on the 20th of July, 1467, that
on that day the mayor and the councilmen hosted the
professors who had arrived for the opening of the new
school of higher learning. They gave them fried chicken,
rolls, wine and fruit. Bratislava's mayor and councilmen
were hospitable people, and they honored each distin guished guest with a more modest or a more expensive
refreshment according to the guest's station in life. The
reception, which is mentioned in the book of records, was
not the poorest. From this one may conclude that the
affair concerned distinguished guests.
The event, with which the arrival of the professors
bore upon, was centainly significant. In Bratislava they
opened a university known as Academia Istropolitana. The
reception of the professors was the culmination of lengthy
preparatory work which began two years before in 1465.
At that time the Hungarian king, Matej Korvin, sent t o
Rome a mission of some renown in order to obtain from
the Pope an agreement for the establishment of an
institution of higher learning in Bratislava. In the fifteenth
century there already existed a number of well-known
universities in Europe: Salerno, Bologna, Paris, Prague,
Cracow, Vienna, etc. The universities had merit for the
reason, that concurrently with their fame there was also
spread the glory of the city in which the institution was
located. Each university depended on the fact that it should
have well-known professors because its scholarly renown
was the best recommendation for higher learning. Such
universities had students also from distant countries. The
�SLOVAKIA
165
young men of Hungary who wished to attain a higher
education could only decide upon a foreign university
because in Hungary there were none. They had no language
difficulties, since in all the schools teaching was carried
on in Latin.
It is therefore natural that the king, who revered the
arts and surrounded himself at his court in Budin with
outstanding humanists, desired that there should be a
university in his country. He could have established it
himself, but in such a case the degrees granted there would
have value only in Hungary. In order for it to have
international academic recognition, some kind of higher
authority had to permit the establishment of the university.
Such an authority was the German emperor ( at that time
Fridrich III) or the Pope.
Since Matej's relations with Fridrich could not be
called friendly, the king turned to the Pope. Under the
leadership of the learned bishop Jan cezmicky, better
known by the name Jan Pannonius, and the commanderin-chief Jan Rozgon, a magnificent escort numbering 300
people left on February 20, 1465 from Budin on a march
to Rome. In order to make the success of the mission
more certain, they carried with them for the Pope a humble
"St. Peter's pence": 20,000 gold pieces. Pope Paul II settled
Matej's request favorably, but in the charter with which
he permitted the establishment of the Academia, he stated
a condition that the new school should be set up according
to the example of Bologna University. From this condition
it would logically result that for Academia Istropolitana
the Bologna school should be the model in all matters,
but the leaders of the university used Bologna as an
example only for its teaching programs.
The management of the Academia had a different tenor.
At Bologna the students had the greatest of power. They
chose their professors and had control over their lectures.
In like manner they themselves elected the rector, and
he was chosen from their midst. The rector had advisors
at hand with whom he exercised authority not only over
the students, but also over professors. Without consent of
students and presence of their representatives a professor
could not call in a student and admonish or punish him.
�166
SLOVAKIA
Nowhere else on earth did scholars have such rights as
at Bologna.
At Academia Istropolitana all authority was in the
hands of the chancellor, who was appointed by the king.
The chancellor hired and fired professors, granted the
academic degrees, and carried out his judicial and disciplinary authority over the professors and students.
Academia Istropolitana was formally opened July 20,
1467, but actual teaching there did not begin until the end
of September. The university obtained the building as
a gift from the king and Chancellor Vitez. It was a building
on Venturska Street, of which half was deeded over from
a dead title to the king's possession and the other half
Vitez bought for the university for 600 gold pieces. The
city had the building remodeled in such a way that there
would be lecture halls, apartments for professors and
living quarters for the students. Commencement exercises
were held in a nearby cathedral.
The first chancellor of Academia Istropolitana was the
above mentioned Jan Vitez, the archbishop of Ostrihom
and the king's chancellor. He was not only a statesman
of distinction, but also a humanistic writer of the first
rank. He was born in the year 1408 in Zredna, but his
forefathers came from Ostrihom. Along with his career
as a priest (first he was bishop of Vel'ky Varadin, then
archbishop of Ostrihom) he very quickly attained a leading
position at the king's court: he became chancellor of the
king Matej Korvin. At his resi_d ence in the Ostrihom palace,
which he remodeled and artistically decorated at great
cost, he surrounded himself with humanistic writers and
scholars of the highest rank. They came to Ostrihom from
almost all parts of Europe: from Czechia, Germany, Poland,
France, Italy, and Greece.
Vitez was a true child of his times. On the one hand,
under the influence of the work of his contemporaries, he
very quickly saw the reasons for unhealthy events in the
country and openly warned of them. In the introduction
to his book of letters (his collection of letters written
in Latin) he wr.o te: "Truly I have already saturated myself
with viewing so much misery, but in order that I secure
a safer destiny, I shall be silent." This is the other side
�SLOVAKIA
167
of his personality: behave as others behave. He dressed
as a worldly magnate in clothes of embroidered gold,
wore a gold chain around his neck and a wreath embeded
with precious stones on his head. His personal guard
consisted of 300 knights. He eagerly supported the building
of new palaces and churches and put forth a great amount
of money for the procurement of books, especially beautifully decorated codices. His library was world-famous. He
had in it the works of all the important ancient Greek
and Roman authors and prominent church fathers.
Although Johannes Guttenberg was a contemporary
of Vitez, the printing of books was then not yet known
in Hungary. All books were transcribed by writers and
illustrated by artists. Vitez's love of beautiful manuscripts
financially cost him very heavily. Let us not be surprised
that the chancellor wanted to obtain some books at less
cost. He simply borrowed them-and didn't return them.
Most frequently he would borrow them from his nephew,
bishop Jan Cezmicky. When the bishop's reminders to the
great chancellor reminded without result-but on the
contrary, Vitez requested that his nephew lend him more
codices-Pannonius answered with an ironic letter:
You write that I should send you books. Well, did I not already
send you enough? I have only Greek books left: you have taken
away all the Latin ones. Praise God that you do not know Greek,
otherwise you would not leave me even those. If you would learn
Greek, I would immediately acquire a knowledge of the Hebrew
language and I would establish a libvary of Hebrew codices. I ask,
how it is possible, that in the procurement of books, you are so
dissatisfied. Do you possibly think that in this you are not committing a sinful act? In my opinion it does not matter on what
things our passions concentrate. If in fact you truly desire books
so much, do not take them from others who have less of them
then you.
The extravagant, rich, diplomatic and literary eventfilled life of the chancellor took a sudden sharp turn when
Vitez embroiled himself in a conspiracy against the king
Matej. The king had him imprisoned. Shortly after (1467)
the former chancellor died.
At the time of the establishment of Academia Istropolitana, Vitez was at the peak of his power. His greatest
responsibility in connection with the new school was to
get famous professors for it. He was successful in that .
�168
SLOVAKIA
because already in the first year of the existence of the
academy we meet here with the name of the outstanding
astronomer Johann Miiller, known in the scientific world
as Regiomontanus. Vitez invited him to Bratislava from
Vienna, where he was a professor of the university located
there. Here are at least some of the most well-known data
from his life: He was born in the year 1436 in Konigsberg
(from this he derived the Latinized form of his scientific
name Regiomontanus). Upon completion of schooling, he
taught mathematics at Vienna University, then in 1462 he
left with the escort of Cardinal Bessarion to Italy in
order to complete his study of Greek. The humanistic and
renaissance learned men studied Greek a great deal, which
previously the educated had neglected. He wanted to
publish a revised translation of the works of the great
ancient astronomer Ptolemy.
Upon his return from Italy he lived in Vienna and
in Ostrihom at the court of Jan Vitez. From there he left
to become a professor at Bratislava. But he did not remain
long. Maybe he lacked a properly equipped observatory;
perhaps he did not wish to compose horoscopes which
the king, the aristocracy and rich townsfolk requested
of him. In 1471 he moved to Ntirnberg where with the
financial aid of the wealthy townsman Walther he had
constructed astronomical instruments and set up his own
printery at which his scientific works were printed. In
1474 Pope Sixtus IV invited him to Rome in order to be
the scientific advisor on calendar reform. Here he died
in 1476.
His most famous astronomical work was a calculation
of the paths of heavenly bodies published under the title
Tabulae Directionum. Still 200 years after Regiomontanus'
death these tables were used as an important astronomical
aid.
The authorities of Bratislava hired other professors
in Poland, Italy and France. From Cracow University came
Professor Martin Ilkus, who in addition to philosophy also
occupied himself with astronomy. Many of his astronomical
instruments and handwritings of his scientific works could
still be found in Cracow. There are horoscopes which
Magister Martin-this is the manner in which he was
�SLOVAKIA
169
referred to at the king's court-made for King Matej and
members of his family. All of the aristocrats and noblemen
of that time gave priority to astrology over astronomy.
Ilkus must certainly have found in Regiomontanus a good
co-worker because he was a scientific personality. Historians of the new era refer to Regiomontanus as a spiritual
predecessor of Christopher Columbus.
It seems that the fate of Academia Istropolitana was
very closely tied to the fate of its chancellor Vitez. When
Vitez fell into disfavor and lost his position with the
university, the Academia began to decline. Vice-chancellor
Schomberg did not succeed in obtaining professors of
such standing as Regiomontanus. Also the number of
students began to dwindle. The king had planned the
construction of a new building for students in the rear
of the courtyard or next to the main building. But the
addition was not necessary. From foreign countries very
few applicants inquired and many students from Hungary
gave preference henceforth to Vienna and Cracow. And
thus Academia Istropolitana ceased to exist immediately
upon the death of Matej Korvin (1490).
STUDENTS AND PROFESSORS
Let us return to our student and follow him to the
Gmaitlovsky house on Venturska Street. Academia Istropolitana is located in a building in the courtyard. The entire
court is filled with building materials because King Matej
has great plans for the university. He wants to build a rear
wing and remodel the facade so that afterward the building
would form an enclosed unit. At present there are in the
completed part only lecture halls, professors' apartments,
and the students' dormitory section.
All students however do not live in the dormitory.
The home-towners, naturally, live with their parents and
those from out of town who have relatives or friends in
Bratislava would rather live with them. It is more convenient because the house rules of the dormitory are very
strict. It is especially bad in winter. There is heat only
in the common study where, in the afternoon and evening
hours under the supervision of the dormitory's headmaster, the students must repeat the subject-matter on
�170
SLOVAKIA
which the professors lectured in the forenoon. There is
no heat in rooms where students sleep ... Let the students
accustom themselves!
The school years begins on the tenth of October with
a high mass in the cathedral. The students had to arrive
in Bratislava even before this. The first of their concerns
was to announce themselves at the rector's, identify themselves with a certificate of completion of middle school,
and register with one of four faculties. By registration
with the rector the student formally became a member
of a great university society, but he became a true student
only after the Beaniae. A first year student was titled
a beanus ( allegedly because of the fact that he is still
stupid or a sheep which, with the exception of bleating,
knows nothing else; a beanus knows only to say be). The
initiation rites to which every beanus had to submit was
called the Beaniae.
· The comic ceremony had only one purpose: to torment
the beani in the worst way. For example, they smeared
their faces with some kind of black grease and then they
shaved them with a large wooden razor, or they placed
horns on their heads and ordered them to perform all
kinds of difficult and amusing tasks. Upon completion of
the production the beani had to host their professors and
older colleagues.
At the majority of the universities the professors
themselves voted for the rector, the vice-rector and the
deans. It was not so in Bratislava. Academia Istropolitana
did not have a rector, but a chancellor appointed by the
king. His term of office was not limited by time; while
a rector was elected by professors for a term of one year,
the chancellor was in fact a royal office-holder commissioned with the management of the university. He alone
chose his representative, the vicechancellor.
The main course of study at the Academia was
theology; the weakest by attendance was in medicine. At
Academia Istropolitana we know only of the master Peter
who lectured here on medicine. As we speak of lecturing,
this is not a completely precise description. The professor
did not lecture, but read. He read the works of recognized
�SLOVAKIA
171
scientific authorities and explained them. He did not add
anything of his own.
Students sat on simple wooden benches, on their
knees were placed planks, and on those some kind of
parchment or paper on which they made notes with a
goose guill dipped in ink. They had a little bottle of ink
tied with a string around the waist. There were no textbooks and for that reason the head-master, who had
supervision over them, went over the lectured material
with the students in the dormitory or study room.
Because the age of those in attendance was not
prescribed, 15 year old boys and 30-40 years old men sat
together in the classroom. After two years of study, the
student attained the academic degree of the first step:
the bachelor's. The next higher step was the licenciate and
the highest was titled master. Degrees were granted
ceremonially after rigorous examinations of which the main
part was the disputation; we could compare it to today's
defense of the dissertation. It is true, disputation themes
of those times were substantially different. There was
a preponderance of theological and philosophical topics.
Less were concerned with the natural sciences. In the
archives of Prague's Karlova University there is preserved
from the sixteenth century a report on the disputation
of Master Ondtej Mitisko. He debated the subject of
earthquakes. According to him the cause of earthquakes
was warm and dry steam or wind enclosed in the bowels
of the earth and searching for an escape. When the wind
does not find that escape because of the firmness of those
parts of the earth, it shakes those parts. The title of
another disputation was again thus: "Is it proper that
a Christian should look on a meteor as holding in itself
a sign of the future?"
It is too bad that there were not preserved the titles
of the bachelor and master disputations of Academia
Istropolitana. It would certainly be interesting reading.
The life of students was gay, but we would be mistaken
if we were to assume that equality reigned among them.
A folk proverb says that a lord is in Hell also a lord.
Therefore it is undestandable that the university students
of nobility wanted to be lords also at Academia Istro-
�172
SLOVAKIA
politana. It is interesting that among the students there
were also bOYIS from the poor serf families. Nearly all
studied theology. The landowners prevented their subjects
to send their sons to school. They themselves underrated
education, and even at the time of King Matej many of
the most prominent of the rich could not write and did
not allow their subjects to study. They permitted an
exception only with the study of theology. From the
goodness-of-heart of his lord even a subject could become
a priest. In order that these poor scholars could complete
their studies in some way, they became a famulus to the
rich students. Famulus is actually only a Latin name for
the word servant. Such a poor student then took care
of the bed, shoes and clothing of his rich lord colleague.
For this he received from him a regular monthly payment.
Many students did not remain in Bratislava until the
attainment of the master's degree. As a rule they left for
some foreign university as soon as they reached the
bachelor's.
With its relatively short existence, Academia Istropolitana could claim only a few distinguished graduates.
(There is among them the notorious Stefan Verboczy, the
author of the juridicial regulations called Tripartitum
which, after the ill fated Dofa uprising in 1514, made the
position of the Hungarian serfs substantially worse.)
THE FORMER EVANGELICAL LYCEUM
It seems almost unbelievable that a handful of students
could imprint with its activities the mark of the times
upon the city. This handful of young people entered into
our national and literary history under the name of stur's
Followers. Their activities in Bratislava were inseparably
connected with the activities of Cudovit stur and with
the former evangelical lyceum building on Konventna
Street. Nearly all of his followers studied at this school.
A sandstone tablet on the wall of the lyceum building
calls their names to mind. It is a long list of names,
well-known and lesser known people, who in some way
registered themselves into our cultural history. Behold
at least a few of the most famous: Cudovit stur, J. M.
Hurban, M. M. Hod.fa, Samo Chalupka, Karol Kuzmany,
�SLOVAKIA
173
Janko Matuska, A. H. Skultety, Jan Francisci, Andrej
Sladkovic ...
This generation of young men burning with a national
spirit came to Bratislava as a second wave. The first were
the students of the Catholic general seminary, which Maria
Teresia organized at the citadel. Anton Bemolak, Juraj
Fandli and others had studied at this seminary. In their
company it is also necessary to include the canon of
Bratislava Jozef Ignac Bajza, author of the first Slovak
novel Rene, a young man of events and experiences.
In the thirties 0829) Cudovit stur came to Bratislava.
With his arrival the still waters of the cultural life of
Slovak students in Bratislava began to move. The so-called
Society of Czecho-Slovak Language and Literature, which
before this lived very poorly, began to develop under Stu.r's
leadership a very intensive activity. The Society had over
100 members who regularly met at common meetings.
Here they always heard some kind of lecture or recitation
of poems, and finally an appointed judge evaluated the
literary work of the members of the Society.
Because at that time Moravians, Czechs, Croatians and
Serbians also studied at Bratislava's lyceum, the Society
had a Slavonic character not only in the nationalities of
its members, but also in the tenor of its activities. But
the obligations of the members of the Society did not end
at vacation time. On the contrary, stur assigned his
students tasks during vacation: they traveled in Slovakia,
Moravia and Czechia, established personal contacts and
cultural acquaintances, collected folk-songs and folk-tales,
and .searched for new students for the lyceum.
In Bratislava, the activities of the Society were not
limited only to the lyceum hall meetings where the students
were under the control of nationally biased professorn.
stur took his followers to places of former Slavonic
majesty and glory: the Bratislava citadel, Kamzik mountain, and the more distant surroundings of Bratislava.
Most memorable was the excursion to Devin on April
24 in 1836. It was an important national manifestation,
which left its impression on the participants the rest of
their lives. Such undertakings also had a political meaning
and their influence grew in all of Slovakia.
�174
SLOVAKIA
Indeed Shir's id.eals, which the students adopted in
Bratislava, were taken with them after completion of
studies to their home districts. And most of all, stur began
to spread his views with the printed word. Beginning with
the year 1845, there appeared the most important Slovak
newspaper of prerevolutionary times, the Slovak National
News with its supplement, the Tatra Eagle. And in two
years stur became a representative with the Bratislava
parliament. We may say that all this grew from a seed
which the Bratislava evangelical lyceum planted in the
students.
Today's building is from the year 1854, thus from
post-stur times. The building is a little further from town
than the original and today houses the library of the
Slovak Academy of Sciences in which stur and his friends
studied.
Dr. Joseph Hr ad nan s k y
Associate Professor
Indiana University of Pennsylvania
Instructor in Slovak
University of Pittsburgh
•
•
•
SLOVAKIA is published annually by the Slovak
League of America, a cultural and civic federation
of Americans of Slovak descent.
One of the purposes of SLOVAKIA is to promote a better understanding and appreciation of the
Sl-ovak nation and its long struggle foT freedom and
independence.
Subscription to Slovakia $3.00 per year in the
U .S.A. - $4.00 el-sewhei-e.
Rend subscription to:
SLOVAKIA
313 Ridge A venue
Mi<l.clletown, Pa. 17057
�
164
SLOVAKIA
BRATISLAVA: Ancient Slovak
Cultural Center
(A translation from the Slovak of a portion of I.:udo
Ztibek's Moja Bratislava (My Bratislava), published by
Mlade Leta Publishing House, Bratislava, 1965)
1467 ACADEMIA ISTROPOLITANA
Bratislava's city chamberlain, who had charge of the
so-called chamberlain book (the book of the city's receipts
and expenditures ) recorded on the 20th of July, 1467, that
on that day the mayor and the councilmen hosted the
professors who had arrived for the opening of the new
school of higher learning. They gave them fried chicken,
rolls, wine and fruit. Bratislava's mayor and councilmen
were hospitable people, and they honored each distin guished guest with a more modest or a more expensive
refreshment according to the guest's station in life. The
reception, which is mentioned in the book of records, was
not the poorest. From this one may conclude that the
affair concerned distinguished guests.
The event, with which the arrival of the professors
bore upon, was centainly significant. In Bratislava they
opened a university known as Academia Istropolitana. The
reception of the professors was the culmination of lengthy
preparatory work which began two years before in 1465.
At that time the Hungarian king, Matej Korvin, sent t o
Rome a mission of some renown in order to obtain from
the Pope an agreement for the establishment of an
institution of higher learning in Bratislava. In the fifteenth
century there already existed a number of well-known
universities in Europe: Salerno, Bologna, Paris, Prague,
Cracow, Vienna, etc. The universities had merit for the
reason, that concurrently with their fame there was also
spread the glory of the city in which the institution was
located. Each university depended on the fact that it should
have well-known professors because its scholarly renown
was the best recommendation for higher learning. Such
universities had students also from distant countries. The
�SLOVAKIA
165
young men of Hungary who wished to attain a higher
education could only decide upon a foreign university
because in Hungary there were none. They had no language
difficulties, since in all the schools teaching was carried
on in Latin.
It is therefore natural that the king, who revered the
arts and surrounded himself at his court in Budin with
outstanding humanists, desired that there should be a
university in his country. He could have established it
himself, but in such a case the degrees granted there would
have value only in Hungary. In order for it to have
international academic recognition, some kind of higher
authority had to permit the establishment of the university.
Such an authority was the German emperor ( at that time
Fridrich III) or the Pope.
Since Matej's relations with Fridrich could not be
called friendly, the king turned to the Pope. Under the
leadership of the learned bishop Jan cezmicky, better
known by the name Jan Pannonius, and the commanderin-chief Jan Rozgon, a magnificent escort numbering 300
people left on February 20, 1465 from Budin on a march
to Rome. In order to make the success of the mission
more certain, they carried with them for the Pope a humble
"St. Peter's pence": 20,000 gold pieces. Pope Paul II settled
Matej's request favorably, but in the charter with which
he permitted the establishment of the Academia, he stated
a condition that the new school should be set up according
to the example of Bologna University. From this condition
it would logically result that for Academia Istropolitana
the Bologna school should be the model in all matters,
but the leaders of the university used Bologna as an
example only for its teaching programs.
The management of the Academia had a different tenor.
At Bologna the students had the greatest of power. They
chose their professors and had control over their lectures.
In like manner they themselves elected the rector, and
he was chosen from their midst. The rector had advisors
at hand with whom he exercised authority not only over
the students, but also over professors. Without consent of
students and presence of their representatives a professor
could not call in a student and admonish or punish him.
�166
SLOVAKIA
Nowhere else on earth did scholars have such rights as
at Bologna.
At Academia Istropolitana all authority was in the
hands of the chancellor, who was appointed by the king.
The chancellor hired and fired professors, granted the
academic degrees, and carried out his judicial and disciplinary authority over the professors and students.
Academia Istropolitana was formally opened July 20,
1467, but actual teaching there did not begin until the end
of September. The university obtained the building as
a gift from the king and Chancellor Vitez. It was a building
on Venturska Street, of which half was deeded over from
a dead title to the king's possession and the other half
Vitez bought for the university for 600 gold pieces. The
city had the building remodeled in such a way that there
would be lecture halls, apartments for professors and
living quarters for the students. Commencement exercises
were held in a nearby cathedral.
The first chancellor of Academia Istropolitana was the
above mentioned Jan Vitez, the archbishop of Ostrihom
and the king's chancellor. He was not only a statesman
of distinction, but also a humanistic writer of the first
rank. He was born in the year 1408 in Zredna, but his
forefathers came from Ostrihom. Along with his career
as a priest (first he was bishop of Vel'ky Varadin, then
archbishop of Ostrihom) he very quickly attained a leading
position at the king's court: he became chancellor of the
king Matej Korvin. At his resi_d ence in the Ostrihom palace,
which he remodeled and artistically decorated at great
cost, he surrounded himself with humanistic writers and
scholars of the highest rank. They came to Ostrihom from
almost all parts of Europe: from Czechia, Germany, Poland,
France, Italy, and Greece.
Vitez was a true child of his times. On the one hand,
under the influence of the work of his contemporaries, he
very quickly saw the reasons for unhealthy events in the
country and openly warned of them. In the introduction
to his book of letters (his collection of letters written
in Latin) he wr.o te: "Truly I have already saturated myself
with viewing so much misery, but in order that I secure
a safer destiny, I shall be silent." This is the other side
�SLOVAKIA
167
of his personality: behave as others behave. He dressed
as a worldly magnate in clothes of embroidered gold,
wore a gold chain around his neck and a wreath embeded
with precious stones on his head. His personal guard
consisted of 300 knights. He eagerly supported the building
of new palaces and churches and put forth a great amount
of money for the procurement of books, especially beautifully decorated codices. His library was world-famous. He
had in it the works of all the important ancient Greek
and Roman authors and prominent church fathers.
Although Johannes Guttenberg was a contemporary
of Vitez, the printing of books was then not yet known
in Hungary. All books were transcribed by writers and
illustrated by artists. Vitez's love of beautiful manuscripts
financially cost him very heavily. Let us not be surprised
that the chancellor wanted to obtain some books at less
cost. He simply borrowed them-and didn't return them.
Most frequently he would borrow them from his nephew,
bishop Jan Cezmicky. When the bishop's reminders to the
great chancellor reminded without result-but on the
contrary, Vitez requested that his nephew lend him more
codices-Pannonius answered with an ironic letter:
You write that I should send you books. Well, did I not already
send you enough? I have only Greek books left: you have taken
away all the Latin ones. Praise God that you do not know Greek,
otherwise you would not leave me even those. If you would learn
Greek, I would immediately acquire a knowledge of the Hebrew
language and I would establish a libvary of Hebrew codices. I ask,
how it is possible, that in the procurement of books, you are so
dissatisfied. Do you possibly think that in this you are not committing a sinful act? In my opinion it does not matter on what
things our passions concentrate. If in fact you truly desire books
so much, do not take them from others who have less of them
then you.
The extravagant, rich, diplomatic and literary eventfilled life of the chancellor took a sudden sharp turn when
Vitez embroiled himself in a conspiracy against the king
Matej. The king had him imprisoned. Shortly after (1467)
the former chancellor died.
At the time of the establishment of Academia Istropolitana, Vitez was at the peak of his power. His greatest
responsibility in connection with the new school was to
get famous professors for it. He was successful in that .
�168
SLOVAKIA
because already in the first year of the existence of the
academy we meet here with the name of the outstanding
astronomer Johann Miiller, known in the scientific world
as Regiomontanus. Vitez invited him to Bratislava from
Vienna, where he was a professor of the university located
there. Here are at least some of the most well-known data
from his life: He was born in the year 1436 in Konigsberg
(from this he derived the Latinized form of his scientific
name Regiomontanus). Upon completion of schooling, he
taught mathematics at Vienna University, then in 1462 he
left with the escort of Cardinal Bessarion to Italy in
order to complete his study of Greek. The humanistic and
renaissance learned men studied Greek a great deal, which
previously the educated had neglected. He wanted to
publish a revised translation of the works of the great
ancient astronomer Ptolemy.
Upon his return from Italy he lived in Vienna and
in Ostrihom at the court of Jan Vitez. From there he left
to become a professor at Bratislava. But he did not remain
long. Maybe he lacked a properly equipped observatory;
perhaps he did not wish to compose horoscopes which
the king, the aristocracy and rich townsfolk requested
of him. In 1471 he moved to Ntirnberg where with the
financial aid of the wealthy townsman Walther he had
constructed astronomical instruments and set up his own
printery at which his scientific works were printed. In
1474 Pope Sixtus IV invited him to Rome in order to be
the scientific advisor on calendar reform. Here he died
in 1476.
His most famous astronomical work was a calculation
of the paths of heavenly bodies published under the title
Tabulae Directionum. Still 200 years after Regiomontanus'
death these tables were used as an important astronomical
aid.
The authorities of Bratislava hired other professors
in Poland, Italy and France. From Cracow University came
Professor Martin Ilkus, who in addition to philosophy also
occupied himself with astronomy. Many of his astronomical
instruments and handwritings of his scientific works could
still be found in Cracow. There are horoscopes which
Magister Martin-this is the manner in which he was
�SLOVAKIA
169
referred to at the king's court-made for King Matej and
members of his family. All of the aristocrats and noblemen
of that time gave priority to astrology over astronomy.
Ilkus must certainly have found in Regiomontanus a good
co-worker because he was a scientific personality. Historians of the new era refer to Regiomontanus as a spiritual
predecessor of Christopher Columbus.
It seems that the fate of Academia Istropolitana was
very closely tied to the fate of its chancellor Vitez. When
Vitez fell into disfavor and lost his position with the
university, the Academia began to decline. Vice-chancellor
Schomberg did not succeed in obtaining professors of
such standing as Regiomontanus. Also the number of
students began to dwindle. The king had planned the
construction of a new building for students in the rear
of the courtyard or next to the main building. But the
addition was not necessary. From foreign countries very
few applicants inquired and many students from Hungary
gave preference henceforth to Vienna and Cracow. And
thus Academia Istropolitana ceased to exist immediately
upon the death of Matej Korvin (1490).
STUDENTS AND PROFESSORS
Let us return to our student and follow him to the
Gmaitlovsky house on Venturska Street. Academia Istropolitana is located in a building in the courtyard. The entire
court is filled with building materials because King Matej
has great plans for the university. He wants to build a rear
wing and remodel the facade so that afterward the building
would form an enclosed unit. At present there are in the
completed part only lecture halls, professors' apartments,
and the students' dormitory section.
All students however do not live in the dormitory.
The home-towners, naturally, live with their parents and
those from out of town who have relatives or friends in
Bratislava would rather live with them. It is more convenient because the house rules of the dormitory are very
strict. It is especially bad in winter. There is heat only
in the common study where, in the afternoon and evening
hours under the supervision of the dormitory's headmaster, the students must repeat the subject-matter on
�170
SLOVAKIA
which the professors lectured in the forenoon. There is
no heat in rooms where students sleep ... Let the students
accustom themselves!
The school years begins on the tenth of October with
a high mass in the cathedral. The students had to arrive
in Bratislava even before this. The first of their concerns
was to announce themselves at the rector's, identify themselves with a certificate of completion of middle school,
and register with one of four faculties. By registration
with the rector the student formally became a member
of a great university society, but he became a true student
only after the Beaniae. A first year student was titled
a beanus ( allegedly because of the fact that he is still
stupid or a sheep which, with the exception of bleating,
knows nothing else; a beanus knows only to say be). The
initiation rites to which every beanus had to submit was
called the Beaniae.
· The comic ceremony had only one purpose: to torment
the beani in the worst way. For example, they smeared
their faces with some kind of black grease and then they
shaved them with a large wooden razor, or they placed
horns on their heads and ordered them to perform all
kinds of difficult and amusing tasks. Upon completion of
the production the beani had to host their professors and
older colleagues.
At the majority of the universities the professors
themselves voted for the rector, the vice-rector and the
deans. It was not so in Bratislava. Academia Istropolitana
did not have a rector, but a chancellor appointed by the
king. His term of office was not limited by time; while
a rector was elected by professors for a term of one year,
the chancellor was in fact a royal office-holder commissioned with the management of the university. He alone
chose his representative, the vicechancellor.
The main course of study at the Academia was
theology; the weakest by attendance was in medicine. At
Academia Istropolitana we know only of the master Peter
who lectured here on medicine. As we speak of lecturing,
this is not a completely precise description. The professor
did not lecture, but read. He read the works of recognized
�SLOVAKIA
171
scientific authorities and explained them. He did not add
anything of his own.
Students sat on simple wooden benches, on their
knees were placed planks, and on those some kind of
parchment or paper on which they made notes with a
goose guill dipped in ink. They had a little bottle of ink
tied with a string around the waist. There were no textbooks and for that reason the head-master, who had
supervision over them, went over the lectured material
with the students in the dormitory or study room.
Because the age of those in attendance was not
prescribed, 15 year old boys and 30-40 years old men sat
together in the classroom. After two years of study, the
student attained the academic degree of the first step:
the bachelor's. The next higher step was the licenciate and
the highest was titled master. Degrees were granted
ceremonially after rigorous examinations of which the main
part was the disputation; we could compare it to today's
defense of the dissertation. It is true, disputation themes
of those times were substantially different. There was
a preponderance of theological and philosophical topics.
Less were concerned with the natural sciences. In the
archives of Prague's Karlova University there is preserved
from the sixteenth century a report on the disputation
of Master Ondtej Mitisko. He debated the subject of
earthquakes. According to him the cause of earthquakes
was warm and dry steam or wind enclosed in the bowels
of the earth and searching for an escape. When the wind
does not find that escape because of the firmness of those
parts of the earth, it shakes those parts. The title of
another disputation was again thus: "Is it proper that
a Christian should look on a meteor as holding in itself
a sign of the future?"
It is too bad that there were not preserved the titles
of the bachelor and master disputations of Academia
Istropolitana. It would certainly be interesting reading.
The life of students was gay, but we would be mistaken
if we were to assume that equality reigned among them.
A folk proverb says that a lord is in Hell also a lord.
Therefore it is undestandable that the university students
of nobility wanted to be lords also at Academia Istro-
�172
SLOVAKIA
politana. It is interesting that among the students there
were also bOYIS from the poor serf families. Nearly all
studied theology. The landowners prevented their subjects
to send their sons to school. They themselves underrated
education, and even at the time of King Matej many of
the most prominent of the rich could not write and did
not allow their subjects to study. They permitted an
exception only with the study of theology. From the
goodness-of-heart of his lord even a subject could become
a priest. In order that these poor scholars could complete
their studies in some way, they became a famulus to the
rich students. Famulus is actually only a Latin name for
the word servant. Such a poor student then took care
of the bed, shoes and clothing of his rich lord colleague.
For this he received from him a regular monthly payment.
Many students did not remain in Bratislava until the
attainment of the master's degree. As a rule they left for
some foreign university as soon as they reached the
bachelor's.
With its relatively short existence, Academia Istropolitana could claim only a few distinguished graduates.
(There is among them the notorious Stefan Verboczy, the
author of the juridicial regulations called Tripartitum
which, after the ill fated Dofa uprising in 1514, made the
position of the Hungarian serfs substantially worse.)
THE FORMER EVANGELICAL LYCEUM
It seems almost unbelievable that a handful of students
could imprint with its activities the mark of the times
upon the city. This handful of young people entered into
our national and literary history under the name of stur's
Followers. Their activities in Bratislava were inseparably
connected with the activities of Cudovit stur and with
the former evangelical lyceum building on Konventna
Street. Nearly all of his followers studied at this school.
A sandstone tablet on the wall of the lyceum building
calls their names to mind. It is a long list of names,
well-known and lesser known people, who in some way
registered themselves into our cultural history. Behold
at least a few of the most famous: Cudovit stur, J. M.
Hurban, M. M. Hod.fa, Samo Chalupka, Karol Kuzmany,
�SLOVAKIA
173
Janko Matuska, A. H. Skultety, Jan Francisci, Andrej
Sladkovic ...
This generation of young men burning with a national
spirit came to Bratislava as a second wave. The first were
the students of the Catholic general seminary, which Maria
Teresia organized at the citadel. Anton Bemolak, Juraj
Fandli and others had studied at this seminary. In their
company it is also necessary to include the canon of
Bratislava Jozef Ignac Bajza, author of the first Slovak
novel Rene, a young man of events and experiences.
In the thirties 0829) Cudovit stur came to Bratislava.
With his arrival the still waters of the cultural life of
Slovak students in Bratislava began to move. The so-called
Society of Czecho-Slovak Language and Literature, which
before this lived very poorly, began to develop under Stu.r's
leadership a very intensive activity. The Society had over
100 members who regularly met at common meetings.
Here they always heard some kind of lecture or recitation
of poems, and finally an appointed judge evaluated the
literary work of the members of the Society.
Because at that time Moravians, Czechs, Croatians and
Serbians also studied at Bratislava's lyceum, the Society
had a Slavonic character not only in the nationalities of
its members, but also in the tenor of its activities. But
the obligations of the members of the Society did not end
at vacation time. On the contrary, stur assigned his
students tasks during vacation: they traveled in Slovakia,
Moravia and Czechia, established personal contacts and
cultural acquaintances, collected folk-songs and folk-tales,
and .searched for new students for the lyceum.
In Bratislava, the activities of the Society were not
limited only to the lyceum hall meetings where the students
were under the control of nationally biased professorn.
stur took his followers to places of former Slavonic
majesty and glory: the Bratislava citadel, Kamzik mountain, and the more distant surroundings of Bratislava.
Most memorable was the excursion to Devin on April
24 in 1836. It was an important national manifestation,
which left its impression on the participants the rest of
their lives. Such undertakings also had a political meaning
and their influence grew in all of Slovakia.
�174
SLOVAKIA
Indeed Shir's id.eals, which the students adopted in
Bratislava, were taken with them after completion of
studies to their home districts. And most of all, stur began
to spread his views with the printed word. Beginning with
the year 1845, there appeared the most important Slovak
newspaper of prerevolutionary times, the Slovak National
News with its supplement, the Tatra Eagle. And in two
years stur became a representative with the Bratislava
parliament. We may say that all this grew from a seed
which the Bratislava evangelical lyceum planted in the
students.
Today's building is from the year 1854, thus from
post-stur times. The building is a little further from town
than the original and today houses the library of the
Slovak Academy of Sciences in which stur and his friends
studied.
Dr. Joseph Hr ad nan s k y
Associate Professor
Indiana University of Pennsylvania
Instructor in Slovak
University of Pittsburgh
•
•
•
SLOVAKIA is published annually by the Slovak
League of America, a cultural and civic federation
of Americans of Slovak descent.
One of the purposes of SLOVAKIA is to promote a better understanding and appreciation of the
Sl-ovak nation and its long struggle foT freedom and
independence.
Subscription to Slovakia $3.00 per year in the
U .S.A. - $4.00 el-sewhei-e.
Rend subscription to:
SLOVAKIA
313 Ridge A venue
Mi<l.clletown, Pa. 17057
�
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Title
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1971, Vol. 21
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Vol. 21 (No. 44), 1971.
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1971
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164
SLOVAKIA
BRATISLAVA: Ancient Slovak
Cultural Center
(A translation from the Slovak of a portion of I.:udo
Ztibek's Moja Bratislava (My Bratislava), published by
Mlade Leta Publishing House, Bratislava, 1965)
1467 ACADEMIA ISTROPOLITANA
Bratislava's city chamberlain, who had charge of the
so-called chamberlain book (the book of the city's receipts
and expenditures ) recorded on the 20th of July, 1467, that
on that day the mayor and the councilmen hosted the
professors who had arrived for the opening of the new
school of higher learning. They gave them fried chicken,
rolls, wine and fruit. Bratislava's mayor and councilmen
were hospitable people, and they honored each distin guished guest with a more modest or a more expensive
refreshment according to the guest's station in life. The
reception, which is mentioned in the book of records, was
not the poorest. From this one may conclude that the
affair concerned distinguished guests.
The event, with which the arrival of the professors
bore upon, was centainly significant. In Bratislava they
opened a university known as Academia Istropolitana. The
reception of the professors was the culmination of lengthy
preparatory work which began two years before in 1465.
At that time the Hungarian king, Matej Korvin, sent t o
Rome a mission of some renown in order to obtain from
the Pope an agreement for the establishment of an
institution of higher learning in Bratislava. In the fifteenth
century there already existed a number of well-known
universities in Europe: Salerno, Bologna, Paris, Prague,
Cracow, Vienna, etc. The universities had merit for the
reason, that concurrently with their fame there was also
spread the glory of the city in which the institution was
located. Each university depended on the fact that it should
have well-known professors because its scholarly renown
was the best recommendation for higher learning. Such
universities had students also from distant countries. The
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165
young men of Hungary who wished to attain a higher
education could only decide upon a foreign university
because in Hungary there were none. They had no language
difficulties, since in all the schools teaching was carried
on in Latin.
It is therefore natural that the king, who revered the
arts and surrounded himself at his court in Budin with
outstanding humanists, desired that there should be a
university in his country. He could have established it
himself, but in such a case the degrees granted there would
have value only in Hungary. In order for it to have
international academic recognition, some kind of higher
authority had to permit the establishment of the university.
Such an authority was the German emperor ( at that time
Fridrich III) or the Pope.
Since Matej's relations with Fridrich could not be
called friendly, the king turned to the Pope. Under the
leadership of the learned bishop Jan cezmicky, better
known by the name Jan Pannonius, and the commanderin-chief Jan Rozgon, a magnificent escort numbering 300
people left on February 20, 1465 from Budin on a march
to Rome. In order to make the success of the mission
more certain, they carried with them for the Pope a humble
"St. Peter's pence": 20,000 gold pieces. Pope Paul II settled
Matej's request favorably, but in the charter with which
he permitted the establishment of the Academia, he stated
a condition that the new school should be set up according
to the example of Bologna University. From this condition
it would logically result that for Academia Istropolitana
the Bologna school should be the model in all matters,
but the leaders of the university used Bologna as an
example only for its teaching programs.
The management of the Academia had a different tenor.
At Bologna the students had the greatest of power. They
chose their professors and had control over their lectures.
In like manner they themselves elected the rector, and
he was chosen from their midst. The rector had advisors
at hand with whom he exercised authority not only over
the students, but also over professors. Without consent of
students and presence of their representatives a professor
could not call in a student and admonish or punish him.
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Nowhere else on earth did scholars have such rights as
at Bologna.
At Academia Istropolitana all authority was in the
hands of the chancellor, who was appointed by the king.
The chancellor hired and fired professors, granted the
academic degrees, and carried out his judicial and disciplinary authority over the professors and students.
Academia Istropolitana was formally opened July 20,
1467, but actual teaching there did not begin until the end
of September. The university obtained the building as
a gift from the king and Chancellor Vitez. It was a building
on Venturska Street, of which half was deeded over from
a dead title to the king's possession and the other half
Vitez bought for the university for 600 gold pieces. The
city had the building remodeled in such a way that there
would be lecture halls, apartments for professors and
living quarters for the students. Commencement exercises
were held in a nearby cathedral.
The first chancellor of Academia Istropolitana was the
above mentioned Jan Vitez, the archbishop of Ostrihom
and the king's chancellor. He was not only a statesman
of distinction, but also a humanistic writer of the first
rank. He was born in the year 1408 in Zredna, but his
forefathers came from Ostrihom. Along with his career
as a priest (first he was bishop of Vel'ky Varadin, then
archbishop of Ostrihom) he very quickly attained a leading
position at the king's court: he became chancellor of the
king Matej Korvin. At his resi_d ence in the Ostrihom palace,
which he remodeled and artistically decorated at great
cost, he surrounded himself with humanistic writers and
scholars of the highest rank. They came to Ostrihom from
almost all parts of Europe: from Czechia, Germany, Poland,
France, Italy, and Greece.
Vitez was a true child of his times. On the one hand,
under the influence of the work of his contemporaries, he
very quickly saw the reasons for unhealthy events in the
country and openly warned of them. In the introduction
to his book of letters (his collection of letters written
in Latin) he wr.o te: "Truly I have already saturated myself
with viewing so much misery, but in order that I secure
a safer destiny, I shall be silent." This is the other side
SLOVAKIA
167
of his personality: behave as others behave. He dressed
as a worldly magnate in clothes of embroidered gold,
wore a gold chain around his neck and a wreath embeded
with precious stones on his head. His personal guard
consisted of 300 knights. He eagerly supported the building
of new palaces and churches and put forth a great amount
of money for the procurement of books, especially beautifully decorated codices. His library was world-famous. He
had in it the works of all the important ancient Greek
and Roman authors and prominent church fathers.
Although Johannes Guttenberg was a contemporary
of Vitez, the printing of books was then not yet known
in Hungary. All books were transcribed by writers and
illustrated by artists. Vitez's love of beautiful manuscripts
financially cost him very heavily. Let us not be surprised
that the chancellor wanted to obtain some books at less
cost. He simply borrowed them-and didn't return them.
Most frequently he would borrow them from his nephew,
bishop Jan Cezmicky. When the bishop's reminders to the
great chancellor reminded without result-but on the
contrary, Vitez requested that his nephew lend him more
codices-Pannonius answered with an ironic letter:
You write that I should send you books. Well, did I not already
send you enough? I have only Greek books left: you have taken
away all the Latin ones. Praise God that you do not know Greek,
otherwise you would not leave me even those. If you would learn
Greek, I would immediately acquire a knowledge of the Hebrew
language and I would establish a libvary of Hebrew codices. I ask,
how it is possible, that in the procurement of books, you are so
dissatisfied. Do you possibly think that in this you are not committing a sinful act? In my opinion it does not matter on what
things our passions concentrate. If in fact you truly desire books
so much, do not take them from others who have less of them
then you.
The extravagant, rich, diplomatic and literary eventfilled life of the chancellor took a sudden sharp turn when
Vitez embroiled himself in a conspiracy against the king
Matej. The king had him imprisoned. Shortly after (1467)
the former chancellor died.
At the time of the establishment of Academia Istropolitana, Vitez was at the peak of his power. His greatest
responsibility in connection with the new school was to
get famous professors for it. He was successful in that .
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SLOVAKIA
because already in the first year of the existence of the
academy we meet here with the name of the outstanding
astronomer Johann Miiller, known in the scientific world
as Regiomontanus. Vitez invited him to Bratislava from
Vienna, where he was a professor of the university located
there. Here are at least some of the most well-known data
from his life: He was born in the year 1436 in Konigsberg
(from this he derived the Latinized form of his scientific
name Regiomontanus). Upon completion of schooling, he
taught mathematics at Vienna University, then in 1462 he
left with the escort of Cardinal Bessarion to Italy in
order to complete his study of Greek. The humanistic and
renaissance learned men studied Greek a great deal, which
previously the educated had neglected. He wanted to
publish a revised translation of the works of the great
ancient astronomer Ptolemy.
Upon his return from Italy he lived in Vienna and
in Ostrihom at the court of Jan Vitez. From there he left
to become a professor at Bratislava. But he did not remain
long. Maybe he lacked a properly equipped observatory;
perhaps he did not wish to compose horoscopes which
the king, the aristocracy and rich townsfolk requested
of him. In 1471 he moved to Ntirnberg where with the
financial aid of the wealthy townsman Walther he had
constructed astronomical instruments and set up his own
printery at which his scientific works were printed. In
1474 Pope Sixtus IV invited him to Rome in order to be
the scientific advisor on calendar reform. Here he died
in 1476.
His most famous astronomical work was a calculation
of the paths of heavenly bodies published under the title
Tabulae Directionum. Still 200 years after Regiomontanus'
death these tables were used as an important astronomical
aid.
The authorities of Bratislava hired other professors
in Poland, Italy and France. From Cracow University came
Professor Martin Ilkus, who in addition to philosophy also
occupied himself with astronomy. Many of his astronomical
instruments and handwritings of his scientific works could
still be found in Cracow. There are horoscopes which
Magister Martin-this is the manner in which he was
SLOVAKIA
169
referred to at the king's court-made for King Matej and
members of his family. All of the aristocrats and noblemen
of that time gave priority to astrology over astronomy.
Ilkus must certainly have found in Regiomontanus a good
co-worker because he was a scientific personality. Historians of the new era refer to Regiomontanus as a spiritual
predecessor of Christopher Columbus.
It seems that the fate of Academia Istropolitana was
very closely tied to the fate of its chancellor Vitez. When
Vitez fell into disfavor and lost his position with the
university, the Academia began to decline. Vice-chancellor
Schomberg did not succeed in obtaining professors of
such standing as Regiomontanus. Also the number of
students began to dwindle. The king had planned the
construction of a new building for students in the rear
of the courtyard or next to the main building. But the
addition was not necessary. From foreign countries very
few applicants inquired and many students from Hungary
gave preference henceforth to Vienna and Cracow. And
thus Academia Istropolitana ceased to exist immediately
upon the death of Matej Korvin (1490).
STUDENTS AND PROFESSORS
Let us return to our student and follow him to the
Gmaitlovsky house on Venturska Street. Academia Istropolitana is located in a building in the courtyard. The entire
court is filled with building materials because King Matej
has great plans for the university. He wants to build a rear
wing and remodel the facade so that afterward the building
would form an enclosed unit. At present there are in the
completed part only lecture halls, professors' apartments,
and the students' dormitory section.
All students however do not live in the dormitory.
The home-towners, naturally, live with their parents and
those from out of town who have relatives or friends in
Bratislava would rather live with them. It is more convenient because the house rules of the dormitory are very
strict. It is especially bad in winter. There is heat only
in the common study where, in the afternoon and evening
hours under the supervision of the dormitory's headmaster, the students must repeat the subject-matter on
170
SLOVAKIA
which the professors lectured in the forenoon. There is
no heat in rooms where students sleep ... Let the students
accustom themselves!
The school years begins on the tenth of October with
a high mass in the cathedral. The students had to arrive
in Bratislava even before this. The first of their concerns
was to announce themselves at the rector's, identify themselves with a certificate of completion of middle school,
and register with one of four faculties. By registration
with the rector the student formally became a member
of a great university society, but he became a true student
only after the Beaniae. A first year student was titled
a beanus ( allegedly because of the fact that he is still
stupid or a sheep which, with the exception of bleating,
knows nothing else; a beanus knows only to say be). The
initiation rites to which every beanus had to submit was
called the Beaniae.
· The comic ceremony had only one purpose: to torment
the beani in the worst way. For example, they smeared
their faces with some kind of black grease and then they
shaved them with a large wooden razor, or they placed
horns on their heads and ordered them to perform all
kinds of difficult and amusing tasks. Upon completion of
the production the beani had to host their professors and
older colleagues.
At the majority of the universities the professors
themselves voted for the rector, the vice-rector and the
deans. It was not so in Bratislava. Academia Istropolitana
did not have a rector, but a chancellor appointed by the
king. His term of office was not limited by time; while
a rector was elected by professors for a term of one year,
the chancellor was in fact a royal office-holder commissioned with the management of the university. He alone
chose his representative, the vicechancellor.
The main course of study at the Academia was
theology; the weakest by attendance was in medicine. At
Academia Istropolitana we know only of the master Peter
who lectured here on medicine. As we speak of lecturing,
this is not a completely precise description. The professor
did not lecture, but read. He read the works of recognized
SLOVAKIA
171
scientific authorities and explained them. He did not add
anything of his own.
Students sat on simple wooden benches, on their
knees were placed planks, and on those some kind of
parchment or paper on which they made notes with a
goose guill dipped in ink. They had a little bottle of ink
tied with a string around the waist. There were no textbooks and for that reason the head-master, who had
supervision over them, went over the lectured material
with the students in the dormitory or study room.
Because the age of those in attendance was not
prescribed, 15 year old boys and 30-40 years old men sat
together in the classroom. After two years of study, the
student attained the academic degree of the first step:
the bachelor's. The next higher step was the licenciate and
the highest was titled master. Degrees were granted
ceremonially after rigorous examinations of which the main
part was the disputation; we could compare it to today's
defense of the dissertation. It is true, disputation themes
of those times were substantially different. There was
a preponderance of theological and philosophical topics.
Less were concerned with the natural sciences. In the
archives of Prague's Karlova University there is preserved
from the sixteenth century a report on the disputation
of Master Ondtej Mitisko. He debated the subject of
earthquakes. According to him the cause of earthquakes
was warm and dry steam or wind enclosed in the bowels
of the earth and searching for an escape. When the wind
does not find that escape because of the firmness of those
parts of the earth, it shakes those parts. The title of
another disputation was again thus: "Is it proper that
a Christian should look on a meteor as holding in itself
a sign of the future?"
It is too bad that there were not preserved the titles
of the bachelor and master disputations of Academia
Istropolitana. It would certainly be interesting reading.
The life of students was gay, but we would be mistaken
if we were to assume that equality reigned among them.
A folk proverb says that a lord is in Hell also a lord.
Therefore it is undestandable that the university students
of nobility wanted to be lords also at Academia Istro-
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SLOVAKIA
politana. It is interesting that among the students there
were also bOYIS from the poor serf families. Nearly all
studied theology. The landowners prevented their subjects
to send their sons to school. They themselves underrated
education, and even at the time of King Matej many of
the most prominent of the rich could not write and did
not allow their subjects to study. They permitted an
exception only with the study of theology. From the
goodness-of-heart of his lord even a subject could become
a priest. In order that these poor scholars could complete
their studies in some way, they became a famulus to the
rich students. Famulus is actually only a Latin name for
the word servant. Such a poor student then took care
of the bed, shoes and clothing of his rich lord colleague.
For this he received from him a regular monthly payment.
Many students did not remain in Bratislava until the
attainment of the master's degree. As a rule they left for
some foreign university as soon as they reached the
bachelor's.
With its relatively short existence, Academia Istropolitana could claim only a few distinguished graduates.
(There is among them the notorious Stefan Verboczy, the
author of the juridicial regulations called Tripartitum
which, after the ill fated Dofa uprising in 1514, made the
position of the Hungarian serfs substantially worse.)
THE FORMER EVANGELICAL LYCEUM
It seems almost unbelievable that a handful of students
could imprint with its activities the mark of the times
upon the city. This handful of young people entered into
our national and literary history under the name of stur's
Followers. Their activities in Bratislava were inseparably
connected with the activities of Cudovit stur and with
the former evangelical lyceum building on Konventna
Street. Nearly all of his followers studied at this school.
A sandstone tablet on the wall of the lyceum building
calls their names to mind. It is a long list of names,
well-known and lesser known people, who in some way
registered themselves into our cultural history. Behold
at least a few of the most famous: Cudovit stur, J. M.
Hurban, M. M. Hod.fa, Samo Chalupka, Karol Kuzmany,
SLOVAKIA
173
Janko Matuska, A. H. Skultety, Jan Francisci, Andrej
Sladkovic ...
This generation of young men burning with a national
spirit came to Bratislava as a second wave. The first were
the students of the Catholic general seminary, which Maria
Teresia organized at the citadel. Anton Bemolak, Juraj
Fandli and others had studied at this seminary. In their
company it is also necessary to include the canon of
Bratislava Jozef Ignac Bajza, author of the first Slovak
novel Rene, a young man of events and experiences.
In the thirties 0829) Cudovit stur came to Bratislava.
With his arrival the still waters of the cultural life of
Slovak students in Bratislava began to move. The so-called
Society of Czecho-Slovak Language and Literature, which
before this lived very poorly, began to develop under Stu.r's
leadership a very intensive activity. The Society had over
100 members who regularly met at common meetings.
Here they always heard some kind of lecture or recitation
of poems, and finally an appointed judge evaluated the
literary work of the members of the Society.
Because at that time Moravians, Czechs, Croatians and
Serbians also studied at Bratislava's lyceum, the Society
had a Slavonic character not only in the nationalities of
its members, but also in the tenor of its activities. But
the obligations of the members of the Society did not end
at vacation time. On the contrary, stur assigned his
students tasks during vacation: they traveled in Slovakia,
Moravia and Czechia, established personal contacts and
cultural acquaintances, collected folk-songs and folk-tales,
and .searched for new students for the lyceum.
In Bratislava, the activities of the Society were not
limited only to the lyceum hall meetings where the students
were under the control of nationally biased professorn.
stur took his followers to places of former Slavonic
majesty and glory: the Bratislava citadel, Kamzik mountain, and the more distant surroundings of Bratislava.
Most memorable was the excursion to Devin on April
24 in 1836. It was an important national manifestation,
which left its impression on the participants the rest of
their lives. Such undertakings also had a political meaning
and their influence grew in all of Slovakia.
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SLOVAKIA
Indeed Shir's id.eals, which the students adopted in
Bratislava, were taken with them after completion of
studies to their home districts. And most of all, stur began
to spread his views with the printed word. Beginning with
the year 1845, there appeared the most important Slovak
newspaper of prerevolutionary times, the Slovak National
News with its supplement, the Tatra Eagle. And in two
years stur became a representative with the Bratislava
parliament. We may say that all this grew from a seed
which the Bratislava evangelical lyceum planted in the
students.
Today's building is from the year 1854, thus from
post-stur times. The building is a little further from town
than the original and today houses the library of the
Slovak Academy of Sciences in which stur and his friends
studied.
Dr. Joseph Hr ad nan s k y
Associate Professor
Indiana University of Pennsylvania
Instructor in Slovak
University of Pittsburgh
•
•
•
SLOVAKIA is published annually by the Slovak
League of America, a cultural and civic federation
of Americans of Slovak descent.
One of the purposes of SLOVAKIA is to promote a better understanding and appreciation of the
Sl-ovak nation and its long struggle foT freedom and
independence.
Subscription to Slovakia $3.00 per year in the
U .S.A. - $4.00 el-sewhei-e.
Rend subscription to:
SLOVAKIA
313 Ridge A venue
Mi<l.clletown, Pa. 17057
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Bratislava: Ancient Slovak Cultural Center
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An account of the resource
Dr. Joseph Hradnansky
Slovakia, Vol. 21 (No. 44), 1971
pp. 164-174
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Hradnansky, Joseph
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1971
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SLOVAKIA
175
The 15th Anniversary
of the Untimely Death
of Prof. Franci Hrusovsky
J. M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D.
On September 9, 1971, it wiil be 15 years since the
Slovak cultural and political life in the free world lost
one of its best representatives, Prof. Francis Hrusovsky.
Even though he dedicated his life in Slovakia primarily
to education and history, after leaving Slovakia in 1945,
he became one of the most important political leaders
among Slovaks in the free world. A very close personal and
political friend of Karol Sidor who represented Slovakia
during the War in the Vatican, Hrusovsky looked for
contacts with Sidor a few months after leaving his native
country and summoned him to organize political action
of all Slovak exiles against the Communist and Czech rule
in Slovakia. The message signed by several prominent
Slovak politicians and intellectuals was sent first to me in
Switzerland with the request to use the diplomatic channels
of the Vatican to forward it to Minister Sidor.
It was, therefore, only natural that later Hrusovsky
became one of the closest co-operators of Karol Sidor
when in 1948 we founded in the Vatican City the Slovak
National Council Abroad. Being one of the first Slovak
exiles admitted to the United States, Hrusovsky deserves
recognition that the Slovak National Council Abroad was
accepted by the main American Slovak organizations as
the only representative of the Slovak exile movement for
regaining freedom and independence. A man of outstanding
qualities and warm personality, he gained friends very soon
among all the Slovak leaders in the United States and used
his time and enegy to help, on the one side, the Slovak
refugees in Europe and, on the other side, he played an
important role in Slovak political and cultural endeavors.
He chose for his new home Cleveland, Ohio, one of the
cities where the first important Slovak political document
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SLOVAKIA
was signed in the first World War and where the only
Slovak religious Order, the Benedictine Fathers, had their
headquarters and schools. Highly respected and liked by
the Abbot of the Benedictine Fathers, Rt. Rev. T. Kojis,
Hrusovsky became a professor again but, at the same time,
he was working on several valuable historical works either
on Slovakia ("This is Slovakia") or on the history of the
religious Orders in the United States. He was also a cofounder of the Slovak Institute, of a Slovak newspaper
in Cleveland, and whole-heartedly supported the activities
of the Slovak National Council Abroad.
When in 1953 Karol Sidor suddenly died, Prof. Hrusovsky took his place and became the leader of the Slovak
exiles working for freedom, democracy and independence
of their native country.
Unfortunately, he did not stay for a long time at the
helm of this struggle. On September 9, 1956, he left the
scene of the Slovak exile life.
It was the third tragic loss among Slovaks in exile
and thousands of Slovaks livings on this side of the Iron
Curtain were stunned by the unexpected news announcing
the sudden death of Dr. Francis Hrusovsky. He was
admired and deeply respected not only as the President
of the Slovak National Council Abroad, but also as an
outstanding patriot, eminent historian and educator, and
a man of sterling moral calibre. Among prominent representatives of a Slovak generation to which it was given
to see their cherished dream of Slovakia's independence
and statehood fulfilled only to be ruthlessly destroyed
within a few years, Dr. Hrusovsk}· personified the best
traditions and characteristics which distinguished Slovak
intellectuals, mercilessly hounded to extermination by
the Communists.
The loss of Dr. Hrusovsky was very keenly felt both
because of what he was per se and because of what he
meant to the nation. Because of these reasons Slovaks
abroad realized that no blow could have been more grievous
in their ranks than the death of Dr. Hrusovsky. It sorely
afflicted all Slovak communities in the free world but
�SLOVAKIA
177
especially Slovak emigres dedicated to the vindication of
Slovakia's liberation from foreign rule.
It has been an unhappy lot of Slovaks in the free
world to suffer three irreparable losses within the span
of three consecutive years: the passing of Karol Sidor,
diplomat, politician, and key leader of the Slovak exile
movement, the political assassination of Matus Cernak,
a diplomat and the most valuable force among Slovak
exiles in Germany; and then the untimely death of Dr.
Hrusovsky, called in the prime of his career at the age
of 53.
Only a year before, when Dr. Hrusovsky accepted the
chief executive responsibilities of the Slovak National
Council Abroad, Slovaks abroad rejoiced in being under
his capable leadership. We confidently fixed all our
prospects on him as being the individual best qualified
to effect a united effort of all Slovak exiled groups engaged
in the struggle to attain Slovakia's liberation and independence. Mild-mannered and unassuming as he was, Dr.
Hrusovsky commanded the respect of Slovaks of both
the old and new immigrants. His personal inclination and
preference were not for the tensions and strategems of
a political career 1 but he did not decline wholehearted
service to his nation in this difficult post when it was
evident that the need of the hour required it of him.
The Cleveland weekly SLOVAK NEWS wrote of him :
"In less than a decade in his adopted country he became
a beloved figure in Slovak circles everywhere. Everyone
who met him was impressed by his personality. Those
who knew him learned to admire his scholarship, to respect
his unwavering devotion to principles and to love him
for his boundless charity. Seldom can one expect to meet
a man of his moral stature, dignity, idealism and faith."
The primary interest of Dr. Hrusovsky's life was
teaching-as we mentioned above-specifically the teaching
of history and the pursuit of historical research. His innate
love of his people and his instinctive devotion to youth
prompted him to choose education as his profession. He
attained distinction in this field and it was as an aducator
and a historian that he entered the political arena. Here
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SLOVAKIA
he looked upon all his political functions and commitments
as a service to his nation's highest interest and hence
he worked with a sense of dedication to public duty.
Specializing as he did in medieval history, Dr. Hrusovsky published several fully documented studies on Great
Moravia, the first Slovak and Slav state on the Danube.
He also prepared a Slovak history text for secondary
schools which established a precedent in the Slovak publishing world. In its second edition this book was velcomed
with such wide acclaim that it became a national best seller.
Translated into Geman, the book was the first serious
history book on Slovakia for scholars outside Slovakia.
In the early part of his exile, during his sojourn in
Rome and in the United States, Dr. Hrusovsky prepared
a scholarly work on the earliest Slovak rulers and an
exhaustive study investigating the relations of the Slovak
rulers of Great Moravia with the Holy See, which was
published first in Slovak and later in English translation
in Slovak Studi es - Cyrillo-Methodian a (Slovak Institute,
Rome, 1963 ).
Slovak letters as well as American Slovak history were
definitely enriched by Dr. Hrusovsky's book surveying
the growth and expansion of Slovak religious orders in
the United States. 3 This book incidentally develops a great
deal of the cultural history of American citizens of Slovak
descent, and would certainly deserve an edition in English.3
Besides these books, Dr. Hrusovsky has to his credit
hundreds of articles and numerous addresses delivered on
various occasions. Unfortunately, so far no bibliography
of his writings was published except that in Literarny
Almanach.4
Reflecting on some of the work and life of Dr. Hrusovsky, we find that our sentiments, too, correspond with
the expression of one of the prominent American leaders
in Slovak cultural life who said with deepest sincerity that
we "will miss his wise guidance, his great capacity for
work and his unfaltering hope of a better world on the
morrow."
We can safely say that all true Slovaks on both sides
�SLOVAKIA
179
of the Iron Curtain bear with regret the loss of Dr.
Hrusovsky. Our one comfort and consolation stems from
the belief that national leaders of Dr. Hrusovsky's moral
stature and defenders of a nation's rights and liberties
share the prerogative of great soldiers who never die.
Thus indeed will Dr. Hrusovsky continue to live among
us; his courage, his vision, his selflessness serving as an
undying example for coming generations of Slovaks,
inspiring them to win for their country that freedom, that
independence and intenationally recognized state for which
Hrusovsky worked literally to his dying breath.
FOOTNOTES
1) Hrusovsky was best known in Slovakia as a director of a secondary
Catholic school with old national traditions in Klafu>r pod Znievom.
Slovenske Rehole v Amerike (Slovak Religious Orders in America) ,
Slovensky ustav, Cleveland, Ohio, 1955.
3) His only book in English is: "This is Slovakia" (Obrana Press, Inc.,
Scranton, Pa.) 1953, which was the first objective presentation of
Slovakia to Americans of Slovak origin as well as to all who read
English.
2)
4) See Litercirny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, Ed. Dr. J. Pauco,
Middletown, Pa., 1967.
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to
American Democracy, the American way of life, and encourages Americans of Slovak descent to be loyal and
alert citizens of America; it urges and aids Slovak emigrants to become U. S. citizens by publishing appropriate
manuals and brochures in Slovak and English.
"
THE SWVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA through its
Ladies .kwdliary, the "VCIELKY" (Bees), sponsors Slovak
cultttrai displays. concerts, lectures, art exhibits, folk festivals, social evenings, etc. Our aim is to have a "Hive" of
our "V~ielky" in every large Slovak community.
�
SLOVAKIA
175
The 15th Anniversary
of the Untimely Death
of Prof. Franci Hrusovsky
J. M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D.
On September 9, 1971, it wiil be 15 years since the
Slovak cultural and political life in the free world lost
one of its best representatives, Prof. Francis Hrusovsky.
Even though he dedicated his life in Slovakia primarily
to education and history, after leaving Slovakia in 1945,
he became one of the most important political leaders
among Slovaks in the free world. A very close personal and
political friend of Karol Sidor who represented Slovakia
during the War in the Vatican, Hrusovsky looked for
contacts with Sidor a few months after leaving his native
country and summoned him to organize political action
of all Slovak exiles against the Communist and Czech rule
in Slovakia. The message signed by several prominent
Slovak politicians and intellectuals was sent first to me in
Switzerland with the request to use the diplomatic channels
of the Vatican to forward it to Minister Sidor.
It was, therefore, only natural that later Hrusovsky
became one of the closest co-operators of Karol Sidor
when in 1948 we founded in the Vatican City the Slovak
National Council Abroad. Being one of the first Slovak
exiles admitted to the United States, Hrusovsky deserves
recognition that the Slovak National Council Abroad was
accepted by the main American Slovak organizations as
the only representative of the Slovak exile movement for
regaining freedom and independence. A man of outstanding
qualities and warm personality, he gained friends very soon
among all the Slovak leaders in the United States and used
his time and enegy to help, on the one side, the Slovak
refugees in Europe and, on the other side, he played an
important role in Slovak political and cultural endeavors.
He chose for his new home Cleveland, Ohio, one of the
cities where the first important Slovak political document
�176
SLOVAKIA
was signed in the first World War and where the only
Slovak religious Order, the Benedictine Fathers, had their
headquarters and schools. Highly respected and liked by
the Abbot of the Benedictine Fathers, Rt. Rev. T. Kojis,
Hrusovsky became a professor again but, at the same time,
he was working on several valuable historical works either
on Slovakia ("This is Slovakia") or on the history of the
religious Orders in the United States. He was also a cofounder of the Slovak Institute, of a Slovak newspaper
in Cleveland, and whole-heartedly supported the activities
of the Slovak National Council Abroad.
When in 1953 Karol Sidor suddenly died, Prof. Hrusovsky took his place and became the leader of the Slovak
exiles working for freedom, democracy and independence
of their native country.
Unfortunately, he did not stay for a long time at the
helm of this struggle. On September 9, 1956, he left the
scene of the Slovak exile life.
It was the third tragic loss among Slovaks in exile
and thousands of Slovaks livings on this side of the Iron
Curtain were stunned by the unexpected news announcing
the sudden death of Dr. Francis Hrusovsky. He was
admired and deeply respected not only as the President
of the Slovak National Council Abroad, but also as an
outstanding patriot, eminent historian and educator, and
a man of sterling moral calibre. Among prominent representatives of a Slovak generation to which it was given
to see their cherished dream of Slovakia's independence
and statehood fulfilled only to be ruthlessly destroyed
within a few years, Dr. Hrusovsk}· personified the best
traditions and characteristics which distinguished Slovak
intellectuals, mercilessly hounded to extermination by
the Communists.
The loss of Dr. Hrusovsky was very keenly felt both
because of what he was per se and because of what he
meant to the nation. Because of these reasons Slovaks
abroad realized that no blow could have been more grievous
in their ranks than the death of Dr. Hrusovsky. It sorely
afflicted all Slovak communities in the free world but
�SLOVAKIA
177
especially Slovak emigres dedicated to the vindication of
Slovakia's liberation from foreign rule.
It has been an unhappy lot of Slovaks in the free
world to suffer three irreparable losses within the span
of three consecutive years: the passing of Karol Sidor,
diplomat, politician, and key leader of the Slovak exile
movement, the political assassination of Matus Cernak,
a diplomat and the most valuable force among Slovak
exiles in Germany; and then the untimely death of Dr.
Hrusovsky, called in the prime of his career at the age
of 53.
Only a year before, when Dr. Hrusovsky accepted the
chief executive responsibilities of the Slovak National
Council Abroad, Slovaks abroad rejoiced in being under
his capable leadership. We confidently fixed all our
prospects on him as being the individual best qualified
to effect a united effort of all Slovak exiled groups engaged
in the struggle to attain Slovakia's liberation and independence. Mild-mannered and unassuming as he was, Dr.
Hrusovsky commanded the respect of Slovaks of both
the old and new immigrants. His personal inclination and
preference were not for the tensions and strategems of
a political career 1 but he did not decline wholehearted
service to his nation in this difficult post when it was
evident that the need of the hour required it of him.
The Cleveland weekly SLOVAK NEWS wrote of him :
"In less than a decade in his adopted country he became
a beloved figure in Slovak circles everywhere. Everyone
who met him was impressed by his personality. Those
who knew him learned to admire his scholarship, to respect
his unwavering devotion to principles and to love him
for his boundless charity. Seldom can one expect to meet
a man of his moral stature, dignity, idealism and faith."
The primary interest of Dr. Hrusovsky's life was
teaching-as we mentioned above-specifically the teaching
of history and the pursuit of historical research. His innate
love of his people and his instinctive devotion to youth
prompted him to choose education as his profession. He
attained distinction in this field and it was as an aducator
and a historian that he entered the political arena. Here
�178
SLOVAKIA
he looked upon all his political functions and commitments
as a service to his nation's highest interest and hence
he worked with a sense of dedication to public duty.
Specializing as he did in medieval history, Dr. Hrusovsky published several fully documented studies on Great
Moravia, the first Slovak and Slav state on the Danube.
He also prepared a Slovak history text for secondary
schools which established a precedent in the Slovak publishing world. In its second edition this book was velcomed
with such wide acclaim that it became a national best seller.
Translated into Geman, the book was the first serious
history book on Slovakia for scholars outside Slovakia.
In the early part of his exile, during his sojourn in
Rome and in the United States, Dr. Hrusovsky prepared
a scholarly work on the earliest Slovak rulers and an
exhaustive study investigating the relations of the Slovak
rulers of Great Moravia with the Holy See, which was
published first in Slovak and later in English translation
in Slovak Studi es - Cyrillo-Methodian a (Slovak Institute,
Rome, 1963 ).
Slovak letters as well as American Slovak history were
definitely enriched by Dr. Hrusovsky's book surveying
the growth and expansion of Slovak religious orders in
the United States. 3 This book incidentally develops a great
deal of the cultural history of American citizens of Slovak
descent, and would certainly deserve an edition in English.3
Besides these books, Dr. Hrusovsky has to his credit
hundreds of articles and numerous addresses delivered on
various occasions. Unfortunately, so far no bibliography
of his writings was published except that in Literarny
Almanach.4
Reflecting on some of the work and life of Dr. Hrusovsky, we find that our sentiments, too, correspond with
the expression of one of the prominent American leaders
in Slovak cultural life who said with deepest sincerity that
we "will miss his wise guidance, his great capacity for
work and his unfaltering hope of a better world on the
morrow."
We can safely say that all true Slovaks on both sides
�SLOVAKIA
179
of the Iron Curtain bear with regret the loss of Dr.
Hrusovsky. Our one comfort and consolation stems from
the belief that national leaders of Dr. Hrusovsky's moral
stature and defenders of a nation's rights and liberties
share the prerogative of great soldiers who never die.
Thus indeed will Dr. Hrusovsky continue to live among
us; his courage, his vision, his selflessness serving as an
undying example for coming generations of Slovaks,
inspiring them to win for their country that freedom, that
independence and intenationally recognized state for which
Hrusovsky worked literally to his dying breath.
FOOTNOTES
1) Hrusovsky was best known in Slovakia as a director of a secondary
Catholic school with old national traditions in Klafu>r pod Znievom.
Slovenske Rehole v Amerike (Slovak Religious Orders in America) ,
Slovensky ustav, Cleveland, Ohio, 1955.
3) His only book in English is: "This is Slovakia" (Obrana Press, Inc.,
Scranton, Pa.) 1953, which was the first objective presentation of
Slovakia to Americans of Slovak origin as well as to all who read
English.
2)
4) See Litercirny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, Ed. Dr. J. Pauco,
Middletown, Pa., 1967.
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to
American Democracy, the American way of life, and encourages Americans of Slovak descent to be loyal and
alert citizens of America; it urges and aids Slovak emigrants to become U. S. citizens by publishing appropriate
manuals and brochures in Slovak and English.
"
THE SWVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA through its
Ladies .kwdliary, the "VCIELKY" (Bees), sponsors Slovak
cultttrai displays. concerts, lectures, art exhibits, folk festivals, social evenings, etc. Our aim is to have a "Hive" of
our "V~ielky" in every large Slovak community.
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
1971, Vol. 21
Description
An account of the resource
Vol. 21 (No. 44), 1971.
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
The Slovak League of America
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1971
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Text
Any textual data included in the document
SLOVAKIA
175
The 15th Anniversary
of the Untimely Death
of Prof. Franci Hrusovsky
J. M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D.
On September 9, 1971, it wiil be 15 years since the
Slovak cultural and political life in the free world lost
one of its best representatives, Prof. Francis Hrusovsky.
Even though he dedicated his life in Slovakia primarily
to education and history, after leaving Slovakia in 1945,
he became one of the most important political leaders
among Slovaks in the free world. A very close personal and
political friend of Karol Sidor who represented Slovakia
during the War in the Vatican, Hrusovsky looked for
contacts with Sidor a few months after leaving his native
country and summoned him to organize political action
of all Slovak exiles against the Communist and Czech rule
in Slovakia. The message signed by several prominent
Slovak politicians and intellectuals was sent first to me in
Switzerland with the request to use the diplomatic channels
of the Vatican to forward it to Minister Sidor.
It was, therefore, only natural that later Hrusovsky
became one of the closest co-operators of Karol Sidor
when in 1948 we founded in the Vatican City the Slovak
National Council Abroad. Being one of the first Slovak
exiles admitted to the United States, Hrusovsky deserves
recognition that the Slovak National Council Abroad was
accepted by the main American Slovak organizations as
the only representative of the Slovak exile movement for
regaining freedom and independence. A man of outstanding
qualities and warm personality, he gained friends very soon
among all the Slovak leaders in the United States and used
his time and enegy to help, on the one side, the Slovak
refugees in Europe and, on the other side, he played an
important role in Slovak political and cultural endeavors.
He chose for his new home Cleveland, Ohio, one of the
cities where the first important Slovak political document
176
SLOVAKIA
was signed in the first World War and where the only
Slovak religious Order, the Benedictine Fathers, had their
headquarters and schools. Highly respected and liked by
the Abbot of the Benedictine Fathers, Rt. Rev. T. Kojis,
Hrusovsky became a professor again but, at the same time,
he was working on several valuable historical works either
on Slovakia ("This is Slovakia") or on the history of the
religious Orders in the United States. He was also a cofounder of the Slovak Institute, of a Slovak newspaper
in Cleveland, and whole-heartedly supported the activities
of the Slovak National Council Abroad.
When in 1953 Karol Sidor suddenly died, Prof. Hrusovsky took his place and became the leader of the Slovak
exiles working for freedom, democracy and independence
of their native country.
Unfortunately, he did not stay for a long time at the
helm of this struggle. On September 9, 1956, he left the
scene of the Slovak exile life.
It was the third tragic loss among Slovaks in exile
and thousands of Slovaks livings on this side of the Iron
Curtain were stunned by the unexpected news announcing
the sudden death of Dr. Francis Hrusovsky. He was
admired and deeply respected not only as the President
of the Slovak National Council Abroad, but also as an
outstanding patriot, eminent historian and educator, and
a man of sterling moral calibre. Among prominent representatives of a Slovak generation to which it was given
to see their cherished dream of Slovakia's independence
and statehood fulfilled only to be ruthlessly destroyed
within a few years, Dr. Hrusovsk}· personified the best
traditions and characteristics which distinguished Slovak
intellectuals, mercilessly hounded to extermination by
the Communists.
The loss of Dr. Hrusovsky was very keenly felt both
because of what he was per se and because of what he
meant to the nation. Because of these reasons Slovaks
abroad realized that no blow could have been more grievous
in their ranks than the death of Dr. Hrusovsky. It sorely
afflicted all Slovak communities in the free world but
SLOVAKIA
177
especially Slovak emigres dedicated to the vindication of
Slovakia's liberation from foreign rule.
It has been an unhappy lot of Slovaks in the free
world to suffer three irreparable losses within the span
of three consecutive years: the passing of Karol Sidor,
diplomat, politician, and key leader of the Slovak exile
movement, the political assassination of Matus Cernak,
a diplomat and the most valuable force among Slovak
exiles in Germany; and then the untimely death of Dr.
Hrusovsky, called in the prime of his career at the age
of 53.
Only a year before, when Dr. Hrusovsky accepted the
chief executive responsibilities of the Slovak National
Council Abroad, Slovaks abroad rejoiced in being under
his capable leadership. We confidently fixed all our
prospects on him as being the individual best qualified
to effect a united effort of all Slovak exiled groups engaged
in the struggle to attain Slovakia's liberation and independence. Mild-mannered and unassuming as he was, Dr.
Hrusovsky commanded the respect of Slovaks of both
the old and new immigrants. His personal inclination and
preference were not for the tensions and strategems of
a political career 1 but he did not decline wholehearted
service to his nation in this difficult post when it was
evident that the need of the hour required it of him.
The Cleveland weekly SLOVAK NEWS wrote of him :
"In less than a decade in his adopted country he became
a beloved figure in Slovak circles everywhere. Everyone
who met him was impressed by his personality. Those
who knew him learned to admire his scholarship, to respect
his unwavering devotion to principles and to love him
for his boundless charity. Seldom can one expect to meet
a man of his moral stature, dignity, idealism and faith."
The primary interest of Dr. Hrusovsky's life was
teaching-as we mentioned above-specifically the teaching
of history and the pursuit of historical research. His innate
love of his people and his instinctive devotion to youth
prompted him to choose education as his profession. He
attained distinction in this field and it was as an aducator
and a historian that he entered the political arena. Here
178
SLOVAKIA
he looked upon all his political functions and commitments
as a service to his nation's highest interest and hence
he worked with a sense of dedication to public duty.
Specializing as he did in medieval history, Dr. Hrusovsky published several fully documented studies on Great
Moravia, the first Slovak and Slav state on the Danube.
He also prepared a Slovak history text for secondary
schools which established a precedent in the Slovak publishing world. In its second edition this book was velcomed
with such wide acclaim that it became a national best seller.
Translated into Geman, the book was the first serious
history book on Slovakia for scholars outside Slovakia.
In the early part of his exile, during his sojourn in
Rome and in the United States, Dr. Hrusovsky prepared
a scholarly work on the earliest Slovak rulers and an
exhaustive study investigating the relations of the Slovak
rulers of Great Moravia with the Holy See, which was
published first in Slovak and later in English translation
in Slovak Studi es - Cyrillo-Methodian a (Slovak Institute,
Rome, 1963 ).
Slovak letters as well as American Slovak history were
definitely enriched by Dr. Hrusovsky's book surveying
the growth and expansion of Slovak religious orders in
the United States. 3 This book incidentally develops a great
deal of the cultural history of American citizens of Slovak
descent, and would certainly deserve an edition in English.3
Besides these books, Dr. Hrusovsky has to his credit
hundreds of articles and numerous addresses delivered on
various occasions. Unfortunately, so far no bibliography
of his writings was published except that in Literarny
Almanach.4
Reflecting on some of the work and life of Dr. Hrusovsky, we find that our sentiments, too, correspond with
the expression of one of the prominent American leaders
in Slovak cultural life who said with deepest sincerity that
we "will miss his wise guidance, his great capacity for
work and his unfaltering hope of a better world on the
morrow."
We can safely say that all true Slovaks on both sides
SLOVAKIA
179
of the Iron Curtain bear with regret the loss of Dr.
Hrusovsky. Our one comfort and consolation stems from
the belief that national leaders of Dr. Hrusovsky's moral
stature and defenders of a nation's rights and liberties
share the prerogative of great soldiers who never die.
Thus indeed will Dr. Hrusovsky continue to live among
us; his courage, his vision, his selflessness serving as an
undying example for coming generations of Slovaks,
inspiring them to win for their country that freedom, that
independence and intenationally recognized state for which
Hrusovsky worked literally to his dying breath.
FOOTNOTES
1) Hrusovsky was best known in Slovakia as a director of a secondary
Catholic school with old national traditions in Klafu>r pod Znievom.
Slovenske Rehole v Amerike (Slovak Religious Orders in America) ,
Slovensky ustav, Cleveland, Ohio, 1955.
3) His only book in English is: "This is Slovakia" (Obrana Press, Inc.,
Scranton, Pa.) 1953, which was the first objective presentation of
Slovakia to Americans of Slovak origin as well as to all who read
English.
2)
4) See Litercirny Almanach Slovaka v Amerike, Ed. Dr. J. Pauco,
Middletown, Pa., 1967.
THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA is dedicated to
American Democracy, the American way of life, and encourages Americans of Slovak descent to be loyal and
alert citizens of America; it urges and aids Slovak emigrants to become U. S. citizens by publishing appropriate
manuals and brochures in Slovak and English.
"
THE SWVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA through its
Ladies .kwdliary, the "VCIELKY" (Bees), sponsors Slovak
cultttrai displays. concerts, lectures, art exhibits, folk festivals, social evenings, etc. Our aim is to have a "Hive" of
our "V~ielky" in every large Slovak community.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The 15th Anniversary of the Untimely Death of Prof. Francis Hrušovský
Description
An account of the resource
J. M. Kirschbaum, Ph.D.
Slovakia, Vol. 21 (No. 44), 1971
pp. 175-179
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Kirschbaum, Jozef M., 1913-2001
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1971
SNK
-
https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/7b797658c21c19dc38340fafae2270d7.pdf
3ed8d2faa58e42cbc0f41b61acb00067
PDF Text
Text
180
SLOVAKIA
F. Vnuk :
Karol Sidor (1901-1953)
The life-span of Karol Sidor was short, but so full of
many-sided activities that it can only inspire admiration
and respect. He entered on the Slovak political scene as
a young 18-year old student and from his first appearance
till the untimely death in 1953 he was almost continuously
in the thick of the fight. All his adult life was completely
devoted to the cause of his nation. In this struggle he was
to experience some of the supreme triumphs as well as
deepest humiliations which befall the Slovak nation during
his life-time.
Karol Sidor was born in Ruzomberok on July 16th,
1901. As a young student he came under the powerful
influence of Andrej Hlinka who was the parish priest of
Ruzomberok and at that time already a fearless, charismatic and acknowledged leader of the Slovak people
oppressed by the Magyar rule. The Magyar oppression
was ruthless, systematic and in its denationalizing process
so successful that the Slovak leaders had resignedly
steadied themselves for national extinction in the very
near future. Into this pessimistic and hopeless atmosphere
the youth of Hlinka's entourage injected a new and much
needed hope. On the pages of "Narodnie noviny", the most
influential journal of the day, K . Sidor published in January
1918 his clarion-like call: "Let us restore sttir's epoch!"
He was referring to the 1840's and 1850's when the young
Slovak enthusiasts around I'... sttir rallied the Slovak
national spirit and actively asserted Slovak political and
cultural aspirations.
At the end of World War I Slovakia breathed a sigh
of relief. The suffocating link with the old Hungary was
finally and irrevocably broken and the Slovaks entered
into a hopeful union with the Czechs in a common state:
Czecho-Slovakia. The magyarization of the Slovak nation
was arrested and the way was opened for the free and
unhindered development of its national needs and desires.
�SLOVAKIA
181
However, serious difficulties arose soon after liberation.
The Czechs, who were more numerous and more advanced
both economically and culturally, looked on the Slovaks
at best as their poor relations. Their arrogant and patronizing treatment of the Slovaks very quickly led to
disenchantment, created a lot of bitterness and dangerously
strained Slovak-Czech relations. The majority of Slovaks
felt deceived, betrayed in their trust, dispossessed of their
rightful due.
At the head of these discontented masses stood Andrej
Hlinka, who in the autumn of 1919 undertook a journey
to Paris to protest against the unequal partnership to
which his countrymen in Czecho-Slovakia had been relegated in spite of the solemn promises given in writing by
President Masaryk when signing the Pittsburgh Agreement.
After his return from an unsuccessful mission in Paris
Hlinka was put in prison. Karol Sidor immediately organized a student ·protest strike. For the leading part in
this venture Sidor was expelled from his school and could
complete his high school studies only as an external student.
As a young student Sidor was attracted to literary
and journalistic pursuits. In 1919 he was a co-founder of
the literary-cultural magazine, "Vatra" ('Bonfire'), in which
he published his first short stories and plays with a strong
social undertone. But it was the ever-changing and challenging world of journalism which finally absorbed his
full attention. Initially Sidor's work in the editorial office
of "Slovak" ( official organ of the Hlinka People's Party l
was just occasional and more or less accidental. But Hlinka
soon realized taat his party must possess a modern popular
daily with a high journalistic standard of reporting, informing and commenting. He entrusted Tuka and Sidor
with this demanding and responsible task and when in
1929 Tuka was put on trial (and subsequently imprisoned ),
Sidor took over. With Sidor as editor-in-chief the party
daily "Slovak" became a powerful weapon in the fight
for Slovak autonomy.
In the meantime Sidor grew up both physically and
politically. He became Hlinka's right hand, his indispensable and highly-valued helper. His name and reputation
�182
SLOVAKIA
reached every corner of Slovakia and among the Slovak
masses he enjoyed a popularity seoond to Hlinka. In 1935
he was elected a deputy of the Prague parliament where
his alertness, fiery speeches and searching questions earned
him the reputation of the stormy petrel of this assembly.
He was considered a radical politician, a tough fighter
and an uncompromising autonomist. All this Sidor indeed
was, but these characteristics were not. inherent in his
nature. He had developed them in the service of the Slovak
cause. It is a great pity that he and his contemporaries
had to spend their talents and energies in a fight which
was not of their choice. Had the Czechs granted the Slovaks
autonomy as they had promised, treated them: as equals,
as they should have, all these energies could have been
constructively chanelled into a common effort to build
Czecho-Slovakia into a happy homeland of two brotherly
nations: the Slovaks and the Czechs.
The Czechs, and indeed many Slovaks, thought Sidor
to be a Czech-hater and a separatist. On account of his
Polonophil attitude he was frequently accused by his
opponents of wanting to break up Czecho-Slovakia in order
to unite Slovakia with Poland. It was an injust accusation.
Sidor's friendly disposition towards Poland was a part of
his Slavophil sentiments which, incidentally, included the
Czechs also. Sidor's hope and dream was a strong Slavic
central European federation, poised between Germany and
Russia, yet independent of both. It was his and our tragedy
that this hope was not realized and that the Czechs, whom
Sidor would have liked to have seen with the Slovaks and
Poles opposing the German and Russian expansionist
tendencies, were his most persistent political opponents.
Sidor's activities in the eventful months October 1938 to
March 1939 must be considered in the light of these realities.
At the beginning of 1938 Sidor issued to his followers
the signal to intensify the struggle for autonomy. After
twenty years of frustration this was to be a year of decision
and on October 6th, 1938 the Hlinka People's party achieved
its long-fought goal: autonomy. Czechoslovakia became a
federated state, Czecho-Slovakia, and within its framework
Slovakia obtained its own parliament and its own government led by Dr. Jozef Tiso. Karol Sidor was made a Deputy
�SLOVAKIA
183
Prime Minister in the central government. At the same
time he assumed the leadership of the newly-formed
paramilitary Hlinka guards.
As an avowed autonomist Sidor strove very hard to
make autonomy workable and mutually advantageous to
both sides. It was not an easy task and it was made even
more difficult by the intransigence of Czech bureaucracy
and by the mounting radicalism of a growing number of
dissatisfied Slovaks. In Slovakia it was mainly the University students and the Hlinka guards who became the
torch-bearers of aggressive and vociferous radicalism demanding the full independence of Slovakia.
In the Czech lands there was a general reluctance to
accept the Slovaks as equal partners. The Slovaks were
implicitly and even openly accused of having obtained their
autonomy by stealth and blackmail. The Czech political,
military and administrative leaders tried their hardest to
make autonomy as unpalatable and cumbersome as possible and even to undo it by a military coup. Early in 1939
a military plot initiated by General Alois Elias was hatched
in Prague. It was later sanctioned by the highest members
of the central government and boldly put into operation
during the night of 9th/10th March 1939.
The Czech military coup caught everybody in Slovakia
by surprise. Sidor, who was staying in Prague, was not
only surprised, he was profoundly shocked. He was
dismayed by the heavyhanded action of the Prague government and saw in it not only a direct threat to Slovak
autonomy, but also a potential danger to the further
existence of Czecho-Slovakia.
In dismissing Tiso's government in Slovakia and sending military units to occupy Slovak cities and towns the
Czechs were unwittingly playing Hitler's political game .
This became plain to them almost immediately when their
occupation evoked complete rejection and bitter resentment in Slovakia. Instead of solving a minor problem
they had created a major one. There was not a single
Slovak politician worthy of the name who was willing
to go along with the Czech plans to subdue Slovakia by
force. To get out of this mess of their own making (which
�184
SLOVAKIA
in the meantime provided Hitler with a welcome opportunity to set into motion his plans for the liquidation
of Czecho-Slovakia ) the Czechs now turned to Sidor.
Ever afraid of German intentions and considering
Hitler far the greater of two evils, Sidor, after some
hesitation, concluded that it would be in the interests of
the Slovak nation to preserve Czecho-Slovakia in its
federated form. It was a decision which found little
understanding among the more radical of the Slovak
politicians and caused considerable confusion even among
the rank and file of the Hlinka guards. Sidor was weighing
not only the immediate short-time advantages which were
obvious to everybody, but also the long-range consequences
of the steps to be undertaken.
With the approval of the Presidium of the Hlinka
People's party Sidor accepted the Premiership of the Slovak
autonomous government. Having assumed responsible
office he did his utmost to calm the situation, to restore
order and to revive mutual confidence. But the crisis
was now beyond his power.
The Germans, determined to liquidate Czecho-Slovakia,
saw in the Czech coup a suitable pretext to start the ball
rolling. They expected that the Slovaks would not need
much prompting where separation from the Czechs was
concerned. They chose Sidor as a man of stature and
authority to carry out the proclamation of Slovak independence. This Sidor resolutely refused to do, arguing that this
was not the appropriate time and he was not authorized
person to initiate such a far-reaching step. The same
answer he gave also to W. Keppler, Hitler's special
emissary, who came to see him in Bratislava in the small
hours of March 12th, 1939. Sidor's dignified and determined
refusal to assist Hitler in his dismembering of CzechoSlovakia was a brave and gallant gesture which would
not have been lost in the age of chivalry. But in the brutal
world of Hitler's 'Realpolitik' its moral strength was lost.
Hitler contemptuously branded Sidor as "a soldier of
Prague" and them went on in his anti-Czech campaign
as if nothing had happened.
Yet Sidor's actions were not lost among Slovak
politicians. His solitary stand, his insistence on legality and
�SLOVAKIA
185
correct procedures made all the Slovak leaders cautious
and alert in their actions and dealings. Thus one finds
that the proclamation of Slovak independence, when it
did take place, was carried out with strict observance
of legal procedures, i.e. independence was proclaimed,
not by an unauthorized individual, but by the Slovak
parliament constitutionally convened by the President of
Czecho-Slovakia, by a free vote of its deputies and without
any direct pressure or interference.
In the first Slovak government Sidor was made
Minister of the Interior. As Sidor said later, he accepted
the position against his will, after lengthy persuation, and
resigned from his office two days later. Events seemed
to have conspired against him and he was visibly embarrassed by the new course and development of Slovak
politics. His "error of judgment"-as it was seen then
by many of his colleagues-cost him his political career
but brought him an unexpected flood of popularity from
ordinary people who sympathized with him in his predicament.
Unfortunately this newly-found popularity became also
a shield for the enemies of Slovak independence. Using
Sidor's name and his anti-German sentiment they tried
to drive a wedge between Slovak-German relations. For
a new state which could exist only under German protection
it was vital to keep these relations neighborly and without
any provocative gestures. Others tried to exploit personal
differences between Sidor on the one hand and Tiso,
1'.>urcansky, etc. on the other, and transplanting them into
a political sphere tried to split national and ideological
unity so essential at that time.
It seems that Sidor did not quite see that among his
sympathizers and newly-acquired supporters were many
of his former enemies and slanderers. The Slovak government watched the situation with apprehension. They
concluded that Sidor-though unknowingly-had become
an obstruction to a speedy consolidation of the political
situation in Slovakia. When the Germans objected to his
further stay in Slovakia, Sidor was asked to take a diplomatic appointment at the Vatican as the Slovak Minister
to the Holy See. He was most reluctant to accept this offer
�186
SLOVAKIA
which he rightly viewed as an attempt to exclude him from
domestic politics. But eventually he agreed and in June
1939 he went to the Vatican where he served as a diplomatic
representative of the Slovak Republic for six years.
Sidor himself gave an account of his activities in a
book "Six years at the Vatican" ( sest' rokov pri Vatikane,
Obrana Press, Scranton, Pa., 1947). In Rome he quickly
settled into his new job. He found it not only new and
interesting, but also challenging and demanding, especially
after the outbreak of the World War II. After September
1939 he was repeatedly approached by dissident Slovak
politicians and diplomats (Hodfa, Pauliny-T6th, Harminc,
Szatmary, etc.) to join them in forming an anti-Nazi Slovak
group in exile. But he declined.
This decision did not come easy and in making it
Sidor was guided by the Slovak national interests. The
Western powers (namely England and France) in spite of
their "de facto" recognition of Slovakia were mot inclined
to continue in this recognition after the outbreak of war.
They were unwilling to support any Slovak exile group
advocating an independent Slovakia and switched their
support to Benes and his followers. Benes's aim was the
restoration of pre-Munich Czecho-Slovakia. Yet Sidor knew
only too well how deeply the Slovak nation was attached
to its own state. Any action against independent Slovakia
would be tantamount to a betrayal of Slovak history and
tradition.
Sidor knew that Germany would lose the war, but
he was also convinced in his mind that the Western allies
would not go against the wishes of the Slovak nation
in depriving it of its independence. He saw the future
of Slovakia in a loose Slovak-Polish-Czech federation and
he was continuously striving for this ambitious ideal. In
Kazimierz Papee, Polish Minister at the Vatican, he found
a helpful colleague and sincere friend. Through him Sidor
submitted several proposals about the future Slovak-PolishCzech cooperation in the post-war years. These suggestions
and propositions were seriously and attentively treated by
the Polish government-in-exile in London.
Unfortunately for the Slovaks and the whole Central
Europe the Allies at Yalta abandoned Central Europe to
�SLOVAKIA
187
the Russians as the Soviet zone of interest. The tragic result
of this political barter was the Iron curtain with Slovakia,
Poland and many other proud nations of Europe on the
wrong side of it. With complete disregard for the wishes
of the people Soviet Russia imposed communist regimes,
drew new frontiers, introduced its totalitarian rule into
this part of Europe. In the process independent Slovakia
was liquidated, it leaders murdered or jailed, the nation
enslaved, Sidor too was sentenced 'in absentia' to a 20-year
imprisonment.
In 1945, having been granted political asylum, Sidor
became an exile in the Vatican. But even in this position
- using his influence and connections at the Vatican and
in Rome-he was able to do much for the Slovak refugees
who were fleeing the Red Army. In December 1948 he
founded the Slovak National Council Abroad and as its
President did his utmost to advance the cause of Slovakia
in the post-war world.
In 1950 he emigrated to Montreal, Canada, where he
died on October 20th, 1953.
A PP E iN DIX
WHY AND HOW THE SLOVAKS SEPARATED
FROM THE CZECHS?
An explanatory memorandum wais submitted by Karol
Sidor to the State Secretary of the Holy See and to Pope
Pius XII personally in sommer 1943.
In the document Sidor outlined a short history of
the Slovak struggle for autonomy, promised to them by
the President Masaryk in 1918, but denied in the subsequent
years 1918-38. This mistaken policy of the Prague government towards Slovak legitimate aims and aspirations as
well as others injustices and wrongdoings of the Czech
administration created an atmosphere of mistrust and
bitterness and considerably weakened the foundations of
the common state.
The Czechs tried to justify their centralist and oppressive policies towards the Slovaks by three completely
erroneous arguments :
1. They maintained that the Slovaks did not have their
�188
SLOVAKIA
own educated class of able administrators to run Slovak
affairs in Slovakia;
2. That Slovakia was too poor and, without Czech
financial help and know-how, it would collapse economically;
3. That the Czechs and Slovaks formed but one nation
and hence there was no need for two separate administrative organizations in one state.
It was only after the Munich crisis, in October 1938,
that the Czechs reluctantly agreed to the establishment
of an autonomous Slovak government.
Unfortunately this arrangement did not last long.
Hitler-as he confessed in his book "Mein Kampf"-felt
an intense dislike towards the Czechs. In 1939 he decided
to liquidate Czecho-Slovakia. First he tried to exploit the
existing Slovak-Czech antagonism. He approached K . Sidor,
asking him to declare Slovak independence. When Sidor
refused, Hitler invited to Berlin Dr. J. Tiso and explained
to him that Slovakia had only two options open:
( i) to stay in Czecho-Slovakia and share the lot of
the Czechs who were singled out by Hitler for political
liquidation; or
(ii) to declare their own independence and thus prevent
national subjugation and humiliation.
Dr. Tiso explained this proposition to the Slovak
deputies at the special meeting of the Slovak Diet on
March 14, 1939. They voted freely and unanimously for
Slovak independence.
The world acknowledged the legality and propriety
of their action by extending diplomatic recognition to the
new state. The Vatican was among the first to give Slovakia
both 'de facto' and 'de jure' recognition.
The separation of Slovakia from the Czech lands was
an act of self-preservation. "The Slovaks could not have
done otherwise. Any other move would have been tantamount to national suicide", writes K. Sidor in the concluding paragraphs in this memorandum.
�
180
SLOVAKIA
F. Vnuk :
Karol Sidor (1901-1953)
The life-span of Karol Sidor was short, but so full of
many-sided activities that it can only inspire admiration
and respect. He entered on the Slovak political scene as
a young 18-year old student and from his first appearance
till the untimely death in 1953 he was almost continuously
in the thick of the fight. All his adult life was completely
devoted to the cause of his nation. In this struggle he was
to experience some of the supreme triumphs as well as
deepest humiliations which befall the Slovak nation during
his life-time.
Karol Sidor was born in Ruzomberok on July 16th,
1901. As a young student he came under the powerful
influence of Andrej Hlinka who was the parish priest of
Ruzomberok and at that time already a fearless, charismatic and acknowledged leader of the Slovak people
oppressed by the Magyar rule. The Magyar oppression
was ruthless, systematic and in its denationalizing process
so successful that the Slovak leaders had resignedly
steadied themselves for national extinction in the very
near future. Into this pessimistic and hopeless atmosphere
the youth of Hlinka's entourage injected a new and much
needed hope. On the pages of "Narodnie noviny", the most
influential journal of the day, K . Sidor published in January
1918 his clarion-like call: "Let us restore sttir's epoch!"
He was referring to the 1840's and 1850's when the young
Slovak enthusiasts around I'... sttir rallied the Slovak
national spirit and actively asserted Slovak political and
cultural aspirations.
At the end of World War I Slovakia breathed a sigh
of relief. The suffocating link with the old Hungary was
finally and irrevocably broken and the Slovaks entered
into a hopeful union with the Czechs in a common state:
Czecho-Slovakia. The magyarization of the Slovak nation
was arrested and the way was opened for the free and
unhindered development of its national needs and desires.
�SLOVAKIA
181
However, serious difficulties arose soon after liberation.
The Czechs, who were more numerous and more advanced
both economically and culturally, looked on the Slovaks
at best as their poor relations. Their arrogant and patronizing treatment of the Slovaks very quickly led to
disenchantment, created a lot of bitterness and dangerously
strained Slovak-Czech relations. The majority of Slovaks
felt deceived, betrayed in their trust, dispossessed of their
rightful due.
At the head of these discontented masses stood Andrej
Hlinka, who in the autumn of 1919 undertook a journey
to Paris to protest against the unequal partnership to
which his countrymen in Czecho-Slovakia had been relegated in spite of the solemn promises given in writing by
President Masaryk when signing the Pittsburgh Agreement.
After his return from an unsuccessful mission in Paris
Hlinka was put in prison. Karol Sidor immediately organized a student ·protest strike. For the leading part in
this venture Sidor was expelled from his school and could
complete his high school studies only as an external student.
As a young student Sidor was attracted to literary
and journalistic pursuits. In 1919 he was a co-founder of
the literary-cultural magazine, "Vatra" ('Bonfire'), in which
he published his first short stories and plays with a strong
social undertone. But it was the ever-changing and challenging world of journalism which finally absorbed his
full attention. Initially Sidor's work in the editorial office
of "Slovak" ( official organ of the Hlinka People's Party l
was just occasional and more or less accidental. But Hlinka
soon realized taat his party must possess a modern popular
daily with a high journalistic standard of reporting, informing and commenting. He entrusted Tuka and Sidor
with this demanding and responsible task and when in
1929 Tuka was put on trial (and subsequently imprisoned ),
Sidor took over. With Sidor as editor-in-chief the party
daily "Slovak" became a powerful weapon in the fight
for Slovak autonomy.
In the meantime Sidor grew up both physically and
politically. He became Hlinka's right hand, his indispensable and highly-valued helper. His name and reputation
�182
SLOVAKIA
reached every corner of Slovakia and among the Slovak
masses he enjoyed a popularity seoond to Hlinka. In 1935
he was elected a deputy of the Prague parliament where
his alertness, fiery speeches and searching questions earned
him the reputation of the stormy petrel of this assembly.
He was considered a radical politician, a tough fighter
and an uncompromising autonomist. All this Sidor indeed
was, but these characteristics were not. inherent in his
nature. He had developed them in the service of the Slovak
cause. It is a great pity that he and his contemporaries
had to spend their talents and energies in a fight which
was not of their choice. Had the Czechs granted the Slovaks
autonomy as they had promised, treated them: as equals,
as they should have, all these energies could have been
constructively chanelled into a common effort to build
Czecho-Slovakia into a happy homeland of two brotherly
nations: the Slovaks and the Czechs.
The Czechs, and indeed many Slovaks, thought Sidor
to be a Czech-hater and a separatist. On account of his
Polonophil attitude he was frequently accused by his
opponents of wanting to break up Czecho-Slovakia in order
to unite Slovakia with Poland. It was an injust accusation.
Sidor's friendly disposition towards Poland was a part of
his Slavophil sentiments which, incidentally, included the
Czechs also. Sidor's hope and dream was a strong Slavic
central European federation, poised between Germany and
Russia, yet independent of both. It was his and our tragedy
that this hope was not realized and that the Czechs, whom
Sidor would have liked to have seen with the Slovaks and
Poles opposing the German and Russian expansionist
tendencies, were his most persistent political opponents.
Sidor's activities in the eventful months October 1938 to
March 1939 must be considered in the light of these realities.
At the beginning of 1938 Sidor issued to his followers
the signal to intensify the struggle for autonomy. After
twenty years of frustration this was to be a year of decision
and on October 6th, 1938 the Hlinka People's party achieved
its long-fought goal: autonomy. Czechoslovakia became a
federated state, Czecho-Slovakia, and within its framework
Slovakia obtained its own parliament and its own government led by Dr. Jozef Tiso. Karol Sidor was made a Deputy
�SLOVAKIA
183
Prime Minister in the central government. At the same
time he assumed the leadership of the newly-formed
paramilitary Hlinka guards.
As an avowed autonomist Sidor strove very hard to
make autonomy workable and mutually advantageous to
both sides. It was not an easy task and it was made even
more difficult by the intransigence of Czech bureaucracy
and by the mounting radicalism of a growing number of
dissatisfied Slovaks. In Slovakia it was mainly the University students and the Hlinka guards who became the
torch-bearers of aggressive and vociferous radicalism demanding the full independence of Slovakia.
In the Czech lands there was a general reluctance to
accept the Slovaks as equal partners. The Slovaks were
implicitly and even openly accused of having obtained their
autonomy by stealth and blackmail. The Czech political,
military and administrative leaders tried their hardest to
make autonomy as unpalatable and cumbersome as possible and even to undo it by a military coup. Early in 1939
a military plot initiated by General Alois Elias was hatched
in Prague. It was later sanctioned by the highest members
of the central government and boldly put into operation
during the night of 9th/10th March 1939.
The Czech military coup caught everybody in Slovakia
by surprise. Sidor, who was staying in Prague, was not
only surprised, he was profoundly shocked. He was
dismayed by the heavyhanded action of the Prague government and saw in it not only a direct threat to Slovak
autonomy, but also a potential danger to the further
existence of Czecho-Slovakia.
In dismissing Tiso's government in Slovakia and sending military units to occupy Slovak cities and towns the
Czechs were unwittingly playing Hitler's political game .
This became plain to them almost immediately when their
occupation evoked complete rejection and bitter resentment in Slovakia. Instead of solving a minor problem
they had created a major one. There was not a single
Slovak politician worthy of the name who was willing
to go along with the Czech plans to subdue Slovakia by
force. To get out of this mess of their own making (which
�184
SLOVAKIA
in the meantime provided Hitler with a welcome opportunity to set into motion his plans for the liquidation
of Czecho-Slovakia ) the Czechs now turned to Sidor.
Ever afraid of German intentions and considering
Hitler far the greater of two evils, Sidor, after some
hesitation, concluded that it would be in the interests of
the Slovak nation to preserve Czecho-Slovakia in its
federated form. It was a decision which found little
understanding among the more radical of the Slovak
politicians and caused considerable confusion even among
the rank and file of the Hlinka guards. Sidor was weighing
not only the immediate short-time advantages which were
obvious to everybody, but also the long-range consequences
of the steps to be undertaken.
With the approval of the Presidium of the Hlinka
People's party Sidor accepted the Premiership of the Slovak
autonomous government. Having assumed responsible
office he did his utmost to calm the situation, to restore
order and to revive mutual confidence. But the crisis
was now beyond his power.
The Germans, determined to liquidate Czecho-Slovakia,
saw in the Czech coup a suitable pretext to start the ball
rolling. They expected that the Slovaks would not need
much prompting where separation from the Czechs was
concerned. They chose Sidor as a man of stature and
authority to carry out the proclamation of Slovak independence. This Sidor resolutely refused to do, arguing that this
was not the appropriate time and he was not authorized
person to initiate such a far-reaching step. The same
answer he gave also to W. Keppler, Hitler's special
emissary, who came to see him in Bratislava in the small
hours of March 12th, 1939. Sidor's dignified and determined
refusal to assist Hitler in his dismembering of CzechoSlovakia was a brave and gallant gesture which would
not have been lost in the age of chivalry. But in the brutal
world of Hitler's 'Realpolitik' its moral strength was lost.
Hitler contemptuously branded Sidor as "a soldier of
Prague" and them went on in his anti-Czech campaign
as if nothing had happened.
Yet Sidor's actions were not lost among Slovak
politicians. His solitary stand, his insistence on legality and
�SLOVAKIA
185
correct procedures made all the Slovak leaders cautious
and alert in their actions and dealings. Thus one finds
that the proclamation of Slovak independence, when it
did take place, was carried out with strict observance
of legal procedures, i.e. independence was proclaimed,
not by an unauthorized individual, but by the Slovak
parliament constitutionally convened by the President of
Czecho-Slovakia, by a free vote of its deputies and without
any direct pressure or interference.
In the first Slovak government Sidor was made
Minister of the Interior. As Sidor said later, he accepted
the position against his will, after lengthy persuation, and
resigned from his office two days later. Events seemed
to have conspired against him and he was visibly embarrassed by the new course and development of Slovak
politics. His "error of judgment"-as it was seen then
by many of his colleagues-cost him his political career
but brought him an unexpected flood of popularity from
ordinary people who sympathized with him in his predicament.
Unfortunately this newly-found popularity became also
a shield for the enemies of Slovak independence. Using
Sidor's name and his anti-German sentiment they tried
to drive a wedge between Slovak-German relations. For
a new state which could exist only under German protection
it was vital to keep these relations neighborly and without
any provocative gestures. Others tried to exploit personal
differences between Sidor on the one hand and Tiso,
1'.>urcansky, etc. on the other, and transplanting them into
a political sphere tried to split national and ideological
unity so essential at that time.
It seems that Sidor did not quite see that among his
sympathizers and newly-acquired supporters were many
of his former enemies and slanderers. The Slovak government watched the situation with apprehension. They
concluded that Sidor-though unknowingly-had become
an obstruction to a speedy consolidation of the political
situation in Slovakia. When the Germans objected to his
further stay in Slovakia, Sidor was asked to take a diplomatic appointment at the Vatican as the Slovak Minister
to the Holy See. He was most reluctant to accept this offer
�186
SLOVAKIA
which he rightly viewed as an attempt to exclude him from
domestic politics. But eventually he agreed and in June
1939 he went to the Vatican where he served as a diplomatic
representative of the Slovak Republic for six years.
Sidor himself gave an account of his activities in a
book "Six years at the Vatican" ( sest' rokov pri Vatikane,
Obrana Press, Scranton, Pa., 1947). In Rome he quickly
settled into his new job. He found it not only new and
interesting, but also challenging and demanding, especially
after the outbreak of the World War II. After September
1939 he was repeatedly approached by dissident Slovak
politicians and diplomats (Hodfa, Pauliny-T6th, Harminc,
Szatmary, etc.) to join them in forming an anti-Nazi Slovak
group in exile. But he declined.
This decision did not come easy and in making it
Sidor was guided by the Slovak national interests. The
Western powers (namely England and France) in spite of
their "de facto" recognition of Slovakia were mot inclined
to continue in this recognition after the outbreak of war.
They were unwilling to support any Slovak exile group
advocating an independent Slovakia and switched their
support to Benes and his followers. Benes's aim was the
restoration of pre-Munich Czecho-Slovakia. Yet Sidor knew
only too well how deeply the Slovak nation was attached
to its own state. Any action against independent Slovakia
would be tantamount to a betrayal of Slovak history and
tradition.
Sidor knew that Germany would lose the war, but
he was also convinced in his mind that the Western allies
would not go against the wishes of the Slovak nation
in depriving it of its independence. He saw the future
of Slovakia in a loose Slovak-Polish-Czech federation and
he was continuously striving for this ambitious ideal. In
Kazimierz Papee, Polish Minister at the Vatican, he found
a helpful colleague and sincere friend. Through him Sidor
submitted several proposals about the future Slovak-PolishCzech cooperation in the post-war years. These suggestions
and propositions were seriously and attentively treated by
the Polish government-in-exile in London.
Unfortunately for the Slovaks and the whole Central
Europe the Allies at Yalta abandoned Central Europe to
�SLOVAKIA
187
the Russians as the Soviet zone of interest. The tragic result
of this political barter was the Iron curtain with Slovakia,
Poland and many other proud nations of Europe on the
wrong side of it. With complete disregard for the wishes
of the people Soviet Russia imposed communist regimes,
drew new frontiers, introduced its totalitarian rule into
this part of Europe. In the process independent Slovakia
was liquidated, it leaders murdered or jailed, the nation
enslaved, Sidor too was sentenced 'in absentia' to a 20-year
imprisonment.
In 1945, having been granted political asylum, Sidor
became an exile in the Vatican. But even in this position
- using his influence and connections at the Vatican and
in Rome-he was able to do much for the Slovak refugees
who were fleeing the Red Army. In December 1948 he
founded the Slovak National Council Abroad and as its
President did his utmost to advance the cause of Slovakia
in the post-war world.
In 1950 he emigrated to Montreal, Canada, where he
died on October 20th, 1953.
A PP E iN DIX
WHY AND HOW THE SLOVAKS SEPARATED
FROM THE CZECHS?
An explanatory memorandum wais submitted by Karol
Sidor to the State Secretary of the Holy See and to Pope
Pius XII personally in sommer 1943.
In the document Sidor outlined a short history of
the Slovak struggle for autonomy, promised to them by
the President Masaryk in 1918, but denied in the subsequent
years 1918-38. This mistaken policy of the Prague government towards Slovak legitimate aims and aspirations as
well as others injustices and wrongdoings of the Czech
administration created an atmosphere of mistrust and
bitterness and considerably weakened the foundations of
the common state.
The Czechs tried to justify their centralist and oppressive policies towards the Slovaks by three completely
erroneous arguments :
1. They maintained that the Slovaks did not have their
�188
SLOVAKIA
own educated class of able administrators to run Slovak
affairs in Slovakia;
2. That Slovakia was too poor and, without Czech
financial help and know-how, it would collapse economically;
3. That the Czechs and Slovaks formed but one nation
and hence there was no need for two separate administrative organizations in one state.
It was only after the Munich crisis, in October 1938,
that the Czechs reluctantly agreed to the establishment
of an autonomous Slovak government.
Unfortunately this arrangement did not last long.
Hitler-as he confessed in his book "Mein Kampf"-felt
an intense dislike towards the Czechs. In 1939 he decided
to liquidate Czecho-Slovakia. First he tried to exploit the
existing Slovak-Czech antagonism. He approached K . Sidor,
asking him to declare Slovak independence. When Sidor
refused, Hitler invited to Berlin Dr. J. Tiso and explained
to him that Slovakia had only two options open:
( i) to stay in Czecho-Slovakia and share the lot of
the Czechs who were singled out by Hitler for political
liquidation; or
(ii) to declare their own independence and thus prevent
national subjugation and humiliation.
Dr. Tiso explained this proposition to the Slovak
deputies at the special meeting of the Slovak Diet on
March 14, 1939. They voted freely and unanimously for
Slovak independence.
The world acknowledged the legality and propriety
of their action by extending diplomatic recognition to the
new state. The Vatican was among the first to give Slovakia
both 'de facto' and 'de jure' recognition.
The separation of Slovakia from the Czech lands was
an act of self-preservation. "The Slovaks could not have
done otherwise. Any other move would have been tantamount to national suicide", writes K. Sidor in the concluding paragraphs in this memorandum.
�
Dublin Core
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Title
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1971, Vol. 21
Description
An account of the resource
Vol. 21 (No. 44), 1971.
Publisher
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The Slovak League of America
Date
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1971
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180
SLOVAKIA
F. Vnuk :
Karol Sidor (1901-1953)
The life-span of Karol Sidor was short, but so full of
many-sided activities that it can only inspire admiration
and respect. He entered on the Slovak political scene as
a young 18-year old student and from his first appearance
till the untimely death in 1953 he was almost continuously
in the thick of the fight. All his adult life was completely
devoted to the cause of his nation. In this struggle he was
to experience some of the supreme triumphs as well as
deepest humiliations which befall the Slovak nation during
his life-time.
Karol Sidor was born in Ruzomberok on July 16th,
1901. As a young student he came under the powerful
influence of Andrej Hlinka who was the parish priest of
Ruzomberok and at that time already a fearless, charismatic and acknowledged leader of the Slovak people
oppressed by the Magyar rule. The Magyar oppression
was ruthless, systematic and in its denationalizing process
so successful that the Slovak leaders had resignedly
steadied themselves for national extinction in the very
near future. Into this pessimistic and hopeless atmosphere
the youth of Hlinka's entourage injected a new and much
needed hope. On the pages of "Narodnie noviny", the most
influential journal of the day, K . Sidor published in January
1918 his clarion-like call: "Let us restore sttir's epoch!"
He was referring to the 1840's and 1850's when the young
Slovak enthusiasts around I'... sttir rallied the Slovak
national spirit and actively asserted Slovak political and
cultural aspirations.
At the end of World War I Slovakia breathed a sigh
of relief. The suffocating link with the old Hungary was
finally and irrevocably broken and the Slovaks entered
into a hopeful union with the Czechs in a common state:
Czecho-Slovakia. The magyarization of the Slovak nation
was arrested and the way was opened for the free and
unhindered development of its national needs and desires.
SLOVAKIA
181
However, serious difficulties arose soon after liberation.
The Czechs, who were more numerous and more advanced
both economically and culturally, looked on the Slovaks
at best as their poor relations. Their arrogant and patronizing treatment of the Slovaks very quickly led to
disenchantment, created a lot of bitterness and dangerously
strained Slovak-Czech relations. The majority of Slovaks
felt deceived, betrayed in their trust, dispossessed of their
rightful due.
At the head of these discontented masses stood Andrej
Hlinka, who in the autumn of 1919 undertook a journey
to Paris to protest against the unequal partnership to
which his countrymen in Czecho-Slovakia had been relegated in spite of the solemn promises given in writing by
President Masaryk when signing the Pittsburgh Agreement.
After his return from an unsuccessful mission in Paris
Hlinka was put in prison. Karol Sidor immediately organized a student ·protest strike. For the leading part in
this venture Sidor was expelled from his school and could
complete his high school studies only as an external student.
As a young student Sidor was attracted to literary
and journalistic pursuits. In 1919 he was a co-founder of
the literary-cultural magazine, "Vatra" ('Bonfire'), in which
he published his first short stories and plays with a strong
social undertone. But it was the ever-changing and challenging world of journalism which finally absorbed his
full attention. Initially Sidor's work in the editorial office
of "Slovak" ( official organ of the Hlinka People's Party l
was just occasional and more or less accidental. But Hlinka
soon realized taat his party must possess a modern popular
daily with a high journalistic standard of reporting, informing and commenting. He entrusted Tuka and Sidor
with this demanding and responsible task and when in
1929 Tuka was put on trial (and subsequently imprisoned ),
Sidor took over. With Sidor as editor-in-chief the party
daily "Slovak" became a powerful weapon in the fight
for Slovak autonomy.
In the meantime Sidor grew up both physically and
politically. He became Hlinka's right hand, his indispensable and highly-valued helper. His name and reputation
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SLOVAKIA
reached every corner of Slovakia and among the Slovak
masses he enjoyed a popularity seoond to Hlinka. In 1935
he was elected a deputy of the Prague parliament where
his alertness, fiery speeches and searching questions earned
him the reputation of the stormy petrel of this assembly.
He was considered a radical politician, a tough fighter
and an uncompromising autonomist. All this Sidor indeed
was, but these characteristics were not. inherent in his
nature. He had developed them in the service of the Slovak
cause. It is a great pity that he and his contemporaries
had to spend their talents and energies in a fight which
was not of their choice. Had the Czechs granted the Slovaks
autonomy as they had promised, treated them: as equals,
as they should have, all these energies could have been
constructively chanelled into a common effort to build
Czecho-Slovakia into a happy homeland of two brotherly
nations: the Slovaks and the Czechs.
The Czechs, and indeed many Slovaks, thought Sidor
to be a Czech-hater and a separatist. On account of his
Polonophil attitude he was frequently accused by his
opponents of wanting to break up Czecho-Slovakia in order
to unite Slovakia with Poland. It was an injust accusation.
Sidor's friendly disposition towards Poland was a part of
his Slavophil sentiments which, incidentally, included the
Czechs also. Sidor's hope and dream was a strong Slavic
central European federation, poised between Germany and
Russia, yet independent of both. It was his and our tragedy
that this hope was not realized and that the Czechs, whom
Sidor would have liked to have seen with the Slovaks and
Poles opposing the German and Russian expansionist
tendencies, were his most persistent political opponents.
Sidor's activities in the eventful months October 1938 to
March 1939 must be considered in the light of these realities.
At the beginning of 1938 Sidor issued to his followers
the signal to intensify the struggle for autonomy. After
twenty years of frustration this was to be a year of decision
and on October 6th, 1938 the Hlinka People's party achieved
its long-fought goal: autonomy. Czechoslovakia became a
federated state, Czecho-Slovakia, and within its framework
Slovakia obtained its own parliament and its own government led by Dr. Jozef Tiso. Karol Sidor was made a Deputy
SLOVAKIA
183
Prime Minister in the central government. At the same
time he assumed the leadership of the newly-formed
paramilitary Hlinka guards.
As an avowed autonomist Sidor strove very hard to
make autonomy workable and mutually advantageous to
both sides. It was not an easy task and it was made even
more difficult by the intransigence of Czech bureaucracy
and by the mounting radicalism of a growing number of
dissatisfied Slovaks. In Slovakia it was mainly the University students and the Hlinka guards who became the
torch-bearers of aggressive and vociferous radicalism demanding the full independence of Slovakia.
In the Czech lands there was a general reluctance to
accept the Slovaks as equal partners. The Slovaks were
implicitly and even openly accused of having obtained their
autonomy by stealth and blackmail. The Czech political,
military and administrative leaders tried their hardest to
make autonomy as unpalatable and cumbersome as possible and even to undo it by a military coup. Early in 1939
a military plot initiated by General Alois Elias was hatched
in Prague. It was later sanctioned by the highest members
of the central government and boldly put into operation
during the night of 9th/10th March 1939.
The Czech military coup caught everybody in Slovakia
by surprise. Sidor, who was staying in Prague, was not
only surprised, he was profoundly shocked. He was
dismayed by the heavyhanded action of the Prague government and saw in it not only a direct threat to Slovak
autonomy, but also a potential danger to the further
existence of Czecho-Slovakia.
In dismissing Tiso's government in Slovakia and sending military units to occupy Slovak cities and towns the
Czechs were unwittingly playing Hitler's political game .
This became plain to them almost immediately when their
occupation evoked complete rejection and bitter resentment in Slovakia. Instead of solving a minor problem
they had created a major one. There was not a single
Slovak politician worthy of the name who was willing
to go along with the Czech plans to subdue Slovakia by
force. To get out of this mess of their own making (which
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SLOVAKIA
in the meantime provided Hitler with a welcome opportunity to set into motion his plans for the liquidation
of Czecho-Slovakia ) the Czechs now turned to Sidor.
Ever afraid of German intentions and considering
Hitler far the greater of two evils, Sidor, after some
hesitation, concluded that it would be in the interests of
the Slovak nation to preserve Czecho-Slovakia in its
federated form. It was a decision which found little
understanding among the more radical of the Slovak
politicians and caused considerable confusion even among
the rank and file of the Hlinka guards. Sidor was weighing
not only the immediate short-time advantages which were
obvious to everybody, but also the long-range consequences
of the steps to be undertaken.
With the approval of the Presidium of the Hlinka
People's party Sidor accepted the Premiership of the Slovak
autonomous government. Having assumed responsible
office he did his utmost to calm the situation, to restore
order and to revive mutual confidence. But the crisis
was now beyond his power.
The Germans, determined to liquidate Czecho-Slovakia,
saw in the Czech coup a suitable pretext to start the ball
rolling. They expected that the Slovaks would not need
much prompting where separation from the Czechs was
concerned. They chose Sidor as a man of stature and
authority to carry out the proclamation of Slovak independence. This Sidor resolutely refused to do, arguing that this
was not the appropriate time and he was not authorized
person to initiate such a far-reaching step. The same
answer he gave also to W. Keppler, Hitler's special
emissary, who came to see him in Bratislava in the small
hours of March 12th, 1939. Sidor's dignified and determined
refusal to assist Hitler in his dismembering of CzechoSlovakia was a brave and gallant gesture which would
not have been lost in the age of chivalry. But in the brutal
world of Hitler's 'Realpolitik' its moral strength was lost.
Hitler contemptuously branded Sidor as "a soldier of
Prague" and them went on in his anti-Czech campaign
as if nothing had happened.
Yet Sidor's actions were not lost among Slovak
politicians. His solitary stand, his insistence on legality and
SLOVAKIA
185
correct procedures made all the Slovak leaders cautious
and alert in their actions and dealings. Thus one finds
that the proclamation of Slovak independence, when it
did take place, was carried out with strict observance
of legal procedures, i.e. independence was proclaimed,
not by an unauthorized individual, but by the Slovak
parliament constitutionally convened by the President of
Czecho-Slovakia, by a free vote of its deputies and without
any direct pressure or interference.
In the first Slovak government Sidor was made
Minister of the Interior. As Sidor said later, he accepted
the position against his will, after lengthy persuation, and
resigned from his office two days later. Events seemed
to have conspired against him and he was visibly embarrassed by the new course and development of Slovak
politics. His "error of judgment"-as it was seen then
by many of his colleagues-cost him his political career
but brought him an unexpected flood of popularity from
ordinary people who sympathized with him in his predicament.
Unfortunately this newly-found popularity became also
a shield for the enemies of Slovak independence. Using
Sidor's name and his anti-German sentiment they tried
to drive a wedge between Slovak-German relations. For
a new state which could exist only under German protection
it was vital to keep these relations neighborly and without
any provocative gestures. Others tried to exploit personal
differences between Sidor on the one hand and Tiso,
1'.>urcansky, etc. on the other, and transplanting them into
a political sphere tried to split national and ideological
unity so essential at that time.
It seems that Sidor did not quite see that among his
sympathizers and newly-acquired supporters were many
of his former enemies and slanderers. The Slovak government watched the situation with apprehension. They
concluded that Sidor-though unknowingly-had become
an obstruction to a speedy consolidation of the political
situation in Slovakia. When the Germans objected to his
further stay in Slovakia, Sidor was asked to take a diplomatic appointment at the Vatican as the Slovak Minister
to the Holy See. He was most reluctant to accept this offer
186
SLOVAKIA
which he rightly viewed as an attempt to exclude him from
domestic politics. But eventually he agreed and in June
1939 he went to the Vatican where he served as a diplomatic
representative of the Slovak Republic for six years.
Sidor himself gave an account of his activities in a
book "Six years at the Vatican" ( sest' rokov pri Vatikane,
Obrana Press, Scranton, Pa., 1947). In Rome he quickly
settled into his new job. He found it not only new and
interesting, but also challenging and demanding, especially
after the outbreak of the World War II. After September
1939 he was repeatedly approached by dissident Slovak
politicians and diplomats (Hodfa, Pauliny-T6th, Harminc,
Szatmary, etc.) to join them in forming an anti-Nazi Slovak
group in exile. But he declined.
This decision did not come easy and in making it
Sidor was guided by the Slovak national interests. The
Western powers (namely England and France) in spite of
their "de facto" recognition of Slovakia were mot inclined
to continue in this recognition after the outbreak of war.
They were unwilling to support any Slovak exile group
advocating an independent Slovakia and switched their
support to Benes and his followers. Benes's aim was the
restoration of pre-Munich Czecho-Slovakia. Yet Sidor knew
only too well how deeply the Slovak nation was attached
to its own state. Any action against independent Slovakia
would be tantamount to a betrayal of Slovak history and
tradition.
Sidor knew that Germany would lose the war, but
he was also convinced in his mind that the Western allies
would not go against the wishes of the Slovak nation
in depriving it of its independence. He saw the future
of Slovakia in a loose Slovak-Polish-Czech federation and
he was continuously striving for this ambitious ideal. In
Kazimierz Papee, Polish Minister at the Vatican, he found
a helpful colleague and sincere friend. Through him Sidor
submitted several proposals about the future Slovak-PolishCzech cooperation in the post-war years. These suggestions
and propositions were seriously and attentively treated by
the Polish government-in-exile in London.
Unfortunately for the Slovaks and the whole Central
Europe the Allies at Yalta abandoned Central Europe to
SLOVAKIA
187
the Russians as the Soviet zone of interest. The tragic result
of this political barter was the Iron curtain with Slovakia,
Poland and many other proud nations of Europe on the
wrong side of it. With complete disregard for the wishes
of the people Soviet Russia imposed communist regimes,
drew new frontiers, introduced its totalitarian rule into
this part of Europe. In the process independent Slovakia
was liquidated, it leaders murdered or jailed, the nation
enslaved, Sidor too was sentenced 'in absentia' to a 20-year
imprisonment.
In 1945, having been granted political asylum, Sidor
became an exile in the Vatican. But even in this position
- using his influence and connections at the Vatican and
in Rome-he was able to do much for the Slovak refugees
who were fleeing the Red Army. In December 1948 he
founded the Slovak National Council Abroad and as its
President did his utmost to advance the cause of Slovakia
in the post-war world.
In 1950 he emigrated to Montreal, Canada, where he
died on October 20th, 1953.
A PP E iN DIX
WHY AND HOW THE SLOVAKS SEPARATED
FROM THE CZECHS?
An explanatory memorandum wais submitted by Karol
Sidor to the State Secretary of the Holy See and to Pope
Pius XII personally in sommer 1943.
In the document Sidor outlined a short history of
the Slovak struggle for autonomy, promised to them by
the President Masaryk in 1918, but denied in the subsequent
years 1918-38. This mistaken policy of the Prague government towards Slovak legitimate aims and aspirations as
well as others injustices and wrongdoings of the Czech
administration created an atmosphere of mistrust and
bitterness and considerably weakened the foundations of
the common state.
The Czechs tried to justify their centralist and oppressive policies towards the Slovaks by three completely
erroneous arguments :
1. They maintained that the Slovaks did not have their
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SLOVAKIA
own educated class of able administrators to run Slovak
affairs in Slovakia;
2. That Slovakia was too poor and, without Czech
financial help and know-how, it would collapse economically;
3. That the Czechs and Slovaks formed but one nation
and hence there was no need for two separate administrative organizations in one state.
It was only after the Munich crisis, in October 1938,
that the Czechs reluctantly agreed to the establishment
of an autonomous Slovak government.
Unfortunately this arrangement did not last long.
Hitler-as he confessed in his book "Mein Kampf"-felt
an intense dislike towards the Czechs. In 1939 he decided
to liquidate Czecho-Slovakia. First he tried to exploit the
existing Slovak-Czech antagonism. He approached K . Sidor,
asking him to declare Slovak independence. When Sidor
refused, Hitler invited to Berlin Dr. J. Tiso and explained
to him that Slovakia had only two options open:
( i) to stay in Czecho-Slovakia and share the lot of
the Czechs who were singled out by Hitler for political
liquidation; or
(ii) to declare their own independence and thus prevent
national subjugation and humiliation.
Dr. Tiso explained this proposition to the Slovak
deputies at the special meeting of the Slovak Diet on
March 14, 1939. They voted freely and unanimously for
Slovak independence.
The world acknowledged the legality and propriety
of their action by extending diplomatic recognition to the
new state. The Vatican was among the first to give Slovakia
both 'de facto' and 'de jure' recognition.
The separation of Slovakia from the Czech lands was
an act of self-preservation. "The Slovaks could not have
done otherwise. Any other move would have been tantamount to national suicide", writes K. Sidor in the concluding paragraphs in this memorandum.
Dublin Core
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Title
A name given to the resource
Karol Sidor (1901-1953)
Description
An account of the resource
F. Vnuk
includes "Why and How the Slovaks Separated from the Czechs?" explanatory memorandum submitted by Karol Sidor to the State Secretary of the Holy See and to Pope Pius XII, 1943
Slovakia, Vol. 21 (No. 44), 1971
pp. 180-188
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Vnuk, František, 1926-
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1971
SNK