13 50 763 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/d5f7f6fa2d884fea026daa44c7d1ae64.pdf 3387c724a4bcb04334ba11fb8b611e73 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 33 MILAN RASTISLAV STEFA.NIK Stephanie 0. Husek This year mar,ks the thirty-sixth anniversary of two events which considerwbly changed the national developmeint of the Slo:vaJks both here and abroad. On May 30, 1918, the Pittsibwgh Pact was drawn up and on Noveimlber 14 was signed by Thomas Garrigue Masaryk, then President ad: the 0zecho-iSlo1V1ak Republic. This Slovruk Magna Carta suimmarirzed Sloivak rights in the newly fomied state amd formed the platform of the Slova;,k People's Party, the largest Slovalk political party in pre..war Cz~ho-Slova1da. On 0ctolber 28, 1918, the independence ad: 0zeeho--iSlovakia was pro:claimed and a new era oJf national development began for fue Slovak and Czech nations. Both these events were the result of the Czecho..,Slovak Relbellion, both at home and beyond the ,bo'UJildaries oif the Austro-Hungarian Kingdom. SlOIVaks and Czechs, no matter where they lived, joined in the struggle for independence and each groUJp contributed towaTds gaining the final victory. The cond'Ulot of the reibellion lay in the hands of the National 0zecho-1Slov.aik Committee in Paris of whicih Thomas G. Masaryk was president, Edward Benes secretairy, and Milan Rastislav Ste!anik represented the Sloivaks. No single factor carried so much weight with the Allies in favor of an independent Czecho-Slo,va.'kia as the organization and later suiocesses of the independent Czecllo.-B1ovalk Army. It was the a'I'!my which proved that the Sloivaks and Czechs were will.mg to, make the swpreme sacrifice in order that they and their children might liive independenrtl:y. It is to the glory of the Sl01Va,ks that the formation and organization of this army was the tfuought and wonk of Milan Rastislav Stefan.ilk who later ,b ecame the first Minister of War ill1 the Czecho-,Slova,k State. The movement for Czecho-Sloivalk independence was not begun at the ourt:Jbreruk -of the Wax. Years before, both individuals and organized giroups sought to alleviate conditions �34 SLOVAKIA existing in the Austro-HUI11garian Kingdom. Stefaniik already dreamed of an in.d.€4)00.dent Slovakia in 1914 when he arrived in F1rance as a young astronomer, soon to gain prominence there and become a memiber of the French A~adem.y. No ocicasion arose which Sted:anik d.i:d not use to acquaint those in influenice with Hu1nga,r.ian tyranny and to gain sympathy for the oppressed Slo;vruk nation. As soon as Austria dec1ared war on .Serbia, Stefaniik left Morocco, where he was engaged in astronomical observation, and returned to France. He joined the French Air Cor,ps in. January 191'5 and in March requested to be sent to Serbia. Having no contact as yet with Miresruryk, not even familiair with the latter's plans, he already thought of organh:ing a ~arate corps c_o nsisting of t.he ~ruvs fighting aigainst thefr convictions on the enemy,..s side and being gradually ooncoort~a;ted in prison camps. Due .t o, the Serbian retreat whii!ch began one day before Stefanik's arri;val in SeI'lbia, the thought of organizing this corps had to be abandoned. But Stefanik renewed his worlk upon his return to Paris where he became assOICiarted with Thomas G. Masacyk and Dr. ffidlward Benes: Soon the nucleus of the Ozeoho-,Slovak Legion was orgamzed in France and Stefruni,k extended his work to inlclude Rm.ssia, the United States, and Italy; in fact, aJ1l countries where Czechs and Sfovruk,s were to be found, either in prison camps OT as settlers. Thus, from Jrtill,,y 1916 until Mairch 1917 he was in Russia. While the.re he made a trip to Roucrnania. After returning from Russia he crume to. the United States, returned to France and then went to litaly. He met wirth many diftfioulties in organizing the Legion. Nevertheless, he succeeded i:n winning the. permission of government authorities and 'i n persuading moo to join. 1n the work orf Q!I'ganiizing the army Stefan:iik also did mooh to gain the sympartihy orf Allied statesmen and men ranking high in goiveirnment and military cincles and to convm:ce those with whom he came into contact of the necessity of breaking up the Austro-Hungaria:n Kingdom. Milan Rastislav Stefanik did much more- foir gaining �35 SLOVAKIA the independeince of Czetjio-Slovaikia than he is credited with doing. Benes and Ma:saryk boith wrote an account of the mOfVement for independence and tihe part which each played in it. Stefan.ilk, run.fortunately, was not given this O!plpOrtunity. But even from the sketchy references to his wo'l1k and the Sl1mprisingly meagre sources avaHaJble to the hisrtorian of today, it is dearly evident that in cowa:ge, in scl!f-saicrifice, in tact and wbility in diplomacy, in integrity, and in zeal for the ca:use of freedom of his people, he was not SUI'lpassed by anyone of the leaders in the OzeichoSlovaJk movement for independence . • • • • Stefanilk had exaggeirated hopes of his success in America. As stated in his report to the French Ministcy o!f Foreign Affairs, he 1b el ieved that they would gain around 20,000 volunteers for the Ozecho-,Slovruk Legion. It is not definitely known where he got his information, but there were many Czechs and Slovaks in America who cherished the same ho,pe and Stefaruk was certainly inforrmed b~ some of them. In the official newspaper of tihe First Catholic Slovak Union the "Jednota," it was estimated that if only ten per cent of the male memlbers of the Slo1va,k organizations joined the Czeicho-Slo:vak army, there would be 15,140 Slovak vnlunteers. One Slo,va'k reported to Steifani!k that among the Slovaks alone 25,000 ,volunteers could be, expected 0). Joseph 'Dvirziieky, Seciretary of the Ozech National Society in America, was also one of those, who, during the entire caimpaiign, added to Stef8iruk's optimism(2). The work of tile Poles at the same time and in the same direction facilitated Steifaniik's mission. O:n the other hand, America's entraJnce info the World War changed conditions existing here which were not favoraJble. Many American Czechs and Slorvarks joined the Canadian army e,ven beforre the United Staites entered the War and forty thousand Ozechs and SkwaJks joined the Amer.iJcaJD. 8!Imy in 1917 (3). The American government itself placed certain 1 (1) Karol Pergler: "Z ame1ic.ke fron.ty a naseho osvobozenskeho boje_ - Nase revoluce." Vol II, p. 318. (2) "Nase revoluce.." Vol. 1,1, P. 325. (3) Ibid. p. 325. �36 SLOVAKIA obstacles which made the fu1fillment of Stefani:k's mission more difficult. On the grounds that if special concessioo.s were granted the Czechs and Slovaiks othe,r nationality grOUJps would make. similar requests, the government was relUICtant to girve permission for recruiting soldiers for the Czecho~Slov~ Airmy in F1rance. America's entrance into the War was looked wpon by many groiups as an opportunity to be exploited toward the realimtion of their aim Olf corrnpletel,y Americanirzing the foreign national~ty groups living here. It presented an oppoI1tunity to unite all immigrants undeir one motto and for one ideal. America was to enter the Wax as one consolidated nation fighting a;gainst a single enemy. To add to the difrfic,u1ties, a mo;vement was started by Senator Hitchcoc,k of Nebraska to form a spe'cial Shw conps similar to the Foreign Legion of France. This was oontrary to the wishes and plans of General Stefanik and the Ozecho,-SlovaJk National Committee. Had it succeeded, the influence and the opportunity of the Czechs and Slovaks to aJCt independently would hruve been greatly minimized. IF'inally, it is impossible not to mention the large German and Austro-Hiung arian grolliPS who distributed pamphlets and used various other meains to carry on a continuous propaganda against the leaders Olf the Allied nations and against their appeals. Much time and effort was expended by Slovak national leaders to disclose these intrigues and to offset their effects. In March 1915 the German government aippealed to the America.n people not to manufacture powder shraipnels, and other arms, stating that this was ag:ainst the honoir of the American people and against the integrity of the nation; that it was neicessary to show once and for all that such things could not be bought with money dipped in human blood Even before this, Germany had sent an appeal to America, addressed to prominent men, in which she defended her position in the war, related the wrongs committed on her and denied all responsibility for the acts to which Ger,many had .b een forced (4). It is small wonder that this German propaganda gained ground (4) Karol Sidor: " Slovaci v zahranicnom odboji," pp, 44-4ii. �SLOVAKIA 37 in Ameri~. There were many Gernnan imrmgranits and EWen more citizens of Ger.rnan descent, financiaNy well estaJblished, who were sentimentally sympathetic to their native land. Edward Benes, as Secretary of the National Committee, requested the French goivernment to entrust Stefanik with the mission to deal with the American authorities for permission to. organize volunteers among the Ozechs and Slovaks for the army in France. The consent of Rebprt, ::Mlinister of Foreign Alffairs, was gained uh.rough Philip Berthelot and permission from the Ministry ad: Wiar was received, through the inter1cession of Franklirn--Bouillon, directly f.rom Minister PainlEWe with whOim both Benes and Stefanik were on good terms. Thi'S perunission was granted while Stefanik was still in Russia but he IPostjponed the trip in order to. complete his work in Roumania where he gained 1000 prisoners for the Czecho-SloiV'a'k army. The order for the j()IUJI'ney commissioning Stefanik wifu a special mission in the United States was issued May 20, 1917 and he arrived in America the following month. Before Stefamk's departure,. however, the French Government had aliready sent a spe:cial political commission headed 'by FrankJin-1Bouillon to gain the permission of the United States for recruiting volunteers. among the immigrants for Slav national arunies in France. This mission of F:raniklin-Bo:uillin, as well as his personal aid in the Czec<ho.-1Slova:k wrmy question, greatly helped Stefa.Mk. Stefanik qumkly adjusted himself to the conditions brougihrt rubout by America's entrance into the war and through the French Arrnlbassado•r , Jussocand, immediately contacted the go;vernment offfuia1s in Washington. He had a short 'but successif:ul conference with Lansing during which he also presented: him with a;n expression of loyalty of the Ozechs and 'Sloivruks to the United Srtates of Ameri~. Wirth the aid of the Frenlch Commissioner A. Tardieu, the French Mi•n ister Jussevam.d, and Franldin.J3ou:illon Stefan:iik gained his object and the Arrnerican government granted pemnission to al[ Czechs and SlovaJks not subject to military duty in the Am.errean M1IDY to join the Ozecho-,S1ovak Legion in France. On August 4, he already report.ea to his friends in �38 SLOVAKIA New Yorlc th~t he had received this perrmss1on and that 4,000 men oOIU!ld be sent to the French military school. After permission for recruiting was granted, negotiatiOllls were begun for the transipwtatio n of the Czec:ho-Sl'OVa;k soldiers to France and for obtaining the financial means necessary to keep them concentrated in camps in New Yonk and Boston where they awaited their depar-ture. Oonsideration was also given to the question of SU!pporting families deprived of wa;ge erurner,s and, later, to ca;ses of widowed wives Mld or,phaned children. In October, Stefanik uncovered some Austro-Hunga rian intdgues in Washing.ton. A telegram had been sent to Tardieu fram Paris suggesting that, due to difficulties in transportation, the Poles should be sent to France finst and the transpovtatio n of the Ozecho ..Slovak soldiers shO!Uld be postponed for a few months. Stefanik suicceede.d in defeating this attempt by uncovering its moUves and, on the basis of this 1nfoI1Ination, Tardieu telegraphed to his swperiors that the posbponemen t of the transport of the Ozecho-SlOIVak soldiers would mean the breaking of a promise and that he would have no part i.in such a disho:noraJble act (15). Other difficulties arose in the matterr of transporting trooips; fifty Czech and Slovak soldiers were detained in New Yonk in Decem~ because no exceptions were made foir Czechs and Slovaiks in the instructions sent by the American governmeil!t cOillCerniing kuistro-Hung arian su!bjects. At the intervention O(f the French Ambassador and of General Vignal this maJtter was also straightened out. Steifan:ik contacted American joUTrralists and wrote several articles on the cause for· the newsprupers. He aroused the interest orf F. H. Allen ("World"), Go,rdo:n Srruth am'd, at a dinner given in his honor on J,u ly 23 in New York, he gained the swpport of "The New Repu!blic." Stefanik used these oontaots for propaganda purposes. Early in September the "World" carried a long article on the Czecho~Slovak movement written by Stefanik and Pisecky and an account of the Battle of Halie by Stefani~ appeared later in Chicago news,paipers. (5) Karol Pergler : "Nase revolnce." Vol. II, p. 319 . �SLOVAKIA 39 Although Stefanik did not entirely trurst Wilson and did not rugree with his views, he ,g ained the good will of the ever popular Theodore Rooseivelit and of representative Frank L. Polle, who devoted much consideration to the Ozecho-4Slovak question when he later headed the American delegation at the Peace Oonrference after Lansing's departure from Paris. It is generally conceded that Stefanik achieved his greatest success in America by seicuring the cooperation of the Czechs and Slovaks in the Czecho-Slovak movement. Pisec'ky writes: "Stefanik did most in the United States in that he succeeded in convincing the Sloiva.ks of the necessity and the horrorableness of the Czecho-SlOIVak rebeU.ion, that he succeeded in paralyiZing autonomistic and opportunistic UJpshoots of persons of the character of Daxner, Bielelk, Panilmch and others and gained them for the common advance with the Czechs (6) . From this statement one could infer that the American Slo:va.ks resisted the movement for freedom. On the contrary, it was the Slovaiks who, with a few exceptions, first brought UJP the question of freedom from the Hungarian yoke, and who, long before the war, had organized to gaiin recognition of Slo:vak national rights. The Slovak League was founded in 1907 for the punpose of supporting and helping national leaders in the old country. In the year 1910 it requested the U. S. Census officials to list Slovaks, not as immigrants from Ausitria-iH kmgary, but according to their native, tongue. B efore the outbreak of the war, at the beginning o:f the year 1914, a memorandum, signed by representatives of 21 organizations, 23 newspaipers, by many Catholic priests and Protestant ministe,ns, was printed. in five languages in addition to English This memorandum, sent to i:nflmmtial diP'lomats and statesmen, descrilbed the sufferings of the Slova.l{s under Hungarian tyranny and demanded in the name o:f justice and humanity that Slovaks be given the rights which were ri!ghtfully tlheirs. Slovalk journalists and national leaders forll!ght unremittingly through newsprupers and brosuires against Austro,-,H ungarian and German propa(6) Ferdinand Pisecky: "M. R. i§tefanik," p . 81. �40 SLOVAKIA ganda. Moreover, they aided financially. Already in 1914 the Slov:aJk League started a Million Dollar Drive, the proceeds of which were to go to the sw£fering and war-,impoverished Slovaks a,broa<l. When their fellow SlaJVs, the Seribians, were fortced to retreat bef-ore the enemy in the winter of 1915 and felt hearvi1y t:he weight of defeat, the American Slova,ks rallied to their swpport. In a movement Which they themselrves financed they obtained more than a hundred Slovak priJsoners from prison crumps in Canada. Even from this very ibrieif sketch it is evident that the Slovaks in America were, from the very beginning, fully aware and prepared to ma,ke the most of the opportunities which the World Wax presented. They were well on their way in their wo11k for the Slovaks when the Ozecho-{Slovruk National Committee, headed by Masarytk, asked them for their cooperation. In rerviewing the rclations of the Ozechs and Slovaks in the early yea11s of t:he war, one lll/U!st bear in mind foat the creation of the Ozecho-,Slorva;k State was not a sine qua non for the realization of natitonal and cultural independ~e for the Slovruks. Neither were the Allied states determined at the beginning, upon the, dismem1be11ment oif the AustroHUil'garian Kingdom. The brea;k up of Austr.ia-HW11gary evo1ved from later dervefopments , and the Slo'V'ak1s seriously weighed all possilbilities beiforn deciding to cast their lot with the Ozechs. Dm-ing this period of indecision only one thing was cemain, that is, no matter under what form of government, no maitter with whom ailied, Slovak national autonomy had to be g,uiairanteed. In an open letter, pwbli'shed in the "Jednota," December 9, 19'14, Allbert Mamafoy, president of the Slovak Lea•g ue, wrote: "The American Czechs turned to me, as president of the Siov,aJk Lerugue, regarddng the Sltland that the Slovaks wish to taJke in this critical situation. . . . I answered that (ruocording to my convictions) we Slovaks would demand sclf-i:m1e, regardless of the tyipe of government to which we would belong as a result of this war, whether we would lwe UJI1der a Russian, or whether we would be left in old Hungary, (should it remain intact), or �SLOVAKIA 41 whether we would be pla,ced in the Ozecho-!Slo!Wlk State, which the Ozechs hoped would :be formed. In my opinion, we S1ovaks must demand ruutonomy from whomsoever we must, whether fiiom Hwrugary or Russia, or from the hoped.for Czech state. And whosoever should get us, irf peaice be desired in the counitry, care must be truken that our demands be satisfied." Reporting on the proceedings of the Congress of the Slovak LeaJgue, held in Pittsburgh, Fe!brua:riy 22, 1915, Joseph Huse'k, editor of the "Jednota," wrote in the March 3rd issue of that year: "One Czech acoused us of hating the Czechs. Thi1s is not true. We love our closest brother. Lf only they loved us as much as we love them. But to date, they have not given us any proof orf this. If matt~s sholl!ld lead to a change in the ,p olitical and governmental form of Austria-iHlwrngary, irf a federation will be formed composed of Bohemia, Moraivia, Silesia, and Slovll!kia, we will be satisfied. I:f they give us complete independence,, we ,vill. 1be sa,tis,. fied, rund, irf this later should not justify itself there will be time enough to joiin ourselves politically and gOivern.meintally more closely with the Bohemians and the Momv,i ans. However, if such a radical change does no,t ta:ke place after the war and we should 0/Illy be guaranteed independence within the limits of the Martin De:clairation, we will hiwe to be satisfied. Erven that woruld be a great concession. When we sha:H have our sc!hools, when we shall be master in our districrts, when we shall also hme representati1Ves, comparable to our nll!mbers, in parliament and a guarantee of free, ind~endent industrial development, we will not lose ourselrves. The rest we will then win by our own strength." And, agai~, in an article entitled "With the Czechs or Without the Ozechs," printed on March 24: "We are sincere and we e:m-phaisize again and again that we are supporteiI's. of the movement which aims to cu1tirv,a te Czecho-Slovak re:c1procity. But the reciprocity for whk,h we are so zealously working mrust be founded upon complete equality of rig1hts and equal value as pem;ains to our national, economic, and cuiltural interests." The first attempt to bring the Czechs and ,Slovaks to- �42 SLOVAKIA gether in America occurred in 1916. At the suggestion of Joseph Tvrzidky, Secretary of the Czech National Society, who was sUJm.rmoned to twke this step by Masaryk, a meeting of the Czech Society and of the Slo.vaik League was called at Cleveland, Ohio. On October 25, 191·5, a pact, proposed and written by Tvrzic:ky, was w0cepted. The conditions under which the SlovaJks were to accept cooperation with the Czechs were summari·z ed in this pact. Nati0J1.al autonomy of S1av8Jkia with an independent parliament, an independent state administration, and free oulrtusrial deveiloipment were guaranrteed. These demands were not the princi,p les Olf indi,vidiual autonormistic groups. This was the platiform of all American Slovaks, with very few exceptions, and the considerations under which they entered the struggle,; the aims they wanted to reali-ze. The extent to which the Slovaks and Czechs in America did not surcceed in reaching a colill'plete unde11standi.ng was deter.mined by the degree in which the American Czechs and the National Ozecho-;Slovak Committee deflected from these prmciples. Thus the Pact Olf Kiev, although signed by the representative of 1:Jhe Slova/k League, Gustav Kosik, incited consteirn:ation armong the American Slovaiks because it referred to "Ozecho,slova,ks," as an ethnic entity - a term not ac~ted by them. In li:ke manner, the newspaper "Czeichosloviak" was not warunly received. There were those among the Slovak leadeirs who, from the ve:r'Y beginning, opposed the use of the woro "Ozechoslo~ak" even in diplomatic agreements, holding to the opinion that the Sl~a!ks Sihould stand as an independent nation. The Parisian Czecho-,Slovak National Committee was looked lllpon wirth Sll!Slpicion by the Catho1ics who were uncertain of the status of religion in the, new state. These suspidoi!liSi, however, were not so strong that they could not be eliminated, and Masaryk himself, when he late:r came to Ameri1ca, quieted the Catholic Slovaks by his promise that there would be complete religious freedom in Ozecho-,Slova'kia. On July 1, 1917, Stefanik ar.ranged a meeting with the Slovaks and the Ozechs at the Congress Hall Hotel in �SLOVAKIA 43 Washington at which the following were present: Dr. Fisher, President of the Czech Nrutional Society; Albert Ma:matey, President of the Slova:k -Leag,ue; Emil Voska, ChaJrles Pergler, Dr. HrcHicika, Ivan Daxner, Iivan Bielek, and Ferdinad Pisecky. Stefani:k reported on conditions in Russia, 'but the main object of the meeting was to arrange for a mihtary o,r ga:nization and the cooipeTation of the Czechs and Slwaws. At this meeting Daxner raised the Czeicho-iS1ov,aJk question . .Aigainst his SO-!Called "aurtonomistic attibude" Stefani.ik emphaSlized the necessity of forming a politically inseparaJble state and not an ethnographically insepamble one (7). Con:cerning Stefani•k 's opinion relatirve to the Czechoslovak question and, especially, his oipimon as expressed in his dealings with the American .Slovaks, Poogler asse:rlts: "NaturaUy, the represerntatives of the Slova:k organiJZations of the foturre Czecho-tSlovak state often came to Stefanik. Stefanik al.ways insisted that it was the ooncern of the nation at hoime, that it alone must decide concerning its future origani1zrution, in short, that it is impossible to dictate firom beyond the bo~ders of the country and that every such ruttempt wou1d be futile Whenever the question of Sloivak autonomy aI'ose, he decidedly pointed out, that no guarantees could be demanded £ro:m those living outside of the new state" (8). But even if we should aioceipt this untoo•a ble position, it is impossilble to deny the fact that Stefanik, although he gave no written priomise, did reach an agreement with the America,n Slovaks and succeeded in gaining t'heir cooperation with the .American Cze~hs witlhouit the Slovaks relinquishing their demands. This was pr01Ved at the mooting held in New YoI'k, SeptembeT 20; 1914, where American Slovak priests were present with Stefanik and at which a resolution was a:doipted, stating that they stand on the platform orf the SlovaJk League. The pvograim of the Slovak League was the Cleveland Pact, tlhe · principles of whioh were incorporated into the Pittsburgh Pact which Masariyik (7) Ferdinand Pisecky: "M. R. S.teJanik," p, 72. (8) K. Pergler: "Z americke fronit.y naseho osvo'bozenskeho boje. Nase revoluce.'' Vol. II, pp. 313- 325. · · �44 SLOVAKIA himself drafted and signed with the American SlOIVruks a year later. Stefanik approved the program olf the Slovak Leaigue. With this rupproval he gained the confidence of the groups considered the most consoovative in the work for 0zecho-1Slovalk independence. Of this Benes writes : "The meeting with the Slovak priests was very important because at this meeting Stefanilk dispelled all sm,iprcion and unwillingness of the priests as regards the, movement for independence with which the drive for funds olf the Slovak League was strengthened (9). Because of his deli1cate health Stefanik did not ma:ke many public appearances but when he did speak, he succeeded in maJking a deep impression upon his listeners. He spoke in Slovak and in 0zech a:nd sometimes passed from one language, into another in the same speech. He gained the confidence of the 'Peorple by his enthusia,s m and his fascinating manner as well as with his firm and uncompromising atti1mde towards all righteous demands. In addition to the aJbove mentioned meetings, Stefanik met with the presidents of t!he Slovruk and 0zech organizations on July 1, 1917, in New Yo.rik where tihe misunderstaniling with Ho.nky pertaining to the Durich affaiT in Russia came to the forefront. Horiky especially critidzed Benes whom Stefarui,k defended, stating that he himself directed everything in Russia and Horky, therefore, should turn to him. On July 24 Stef2.ni1k received a deputation of Slovaks headed by Milan Getting w,ho later became the OzeichoSlo,v ak consul in Pittsburgh. On August 13 he was present at a meeting of 0zecho-.Slovak artists and in Seipte.miber he addressed the Cooch and SlovaJk women orf New Yo'I'ik. Between the 16th and 18th of October a large meeting was held in Chicago• at which the ques,t!ion cxf rooruiting was considered. Proceedings at this meeting were somewhat agitated since voices of t!hose who feared the final success of the military m01Vement were raised against Stefanik. A Owcho-Slo,valk mHitary committee was formed in order that the recruiting could proceed in an o:r,g,anized manner. Both (9) Edward Benes: "Sveto'Vii. vii.lka a nase revoluce." �45 SLOVAKIA Protestant and Catholic Ozechs and Sloivaks were r1~pre:sented in the Committee (10). After this meeting recruiting was begun by a proclamation for mdbilization by Stefaruk, coached in classical terms. Stefani1k also issued instnuiotions for the CzechoSlova!k soldiers in America. He divided the country into four districts, each with a separate reporter to which position the following were appointed: Milan Geitting, Gustav Kosik and su!b-;reporter Ivan Gess:a,y; J. Cermak and subreporter J. Tvr.z ioky; J. Stra;ka and swb-reporteir Vojta Benes. This plan, written under the impression of the Chicago comereTIJce, though not essentila:lly changed, had to be adjusted to existing conditions when the time came for actual work. For reasons already ex,plained the recruiting was not as successifiul as Stefanik haid hoped it would be. Despite all efforts the number of volunteers was not quite 2,500 men (11). Of great importance was the demonstration meeting held in Carnegie Hall in New York whl ch SterfanjJk arranged for September 1'6. Because of his friendship for Stefaruk, Fran:kHn...Bouillon accepted the in,Vitation to be the principal spea;ker just before his return to France as Minister of Bropaganda in the caJbinet of Painleve. John P. Mitchell, the may;or of New Yol'lk presided. This meeting, at which the repre,sen!batives of the Ailied armies were present, had a consideraible pro1p aganda significance since it broke the ice of indifference of American journalists. Franklin-Bouillon, who spdke in E':nglish, addressed the men of the "CzechoSlovak" nation and appealed to t:hem to join the Legion. He was the first influential sitatesman who pulblicly voiced the dismemberment of Austria~Hungary. This statement of Franklin-Bouillon created a sensation in Amer1can political circles; (12). 1 In order to facilitate contaict between our groups and government officials, Stefanik changed the Slav Press Bu(10) Vojta Benes: "Nase revoluce." Vol. II, PP. 46-49. (11) K. Pergler: "Nase revoluce." Vol. II ,p. 321. (12) Ar. Bares: "Stefanikuv memorial," p_ · 36. �46 SLOVAKIA reau, originally formed as a bureau of propaganda, into a branch of the Czecho-.Slo,v ak National Committee. He gave the authority to deal in political matters to Charles Pergler. Stefanik thus sucoeeded in realizing his pre-,war dream. of gaining his American countrymen in an armed r~bellion against Austria-Hungary although, in truth, not to the extent he had hoped for. Having completed his. worlk in Ame'l'ica he again turned his efforts and energies toward Europe where much still remained to be done. At the request presented on Octolber 14, 1917, to the War Ministry by General Vignal oif Washington in which he reported that Stefanik had aJbout completed his mission, Stefanik was granted permission to return to France. In November, Vignal telegraphed that Stefani!k would return with the first transport of Czecho""Slorvak troo'Ps and that he would be. free to organize the Czechs in France. In his reports to the Minister of Wa~, Vignal highly praised Stefaniik's work in America. I quote from the tefogirams sent on November 5 and December 5: "He proved to posse,s s the highest degree of tact, disciipline and sense :for orga.n ization. His pel'.'.sonal influence in all matters was such that no mis'OOderstanding arose during his stay and all the Cz~~h groll!ps followed his directions. . . . I aim not aJble to praise suffi~iently this great patriot, coolheaded and insipi:red 'by the most honest and highest feelings. F'ull of taot and wisdom, he gained the sympathies of the highest officials of the American Ministry of Foreign Affairs and he o:rganized with the greatest success the re:cnciting oif the Czecho-SlovaJks (13). Acc,o rding to Benes, Steifaniik :returned to Paris on Novemiber 16 whe:re he con;tinued in his wor,k of organizing the Czecho ...Slovak army. • Editor's Note: Today it is customar;y even for the Ozechs and so--called "Ozechoslovaks" to cl'aim and acclaim Stefanik But Stefanik was not a Czech, nor a "Orechoslovia:k" (a SlO'VaJk in the pay of the Czoohs), but a true Slovak paitriot. Had he lived, Stefanik undou!btedly would (13) From the "Fren,oh Military Archives." �SLOVAKIA 47 have fought for the liberation. of his people from all alien tyranny, including the Czech brand as represented by T. G. Masaryk an.d Benes. S,lo,vaJks eveTywhere commemorate May 4th as Stefani'k Day, because it was on May 4, 1919, that their beloved wair hero crashed to his death in a plaine which was "a~cidentally" shot down by a Czech garrison at Vajnory, Slovakia. Many Slovaiks even todiay will tell you 1:!hat Stefanik haid to die, because he never consented to his Slovakiia being a colony o,£ the imperialistic Czechs led by T. G. Masarylk and Benes. On May 4, 1954, Slova,ks everywhere will recall: "it was 35 yeaI'S ago thait Stefarnk was killed by the men who resented his warnings rugainst Bolshevism. " • • • SLOVAK FOLKLORE GOLDILOCKS Once UlpOn a time there was a very poor blacksmith. At one time 'he fared weH, but then hard times struck, he had little work to do., and his wiife and small children were always hungry. Finally he lost everything; at hOlme he had not!hing left but seven ,pennies. His undernourished children cried constantly for something to eat until the blacksmith could stand it no longer. In his despair he boU!ght a rope witlh his last seven ,p ennies and started out for the hills to end it all. When he came into the hills, he sought out a stout branch on a mighty tree to which he fixed the roipe. As the bla;cksmith was a;bout to tie the rope albout his neck, a ,pretty black maiden suddenly appeared .b efore him and pleaded wHJh him not to hang himself, 1b ecause that was not a nice thing to do and, then, it was also a sin. The b,lacksmith was stunned when the black maiden disappeared into the nowhere whence she had come. As he waliked along, his mind wandered baok home where misery and want ruled and again he became despondent. U!P went his rope onto another stout ,h ranch. .&gain the blaJCk maiden s,uddemy appeaired out of the blue and begged him not to commit such an ugly deed. In a quadary, the blactksmith shoo'k his head, bwt said nothing. He did not throw away his rope, but stood � SLOVAKIA 33 MILAN RASTISLAV STEFA.NIK Stephanie 0. Husek This year mar,ks the thirty-sixth anniversary of two events which considerwbly changed the national developmeint of the Slo:vaJks both here and abroad. On May 30, 1918, the Pittsibwgh Pact was drawn up and on Noveimlber 14 was signed by Thomas Garrigue Masaryk, then President ad: the 0zecho-iSlo1V1ak Republic. This Slovruk Magna Carta suimmarirzed Sloivak rights in the newly fomied state amd formed the platform of the Slova;,k People's Party, the largest Slovalk political party in pre..war Cz~ho-Slova1da. On 0ctolber 28, 1918, the independence ad: 0zeeho--iSlovakia was pro:claimed and a new era oJf national development began for fue Slovak and Czech nations. Both these events were the result of the Czecho..,Slovak Relbellion, both at home and beyond the ,bo'UJildaries oif the Austro-Hungarian Kingdom. SlOIVaks and Czechs, no matter where they lived, joined in the struggle for independence and each groUJp contributed towaTds gaining the final victory. The cond'Ulot of the reibellion lay in the hands of the National 0zecho-1Slov.aik Committee in Paris of whicih Thomas G. Masaryk was president, Edward Benes secretairy, and Milan Rastislav Ste!anik represented the Sloivaks. No single factor carried so much weight with the Allies in favor of an independent Czecho-Slo,va.'kia as the organization and later suiocesses of the independent Czecllo.-B1ovalk Army. It was the a'I'!my which proved that the Sloivaks and Czechs were will.mg to, make the swpreme sacrifice in order that they and their children might liive independenrtl:y. It is to the glory of the Sl01Va,ks that the formation and organization of this army was the tfuought and wonk of Milan Rastislav Stefan.ilk who later ,b ecame the first Minister of War ill1 the Czecho-,Slova,k State. The movement for Czecho-Sloivalk independence was not begun at the ourt:Jbreruk -of the Wax. Years before, both individuals and organized giroups sought to alleviate conditions �34 SLOVAKIA existing in the Austro-HUI11garian Kingdom. Stefaniik already dreamed of an in.d.€4)00.dent Slovakia in 1914 when he arrived in F1rance as a young astronomer, soon to gain prominence there and become a memiber of the French A~adem.y. No ocicasion arose which Sted:anik d.i:d not use to acquaint those in influenice with Hu1nga,r.ian tyranny and to gain sympathy for the oppressed Slo;vruk nation. As soon as Austria dec1ared war on .Serbia, Stefaniik left Morocco, where he was engaged in astronomical observation, and returned to France. He joined the French Air Cor,ps in. January 191'5 and in March requested to be sent to Serbia. Having no contact as yet with Miresruryk, not even familiair with the latter's plans, he already thought of organh:ing a ~arate corps c_o nsisting of t.he ~ruvs fighting aigainst thefr convictions on the enemy,..s side and being gradually ooncoort~a;ted in prison camps. Due .t o, the Serbian retreat whii!ch began one day before Stefanik's arri;val in SeI'lbia, the thought of organizing this corps had to be abandoned. But Stefanik renewed his worlk upon his return to Paris where he became assOICiarted with Thomas G. Masacyk and Dr. ffidlward Benes: Soon the nucleus of the Ozeoho-,Slovak Legion was orgamzed in France and Stefruni,k extended his work to inlclude Rm.ssia, the United States, and Italy; in fact, aJ1l countries where Czechs and Sfovruk,s were to be found, either in prison camps OT as settlers. Thus, from Jrtill,,y 1916 until Mairch 1917 he was in Russia. While the.re he made a trip to Roucrnania. After returning from Russia he crume to. the United States, returned to France and then went to litaly. He met wirth many diftfioulties in organizing the Legion. Nevertheless, he succeeded i:n winning the. permission of government authorities and 'i n persuading moo to join. 1n the work orf Q!I'ganiizing the army Stefan:iik also did mooh to gain the sympartihy orf Allied statesmen and men ranking high in goiveirnment and military cincles and to convm:ce those with whom he came into contact of the necessity of breaking up the Austro-Hungaria:n Kingdom. Milan Rastislav Stefanik did much more- foir gaining �35 SLOVAKIA the independeince of Czetjio-Slovaikia than he is credited with doing. Benes and Ma:saryk boith wrote an account of the mOfVement for independence and tihe part which each played in it. Stefan.ilk, run.fortunately, was not given this O!plpOrtunity. But even from the sketchy references to his wo'l1k and the Sl1mprisingly meagre sources avaHaJble to the hisrtorian of today, it is dearly evident that in cowa:ge, in scl!f-saicrifice, in tact and wbility in diplomacy, in integrity, and in zeal for the ca:use of freedom of his people, he was not SUI'lpassed by anyone of the leaders in the OzeichoSlovaJk movement for independence . • • • • Stefanilk had exaggeirated hopes of his success in America. As stated in his report to the French Ministcy o!f Foreign Affairs, he 1b el ieved that they would gain around 20,000 volunteers for the Ozecho-,Slovruk Legion. It is not definitely known where he got his information, but there were many Czechs and Slovaks in America who cherished the same ho,pe and Stefaruk was certainly inforrmed b~ some of them. In the official newspaper of tihe First Catholic Slovak Union the "Jednota," it was estimated that if only ten per cent of the male memlbers of the Slo1va,k organizations joined the Czeicho-Slo:vak army, there would be 15,140 Slovak vnlunteers. One Slo,va'k reported to Steifani!k that among the Slovaks alone 25,000 ,volunteers could be, expected 0). Joseph 'Dvirziieky, Seciretary of the Ozech National Society in America, was also one of those, who, during the entire caimpaiign, added to Stef8iruk's optimism(2). The work of tile Poles at the same time and in the same direction facilitated Steifaniik's mission. O:n the other hand, America's entraJnce info the World War changed conditions existing here which were not favoraJble. Many American Czechs and Slorvarks joined the Canadian army e,ven beforre the United Staites entered the War and forty thousand Ozechs and SkwaJks joined the Amer.iJcaJD. 8!Imy in 1917 (3). The American government itself placed certain 1 (1) Karol Pergler: "Z ame1ic.ke fron.ty a naseho osvobozenskeho boje_ - Nase revoluce." Vol II, p. 318. (2) "Nase revoluce.." Vol. 1,1, P. 325. (3) Ibid. p. 325. �36 SLOVAKIA obstacles which made the fu1fillment of Stefani:k's mission more difficult. On the grounds that if special concessioo.s were granted the Czechs and Slovaiks othe,r nationality grOUJps would make. similar requests, the government was relUICtant to girve permission for recruiting soldiers for the Czecho~Slov~ Airmy in F1rance. America's entrance into the War was looked wpon by many groiups as an opportunity to be exploited toward the realimtion of their aim Olf corrnpletel,y Americanirzing the foreign national~ty groups living here. It presented an oppoI1tunity to unite all immigrants undeir one motto and for one ideal. America was to enter the Wax as one consolidated nation fighting a;gainst a single enemy. To add to the difrfic,u1ties, a mo;vement was started by Senator Hitchcoc,k of Nebraska to form a spe'cial Shw conps similar to the Foreign Legion of France. This was oontrary to the wishes and plans of General Stefanik and the Ozecho,-SlovaJk National Committee. Had it succeeded, the influence and the opportunity of the Czechs and Slovaks to aJCt independently would hruve been greatly minimized. IF'inally, it is impossible not to mention the large German and Austro-Hiung arian grolliPS who distributed pamphlets and used various other meains to carry on a continuous propaganda against the leaders Olf the Allied nations and against their appeals. Much time and effort was expended by Slovak national leaders to disclose these intrigues and to offset their effects. In March 1915 the German government aippealed to the America.n people not to manufacture powder shraipnels, and other arms, stating that this was ag:ainst the honoir of the American people and against the integrity of the nation; that it was neicessary to show once and for all that such things could not be bought with money dipped in human blood Even before this, Germany had sent an appeal to America, addressed to prominent men, in which she defended her position in the war, related the wrongs committed on her and denied all responsibility for the acts to which Ger,many had .b een forced (4). It is small wonder that this German propaganda gained ground (4) Karol Sidor: " Slovaci v zahranicnom odboji," pp, 44-4ii. �SLOVAKIA 37 in Ameri~. There were many Gernnan imrmgranits and EWen more citizens of Ger.rnan descent, financiaNy well estaJblished, who were sentimentally sympathetic to their native land. Edward Benes, as Secretary of the National Committee, requested the French goivernment to entrust Stefanik with the mission to deal with the American authorities for permission to. organize volunteers among the Ozechs and Slovaks for the army in France. The consent of Rebprt, ::Mlinister of Foreign Alffairs, was gained uh.rough Philip Berthelot and permission from the Ministry ad: Wiar was received, through the inter1cession of Franklirn--Bouillon, directly f.rom Minister PainlEWe with whOim both Benes and Stefanik were on good terms. Thi'S perunission was granted while Stefanik was still in Russia but he IPostjponed the trip in order to. complete his work in Roumania where he gained 1000 prisoners for the Czecho-SloiV'a'k army. The order for the j()IUJI'ney commissioning Stefanik wifu a special mission in the United States was issued May 20, 1917 and he arrived in America the following month. Before Stefamk's departure,. however, the French Government had aliready sent a spe:cial political commission headed 'by FrankJin-1Bouillon to gain the permission of the United States for recruiting volunteers. among the immigrants for Slav national arunies in France. This mission of F:raniklin-Bo:uillin, as well as his personal aid in the Czec<ho.-1Slova:k wrmy question, greatly helped Stefa.Mk. Stefanik qumkly adjusted himself to the conditions brougihrt rubout by America's entrance into the war and through the French Arrnlbassado•r , Jussocand, immediately contacted the go;vernment offfuia1s in Washington. He had a short 'but successif:ul conference with Lansing during which he also presented: him with a;n expression of loyalty of the Ozechs and 'Sloivruks to the United Srtates of Ameri~. Wirth the aid of the Frenlch Commissioner A. Tardieu, the French Mi•n ister Jussevam.d, and Franldin.J3ou:illon Stefan:iik gained his object and the Arrnerican government granted pemnission to al[ Czechs and SlovaJks not subject to military duty in the Am.errean M1IDY to join the Ozecho-,S1ovak Legion in France. On August 4, he already report.ea to his friends in �38 SLOVAKIA New Yorlc th~t he had received this perrmss1on and that 4,000 men oOIU!ld be sent to the French military school. After permission for recruiting was granted, negotiatiOllls were begun for the transipwtatio n of the Czec:ho-Sl'OVa;k soldiers to France and for obtaining the financial means necessary to keep them concentrated in camps in New Yonk and Boston where they awaited their depar-ture. Oonsideration was also given to the question of SU!pporting families deprived of wa;ge erurner,s and, later, to ca;ses of widowed wives Mld or,phaned children. In October, Stefanik uncovered some Austro-Hunga rian intdgues in Washing.ton. A telegram had been sent to Tardieu fram Paris suggesting that, due to difficulties in transportation, the Poles should be sent to France finst and the transpovtatio n of the Ozecho ..Slovak soldiers shO!Uld be postponed for a few months. Stefanik suicceede.d in defeating this attempt by uncovering its moUves and, on the basis of this 1nfoI1Ination, Tardieu telegraphed to his swperiors that the posbponemen t of the transport of the Ozecho-SlOIVak soldiers would mean the breaking of a promise and that he would have no part i.in such a disho:noraJble act (15). Other difficulties arose in the matterr of transporting trooips; fifty Czech and Slovak soldiers were detained in New Yonk in Decem~ because no exceptions were made foir Czechs and Slovaiks in the instructions sent by the American governmeil!t cOillCerniing kuistro-Hung arian su!bjects. At the intervention O(f the French Ambassador and of General Vignal this maJtter was also straightened out. Steifan:ik contacted American joUTrralists and wrote several articles on the cause for· the newsprupers. He aroused the interest orf F. H. Allen ("World"), Go,rdo:n Srruth am'd, at a dinner given in his honor on J,u ly 23 in New York, he gained the swpport of "The New Repu!blic." Stefanik used these oontaots for propaganda purposes. Early in September the "World" carried a long article on the Czecho~Slovak movement written by Stefanik and Pisecky and an account of the Battle of Halie by Stefani~ appeared later in Chicago news,paipers. (5) Karol Pergler : "Nase revolnce." Vol. II, p. 319 . �SLOVAKIA 39 Although Stefanik did not entirely trurst Wilson and did not rugree with his views, he ,g ained the good will of the ever popular Theodore Rooseivelit and of representative Frank L. Polle, who devoted much consideration to the Ozecho-4Slovak question when he later headed the American delegation at the Peace Oonrference after Lansing's departure from Paris. It is generally conceded that Stefanik achieved his greatest success in America by seicuring the cooperation of the Czechs and Slovaks in the Czecho-Slovak movement. Pisec'ky writes: "Stefanik did most in the United States in that he succeeded in convincing the Sloiva.ks of the necessity and the horrorableness of the Czecho-SlOIVak rebeU.ion, that he succeeded in paralyiZing autonomistic and opportunistic UJpshoots of persons of the character of Daxner, Bielelk, Panilmch and others and gained them for the common advance with the Czechs (6) . From this statement one could infer that the American Slo:va.ks resisted the movement for freedom. On the contrary, it was the Slovaiks who, with a few exceptions, first brought UJP the question of freedom from the Hungarian yoke, and who, long before the war, had organized to gaiin recognition of Slo:vak national rights. The Slovak League was founded in 1907 for the punpose of supporting and helping national leaders in the old country. In the year 1910 it requested the U. S. Census officials to list Slovaks, not as immigrants from Ausitria-iH kmgary, but according to their native, tongue. B efore the outbreak of the war, at the beginning o:f the year 1914, a memorandum, signed by representatives of 21 organizations, 23 newspaipers, by many Catholic priests and Protestant ministe,ns, was printed. in five languages in addition to English This memorandum, sent to i:nflmmtial diP'lomats and statesmen, descrilbed the sufferings of the Slova.l{s under Hungarian tyranny and demanded in the name o:f justice and humanity that Slovaks be given the rights which were ri!ghtfully tlheirs. Slovalk journalists and national leaders forll!ght unremittingly through newsprupers and brosuires against Austro,-,H ungarian and German propa(6) Ferdinand Pisecky: "M. R. i§tefanik," p . 81. �40 SLOVAKIA ganda. Moreover, they aided financially. Already in 1914 the Slov:aJk League started a Million Dollar Drive, the proceeds of which were to go to the sw£fering and war-,impoverished Slovaks a,broa<l. When their fellow SlaJVs, the Seribians, were fortced to retreat bef-ore the enemy in the winter of 1915 and felt hearvi1y t:he weight of defeat, the American Slova,ks rallied to their swpport. In a movement Which they themselrves financed they obtained more than a hundred Slovak priJsoners from prison crumps in Canada. Even from this very ibrieif sketch it is evident that the Slovaks in America were, from the very beginning, fully aware and prepared to ma,ke the most of the opportunities which the World Wax presented. They were well on their way in their wo11k for the Slovaks when the Ozecho-{Slovruk National Committee, headed by Masarytk, asked them for their cooperation. In rerviewing the rclations of the Ozechs and Slovaks in the early yea11s of t:he war, one lll/U!st bear in mind foat the creation of the Ozecho-,Slorva;k State was not a sine qua non for the realization of natitonal and cultural independ~e for the Slovruks. Neither were the Allied states determined at the beginning, upon the, dismem1be11ment oif the AustroHUil'garian Kingdom. The brea;k up of Austr.ia-HW11gary evo1ved from later dervefopments , and the Slo'V'ak1s seriously weighed all possilbilities beiforn deciding to cast their lot with the Ozechs. Dm-ing this period of indecision only one thing was cemain, that is, no matter under what form of government, no maitter with whom ailied, Slovak national autonomy had to be g,uiairanteed. In an open letter, pwbli'shed in the "Jednota," December 9, 19'14, Allbert Mamafoy, president of the Slovak Lea•g ue, wrote: "The American Czechs turned to me, as president of the Siov,aJk Lerugue, regarddng the Sltland that the Slovaks wish to taJke in this critical situation. . . . I answered that (ruocording to my convictions) we Slovaks would demand sclf-i:m1e, regardless of the tyipe of government to which we would belong as a result of this war, whether we would lwe UJI1der a Russian, or whether we would be left in old Hungary, (should it remain intact), or �SLOVAKIA 41 whether we would be pla,ced in the Ozecho-!Slo!Wlk State, which the Ozechs hoped would :be formed. In my opinion, we S1ovaks must demand ruutonomy from whomsoever we must, whether fiiom Hwrugary or Russia, or from the hoped.for Czech state. And whosoever should get us, irf peaice be desired in the counitry, care must be truken that our demands be satisfied." Reporting on the proceedings of the Congress of the Slovak LeaJgue, held in Pittsburgh, Fe!brua:riy 22, 1915, Joseph Huse'k, editor of the "Jednota," wrote in the March 3rd issue of that year: "One Czech acoused us of hating the Czechs. Thi1s is not true. We love our closest brother. Lf only they loved us as much as we love them. But to date, they have not given us any proof orf this. If matt~s sholl!ld lead to a change in the ,p olitical and governmental form of Austria-iHlwrngary, irf a federation will be formed composed of Bohemia, Moraivia, Silesia, and Slovll!kia, we will be satisfied. I:f they give us complete independence,, we ,vill. 1be sa,tis,. fied, rund, irf this later should not justify itself there will be time enough to joiin ourselves politically and gOivern.meintally more closely with the Bohemians and the Momv,i ans. However, if such a radical change does no,t ta:ke place after the war and we should 0/Illy be guaranteed independence within the limits of the Martin De:clairation, we will hiwe to be satisfied. Erven that woruld be a great concession. When we sha:H have our sc!hools, when we shall be master in our districrts, when we shall also hme representati1Ves, comparable to our nll!mbers, in parliament and a guarantee of free, ind~endent industrial development, we will not lose ourselrves. The rest we will then win by our own strength." And, agai~, in an article entitled "With the Czechs or Without the Ozechs," printed on March 24: "We are sincere and we e:m-phaisize again and again that we are supporteiI's. of the movement which aims to cu1tirv,a te Czecho-Slovak re:c1procity. But the reciprocity for whk,h we are so zealously working mrust be founded upon complete equality of rig1hts and equal value as pem;ains to our national, economic, and cuiltural interests." The first attempt to bring the Czechs and ,Slovaks to- �42 SLOVAKIA gether in America occurred in 1916. At the suggestion of Joseph Tvrzidky, Secretary of the Czech National Society, who was sUJm.rmoned to twke this step by Masaryk, a meeting of the Czech Society and of the Slo.vaik League was called at Cleveland, Ohio. On October 25, 191·5, a pact, proposed and written by Tvrzic:ky, was w0cepted. The conditions under which the SlovaJks were to accept cooperation with the Czechs were summari·z ed in this pact. Nati0J1.al autonomy of S1av8Jkia with an independent parliament, an independent state administration, and free oulrtusrial deveiloipment were guaranrteed. These demands were not the princi,p les Olf indi,vidiual autonormistic groups. This was the platiform of all American Slovaks, with very few exceptions, and the considerations under which they entered the struggle,; the aims they wanted to reali-ze. The extent to which the Slovaks and Czechs in America did not surcceed in reaching a colill'plete unde11standi.ng was deter.mined by the degree in which the American Czechs and the National Ozecho-;Slovak Committee deflected from these prmciples. Thus the Pact Olf Kiev, although signed by the representative of 1:Jhe Slova/k League, Gustav Kosik, incited consteirn:ation armong the American Slovaiks because it referred to "Ozecho,slova,ks," as an ethnic entity - a term not ac~ted by them. In li:ke manner, the newspaper "Czeichosloviak" was not warunly received. There were those among the Slovak leadeirs who, from the ve:r'Y beginning, opposed the use of the woro "Ozechoslo~ak" even in diplomatic agreements, holding to the opinion that the Sl~a!ks Sihould stand as an independent nation. The Parisian Czecho-,Slovak National Committee was looked lllpon wirth Sll!Slpicion by the Catho1ics who were uncertain of the status of religion in the, new state. These suspidoi!liSi, however, were not so strong that they could not be eliminated, and Masaryk himself, when he late:r came to Ameri1ca, quieted the Catholic Slovaks by his promise that there would be complete religious freedom in Ozecho-,Slova'kia. On July 1, 1917, Stefanik ar.ranged a meeting with the Slovaks and the Ozechs at the Congress Hall Hotel in �SLOVAKIA 43 Washington at which the following were present: Dr. Fisher, President of the Czech Nrutional Society; Albert Ma:matey, President of the Slova:k -Leag,ue; Emil Voska, ChaJrles Pergler, Dr. HrcHicika, Ivan Daxner, Iivan Bielek, and Ferdinad Pisecky. Stefani:k reported on conditions in Russia, 'but the main object of the meeting was to arrange for a mihtary o,r ga:nization and the cooipeTation of the Czechs and Slwaws. At this meeting Daxner raised the Czeicho-iS1ov,aJk question . .Aigainst his SO-!Called "aurtonomistic attibude" Stefani.ik emphaSlized the necessity of forming a politically inseparaJble state and not an ethnographically insepamble one (7). Con:cerning Stefani•k 's opinion relatirve to the Czechoslovak question and, especially, his oipimon as expressed in his dealings with the American .Slovaks, Poogler asse:rlts: "NaturaUy, the represerntatives of the Slova:k organiJZations of the foturre Czecho-tSlovak state often came to Stefanik. Stefanik al.ways insisted that it was the ooncern of the nation at hoime, that it alone must decide concerning its future origani1zrution, in short, that it is impossible to dictate firom beyond the bo~ders of the country and that every such ruttempt wou1d be futile Whenever the question of Sloivak autonomy aI'ose, he decidedly pointed out, that no guarantees could be demanded £ro:m those living outside of the new state" (8). But even if we should aioceipt this untoo•a ble position, it is impossilble to deny the fact that Stefanik, although he gave no written priomise, did reach an agreement with the America,n Slovaks and succeeded in gaining t'heir cooperation with the .American Cze~hs witlhouit the Slovaks relinquishing their demands. This was pr01Ved at the mooting held in New YoI'k, SeptembeT 20; 1914, where American Slovak priests were present with Stefanik and at which a resolution was a:doipted, stating that they stand on the platform orf the SlovaJk League. The pvograim of the Slovak League was the Cleveland Pact, tlhe · principles of whioh were incorporated into the Pittsburgh Pact which Masariyik (7) Ferdinand Pisecky: "M. R. S.teJanik," p, 72. (8) K. Pergler: "Z americke fronit.y naseho osvo'bozenskeho boje. Nase revoluce.'' Vol. II, pp. 313- 325. · · �44 SLOVAKIA himself drafted and signed with the American SlOIVruks a year later. Stefanik approved the program olf the Slovak Leaigue. With this rupproval he gained the confidence of the groups considered the most consoovative in the work for 0zecho-1Slovalk independence. Of this Benes writes : "The meeting with the Slovak priests was very important because at this meeting Stefanilk dispelled all sm,iprcion and unwillingness of the priests as regards the, movement for independence with which the drive for funds olf the Slovak League was strengthened (9). Because of his deli1cate health Stefanik did not ma:ke many public appearances but when he did speak, he succeeded in maJking a deep impression upon his listeners. He spoke in Slovak and in 0zech a:nd sometimes passed from one language, into another in the same speech. He gained the confidence of the 'Peorple by his enthusia,s m and his fascinating manner as well as with his firm and uncompromising atti1mde towards all righteous demands. In addition to the aJbove mentioned meetings, Stefanik met with the presidents of t!he Slovruk and 0zech organizations on July 1, 1917, in New Yo.rik where tihe misunderstaniling with Ho.nky pertaining to the Durich affaiT in Russia came to the forefront. Horiky especially critidzed Benes whom Stefarui,k defended, stating that he himself directed everything in Russia and Horky, therefore, should turn to him. On July 24 Stef2.ni1k received a deputation of Slovaks headed by Milan Getting w,ho later became the OzeichoSlo,v ak consul in Pittsburgh. On August 13 he was present at a meeting of 0zecho-.Slovak artists and in Seipte.miber he addressed the Cooch and SlovaJk women orf New Yo'I'ik. Between the 16th and 18th of October a large meeting was held in Chicago• at which the ques,t!ion cxf rooruiting was considered. Proceedings at this meeting were somewhat agitated since voices of t!hose who feared the final success of the military m01Vement were raised against Stefanik. A Owcho-Slo,valk mHitary committee was formed in order that the recruiting could proceed in an o:r,g,anized manner. Both (9) Edward Benes: "Sveto'Vii. vii.lka a nase revoluce." �45 SLOVAKIA Protestant and Catholic Ozechs and Sloivaks were r1~pre:sented in the Committee (10). After this meeting recruiting was begun by a proclamation for mdbilization by Stefaruk, coached in classical terms. Stefani1k also issued instnuiotions for the CzechoSlova!k soldiers in America. He divided the country into four districts, each with a separate reporter to which position the following were appointed: Milan Geitting, Gustav Kosik and su!b-;reporter Ivan Gess:a,y; J. Cermak and subreporter J. Tvr.z ioky; J. Stra;ka and swb-reporteir Vojta Benes. This plan, written under the impression of the Chicago comereTIJce, though not essentila:lly changed, had to be adjusted to existing conditions when the time came for actual work. For reasons already ex,plained the recruiting was not as successifiul as Stefanik haid hoped it would be. Despite all efforts the number of volunteers was not quite 2,500 men (11). Of great importance was the demonstration meeting held in Carnegie Hall in New York whl ch SterfanjJk arranged for September 1'6. Because of his friendship for Stefaruk, Fran:kHn...Bouillon accepted the in,Vitation to be the principal spea;ker just before his return to France as Minister of Bropaganda in the caJbinet of Painleve. John P. Mitchell, the may;or of New Yol'lk presided. This meeting, at which the repre,sen!batives of the Ailied armies were present, had a consideraible pro1p aganda significance since it broke the ice of indifference of American journalists. Franklin-Bouillon, who spdke in E':nglish, addressed the men of the "CzechoSlovak" nation and appealed to t:hem to join the Legion. He was the first influential sitatesman who pulblicly voiced the dismemberment of Austria~Hungary. This statement of Franklin-Bouillon created a sensation in Amer1can political circles; (12). 1 In order to facilitate contaict between our groups and government officials, Stefanik changed the Slav Press Bu(10) Vojta Benes: "Nase revoluce." Vol. II, PP. 46-49. (11) K. Pergler: "Nase revoluce." Vol. II ,p. 321. (12) Ar. Bares: "Stefanikuv memorial," p_ · 36. �46 SLOVAKIA reau, originally formed as a bureau of propaganda, into a branch of the Czecho-.Slo,v ak National Committee. He gave the authority to deal in political matters to Charles Pergler. Stefanik thus sucoeeded in realizing his pre-,war dream. of gaining his American countrymen in an armed r~bellion against Austria-Hungary although, in truth, not to the extent he had hoped for. Having completed his. worlk in Ame'l'ica he again turned his efforts and energies toward Europe where much still remained to be done. At the request presented on Octolber 14, 1917, to the War Ministry by General Vignal oif Washington in which he reported that Stefanik had aJbout completed his mission, Stefanik was granted permission to return to France. In November, Vignal telegraphed that Stefani!k would return with the first transport of Czecho""Slorvak troo'Ps and that he would be. free to organize the Czechs in France. In his reports to the Minister of Wa~, Vignal highly praised Stefaniik's work in America. I quote from the tefogirams sent on November 5 and December 5: "He proved to posse,s s the highest degree of tact, disciipline and sense :for orga.n ization. His pel'.'.sonal influence in all matters was such that no mis'OOderstanding arose during his stay and all the Cz~~h groll!ps followed his directions. . . . I aim not aJble to praise suffi~iently this great patriot, coolheaded and insipi:red 'by the most honest and highest feelings. F'ull of taot and wisdom, he gained the sympathies of the highest officials of the American Ministry of Foreign Affairs and he o:rganized with the greatest success the re:cnciting oif the Czecho-SlovaJks (13). Acc,o rding to Benes, Steifaniik :returned to Paris on Novemiber 16 whe:re he con;tinued in his wor,k of organizing the Czecho ...Slovak army. • Editor's Note: Today it is customar;y even for the Ozechs and so--called "Ozechoslovaks" to cl'aim and acclaim Stefanik But Stefanik was not a Czech, nor a "Orechoslovia:k" (a SlO'VaJk in the pay of the Czoohs), but a true Slovak paitriot. Had he lived, Stefanik undou!btedly would (13) From the "Fren,oh Military Archives." �SLOVAKIA 47 have fought for the liberation. of his people from all alien tyranny, including the Czech brand as represented by T. G. Masaryk an.d Benes. S,lo,vaJks eveTywhere commemorate May 4th as Stefani'k Day, because it was on May 4, 1919, that their beloved wair hero crashed to his death in a plaine which was "a~cidentally" shot down by a Czech garrison at Vajnory, Slovakia. Many Slovaiks even todiay will tell you 1:!hat Stefanik haid to die, because he never consented to his Slovakiia being a colony o,£ the imperialistic Czechs led by T. G. Masarylk and Benes. On May 4, 1954, Slova,ks everywhere will recall: "it was 35 yeaI'S ago thait Stefarnk was killed by the men who resented his warnings rugainst Bolshevism. " • • • SLOVAK FOLKLORE GOLDILOCKS Once UlpOn a time there was a very poor blacksmith. At one time 'he fared weH, but then hard times struck, he had little work to do., and his wiife and small children were always hungry. Finally he lost everything; at hOlme he had not!hing left but seven ,pennies. His undernourished children cried constantly for something to eat until the blacksmith could stand it no longer. In his despair he boU!ght a rope witlh his last seven ,p ennies and started out for the hills to end it all. When he came into the hills, he sought out a stout branch on a mighty tree to which he fixed the roipe. As the bla;cksmith was a;bout to tie the rope albout his neck, a ,pretty black maiden suddenly appeared .b efore him and pleaded wHJh him not to hang himself, 1b ecause that was not a nice thing to do and, then, it was also a sin. The b,lacksmith was stunned when the black maiden disappeared into the nowhere whence she had come. As he waliked along, his mind wandered baok home where misery and want ruled and again he became despondent. U!P went his rope onto another stout ,h ranch. .&gain the blaJCk maiden s,uddemy appeaired out of the blue and begged him not to commit such an ugly deed. In a quadary, the blactksmith shoo'k his head, bwt said nothing. He did not throw away his rope, but stood � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 33 MILAN RASTISLAV STEFA.NIK Stephanie 0. Husek This year mar,ks the thirty-sixth anniversary of two events which considerwbly changed the national developmeint of the Slo:vaJks both here and abroad. On May 30, 1918, the Pittsibwgh Pact was drawn up and on Noveimlber 14 was signed by Thomas Garrigue Masaryk, then President ad: the 0zecho-iSlo1V1ak Republic. This Slovruk Magna Carta suimmarirzed Sloivak rights in the newly fomied state amd formed the platform of the Slova;,k People's Party, the largest Slovalk political party in pre..war Cz~ho-Slova1da. On 0ctolber 28, 1918, the independence ad: 0zeeho--iSlovakia was pro:claimed and a new era oJf national development began for fue Slovak and Czech nations. Both these events were the result of the Czecho..,Slovak Relbellion, both at home and beyond the ,bo'UJildaries oif the Austro-Hungarian Kingdom. SlOIVaks and Czechs, no matter where they lived, joined in the struggle for independence and each groUJp contributed towaTds gaining the final victory. The cond'Ulot of the reibellion lay in the hands of the National 0zecho-1Slov.aik Committee in Paris of whicih Thomas G. Masaryk was president, Edward Benes secretairy, and Milan Rastislav Ste!anik represented the Sloivaks. No single factor carried so much weight with the Allies in favor of an independent Czecho-Slo,va.'kia as the organization and later suiocesses of the independent Czecllo.-B1ovalk Army. It was the a'I'!my which proved that the Sloivaks and Czechs were will.mg to, make the swpreme sacrifice in order that they and their children might liive independenrtl:y. It is to the glory of the Sl01Va,ks that the formation and organization of this army was the tfuought and wonk of Milan Rastislav Stefan.ilk who later ,b ecame the first Minister of War ill1 the Czecho-,Slova,k State. The movement for Czecho-Sloivalk independence was not begun at the ourt:Jbreruk -of the Wax. Years before, both individuals and organized giroups sought to alleviate conditions 34 SLOVAKIA existing in the Austro-HUI11garian Kingdom. Stefaniik already dreamed of an in.d.€4)00.dent Slovakia in 1914 when he arrived in F1rance as a young astronomer, soon to gain prominence there and become a memiber of the French A~adem.y. No ocicasion arose which Sted:anik d.i:d not use to acquaint those in influenice with Hu1nga,r.ian tyranny and to gain sympathy for the oppressed Slo;vruk nation. As soon as Austria dec1ared war on .Serbia, Stefaniik left Morocco, where he was engaged in astronomical observation, and returned to France. He joined the French Air Cor,ps in. January 191'5 and in March requested to be sent to Serbia. Having no contact as yet with Miresruryk, not even familiair with the latter's plans, he already thought of organh:ing a ~arate corps c_o nsisting of t.he ~ruvs fighting aigainst thefr convictions on the enemy,..s side and being gradually ooncoort~a;ted in prison camps. Due .t o, the Serbian retreat whii!ch began one day before Stefanik's arri;val in SeI'lbia, the thought of organizing this corps had to be abandoned. But Stefanik renewed his worlk upon his return to Paris where he became assOICiarted with Thomas G. Masacyk and Dr. ffidlward Benes: Soon the nucleus of the Ozeoho-,Slovak Legion was orgamzed in France and Stefruni,k extended his work to inlclude Rm.ssia, the United States, and Italy; in fact, aJ1l countries where Czechs and Sfovruk,s were to be found, either in prison camps OT as settlers. Thus, from Jrtill,,y 1916 until Mairch 1917 he was in Russia. While the.re he made a trip to Roucrnania. After returning from Russia he crume to. the United States, returned to France and then went to litaly. He met wirth many diftfioulties in organizing the Legion. Nevertheless, he succeeded i:n winning the. permission of government authorities and 'i n persuading moo to join. 1n the work orf Q!I'ganiizing the army Stefan:iik also did mooh to gain the sympartihy orf Allied statesmen and men ranking high in goiveirnment and military cincles and to convm:ce those with whom he came into contact of the necessity of breaking up the Austro-Hungaria:n Kingdom. Milan Rastislav Stefanik did much more- foir gaining 35 SLOVAKIA the independeince of Czetjio-Slovaikia than he is credited with doing. Benes and Ma:saryk boith wrote an account of the mOfVement for independence and tihe part which each played in it. Stefan.ilk, run.fortunately, was not given this O!plpOrtunity. But even from the sketchy references to his wo'l1k and the Sl1mprisingly meagre sources avaHaJble to the hisrtorian of today, it is dearly evident that in cowa:ge, in scl!f-saicrifice, in tact and wbility in diplomacy, in integrity, and in zeal for the ca:use of freedom of his people, he was not SUI'lpassed by anyone of the leaders in the OzeichoSlovaJk movement for independence . • • • • Stefanilk had exaggeirated hopes of his success in America. As stated in his report to the French Ministcy o!f Foreign Affairs, he 1b el ieved that they would gain around 20,000 volunteers for the Ozecho-,Slovruk Legion. It is not definitely known where he got his information, but there were many Czechs and Slovaks in America who cherished the same ho,pe and Stefaruk was certainly inforrmed b~ some of them. In the official newspaper of tihe First Catholic Slovak Union the "Jednota," it was estimated that if only ten per cent of the male memlbers of the Slo1va,k organizations joined the Czeicho-Slo:vak army, there would be 15,140 Slovak vnlunteers. One Slo,va'k reported to Steifani!k that among the Slovaks alone 25,000 ,volunteers could be, expected 0). Joseph 'Dvirziieky, Seciretary of the Ozech National Society in America, was also one of those, who, during the entire caimpaiign, added to Stef8iruk's optimism(2). The work of tile Poles at the same time and in the same direction facilitated Steifaniik's mission. O:n the other hand, America's entraJnce info the World War changed conditions existing here which were not favoraJble. Many American Czechs and Slorvarks joined the Canadian army e,ven beforre the United Staites entered the War and forty thousand Ozechs and SkwaJks joined the Amer.iJcaJD. 8!Imy in 1917 (3). The American government itself placed certain 1 (1) Karol Pergler: "Z ame1ic.ke fron.ty a naseho osvobozenskeho boje_ - Nase revoluce." Vol II, p. 318. (2) "Nase revoluce.." Vol. 1,1, P. 325. (3) Ibid. p. 325. 36 SLOVAKIA obstacles which made the fu1fillment of Stefani:k's mission more difficult. On the grounds that if special concessioo.s were granted the Czechs and Slovaiks othe,r nationality grOUJps would make. similar requests, the government was relUICtant to girve permission for recruiting soldiers for the Czecho~Slov~ Airmy in F1rance. America's entrance into the War was looked wpon by many groiups as an opportunity to be exploited toward the realimtion of their aim Olf corrnpletel,y Americanirzing the foreign national~ty groups living here. It presented an oppoI1tunity to unite all immigrants undeir one motto and for one ideal. America was to enter the Wax as one consolidated nation fighting a;gainst a single enemy. To add to the difrfic,u1ties, a mo;vement was started by Senator Hitchcoc,k of Nebraska to form a spe'cial Shw conps similar to the Foreign Legion of France. This was oontrary to the wishes and plans of General Stefanik and the Ozecho,-SlovaJk National Committee. Had it succeeded, the influence and the opportunity of the Czechs and Slovaks to aJCt independently would hruve been greatly minimized. IF'inally, it is impossible not to mention the large German and Austro-Hiung arian grolliPS who distributed pamphlets and used various other meains to carry on a continuous propaganda against the leaders Olf the Allied nations and against their appeals. Much time and effort was expended by Slovak national leaders to disclose these intrigues and to offset their effects. In March 1915 the German government aippealed to the America.n people not to manufacture powder shraipnels, and other arms, stating that this was ag:ainst the honoir of the American people and against the integrity of the nation; that it was neicessary to show once and for all that such things could not be bought with money dipped in human blood Even before this, Germany had sent an appeal to America, addressed to prominent men, in which she defended her position in the war, related the wrongs committed on her and denied all responsibility for the acts to which Ger,many had .b een forced (4). It is small wonder that this German propaganda gained ground (4) Karol Sidor: " Slovaci v zahranicnom odboji," pp, 44-4ii. SLOVAKIA 37 in Ameri~. There were many Gernnan imrmgranits and EWen more citizens of Ger.rnan descent, financiaNy well estaJblished, who were sentimentally sympathetic to their native land. Edward Benes, as Secretary of the National Committee, requested the French goivernment to entrust Stefanik with the mission to deal with the American authorities for permission to. organize volunteers among the Ozechs and Slovaks for the army in France. The consent of Rebprt, ::Mlinister of Foreign Alffairs, was gained uh.rough Philip Berthelot and permission from the Ministry ad: Wiar was received, through the inter1cession of Franklirn--Bouillon, directly f.rom Minister PainlEWe with whOim both Benes and Stefanik were on good terms. Thi'S perunission was granted while Stefanik was still in Russia but he IPostjponed the trip in order to. complete his work in Roumania where he gained 1000 prisoners for the Czecho-SloiV'a'k army. The order for the j()IUJI'ney commissioning Stefanik wifu a special mission in the United States was issued May 20, 1917 and he arrived in America the following month. Before Stefamk's departure,. however, the French Government had aliready sent a spe:cial political commission headed 'by FrankJin-1Bouillon to gain the permission of the United States for recruiting volunteers. among the immigrants for Slav national arunies in France. This mission of F:raniklin-Bo:uillin, as well as his personal aid in the Czec<ho.-1Slova:k wrmy question, greatly helped Stefa.Mk. Stefanik qumkly adjusted himself to the conditions brougihrt rubout by America's entrance into the war and through the French Arrnlbassado•r , Jussocand, immediately contacted the go;vernment offfuia1s in Washington. He had a short 'but successif:ul conference with Lansing during which he also presented: him with a;n expression of loyalty of the Ozechs and 'Sloivruks to the United Srtates of Ameri~. Wirth the aid of the Frenlch Commissioner A. Tardieu, the French Mi•n ister Jussevam.d, and Franldin.J3ou:illon Stefan:iik gained his object and the Arrnerican government granted pemnission to al[ Czechs and SlovaJks not subject to military duty in the Am.errean M1IDY to join the Ozecho-,S1ovak Legion in France. On August 4, he already report.ea to his friends in 38 SLOVAKIA New Yorlc th~t he had received this perrmss1on and that 4,000 men oOIU!ld be sent to the French military school. After permission for recruiting was granted, negotiatiOllls were begun for the transipwtatio n of the Czec:ho-Sl'OVa;k soldiers to France and for obtaining the financial means necessary to keep them concentrated in camps in New Yonk and Boston where they awaited their depar-ture. Oonsideration was also given to the question of SU!pporting families deprived of wa;ge erurner,s and, later, to ca;ses of widowed wives Mld or,phaned children. In October, Stefanik uncovered some Austro-Hunga rian intdgues in Washing.ton. A telegram had been sent to Tardieu fram Paris suggesting that, due to difficulties in transportation, the Poles should be sent to France finst and the transpovtatio n of the Ozecho ..Slovak soldiers shO!Uld be postponed for a few months. Stefanik suicceede.d in defeating this attempt by uncovering its moUves and, on the basis of this 1nfoI1Ination, Tardieu telegraphed to his swperiors that the posbponemen t of the transport of the Ozecho-SlOIVak soldiers would mean the breaking of a promise and that he would have no part i.in such a disho:noraJble act (15). Other difficulties arose in the matterr of transporting trooips; fifty Czech and Slovak soldiers were detained in New Yonk in Decem~ because no exceptions were made foir Czechs and Slovaiks in the instructions sent by the American governmeil!t cOillCerniing kuistro-Hung arian su!bjects. At the intervention O(f the French Ambassador and of General Vignal this maJtter was also straightened out. Steifan:ik contacted American joUTrralists and wrote several articles on the cause for· the newsprupers. He aroused the interest orf F. H. Allen ("World"), Go,rdo:n Srruth am'd, at a dinner given in his honor on J,u ly 23 in New York, he gained the swpport of "The New Repu!blic." Stefanik used these oontaots for propaganda purposes. Early in September the "World" carried a long article on the Czecho~Slovak movement written by Stefanik and Pisecky and an account of the Battle of Halie by Stefani~ appeared later in Chicago news,paipers. (5) Karol Pergler : "Nase revolnce." Vol. II, p. 319 . SLOVAKIA 39 Although Stefanik did not entirely trurst Wilson and did not rugree with his views, he ,g ained the good will of the ever popular Theodore Rooseivelit and of representative Frank L. Polle, who devoted much consideration to the Ozecho-4Slovak question when he later headed the American delegation at the Peace Oonrference after Lansing's departure from Paris. It is generally conceded that Stefanik achieved his greatest success in America by seicuring the cooperation of the Czechs and Slovaks in the Czecho-Slovak movement. Pisec'ky writes: "Stefanik did most in the United States in that he succeeded in convincing the Sloiva.ks of the necessity and the horrorableness of the Czecho-SlOIVak rebeU.ion, that he succeeded in paralyiZing autonomistic and opportunistic UJpshoots of persons of the character of Daxner, Bielelk, Panilmch and others and gained them for the common advance with the Czechs (6) . From this statement one could infer that the American Slo:va.ks resisted the movement for freedom. On the contrary, it was the Slovaiks who, with a few exceptions, first brought UJP the question of freedom from the Hungarian yoke, and who, long before the war, had organized to gaiin recognition of Slo:vak national rights. The Slovak League was founded in 1907 for the punpose of supporting and helping national leaders in the old country. In the year 1910 it requested the U. S. Census officials to list Slovaks, not as immigrants from Ausitria-iH kmgary, but according to their native, tongue. B efore the outbreak of the war, at the beginning o:f the year 1914, a memorandum, signed by representatives of 21 organizations, 23 newspaipers, by many Catholic priests and Protestant ministe,ns, was printed. in five languages in addition to English This memorandum, sent to i:nflmmtial diP'lomats and statesmen, descrilbed the sufferings of the Slova.l{s under Hungarian tyranny and demanded in the name o:f justice and humanity that Slovaks be given the rights which were ri!ghtfully tlheirs. Slovalk journalists and national leaders forll!ght unremittingly through newsprupers and brosuires against Austro,-,H ungarian and German propa(6) Ferdinand Pisecky: "M. R. i§tefanik," p . 81. 40 SLOVAKIA ganda. Moreover, they aided financially. Already in 1914 the Slov:aJk League started a Million Dollar Drive, the proceeds of which were to go to the sw£fering and war-,impoverished Slovaks a,broa<l. When their fellow SlaJVs, the Seribians, were fortced to retreat bef-ore the enemy in the winter of 1915 and felt hearvi1y t:he weight of defeat, the American Slova,ks rallied to their swpport. In a movement Which they themselrves financed they obtained more than a hundred Slovak priJsoners from prison crumps in Canada. Even from this very ibrieif sketch it is evident that the Slovaks in America were, from the very beginning, fully aware and prepared to ma,ke the most of the opportunities which the World Wax presented. They were well on their way in their wo11k for the Slovaks when the Ozecho-{Slovruk National Committee, headed by Masarytk, asked them for their cooperation. In rerviewing the rclations of the Ozechs and Slovaks in the early yea11s of t:he war, one lll/U!st bear in mind foat the creation of the Ozecho-,Slorva;k State was not a sine qua non for the realization of natitonal and cultural independ~e for the Slovruks. Neither were the Allied states determined at the beginning, upon the, dismem1be11ment oif the AustroHUil'garian Kingdom. The brea;k up of Austr.ia-HW11gary evo1ved from later dervefopments , and the Slo'V'ak1s seriously weighed all possilbilities beiforn deciding to cast their lot with the Ozechs. Dm-ing this period of indecision only one thing was cemain, that is, no matter under what form of government, no maitter with whom ailied, Slovak national autonomy had to be g,uiairanteed. In an open letter, pwbli'shed in the "Jednota," December 9, 19'14, Allbert Mamafoy, president of the Slovak Lea•g ue, wrote: "The American Czechs turned to me, as president of the Siov,aJk Lerugue, regarddng the Sltland that the Slovaks wish to taJke in this critical situation. . . . I answered that (ruocording to my convictions) we Slovaks would demand sclf-i:m1e, regardless of the tyipe of government to which we would belong as a result of this war, whether we would lwe UJI1der a Russian, or whether we would be left in old Hungary, (should it remain intact), or SLOVAKIA 41 whether we would be pla,ced in the Ozecho-!Slo!Wlk State, which the Ozechs hoped would :be formed. In my opinion, we S1ovaks must demand ruutonomy from whomsoever we must, whether fiiom Hwrugary or Russia, or from the hoped.for Czech state. And whosoever should get us, irf peaice be desired in the counitry, care must be truken that our demands be satisfied." Reporting on the proceedings of the Congress of the Slovak LeaJgue, held in Pittsburgh, Fe!brua:riy 22, 1915, Joseph Huse'k, editor of the "Jednota," wrote in the March 3rd issue of that year: "One Czech acoused us of hating the Czechs. Thi1s is not true. We love our closest brother. Lf only they loved us as much as we love them. But to date, they have not given us any proof orf this. If matt~s sholl!ld lead to a change in the ,p olitical and governmental form of Austria-iHlwrngary, irf a federation will be formed composed of Bohemia, Moraivia, Silesia, and Slovll!kia, we will be satisfied. I:f they give us complete independence,, we ,vill. 1be sa,tis,. fied, rund, irf this later should not justify itself there will be time enough to joiin ourselves politically and gOivern.meintally more closely with the Bohemians and the Momv,i ans. However, if such a radical change does no,t ta:ke place after the war and we should 0/Illy be guaranteed independence within the limits of the Martin De:clairation, we will hiwe to be satisfied. Erven that woruld be a great concession. When we sha:H have our sc!hools, when we shall be master in our districrts, when we shall also hme representati1Ves, comparable to our nll!mbers, in parliament and a guarantee of free, ind~endent industrial development, we will not lose ourselrves. The rest we will then win by our own strength." And, agai~, in an article entitled "With the Czechs or Without the Ozechs," printed on March 24: "We are sincere and we e:m-phaisize again and again that we are supporteiI's. of the movement which aims to cu1tirv,a te Czecho-Slovak re:c1procity. But the reciprocity for whk,h we are so zealously working mrust be founded upon complete equality of rig1hts and equal value as pem;ains to our national, economic, and cuiltural interests." The first attempt to bring the Czechs and ,Slovaks to- 42 SLOVAKIA gether in America occurred in 1916. At the suggestion of Joseph Tvrzidky, Secretary of the Czech National Society, who was sUJm.rmoned to twke this step by Masaryk, a meeting of the Czech Society and of the Slo.vaik League was called at Cleveland, Ohio. On October 25, 191·5, a pact, proposed and written by Tvrzic:ky, was w0cepted. The conditions under which the SlovaJks were to accept cooperation with the Czechs were summari·z ed in this pact. Nati0J1.al autonomy of S1av8Jkia with an independent parliament, an independent state administration, and free oulrtusrial deveiloipment were guaranrteed. These demands were not the princi,p les Olf indi,vidiual autonormistic groups. This was the platiform of all American Slovaks, with very few exceptions, and the considerations under which they entered the struggle,; the aims they wanted to reali-ze. The extent to which the Slovaks and Czechs in America did not surcceed in reaching a colill'plete unde11standi.ng was deter.mined by the degree in which the American Czechs and the National Ozecho-;Slovak Committee deflected from these prmciples. Thus the Pact Olf Kiev, although signed by the representative of 1:Jhe Slova/k League, Gustav Kosik, incited consteirn:ation armong the American Slovaiks because it referred to "Ozecho,slova,ks," as an ethnic entity - a term not ac~ted by them. In li:ke manner, the newspaper "Czeichosloviak" was not warunly received. There were those among the Slovak leadeirs who, from the ve:r'Y beginning, opposed the use of the woro "Ozechoslo~ak" even in diplomatic agreements, holding to the opinion that the Sl~a!ks Sihould stand as an independent nation. The Parisian Czecho-,Slovak National Committee was looked lllpon wirth Sll!Slpicion by the Catho1ics who were uncertain of the status of religion in the, new state. These suspidoi!liSi, however, were not so strong that they could not be eliminated, and Masaryk himself, when he late:r came to Ameri1ca, quieted the Catholic Slovaks by his promise that there would be complete religious freedom in Ozecho-,Slova'kia. On July 1, 1917, Stefanik ar.ranged a meeting with the Slovaks and the Ozechs at the Congress Hall Hotel in SLOVAKIA 43 Washington at which the following were present: Dr. Fisher, President of the Czech Nrutional Society; Albert Ma:matey, President of the Slova:k -Leag,ue; Emil Voska, ChaJrles Pergler, Dr. HrcHicika, Ivan Daxner, Iivan Bielek, and Ferdinad Pisecky. Stefani:k reported on conditions in Russia, 'but the main object of the meeting was to arrange for a mihtary o,r ga:nization and the cooipeTation of the Czechs and Slwaws. At this meeting Daxner raised the Czeicho-iS1ov,aJk question . .Aigainst his SO-!Called "aurtonomistic attibude" Stefani.ik emphaSlized the necessity of forming a politically inseparaJble state and not an ethnographically insepamble one (7). Con:cerning Stefani•k 's opinion relatirve to the Czechoslovak question and, especially, his oipimon as expressed in his dealings with the American .Slovaks, Poogler asse:rlts: "NaturaUy, the represerntatives of the Slova:k organiJZations of the foturre Czecho-tSlovak state often came to Stefanik. Stefanik al.ways insisted that it was the ooncern of the nation at hoime, that it alone must decide concerning its future origani1zrution, in short, that it is impossible to dictate firom beyond the bo~ders of the country and that every such ruttempt wou1d be futile Whenever the question of Sloivak autonomy aI'ose, he decidedly pointed out, that no guarantees could be demanded £ro:m those living outside of the new state" (8). But even if we should aioceipt this untoo•a ble position, it is impossilble to deny the fact that Stefanik, although he gave no written priomise, did reach an agreement with the America,n Slovaks and succeeded in gaining t'heir cooperation with the .American Cze~hs witlhouit the Slovaks relinquishing their demands. This was pr01Ved at the mooting held in New YoI'k, SeptembeT 20; 1914, where American Slovak priests were present with Stefanik and at which a resolution was a:doipted, stating that they stand on the platform orf the SlovaJk League. The pvograim of the Slovak League was the Cleveland Pact, tlhe · principles of whioh were incorporated into the Pittsburgh Pact which Masariyik (7) Ferdinand Pisecky: "M. R. S.teJanik," p, 72. (8) K. Pergler: "Z americke fronit.y naseho osvo'bozenskeho boje. Nase revoluce.'' Vol. II, pp. 313- 325. · · 44 SLOVAKIA himself drafted and signed with the American SlOIVruks a year later. Stefanik approved the program olf the Slovak Leaigue. With this rupproval he gained the confidence of the groups considered the most consoovative in the work for 0zecho-1Slovalk independence. Of this Benes writes : "The meeting with the Slovak priests was very important because at this meeting Stefanilk dispelled all sm,iprcion and unwillingness of the priests as regards the, movement for independence with which the drive for funds olf the Slovak League was strengthened (9). Because of his deli1cate health Stefanik did not ma:ke many public appearances but when he did speak, he succeeded in maJking a deep impression upon his listeners. He spoke in Slovak and in 0zech a:nd sometimes passed from one language, into another in the same speech. He gained the confidence of the 'Peorple by his enthusia,s m and his fascinating manner as well as with his firm and uncompromising atti1mde towards all righteous demands. In addition to the aJbove mentioned meetings, Stefanik met with the presidents of t!he Slovruk and 0zech organizations on July 1, 1917, in New Yo.rik where tihe misunderstaniling with Ho.nky pertaining to the Durich affaiT in Russia came to the forefront. Horiky especially critidzed Benes whom Stefarui,k defended, stating that he himself directed everything in Russia and Horky, therefore, should turn to him. On July 24 Stef2.ni1k received a deputation of Slovaks headed by Milan Getting w,ho later became the OzeichoSlo,v ak consul in Pittsburgh. On August 13 he was present at a meeting of 0zecho-.Slovak artists and in Seipte.miber he addressed the Cooch and SlovaJk women orf New Yo'I'ik. Between the 16th and 18th of October a large meeting was held in Chicago• at which the ques,t!ion cxf rooruiting was considered. Proceedings at this meeting were somewhat agitated since voices of t!hose who feared the final success of the military m01Vement were raised against Stefanik. A Owcho-Slo,valk mHitary committee was formed in order that the recruiting could proceed in an o:r,g,anized manner. Both (9) Edward Benes: "Sveto'Vii. vii.lka a nase revoluce." 45 SLOVAKIA Protestant and Catholic Ozechs and Sloivaks were r1~pre:sented in the Committee (10). After this meeting recruiting was begun by a proclamation for mdbilization by Stefaruk, coached in classical terms. Stefani1k also issued instnuiotions for the CzechoSlova!k soldiers in America. He divided the country into four districts, each with a separate reporter to which position the following were appointed: Milan Geitting, Gustav Kosik and su!b-;reporter Ivan Gess:a,y; J. Cermak and subreporter J. Tvr.z ioky; J. Stra;ka and swb-reporteir Vojta Benes. This plan, written under the impression of the Chicago comereTIJce, though not essentila:lly changed, had to be adjusted to existing conditions when the time came for actual work. For reasons already ex,plained the recruiting was not as successifiul as Stefanik haid hoped it would be. Despite all efforts the number of volunteers was not quite 2,500 men (11). Of great importance was the demonstration meeting held in Carnegie Hall in New York whl ch SterfanjJk arranged for September 1'6. Because of his friendship for Stefaruk, Fran:kHn...Bouillon accepted the in,Vitation to be the principal spea;ker just before his return to France as Minister of Bropaganda in the caJbinet of Painleve. John P. Mitchell, the may;or of New Yol'lk presided. This meeting, at which the repre,sen!batives of the Ailied armies were present, had a consideraible pro1p aganda significance since it broke the ice of indifference of American journalists. Franklin-Bouillon, who spdke in E':nglish, addressed the men of the "CzechoSlovak" nation and appealed to t:hem to join the Legion. He was the first influential sitatesman who pulblicly voiced the dismemberment of Austria~Hungary. This statement of Franklin-Bouillon created a sensation in Amer1can political circles; (12). 1 In order to facilitate contaict between our groups and government officials, Stefanik changed the Slav Press Bu(10) Vojta Benes: "Nase revoluce." Vol. II, PP. 46-49. (11) K. Pergler: "Nase revoluce." Vol. II ,p. 321. (12) Ar. Bares: "Stefanikuv memorial," p_ · 36. 46 SLOVAKIA reau, originally formed as a bureau of propaganda, into a branch of the Czecho-.Slo,v ak National Committee. He gave the authority to deal in political matters to Charles Pergler. Stefanik thus sucoeeded in realizing his pre-,war dream. of gaining his American countrymen in an armed r~bellion against Austria-Hungary although, in truth, not to the extent he had hoped for. Having completed his. worlk in Ame'l'ica he again turned his efforts and energies toward Europe where much still remained to be done. At the request presented on Octolber 14, 1917, to the War Ministry by General Vignal oif Washington in which he reported that Stefanik had aJbout completed his mission, Stefanik was granted permission to return to France. In November, Vignal telegraphed that Stefani!k would return with the first transport of Czecho""Slorvak troo'Ps and that he would be. free to organize the Czechs in France. In his reports to the Minister of Wa~, Vignal highly praised Stefaniik's work in America. I quote from the tefogirams sent on November 5 and December 5: "He proved to posse,s s the highest degree of tact, disciipline and sense :for orga.n ization. His pel'.'.sonal influence in all matters was such that no mis'OOderstanding arose during his stay and all the Cz~~h groll!ps followed his directions. . . . I aim not aJble to praise suffi~iently this great patriot, coolheaded and insipi:red 'by the most honest and highest feelings. F'ull of taot and wisdom, he gained the sympathies of the highest officials of the American Ministry of Foreign Affairs and he o:rganized with the greatest success the re:cnciting oif the Czecho-SlovaJks (13). Acc,o rding to Benes, Steifaniik :returned to Paris on Novemiber 16 whe:re he con;tinued in his wor,k of organizing the Czecho ...Slovak army. • Editor's Note: Today it is customar;y even for the Ozechs and so--called "Ozechoslovaks" to cl'aim and acclaim Stefanik But Stefanik was not a Czech, nor a "Orechoslovia:k" (a SlO'VaJk in the pay of the Czoohs), but a true Slovak paitriot. Had he lived, Stefanik undou!btedly would (13) From the "Fren,oh Military Archives." SLOVAKIA 47 have fought for the liberation. of his people from all alien tyranny, including the Czech brand as represented by T. G. Masaryk an.d Benes. S,lo,vaJks eveTywhere commemorate May 4th as Stefani'k Day, because it was on May 4, 1919, that their beloved wair hero crashed to his death in a plaine which was "a~cidentally" shot down by a Czech garrison at Vajnory, Slovakia. Many Slovaiks even todiay will tell you 1:!hat Stefanik haid to die, because he never consented to his Slovakiia being a colony o,£ the imperialistic Czechs led by T. G. Masarylk and Benes. On May 4, 1954, Slova,ks everywhere will recall: "it was 35 yeaI'S ago thait Stefarnk was killed by the men who resented his warnings rugainst Bolshevism. " • • • SLOVAK FOLKLORE GOLDILOCKS Once UlpOn a time there was a very poor blacksmith. At one time 'he fared weH, but then hard times struck, he had little work to do., and his wiife and small children were always hungry. Finally he lost everything; at hOlme he had not!hing left but seven ,pennies. His undernourished children cried constantly for something to eat until the blacksmith could stand it no longer. In his despair he boU!ght a rope witlh his last seven ,p ennies and started out for the hills to end it all. When he came into the hills, he sought out a stout branch on a mighty tree to which he fixed the roipe. As the bla;cksmith was a;bout to tie the rope albout his neck, a ,pretty black maiden suddenly appeared .b efore him and pleaded wHJh him not to hang himself, 1b ecause that was not a nice thing to do and, then, it was also a sin. The b,lacksmith was stunned when the black maiden disappeared into the nowhere whence she had come. As he waliked along, his mind wandered baok home where misery and want ruled and again he became despondent. U!P went his rope onto another stout ,h ranch. .&gain the blaJCk maiden s,uddemy appeaired out of the blue and begged him not to commit such an ugly deed. In a quadary, the blactksmith shoo'k his head, bwt said nothing. He did not throw away his rope, but stood  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Milan Rastislav Štefánik Description An account of the resource Stephanie O. Hušek Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 1 (10), March 1954 pp. 33-47 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hušek, Stephanie O. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 1954 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/f2ad07509c80b9071281fcec807f2ce1.pdf 0a55e7d08c78272e510ec71b44796bee PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 47 have fought for the liberation. of his people from all alien tyranny, including the Czech brand as represented by T. G. Masaryk an.d Benes. S,lo,vaJks eveTywhere commemorate May 4th as Stefani'k Day, because it was on May 4, 1919, that their beloved wair hero crashed to his death in a plaine which was "a~cidentally" shot down by a Czech garrison at Vajnory, Slovakia. Many Slovaiks even todiay will tell you 1:!hat Stefanik haid to die, because he never consented to his Slovakiia being a colony o,£ the imperialistic Czechs led by T. G. Masarylk and Benes. On May 4, 1954, Slova,ks everywhere will recall: "it was 35 yeaI'S ago thait Stefarnk was killed by the men who resented his warnings rugainst Bolshevism. " • • • SLOVAK FOLKLORE GOLDILOCKS Once UlpOn a time there was a very poor blacksmith. At one time 'he fared weH, but then hard times struck, he had little work to do., and his wiife and small children were always hungry. Finally he lost everything; at hOlme he had not!hing left but seven ,pennies. His undernourished children cried constantly for something to eat until the blacksmith could stand it no longer. In his despair he boU!ght a rope witlh his last seven ,p ennies and started out for the hills to end it all. When he came into the hills, he sought out a stout branch on a mighty tree to which he fixed the roipe. As the bla;cksmith was a;bout to tie the rope albout his neck, a ,pretty black maiden suddenly appeared .b efore him and pleaded wHJh him not to hang himself, 1b ecause that was not a nice thing to do and, then, it was also a sin. The b,lacksmith was stunned when the black maiden disappeared into the nowhere whence she had come. As he waliked along, his mind wandered baok home where misery and want ruled and again he became despondent. U!P went his rope onto another stout ,h ranch. .&gain the blaJCk maiden s,uddemy appeaired out of the blue and begged him not to commit such an ugly deed. In a quadary, the blactksmith shoo'k his head, bwt said nothing. He did not throw away his rope, but stood �48 SLOVAKIA motionless for some moments. When the maiden disa:ppea.rred once a:gain, file hl.ooksmith pondered his misery over again and again, reruched the deci'sion to end it all. Once more the rope went wp airound the stQ!Ut branch. As he was nixing the other end rubout his neck, however, file bea,utiful black maiden aippeared directly before him and said: "Do not ha:n1g yourself, iblalCiksmith, do not hang yourse1f ! I will he1p you in yoUT misery. I wiH give you all the weali!h you desire, if you only promise me something you haJVe at home but about whiich you are not awa,re." "Huh, well whait can this be in my 'barren home about which I know nothing?" pondered the blaclrnmith, "this must undoulbtedly be some kind of a jo!ke!" But the blaciksmith promised the black maiden what she had requested, if she would only help him out of his misery. Fortiliiwith, the lo;ve:ly yourng black maiden filled a pouch with money and go ld and said: "Here you have what I promised you. And for what you ha,ve promised me I shall come in seven years." The lovely blaiok lady disaippeared just as mysteriously as she had appeared. The blaclksmith couhl scarcely believe what had haippened, but there was· the pouch with money and gold! He snatched it and hurried home. He cried joyously as he burst into his humble shack and poured the money and gold on the truble. His wife and children were stunned momentarily. Soon they had plenty of food on the taJble with which the SJtaI1Ved children stuffed themselves. Mter aN had had their fill, the wife turned to her husband and asked how he hrud come by all that money and goJ.d. "Thinlk nothing of it," reiplied the blacksmith, "it was just some kind oif a jolke. To get this money and gold I only had to promise to give something aJbout which I know nothing." As he sipoike these words, his wife beca:me frightened and screaJmed: "Noiw you did it. Why, you sold yoUT own child before it was born." The blaok,s mith also became frightened, but what could he do ? He gaJVe his word and had to keep it. 1 �49 SLOVAKIA Soon after the blaciksmith's wife gave birth to a beautiful, deHghtful girl with golden hair and a golden star on her forehead. Na:tura:lly, they called their little girl "Goldilocks." They cared for the child with love and tenderness and brought her U!p as best the¥ could. Their haippiness was marred only .by the thought that Goldilociks was their own and, yet, she was not. Exactly seven years after Goldilocks was bo rn, a black coach stopped in front of the blacksmith's ho:rne and out of it carrne the bladk maiden. The parents pleaded with the maiden, but to no awail. She placed Goldilocks beside her in the coach and started off. The blacksmith and his wife wailed and cried as they ran after the coach to the end of the viHruge. They woUJld hacve followed it farther, but the black maiden threatened to bewitch them id: they did. Sorrowfully they returned home and cried pitifUJlly for their beautiful Goidilociks, whom they thought they had lost forever. 1 . The blaick lady and· Goldilo:clks literally flew in the bla~k coach OJVer desolate lands rund dense forests until they firnillly came to a 'great, beaiutiful castle. The black maiden took Goldilociks into the castle, led heir through ninety-nine rooms and then said to her: "Here, my child, you shall res,ide. Ta.O{e care of these ninety-nine rooms for me. You can walk into and stay in any of the rooms yo:u please, but do not dare to look in the remaining room the hundredth room - belcause you shall fare badly. In seven years we shall meet again; until then fare thee weM!" As she spoke these words, the !black maiden disa;ppeared. For se'Ven whole years there was no sound or trace of the black maiden. And for seven long years our Goldilocks lived contentedly in the castle. She walked in and out of the ninety-nine rooms, sweeipinig and cleaning them so that everything glittered lilke gold. Of course, she was tempted to look into t:he hundredth room manry times, but resisted the temptation successfully, even though the thought of that room kept her awake many ni'ghts. �50 SLOVAKIA SuTe enoUJgh, when seven years had passed by, the blaclk maJden returned to the ,c astle and Goldilodks. "Did you look into the hundredth room?" she asked. GoldilO'C/k1s replied that she had not. Of course, the bl8.1Ck maiden lkneiw that; she was very hruppy that Goldilocks spO!ke the tmth. After repeating the order to Goldilocks, the black maiden a;gain disaippeared. · Our Gold.ilodks kept going throUJg,h the 1beautifu:l, spacious ninety-nine rooms day after day, cileanmg them so that they sparkled l.ilke mirrors.. Year after year ,p assed like a drnrum. As the second seven year period was coming to a close, our GoldUocks thoUJght how the black maiden would praise her :fior keepmg the rooms in such good order, when suddenly she heand deligh'bf.wl m1US1i.c flowing out of the last room, the hiUildTetltih room. L:i!ke a deer she ran to the door and paused mornentarilry. Enchanted by the sweet strains, Go'1dilook,s turned the iknob and, before she could realize what she had done, she was inside the room. In this hlJIIldiredith room twelve b,ewitiched persons were sitting behind •a talble. They were sitting there exa,ctly as they had been ait the time they were put under the spell. Still another man stood behind the door and this one said to Goldi-looks : "Goldilocks, for heaven's sake, do not diV11.1lge what you harve nOIW seen in this room! No matter what the · b1ack maiden does to you, do not let her know the sooret of thls ro.om. If you sary e1Ven one wo,nd aJbout this, you yourse:llf shall be unhappy eternaJlly and we wiU continue to remain here ac-cursed.'' Witlh this a dead silence followed. Goldilocks, frightened and stunned, ran out of the roo,m as speedily as she had entered it. Goldilocks did not e1Ven notice how or when the blaok maiden a;ppearetl beifo.re her, but there s:he was! Of course, t!he maiden knew that Goldilocks had seen that last room in the castle. Pointing aocusingly at Goldilooks, the black -ma,i den said: "Go1ldilociks, Goldilocks, what have you ·done? You haive looked into that hundredth- r-oom! Now, tell me, what did you see there'?" �SLOVAKIA 51 Goldilocks, however, denied she had seen anything. When the black maiiden realized that she could get no pl'cree wit'h Goldi.looks iby being nice, she begaJil to threaten her in various ways, but Goldilocks stood her ground and refused to divulge what she had seen in that last room. Finally, the bladk maiden screamed angrHy: "You have one more chance to teH me what you sa;w in that last room. If you do not tell, I shaJl throw you into the well and you shall become dumb!" Goldiloclks stead!fastly refused to answer, and the black maiden aictual:Iy threw her into a deep well and put a spell on her so that she could not sipeaJk with any one except the black lady. When Goldilocks regaii.ned her senses in the weill, she found herselrf on a sand bottom, and, lo and behold, she saw a large tunnel on the one side. She went into the passage and followed it until she eme11ged onto a delightful meadow. She remained there feeding herse1f with strawiberries and roots Olf plants. The blacik maiden, however, kept on appearing quite frequently. She continued to beg and threaten Goldilocks to learn the secret of the hundredth room in the castle, but Goldilocks fi:rnnly red'used to divulge the secret . • It so happened that in the vicinity of the meadow a youthful king went ahuntmg. As he hunted, he came wpon the meadow and fo.un.d our beautifiul Goldi.looks fast asleep on the grass. The young king ga;zed on Goldilocks in amazement and wondered how in t.l-ie world such a 1beautirful girl could be found on a meadow. And the more he looked at her, the more he, was eniamored of her. Finally, he decided to a,w aken her, taJke her home and maJke her his 'bride, no matter what t'he people might say aJbout it. He touched Goldilocks and awoke her. The young king asked her who she was and where she came from. But our Goldifodks could utter not a worn. The king thought this was 'because she was frightened or that she was bashful. He repeated tJhe· questions and then asked her whether she would go witih him to hi's castle. In answer to hi:s last question, Goldi-looks gesticulated with her hands and head that �52 SLOVAKIA she would be hruppy to go. So· the young king took her to his castle, dressed her up in beautiful clothes and soon after married her. Althouigih Goldilooks could not utter a word, the youthful king loved her so mUJoh that he did not care whether she could sipeaJk oir not and he lived with her peacefully and h~ily. After rubout a year, Goldilocks became very sad and fearf,u l; something troulbled her as the day drew near to give birth to her clhild. Wihen that time ca'Ine, our Goldilocks gruve birth to a delightd'ul boy with golden hair and witlh a golden star on his forehead. The . young king was overcome with joy. Ii:mmediately he invited all the landlords of the vicinity to a great feast so that they could share his joy with him. His happiness, however, soon changed into. a great sorrow. One night the black maiden ruppeared before Goldilocks and threatened to strangle her golden-haired boy, if she did not divulge what she had seen in that last room of the castle. Goldilooks became cold with fright and shook like an aSlpell tree, but she revealed norbhi1llg. "You yourself shall not fare well," screamed the blacik maiden. When Goldilocks refused to reiveal what she saw in that last room, the lady in black seized her beautiful boy and choked him. Smearing Goldilocks' mouth with blood, t!he 'blaclk maiden diSaippeared as mysteriously as she had appeared. When the i:nlfant boy was found dead the next morning, confusion and fright seized all in the castle. 'Dhe king was paled with fear and sorrow. He had every nook and cranny of the castle searched to find the guilty one, but the search proved fruitless. Since GoldHoclks' mouth was covered with blood, :people began to say that she had killed her own son: Our Goldilocks, of course, was innocent, but she oould not say a word in her own defense. The people of the castle said that she desenved to die for what she had done. The king heard all this, but continiued to liive with GoJidHooks in peace because he loved her intensely. A year later our Goldilocks gave birth to a charming girl with golden loclcs and a golden star on her forehead. The king was wi'ld with joy. To forestall all misfortune, 1 �SLOVAKIA 53 however, he immediately ordered a guard pla~ in Goldilocks' room throughout the night. But even this precaution meant nothing, because the blaok maiden bewitched the entire guard so that the men fell a,sloop lhl{e logs of wood. Then she approached Goldilooks and saiid: "You see, y;ou cannot escape me," she cacikled, "and I aan deternnined to learn what you sa,w in that last room of the castle. If you do not ten me noiw, you shall perish in o.ne way or another. 1if I now strangle your daughter, the king will most certainly haNe you burned." Goldilocik.s, however, remained as firm as a rock and said nothing. The black maiden then seized the infant girl and choked her. Again she smeared Goldilocks' mouth with blood and then disappeared. When the infant princess was found dead the next morning and the guard insisted that no one entered or left the room all n~ght, the king became exiceedingly angry, Again he had every nooik and cranny of the castle searched for the murderer, but to no avail. The king simply could not believe that Goldilociks was guilty of strangling her own child. But people said that under the circumstan,ces no1body could have ·k illed the child except the queen herself, because the room was under guard the whole night. Even her mouth was bloody, they sa,id, and she could not utter a word. A strange, dreadful creature, indeed, they thought. Overcome with grief, the king was at last influenced by what was being said rubowt GoJ.dilocks and he ordered her to be put to death. The hrupless GoldilO'dk:s wrus led outside the town and tied to a stake. A£ter dTy wood was placed all around her, the kinig ordered it to be fired. But at that moment a bla:cik coa:ch thundered through the dense throng witnessing the exooution and came to .a sudden halt near Goldilocks. Out came the black maiden who said: "You see, my words are being fulfilled. Your destruction is at hand. This is your last opportunity to tell me what you saiw in that last room in my castle. Now, tell me what did you see there?" �54 SLOVAKIA Goldilocks, however, kept her silence a:nd adamantly refused to tell the black maiden what she had seen. in that hundrndth roam of her castle. When the wood was lighted and the flames began to lerup toward Goldtlook s, the bl,a ck maiden suddenly began to chaJil!ge and her faJce became white. She ordered the fire extinguished, beca:U!se Goldilocks was innocent. Then she turned to Goldilocks and said: "It is your good fortune as well as mine, that you did not betra.y the secret olf that laist room in my castle. And because you keipt yoll!r secret well, the evil spell over me and the twelve men you saiw in that last room is broken. If you haid betrayed the seJCret, rul:I oif us, including y,ournelf, would have been doomed eternally! " To the utter SU11Prise olf the confoll!11ded throng, the beautifwl maiden then reached Ol\lt to Gol<lilOIC:ks a:nd returned her tiwo ch!ildren U!Ilhairmed and. whole. Within a flas h the coach disruppeared - a;s if a hurricane had carried it away. Goldilodkis then told the king the story from the very beginmg. '!1he 'king was dwmfounded; he coi.rl.d scan:ely believe his eyes and ears. But what could he do? His children, straingled under mysterious civcumstances, were alive and haippy. Overtaken with joy, the king emlbrruced his wife and his chi:1dren, tea:rfu!lly begging Goldilocks to forgirve hi'In for the terrible mistaJke he had made. Then he too>k his wife and ohildren to his east:le, where they lived happily thereafter. Of course, the king sought out the parents of Goldilocks, the b'la'dksmith and his wife, and had them brought to his ca_stle where they all lived hruppily together until the end of their da;ys. 1 • • WHO SAID IT? "LONG I.JIVE THE SOWET UNION AND MAY I'DS SOVIET LEADER AND .SKllPPER, J. V. STA.LEN LIVE IN FULL HEALTH TO SIDE M,ANY MORE OF ITS JOYOUS JUB1L:IDES!" - (Dr. Joseiph Lettrich, Vfoe-Chair1man of the Execl.lltive Committee of the "Council of Free Czechoslava,kia," C.NS, Norvem/ber 7, 1947). � SLOVAKIA 47 have fought for the liberation. of his people from all alien tyranny, including the Czech brand as represented by T. G. Masaryk an.d Benes. S,lo,vaJks eveTywhere commemorate May 4th as Stefani'k Day, because it was on May 4, 1919, that their beloved wair hero crashed to his death in a plaine which was "a~cidentally" shot down by a Czech garrison at Vajnory, Slovakia. Many Slovaiks even todiay will tell you 1:!hat Stefanik haid to die, because he never consented to his Slovakiia being a colony o,£ the imperialistic Czechs led by T. G. Masarylk and Benes. On May 4, 1954, Slova,ks everywhere will recall: "it was 35 yeaI'S ago thait Stefarnk was killed by the men who resented his warnings rugainst Bolshevism. " • • • SLOVAK FOLKLORE GOLDILOCKS Once UlpOn a time there was a very poor blacksmith. At one time 'he fared weH, but then hard times struck, he had little work to do., and his wiife and small children were always hungry. Finally he lost everything; at hOlme he had not!hing left but seven ,pennies. His undernourished children cried constantly for something to eat until the blacksmith could stand it no longer. In his despair he boU!ght a rope witlh his last seven ,p ennies and started out for the hills to end it all. When he came into the hills, he sought out a stout branch on a mighty tree to which he fixed the roipe. As the bla;cksmith was a;bout to tie the rope albout his neck, a ,pretty black maiden suddenly appeared .b efore him and pleaded wHJh him not to hang himself, 1b ecause that was not a nice thing to do and, then, it was also a sin. The b,lacksmith was stunned when the black maiden disappeared into the nowhere whence she had come. As he waliked along, his mind wandered baok home where misery and want ruled and again he became despondent. U!P went his rope onto another stout ,h ranch. .&gain the blaJCk maiden s,uddemy appeaired out of the blue and begged him not to commit such an ugly deed. In a quadary, the blactksmith shoo'k his head, bwt said nothing. He did not throw away his rope, but stood �48 SLOVAKIA motionless for some moments. When the maiden disa:ppea.rred once a:gain, file hl.ooksmith pondered his misery over again and again, reruched the deci'sion to end it all. Once more the rope went wp airound the stQ!Ut branch. As he was nixing the other end rubout his neck, however, file bea,utiful black maiden aippeared directly before him and said: "Do not ha:n1g yourself, iblalCiksmith, do not hang yourse1f ! I will he1p you in yoUT misery. I wiH give you all the weali!h you desire, if you only promise me something you haJVe at home but about whiich you are not awa,re." "Huh, well whait can this be in my 'barren home about which I know nothing?" pondered the blaclrnmith, "this must undoulbtedly be some kind of a jo!ke!" But the blaciksmith promised the black maiden what she had requested, if she would only help him out of his misery. Fortiliiwith, the lo;ve:ly yourng black maiden filled a pouch with money and go ld and said: "Here you have what I promised you. And for what you ha,ve promised me I shall come in seven years." The lovely blaiok lady disaippeared just as mysteriously as she had appeared. The blaclksmith couhl scarcely believe what had haippened, but there was· the pouch with money and gold! He snatched it and hurried home. He cried joyously as he burst into his humble shack and poured the money and gold on the truble. His wife and children were stunned momentarily. Soon they had plenty of food on the taJble with which the SJtaI1Ved children stuffed themselves. Mter aN had had their fill, the wife turned to her husband and asked how he hrud come by all that money and goJ.d. "Thinlk nothing of it," reiplied the blacksmith, "it was just some kind oif a jolke. To get this money and gold I only had to promise to give something aJbout which I know nothing." As he sipoike these words, his wife beca:me frightened and screaJmed: "Noiw you did it. Why, you sold yoUT own child before it was born." The blaok,s mith also became frightened, but what could he do ? He gaJVe his word and had to keep it. 1 �49 SLOVAKIA Soon after the blaciksmith's wife gave birth to a beautiful, deHghtful girl with golden hair and a golden star on her forehead. Na:tura:lly, they called their little girl "Goldilocks." They cared for the child with love and tenderness and brought her U!p as best the¥ could. Their haippiness was marred only .by the thought that Goldilociks was their own and, yet, she was not. Exactly seven years after Goldilocks was bo rn, a black coach stopped in front of the blacksmith's ho:rne and out of it carrne the bladk maiden. The parents pleaded with the maiden, but to no awail. She placed Goldilocks beside her in the coach and started off. The blacksmith and his wife wailed and cried as they ran after the coach to the end of the viHruge. They woUJld hacve followed it farther, but the black maiden threatened to bewitch them id: they did. Sorrowfully they returned home and cried pitifUJlly for their beautiful Goidilociks, whom they thought they had lost forever. 1 . The blaick lady and· Goldilo:clks literally flew in the bla~k coach OJVer desolate lands rund dense forests until they firnillly came to a 'great, beaiutiful castle. The black maiden took Goldilociks into the castle, led heir through ninety-nine rooms and then said to her: "Here, my child, you shall res,ide. Ta.O{e care of these ninety-nine rooms for me. You can walk into and stay in any of the rooms yo:u please, but do not dare to look in the remaining room the hundredth room - belcause you shall fare badly. In seven years we shall meet again; until then fare thee weM!" As she spoke these words, the !black maiden disa;ppeared. For se'Ven whole years there was no sound or trace of the black maiden. And for seven long years our Goldilocks lived contentedly in the castle. She walked in and out of the ninety-nine rooms, sweeipinig and cleaning them so that everything glittered lilke gold. Of course, she was tempted to look into t:he hundredth room manry times, but resisted the temptation successfully, even though the thought of that room kept her awake many ni'ghts. �50 SLOVAKIA SuTe enoUJgh, when seven years had passed by, the blaclk maJden returned to the ,c astle and Goldilodks. "Did you look into the hundredth room?" she asked. GoldilO'C/k1s replied that she had not. Of course, the bl8.1Ck maiden lkneiw that; she was very hruppy that Goldilocks spO!ke the tmth. After repeating the order to Goldilocks, the black maiden a;gain disaippeared. · Our Gold.ilodks kept going throUJg,h the 1beautifu:l, spacious ninety-nine rooms day after day, cileanmg them so that they sparkled l.ilke mirrors.. Year after year ,p assed like a drnrum. As the second seven year period was coming to a close, our GoldUocks thoUJght how the black maiden would praise her :fior keepmg the rooms in such good order, when suddenly she heand deligh'bf.wl m1US1i.c flowing out of the last room, the hiUildTetltih room. L:i!ke a deer she ran to the door and paused mornentarilry. Enchanted by the sweet strains, Go'1dilook,s turned the iknob and, before she could realize what she had done, she was inside the room. In this hlJIIldiredith room twelve b,ewitiched persons were sitting behind •a talble. They were sitting there exa,ctly as they had been ait the time they were put under the spell. Still another man stood behind the door and this one said to Goldi-looks : "Goldilocks, for heaven's sake, do not diV11.1lge what you harve nOIW seen in this room! No matter what the · b1ack maiden does to you, do not let her know the sooret of thls ro.om. If you sary e1Ven one wo,nd aJbout this, you yourse:llf shall be unhappy eternaJlly and we wiU continue to remain here ac-cursed.'' Witlh this a dead silence followed. Goldilocks, frightened and stunned, ran out of the roo,m as speedily as she had entered it. Goldilocks did not e1Ven notice how or when the blaok maiden a;ppearetl beifo.re her, but there s:he was! Of course, t!he maiden knew that Goldilocks had seen that last room in the castle. Pointing aocusingly at Goldilooks, the black -ma,i den said: "Go1ldilociks, Goldilocks, what have you ·done? You haive looked into that hundredth- r-oom! Now, tell me, what did you see there'?" �SLOVAKIA 51 Goldilocks, however, denied she had seen anything. When the black maiiden realized that she could get no pl'cree wit'h Goldi.looks iby being nice, she begaJil to threaten her in various ways, but Goldilocks stood her ground and refused to divulge what she had seen in that last room. Finally, the bladk maiden screamed angrHy: "You have one more chance to teH me what you sa;w in that last room. If you do not tell, I shaJl throw you into the well and you shall become dumb!" Goldiloclks stead!fastly refused to answer, and the black maiden aictual:Iy threw her into a deep well and put a spell on her so that she could not sipeaJk with any one except the black lady. When Goldilocks regaii.ned her senses in the weill, she found herselrf on a sand bottom, and, lo and behold, she saw a large tunnel on the one side. She went into the passage and followed it until she eme11ged onto a delightful meadow. She remained there feeding herse1f with strawiberries and roots Olf plants. The blacik maiden, however, kept on appearing quite frequently. She continued to beg and threaten Goldilocks to learn the secret of the hundredth room in the castle, but Goldilocks fi:rnnly red'used to divulge the secret . • It so happened that in the vicinity of the meadow a youthful king went ahuntmg. As he hunted, he came wpon the meadow and fo.un.d our beautifiul Goldi.looks fast asleep on the grass. The young king ga;zed on Goldilocks in amazement and wondered how in t.l-ie world such a 1beautirful girl could be found on a meadow. And the more he looked at her, the more he, was eniamored of her. Finally, he decided to a,w aken her, taJke her home and maJke her his 'bride, no matter what t'he people might say aJbout it. He touched Goldilocks and awoke her. The young king asked her who she was and where she came from. But our Goldifodks could utter not a worn. The king thought this was 'because she was frightened or that she was bashful. He repeated tJhe· questions and then asked her whether she would go witih him to hi's castle. In answer to hi:s last question, Goldi-looks gesticulated with her hands and head that �52 SLOVAKIA she would be hruppy to go. So· the young king took her to his castle, dressed her up in beautiful clothes and soon after married her. Althouigih Goldilooks could not utter a word, the youthful king loved her so mUJoh that he did not care whether she could sipeaJk oir not and he lived with her peacefully and h~ily. After rubout a year, Goldilocks became very sad and fearf,u l; something troulbled her as the day drew near to give birth to her clhild. Wihen that time ca'Ine, our Goldilocks gruve birth to a delightd'ul boy with golden hair and witlh a golden star on his forehead. The . young king was overcome with joy. Ii:mmediately he invited all the landlords of the vicinity to a great feast so that they could share his joy with him. His happiness, however, soon changed into. a great sorrow. One night the black maiden ruppeared before Goldilocks and threatened to strangle her golden-haired boy, if she did not divulge what she had seen in that last room of the castle. Goldilooks became cold with fright and shook like an aSlpell tree, but she revealed norbhi1llg. "You yourself shall not fare well," screamed the blacik maiden. When Goldilocks refused to reiveal what she saw in that last room, the lady in black seized her beautiful boy and choked him. Smearing Goldilocks' mouth with blood, t!he 'blaclk maiden diSaippeared as mysteriously as she had appeared. When the i:nlfant boy was found dead the next morning, confusion and fright seized all in the castle. 'Dhe king was paled with fear and sorrow. He had every nook and cranny of the castle searched to find the guilty one, but the search proved fruitless. Since GoldHoclks' mouth was covered with blood, :people began to say that she had killed her own son: Our Goldilocks, of course, was innocent, but she oould not say a word in her own defense. The people of the castle said that she desenved to die for what she had done. The king heard all this, but continiued to liive with GoJidHooks in peace because he loved her intensely. A year later our Goldilocks gave birth to a charming girl with golden loclcs and a golden star on her forehead. The king was wi'ld with joy. To forestall all misfortune, 1 �SLOVAKIA 53 however, he immediately ordered a guard pla~ in Goldilocks' room throughout the night. But even this precaution meant nothing, because the blaok maiden bewitched the entire guard so that the men fell a,sloop lhl{e logs of wood. Then she approached Goldilooks and saiid: "You see, y;ou cannot escape me," she cacikled, "and I aan deternnined to learn what you sa,w in that last room of the castle. If you do not ten me noiw, you shall perish in o.ne way or another. 1if I now strangle your daughter, the king will most certainly haNe you burned." Goldilocik.s, however, remained as firm as a rock and said nothing. The black maiden then seized the infant girl and choked her. Again she smeared Goldilocks' mouth with blood and then disappeared. When the infant princess was found dead the next morning and the guard insisted that no one entered or left the room all n~ght, the king became exiceedingly angry, Again he had every nooik and cranny of the castle searched for the murderer, but to no avail. The king simply could not believe that Goldilociks was guilty of strangling her own child. But people said that under the circumstan,ces no1body could have ·k illed the child except the queen herself, because the room was under guard the whole night. Even her mouth was bloody, they sa,id, and she could not utter a word. A strange, dreadful creature, indeed, they thought. Overcome with grief, the king was at last influenced by what was being said rubowt GoJ.dilocks and he ordered her to be put to death. The hrupless GoldilO'dk:s wrus led outside the town and tied to a stake. A£ter dTy wood was placed all around her, the kinig ordered it to be fired. But at that moment a bla:cik coa:ch thundered through the dense throng witnessing the exooution and came to .a sudden halt near Goldilocks. Out came the black maiden who said: "You see, my words are being fulfilled. Your destruction is at hand. This is your last opportunity to tell me what you saiw in that last room in my castle. Now, tell me what did you see there?" �54 SLOVAKIA Goldilocks, however, kept her silence a:nd adamantly refused to tell the black maiden what she had seen. in that hundrndth roam of her castle. When the wood was lighted and the flames began to lerup toward Goldtlook s, the bl,a ck maiden suddenly began to chaJil!ge and her faJce became white. She ordered the fire extinguished, beca:U!se Goldilocks was innocent. Then she turned to Goldilocks and said: "It is your good fortune as well as mine, that you did not betra.y the secret olf that laist room in my castle. And because you keipt yoll!r secret well, the evil spell over me and the twelve men you saiw in that last room is broken. If you haid betrayed the seJCret, rul:I oif us, including y,ournelf, would have been doomed eternally! " To the utter SU11Prise olf the confoll!11ded throng, the beautifwl maiden then reached Ol\lt to Gol<lilOIC:ks a:nd returned her tiwo ch!ildren U!Ilhairmed and. whole. Within a flas h the coach disruppeared - a;s if a hurricane had carried it away. Goldilodkis then told the king the story from the very beginmg. '!1he 'king was dwmfounded; he coi.rl.d scan:ely believe his eyes and ears. But what could he do? His children, straingled under mysterious civcumstances, were alive and haippy. Overtaken with joy, the king emlbrruced his wife and his chi:1dren, tea:rfu!lly begging Goldilocks to forgirve hi'In for the terrible mistaJke he had made. Then he too>k his wife and ohildren to his east:le, where they lived happily thereafter. Of course, the king sought out the parents of Goldilocks, the b'la'dksmith and his wife, and had them brought to his ca_stle where they all lived hruppily together until the end of their da;ys. 1 • • WHO SAID IT? "LONG I.JIVE THE SOWET UNION AND MAY I'DS SOVIET LEADER AND .SKllPPER, J. V. STA.LEN LIVE IN FULL HEALTH TO SIDE M,ANY MORE OF ITS JOYOUS JUB1L:IDES!" - (Dr. Joseiph Lettrich, Vfoe-Chair1man of the Execl.lltive Committee of the "Council of Free Czechoslava,kia," C.NS, Norvem/ber 7, 1947). � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 47 have fought for the liberation. of his people from all alien tyranny, including the Czech brand as represented by T. G. Masaryk an.d Benes. S,lo,vaJks eveTywhere commemorate May 4th as Stefani'k Day, because it was on May 4, 1919, that their beloved wair hero crashed to his death in a plaine which was "a~cidentally" shot down by a Czech garrison at Vajnory, Slovakia. Many Slovaiks even todiay will tell you 1:!hat Stefanik haid to die, because he never consented to his Slovakiia being a colony o,£ the imperialistic Czechs led by T. G. Masarylk and Benes. On May 4, 1954, Slova,ks everywhere will recall: "it was 35 yeaI'S ago thait Stefarnk was killed by the men who resented his warnings rugainst Bolshevism. " • • • SLOVAK FOLKLORE GOLDILOCKS Once UlpOn a time there was a very poor blacksmith. At one time 'he fared weH, but then hard times struck, he had little work to do., and his wiife and small children were always hungry. Finally he lost everything; at hOlme he had not!hing left but seven ,pennies. His undernourished children cried constantly for something to eat until the blacksmith could stand it no longer. In his despair he boU!ght a rope witlh his last seven ,p ennies and started out for the hills to end it all. When he came into the hills, he sought out a stout branch on a mighty tree to which he fixed the roipe. As the bla;cksmith was a;bout to tie the rope albout his neck, a ,pretty black maiden suddenly appeared .b efore him and pleaded wHJh him not to hang himself, 1b ecause that was not a nice thing to do and, then, it was also a sin. The b,lacksmith was stunned when the black maiden disappeared into the nowhere whence she had come. As he waliked along, his mind wandered baok home where misery and want ruled and again he became despondent. U!P went his rope onto another stout ,h ranch. .&gain the blaJCk maiden s,uddemy appeaired out of the blue and begged him not to commit such an ugly deed. In a quadary, the blactksmith shoo'k his head, bwt said nothing. He did not throw away his rope, but stood 48 SLOVAKIA motionless for some moments. When the maiden disa:ppea.rred once a:gain, file hl.ooksmith pondered his misery over again and again, reruched the deci'sion to end it all. Once more the rope went wp airound the stQ!Ut branch. As he was nixing the other end rubout his neck, however, file bea,utiful black maiden aippeared directly before him and said: "Do not ha:n1g yourself, iblalCiksmith, do not hang yourse1f ! I will he1p you in yoUT misery. I wiH give you all the weali!h you desire, if you only promise me something you haJVe at home but about whiich you are not awa,re." "Huh, well whait can this be in my 'barren home about which I know nothing?" pondered the blaclrnmith, "this must undoulbtedly be some kind of a jo!ke!" But the blaciksmith promised the black maiden what she had requested, if she would only help him out of his misery. Fortiliiwith, the lo;ve:ly yourng black maiden filled a pouch with money and go ld and said: "Here you have what I promised you. And for what you ha,ve promised me I shall come in seven years." The lovely blaiok lady disaippeared just as mysteriously as she had appeared. The blaclksmith couhl scarcely believe what had haippened, but there was· the pouch with money and gold! He snatched it and hurried home. He cried joyously as he burst into his humble shack and poured the money and gold on the truble. His wife and children were stunned momentarily. Soon they had plenty of food on the taJble with which the SJtaI1Ved children stuffed themselves. Mter aN had had their fill, the wife turned to her husband and asked how he hrud come by all that money and goJ.d. "Thinlk nothing of it," reiplied the blacksmith, "it was just some kind oif a jolke. To get this money and gold I only had to promise to give something aJbout which I know nothing." As he sipoike these words, his wife beca:me frightened and screaJmed: "Noiw you did it. Why, you sold yoUT own child before it was born." The blaok,s mith also became frightened, but what could he do ? He gaJVe his word and had to keep it. 1 49 SLOVAKIA Soon after the blaciksmith's wife gave birth to a beautiful, deHghtful girl with golden hair and a golden star on her forehead. Na:tura:lly, they called their little girl "Goldilocks." They cared for the child with love and tenderness and brought her U!p as best the¥ could. Their haippiness was marred only .by the thought that Goldilociks was their own and, yet, she was not. Exactly seven years after Goldilocks was bo rn, a black coach stopped in front of the blacksmith's ho:rne and out of it carrne the bladk maiden. The parents pleaded with the maiden, but to no awail. She placed Goldilocks beside her in the coach and started off. The blacksmith and his wife wailed and cried as they ran after the coach to the end of the viHruge. They woUJld hacve followed it farther, but the black maiden threatened to bewitch them id: they did. Sorrowfully they returned home and cried pitifUJlly for their beautiful Goidilociks, whom they thought they had lost forever. 1 . The blaick lady and· Goldilo:clks literally flew in the bla~k coach OJVer desolate lands rund dense forests until they firnillly came to a 'great, beaiutiful castle. The black maiden took Goldilociks into the castle, led heir through ninety-nine rooms and then said to her: "Here, my child, you shall res,ide. Ta.O{e care of these ninety-nine rooms for me. You can walk into and stay in any of the rooms yo:u please, but do not dare to look in the remaining room the hundredth room - belcause you shall fare badly. In seven years we shall meet again; until then fare thee weM!" As she spoke these words, the !black maiden disa;ppeared. For se'Ven whole years there was no sound or trace of the black maiden. And for seven long years our Goldilocks lived contentedly in the castle. She walked in and out of the ninety-nine rooms, sweeipinig and cleaning them so that everything glittered lilke gold. Of course, she was tempted to look into t:he hundredth room manry times, but resisted the temptation successfully, even though the thought of that room kept her awake many ni'ghts. 50 SLOVAKIA SuTe enoUJgh, when seven years had passed by, the blaclk maJden returned to the ,c astle and Goldilodks. "Did you look into the hundredth room?" she asked. GoldilO'C/k1s replied that she had not. Of course, the bl8.1Ck maiden lkneiw that; she was very hruppy that Goldilocks spO!ke the tmth. After repeating the order to Goldilocks, the black maiden a;gain disaippeared. · Our Gold.ilodks kept going throUJg,h the 1beautifu:l, spacious ninety-nine rooms day after day, cileanmg them so that they sparkled l.ilke mirrors.. Year after year ,p assed like a drnrum. As the second seven year period was coming to a close, our GoldUocks thoUJght how the black maiden would praise her :fior keepmg the rooms in such good order, when suddenly she heand deligh'bf.wl m1US1i.c flowing out of the last room, the hiUildTetltih room. L:i!ke a deer she ran to the door and paused mornentarilry. Enchanted by the sweet strains, Go'1dilook,s turned the iknob and, before she could realize what she had done, she was inside the room. In this hlJIIldiredith room twelve b,ewitiched persons were sitting behind •a talble. They were sitting there exa,ctly as they had been ait the time they were put under the spell. Still another man stood behind the door and this one said to Goldi-looks : "Goldilocks, for heaven's sake, do not diV11.1lge what you harve nOIW seen in this room! No matter what the · b1ack maiden does to you, do not let her know the sooret of thls ro.om. If you sary e1Ven one wo,nd aJbout this, you yourse:llf shall be unhappy eternaJlly and we wiU continue to remain here ac-cursed.'' Witlh this a dead silence followed. Goldilocks, frightened and stunned, ran out of the roo,m as speedily as she had entered it. Goldilocks did not e1Ven notice how or when the blaok maiden a;ppearetl beifo.re her, but there s:he was! Of course, t!he maiden knew that Goldilocks had seen that last room in the castle. Pointing aocusingly at Goldilooks, the black -ma,i den said: "Go1ldilociks, Goldilocks, what have you ·done? You haive looked into that hundredth- r-oom! Now, tell me, what did you see there'?" SLOVAKIA 51 Goldilocks, however, denied she had seen anything. When the black maiiden realized that she could get no pl'cree wit'h Goldi.looks iby being nice, she begaJil to threaten her in various ways, but Goldilocks stood her ground and refused to divulge what she had seen in that last room. Finally, the bladk maiden screamed angrHy: "You have one more chance to teH me what you sa;w in that last room. If you do not tell, I shaJl throw you into the well and you shall become dumb!" Goldiloclks stead!fastly refused to answer, and the black maiden aictual:Iy threw her into a deep well and put a spell on her so that she could not sipeaJk with any one except the black lady. When Goldilocks regaii.ned her senses in the weill, she found herselrf on a sand bottom, and, lo and behold, she saw a large tunnel on the one side. She went into the passage and followed it until she eme11ged onto a delightful meadow. She remained there feeding herse1f with strawiberries and roots Olf plants. The blacik maiden, however, kept on appearing quite frequently. She continued to beg and threaten Goldilocks to learn the secret of the hundredth room in the castle, but Goldilocks fi:rnnly red'used to divulge the secret . • It so happened that in the vicinity of the meadow a youthful king went ahuntmg. As he hunted, he came wpon the meadow and fo.un.d our beautifiul Goldi.looks fast asleep on the grass. The young king ga;zed on Goldilocks in amazement and wondered how in t.l-ie world such a 1beautirful girl could be found on a meadow. And the more he looked at her, the more he, was eniamored of her. Finally, he decided to a,w aken her, taJke her home and maJke her his 'bride, no matter what t'he people might say aJbout it. He touched Goldilocks and awoke her. The young king asked her who she was and where she came from. But our Goldifodks could utter not a worn. The king thought this was 'because she was frightened or that she was bashful. He repeated tJhe· questions and then asked her whether she would go witih him to hi's castle. In answer to hi:s last question, Goldi-looks gesticulated with her hands and head that 52 SLOVAKIA she would be hruppy to go. So· the young king took her to his castle, dressed her up in beautiful clothes and soon after married her. Althouigih Goldilooks could not utter a word, the youthful king loved her so mUJoh that he did not care whether she could sipeaJk oir not and he lived with her peacefully and h~ily. After rubout a year, Goldilocks became very sad and fearf,u l; something troulbled her as the day drew near to give birth to her clhild. Wihen that time ca'Ine, our Goldilocks gruve birth to a delightd'ul boy with golden hair and witlh a golden star on his forehead. The . young king was overcome with joy. Ii:mmediately he invited all the landlords of the vicinity to a great feast so that they could share his joy with him. His happiness, however, soon changed into. a great sorrow. One night the black maiden ruppeared before Goldilocks and threatened to strangle her golden-haired boy, if she did not divulge what she had seen in that last room of the castle. Goldilooks became cold with fright and shook like an aSlpell tree, but she revealed norbhi1llg. "You yourself shall not fare well," screamed the blacik maiden. When Goldilocks refused to reiveal what she saw in that last room, the lady in black seized her beautiful boy and choked him. Smearing Goldilocks' mouth with blood, t!he 'blaclk maiden diSaippeared as mysteriously as she had appeared. When the i:nlfant boy was found dead the next morning, confusion and fright seized all in the castle. 'Dhe king was paled with fear and sorrow. He had every nook and cranny of the castle searched to find the guilty one, but the search proved fruitless. Since GoldHoclks' mouth was covered with blood, :people began to say that she had killed her own son: Our Goldilocks, of course, was innocent, but she oould not say a word in her own defense. The people of the castle said that she desenved to die for what she had done. The king heard all this, but continiued to liive with GoJidHooks in peace because he loved her intensely. A year later our Goldilocks gave birth to a charming girl with golden loclcs and a golden star on her forehead. The king was wi'ld with joy. To forestall all misfortune, 1 SLOVAKIA 53 however, he immediately ordered a guard pla~ in Goldilocks' room throughout the night. But even this precaution meant nothing, because the blaok maiden bewitched the entire guard so that the men fell a,sloop lhl{e logs of wood. Then she approached Goldilooks and saiid: "You see, y;ou cannot escape me," she cacikled, "and I aan deternnined to learn what you sa,w in that last room of the castle. If you do not ten me noiw, you shall perish in o.ne way or another. 1if I now strangle your daughter, the king will most certainly haNe you burned." Goldilocik.s, however, remained as firm as a rock and said nothing. The black maiden then seized the infant girl and choked her. Again she smeared Goldilocks' mouth with blood and then disappeared. When the infant princess was found dead the next morning and the guard insisted that no one entered or left the room all n~ght, the king became exiceedingly angry, Again he had every nooik and cranny of the castle searched for the murderer, but to no avail. The king simply could not believe that Goldilociks was guilty of strangling her own child. But people said that under the circumstan,ces no1body could have ·k illed the child except the queen herself, because the room was under guard the whole night. Even her mouth was bloody, they sa,id, and she could not utter a word. A strange, dreadful creature, indeed, they thought. Overcome with grief, the king was at last influenced by what was being said rubowt GoJ.dilocks and he ordered her to be put to death. The hrupless GoldilO'dk:s wrus led outside the town and tied to a stake. A£ter dTy wood was placed all around her, the kinig ordered it to be fired. But at that moment a bla:cik coa:ch thundered through the dense throng witnessing the exooution and came to .a sudden halt near Goldilocks. Out came the black maiden who said: "You see, my words are being fulfilled. Your destruction is at hand. This is your last opportunity to tell me what you saiw in that last room in my castle. Now, tell me what did you see there?" 54 SLOVAKIA Goldilocks, however, kept her silence a:nd adamantly refused to tell the black maiden what she had seen. in that hundrndth roam of her castle. When the wood was lighted and the flames began to lerup toward Goldtlook s, the bl,a ck maiden suddenly began to chaJil!ge and her faJce became white. She ordered the fire extinguished, beca:U!se Goldilocks was innocent. Then she turned to Goldilocks and said: "It is your good fortune as well as mine, that you did not betra.y the secret olf that laist room in my castle. And because you keipt yoll!r secret well, the evil spell over me and the twelve men you saiw in that last room is broken. If you haid betrayed the seJCret, rul:I oif us, including y,ournelf, would have been doomed eternally! " To the utter SU11Prise olf the confoll!11ded throng, the beautifwl maiden then reached Ol\lt to Gol<lilOIC:ks a:nd returned her tiwo ch!ildren U!Ilhairmed and. whole. Within a flas h the coach disruppeared - a;s if a hurricane had carried it away. Goldilodkis then told the king the story from the very beginmg. '!1he 'king was dwmfounded; he coi.rl.d scan:ely believe his eyes and ears. But what could he do? His children, straingled under mysterious civcumstances, were alive and haippy. Overtaken with joy, the king emlbrruced his wife and his chi:1dren, tea:rfu!lly begging Goldilocks to forgirve hi'In for the terrible mistaJke he had made. Then he too>k his wife and ohildren to his east:le, where they lived happily thereafter. Of course, the king sought out the parents of Goldilocks, the b'la'dksmith and his wife, and had them brought to his ca_stle where they all lived hruppily together until the end of their da;ys. 1 • • WHO SAID IT? "LONG I.JIVE THE SOWET UNION AND MAY I'DS SOVIET LEADER AND .SKllPPER, J. V. STA.LEN LIVE IN FULL HEALTH TO SIDE M,ANY MORE OF ITS JOYOUS JUB1L:IDES!" - (Dr. Joseiph Lettrich, Vfoe-Chair1man of the Execl.lltive Committee of the "Council of Free Czechoslava,kia," C.NS, Norvem/ber 7, 1947).  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak Folklore: Goldilocks Description An account of the resource Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 1 (10), March 1954 pp. 47-54 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 1954 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/fe0355c840d12e4ad582c385f3c8f471.pdf 7ea5d1e0e8149451a3c37eaf429c9a58 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 55 DR. STEPHEN OSUSKY AND THE SLOVAKS The name of Dr. Stephen Osusky, mentioned from time to time in the American press, has a)gam aippeared jll!st recently. Educated in Ameri'oo, Dr. OsUSlky went on a mission foT the Slovak Loogue of America aft~ WoI'ld War I , after Czeoho-lSlOVlaJkia was born, burt did not return to report to the Leaigue. Instead, he was retained by T. G. Masaryk to do special wo:vk and, later, was appointed amb.ass~doir of Czecho-Slovalkiia to F'ran'Ce. OSIUiSky served in that capacity in Paris until the collapse of Czecho...SlwaJkia in 1939 and then fell out with Dr. Edward Benes. Today he is one of the leaders orf the so-called "Council of Free CzechoSlovaki1a ," which is srtiJ1l dominated by the poilitical followers of Dr. Edwiard Benes, the Czech National Socialists. O'bjectiwty would not 'b e serwed if we were to deny that Dr. Stephen Osusky is the best known living personafity of Slo vaik origin in international circles. At the same time, however, we mu:st make it clear that Dr. Stephen Os'USlky is so regarded both in Ozeich as well as international cirrcles only becaJU!se he is of Slwak origin. Lt may be welJ, then, to state cleady o'Il!ce rugain just how the Slovaks view the po1iti~l !Plans and exile actiivity of the contradiotocy personality of Dr. Oswsky. If it were not for the fact that American puiblic opinion suP!I)Orts anti-Oommunisrt politicians from behind the IToo Ourlain and is seelking out a part of the Czooh poUticai exiles - featuriing at ail costs Slovaks who support the plan of contiinuing the Czecho-,Slova)k Repulblic - Dr. Stephen Osusky woUJld not have a pla;tfo:r,m to stand on in foreign circles. lif it were not fOT his "Czeoho.JSIJ.o!Va!kia must be preserved at a1l costs" stand, OSJU:Sky wotrld not eivoo be noticed. His broad education, his professiori,a i and pU!blicationaiJ. activities would hardly be noticed, i.f it were not fo:r the polii.tical ba)cikisitJa!ge scenes in which and f.or which Dr. Osusky is represented in the role of "representatirve of th.e Sl~aks." Keeipmg thls fact in mind, let us at least oorsorily anal,yze the relationshilp of Dr. Osusky to Slovakia and vice- �56 SLOVAKIA versa. Hundreds of thousands of Slovaks in the free woTld, many of whom Juwe e:,cpended much effort and surffering in the struggle for the na,tural rights od' the Slovak nation, certaim.y do have a right to speak their minds rubout the question whether Dr. Stephen Osusky has the authority to spealk for the SlovaJk nation, especially as long as his policy is anti-Slaviak . .Several years a:go this writer pointed to the hiStorical opportunity wh:i!ch circumstances in the contemporary sirbuation presented Dr. Osuslky with so that he mi1g ht play a historic role in the Slovalk nation. As I said then I repeat now: Dr. Osusky could have played that role only if his political plans and his political activity were in accord with the aspirations and natural rights of the Slovak nation. We must remetmlber that Dr. Osusky, excepti.ll!g for the mandate giiven him by the Slovaik League oif America af:ter Wodd War I, never possessed, nor does even nOIW poSsess, any mandate or legitimation from the peqple oif SlovaJkia to represenlt it in any manner whatsoever. By the fact that he is o!f Sl'(Walk birth, Osuslky would have the right to speak in the .rra,me of the Slovaks only when wihate;ver he might say, pl1an, or present to the world would be in fuhl accord with the will of the majority oif the SlovaJk nation. Dr. Stephen Osusky grew wp and was educated outside of Slovakia. He did not live in Slo;vakia for over thirty years; he witnessed the temfiic struggle of the Slovak n:atinn for its b,asic ,h uman rights and its intense spiritual and material development from a plush diplomatic chair, or as a professor at various American unilversities. Dr. Osusky, therefore, is not justified in considering his own conceptions better than those of the Slovak nation itsclf and those of the majority oif Sloivak exiles, who during the past thirty years grew up with the Slovak people, suffered with 1t and fOUJght for its freedom and equality. If, .therefore, the politica:l credo of Dr. OsUJSky is expressed by his fUIIllctions and by hls - presence in the "Council of Free Ozeichoslovakia," we must place him in the rruruks of those people oif Slo-vruk origin, who con.scfously or unconsciously are working ag,ainst the moot vital interests of the Slo1Vak nation and, �57 SLOVAKIA therefore, belong not among its representatives, but among its evil-doers and enemies. In the question of whether we are for or against the Ozecho-Slovak Repuiblic, we are not concerned wiith partisan-political d~!fferences, with a diiffereTIJCe of opinion aJbout a poHrtical system o.r administraUve adjustment, but definitely with the elementa!1y rughrt of the Slo.va!ks to their OIW'.Il lid'e, their very own existence and their future as a free nation. After what the Slovaks have gone through and are still suffering in the Ozecho-,Slwak Reipulblic, it is c!1ystal clea:r that the Czechs and Slavak,s can live in one state only at the expense af the Sfovaks. Therefore, flirting with the idea of the cont-in1Ued existence of Ozecho-1SlovaJkia only helps to uphold Ozech imperialistic tendencies in the world which deny even a bare national exfatence to the Slovalk nation. For that reason "Ozechoslovakism" is only a viariation of Magyarism, and, in the last ana'l ysis, a synonym for trea:chery, such as was per.petrated by Kosurth and Masaryk, and many others in the recent past. We do not doubt in the least that these matters are clear to the experienced dlipl'Olmat and learned university professor, Dr. Stephen Osusky, unless his complete separiation from Slovakia during his l,i fetime, or the influences of his enviironment, prevent him from seeing clearly Slovak reality and the aJbiJ.ity of the Slovak nation to live. If, however, Dr. Osusky is not suffering from a feelring of national inferiority and is not looildng at the Slovak Il!ation through the spectacles, of several Slwailc Communist co1l a:borators, who fear that they would niot be alble to return to Slovakia without Czech aid, then we cannot regard his past a:cti,v ity and his present memlbershirp in the "Council of Free CzechoSlovakia" as a matter of ta;c,tJics, as some of his adherents claim. The international puibliic thinks in completely clear categories: if Dr. Osusky is in the "Council of Free O.reohds~ovaJkia," he is for the continuance of Czecho-Slo:vakia, and, therefore, against the effort of the Sl01Vruks to lirve thei'l' own indeipendent life. Inasmuch as the majority of the Slovak nation is for a different solution Of the Slovak problem 1 �58 SLOVAKIA than being included in the framewo:r.k of the Czecho-Slovak Repwblic, Dr. Stephen Osusky, with his presence in the "Cou:nicil .o f Free Ozechoslova!kia," is really woTking against the ldgitimaite aspirations of the Slovak nation for equality with the other nations of central Europe and, consequently, does not have the least authorization to s,pe,ak as a representaJtive of the S101V1ak nation. The SlovaJks in the s.o.- called "Counoil of Free 0zechoslova:kia" are and can only be representaitives of the nation which no longer considers it necessary to delbate with any one aJbout its SlovaJk individuality and its inherent right to its own political life. ATgurrnents that the SlovaJk question can be aided by the "Council of Free Ozecho:s!lova!kia," inasmlllich as oeritain circles on this continent are supporting the Council, are log,icaUy and olbjectively sheer nonsense. It must be quite olbvious to ·a ll concerned that if there were no Slovaks in the service of Czech tendencies, then no democratic power would recogn±ze the "Council of Free Czechoslovakia," and the Slovaks would then hawe their own representation recognized and surpported in New York, Washington and elsewihere, just as aN the other natfon:s from behind the Iron CuTtain. Only as long as people a;re found to whom Rtpka, Zenlcl, etc., are dearer than the American Slovaks and the· entire Slovak nation at home, and to whom the 0zechoSlovaJk Repu!blic is closer than the freedom oif the Slovak niation, can the State Dejpartment and the Foreign Office prefer the recognition of the "Council of Free 0zechoslova. kia" to a separate Slova;k representation, without prejudicing the future, as has been told to us on various 0::::::asions. From this viewipoint, the presence of Dr. 0susky in the "Council of Flree 0zecho,slova!kfa" means that he is against the vitaJl interests of the Slovak nation. And his fight with the Czechs for the recognition of Slovak rights, as some would ha;ve us believe, evokes only the view that even in his ~e we are concerned with nothing else than what he himoolf wrote in his book "The Wiaiy of the Free": "His:to-ry teaches, and practiocal eX!perience corroborates, that when politicians are engaged in bitter struggle against their rivals, they never Like to admit plllblicly that they axe fight- �SLO\.AKIA 59 ing for SUlpI'emacy and power. They prefer to disguise their ambiti()IIlS by c1aiming to de.fend high principles." The greatness of people in polii.tics res.ts on the fact that they had recognized the Hand of God in history, the needs of the times, and at critical moments spalce aibout principles clearly and unequiivoca[ly. By cloa!king hiJI:nself in a diplomatic fog and remaining in a Czech exile organization Dr. Osu!Sky can gain only one thing: in Sl0ivak history he will be placed a[ongsride of Derer, Iivanka, Srolbar and J ehl'rcka - and not among the greatest Sloivaks. But that is Dr. Osusky's concern and not ours. The Slmnaik nation will win in its fight for freedom and equality in central Euro,pe even without his help and despite his opposition and treachery. Czecho-SlQIVa/kia is today a Russi:a,n satelilite, and in a free Europe there shall be no place for satellites. - (J. K.) • • • WHO SAID IT? · " On November 23rd at the congress of the National Socialist Agricultural and Forestry Workers the Minister of Education, Stransky, appealed to those present 'not to allow disgust to deprive them of their real love for Russia, or of their admiration for the achievements of the Soviet Government. Nor must they allow disgust to make them lose IDA.ST their understanding of the National Front'." EUROPE, Dec. 4, 1947; London . • • • "Since, in the new situation, it was imposs~ble to colla-borate officially with the Soviet Union, we . . . did nothing which might prejudice or prevent the reim.O!Val of co-0peration at the earliest possible moment; I need on!ly recall how strongly our attitude contrasted with that of many others during the SQIViet-Finnish War. Morewer, even in that period, there was no interruption of the personal contacts and exchange of information between ourse1ves. and important Soviet representatives in London, Paris, Washington and elsewhere." - Dr. Hubert Ripka, EAST AND WEST, London, 1944. 1 � SLOVAKIA 55 DR. STEPHEN OSUSKY AND THE SLOVAKS The name of Dr. Stephen Osusky, mentioned from time to time in the American press, has a)gam aippeared jll!st recently. Educated in Ameri'oo, Dr. OsUSlky went on a mission foT the Slovak Loogue of America aft~ WoI'ld War I , after Czeoho-lSlOVlaJkia was born, burt did not return to report to the Leaigue. Instead, he was retained by T. G. Masaryk to do special wo:vk and, later, was appointed amb.ass~doir of Czecho-Slovalkiia to F'ran'Ce. OSIUiSky served in that capacity in Paris until the collapse of Czecho...SlwaJkia in 1939 and then fell out with Dr. Edward Benes. Today he is one of the leaders orf the so-called "Council of Free CzechoSlovaki1a ," which is srtiJ1l dominated by the poilitical followers of Dr. Edwiard Benes, the Czech National Socialists. O'bjectiwty would not 'b e serwed if we were to deny that Dr. Stephen Osusky is the best known living personafity of Slo vaik origin in international circles. At the same time, however, we mu:st make it clear that Dr. Stephen Os'USlky is so regarded both in Ozeich as well as international cirrcles only becaJU!se he is of Slwak origin. Lt may be welJ, then, to state cleady o'Il!ce rugain just how the Slovaks view the po1iti~l !Plans and exile actiivity of the contradiotocy personality of Dr. Oswsky. If it were not for the fact that American puiblic opinion suP!I)Orts anti-Oommunisrt politicians from behind the IToo Ourlain and is seelking out a part of the Czooh poUticai exiles - featuriing at ail costs Slovaks who support the plan of contiinuing the Czecho-,Slova)k Repulblic - Dr. Stephen Osusky woUJld not have a pla;tfo:r,m to stand on in foreign circles. lif it were not fOT his "Czeoho.JSIJ.o!Va!kia must be preserved at a1l costs" stand, OSJU:Sky wotrld not eivoo be noticed. His broad education, his professiori,a i and pU!blicationaiJ. activities would hardly be noticed, i.f it were not fo:r the polii.tical ba)cikisitJa!ge scenes in which and f.or which Dr. Osusky is represented in the role of "representatirve of th.e Sl~aks." Keeipmg thls fact in mind, let us at least oorsorily anal,yze the relationshilp of Dr. Osusky to Slovakia and vice- �56 SLOVAKIA versa. Hundreds of thousands of Slovaks in the free woTld, many of whom Juwe e:,cpended much effort and surffering in the struggle for the na,tural rights od' the Slovak nation, certaim.y do have a right to speak their minds rubout the question whether Dr. Stephen Osusky has the authority to spealk for the SlovaJk nation, especially as long as his policy is anti-Slaviak . .Several years a:go this writer pointed to the hiStorical opportunity wh:i!ch circumstances in the contemporary sirbuation presented Dr. Osuslky with so that he mi1g ht play a historic role in the Slovalk nation. As I said then I repeat now: Dr. Osusky could have played that role only if his political plans and his political activity were in accord with the aspirations and natural rights of the Slovak nation. We must remetmlber that Dr. Osusky, excepti.ll!g for the mandate giiven him by the Slovaik League oif America af:ter Wodd War I, never possessed, nor does even nOIW poSsess, any mandate or legitimation from the peqple oif SlovaJkia to represenlt it in any manner whatsoever. By the fact that he is o!f Sl'(Walk birth, Osuslky would have the right to speak in the .rra,me of the Slovaks only when wihate;ver he might say, pl1an, or present to the world would be in fuhl accord with the will of the majority oif the SlovaJk nation. Dr. Stephen Osusky grew wp and was educated outside of Slovakia. He did not live in Slo;vakia for over thirty years; he witnessed the temfiic struggle of the Slovak n:atinn for its b,asic ,h uman rights and its intense spiritual and material development from a plush diplomatic chair, or as a professor at various American unilversities. Dr. Osusky, therefore, is not justified in considering his own conceptions better than those of the Slovak nation itsclf and those of the majority oif Sloivak exiles, who during the past thirty years grew up with the Slovak people, suffered with 1t and fOUJght for its freedom and equality. If, .therefore, the politica:l credo of Dr. OsUJSky is expressed by his fUIIllctions and by hls - presence in the "Council of Free Ozeichoslovakia," we must place him in the rruruks of those people oif Slo-vruk origin, who con.scfously or unconsciously are working ag,ainst the moot vital interests of the Slo1Vak nation and, �57 SLOVAKIA therefore, belong not among its representatives, but among its evil-doers and enemies. In the question of whether we are for or against the Ozecho-Slovak Repuiblic, we are not concerned wiith partisan-political d~!fferences, with a diiffereTIJCe of opinion aJbout a poHrtical system o.r administraUve adjustment, but definitely with the elementa!1y rughrt of the Slo.va!ks to their OIW'.Il lid'e, their very own existence and their future as a free nation. After what the Slovaks have gone through and are still suffering in the Ozecho-,Slwak Reipulblic, it is c!1ystal clea:r that the Czechs and Slavak,s can live in one state only at the expense af the Sfovaks. Therefore, flirting with the idea of the cont-in1Ued existence of Ozecho-1SlovaJkia only helps to uphold Ozech imperialistic tendencies in the world which deny even a bare national exfatence to the Slovalk nation. For that reason "Ozechoslovakism" is only a viariation of Magyarism, and, in the last ana'l ysis, a synonym for trea:chery, such as was per.petrated by Kosurth and Masaryk, and many others in the recent past. We do not doubt in the least that these matters are clear to the experienced dlipl'Olmat and learned university professor, Dr. Stephen Osusky, unless his complete separiation from Slovakia during his l,i fetime, or the influences of his enviironment, prevent him from seeing clearly Slovak reality and the aJbiJ.ity of the Slovak nation to live. If, however, Dr. Osusky is not suffering from a feelring of national inferiority and is not looildng at the Slovak Il!ation through the spectacles, of several Slwailc Communist co1l a:borators, who fear that they would niot be alble to return to Slovakia without Czech aid, then we cannot regard his past a:cti,v ity and his present memlbershirp in the "Council of Free CzechoSlovakia" as a matter of ta;c,tJics, as some of his adherents claim. The international puibliic thinks in completely clear categories: if Dr. Osusky is in the "Council of Free O.reohds~ovaJkia," he is for the continuance of Czecho-Slo:vakia, and, therefore, against the effort of the Sl01Vruks to lirve thei'l' own indeipendent life. Inasmuch as the majority of the Slovak nation is for a different solution Of the Slovak problem 1 �58 SLOVAKIA than being included in the framewo:r.k of the Czecho-Slovak Repwblic, Dr. Stephen Osusky, with his presence in the "Cou:nicil .o f Free Ozechoslova!kia," is really woTking against the ldgitimaite aspirations of the Slovak nation for equality with the other nations of central Europe and, consequently, does not have the least authorization to s,pe,ak as a representaJtive of the S101V1ak nation. The SlovaJks in the s.o.- called "Counoil of Free 0zechoslova:kia" are and can only be representaitives of the nation which no longer considers it necessary to delbate with any one aJbout its SlovaJk individuality and its inherent right to its own political life. ATgurrnents that the SlovaJk question can be aided by the "Council of Free Ozecho:s!lova!kia," inasmlllich as oeritain circles on this continent are supporting the Council, are log,icaUy and olbjectively sheer nonsense. It must be quite olbvious to ·a ll concerned that if there were no Slovaks in the service of Czech tendencies, then no democratic power would recogn±ze the "Council of Free Czechoslovakia," and the Slovaks would then hawe their own representation recognized and surpported in New York, Washington and elsewihere, just as aN the other natfon:s from behind the Iron CuTtain. Only as long as people a;re found to whom Rtpka, Zenlcl, etc., are dearer than the American Slovaks and the· entire Slovak nation at home, and to whom the 0zechoSlovaJk Repu!blic is closer than the freedom oif the Slovak niation, can the State Dejpartment and the Foreign Office prefer the recognition of the "Council of Free 0zechoslova. kia" to a separate Slova;k representation, without prejudicing the future, as has been told to us on various 0::::::asions. From this viewipoint, the presence of Dr. 0susky in the "Council of Flree 0zecho,slova!kfa" means that he is against the vitaJl interests of the Slovak nation. And his fight with the Czechs for the recognition of Slovak rights, as some would ha;ve us believe, evokes only the view that even in his ~e we are concerned with nothing else than what he himoolf wrote in his book "The Wiaiy of the Free": "His:to-ry teaches, and practiocal eX!perience corroborates, that when politicians are engaged in bitter struggle against their rivals, they never Like to admit plllblicly that they axe fight- �SLO\.AKIA 59 ing for SUlpI'emacy and power. They prefer to disguise their ambiti()IIlS by c1aiming to de.fend high principles." The greatness of people in polii.tics res.ts on the fact that they had recognized the Hand of God in history, the needs of the times, and at critical moments spalce aibout principles clearly and unequiivoca[ly. By cloa!king hiJI:nself in a diplomatic fog and remaining in a Czech exile organization Dr. Osu!Sky can gain only one thing: in Sl0ivak history he will be placed a[ongsride of Derer, Iivanka, Srolbar and J ehl'rcka - and not among the greatest Sloivaks. But that is Dr. Osusky's concern and not ours. The Slmnaik nation will win in its fight for freedom and equality in central Euro,pe even without his help and despite his opposition and treachery. Czecho-SlQIVa/kia is today a Russi:a,n satelilite, and in a free Europe there shall be no place for satellites. - (J. K.) • • • WHO SAID IT? · " On November 23rd at the congress of the National Socialist Agricultural and Forestry Workers the Minister of Education, Stransky, appealed to those present 'not to allow disgust to deprive them of their real love for Russia, or of their admiration for the achievements of the Soviet Government. Nor must they allow disgust to make them lose IDA.ST their understanding of the National Front'." EUROPE, Dec. 4, 1947; London . • • • "Since, in the new situation, it was imposs~ble to colla-borate officially with the Soviet Union, we . . . did nothing which might prejudice or prevent the reim.O!Val of co-0peration at the earliest possible moment; I need on!ly recall how strongly our attitude contrasted with that of many others during the SQIViet-Finnish War. Morewer, even in that period, there was no interruption of the personal contacts and exchange of information between ourse1ves. and important Soviet representatives in London, Paris, Washington and elsewhere." - Dr. Hubert Ripka, EAST AND WEST, London, 1944. 1 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 55 DR. STEPHEN OSUSKY AND THE SLOVAKS The name of Dr. Stephen Osusky, mentioned from time to time in the American press, has a)gam aippeared jll!st recently. Educated in Ameri'oo, Dr. OsUSlky went on a mission foT the Slovak Loogue of America aft~ WoI'ld War I , after Czeoho-lSlOVlaJkia was born, burt did not return to report to the Leaigue. Instead, he was retained by T. G. Masaryk to do special wo:vk and, later, was appointed amb.ass~doir of Czecho-Slovalkiia to F'ran'Ce. OSIUiSky served in that capacity in Paris until the collapse of Czecho...SlwaJkia in 1939 and then fell out with Dr. Edward Benes. Today he is one of the leaders orf the so-called "Council of Free CzechoSlovaki1a ," which is srtiJ1l dominated by the poilitical followers of Dr. Edwiard Benes, the Czech National Socialists. O'bjectiwty would not 'b e serwed if we were to deny that Dr. Stephen Osusky is the best known living personafity of Slo vaik origin in international circles. At the same time, however, we mu:st make it clear that Dr. Stephen Os'USlky is so regarded both in Ozeich as well as international cirrcles only becaJU!se he is of Slwak origin. Lt may be welJ, then, to state cleady o'Il!ce rugain just how the Slovaks view the po1iti~l !Plans and exile actiivity of the contradiotocy personality of Dr. Oswsky. If it were not for the fact that American puiblic opinion suP!I)Orts anti-Oommunisrt politicians from behind the IToo Ourlain and is seelking out a part of the Czooh poUticai exiles - featuriing at ail costs Slovaks who support the plan of contiinuing the Czecho-,Slova)k Repulblic - Dr. Stephen Osusky woUJld not have a pla;tfo:r,m to stand on in foreign circles. lif it were not fOT his "Czeoho.JSIJ.o!Va!kia must be preserved at a1l costs" stand, OSJU:Sky wotrld not eivoo be noticed. His broad education, his professiori,a i and pU!blicationaiJ. activities would hardly be noticed, i.f it were not fo:r the polii.tical ba)cikisitJa!ge scenes in which and f.or which Dr. Osusky is represented in the role of "representatirve of th.e Sl~aks." Keeipmg thls fact in mind, let us at least oorsorily anal,yze the relationshilp of Dr. Osusky to Slovakia and vice- 56 SLOVAKIA versa. Hundreds of thousands of Slovaks in the free woTld, many of whom Juwe e:,cpended much effort and surffering in the struggle for the na,tural rights od' the Slovak nation, certaim.y do have a right to speak their minds rubout the question whether Dr. Stephen Osusky has the authority to spealk for the SlovaJk nation, especially as long as his policy is anti-Slaviak . .Several years a:go this writer pointed to the hiStorical opportunity wh:i!ch circumstances in the contemporary sirbuation presented Dr. Osuslky with so that he mi1g ht play a historic role in the Slovalk nation. As I said then I repeat now: Dr. Osusky could have played that role only if his political plans and his political activity were in accord with the aspirations and natural rights of the Slovak nation. We must remetmlber that Dr. Osusky, excepti.ll!g for the mandate giiven him by the Slovaik League oif America af:ter Wodd War I, never possessed, nor does even nOIW poSsess, any mandate or legitimation from the peqple oif SlovaJkia to represenlt it in any manner whatsoever. By the fact that he is o!f Sl'(Walk birth, Osuslky would have the right to speak in the .rra,me of the Slovaks only when wihate;ver he might say, pl1an, or present to the world would be in fuhl accord with the will of the majority oif the SlovaJk nation. Dr. Stephen Osusky grew wp and was educated outside of Slovakia. He did not live in Slo;vakia for over thirty years; he witnessed the temfiic struggle of the Slovak n:atinn for its b,asic ,h uman rights and its intense spiritual and material development from a plush diplomatic chair, or as a professor at various American unilversities. Dr. Osusky, therefore, is not justified in considering his own conceptions better than those of the Slovak nation itsclf and those of the majority oif Sloivak exiles, who during the past thirty years grew up with the Slovak people, suffered with 1t and fOUJght for its freedom and equality. If, .therefore, the politica:l credo of Dr. OsUJSky is expressed by his fUIIllctions and by hls - presence in the "Council of Free Ozeichoslovakia," we must place him in the rruruks of those people oif Slo-vruk origin, who con.scfously or unconsciously are working ag,ainst the moot vital interests of the Slo1Vak nation and, 57 SLOVAKIA therefore, belong not among its representatives, but among its evil-doers and enemies. In the question of whether we are for or against the Ozecho-Slovak Repuiblic, we are not concerned wiith partisan-political d~!fferences, with a diiffereTIJCe of opinion aJbout a poHrtical system o.r administraUve adjustment, but definitely with the elementa!1y rughrt of the Slo.va!ks to their OIW'.Il lid'e, their very own existence and their future as a free nation. After what the Slovaks have gone through and are still suffering in the Ozecho-,Slwak Reipulblic, it is c!1ystal clea:r that the Czechs and Slavak,s can live in one state only at the expense af the Sfovaks. Therefore, flirting with the idea of the cont-in1Ued existence of Ozecho-1SlovaJkia only helps to uphold Ozech imperialistic tendencies in the world which deny even a bare national exfatence to the Slovalk nation. For that reason "Ozechoslovakism" is only a viariation of Magyarism, and, in the last ana'l ysis, a synonym for trea:chery, such as was per.petrated by Kosurth and Masaryk, and many others in the recent past. We do not doubt in the least that these matters are clear to the experienced dlipl'Olmat and learned university professor, Dr. Stephen Osusky, unless his complete separiation from Slovakia during his l,i fetime, or the influences of his enviironment, prevent him from seeing clearly Slovak reality and the aJbiJ.ity of the Slovak nation to live. If, however, Dr. Osusky is not suffering from a feelring of national inferiority and is not looildng at the Slovak Il!ation through the spectacles, of several Slwailc Communist co1l a:borators, who fear that they would niot be alble to return to Slovakia without Czech aid, then we cannot regard his past a:cti,v ity and his present memlbershirp in the "Council of Free CzechoSlovakia" as a matter of ta;c,tJics, as some of his adherents claim. The international puibliic thinks in completely clear categories: if Dr. Osusky is in the "Council of Free O.reohds~ovaJkia," he is for the continuance of Czecho-Slo:vakia, and, therefore, against the effort of the Sl01Vruks to lirve thei'l' own indeipendent life. Inasmuch as the majority of the Slovak nation is for a different solution Of the Slovak problem 1 58 SLOVAKIA than being included in the framewo:r.k of the Czecho-Slovak Repwblic, Dr. Stephen Osusky, with his presence in the "Cou:nicil .o f Free Ozechoslova!kia," is really woTking against the ldgitimaite aspirations of the Slovak nation for equality with the other nations of central Europe and, consequently, does not have the least authorization to s,pe,ak as a representaJtive of the S101V1ak nation. The SlovaJks in the s.o.- called "Counoil of Free 0zechoslova:kia" are and can only be representaitives of the nation which no longer considers it necessary to delbate with any one aJbout its SlovaJk individuality and its inherent right to its own political life. ATgurrnents that the SlovaJk question can be aided by the "Council of Free Ozecho:s!lova!kia," inasmlllich as oeritain circles on this continent are supporting the Council, are log,icaUy and olbjectively sheer nonsense. It must be quite olbvious to ·a ll concerned that if there were no Slovaks in the service of Czech tendencies, then no democratic power would recogn±ze the "Council of Free Czechoslovakia," and the Slovaks would then hawe their own representation recognized and surpported in New York, Washington and elsewihere, just as aN the other natfon:s from behind the Iron CuTtain. Only as long as people a;re found to whom Rtpka, Zenlcl, etc., are dearer than the American Slovaks and the· entire Slovak nation at home, and to whom the 0zechoSlovaJk Repu!blic is closer than the freedom oif the Slovak niation, can the State Dejpartment and the Foreign Office prefer the recognition of the "Council of Free 0zechoslova. kia" to a separate Slova;k representation, without prejudicing the future, as has been told to us on various 0::::::asions. From this viewipoint, the presence of Dr. 0susky in the "Council of Flree 0zecho,slova!kfa" means that he is against the vitaJl interests of the Slovak nation. And his fight with the Czechs for the recognition of Slovak rights, as some would ha;ve us believe, evokes only the view that even in his ~e we are concerned with nothing else than what he himoolf wrote in his book "The Wiaiy of the Free": "His:to-ry teaches, and practiocal eX!perience corroborates, that when politicians are engaged in bitter struggle against their rivals, they never Like to admit plllblicly that they axe fight- SLO\.AKIA 59 ing for SUlpI'emacy and power. They prefer to disguise their ambiti()IIlS by c1aiming to de.fend high principles." The greatness of people in polii.tics res.ts on the fact that they had recognized the Hand of God in history, the needs of the times, and at critical moments spalce aibout principles clearly and unequiivoca[ly. By cloa!king hiJI:nself in a diplomatic fog and remaining in a Czech exile organization Dr. Osu!Sky can gain only one thing: in Sl0ivak history he will be placed a[ongsride of Derer, Iivanka, Srolbar and J ehl'rcka - and not among the greatest Sloivaks. But that is Dr. Osusky's concern and not ours. The Slmnaik nation will win in its fight for freedom and equality in central Euro,pe even without his help and despite his opposition and treachery. Czecho-SlQIVa/kia is today a Russi:a,n satelilite, and in a free Europe there shall be no place for satellites. - (J. K.) • • • WHO SAID IT? · " On November 23rd at the congress of the National Socialist Agricultural and Forestry Workers the Minister of Education, Stransky, appealed to those present 'not to allow disgust to deprive them of their real love for Russia, or of their admiration for the achievements of the Soviet Government. Nor must they allow disgust to make them lose IDA.ST their understanding of the National Front'." EUROPE, Dec. 4, 1947; London . • • • "Since, in the new situation, it was imposs~ble to colla-borate officially with the Soviet Union, we . . . did nothing which might prejudice or prevent the reim.O!Val of co-0peration at the earliest possible moment; I need on!ly recall how strongly our attitude contrasted with that of many others during the SQIViet-Finnish War. Morewer, even in that period, there was no interruption of the personal contacts and exchange of information between ourse1ves. and important Soviet representatives in London, Paris, Washington and elsewhere." - Dr. Hubert Ripka, EAST AND WEST, London, 1944. 1  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Dr. Stephen Osuský and the Slovaks Description An account of the resource Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 1 (10), March 1954 pp. 55-59 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 1954 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/96d04a4a837ae0e45ee85998b4dff11a.pdf 9e5e206f00cb0421dba1339b2a117ae2 PDF Text Text 60 SLOVAKIA CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA LIETAVA Li etava was one of the most extensive castles of the V ah region and ,pro\baibly one of the largest orf Slovakia. With its locati,on and structure it al1s o is one of lthe most beautiful of ruins. Like Hricov and Sul'ov, Lieta,va was buHt on hu1g e sandstone roicks which not only made a firm foundation, but also provided exceHent buiiding ma,terial. Because it was practkally inaiccessilble, it afforded good protection for its masters. The ea stern and northern sides orf Lietava Castle espeicially are so steep that an approach from those sides i,s whoHy impossi'ble . And this · characteristic most likely gruve rise to the legend for the origin of the name of the castle. Louis the Great, ,Slovaiks will teJl you, ordered his burlders to !build him a new castle 1in about 1360 on such a spot that would lbe inaccessible to an enemy who did not know how to fly. Hence, the name LietaJVa from the, SlO!Vak "lietat'" (to fily). Liefa'Va was one of a number of fortresses and castles built at that time. 1 Lietawa is mosrt accessilble from the southern side, where one can enter the castle grounds through the main gate. At the western and eastern ends of the spacious courtyard we see the remains of two ,s quare towers ,w ith gun oipeinings. To gert to the 1inner courtyard, which housed the inhalbitants of the castle, one has to pass throll1gh anotherr massive gate. Here we <find ,a huge cistern carved inrto the rO'ck, into which flowed the rainwater from the rooftops of the !buildings close by through wooden and clay troughs. , In the center orf the yard there stood a mighty tower with walls two meterrs thi,ok ; its circumference was 36 meters,. Accoroing to experts this was the oldest part of the Lietava fortress - the last ref'll!ge of those, besieged by an enemy. On the southern side of the dwelling pl~es ~an be seen even today the escutcheon of the Kostka clan, i.e, a hand gvilpipirng a siword with a half-moon and a 1brachial star. On the eastern side there iprotrudes a mighty semicircU'lar -bastion with many gun-holes; on the ground floor �SLOVAKIA 61 'large ones for cannons and small ones for musk~ts on the upper floor. At the foot of the castle, aJb,o ve the town of Lietava, stands a historic churich with a Gothic tower, which probably was a ,g uard tower, since it was 'buult on the slope of the hill. When the caSitle 1perished, two paintings, two, painted and richly caTVed chureh pews and three bells were brought to this ,c hurch from the castle chaipeJ. During Worrld War I, the Hungarian government had these relics removed. According to an ancient story, there was a precious altar painting in this chur,ch, whi-ch also had its origin in the LietaJVa Castle. The painting depfoted a multitude o:f people surrounding an old ,priest who was being thrown oiver the cliff onto prepared siprked-lpoles by wi1d Tatars. An · ancient legend teHs us that the painting originated in the fol1lowi.nig imaniner. Aifter the historic battle near Saj,wa, the Tataric hordes ,s cattered all o;ver the country. One of their groUJps 1ca;me to Lietava, and the residents, fled in terror before them, many hiding in the hills, while the rest, mostly dlder men, ,w omen and ohildren, barric·a ded themsel,ves :in the church. In those days, chu11ches were fortified with walls so that in ti:me of need they did offer some measure of ,protection. Among the unfortunates in the chmch, wa;s a!lso an old priest who encouraged his fait:hfol to ,prepare to defend themselves. As ,s oon as the Tatars came to the chur,ch, they called out to the defende:ris to surrender the church willingly and then all wou1d 1b e free to go their way. The old priest admonished his 1people not to believe the heathen ter,rorists, but the faithful eventually gruve UJP and surrendered the church. They were basely deceived. The Tatars rounded them all up and marched them to the edge of a high rock: below, in the albyss, spilked poles were driven in the ,g round. The wild Tatars screamed at their prisoners to renounce their Christian fruith or be thrown off the cliff onto the, spiked poles. The wged priest pleaded with his faithfol to. remain true to Chri.st, and true they did remain. The · enraged Tatars forced many oiver the cliff with their ·spears and knives. When the rest would not renounce their faith, the Tatars seized the old priest and �SLOVAKIA 62 t!hrew him headlong into .the a:byss. But, lo and behold, a miracle happened! T.he ,priest did not fall on ,t he spikes belorw. He siim:ply dis111Ppeared. The heathen Tatar brutes were ama;zed and fri,gihtened; it did not ta:ke them long to clear out of Lietava and the country. What really happened to the aged ·priest? His fall to certain doom was checked ·~ a staunch bush which projected out of the cliff and he mana;ged to hang on, out of s~ght of the Tatars. When the residents of Lietava ireturned f.rom the ,hills shortl,y after, they freed thek heroic and saintly priest and buried the victims of Tatar brutality. Lietaiva commemorated the memo,ry of this. miraculous liberation for centuries. The paintiing resulted; it was hUIIlg above the altar of the church. '-' According to tradition, long before the wills of Lieta va Castle were built on the steep rock, a pagan shrine was built on the site. It was. made of wood, and, hence, in time disaippeared completely. .Aibove the entrance to the shrine, on a hU1ge beam, theire was caI"Ved an image of the sun, which meant that the forefathers orf ,the Slo1vaJks. worrs.hiipped the sun as the giver of life. Pagan priestesses: lived beneath the shrine; it was 1Jhedr duty to bring honey water, ripened grains and f,rurits, wreaths and other airtioles of sa;crifice to their gods. Many years later a Christian church repl-a,ced the pa:gan shrine. History tells us that Lo:u.is the Great donated the Lieta;va stronghold in 1360 to Stephen Bwbek from Plesivec for sel'!Vices rendered him during his wars in Italy. In 1403, however, one of his descendants, Henry (Im.ro), fought a;gainst King Zigimund, and because of this both Strecno and Lietava were given to some Polisih nobleman by Zigmund. Later, however, the Bubelk clan was amnestied by the king, who returned Lietwva to them. One of the Bubeiks died near Luicenec in the, battle a:gaiinst Jiskra. Later, when the castle •b ecame the ;property of the Zfupol'skys, John Zapol'sky donated it to Nkholas Kostka, a Bohemian nobleman. In 1538, General Ntcholas Turi ()(f Ferdinand I's army SU!ITounded the castle, lb ut was not able to take it; Kostka defended it successfully. 1 �63 SLOVAKIA Lieta:va ,p robably witnessed its most glorious day at the time when Francis Thul'zo mrurried Kostika's daughter and received Lietava as a dowry. Thurzo, however, ;preferred to live in the Orava Castle. When he left Lletava without an occupant, it gradually 1beca.me neglected and the teeth of time and weather toolk their toll. During the time od: Francis Raik6czi M, the stronghold of Lletaiva wa·s ,partly repaired, ibut shortly thererufter was completely abandoned to its sad fate. • • • WIDTE MOUNTAIN - IDSTOR'ICAL FORGERY Soone Czechs, Ozech historians and their aipologists indulge in descrilbing tJhe anti-Hussite .crusades as national swppression and the "Hussite Century" as a period of enlightemnent and Czech "national" rule in BO'hemia. Their claim that the Czechs lost their "national" independence in 1620 (Battle of White Mountain) has 1been rnpeated so often that finally most Ozechs have come to believe it. T. G. Masaryik, Dr. Edward Benes and their !followers haive propagated this legend consistently sin.ce the foundation of Czecho-Slovakia in 1918. It is a singular example of historkal forgery. The overthrow of Hussitism has been consciously misinterpreted as a siUippress:ion of the Czech n1a tion lby the Czechs th~se1ves to gain the symaipthy of other nations. The White Mountain !battle was not a nationaJl, but strictly a religious allld dynastic a,ffair.. After the battle was O'Ver, the emperor had some 27 od: the "relbel" :l eaders decapitated. Six were of German odgin. But none was executed because of his nationality. 1 We know that the Thirty Years' War started in Bohemia in 1'618, when the Pmtestant aristocraits there refused to elect Feroinand of Austria, iHoly Roman IDmipe;ror, to the vrucant throne od: Bohem'ia, 1preforring yo1Un,g Fredericlk, Elector Palatine, instead. This rularmed the Protestant princes, especially John George of Saxony, to such an. extent that they declared themselves neutral and let Frederick � 60 SLOVAKIA CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA LIETAVA Li etava was one of the most extensive castles of the V ah region and ,pro\baibly one of the largest orf Slovakia. With its locati,on and structure it al1s o is one of lthe most beautiful of ruins. Like Hricov and Sul'ov, Lieta,va was buHt on hu1g e sandstone roicks which not only made a firm foundation, but also provided exceHent buiiding ma,terial. Because it was practkally inaiccessilble, it afforded good protection for its masters. The ea stern and northern sides orf Lietava Castle espeicially are so steep that an approach from those sides i,s whoHy impossi'ble . And this · characteristic most likely gruve rise to the legend for the origin of the name of the castle. Louis the Great, ,Slovaiks will teJl you, ordered his burlders to !build him a new castle 1in about 1360 on such a spot that would lbe inaccessible to an enemy who did not know how to fly. Hence, the name LietaJVa from the, SlO!Vak "lietat'" (to fily). Liefa'Va was one of a number of fortresses and castles built at that time. 1 Lietawa is mosrt accessilble from the southern side, where one can enter the castle grounds through the main gate. At the western and eastern ends of the spacious courtyard we see the remains of two ,s quare towers ,w ith gun oipeinings. To gert to the 1inner courtyard, which housed the inhalbitants of the castle, one has to pass throll1gh anotherr massive gate. Here we <find ,a huge cistern carved inrto the rO'ck, into which flowed the rainwater from the rooftops of the !buildings close by through wooden and clay troughs. , In the center orf the yard there stood a mighty tower with walls two meterrs thi,ok ; its circumference was 36 meters,. Accoroing to experts this was the oldest part of the Lietava fortress - the last ref'll!ge of those, besieged by an enemy. On the southern side of the dwelling pl~es ~an be seen even today the escutcheon of the Kostka clan, i.e, a hand gvilpipirng a siword with a half-moon and a 1brachial star. On the eastern side there iprotrudes a mighty semicircU'lar -bastion with many gun-holes; on the ground floor �SLOVAKIA 61 'large ones for cannons and small ones for musk~ts on the upper floor. At the foot of the castle, aJb,o ve the town of Lietava, stands a historic churich with a Gothic tower, which probably was a ,g uard tower, since it was 'buult on the slope of the hill. When the caSitle 1perished, two paintings, two, painted and richly caTVed chureh pews and three bells were brought to this ,c hurch from the castle chaipeJ. During Worrld War I, the Hungarian government had these relics removed. According to an ancient story, there was a precious altar painting in this chur,ch, whi-ch also had its origin in the LietaJVa Castle. The painting depfoted a multitude o:f people surrounding an old ,priest who was being thrown oiver the cliff onto prepared siprked-lpoles by wi1d Tatars. An · ancient legend teHs us that the painting originated in the fol1lowi.nig imaniner. Aifter the historic battle near Saj,wa, the Tataric hordes ,s cattered all o;ver the country. One of their groUJps 1ca;me to Lietava, and the residents, fled in terror before them, many hiding in the hills, while the rest, mostly dlder men, ,w omen and ohildren, barric·a ded themsel,ves :in the church. In those days, chu11ches were fortified with walls so that in ti:me of need they did offer some measure of ,protection. Among the unfortunates in the chmch, wa;s a!lso an old priest who encouraged his fait:hfol to ,prepare to defend themselves. As ,s oon as the Tatars came to the chur,ch, they called out to the defende:ris to surrender the church willingly and then all wou1d 1b e free to go their way. The old priest admonished his 1people not to believe the heathen ter,rorists, but the faithful eventually gruve UJP and surrendered the church. They were basely deceived. The Tatars rounded them all up and marched them to the edge of a high rock: below, in the albyss, spilked poles were driven in the ,g round. The wild Tatars screamed at their prisoners to renounce their Christian fruith or be thrown off the cliff onto the, spiked poles. The wged priest pleaded with his faithfol to. remain true to Chri.st, and true they did remain. The · enraged Tatars forced many oiver the cliff with their ·spears and knives. When the rest would not renounce their faith, the Tatars seized the old priest and �SLOVAKIA 62 t!hrew him headlong into .the a:byss. But, lo and behold, a miracle happened! T.he ,priest did not fall on ,t he spikes belorw. He siim:ply dis111Ppeared. The heathen Tatar brutes were ama;zed and fri,gihtened; it did not ta:ke them long to clear out of Lietava and the country. What really happened to the aged ·priest? His fall to certain doom was checked ·~ a staunch bush which projected out of the cliff and he mana;ged to hang on, out of s~ght of the Tatars. When the residents of Lietava ireturned f.rom the ,hills shortl,y after, they freed thek heroic and saintly priest and buried the victims of Tatar brutality. Lietaiva commemorated the memo,ry of this. miraculous liberation for centuries. The paintiing resulted; it was hUIIlg above the altar of the church. '-' According to tradition, long before the wills of Lieta va Castle were built on the steep rock, a pagan shrine was built on the site. It was. made of wood, and, hence, in time disaippeared completely. .Aibove the entrance to the shrine, on a hU1ge beam, theire was caI"Ved an image of the sun, which meant that the forefathers orf ,the Slo1vaJks. worrs.hiipped the sun as the giver of life. Pagan priestesses: lived beneath the shrine; it was 1Jhedr duty to bring honey water, ripened grains and f,rurits, wreaths and other airtioles of sa;crifice to their gods. Many years later a Christian church repl-a,ced the pa:gan shrine. History tells us that Lo:u.is the Great donated the Lieta;va stronghold in 1360 to Stephen Bwbek from Plesivec for sel'!Vices rendered him during his wars in Italy. In 1403, however, one of his descendants, Henry (Im.ro), fought a;gainst King Zigimund, and because of this both Strecno and Lietava were given to some Polisih nobleman by Zigmund. Later, however, the Bubelk clan was amnestied by the king, who returned Lietwva to them. One of the Bubeiks died near Luicenec in the, battle a:gaiinst Jiskra. Later, when the castle •b ecame the ;property of the Zfupol'skys, John Zapol'sky donated it to Nkholas Kostka, a Bohemian nobleman. In 1538, General Ntcholas Turi ()(f Ferdinand I's army SU!ITounded the castle, lb ut was not able to take it; Kostka defended it successfully. 1 �63 SLOVAKIA Lieta:va ,p robably witnessed its most glorious day at the time when Francis Thul'zo mrurried Kostika's daughter and received Lietava as a dowry. Thurzo, however, ;preferred to live in the Orava Castle. When he left Lletava without an occupant, it gradually 1beca.me neglected and the teeth of time and weather toolk their toll. During the time od: Francis Raik6czi M, the stronghold of Lletaiva wa·s ,partly repaired, ibut shortly thererufter was completely abandoned to its sad fate. • • • WIDTE MOUNTAIN - IDSTOR'ICAL FORGERY Soone Czechs, Ozech historians and their aipologists indulge in descrilbing tJhe anti-Hussite .crusades as national swppression and the "Hussite Century" as a period of enlightemnent and Czech "national" rule in BO'hemia. Their claim that the Czechs lost their "national" independence in 1620 (Battle of White Mountain) has 1been rnpeated so often that finally most Ozechs have come to believe it. T. G. Masaryik, Dr. Edward Benes and their !followers haive propagated this legend consistently sin.ce the foundation of Czecho-Slovakia in 1918. It is a singular example of historkal forgery. The overthrow of Hussitism has been consciously misinterpreted as a siUippress:ion of the Czech n1a tion lby the Czechs th~se1ves to gain the symaipthy of other nations. The White Mountain !battle was not a nationaJl, but strictly a religious allld dynastic a,ffair.. After the battle was O'Ver, the emperor had some 27 od: the "relbel" :l eaders decapitated. Six were of German odgin. But none was executed because of his nationality. 1 We know that the Thirty Years' War started in Bohemia in 1'618, when the Pmtestant aristocraits there refused to elect Feroinand of Austria, iHoly Roman IDmipe;ror, to the vrucant throne od: Bohem'ia, 1preforring yo1Un,g Fredericlk, Elector Palatine, instead. This rularmed the Protestant princes, especially John George of Saxony, to such an. extent that they declared themselves neutral and let Frederick � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 60 SLOVAKIA CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA LIETAVA Li etava was one of the most extensive castles of the V ah region and ,pro\baibly one of the largest orf Slovakia. With its locati,on and structure it al1s o is one of lthe most beautiful of ruins. Like Hricov and Sul'ov, Lieta,va was buHt on hu1g e sandstone roicks which not only made a firm foundation, but also provided exceHent buiiding ma,terial. Because it was practkally inaiccessilble, it afforded good protection for its masters. The ea stern and northern sides orf Lietava Castle espeicially are so steep that an approach from those sides i,s whoHy impossi'ble . And this · characteristic most likely gruve rise to the legend for the origin of the name of the castle. Louis the Great, ,Slovaiks will teJl you, ordered his burlders to !build him a new castle 1in about 1360 on such a spot that would lbe inaccessible to an enemy who did not know how to fly. Hence, the name LietaJVa from the, SlO!Vak "lietat'" (to fily). Liefa'Va was one of a number of fortresses and castles built at that time. 1 Lietawa is mosrt accessilble from the southern side, where one can enter the castle grounds through the main gate. At the western and eastern ends of the spacious courtyard we see the remains of two ,s quare towers ,w ith gun oipeinings. To gert to the 1inner courtyard, which housed the inhalbitants of the castle, one has to pass throll1gh anotherr massive gate. Here we <find ,a huge cistern carved inrto the rO'ck, into which flowed the rainwater from the rooftops of the !buildings close by through wooden and clay troughs. , In the center orf the yard there stood a mighty tower with walls two meterrs thi,ok ; its circumference was 36 meters,. Accoroing to experts this was the oldest part of the Lietava fortress - the last ref'll!ge of those, besieged by an enemy. On the southern side of the dwelling pl~es ~an be seen even today the escutcheon of the Kostka clan, i.e, a hand gvilpipirng a siword with a half-moon and a 1brachial star. On the eastern side there iprotrudes a mighty semicircU'lar -bastion with many gun-holes; on the ground floor SLOVAKIA 61 'large ones for cannons and small ones for musk~ts on the upper floor. At the foot of the castle, aJb,o ve the town of Lietava, stands a historic churich with a Gothic tower, which probably was a ,g uard tower, since it was 'buult on the slope of the hill. When the caSitle 1perished, two paintings, two, painted and richly caTVed chureh pews and three bells were brought to this ,c hurch from the castle chaipeJ. During Worrld War I, the Hungarian government had these relics removed. According to an ancient story, there was a precious altar painting in this chur,ch, whi-ch also had its origin in the LietaJVa Castle. The painting depfoted a multitude o:f people surrounding an old ,priest who was being thrown oiver the cliff onto prepared siprked-lpoles by wi1d Tatars. An · ancient legend teHs us that the painting originated in the fol1lowi.nig imaniner. Aifter the historic battle near Saj,wa, the Tataric hordes ,s cattered all o;ver the country. One of their groUJps 1ca;me to Lietava, and the residents, fled in terror before them, many hiding in the hills, while the rest, mostly dlder men, ,w omen and ohildren, barric·a ded themsel,ves :in the church. In those days, chu11ches were fortified with walls so that in ti:me of need they did offer some measure of ,protection. Among the unfortunates in the chmch, wa;s a!lso an old priest who encouraged his fait:hfol to ,prepare to defend themselves. As ,s oon as the Tatars came to the chur,ch, they called out to the defende:ris to surrender the church willingly and then all wou1d 1b e free to go their way. The old priest admonished his 1people not to believe the heathen ter,rorists, but the faithful eventually gruve UJP and surrendered the church. They were basely deceived. The Tatars rounded them all up and marched them to the edge of a high rock: below, in the albyss, spilked poles were driven in the ,g round. The wild Tatars screamed at their prisoners to renounce their Christian fruith or be thrown off the cliff onto the, spiked poles. The wged priest pleaded with his faithfol to. remain true to Chri.st, and true they did remain. The · enraged Tatars forced many oiver the cliff with their ·spears and knives. When the rest would not renounce their faith, the Tatars seized the old priest and SLOVAKIA 62 t!hrew him headlong into .the a:byss. But, lo and behold, a miracle happened! T.he ,priest did not fall on ,t he spikes belorw. He siim:ply dis111Ppeared. The heathen Tatar brutes were ama;zed and fri,gihtened; it did not ta:ke them long to clear out of Lietava and the country. What really happened to the aged ·priest? His fall to certain doom was checked ·~ a staunch bush which projected out of the cliff and he mana;ged to hang on, out of s~ght of the Tatars. When the residents of Lietava ireturned f.rom the ,hills shortl,y after, they freed thek heroic and saintly priest and buried the victims of Tatar brutality. Lietaiva commemorated the memo,ry of this. miraculous liberation for centuries. The paintiing resulted; it was hUIIlg above the altar of the church. '-' According to tradition, long before the wills of Lieta va Castle were built on the steep rock, a pagan shrine was built on the site. It was. made of wood, and, hence, in time disaippeared completely. .Aibove the entrance to the shrine, on a hU1ge beam, theire was caI"Ved an image of the sun, which meant that the forefathers orf ,the Slo1vaJks. worrs.hiipped the sun as the giver of life. Pagan priestesses: lived beneath the shrine; it was 1Jhedr duty to bring honey water, ripened grains and f,rurits, wreaths and other airtioles of sa;crifice to their gods. Many years later a Christian church repl-a,ced the pa:gan shrine. History tells us that Lo:u.is the Great donated the Lieta;va stronghold in 1360 to Stephen Bwbek from Plesivec for sel'!Vices rendered him during his wars in Italy. In 1403, however, one of his descendants, Henry (Im.ro), fought a;gainst King Zigimund, and because of this both Strecno and Lietava were given to some Polisih nobleman by Zigmund. Later, however, the Bubelk clan was amnestied by the king, who returned Lietwva to them. One of the Bubeiks died near Luicenec in the, battle a:gaiinst Jiskra. Later, when the castle •b ecame the ;property of the Zfupol'skys, John Zapol'sky donated it to Nkholas Kostka, a Bohemian nobleman. In 1538, General Ntcholas Turi ()(f Ferdinand I's army SU!ITounded the castle, lb ut was not able to take it; Kostka defended it successfully. 1 63 SLOVAKIA Lieta:va ,p robably witnessed its most glorious day at the time when Francis Thul'zo mrurried Kostika's daughter and received Lietava as a dowry. Thurzo, however, ;preferred to live in the Orava Castle. When he left Lletava without an occupant, it gradually 1beca.me neglected and the teeth of time and weather toolk their toll. During the time od: Francis Raik6czi M, the stronghold of Lletaiva wa·s ,partly repaired, ibut shortly thererufter was completely abandoned to its sad fate. • • • WIDTE MOUNTAIN - IDSTOR'ICAL FORGERY Soone Czechs, Ozech historians and their aipologists indulge in descrilbing tJhe anti-Hussite .crusades as national swppression and the "Hussite Century" as a period of enlightemnent and Czech "national" rule in BO'hemia. Their claim that the Czechs lost their "national" independence in 1620 (Battle of White Mountain) has 1been rnpeated so often that finally most Ozechs have come to believe it. T. G. Masaryik, Dr. Edward Benes and their !followers haive propagated this legend consistently sin.ce the foundation of Czecho-Slovakia in 1918. It is a singular example of historkal forgery. The overthrow of Hussitism has been consciously misinterpreted as a siUippress:ion of the Czech n1a tion lby the Czechs th~se1ves to gain the symaipthy of other nations. The White Mountain !battle was not a nationaJl, but strictly a religious allld dynastic a,ffair.. After the battle was O'Ver, the emperor had some 27 od: the "relbel" :l eaders decapitated. Six were of German odgin. But none was executed because of his nationality. 1 We know that the Thirty Years' War started in Bohemia in 1'618, when the Pmtestant aristocraits there refused to elect Feroinand of Austria, iHoly Roman IDmipe;ror, to the vrucant throne od: Bohem'ia, 1preforring yo1Un,g Fredericlk, Elector Palatine, instead. This rularmed the Protestant princes, especially John George of Saxony, to such an. extent that they declared themselves neutral and let Frederick  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Castles of Slovakia: Lietava Description An account of the resource Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 1 (10), March 1954 pp. 60-63 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 1954 castles https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/06ffe1aed7fe2ac7435cb40bb8e506df.pdf 95d24e9b5d08db54f68d08c75203d2fb PDF Text Text 63 SLOVAKIA Lieta:va ,p robably witnessed its most glorious day at the time when Francis Thul'zo mrurried Kostika's daughter and received Lietava as a dowry. Thurzo, however, ;preferred to live in the Orava Castle. When he left Lletava without an occupant, it gradually 1beca.me neglected and the teeth of time and weather toolk their toll. During the time od: Francis Raik6czi M, the stronghold of Lletaiva wa·s ,partly repaired, ibut shortly thererufter was completely abandoned to its sad fate. • • • WIDTE MOUNTAIN - IDSTOR'ICAL FORGERY Soone Czechs, Ozech historians and their aipologists indulge in descrilbing tJhe anti-Hussite .crusades as national swppression and the "Hussite Century" as a period of enlightemnent and Czech "national" rule in BO'hemia. Their claim that the Czechs lost their "national" independence in 1620 (Battle of White Mountain) has 1been rnpeated so often that finally most Ozechs have come to believe it. T. G. Masaryik, Dr. Edward Benes and their !followers haive propagated this legend consistently sin.ce the foundation of Czecho-Slovakia in 1918. It is a singular example of historkal forgery. The overthrow of Hussitism has been consciously misinterpreted as a siUippress:ion of the Czech n1a tion lby the Czechs th~se1ves to gain the symaipthy of other nations. The White Mountain !battle was not a nationaJl, but strictly a religious allld dynastic a,ffair.. After the battle was O'Ver, the emperor had some 27 od: the "relbel" :l eaders decapitated. Six were of German odgin. But none was executed because of his nationality. 1 We know that the Thirty Years' War started in Bohemia in 1'618, when the Pmtestant aristocraits there refused to elect Feroinand of Austria, iHoly Roman IDmipe;ror, to the vrucant throne od: Bohem'ia, 1preforring yo1Un,g Fredericlk, Elector Palatine, instead. This rularmed the Protestant princes, especially John George of Saxony, to such an. extent that they declared themselves neutral and let Frederick �64 SLOVAKIA do the reibeUing against the emperor by himself. The emperor's generai, Tilly, defeated Frederick and the Czech ma;g;nates ·at White Moiuntain in 1620. Frederick fled the country while the emperor was rounding up his enemies. The emperor abrogated the ipr1vileges orf the aristocratic estates with the wcclaim of the common Czech pe01ple. The Thirty Years' Wa;r raged with like fury in Bohemia -and the Germanies. There ,certainly was no national pumpose, especially no Czech national punpose - 'behind it a,t all After the smoke ,orf the lb attle cleia,r~d, there was -little evidence of Czech national co;nsciousness until the mid<ile orf the nineteenth century. 1 In the liight of historic~l facts,, the legend tha,t the Czechs lost their political (national) indeipendence in 1620 remains just what it was - a legend. As much so as the legend or fiction o;f a single, united "Ozechoslava;k" nation! • • • WHO SAID IT? "Slovak tradition and economy stand as a barrier between Czechs and Sfova;ks. . . So important was the Siova,k problem in the minds of both Czech and Slorvak leaders, that it was a major subject of study a11d debate during the war and has continued to .be ever since. An effort was made to solve the problem in 194'5 in the Kosice Programme, in which Czechs and Slovaks are defined as two distinct nations united by common interest in a single state. This is in itse'lf a complete reversal orf .the ethnic theory on which the first Repulblic was built: the. belief that Czechs and Slovaks constituted a single nation. The Kpsice , Program further provided that the Slovaks should be the masters in their Slovak lands, just as the Czechs in their Czech homeland, and that the gorvernment will regard the Slorvak Na-. tional Counici.J not only as the rightfiu[ re<presentatirve of the indirviduwl Siorvak nation, but aJlso as, the bearer of so:verei,gn right on SlorvaJk territory." ~ William Diamond, CZECHOSLOVAKIA BETWEIDN EAST AND WEST, Londoo., 1947. � 63 SLOVAKIA Lieta:va ,p robably witnessed its most glorious day at the time when Francis Thul'zo mrurried Kostika's daughter and received Lietava as a dowry. Thurzo, however, ;preferred to live in the Orava Castle. When he left Lletava without an occupant, it gradually 1beca.me neglected and the teeth of time and weather toolk their toll. During the time od: Francis Raik6czi M, the stronghold of Lletaiva wa·s ,partly repaired, ibut shortly thererufter was completely abandoned to its sad fate. • • • WIDTE MOUNTAIN - IDSTOR'ICAL FORGERY Soone Czechs, Ozech historians and their aipologists indulge in descrilbing tJhe anti-Hussite .crusades as national swppression and the "Hussite Century" as a period of enlightemnent and Czech "national" rule in BO'hemia. Their claim that the Czechs lost their "national" independence in 1620 (Battle of White Mountain) has 1been rnpeated so often that finally most Ozechs have come to believe it. T. G. Masaryik, Dr. Edward Benes and their !followers haive propagated this legend consistently sin.ce the foundation of Czecho-Slovakia in 1918. It is a singular example of historkal forgery. The overthrow of Hussitism has been consciously misinterpreted as a siUippress:ion of the Czech n1a tion lby the Czechs th~se1ves to gain the symaipthy of other nations. The White Mountain !battle was not a nationaJl, but strictly a religious allld dynastic a,ffair.. After the battle was O'Ver, the emperor had some 27 od: the "relbel" :l eaders decapitated. Six were of German odgin. But none was executed because of his nationality. 1 We know that the Thirty Years' War started in Bohemia in 1'618, when the Pmtestant aristocraits there refused to elect Feroinand of Austria, iHoly Roman IDmipe;ror, to the vrucant throne od: Bohem'ia, 1preforring yo1Un,g Fredericlk, Elector Palatine, instead. This rularmed the Protestant princes, especially John George of Saxony, to such an. extent that they declared themselves neutral and let Frederick �64 SLOVAKIA do the reibeUing against the emperor by himself. The emperor's generai, Tilly, defeated Frederick and the Czech ma;g;nates ·at White Moiuntain in 1620. Frederick fled the country while the emperor was rounding up his enemies. The emperor abrogated the ipr1vileges orf the aristocratic estates with the wcclaim of the common Czech pe01ple. The Thirty Years' Wa;r raged with like fury in Bohemia -and the Germanies. There ,certainly was no national pumpose, especially no Czech national punpose - 'behind it a,t all After the smoke ,orf the lb attle cleia,r~d, there was -little evidence of Czech national co;nsciousness until the mid<ile orf the nineteenth century. 1 In the liight of historic~l facts,, the legend tha,t the Czechs lost their political (national) indeipendence in 1620 remains just what it was - a legend. As much so as the legend or fiction o;f a single, united "Ozechoslava;k" nation! • • • WHO SAID IT? "Slovak tradition and economy stand as a barrier between Czechs and Sfova;ks. . . So important was the Siova,k problem in the minds of both Czech and Slorvak leaders, that it was a major subject of study a11d debate during the war and has continued to .be ever since. An effort was made to solve the problem in 194'5 in the Kosice Programme, in which Czechs and Slovaks are defined as two distinct nations united by common interest in a single state. This is in itse'lf a complete reversal orf .the ethnic theory on which the first Repulblic was built: the. belief that Czechs and Slovaks constituted a single nation. The Kpsice , Program further provided that the Slovaks should be the masters in their Slovak lands, just as the Czechs in their Czech homeland, and that the gorvernment will regard the Slorvak Na-. tional Counici.J not only as the rightfiu[ re<presentatirve of the indirviduwl Siorvak nation, but aJlso as, the bearer of so:verei,gn right on SlorvaJk territory." ~ William Diamond, CZECHOSLOVAKIA BETWEIDN EAST AND WEST, Londoo., 1947. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 63 SLOVAKIA Lieta:va ,p robably witnessed its most glorious day at the time when Francis Thul'zo mrurried Kostika's daughter and received Lietava as a dowry. Thurzo, however, ;preferred to live in the Orava Castle. When he left Lletava without an occupant, it gradually 1beca.me neglected and the teeth of time and weather toolk their toll. During the time od: Francis Raik6czi M, the stronghold of Lletaiva wa·s ,partly repaired, ibut shortly thererufter was completely abandoned to its sad fate. • • • WIDTE MOUNTAIN - IDSTOR'ICAL FORGERY Soone Czechs, Ozech historians and their aipologists indulge in descrilbing tJhe anti-Hussite .crusades as national swppression and the "Hussite Century" as a period of enlightemnent and Czech "national" rule in BO'hemia. Their claim that the Czechs lost their "national" independence in 1620 (Battle of White Mountain) has 1been rnpeated so often that finally most Ozechs have come to believe it. T. G. Masaryik, Dr. Edward Benes and their !followers haive propagated this legend consistently sin.ce the foundation of Czecho-Slovakia in 1918. It is a singular example of historkal forgery. The overthrow of Hussitism has been consciously misinterpreted as a siUippress:ion of the Czech n1a tion lby the Czechs th~se1ves to gain the symaipthy of other nations. The White Mountain !battle was not a nationaJl, but strictly a religious allld dynastic a,ffair.. After the battle was O'Ver, the emperor had some 27 od: the "relbel" :l eaders decapitated. Six were of German odgin. But none was executed because of his nationality. 1 We know that the Thirty Years' War started in Bohemia in 1'618, when the Pmtestant aristocraits there refused to elect Feroinand of Austria, iHoly Roman IDmipe;ror, to the vrucant throne od: Bohem'ia, 1preforring yo1Un,g Fredericlk, Elector Palatine, instead. This rularmed the Protestant princes, especially John George of Saxony, to such an. extent that they declared themselves neutral and let Frederick 64 SLOVAKIA do the reibeUing against the emperor by himself. The emperor's generai, Tilly, defeated Frederick and the Czech ma;g;nates ·at White Moiuntain in 1620. Frederick fled the country while the emperor was rounding up his enemies. The emperor abrogated the ipr1vileges orf the aristocratic estates with the wcclaim of the common Czech pe01ple. The Thirty Years' Wa;r raged with like fury in Bohemia -and the Germanies. There ,certainly was no national pumpose, especially no Czech national punpose - 'behind it a,t all After the smoke ,orf the lb attle cleia,r~d, there was -little evidence of Czech national co;nsciousness until the mid<ile orf the nineteenth century. 1 In the liight of historic~l facts,, the legend tha,t the Czechs lost their political (national) indeipendence in 1620 remains just what it was - a legend. As much so as the legend or fiction o;f a single, united "Ozechoslava;k" nation! • • • WHO SAID IT? "Slovak tradition and economy stand as a barrier between Czechs and Sfova;ks. . . So important was the Siova,k problem in the minds of both Czech and Slorvak leaders, that it was a major subject of study a11d debate during the war and has continued to .be ever since. An effort was made to solve the problem in 194'5 in the Kosice Programme, in which Czechs and Slovaks are defined as two distinct nations united by common interest in a single state. This is in itse'lf a complete reversal orf .the ethnic theory on which the first Repulblic was built: the. belief that Czechs and Slovaks constituted a single nation. The Kpsice , Program further provided that the Slovaks should be the masters in their Slovak lands, just as the Czechs in their Czech homeland, and that the gorvernment will regard the Slorvak Na-. tional Counici.J not only as the rightfiu[ re<presentatirve of the indirviduwl Siorvak nation, but aJlso as, the bearer of so:verei,gn right on SlorvaJk territory." ~ William Diamond, CZECHOSLOVAKIA BETWEIDN EAST AND WEST, Londoo., 1947.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource White Mountain - Historical Forgery Description An account of the resource Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 1 (10), March 1954 pp. 63-64 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 1954 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/c8967aaa42bc5a289ba209343bfe2261.pdf e5f62adc476fb0b67db9fd19f4af9cef PDF Text Text Officers of the Slovak League of America (Organ ized 1907 in Cleveland, Ohio.) • Honorary Dr, Peter 1943 W. Chi cago John J. Sirotnak 610-612 L inco ln Trust B ldg. Scranton 3, Pa. President P. Hletko 48th Street 9, Illin ois Dr. Julius Janci 215 East Mason Street Owosso , Micl1. President Philip A. Hrobak P. 0. Box 150, Midd letown, Pa. Ste phanie 0. Husek Georgian Court Coll ege Lakewood, N. J. Vice-President Jacob Kocis ADVISORY COUNCIL 1547 - 167th Street Michael J. Vargov ich Hammond, Ind. National President First Catholi c S lovak Un ion Vice-President of U. S. A. Julia Krajcovlc 1648 W. 18th St., Chicago 8, Ill. Rec01·d ing Secretary Fra ncis H rusovsky 2900 East Boul evard Cleveland 4, Ohio Frank Sobus National President S lovak Catholi c Sokol Sec re ta ry-Treas u rer Milan V. Blazek 4205 W . Cullerton Street Ch icago 23, 111. EXECUTIVE Helen Kocan National P r es ident F irst Catholi c Slovak Ladies Union Stephen J . Tkach National President Penna. Slovak Union Gabr iela E. Vavrek National President Ladies Pennsylvania Slovak Union COMMITTEE Paul P. Jamriska 810 Montooth Street P ittsb urgh 10, P a. Joseph Prusa 205 Mad ison St., Passaic, N. J . SLOVAK John Rozboril National President Slovak Catholic Cadet Union NEWSPAPERS ( Affiliated with the Slovak League of Amer ica ) JEDNOTA Midd letown, Pa. SLOVEN SKA OBRANA Scranton, Pa. .ZENSKA JEDNOTA BRATSTVO Wilkes-Barre, Pa. SLOVENSKE NOVINY Cleveland, Oh io. ZORNICKA Wilkes-Barre, Pa. KA TOL i CKY SOKO L Passaic, N. J. S VORNOST Wh1taker, Pa. OSADNE HLASY Chicago, Ill . Cleveland, Ohio. �General Milan R. Stefanik, soldier, statesman and astronomer, whose tragic death occurred May 4, 1919, when his plane was "accidentally" shot down by a Czech garrison near Vajnory, Slovakia. � Officers of the Slovak League of America (Organ ized 1907 in Cleveland, Ohio.) • Honorary Dr, Peter 1943 W. Chi cago John J. Sirotnak 610-612 L inco ln Trust B ldg. Scranton 3, Pa. President P. Hletko 48th Street 9, Illin ois Dr. Julius Janci 215 East Mason Street Owosso , Micl1. President Philip A. Hrobak P. 0. Box 150, Midd letown, Pa. Ste phanie 0. Husek Georgian Court Coll ege Lakewood, N. J. Vice-President Jacob Kocis ADVISORY COUNCIL 1547 - 167th Street Michael J. Vargov ich Hammond, Ind. National President First Catholi c S lovak Un ion Vice-President of U. S. A. Julia Krajcovlc 1648 W. 18th St., Chicago 8, Ill. Rec01·d ing Secretary Fra ncis H rusovsky 2900 East Boul evard Cleveland 4, Ohio Frank Sobus National President S lovak Catholi c Sokol Sec re ta ry-Treas u rer Milan V. Blazek 4205 W . Cullerton Street Ch icago 23, 111. EXECUTIVE Helen Kocan National P r es ident F irst Catholi c Slovak Ladies Union Stephen J . Tkach National President Penna. Slovak Union Gabr iela E. Vavrek National President Ladies Pennsylvania Slovak Union COMMITTEE Paul P. Jamriska 810 Montooth Street P ittsb urgh 10, P a. Joseph Prusa 205 Mad ison St., Passaic, N. J . SLOVAK John Rozboril National President Slovak Catholic Cadet Union NEWSPAPERS ( Affiliated with the Slovak League of Amer ica ) JEDNOTA Midd letown, Pa. SLOVEN SKA OBRANA Scranton, Pa. .ZENSKA JEDNOTA BRATSTVO Wilkes-Barre, Pa. SLOVENSKE NOVINY Cleveland, Oh io. ZORNICKA Wilkes-Barre, Pa. KA TOL i CKY SOKO L Passaic, N. J. S VORNOST Wh1taker, Pa. OSADNE HLASY Chicago, Ill . Cleveland, Ohio. �General Milan R. Stefanik, soldier, statesman and astronomer, whose tragic death occurred May 4, 1919, when his plane was "accidentally" shot down by a Czech garrison near Vajnory, Slovakia. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Officers of the Slovak League of America (Organ ized 1907 in Cleveland, Ohio.) • Honorary Dr, Peter 1943 W. Chi cago John J. Sirotnak 610-612 L inco ln Trust B ldg. Scranton 3, Pa. President P. Hletko 48th Street 9, Illin ois Dr. Julius Janci 215 East Mason Street Owosso , Micl1. President Philip A. Hrobak P. 0. Box 150, Midd letown, Pa. Ste phanie 0. Husek Georgian Court Coll ege Lakewood, N. J. Vice-President Jacob Kocis ADVISORY COUNCIL 1547 - 167th Street Michael J. Vargov ich Hammond, Ind. National President First Catholi c S lovak Un ion Vice-President of U. S. A. Julia Krajcovlc 1648 W. 18th St., Chicago 8, Ill. Rec01·d ing Secretary Fra ncis H rusovsky 2900 East Boul evard Cleveland 4, Ohio Frank Sobus National President S lovak Catholi c Sokol Sec re ta ry-Treas u rer Milan V. Blazek 4205 W . Cullerton Street Ch icago 23, 111. EXECUTIVE Helen Kocan National P r es ident F irst Catholi c Slovak Ladies Union Stephen J . Tkach National President Penna. Slovak Union Gabr iela E. Vavrek National President Ladies Pennsylvania Slovak Union COMMITTEE Paul P. Jamriska 810 Montooth Street P ittsb urgh 10, P a. Joseph Prusa 205 Mad ison St., Passaic, N. J . SLOVAK John Rozboril National President Slovak Catholic Cadet Union NEWSPAPERS ( Affiliated with the Slovak League of Amer ica ) JEDNOTA Midd letown, Pa. SLOVEN SKA OBRANA Scranton, Pa. .ZENSKA JEDNOTA BRATSTVO Wilkes-Barre, Pa. SLOVENSKE NOVINY Cleveland, Oh io. ZORNICKA Wilkes-Barre, Pa. KA TOL i CKY SOKO L Passaic, N. J. S VORNOST Wh1taker, Pa. OSADNE HLASY Chicago, Ill . Cleveland, Ohio. General Milan R. Stefanik, soldier, statesman and astronomer, whose tragic death occurred May 4, 1919, when his plane was "accidentally" shot down by a Czech garrison near Vajnory, Slovakia.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Back Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 1 (10) Description An account of the resource includes portrait of Gen. Milan R. Štefánik Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 1954 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/49c22a933a41fb6c35fc24890b895dd2.pdf 1d665ed688c0f104a1b3b9d37fb8d66d PDF Text Text VOL. IV JUNE ,1954 NO. 2 (11i IN TillS ISSUE: Tf;IE CA§E OF DR. HUBERT RIPKA AND COMPANY .r-; . ·,:p·,:,cASTLES OF SLOVAKIA: I f" . ..... LIKAVA f LIBERATI .O N - INDEPENDENCE - I FEDERATION ,- ' I Y'/AS AN OFFICER IN THE CZECHO-SLOVAK ARMY THE SLOVAK STATE AND CENTRAL EUROPE DECL.:ARATION - NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF SLOVAKS ADDRE•SS OF, PH I LIP A. H ROBAK MARCH 14 - SLOVAK INDEPENDENCE DAY THE SLOVAKS AND KING SAMO'S EMPIRE WHO SAID IT ? - * * P. 64 * Edited and compile.d by PHILIP A. HROBAK Published by · THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA �SLOVAKIA is published periodically by the Slovak League of America, a cultural and civic federation of Americans of Slovak descent. The chief purpose of SLOVAKIA ts to promote a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation and its long struggle for freedom and independence. As Americans, members of the Slovak League of America firmly believe that the Slovak nation, just as all nations, has an inherent and God-given right to freedom and independence. They are dedicated to the cause of the American way of life, Slovak freedom and world peace and are determined to oppose the plague of Communism and all other totalitarian political systems. Subscription to Slovakia $1.00 per year in the U. S. A. - $2.00 elsewhere. Send subscriptions to: SLOVAKIA Box 150 Middletown, Pa. Printed in the U.S. A. JEDNOTA PRESS Middletown , Pa . �SLOVAKIA, Published quarter ly by the Slova k VO L. IV JU N E 1954 DR. HUBERT RIPKA, one of the founders of tlhe so-called " Coun c il of F r ee Czechoslovaki a," and former mem1ber of the Communist-dmninated "Nation a 1 Fron.t" government of Benes and Gottwald, tried hard to e."plain a.way his coilla'boraJtion wHh the Reds of his country and wi-th Moscow in a s·e ries of articles pUJblished -in the NEW YORESKY DENINiK, last March (March 1226, 19'54). His record, however, stands. To our readers we recommend Ripka's book "EAISl'l' ANiD WEST" (London, 1944) so that they might see just :hO<W Mr. Ripk,a and otJher Bene.s Czechs fought Communism at home and aJbroad . Since the book is no:t easy to get, the s ,LOV!A.K NEWS· LElT'DER, might serve the pul'lpose, since it has -published lerugthy quotations from it since Miairch, 1954. Copies gf .the NiIDWSLETTER are still available for those who wish t hem. Send 25 cents to SLOVAKIA to pay for the cost of handling and postage. DR. FEDOR HODZA, son of the Ia te premier of Czecho,S!ova:kia, s igned the letter protesting " forced I·a:bor" which was published- in the NEW YORK TIIM ES, April 8, 1954. He signed it as a member of ithe "'Steering Committee, Council of Free Czechosfovakia." With the contents of the · letter prnbaib ly we could all agree, but was no.t the same Hodza, as were other Czecll politicians now organized in the "Council of Free Ozechoslovakia," a member of the ''National Front As semibly in Pra.g ue whiC1h Leag ue of Ame rica N O. 2 (1 1) ,p ;assed Law No. 88, the Compulsory LaJbor Decree, October 1, 19'45? Furthermore, ·w e und erstand that Hodza declared in tlie Prague Assembly on No·vembe.r 14, 1945, that ,hifs ,>arty (The Let. 'trLch "democrats") " unreservedly accepts its slb.are of resipon·s ibility for esta,blislhing complete co ntrol by the State of aJl! productive laibor." Would he no,w want us to 'b elieve .that he and his poli<ti,cal f,riend.s were not aware of the fact that s lave or forced la bor oa,mps did exist in Czecho-Slova. kia when they ruled that country together? Well !· "CZECHOSLOVAKISM AME,RICANIS M" a v ersus 48-page expose of the pro-Soviet " N•a tional Fronters" in the so-caBe.d ",Council of Free Czecllosiovakia" - Slhould be read by ever:9" one seeking the ansrwer to the question why "Czechosloviak demo craoy" converted so ea:shly to a R ed ·"people's denioc-i,a,cy." Send 25 ce nts in sta1I11Ps or coin and your co1py will •be se nt promptly. MORE THAN FORTY Catholic priests were arrested last M,arch by the Communist authorities in Slovakia in the wake of "illegal" celeibrations comm emorating the 1'5th anniversary of the proclamation of Slovakia's independence, according to rep'Or:ts · from Vienna. T<he .priests were arres.ted for off.erirug "unlta.wful" Masses a,nd paying tribute to Dr. Josepih Tiso, first .president of independent Slovakia, who •was hanged in 194,7 by Vhe Benes-Gottwald regime. ·'I1housands of Slovaks were �2 SLOVAKli questioned and detained by the · ,security police for takin-g par.t in "illegal" independence demonstra. tions. The spirit of freedom and independence lives on in Slovakia! DR. HUBERT RIPKA, promoter of the pro,Soviet policy of the Czech National ,SO!cialdsts (the Czech Naz'is) and author of the "we-must-colla:boraite-wti.th-1:!he U. S. S. R. book EAJST AND WEST (London, 1944), received a ho,t reception from ,the Chtca:go Czechs the evening of May 10th. Police were called in to quell the distunbance when Rilpka ma.de his ,a p;pearance to lecture. -Pic<kets barred RLpka's entrance to a. lecture hall and one. of them even l:Yanged Ri pka over the head wit,h a po!>ter he was carirying. The Czechs are finalcy- 1beginning .to s-e parate tJhe chaff from the wheat. 1 TISO DAY, April 18:th, was reverently ·c ommemorated by true Slovaks everywhere, Americans of Slovak descent includ•e d. Dr. Joseph Tiso, .president of the Slovak Repub1ic (19.39-19145), was murdered April 18, 1'947, by the Communist-do:mina:ted "National Front" gove.rnment of the iBenesGottw'a.ld coalition. Tiso grows in s,tature with the passing years and hi s memory lives on in the hearts of •Slovaks every,w'here. Con•g ress. Brom'inent American •personalities are g,radwally learning the. awful trutih about the po1i tical me.ss that wa;s Czecho-Slova:kia ,a nd the peoJ.}le directly and indirectly resJ.}ons~ble for the sellOLLt of the Czech and Slov01k nations ,to the USSR It is especially gratifying th-at responsible people in Go.v e;rnment a.re finially le.arning to distinguish ,Slova/ks from Czechs. 'l'he stirr.i ng and inspiring mess,a ges of President Eisenhower, V. P. Richard Nixon, S-ec retary of S·tate John Foster Dulles, were well received and ,aJ.)pfauded lustily. BOL•SHEVISM s.till devours its own cb1ldren. Last April, five leading Slovak Reas Husak, HorvaJth, Oka.Li, Holdos and Novomes•ky - were given sentences of ten years to life for "cons·piring aga inst tJhe integrity of the State." The Czech Reds are sup11eme rulers in Czecho-Slovakia, but even they do not know whose ,h eau wHl lbe on the block next. JOH,N HVASTA, American citizen of Slovak descent, Hillside, N. J ., told the story of his ar-r est and escape from Red Cze.cho:SilOIV'akiia In the. SA'DtJIR'OA'Y EVE. NIING POST (May 15•22, 1~&4) . Hva,sta expects to have a book pUJblislhed 'before .the end of the year. 1 Sl •S TER THE NAT1IOiNAL CONFER- ENCE of Americans of Silovak Descent, sponsored by the. Slovak League of America, in WaSihington, D. C.. May 24-25, 19'54, was attended ,b y some 1,3,5 delegates from pra-ctically all parts of .A:merica settled 'b y the Slova:ks and some 50 honored guests, wlhich included three senators and 32 representatives of the U. S. MAKARIA BARATH, a Slovak nun -w ho fled tJhe Communists in Czecho•Slovwkia, told the story of her underground rwor.k .anu the success of her flight in LI•F E mwg,azine, May 17, 19,54. The niun esca-ped from Slovakia in 195.2, spent the next .two yeiars in Ba..varia and arrived in 'New York last February_ She aame to · PihiJ.adelphia for a brief visit June Nth. �SLOVAKIA THE SLOVAKS aire not taking to Marxist sociaUsm quickly enough, so the Czech Reds of Prague held new elections to local "national" committees in Sfovakia M.ay l&tlh. Zaipotoeky, Red Czech president, asked to have the "1b est" citizens elected, and the "!best" of the wornit that could be .found were elected. Poor SlovakJa! MR. JOHN PAPI\NEK, former Czecho-Slovak delegate to the UN, writes the column "From the United Nations" Wihich appears in the Ozech "progres,s ive" papers and the NEW YORK'8KY DillNN1K, the Czechosfovak daHy pu,blislhed in. Slovak lan'g uage"(!). Pa,panek now tells ho,w Communists might be stop,ped or weak• ened, but he does not want to be asked how he vote·d on various issues, ru· why he voted with the U SISR, when a delegate of Mr. Benes to the U.N. Papanek might make his stories a 1bit shorter and more to the point ,b y saying: Beihold, hmv I promoted Dr. Benes's ,pro-iSoviet ,p olicy and backed tlhe Red-s in the U.N. by voting wi•th them - now, I, Pa• panek, admit that is not the w,a y to stop or wea,ken Communist'S. Or is confession no longer good for the soul? HAVE YOU READ "This is .Slovakia" by Dr. F,rancis Hrusovs ky, eminent Slovalk historian? If not, do so at your earliest convenience. You ,oan order your COPf, , trom SWVAKIA only $1.0(). THE "MATICA SLOV,ENSKA" (Slovak Institute) is no more. The famous cultural institution of learning was outlawed by decree of the Slovak National Coun- 3 cil on April 27th. T,he Matica 1b,ui:lding is now a lilbra;ry. The diS1Solution of the institution wias expected since ·t he Reds estrublished tlhe "Slovak Academy of Sciences" la.st year whiclb. allegedly took over mos.t of the func. tions of the Mtatica, the guardian of Slovak national and cultural traditions. "MOST" (Brid,ge), quarterly for <Slovak culture, estaJbliSihed in 1953, contains many noteworthy contri,b utions of Slovak intellec·tuals. We recomemnd it to a:11 our readers who C'an read Slovak. Issue No. 3 has just come off the press. 'I1he quarterly is edited by Rev. Niooolas Sprinc of the Slovak Benedictine High School, Cleveland, Ohio. You can have 'IMOST" for five dollars per annum. Send subscriptions to: MOST, 2006 Slchrage Avenue, Whiting, Ind. "DR. JOZEF T,IISO O SEBE" (Dr. Joseph Tiso .Aibout Himself) is the title of a book p,ulblished by the Slovak Catholic Sokol Press, Passaic, N. J. It was authored by Dr. Joseph Pauco, Middle.t01Wn. Pa., former editor of the S100VAK, the largest Slovak daily in Slovakia during tlhe war years. T-h e speech of Dr. Tiso, president of the Slovak Republic (19,39-1945), made in !his own defense at the conclusion of his trial in 1-94'7, lasting eleven full hours, forms the contents of the book. EX:planatory notes are supplied by Dr. Pauco, who prepared the speech for puiblic.ation. We ,heartily recommend it to the readers of Slovakiia who have a reading ·knowle<lgi'l of Slovak. You can get a copy by sending $1.50 to : Dr. Joseph Pauco, 114 N. U nion Street, Middletown, Pa. � VOL. IV JUNE ,1954 NO. 2 (11i IN TillS ISSUE: Tf;IE CA§E OF DR. HUBERT RIPKA AND COMPANY .r-; . ·,:p·,:,cASTLES OF SLOVAKIA: I f" . ..... LIKAVA f LIBERATI .O N - INDEPENDENCE - I FEDERATION ,- ' I Y'/AS AN OFFICER IN THE CZECHO-SLOVAK ARMY THE SLOVAK STATE AND CENTRAL EUROPE DECL.:ARATION - NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF SLOVAKS ADDRE•SS OF, PH I LIP A. H ROBAK MARCH 14 - SLOVAK INDEPENDENCE DAY THE SLOVAKS AND KING SAMO'S EMPIRE WHO SAID IT ? - * * P. 64 * Edited and compile.d by PHILIP A. HROBAK Published by · THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA �SLOVAKIA is published periodically by the Slovak League of America, a cultural and civic federation of Americans of Slovak descent. The chief purpose of SLOVAKIA ts to promote a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation and its long struggle for freedom and independence. As Americans, members of the Slovak League of America firmly believe that the Slovak nation, just as all nations, has an inherent and God-given right to freedom and independence. They are dedicated to the cause of the American way of life, Slovak freedom and world peace and are determined to oppose the plague of Communism and all other totalitarian political systems. Subscription to Slovakia $1.00 per year in the U. S. A. - $2.00 elsewhere. Send subscriptions to: SLOVAKIA Box 150 Middletown, Pa. Printed in the U.S. A. JEDNOTA PRESS Middletown , Pa . �SLOVAKIA, Published quarter ly by the Slova k VO L. IV JU N E 1954 DR. HUBERT RIPKA, one of the founders of tlhe so-called " Coun c il of F r ee Czechoslovaki a," and former mem1ber of the Communist-dmninated "Nation a 1 Fron.t" government of Benes and Gottwald, tried hard to e."plain a.way his coilla'boraJtion wHh the Reds of his country and wi-th Moscow in a s·e ries of articles pUJblished -in the NEW YORESKY DENINiK, last March (March 1226, 19'54). His record, however, stands. To our readers we recommend Ripka's book "EAISl'l' ANiD WEST" (London, 1944) so that they might see just :hO<W Mr. Ripk,a and otJher Bene.s Czechs fought Communism at home and aJbroad . Since the book is no:t easy to get, the s ,LOV!A.K NEWS· LElT'DER, might serve the pul'lpose, since it has -published lerugthy quotations from it since Miairch, 1954. Copies gf .the NiIDWSLETTER are still available for those who wish t hem. Send 25 cents to SLOVAKIA to pay for the cost of handling and postage. DR. FEDOR HODZA, son of the Ia te premier of Czecho,S!ova:kia, s igned the letter protesting " forced I·a:bor" which was published- in the NEW YORK TIIM ES, April 8, 1954. He signed it as a member of ithe "'Steering Committee, Council of Free Czechosfovakia." With the contents of the · letter prnbaib ly we could all agree, but was no.t the same Hodza, as were other Czecll politicians now organized in the "Council of Free Ozechoslovakia," a member of the ''National Front As semibly in Pra.g ue whiC1h Leag ue of Ame rica N O. 2 (1 1) ,p ;assed Law No. 88, the Compulsory LaJbor Decree, October 1, 19'45? Furthermore, ·w e und erstand that Hodza declared in tlie Prague Assembly on No·vembe.r 14, 1945, that ,hifs ,>arty (The Let. 'trLch "democrats") " unreservedly accepts its slb.are of resipon·s ibility for esta,blislhing complete co ntrol by the State of aJl! productive laibor." Would he no,w want us to 'b elieve .that he and his poli<ti,cal f,riend.s were not aware of the fact that s lave or forced la bor oa,mps did exist in Czecho-Slova. kia when they ruled that country together? Well !· "CZECHOSLOVAKISM AME,RICANIS M" a v ersus 48-page expose of the pro-Soviet " N•a tional Fronters" in the so-caBe.d ",Council of Free Czecllosiovakia" - Slhould be read by ever:9" one seeking the ansrwer to the question why "Czechosloviak demo craoy" converted so ea:shly to a R ed ·"people's denioc-i,a,cy." Send 25 ce nts in sta1I11Ps or coin and your co1py will •be se nt promptly. MORE THAN FORTY Catholic priests were arrested last M,arch by the Communist authorities in Slovakia in the wake of "illegal" celeibrations comm emorating the 1'5th anniversary of the proclamation of Slovakia's independence, according to rep'Or:ts · from Vienna. T<he .priests were arres.ted for off.erirug "unlta.wful" Masses a,nd paying tribute to Dr. Josepih Tiso, first .president of independent Slovakia, who •was hanged in 194,7 by Vhe Benes-Gottwald regime. ·'I1housands of Slovaks were �2 SLOVAKli questioned and detained by the · ,security police for takin-g par.t in "illegal" independence demonstra. tions. The spirit of freedom and independence lives on in Slovakia! DR. HUBERT RIPKA, promoter of the pro,Soviet policy of the Czech National ,SO!cialdsts (the Czech Naz'is) and author of the "we-must-colla:boraite-wti.th-1:!he U. S. S. R. book EAJST AND WEST (London, 1944), received a ho,t reception from ,the Chtca:go Czechs the evening of May 10th. Police were called in to quell the distunbance when Rilpka ma.de his ,a p;pearance to lecture. -Pic<kets barred RLpka's entrance to a. lecture hall and one. of them even l:Yanged Ri pka over the head wit,h a po!>ter he was carirying. The Czechs are finalcy- 1beginning .to s-e parate tJhe chaff from the wheat. 1 TISO DAY, April 18:th, was reverently ·c ommemorated by true Slovaks everywhere, Americans of Slovak descent includ•e d. Dr. Joseph Tiso, .president of the Slovak Repub1ic (19.39-19145), was murdered April 18, 1'947, by the Communist-do:mina:ted "National Front" gove.rnment of the iBenesGottw'a.ld coalition. Tiso grows in s,tature with the passing years and hi s memory lives on in the hearts of •Slovaks every,w'here. Con•g ress. Brom'inent American •personalities are g,radwally learning the. awful trutih about the po1i tical me.ss that wa;s Czecho-Slova:kia ,a nd the peoJ.}le directly and indirectly resJ.}ons~ble for the sellOLLt of the Czech and Slov01k nations ,to the USSR It is especially gratifying th-at responsible people in Go.v e;rnment a.re finially le.arning to distinguish ,Slova/ks from Czechs. 'l'he stirr.i ng and inspiring mess,a ges of President Eisenhower, V. P. Richard Nixon, S-ec retary of S·tate John Foster Dulles, were well received and ,aJ.)pfauded lustily. BOL•SHEVISM s.till devours its own cb1ldren. Last April, five leading Slovak Reas Husak, HorvaJth, Oka.Li, Holdos and Novomes•ky - were given sentences of ten years to life for "cons·piring aga inst tJhe integrity of the State." The Czech Reds are sup11eme rulers in Czecho-Slovakia, but even they do not know whose ,h eau wHl lbe on the block next. JOH,N HVASTA, American citizen of Slovak descent, Hillside, N. J ., told the story of his ar-r est and escape from Red Cze.cho:SilOIV'akiia In the. SA'DtJIR'OA'Y EVE. NIING POST (May 15•22, 1~&4) . Hva,sta expects to have a book pUJblislhed 'before .the end of the year. 1 Sl •S TER THE NAT1IOiNAL CONFER- ENCE of Americans of Silovak Descent, sponsored by the. Slovak League of America, in WaSihington, D. C.. May 24-25, 19'54, was attended ,b y some 1,3,5 delegates from pra-ctically all parts of .A:merica settled 'b y the Slova:ks and some 50 honored guests, wlhich included three senators and 32 representatives of the U. S. MAKARIA BARATH, a Slovak nun -w ho fled tJhe Communists in Czecho•Slovwkia, told the story of her underground rwor.k .anu the success of her flight in LI•F E mwg,azine, May 17, 19,54. The niun esca-ped from Slovakia in 195.2, spent the next .two yeiars in Ba..varia and arrived in 'New York last February_ She aame to · PihiJ.adelphia for a brief visit June Nth. �SLOVAKIA THE SLOVAKS aire not taking to Marxist sociaUsm quickly enough, so the Czech Reds of Prague held new elections to local "national" committees in Sfovakia M.ay l&tlh. Zaipotoeky, Red Czech president, asked to have the "1b est" citizens elected, and the "!best" of the wornit that could be .found were elected. Poor SlovakJa! MR. JOHN PAPI\NEK, former Czecho-Slovak delegate to the UN, writes the column "From the United Nations" Wihich appears in the Ozech "progres,s ive" papers and the NEW YORK'8KY DillNN1K, the Czechosfovak daHy pu,blislhed in. Slovak lan'g uage"(!). Pa,panek now tells ho,w Communists might be stop,ped or weak• ened, but he does not want to be asked how he vote·d on various issues, ru· why he voted with the U SISR, when a delegate of Mr. Benes to the U.N. Papanek might make his stories a 1bit shorter and more to the point ,b y saying: Beihold, hmv I promoted Dr. Benes's ,pro-iSoviet ,p olicy and backed tlhe Red-s in the U.N. by voting wi•th them - now, I, Pa• panek, admit that is not the w,a y to stop or wea,ken Communist'S. Or is confession no longer good for the soul? HAVE YOU READ "This is .Slovakia" by Dr. F,rancis Hrusovs ky, eminent Slovalk historian? If not, do so at your earliest convenience. You ,oan order your COPf, , trom SWVAKIA only $1.0(). THE "MATICA SLOV,ENSKA" (Slovak Institute) is no more. The famous cultural institution of learning was outlawed by decree of the Slovak National Coun- 3 cil on April 27th. T,he Matica 1b,ui:lding is now a lilbra;ry. The diS1Solution of the institution wias expected since ·t he Reds estrublished tlhe "Slovak Academy of Sciences" la.st year whiclb. allegedly took over mos.t of the func. tions of the Mtatica, the guardian of Slovak national and cultural traditions. "MOST" (Brid,ge), quarterly for <Slovak culture, estaJbliSihed in 1953, contains many noteworthy contri,b utions of Slovak intellec·tuals. We recomemnd it to a:11 our readers who C'an read Slovak. Issue No. 3 has just come off the press. 'I1he quarterly is edited by Rev. Niooolas Sprinc of the Slovak Benedictine High School, Cleveland, Ohio. You can have 'IMOST" for five dollars per annum. Send subscriptions to: MOST, 2006 Slchrage Avenue, Whiting, Ind. "DR. JOZEF T,IISO O SEBE" (Dr. Joseph Tiso .Aibout Himself) is the title of a book p,ulblished by the Slovak Catholic Sokol Press, Passaic, N. J. It was authored by Dr. Joseph Pauco, Middle.t01Wn. Pa., former editor of the S100VAK, the largest Slovak daily in Slovakia during tlhe war years. T-h e speech of Dr. Tiso, president of the Slovak Republic (19,39-1945), made in !his own defense at the conclusion of his trial in 1-94'7, lasting eleven full hours, forms the contents of the book. EX:planatory notes are supplied by Dr. Pauco, who prepared the speech for puiblic.ation. We ,heartily recommend it to the readers of Slovakiia who have a reading ·knowle<lgi'l of Slovak. You can get a copy by sending $1.50 to : Dr. Joseph Pauco, 114 N. U nion Street, Middletown, Pa. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document VOL. IV JUNE ,1954 NO. 2 (11i IN TillS ISSUE: Tf;IE CA§E OF DR. HUBERT RIPKA AND COMPANY .r-; . ·,:p·,:,cASTLES OF SLOVAKIA: I f" . ..... LIKAVA f LIBERATI .O N - INDEPENDENCE - I FEDERATION ,- ' I Y'/AS AN OFFICER IN THE CZECHO-SLOVAK ARMY THE SLOVAK STATE AND CENTRAL EUROPE DECL.:ARATION - NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF SLOVAKS ADDRE•SS OF, PH I LIP A. H ROBAK MARCH 14 - SLOVAK INDEPENDENCE DAY THE SLOVAKS AND KING SAMO'S EMPIRE WHO SAID IT ? - * * P. 64 * Edited and compile.d by PHILIP A. HROBAK Published by · THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA SLOVAKIA is published periodically by the Slovak League of America, a cultural and civic federation of Americans of Slovak descent. The chief purpose of SLOVAKIA ts to promote a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation and its long struggle for freedom and independence. As Americans, members of the Slovak League of America firmly believe that the Slovak nation, just as all nations, has an inherent and God-given right to freedom and independence. They are dedicated to the cause of the American way of life, Slovak freedom and world peace and are determined to oppose the plague of Communism and all other totalitarian political systems. Subscription to Slovakia $1.00 per year in the U. S. A. - $2.00 elsewhere. Send subscriptions to: SLOVAKIA Box 150 Middletown, Pa. Printed in the U.S. A. JEDNOTA PRESS Middletown , Pa . SLOVAKIA, Published quarter ly by the Slova k VO L. IV JU N E 1954 DR. HUBERT RIPKA, one of the founders of tlhe so-called " Coun c il of F r ee Czechoslovaki a," and former mem1ber of the Communist-dmninated "Nation a 1 Fron.t" government of Benes and Gottwald, tried hard to e."plain a.way his coilla'boraJtion wHh the Reds of his country and wi-th Moscow in a s·e ries of articles pUJblished -in the NEW YORESKY DENINiK, last March (March 1226, 19'54). His record, however, stands. To our readers we recommend Ripka's book "EAISl'l' ANiD WEST" (London, 1944) so that they might see just :hO<W Mr. Ripk,a and otJher Bene.s Czechs fought Communism at home and aJbroad . Since the book is no:t easy to get, the s ,LOV!A.K NEWS· LElT'DER, might serve the pul'lpose, since it has -published lerugthy quotations from it since Miairch, 1954. Copies gf .the NiIDWSLETTER are still available for those who wish t hem. Send 25 cents to SLOVAKIA to pay for the cost of handling and postage. DR. FEDOR HODZA, son of the Ia te premier of Czecho,S!ova:kia, s igned the letter protesting " forced I·a:bor" which was published- in the NEW YORK TIIM ES, April 8, 1954. He signed it as a member of ithe "'Steering Committee, Council of Free Czechosfovakia." With the contents of the · letter prnbaib ly we could all agree, but was no.t the same Hodza, as were other Czecll politicians now organized in the "Council of Free Ozechoslovakia," a member of the ''National Front As semibly in Pra.g ue whiC1h Leag ue of Ame rica N O. 2 (1 1) ,p ;assed Law No. 88, the Compulsory LaJbor Decree, October 1, 19'45? Furthermore, ·w e und erstand that Hodza declared in tlie Prague Assembly on No·vembe.r 14, 1945, that ,hifs ,>arty (The Let. 'trLch "democrats") " unreservedly accepts its slb.are of resipon·s ibility for esta,blislhing complete co ntrol by the State of aJl! productive laibor." Would he no,w want us to 'b elieve .that he and his poli<ti,cal f,riend.s were not aware of the fact that s lave or forced la bor oa,mps did exist in Czecho-Slova. kia when they ruled that country together? Well !· "CZECHOSLOVAKISM AME,RICANIS M" a v ersus 48-page expose of the pro-Soviet " N•a tional Fronters" in the so-caBe.d ",Council of Free Czecllosiovakia" - Slhould be read by ever:9" one seeking the ansrwer to the question why "Czechosloviak demo craoy" converted so ea:shly to a R ed ·"people's denioc-i,a,cy." Send 25 ce nts in sta1I11Ps or coin and your co1py will •be se nt promptly. MORE THAN FORTY Catholic priests were arrested last M,arch by the Communist authorities in Slovakia in the wake of "illegal" celeibrations comm emorating the 1'5th anniversary of the proclamation of Slovakia's independence, according to rep'Or:ts · from Vienna. T<he .priests were arres.ted for off.erirug "unlta.wful" Masses a,nd paying tribute to Dr. Josepih Tiso, first .president of independent Slovakia, who •was hanged in 194,7 by Vhe Benes-Gottwald regime. ·'I1housands of Slovaks were 2 SLOVAKli questioned and detained by the · ,security police for takin-g par.t in "illegal" independence demonstra. tions. The spirit of freedom and independence lives on in Slovakia! DR. HUBERT RIPKA, promoter of the pro,Soviet policy of the Czech National ,SO!cialdsts (the Czech Naz'is) and author of the "we-must-colla:boraite-wti.th-1:!he U. S. S. R. book EAJST AND WEST (London, 1944), received a ho,t reception from ,the Chtca:go Czechs the evening of May 10th. Police were called in to quell the distunbance when Rilpka ma.de his ,a p;pearance to lecture. -Pic<kets barred RLpka's entrance to a. lecture hall and one. of them even l:Yanged Ri pka over the head wit,h a po!>ter he was carirying. The Czechs are finalcy- 1beginning .to s-e parate tJhe chaff from the wheat. 1 TISO DAY, April 18:th, was reverently ·c ommemorated by true Slovaks everywhere, Americans of Slovak descent includ•e d. Dr. Joseph Tiso, .president of the Slovak Repub1ic (19.39-19145), was murdered April 18, 1'947, by the Communist-do:mina:ted "National Front" gove.rnment of the iBenesGottw'a.ld coalition. Tiso grows in s,tature with the passing years and hi s memory lives on in the hearts of •Slovaks every,w'here. Con•g ress. Brom'inent American •personalities are g,radwally learning the. awful trutih about the po1i tical me.ss that wa;s Czecho-Slova:kia ,a nd the peoJ.}le directly and indirectly resJ.}ons~ble for the sellOLLt of the Czech and Slov01k nations ,to the USSR It is especially gratifying th-at responsible people in Go.v e;rnment a.re finially le.arning to distinguish ,Slova/ks from Czechs. 'l'he stirr.i ng and inspiring mess,a ges of President Eisenhower, V. P. Richard Nixon, S-ec retary of S·tate John Foster Dulles, were well received and ,aJ.)pfauded lustily. BOL•SHEVISM s.till devours its own cb1ldren. Last April, five leading Slovak Reas Husak, HorvaJth, Oka.Li, Holdos and Novomes•ky - were given sentences of ten years to life for "cons·piring aga inst tJhe integrity of the State." The Czech Reds are sup11eme rulers in Czecho-Slovakia, but even they do not know whose ,h eau wHl lbe on the block next. JOH,N HVASTA, American citizen of Slovak descent, Hillside, N. J ., told the story of his ar-r est and escape from Red Cze.cho:SilOIV'akiia In the. SA'DtJIR'OA'Y EVE. NIING POST (May 15•22, 1~&4) . Hva,sta expects to have a book pUJblislhed 'before .the end of the year. 1 Sl •S TER THE NAT1IOiNAL CONFER- ENCE of Americans of Silovak Descent, sponsored by the. Slovak League of America, in WaSihington, D. C.. May 24-25, 19'54, was attended ,b y some 1,3,5 delegates from pra-ctically all parts of .A:merica settled 'b y the Slova:ks and some 50 honored guests, wlhich included three senators and 32 representatives of the U. S. MAKARIA BARATH, a Slovak nun -w ho fled tJhe Communists in Czecho•Slovwkia, told the story of her underground rwor.k .anu the success of her flight in LI•F E mwg,azine, May 17, 19,54. The niun esca-ped from Slovakia in 195.2, spent the next .two yeiars in Ba..varia and arrived in 'New York last February_ She aame to · PihiJ.adelphia for a brief visit June Nth. SLOVAKIA THE SLOVAKS aire not taking to Marxist sociaUsm quickly enough, so the Czech Reds of Prague held new elections to local "national" committees in Sfovakia M.ay l&tlh. Zaipotoeky, Red Czech president, asked to have the "1b est" citizens elected, and the "!best" of the wornit that could be .found were elected. Poor SlovakJa! MR. JOHN PAPI\NEK, former Czecho-Slovak delegate to the UN, writes the column "From the United Nations" Wihich appears in the Ozech "progres,s ive" papers and the NEW YORK'8KY DillNN1K, the Czechosfovak daHy pu,blislhed in. Slovak lan'g uage"(!). Pa,panek now tells ho,w Communists might be stop,ped or weak• ened, but he does not want to be asked how he vote·d on various issues, ru· why he voted with the U SISR, when a delegate of Mr. Benes to the U.N. Papanek might make his stories a 1bit shorter and more to the point ,b y saying: Beihold, hmv I promoted Dr. Benes's ,pro-iSoviet ,p olicy and backed tlhe Red-s in the U.N. by voting wi•th them - now, I, Pa• panek, admit that is not the w,a y to stop or wea,ken Communist'S. Or is confession no longer good for the soul? HAVE YOU READ "This is .Slovakia" by Dr. F,rancis Hrusovs ky, eminent Slovalk historian? If not, do so at your earliest convenience. You ,oan order your COPf, , trom SWVAKIA only $1.0(). THE "MATICA SLOV,ENSKA" (Slovak Institute) is no more. The famous cultural institution of learning was outlawed by decree of the Slovak National Coun- 3 cil on April 27th. T,he Matica 1b,ui:lding is now a lilbra;ry. The diS1Solution of the institution wias expected since ·t he Reds estrublished tlhe "Slovak Academy of Sciences" la.st year whiclb. allegedly took over mos.t of the func. tions of the Mtatica, the guardian of Slovak national and cultural traditions. "MOST" (Brid,ge), quarterly for <Slovak culture, estaJbliSihed in 1953, contains many noteworthy contri,b utions of Slovak intellec·tuals. We recomemnd it to a:11 our readers who C'an read Slovak. Issue No. 3 has just come off the press. 'I1he quarterly is edited by Rev. Niooolas Sprinc of the Slovak Benedictine High School, Cleveland, Ohio. You can have 'IMOST" for five dollars per annum. Send subscriptions to: MOST, 2006 Slchrage Avenue, Whiting, Ind. "DR. JOZEF T,IISO O SEBE" (Dr. Joseph Tiso .Aibout Himself) is the title of a book p,ulblished by the Slovak Catholic Sokol Press, Passaic, N. J. It was authored by Dr. Joseph Pauco, Middle.t01Wn. Pa., former editor of the S100VAK, the largest Slovak daily in Slovakia during tlhe war years. T-h e speech of Dr. Tiso, president of the Slovak Republic (19,39-1945), made in !his own defense at the conclusion of his trial in 1-94'7, lasting eleven full hours, forms the contents of the book. EX:planatory notes are supplied by Dr. Pauco, who prepared the speech for puiblic.ation. We ,heartily recommend it to the readers of Slovakiia who have a reading ·knowle<lgi'l of Slovak. You can get a copy by sending $1.50 to : Dr. Joseph Pauco, 114 N. U nion Street, Middletown, Pa.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Front Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 2 (11) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June 1954 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/d34ef8d9b1e14db214783cae3b9d29e9.pdf 9f5488907155635d54a32238029997c0 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA THE CASE OF DR. HUBERT RIPKA AND COMPANY Joseph K~rschbaum, M,A., LL.D. Early in February orf this year. Senator William E. Jenner's Committee !began to investigate se:veraJ Cze<!h politicians and their SlOIVaJk hirelings (br. Ruibert Ripka, Dr. Ferdinand Peroutka, Dr. Peter Zenlkl, Dr. J ose,ph Let.trich, General Nicholas Feriencik) who collatbomted wiitJh Communism and were granted asy1wm ·a nd aid by the administration oif President Hiarry Truman: The iillvesti:gatiion was initiated in the interests of American democracy and the security of .the United States of America. Anglo...Saxon law, however, protects the accused and the suspect until a verd!ict is rendered and, therefore, no one on the Slov,ak side has thus far taJken · a meritorious position, even though the SlovaJk nation ,p aid and is stiU .paying heavily in blood and suffering for the politics of the Czech and so-.called "Czechoslovak" CO'llaJboraitOTs with Communism now being investigated. The investi,gaJtion is not as yet completed, and it can happen that for various reaso1I1s it may not b_e completed in such a m·a nner as would ·be demanded by truth and justice. In the first place, we are here concerned with a .poHtical committee and the evidence of facts after some 10-12 yea·r s is quite 'buvdensome. In the second plaJce, many political circles, new,spa;pers. and or1ganimations in the demooratic world are and wiU 1~ interested in defending the 0zech collalborators, because all fellow-travelers and cry,pto-Communists wiill thereby deifend their own policies and themselves. The following remarks concerning the case of Hulbert Ripka· and Coonpan~ are not a result of the investigation of the Senate SU:b-<Committee, nor do they in any way consider what the eventual result might ib.e. Dr. Hulbert Ripka himself, conscious of his own "mistakes" and not altogether governed by the mofal prindp.le that "the hest deifense is offense," d!id not wait for .the resll!lt of the investigation, as every serious person would do, but attacked his a0cusers, waning: I cOiffiplain, I oigject. Ordinarily we wou,l d not expect this from a 60-year-old politician. The remariks t'hat foHow refer to t:Jhis 1 �SLOVAKIA 5 complaint of Dr. Ripka and his altlies in whose na;me Dr. Rrpka speaks. The Psychological Errors of Ripka's Defense The very fad that Dr. Riipka considered it necessary to complain iaJbout hiis accusers 1publ icly must girve the impression to ervery legally and politica!My minded person that Dr. Riipka is not certain albout his ow11 innocence and, therefore, resorted to hysteri'ca1 spasms before the resul..ts of the investigation were made kno1W11. The manner of his public defense and ang,r y tone, as well as the badly selec,ted vooa1bulary of Dr. Rip:k,a in his series of articles .pU!blished in the NiEW YORKSKY DENN1K f!rom March 12th of this year, necessarily leads us to the conclusion that some/body stepped on the corns of Dr. Ripka and his fsociates.. Dr. Ripka made it quite dbvious that the co·r n huH:s, and he and his associates are afraid of having it operated on. 1 This, however, undoulb,t edl,y wu.H not sur.pTise any decent person, who is acquainted with the actual situation in the Gzecho-Sl{)!Vruk Repulblic after 194.5 and wu.th the politics of the aocused Ozech aifd "Ozechoslovatk" collaJborators with Oommunism, as much as the fa'Ct that heire we hruve a man who so scandra:lously defends himself aigainst accusations of politi'cal collalboration, lbut who voted with both hands to hang ,p oliticians who eiven "might have" collalborated and with far less catastrophic consequences than in the case of Dr. Rtpka and his associates. The Sloivak ,p oliticians, who saived their nation from suffering and possible caitastrophy and cairried out the state rewolution with a song on their lips, were not resiponsi/ble foir a single verdict of death for politi:ca:l reasons while they g01Verned. How did they fare during the reign of DT. Rip!ka and his a;SSociates? They were hung and shot and tortured witho,wt mercy and without regard to rig,ht and justice for "all.eged" collaJbomtion. Nay, the verofoits were already rendered by the Ozech exiles in London without investigation and trial. Yet, this same Dr. Ripka, who sent people to the g•allows, feels highly inswted and thiniks that he is unjustly treated by the very faot th11it somebody had dared to ask him what the conditions were in Ozec'ho-Slova;kia while he �(j SI. OV AKT A and his associates were memibers of the "National Front" Government there and why that country was surrende,r ed to Moscow without a fight. Instead of exiplaining calmly and objectively and, incidentally, uttering "mea oulipa" and pointing out extenuating circUlffis1Jances, 1because only these will be considered, Dr. Hulbert Riplka insolently attacked his accusers and the victims of his politics in the effort to weaken the accusation and diivert attention to events which had little or nothing in common with the investigation of the Senate COIIlllrn.ittee of the United States. PsyohologicaHy - and in politics psychological moments are not without significance - Dr. R•i pka b.egan his defense very amk!war<ily. Lt was "a very wrong approach" to the delicate question of collaJboration in ipolitics. Let us, however, leave the realm of psycholo,g y and see at least cursorily how the case looks from the angle of political and legal argiuments. Political Falsehoods and Half-Truths Dr. Ripka rests his defense on several politicai falsehoods and half--truths, assuming that "Ameri:cans, with the exception of a few experts, cannot knoiw the comp1ex problems of Central EurO!pe," as he himself stated it. The main lies resorted to 'by Ripka are the following: 1. that the whole (Ozechos;Jo1vruk) nation wa:s for an alliance with the USSR during the war; 2. that the treaty of Dr. Benes with Moscow (December 12, 1943) was concluded to save Sl01ViaJkfa; 3. that the A.Hies had wanted a Soviet-Czech treaty in 1943. In the first instance, we are concerned with such an apparent lie that we must seriously question the fact that Dr. Ripka, a learned politician, can so daringly state such an exposed untruth in the face of thousands of Czechs and Sfovaks. The fad is that, for example, in Slovakia - in whose name Ripka presumes to spealk - up to the time of the OzechoJSoviet treaty, both the Communists and those accused with Ripka today (Ur. Lettrich and Gen. Feriencik) were practically inactive in politics. It was only after the treaty of Dr. Benes with Stalin that the so-ealled "Slovak underground" - the Communists and their collabora- �SLOVAKIA i tors from the "Ozechoslova;k" camp - met for the first time and on the basis of the treaty decided in Moscow to undertake political action for the renewal of Ozecho-.Slo ,,akia. It seems that Dr. Ri,pka depends entirely too much on the "ignorance " of Americans when he a1btempts to deny such evident facts. He pretends that he has forgotten that the governmen t, in which he occupied such an eminent position, had jailed and sentenced to death thousands and thousands of ,people in Sloivakia and the Czech lands, that it dispossessed and disfranchis ed them only /because they were against Moscow and CommuniS1In; that the governmen t of which Ripka was a part deported over three million Germans in a ba.zfuaTic manner aJlso beicause they rather looked to Germany than to Russia, and that it deported even the Magyars for collaiborating with the Germans. Now, then, where was this "whole nation" which Ripka spoke of? In this case we can understand "nation" in the political sense oi Anglo.Saxo n terminolog y and, consequent ly, must include the entire population of the Ozecho-Slo.vak Repulblic, because otherwise in the Ozech~lov aJk Repulblic there are and were at least two nations already even at the time the London governmen t of Dr. Benes concluded the Czecho-Sov iet Treaty. 2. The weakest argument of a political nature offered for the co.llalboration of the Czech ,p oliticians with Moscow is the statement that the Czecho-&wieit Treaty of 1943 was concluded "to save Slovailria." '.Dhis is not only a lie, but a political rubsurdity, especially in the veraion of Dr. Hulbert Ri,p ka. At the time when the Czech exiles, headed 'by Dr. Edward Benes, concluded their treaty with Moscow, there were no SlovaJk Communis ts in Moscow who could have had "sepa.ratist ic tendencies, " nay, there were :no significant SloV1ak Communis ts there at aJI. The leader of the Slovak Communist s, Dr. Vladimir Clementis, was Dr. Benes's man in London and the rest of the Slovruk Communist s, outside of one or two exceptions, li'Ved comfortabl y in Slovakia. Dr. Ripka knowingly uses the argument which could be applied cum grano salis to the events of 1944 and later, �SLOVAKIA when Slovaik Communists manifested tendencies for independence, because they saw no reason why the Czechs should rule over S10!Vl8Jk,ia (Dr. Nemec, the governmoot delegate), when Slwruk blood was !being spilled the:re, while in the Czech lands the people, taiking council from the London government of Benes, were even afraid to speak out so that they mi ght not anger the Germa:ris. At this time it is bloody irony to ta1k a'bout "saNing Slovalkia," whkh without the interference orf Dr. Ripka and his associates would have come out of the war either as Finland did, or in the worst case as Hungary did, which would haNe been !better for the Slovak nation from every point oif 'View than the position which ·r esulted from the Ozecho-Soviet Treaty. Slovakia was plundered so thoroughly and Silo1Vak women and girls were brutally ravaged by the Russian hordes as if no treaty had existed at all. And thus it was that amti-Commun ists were hung, shot and jailed in Slo,valkia. To this ibolshevik vengeance and inhumanity was added also the revenge of the Ozechs, ait times, proved wo,r se than the excesses of the bar'baria.n Reds. Then SlovaJkia was also plundered economically by Prague. 1 If Dr. Riipka and his asso.ciates maintain that they rendered the Czechs and the SlOIV'aJks a seirivice by delaying the bolsheivization of Czecho-Slwaik ia with the:i.r treaty (which we seriously doulbt), then it is apparent that Ripka '8Jlld Coonpany would like us to forget how many people perished and are still perishing ~ause they believed the false and n.ruive the sis aJbouit the independeince oif the Ozecho~Slovak Republic and therefore, came out openl;y- agiainst Communism. And how muoh damage did the propaganda of Riipka and his associates do from the international standpoint when it proved, or tried to pmve, that collaJboration witfu Moscow was not only possible, but necessary? The tTuth is that the policy of Dr. Benes, Dr. Ripka and Company could have served only the interests of Moscow and the Czech Communists, lbecaJuse under the veil of Czech propaganda Moscow could play its false role, and the Czech Communists could murrder, deport, violate, ipersecute any one they wanted to with the copartidspaJtion and coresponsibili ty of the glo- �SLOVAKIA 9 rified "democ,r,a,ts" in the western world of Dr. Benes, Masaryik, Dr. Ripka, Zenkl, etc. 3. Rilpka did not state the trwth when he wrote that the western a:11:ies wanted the Czecho-Soviet 'Dreaty in 1943. We know that they were not for it; Churchill aind EJden eS1peciaJl.y were against it; both protested.pulbliicly ag:ainst it and the matter was debated in Parliament. Of course, when the allies did coI11SenJt to it, it was only rufter Dr. Benes had everything cwt and dried amd the allies were faced with .,_ fait accampli; and they did so to aJVoid an airig,ument with Moscow at t:hat time. In his entire "complaint," Dr. Rtpka moves aibout on thin ice; he anticipates, distorts the facts and entangles his argumentation with pettifoggery. He would like to hruve us forget, at the same time, that he himse1f had spoken and written aJbout aH. these matters, that the Loo.don bToadc,a sts .and the press of the Ozeich exiles commented on them, that we ha,ve the memoirs of Dr. Benes, Dr. Olementis, Masaryk and even the great masterpiece of collraJboration by Ripka himself, his boolk IDAST AND WEST, published in London in 1944. U siI1Jg the Polish case as an argument in this connootion is also antici'Pating and distorting the facts. Dr. Ripka intentionally forgets jrust wh~in Dr. Edward Benes began hi:s. Sovietophile politics; and ver,y conrvenienUy prefers not tq mention thait between Moscow and the Poiish London Government there was not only the "Katyn affa.ir," but also an 8JPparent anti-Communist atmosphere, while the goivernment of Dr. Benes wa,s a cami:miflaged bols'hevilk emlbassy a:nd propagation center in the western world, which Moscow not only did not h0JVe to l,iquidaJte, 'but, converaely, used its .services very effectivcly to promote its own interests. Moscow liquidate its own agents only after they harve finished the wo~k asstgrned them. Since this was not the case with Benes'•s . London Go:vernmenrt in 1943, no parallel can ibe drawn between the Ozecli and Polish governments in London without an attempt at deceit. By using the arguments he did, Ripka not only did not produce an adequate defense for the conclusion of the Czecho-Soviet Treaty,. but eiven did not give an aiecepbalble ex- �10 SLOVAKIA ipla.nation for it. On the contrary, by taking recourse to lies, half-truths, anticipation and distortion of the facts , he demonstrated quite clearly that the Cooch and Slovak collaborators with Communism do not know how to defend their politics. Therefore, it remains for us to answer at least briefly the question whether Dr. Ripka and Company did collaJborate with bolshevism at the eX!pense of the Czech and SlOIVak naJtions and at the expense of the interests o.f democracy in general. The Collaboration of Ripka and Co. If we do not taJke into account the legal pa:squinades of the so-.cahled "peoples-democrat ic" courts, we find that there is no established legal definition for the crime of col1.a!boration as we have, for exa:mple, in the case of treason. In general, after the S'e cond World War, colla:boraltion meant aiding the occU1pants in the management of the territories they had oocU!pied -and su,pportirug their aggressions. A whole series of governments - from Petiaiin's to the H'l.l!Ilgarian, Rumanian and Slava:k - ,w as placed on trial and convicted for such colla!boration, even though in some cases collaboration consisted of not resisting German agg·ressiorn and of alliances of these governments with Berlin, which undoubtedly spared the nations concerned from aJctwail oocuipation and its consequences. The defense "of the collaborators with Germany - pointing out that they a'Verted ca:tastTophy f.rcnn other nations - however, was not accepted. Post~war governments, including the one of which Dr. Riipka and his associates were members, a::r\bitrnrily and mercilessly sent hundreds and thousands of such "collaJbora:tors" to the gallows, jails and concentration camps. If it is true that the Czecho.-iSlovruk Repulblic was "occupied" by the Russian Army, as Dr. Ripka himself now claims in his defense, and not "lifberated" - as he claimed eaxlier - then tihere can be no argument that the politics of Dr. Riipka and Co. exhausts the rea.il sUl~ance of the crime of coll.aJboration as it was defined by the "Nation.al Courts" of Ozecho--SlOIV'alkria and by the manifestations of Dr. R:ilpka himself. �SLOVAKIA 11 Dr. Ripka and his associates not only col,laJborated with the occupying power, but a:lso he1ped it sig:n.irficantly to consolidate its aggressions, includJing Ozecho-<Slovaikia itself. Naturally, Dr. Ripka points out that that was not his intention. It is possilble, however, to ,presuppose that it was the intention of Petain, or any other government in Central Euro:pe during the war, to aid the Gernnans at the expense of their own ·nations and countries? Did they a1l not defend themselrve.s - and many of them altogether jlUSbly - that they saved their naitions from great drumacge, from slaughter and plunder? What was the answer given to such questions, or to suoh a defense, by the government of which Benes, Ripka, Zenfkl, Lettrich, etc., were members? The gallows, concentration camps, deportation to Siberia, forced labor camps, and jails! So that there mi:ght not be any misunderstanding, decent ,people in macny cases regarded the continU'atiOlll cxf "peoples-democratic governments" as a travesty of justice and judicial mocder and, therefore, we do not want to girve the impression that our conclusion is to "repay the gaUows with gallows." Nothing could be farther from the truth. The aim of those remarks is something altogether different: to point out what kind of individuals are seelking cover in the democratic society and are aippealing to its sense of justrl.re, when they themselves never displayed any towat-d persons who were guilty of lesser transgressions than they and whose politics resulted in far less fortunate consequences than theirs. Comparing the collaJboration and politics of Dr. Ripka and Co. with that of, for example, Marshall Petain, Dr. Tiso, Antonescu, etc., we must also taJke into consideration one essential difference: the latter did not request and did not want colialboration with Germa'lllY; they did not initiate it and did not see in the Naizi system a;nd collaiboration with Germany what Dr. Rirpka and Oompany, long before 1945, saw in bolsheviism and in collaboration with Moscow. Marshal Petain and Dr. Tiso were put into the situation of "co'llalboration," when more than half of France was occupied and Slovakia was gi;ven a choice of being ooowpied by Germany or dirvided among its neighbors. Therefore, even if they did accept unpleasant and ungrateful tasks in �12 SLOVAKIA the interest of their nations, they did not 'b ecome international propagandists Of German politics, as w,a,s- the case with the Czech gove:mment-in..exile in its relation to Russia. Dr. RiJpka and Co., therefore, were not only guilty of the type of "collaboration'' for whfoh Pet-ain was coovicted and Dr. Tiso was murdered, but of a ty;pe much wcmse, because they wanted to collalbol'late with Russia and presented bolsheivism, fong before they returned to Prague, in glowing ternns as a form of prog,r essive democrax!y, defending i,t a-g ainst the Naizi bogey and convincing the world that the Soviets love and want peruce and the necessity for cooperating with Russia. Broadcasting over BBC, London, November 7, 1942, on the world s1gmficance of the Soviet Revolution, Dr. Hubert Ripka said that the revolution (which ,b rought bo~shevism or Communism to Russia) "is a super-111ational ideal, an eternal ideal, a h\.llill'an ideal, an ideal which has kindled the minds of t'he nolblest of men from the time of Plato and through t'he Chr:isti,a n era, through the great Fre1mh Revolution and until today." In his hook EA/ST AND WEST (London, l944), Dr. Rlipka wrote (p. 64). "The democvatization of Russia and the whole of Soviet society, which is a permanent resuit of the Soviet revolutionary process, eliJminated from Russian policy the imperialist aims which Tsarist Russia pursued against the smaUer nations; it also resulted in the ,Soviet Union's becoming a genll'inely pea~e-loving power, sincerely interested in -the maJnteniance of peace,. but at the same time powerful enough to resist aggression and furnish effective help and support to t'he peace..Joving forees of the world." Addressing .himself to the Central...Jilil~apean nations, Dr. Ripka stated categorically: "We repeat: the So'Vli.ets are not anxious to 'Bolshewze' Central and South~Eastern Europe" (East and West, p. 61). And: "Here and there, mi~ givings still exist on the score of Russian or, more ,preciseily, Soviet imlperi,a;lism. We do not share those feavs" (.p. 51) Dr. Fevclinamd Peroutka, a very close fri-end of Dr. Rirpka, even after he had the opportunity to see just what the bolshevi!k ho:rdes ·were c84)alble of and to know just what oommunist politics aimed to achieve, wrote: "The East, there is �SLOVAKIA 13 our liberator, our ally and our protector in the future ... If in England there still can be found factors who evince a bigoted hatred for the Soviet Union, then those persons cannot even be considered as our friends" (DNESEK, June 11, 1946). The remain!ing 0zech aind Slova!k associa.tes of Dr. Ripka spolke, acted and wrote along the same lines, here and there trying to outdo each othm- in their apPeasement of the Communists and in proclaiming their undying loyalty to the Soviet Union. In other words, in the case of Dr. Ripka a.nd Oo. we are not concerned with coUaJborators who were forced to collaborate, 'but with politicians who. even gained otheiis for the Soviet Union (Vd. the books of Dr. Ripka, Dr. Peroutka, Dr. Benes and their manifestations during and aftm- the war; Dr. Stephen Osusky',s booklet "Dr. Bene£ and the Slova!ks"; also quotaitions in the SLOVAK NEWSLETTER and S'LOV A.KIA, as well as HrOlbak's "CZECH0SL0ViA!KliSM Versus A!MERilC.AJN]SM"). Conclusion As I had said at the beginning of these remavks, the investigaition of Dr. Hubm-t Ripka and Co. can be completed without the American authorities undertaking any necessary steps a;gainst this grouip of collalbomtors with bolshevism who are hidiinig behind a democratic laibel an~ are using and abusing the good nature and hospitality of certain American circles. But eiven such an end of the inivestigation will not change the fact in t'he least that Dr. Ripka; Peroutka, Zeillkl, Lettrich, Fm-ienci,k, etc., were tools of communist policy in the 0zecho..Slo:vak Republi:c - Dr. Ripka even in and t'hat their collalbora.tion the international arena resulted in rirvers of blood, suffering and the enslavement of millions of innocent hwman beings. Dr. Rii.pk•a and his associ,a tes are attempting to defend their coHalboration by saying that they intended to 'defend democracy and that they could not foresee that Russia would not honor its treaties. In ,p olitics, where everything is judged b.y results and not according to intentions, this feeble defense will not · rid them of the responsibility. It �14 SLO VAKIA could be, as already stated, the maximum of extenuating circumstances, ,booaruse in poil[tics the definition still. applies : gouverner, c'est prevoir (to govern is to foresee). Dr. Rirpka and Co. either l,araked necessairy f.oresig'ht, or, if they knew what they were doing, collaJborated fully and wiUingly in the full sense of the word. In either case, however, i:t is difficrut to understand why sO!Ill'e American chicles are still supporting these ~ech politicfans, who in the battle a:g·a inst Communism - failed .shamefully and rutterly, maJking it ruppeaT that some one is interested in whitewashing them forcefll!lly of c0Ua1boration - the collaJb oriation which they committed to a very greater measure than did the people they shot and hung for coUaboratirrg with the Na2Jis. · The Czech politicians coli1ruborated with the men of the Kremlin 'because they hated the West after Munich (193:8). Some wanted to avenge themselves on the West. They :knew what they were doing; they turned to Moscow knowingly and willingly. The Ozech •p oliticians a3so hated the SloV'a:ks, because they had dared to lwe their own li,ves and proclaim their independence; th,a t they demonstmted their ability to live without the Czechs and thus frustrated their plan to Ozechize the S1ovaik nation, to destroy it as a nation. Driven by this hatred, the desire for revenge and the ambition to rule, Dr. Ripka and Co. thrust themseJ,ves into the embrace of Moscow and fled to the West only after they sa:w that they played the wrong hoTse and Moscow wanted to liquidate them. We m'll!st, therefore, ask the question, whether in the fight against Communism these persons are, from among the Czech and Slov,a,k exiles, suitaJble intei,preters o;f democratic conceptions with regard to the ~ h and Slovak nations and whether they came to the United States and Cainada through those elements of the past administrations, which saw in Comtmunism "a progressive democracy" - as did Ripka, PerourtJka, Zenkl Le1Jtrich and Co. The <:ry· "cavean:t consules, nequid detrimenti Res PUiblica capiat," it seems, is, therefore, in order, but the investigation of the Czech collalborators is aJso late by several years. � SLOVAKIA THE CASE OF DR. HUBERT RIPKA AND COMPANY Joseph K~rschbaum, M,A., LL.D. Early in February orf this year. Senator William E. Jenner's Committee !began to investigate se:veraJ Cze<!h politicians and their SlOIVaJk hirelings (br. Ruibert Ripka, Dr. Ferdinand Peroutka, Dr. Peter Zenlkl, Dr. J ose,ph Let.trich, General Nicholas Feriencik) who collatbomted wiitJh Communism and were granted asy1wm ·a nd aid by the administration oif President Hiarry Truman: The iillvesti:gatiion was initiated in the interests of American democracy and the security of .the United States of America. Anglo...Saxon law, however, protects the accused and the suspect until a verd!ict is rendered and, therefore, no one on the Slov,ak side has thus far taJken · a meritorious position, even though the SlovaJk nation ,p aid and is stiU .paying heavily in blood and suffering for the politics of the Czech and so-.called "Czechoslovak" CO'llaJboraitOTs with Communism now being investigated. The investi,gaJtion is not as yet completed, and it can happen that for various reaso1I1s it may not b_e completed in such a m·a nner as would ·be demanded by truth and justice. In the first place, we are here concerned with a .poHtical committee and the evidence of facts after some 10-12 yea·r s is quite 'buvdensome. In the second plaJce, many political circles, new,spa;pers. and or1ganimations in the demooratic world are and wiU 1~ interested in defending the 0zech collalborators, because all fellow-travelers and cry,pto-Communists wiill thereby deifend their own policies and themselves. The following remarks concerning the case of Hulbert Ripka· and Coonpan~ are not a result of the investigation of the Senate SU:b-<Committee, nor do they in any way consider what the eventual result might ib.e. Dr. Hulbert Ripka himself, conscious of his own "mistakes" and not altogether governed by the mofal prindp.le that "the hest deifense is offense," d!id not wait for .the resll!lt of the investigation, as every serious person would do, but attacked his a0cusers, waning: I cOiffiplain, I oigject. Ordinarily we wou,l d not expect this from a 60-year-old politician. The remariks t'hat foHow refer to t:Jhis 1 �SLOVAKIA 5 complaint of Dr. Ripka and his altlies in whose na;me Dr. Rrpka speaks. The Psychological Errors of Ripka's Defense The very fad that Dr. Riipka considered it necessary to complain iaJbout hiis accusers 1publ icly must girve the impression to ervery legally and politica!My minded person that Dr. Riipka is not certain albout his ow11 innocence and, therefore, resorted to hysteri'ca1 spasms before the resul..ts of the investigation were made kno1W11. The manner of his public defense and ang,r y tone, as well as the badly selec,ted vooa1bulary of Dr. Rip:k,a in his series of articles .pU!blished in the NiEW YORKSKY DENN1K f!rom March 12th of this year, necessarily leads us to the conclusion that some/body stepped on the corns of Dr. Ripka and his fsociates.. Dr. Ripka made it quite dbvious that the co·r n huH:s, and he and his associates are afraid of having it operated on. 1 This, however, undoulb,t edl,y wu.H not sur.pTise any decent person, who is acquainted with the actual situation in the Gzecho-Sl{)!Vruk Repulblic after 194.5 and wu.th the politics of the aocused Ozech aifd "Ozechoslovatk" collaJborators with Oommunism, as much as the fa'Ct that heire we hruve a man who so scandra:lously defends himself aigainst accusations of politi'cal collalboration, lbut who voted with both hands to hang ,p oliticians who eiven "might have" collalborated and with far less catastrophic consequences than in the case of Dr. Rtpka and his associates. The Sloivak ,p oliticians, who saived their nation from suffering and possible caitastrophy and cairried out the state rewolution with a song on their lips, were not resiponsi/ble foir a single verdict of death for politi:ca:l reasons while they g01Verned. How did they fare during the reign of DT. Rip!ka and his a;SSociates? They were hung and shot and tortured witho,wt mercy and without regard to rig,ht and justice for "all.eged" collaJbomtion. Nay, the verofoits were already rendered by the Ozech exiles in London without investigation and trial. Yet, this same Dr. Ripka, who sent people to the g•allows, feels highly inswted and thiniks that he is unjustly treated by the very faot th11it somebody had dared to ask him what the conditions were in Ozec'ho-Slova;kia while he �(j SI. OV AKT A and his associates were memibers of the "National Front" Government there and why that country was surrende,r ed to Moscow without a fight. Instead of exiplaining calmly and objectively and, incidentally, uttering "mea oulipa" and pointing out extenuating circUlffis1Jances, 1because only these will be considered, Dr. Hulbert Riplka insolently attacked his accusers and the victims of his politics in the effort to weaken the accusation and diivert attention to events which had little or nothing in common with the investigation of the Senate COIIlllrn.ittee of the United States. PsyohologicaHy - and in politics psychological moments are not without significance - Dr. R•i pka b.egan his defense very amk!war<ily. Lt was "a very wrong approach" to the delicate question of collaJboration in ipolitics. Let us, however, leave the realm of psycholo,g y and see at least cursorily how the case looks from the angle of political and legal argiuments. Political Falsehoods and Half-Truths Dr. Ripka rests his defense on several politicai falsehoods and half--truths, assuming that "Ameri:cans, with the exception of a few experts, cannot knoiw the comp1ex problems of Central EurO!pe," as he himself stated it. The main lies resorted to 'by Ripka are the following: 1. that the whole (Ozechos;Jo1vruk) nation wa:s for an alliance with the USSR during the war; 2. that the treaty of Dr. Benes with Moscow (December 12, 1943) was concluded to save Sl01ViaJkfa; 3. that the A.Hies had wanted a Soviet-Czech treaty in 1943. In the first instance, we are concerned with such an apparent lie that we must seriously question the fact that Dr. Ripka, a learned politician, can so daringly state such an exposed untruth in the face of thousands of Czechs and Sfovaks. The fad is that, for example, in Slovakia - in whose name Ripka presumes to spealk - up to the time of the OzechoJSoviet treaty, both the Communists and those accused with Ripka today (Ur. Lettrich and Gen. Feriencik) were practically inactive in politics. It was only after the treaty of Dr. Benes with Stalin that the so-ealled "Slovak underground" - the Communists and their collabora- �SLOVAKIA i tors from the "Ozechoslova;k" camp - met for the first time and on the basis of the treaty decided in Moscow to undertake political action for the renewal of Ozecho-.Slo ,,akia. It seems that Dr. Ri,pka depends entirely too much on the "ignorance " of Americans when he a1btempts to deny such evident facts. He pretends that he has forgotten that the governmen t, in which he occupied such an eminent position, had jailed and sentenced to death thousands and thousands of ,people in Sloivakia and the Czech lands, that it dispossessed and disfranchis ed them only /because they were against Moscow and CommuniS1In; that the governmen t of which Ripka was a part deported over three million Germans in a ba.zfuaTic manner aJlso beicause they rather looked to Germany than to Russia, and that it deported even the Magyars for collaiborating with the Germans. Now, then, where was this "whole nation" which Ripka spoke of? In this case we can understand "nation" in the political sense oi Anglo.Saxo n terminolog y and, consequent ly, must include the entire population of the Ozecho-Slo.vak Repulblic, because otherwise in the Ozech~lov aJk Repulblic there are and were at least two nations already even at the time the London governmen t of Dr. Benes concluded the Czecho-Sov iet Treaty. 2. The weakest argument of a political nature offered for the co.llalboration of the Czech ,p oliticians with Moscow is the statement that the Czecho-&wieit Treaty of 1943 was concluded "to save Slovailria." '.Dhis is not only a lie, but a political rubsurdity, especially in the veraion of Dr. Hulbert Ri,p ka. At the time when the Czech exiles, headed 'by Dr. Edward Benes, concluded their treaty with Moscow, there were no SlovaJk Communis ts in Moscow who could have had "sepa.ratist ic tendencies, " nay, there were :no significant SloV1ak Communis ts there at aJI. The leader of the Slovak Communist s, Dr. Vladimir Clementis, was Dr. Benes's man in London and the rest of the Slovruk Communist s, outside of one or two exceptions, li'Ved comfortabl y in Slovakia. Dr. Ripka knowingly uses the argument which could be applied cum grano salis to the events of 1944 and later, �SLOVAKIA when Slovaik Communists manifested tendencies for independence, because they saw no reason why the Czechs should rule over S10!Vl8Jk,ia (Dr. Nemec, the governmoot delegate), when Slwruk blood was !being spilled the:re, while in the Czech lands the people, taiking council from the London government of Benes, were even afraid to speak out so that they mi ght not anger the Germa:ris. At this time it is bloody irony to ta1k a'bout "saNing Slovalkia," whkh without the interference orf Dr. Ripka and his associates would have come out of the war either as Finland did, or in the worst case as Hungary did, which would haNe been !better for the Slovak nation from every point oif 'View than the position which ·r esulted from the Ozecho-Soviet Treaty. Slovakia was plundered so thoroughly and Silo1Vak women and girls were brutally ravaged by the Russian hordes as if no treaty had existed at all. And thus it was that amti-Commun ists were hung, shot and jailed in Slo,valkia. To this ibolshevik vengeance and inhumanity was added also the revenge of the Ozechs, ait times, proved wo,r se than the excesses of the bar'baria.n Reds. Then SlovaJkia was also plundered economically by Prague. 1 If Dr. Riipka and his asso.ciates maintain that they rendered the Czechs and the SlOIV'aJks a seirivice by delaying the bolsheivization of Czecho-Slwaik ia with the:i.r treaty (which we seriously doulbt), then it is apparent that Ripka '8Jlld Coonpany would like us to forget how many people perished and are still perishing ~ause they believed the false and n.ruive the sis aJbouit the independeince oif the Ozecho~Slovak Republic and therefore, came out openl;y- agiainst Communism. And how muoh damage did the propaganda of Riipka and his associates do from the international standpoint when it proved, or tried to pmve, that collaJboration witfu Moscow was not only possible, but necessary? The tTuth is that the policy of Dr. Benes, Dr. Ripka and Company could have served only the interests of Moscow and the Czech Communists, lbecaJuse under the veil of Czech propaganda Moscow could play its false role, and the Czech Communists could murrder, deport, violate, ipersecute any one they wanted to with the copartidspaJtion and coresponsibili ty of the glo- �SLOVAKIA 9 rified "democ,r,a,ts" in the western world of Dr. Benes, Masaryik, Dr. Ripka, Zenkl, etc. 3. Rilpka did not state the trwth when he wrote that the western a:11:ies wanted the Czecho-Soviet 'Dreaty in 1943. We know that they were not for it; Churchill aind EJden eS1peciaJl.y were against it; both protested.pulbliicly ag:ainst it and the matter was debated in Parliament. Of course, when the allies did coI11SenJt to it, it was only rufter Dr. Benes had everything cwt and dried amd the allies were faced with .,_ fait accampli; and they did so to aJVoid an airig,ument with Moscow at t:hat time. In his entire "complaint," Dr. Rtpka moves aibout on thin ice; he anticipates, distorts the facts and entangles his argumentation with pettifoggery. He would like to hruve us forget, at the same time, that he himse1f had spoken and written aJbout aH. these matters, that the Loo.don bToadc,a sts .and the press of the Ozeich exiles commented on them, that we ha,ve the memoirs of Dr. Benes, Dr. Olementis, Masaryk and even the great masterpiece of collraJboration by Ripka himself, his boolk IDAST AND WEST, published in London in 1944. U siI1Jg the Polish case as an argument in this connootion is also antici'Pating and distorting the facts. Dr. Ripka intentionally forgets jrust wh~in Dr. Edward Benes began hi:s. Sovietophile politics; and ver,y conrvenienUy prefers not tq mention thait between Moscow and the Poiish London Government there was not only the "Katyn affa.ir," but also an 8JPparent anti-Communist atmosphere, while the goivernment of Dr. Benes wa,s a cami:miflaged bols'hevilk emlbassy a:nd propagation center in the western world, which Moscow not only did not h0JVe to l,iquidaJte, 'but, converaely, used its .services very effectivcly to promote its own interests. Moscow liquidate its own agents only after they harve finished the wo~k asstgrned them. Since this was not the case with Benes'•s . London Go:vernmenrt in 1943, no parallel can ibe drawn between the Ozecli and Polish governments in London without an attempt at deceit. By using the arguments he did, Ripka not only did not produce an adequate defense for the conclusion of the Czecho-Soviet Treaty,. but eiven did not give an aiecepbalble ex- �10 SLOVAKIA ipla.nation for it. On the contrary, by taking recourse to lies, half-truths, anticipation and distortion of the facts , he demonstrated quite clearly that the Cooch and Slovak collaborators with Communism do not know how to defend their politics. Therefore, it remains for us to answer at least briefly the question whether Dr. Ripka and Company did collaJborate with bolshevism at the eX!pense of the Czech and SlOIVak naJtions and at the expense of the interests o.f democracy in general. The Collaboration of Ripka and Co. If we do not taJke into account the legal pa:squinades of the so-.cahled "peoples-democrat ic" courts, we find that there is no established legal definition for the crime of col1.a!boration as we have, for exa:mple, in the case of treason. In general, after the S'e cond World War, colla:boraltion meant aiding the occU1pants in the management of the territories they had oocU!pied -and su,pportirug their aggressions. A whole series of governments - from Petiaiin's to the H'l.l!Ilgarian, Rumanian and Slava:k - ,w as placed on trial and convicted for such colla!boration, even though in some cases collaboration consisted of not resisting German agg·ressiorn and of alliances of these governments with Berlin, which undoubtedly spared the nations concerned from aJctwail oocuipation and its consequences. The defense "of the collaborators with Germany - pointing out that they a'Verted ca:tastTophy f.rcnn other nations - however, was not accepted. Post~war governments, including the one of which Dr. Riipka and his associates were members, a::r\bitrnrily and mercilessly sent hundreds and thousands of such "collaJbora:tors" to the gallows, jails and concentration camps. If it is true that the Czecho.-iSlovruk Repulblic was "occupied" by the Russian Army, as Dr. Ripka himself now claims in his defense, and not "lifberated" - as he claimed eaxlier - then tihere can be no argument that the politics of Dr. Riipka and Co. exhausts the rea.il sUl~ance of the crime of coll.aJboration as it was defined by the "Nation.al Courts" of Ozecho--SlOIV'alkria and by the manifestations of Dr. R:ilpka himself. �SLOVAKIA 11 Dr. Ripka and his associates not only col,laJborated with the occupying power, but a:lso he1ped it sig:n.irficantly to consolidate its aggressions, includJing Ozecho-<Slovaikia itself. Naturally, Dr. Ripka points out that that was not his intention. It is possilble, however, to ,presuppose that it was the intention of Petain, or any other government in Central Euro:pe during the war, to aid the Gernnans at the expense of their own ·nations and countries? Did they a1l not defend themselrve.s - and many of them altogether jlUSbly - that they saved their naitions from great drumacge, from slaughter and plunder? What was the answer given to such questions, or to suoh a defense, by the government of which Benes, Ripka, Zenfkl, Lettrich, etc., were members? The gallows, concentration camps, deportation to Siberia, forced labor camps, and jails! So that there mi:ght not be any misunderstanding, decent ,people in macny cases regarded the continU'atiOlll cxf "peoples-democratic governments" as a travesty of justice and judicial mocder and, therefore, we do not want to girve the impression that our conclusion is to "repay the gaUows with gallows." Nothing could be farther from the truth. The aim of those remarks is something altogether different: to point out what kind of individuals are seelking cover in the democratic society and are aippealing to its sense of justrl.re, when they themselves never displayed any towat-d persons who were guilty of lesser transgressions than they and whose politics resulted in far less fortunate consequences than theirs. Comparing the collaJboration and politics of Dr. Ripka and Co. with that of, for example, Marshall Petain, Dr. Tiso, Antonescu, etc., we must also taJke into consideration one essential difference: the latter did not request and did not want colialboration with Germa'lllY; they did not initiate it and did not see in the Naizi system a;nd collaiboration with Germany what Dr. Rirpka and Oompany, long before 1945, saw in bolsheviism and in collaboration with Moscow. Marshal Petain and Dr. Tiso were put into the situation of "co'llalboration," when more than half of France was occupied and Slovakia was gi;ven a choice of being ooowpied by Germany or dirvided among its neighbors. Therefore, even if they did accept unpleasant and ungrateful tasks in �12 SLOVAKIA the interest of their nations, they did not 'b ecome international propagandists Of German politics, as w,a,s- the case with the Czech gove:mment-in..exile in its relation to Russia. Dr. RiJpka and Co., therefore, were not only guilty of the type of "collaboration'' for whfoh Pet-ain was coovicted and Dr. Tiso was murdered, but of a ty;pe much wcmse, because they wanted to collalbol'late with Russia and presented bolsheivism, fong before they returned to Prague, in glowing ternns as a form of prog,r essive democrax!y, defending i,t a-g ainst the Naizi bogey and convincing the world that the Soviets love and want peruce and the necessity for cooperating with Russia. Broadcasting over BBC, London, November 7, 1942, on the world s1gmficance of the Soviet Revolution, Dr. Hubert Ripka said that the revolution (which ,b rought bo~shevism or Communism to Russia) "is a super-111ational ideal, an eternal ideal, a h\.llill'an ideal, an ideal which has kindled the minds of t'he nolblest of men from the time of Plato and through t'he Chr:isti,a n era, through the great Fre1mh Revolution and until today." In his hook EA/ST AND WEST (London, l944), Dr. Rlipka wrote (p. 64). "The democvatization of Russia and the whole of Soviet society, which is a permanent resuit of the Soviet revolutionary process, eliJminated from Russian policy the imperialist aims which Tsarist Russia pursued against the smaUer nations; it also resulted in the ,Soviet Union's becoming a genll'inely pea~e-loving power, sincerely interested in -the maJnteniance of peace,. but at the same time powerful enough to resist aggression and furnish effective help and support to t'he peace..Joving forees of the world." Addressing .himself to the Central...Jilil~apean nations, Dr. Ripka stated categorically: "We repeat: the So'Vli.ets are not anxious to 'Bolshewze' Central and South~Eastern Europe" (East and West, p. 61). And: "Here and there, mi~ givings still exist on the score of Russian or, more ,preciseily, Soviet imlperi,a;lism. We do not share those feavs" (.p. 51) Dr. Fevclinamd Peroutka, a very close fri-end of Dr. Rirpka, even after he had the opportunity to see just what the bolshevi!k ho:rdes ·were c84)alble of and to know just what oommunist politics aimed to achieve, wrote: "The East, there is �SLOVAKIA 13 our liberator, our ally and our protector in the future ... If in England there still can be found factors who evince a bigoted hatred for the Soviet Union, then those persons cannot even be considered as our friends" (DNESEK, June 11, 1946). The remain!ing 0zech aind Slova!k associa.tes of Dr. Ripka spolke, acted and wrote along the same lines, here and there trying to outdo each othm- in their apPeasement of the Communists and in proclaiming their undying loyalty to the Soviet Union. In other words, in the case of Dr. Ripka a.nd Oo. we are not concerned with coUaJborators who were forced to collaborate, 'but with politicians who. even gained otheiis for the Soviet Union (Vd. the books of Dr. Ripka, Dr. Peroutka, Dr. Benes and their manifestations during and aftm- the war; Dr. Stephen Osusky',s booklet "Dr. Bene£ and the Slova!ks"; also quotaitions in the SLOVAK NEWSLETTER and S'LOV A.KIA, as well as HrOlbak's "CZECH0SL0ViA!KliSM Versus A!MERilC.AJN]SM"). Conclusion As I had said at the beginning of these remavks, the investigaition of Dr. Hubm-t Ripka and Co. can be completed without the American authorities undertaking any necessary steps a;gainst this grouip of collalbomtors with bolshevism who are hidiinig behind a democratic laibel an~ are using and abusing the good nature and hospitality of certain American circles. But eiven such an end of the inivestigation will not change the fact in t'he least that Dr. Ripka; Peroutka, Zeillkl, Lettrich, Fm-ienci,k, etc., were tools of communist policy in the 0zecho..Slo:vak Republi:c - Dr. Ripka even in and t'hat their collalbora.tion the international arena resulted in rirvers of blood, suffering and the enslavement of millions of innocent hwman beings. Dr. Rii.pk•a and his associ,a tes are attempting to defend their coHalboration by saying that they intended to 'defend democracy and that they could not foresee that Russia would not honor its treaties. In ,p olitics, where everything is judged b.y results and not according to intentions, this feeble defense will not · rid them of the responsibility. It �14 SLO VAKIA could be, as already stated, the maximum of extenuating circumstances, ,booaruse in poil[tics the definition still. applies : gouverner, c'est prevoir (to govern is to foresee). Dr. Rirpka and Co. either l,araked necessairy f.oresig'ht, or, if they knew what they were doing, collaJborated fully and wiUingly in the full sense of the word. In either case, however, i:t is difficrut to understand why sO!Ill'e American chicles are still supporting these ~ech politicfans, who in the battle a:g·a inst Communism - failed .shamefully and rutterly, maJking it ruppeaT that some one is interested in whitewashing them forcefll!lly of c0Ua1boration - the collaJb oriation which they committed to a very greater measure than did the people they shot and hung for coUaboratirrg with the Na2Jis. · The Czech politicians coli1ruborated with the men of the Kremlin 'because they hated the West after Munich (193:8). Some wanted to avenge themselves on the West. They :knew what they were doing; they turned to Moscow knowingly and willingly. The Ozech •p oliticians a3so hated the SloV'a:ks, because they had dared to lwe their own li,ves and proclaim their independence; th,a t they demonstmted their ability to live without the Czechs and thus frustrated their plan to Ozechize the S1ovaik nation, to destroy it as a nation. Driven by this hatred, the desire for revenge and the ambition to rule, Dr. Ripka and Co. thrust themseJ,ves into the embrace of Moscow and fled to the West only after they sa:w that they played the wrong hoTse and Moscow wanted to liquidate them. We m'll!st, therefore, ask the question, whether in the fight against Communism these persons are, from among the Czech and Slov,a,k exiles, suitaJble intei,preters o;f democratic conceptions with regard to the ~ h and Slovak nations and whether they came to the United States and Cainada through those elements of the past administrations, which saw in Comtmunism "a progressive democracy" - as did Ripka, PerourtJka, Zenkl Le1Jtrich and Co. The <:ry· "cavean:t consules, nequid detrimenti Res PUiblica capiat," it seems, is, therefore, in order, but the investigation of the Czech collalborators is aJso late by several years. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA THE CASE OF DR. HUBERT RIPKA AND COMPANY Joseph K~rschbaum, M,A., LL.D. Early in February orf this year. Senator William E. Jenner's Committee !began to investigate se:veraJ Cze<!h politicians and their SlOIVaJk hirelings (br. Ruibert Ripka, Dr. Ferdinand Peroutka, Dr. Peter Zenlkl, Dr. J ose,ph Let.trich, General Nicholas Feriencik) who collatbomted wiitJh Communism and were granted asy1wm ·a nd aid by the administration oif President Hiarry Truman: The iillvesti:gatiion was initiated in the interests of American democracy and the security of .the United States of America. Anglo...Saxon law, however, protects the accused and the suspect until a verd!ict is rendered and, therefore, no one on the Slov,ak side has thus far taJken · a meritorious position, even though the SlovaJk nation ,p aid and is stiU .paying heavily in blood and suffering for the politics of the Czech and so-.called "Czechoslovak" CO'llaJboraitOTs with Communism now being investigated. The investi,gaJtion is not as yet completed, and it can happen that for various reaso1I1s it may not b_e completed in such a m·a nner as would ·be demanded by truth and justice. In the first place, we are here concerned with a .poHtical committee and the evidence of facts after some 10-12 yea·r s is quite 'buvdensome. In the second plaJce, many political circles, new,spa;pers. and or1ganimations in the demooratic world are and wiU 1~ interested in defending the 0zech collalborators, because all fellow-travelers and cry,pto-Communists wiill thereby deifend their own policies and themselves. The following remarks concerning the case of Hulbert Ripka· and Coonpan~ are not a result of the investigation of the Senate SU:b-<Committee, nor do they in any way consider what the eventual result might ib.e. Dr. Hulbert Ripka himself, conscious of his own "mistakes" and not altogether governed by the mofal prindp.le that "the hest deifense is offense," d!id not wait for .the resll!lt of the investigation, as every serious person would do, but attacked his a0cusers, waning: I cOiffiplain, I oigject. Ordinarily we wou,l d not expect this from a 60-year-old politician. The remariks t'hat foHow refer to t:Jhis 1 SLOVAKIA 5 complaint of Dr. Ripka and his altlies in whose na;me Dr. Rrpka speaks. The Psychological Errors of Ripka's Defense The very fad that Dr. Riipka considered it necessary to complain iaJbout hiis accusers 1publ icly must girve the impression to ervery legally and politica!My minded person that Dr. Riipka is not certain albout his ow11 innocence and, therefore, resorted to hysteri'ca1 spasms before the resul..ts of the investigation were made kno1W11. The manner of his public defense and ang,r y tone, as well as the badly selec,ted vooa1bulary of Dr. Rip:k,a in his series of articles .pU!blished in the NiEW YORKSKY DENN1K f!rom March 12th of this year, necessarily leads us to the conclusion that some/body stepped on the corns of Dr. Ripka and his fsociates.. Dr. Ripka made it quite dbvious that the co·r n huH:s, and he and his associates are afraid of having it operated on. 1 This, however, undoulb,t edl,y wu.H not sur.pTise any decent person, who is acquainted with the actual situation in the Gzecho-Sl{)!Vruk Repulblic after 194.5 and wu.th the politics of the aocused Ozech aifd "Ozechoslovatk" collaJborators with Oommunism, as much as the fa'Ct that heire we hruve a man who so scandra:lously defends himself aigainst accusations of politi'cal collalboration, lbut who voted with both hands to hang ,p oliticians who eiven "might have" collalborated and with far less catastrophic consequences than in the case of Dr. Rtpka and his associates. The Sloivak ,p oliticians, who saived their nation from suffering and possible caitastrophy and cairried out the state rewolution with a song on their lips, were not resiponsi/ble foir a single verdict of death for politi:ca:l reasons while they g01Verned. How did they fare during the reign of DT. Rip!ka and his a;SSociates? They were hung and shot and tortured witho,wt mercy and without regard to rig,ht and justice for "all.eged" collaJbomtion. Nay, the verofoits were already rendered by the Ozech exiles in London without investigation and trial. Yet, this same Dr. Ripka, who sent people to the g•allows, feels highly inswted and thiniks that he is unjustly treated by the very faot th11it somebody had dared to ask him what the conditions were in Ozec'ho-Slova;kia while he (j SI. OV AKT A and his associates were memibers of the "National Front" Government there and why that country was surrende,r ed to Moscow without a fight. Instead of exiplaining calmly and objectively and, incidentally, uttering "mea oulipa" and pointing out extenuating circUlffis1Jances, 1because only these will be considered, Dr. Hulbert Riplka insolently attacked his accusers and the victims of his politics in the effort to weaken the accusation and diivert attention to events which had little or nothing in common with the investigation of the Senate COIIlllrn.ittee of the United States. PsyohologicaHy - and in politics psychological moments are not without significance - Dr. R•i pka b.egan his defense very amk!war<ily. Lt was "a very wrong approach" to the delicate question of collaJboration in ipolitics. Let us, however, leave the realm of psycholo,g y and see at least cursorily how the case looks from the angle of political and legal argiuments. Political Falsehoods and Half-Truths Dr. Ripka rests his defense on several politicai falsehoods and half--truths, assuming that "Ameri:cans, with the exception of a few experts, cannot knoiw the comp1ex problems of Central EurO!pe," as he himself stated it. The main lies resorted to 'by Ripka are the following: 1. that the whole (Ozechos;Jo1vruk) nation wa:s for an alliance with the USSR during the war; 2. that the treaty of Dr. Benes with Moscow (December 12, 1943) was concluded to save Sl01ViaJkfa; 3. that the A.Hies had wanted a Soviet-Czech treaty in 1943. In the first instance, we are concerned with such an apparent lie that we must seriously question the fact that Dr. Ripka, a learned politician, can so daringly state such an exposed untruth in the face of thousands of Czechs and Sfovaks. The fad is that, for example, in Slovakia - in whose name Ripka presumes to spealk - up to the time of the OzechoJSoviet treaty, both the Communists and those accused with Ripka today (Ur. Lettrich and Gen. Feriencik) were practically inactive in politics. It was only after the treaty of Dr. Benes with Stalin that the so-ealled "Slovak underground" - the Communists and their collabora- SLOVAKIA i tors from the "Ozechoslova;k" camp - met for the first time and on the basis of the treaty decided in Moscow to undertake political action for the renewal of Ozecho-.Slo ,,akia. It seems that Dr. Ri,pka depends entirely too much on the "ignorance " of Americans when he a1btempts to deny such evident facts. He pretends that he has forgotten that the governmen t, in which he occupied such an eminent position, had jailed and sentenced to death thousands and thousands of ,people in Sloivakia and the Czech lands, that it dispossessed and disfranchis ed them only /because they were against Moscow and CommuniS1In; that the governmen t of which Ripka was a part deported over three million Germans in a ba.zfuaTic manner aJlso beicause they rather looked to Germany than to Russia, and that it deported even the Magyars for collaiborating with the Germans. Now, then, where was this "whole nation" which Ripka spoke of? In this case we can understand "nation" in the political sense oi Anglo.Saxo n terminolog y and, consequent ly, must include the entire population of the Ozecho-Slo.vak Repulblic, because otherwise in the Ozech~lov aJk Repulblic there are and were at least two nations already even at the time the London governmen t of Dr. Benes concluded the Czecho-Sov iet Treaty. 2. The weakest argument of a political nature offered for the co.llalboration of the Czech ,p oliticians with Moscow is the statement that the Czecho-&wieit Treaty of 1943 was concluded "to save Slovailria." '.Dhis is not only a lie, but a political rubsurdity, especially in the veraion of Dr. Hulbert Ri,p ka. At the time when the Czech exiles, headed 'by Dr. Edward Benes, concluded their treaty with Moscow, there were no SlovaJk Communis ts in Moscow who could have had "sepa.ratist ic tendencies, " nay, there were :no significant SloV1ak Communis ts there at aJI. The leader of the Slovak Communist s, Dr. Vladimir Clementis, was Dr. Benes's man in London and the rest of the Slovruk Communist s, outside of one or two exceptions, li'Ved comfortabl y in Slovakia. Dr. Ripka knowingly uses the argument which could be applied cum grano salis to the events of 1944 and later, SLOVAKIA when Slovaik Communists manifested tendencies for independence, because they saw no reason why the Czechs should rule over S10!Vl8Jk,ia (Dr. Nemec, the governmoot delegate), when Slwruk blood was !being spilled the:re, while in the Czech lands the people, taiking council from the London government of Benes, were even afraid to speak out so that they mi ght not anger the Germa:ris. At this time it is bloody irony to ta1k a'bout "saNing Slovalkia," whkh without the interference orf Dr. Ripka and his associates would have come out of the war either as Finland did, or in the worst case as Hungary did, which would haNe been !better for the Slovak nation from every point oif 'View than the position which ·r esulted from the Ozecho-Soviet Treaty. Slovakia was plundered so thoroughly and Silo1Vak women and girls were brutally ravaged by the Russian hordes as if no treaty had existed at all. And thus it was that amti-Commun ists were hung, shot and jailed in Slo,valkia. To this ibolshevik vengeance and inhumanity was added also the revenge of the Ozechs, ait times, proved wo,r se than the excesses of the bar'baria.n Reds. Then SlovaJkia was also plundered economically by Prague. 1 If Dr. Riipka and his asso.ciates maintain that they rendered the Czechs and the SlOIV'aJks a seirivice by delaying the bolsheivization of Czecho-Slwaik ia with the:i.r treaty (which we seriously doulbt), then it is apparent that Ripka '8Jlld Coonpany would like us to forget how many people perished and are still perishing ~ause they believed the false and n.ruive the sis aJbouit the independeince oif the Ozecho~Slovak Republic and therefore, came out openl;y- agiainst Communism. And how muoh damage did the propaganda of Riipka and his associates do from the international standpoint when it proved, or tried to pmve, that collaJboration witfu Moscow was not only possible, but necessary? The tTuth is that the policy of Dr. Benes, Dr. Ripka and Company could have served only the interests of Moscow and the Czech Communists, lbecaJuse under the veil of Czech propaganda Moscow could play its false role, and the Czech Communists could murrder, deport, violate, ipersecute any one they wanted to with the copartidspaJtion and coresponsibili ty of the glo- SLOVAKIA 9 rified "democ,r,a,ts" in the western world of Dr. Benes, Masaryik, Dr. Ripka, Zenkl, etc. 3. Rilpka did not state the trwth when he wrote that the western a:11:ies wanted the Czecho-Soviet 'Dreaty in 1943. We know that they were not for it; Churchill aind EJden eS1peciaJl.y were against it; both protested.pulbliicly ag:ainst it and the matter was debated in Parliament. Of course, when the allies did coI11SenJt to it, it was only rufter Dr. Benes had everything cwt and dried amd the allies were faced with .,_ fait accampli; and they did so to aJVoid an airig,ument with Moscow at t:hat time. In his entire "complaint," Dr. Rtpka moves aibout on thin ice; he anticipates, distorts the facts and entangles his argumentation with pettifoggery. He would like to hruve us forget, at the same time, that he himse1f had spoken and written aJbout aH. these matters, that the Loo.don bToadc,a sts .and the press of the Ozeich exiles commented on them, that we ha,ve the memoirs of Dr. Benes, Dr. Olementis, Masaryk and even the great masterpiece of collraJboration by Ripka himself, his boolk IDAST AND WEST, published in London in 1944. U siI1Jg the Polish case as an argument in this connootion is also antici'Pating and distorting the facts. Dr. Ripka intentionally forgets jrust wh~in Dr. Edward Benes began hi:s. Sovietophile politics; and ver,y conrvenienUy prefers not tq mention thait between Moscow and the Poiish London Government there was not only the "Katyn affa.ir," but also an 8JPparent anti-Communist atmosphere, while the goivernment of Dr. Benes wa,s a cami:miflaged bols'hevilk emlbassy a:nd propagation center in the western world, which Moscow not only did not h0JVe to l,iquidaJte, 'but, converaely, used its .services very effectivcly to promote its own interests. Moscow liquidate its own agents only after they harve finished the wo~k asstgrned them. Since this was not the case with Benes'•s . London Go:vernmenrt in 1943, no parallel can ibe drawn between the Ozecli and Polish governments in London without an attempt at deceit. By using the arguments he did, Ripka not only did not produce an adequate defense for the conclusion of the Czecho-Soviet Treaty,. but eiven did not give an aiecepbalble ex- 10 SLOVAKIA ipla.nation for it. On the contrary, by taking recourse to lies, half-truths, anticipation and distortion of the facts , he demonstrated quite clearly that the Cooch and Slovak collaborators with Communism do not know how to defend their politics. Therefore, it remains for us to answer at least briefly the question whether Dr. Ripka and Company did collaJborate with bolshevism at the eX!pense of the Czech and SlOIVak naJtions and at the expense of the interests o.f democracy in general. The Collaboration of Ripka and Co. If we do not taJke into account the legal pa:squinades of the so-.cahled "peoples-democrat ic" courts, we find that there is no established legal definition for the crime of col1.a!boration as we have, for exa:mple, in the case of treason. In general, after the S'e cond World War, colla:boraltion meant aiding the occU1pants in the management of the territories they had oocU!pied -and su,pportirug their aggressions. A whole series of governments - from Petiaiin's to the H'l.l!Ilgarian, Rumanian and Slava:k - ,w as placed on trial and convicted for such colla!boration, even though in some cases collaboration consisted of not resisting German agg·ressiorn and of alliances of these governments with Berlin, which undoubtedly spared the nations concerned from aJctwail oocuipation and its consequences. The defense "of the collaborators with Germany - pointing out that they a'Verted ca:tastTophy f.rcnn other nations - however, was not accepted. Post~war governments, including the one of which Dr. Riipka and his associates were members, a::r\bitrnrily and mercilessly sent hundreds and thousands of such "collaJbora:tors" to the gallows, jails and concentration camps. If it is true that the Czecho.-iSlovruk Repulblic was "occupied" by the Russian Army, as Dr. Ripka himself now claims in his defense, and not "lifberated" - as he claimed eaxlier - then tihere can be no argument that the politics of Dr. Riipka and Co. exhausts the rea.il sUl~ance of the crime of coll.aJboration as it was defined by the "Nation.al Courts" of Ozecho--SlOIV'alkria and by the manifestations of Dr. R:ilpka himself. SLOVAKIA 11 Dr. Ripka and his associates not only col,laJborated with the occupying power, but a:lso he1ped it sig:n.irficantly to consolidate its aggressions, includJing Ozecho-<Slovaikia itself. Naturally, Dr. Ripka points out that that was not his intention. It is possilble, however, to ,presuppose that it was the intention of Petain, or any other government in Central Euro:pe during the war, to aid the Gernnans at the expense of their own ·nations and countries? Did they a1l not defend themselrve.s - and many of them altogether jlUSbly - that they saved their naitions from great drumacge, from slaughter and plunder? What was the answer given to such questions, or to suoh a defense, by the government of which Benes, Ripka, Zenfkl, Lettrich, etc., were members? The gallows, concentration camps, deportation to Siberia, forced labor camps, and jails! So that there mi:ght not be any misunderstanding, decent ,people in macny cases regarded the continU'atiOlll cxf "peoples-democratic governments" as a travesty of justice and judicial mocder and, therefore, we do not want to girve the impression that our conclusion is to "repay the gaUows with gallows." Nothing could be farther from the truth. The aim of those remarks is something altogether different: to point out what kind of individuals are seelking cover in the democratic society and are aippealing to its sense of justrl.re, when they themselves never displayed any towat-d persons who were guilty of lesser transgressions than they and whose politics resulted in far less fortunate consequences than theirs. Comparing the collaJboration and politics of Dr. Ripka and Co. with that of, for example, Marshall Petain, Dr. Tiso, Antonescu, etc., we must also taJke into consideration one essential difference: the latter did not request and did not want colialboration with Germa'lllY; they did not initiate it and did not see in the Naizi system a;nd collaiboration with Germany what Dr. Rirpka and Oompany, long before 1945, saw in bolsheviism and in collaboration with Moscow. Marshal Petain and Dr. Tiso were put into the situation of "co'llalboration," when more than half of France was occupied and Slovakia was gi;ven a choice of being ooowpied by Germany or dirvided among its neighbors. Therefore, even if they did accept unpleasant and ungrateful tasks in 12 SLOVAKIA the interest of their nations, they did not 'b ecome international propagandists Of German politics, as w,a,s- the case with the Czech gove:mment-in..exile in its relation to Russia. Dr. RiJpka and Co., therefore, were not only guilty of the type of "collaboration'' for whfoh Pet-ain was coovicted and Dr. Tiso was murdered, but of a ty;pe much wcmse, because they wanted to collalbol'late with Russia and presented bolsheivism, fong before they returned to Prague, in glowing ternns as a form of prog,r essive democrax!y, defending i,t a-g ainst the Naizi bogey and convincing the world that the Soviets love and want peruce and the necessity for cooperating with Russia. Broadcasting over BBC, London, November 7, 1942, on the world s1gmficance of the Soviet Revolution, Dr. Hubert Ripka said that the revolution (which ,b rought bo~shevism or Communism to Russia) "is a super-111ational ideal, an eternal ideal, a h\.llill'an ideal, an ideal which has kindled the minds of t'he nolblest of men from the time of Plato and through t'he Chr:isti,a n era, through the great Fre1mh Revolution and until today." In his hook EA/ST AND WEST (London, l944), Dr. Rlipka wrote (p. 64). "The democvatization of Russia and the whole of Soviet society, which is a permanent resuit of the Soviet revolutionary process, eliJminated from Russian policy the imperialist aims which Tsarist Russia pursued against the smaUer nations; it also resulted in the ,Soviet Union's becoming a genll'inely pea~e-loving power, sincerely interested in -the maJnteniance of peace,. but at the same time powerful enough to resist aggression and furnish effective help and support to t'he peace..Joving forees of the world." Addressing .himself to the Central...Jilil~apean nations, Dr. Ripka stated categorically: "We repeat: the So'Vli.ets are not anxious to 'Bolshewze' Central and South~Eastern Europe" (East and West, p. 61). And: "Here and there, mi~ givings still exist on the score of Russian or, more ,preciseily, Soviet imlperi,a;lism. We do not share those feavs" (.p. 51) Dr. Fevclinamd Peroutka, a very close fri-end of Dr. Rirpka, even after he had the opportunity to see just what the bolshevi!k ho:rdes ·were c84)alble of and to know just what oommunist politics aimed to achieve, wrote: "The East, there is SLOVAKIA 13 our liberator, our ally and our protector in the future ... If in England there still can be found factors who evince a bigoted hatred for the Soviet Union, then those persons cannot even be considered as our friends" (DNESEK, June 11, 1946). The remain!ing 0zech aind Slova!k associa.tes of Dr. Ripka spolke, acted and wrote along the same lines, here and there trying to outdo each othm- in their apPeasement of the Communists and in proclaiming their undying loyalty to the Soviet Union. In other words, in the case of Dr. Ripka a.nd Oo. we are not concerned with coUaJborators who were forced to collaborate, 'but with politicians who. even gained otheiis for the Soviet Union (Vd. the books of Dr. Ripka, Dr. Peroutka, Dr. Benes and their manifestations during and aftm- the war; Dr. Stephen Osusky',s booklet "Dr. Bene£ and the Slova!ks"; also quotaitions in the SLOVAK NEWSLETTER and S'LOV A.KIA, as well as HrOlbak's "CZECH0SL0ViA!KliSM Versus A!MERilC.AJN]SM"). Conclusion As I had said at the beginning of these remavks, the investigaition of Dr. Hubm-t Ripka and Co. can be completed without the American authorities undertaking any necessary steps a;gainst this grouip of collalbomtors with bolshevism who are hidiinig behind a democratic laibel an~ are using and abusing the good nature and hospitality of certain American circles. But eiven such an end of the inivestigation will not change the fact in t'he least that Dr. Ripka; Peroutka, Zeillkl, Lettrich, Fm-ienci,k, etc., were tools of communist policy in the 0zecho..Slo:vak Republi:c - Dr. Ripka even in and t'hat their collalbora.tion the international arena resulted in rirvers of blood, suffering and the enslavement of millions of innocent hwman beings. Dr. Rii.pk•a and his associ,a tes are attempting to defend their coHalboration by saying that they intended to 'defend democracy and that they could not foresee that Russia would not honor its treaties. In ,p olitics, where everything is judged b.y results and not according to intentions, this feeble defense will not · rid them of the responsibility. It 14 SLO VAKIA could be, as already stated, the maximum of extenuating circumstances, ,booaruse in poil[tics the definition still. applies : gouverner, c'est prevoir (to govern is to foresee). Dr. Rirpka and Co. either l,araked necessairy f.oresig'ht, or, if they knew what they were doing, collaJborated fully and wiUingly in the full sense of the word. In either case, however, i:t is difficrut to understand why sO!Ill'e American chicles are still supporting these ~ech politicfans, who in the battle a:g·a inst Communism - failed .shamefully and rutterly, maJking it ruppeaT that some one is interested in whitewashing them forcefll!lly of c0Ua1boration - the collaJb oriation which they committed to a very greater measure than did the people they shot and hung for coUaboratirrg with the Na2Jis. · The Czech politicians coli1ruborated with the men of the Kremlin 'because they hated the West after Munich (193:8). Some wanted to avenge themselves on the West. They :knew what they were doing; they turned to Moscow knowingly and willingly. The Ozech •p oliticians a3so hated the SloV'a:ks, because they had dared to lwe their own li,ves and proclaim their independence; th,a t they demonstmted their ability to live without the Czechs and thus frustrated their plan to Ozechize the S1ovaik nation, to destroy it as a nation. Driven by this hatred, the desire for revenge and the ambition to rule, Dr. Ripka and Co. thrust themseJ,ves into the embrace of Moscow and fled to the West only after they sa:w that they played the wrong hoTse and Moscow wanted to liquidate them. We m'll!st, therefore, ask the question, whether in the fight against Communism these persons are, from among the Czech and Slov,a,k exiles, suitaJble intei,preters o;f democratic conceptions with regard to the ~ h and Slovak nations and whether they came to the United States and Cainada through those elements of the past administrations, which saw in Comtmunism "a progressive democracy" - as did Ripka, PerourtJka, Zenkl Le1Jtrich and Co. The <:ry· "cavean:t consules, nequid detrimenti Res PUiblica capiat," it seems, is, therefore, in order, but the investigation of the Czech collalborators is aJso late by several years.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Case of Dr. Hubert Ripka and Company Description An account of the resource Joseph Kirschbaum, M.A., LL.D. Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 2 (10), June 1954 pp. 4-14 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kirschbaum, Jozef M., 1913-2001 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June 1954 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/c1b4c01c282a23f5617c662b2dcfb47b.pdf 5183f4c90973d838c6d2636b069c1b04 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 15 CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA LIKAVA 'I'he ruins of this ancient castle are situated, on an isolated rook aibove the toiwn of Lilkarva, near Ruwmlberok, in LiptO'V County. In the bax::kgroiund it is surrounded by mountains, the nearest of wlhich is caUed Cebrat,. while memoraJble ChOlc rises northeast and fogenda.ry Mnich soutih of the castle. On Mt. Mnich (Monk) there was at one time a monastery of the Red MonJk-lremp18!rs. Legend has it that this monastery was conneioted with the 'V'illage of Llkaiva lby underground passages. It has not been definitely estaJblished when Likav a Castle was !built; some historians say that it was 1built during the time of Mojmir or Svatop'h.1.ik, while others olaim that the Red Monks, the Templars, who had occuJpied a whole series of 1Slovruk castles, built it in the 13th century to preveillt the wHd Tatars from coming into Ora,iva. The ruins of Liikaiva iare very interesting even today. Its mam walls reach heaivenward, forming the image oif a ship. The buildings of Li!kaNa were quite extensive and in some places as high as five . .stories. Traces of :p aintings, histOI1ical dates and various decorations on the walls are stilil faintly vi,silble, as are evidences of several gates and underground store rooms. Soutlh and west of the castle were two extensive gardens; below the castle a yard and a fishpond north of it. The iview from the castle is ivery 1bea,wtifuL On the south one can see the ,w hite ho1Uses of Liik,a va, ~ond which lies Ruzomberok, the city of Father Andrew llli.nika, champion of justice and Slo1vaJk freedom. When danger threatened, the people of Gerner, UptOIV and Turiec usually fled to the hills and mountains. The Likava Castle was a sarfe pla-ce of refuge when 500,000 Tatars itore into Hungary in 1241 ; in the battle a/bove the Sajava River some 100,000 soldiers perished. The people of those regions fled not only into the mountains and castles, but also sought refuge in the many caives for which �16 SLOVAKIA Slovakia is noted. Plroof od: this exists in the carves of Liptov and those orf Mt. Mnich and Mt. Choe. After the depa:riture of the Tata.Ts, Likava passed into the hands of Genman calonirers who were called in by King Bela IV of HUil!gary. In 1312, the lord of Lrkaiva Castle was Radomir, the last Prior Of Cerveny Klastor (Red . Monastery) on Mt. Mnich. Three years later (1'31'5) Ki:ng Charles RdbeTt •donated Lilkava to Miatusv Done, administrator of Li-pto1V Oounty, for aid giiven him in 1:Jhe battle near Rozhanovce. Later, the casble 1belonged to George Buibek (Bebek ?) , King Zigmll!l1d, John Jiskra (1441), Peter Komorovsky (1449); the la;tter also awned the Oraiva Castle. Other owners of Likava included Andrew Bathory, John Krusie, the Hunady's, Zaipol'skys, Illeshazis and, finaMy the Tokolys. While the latteT family held it, Litkava ,p robably sa;w its most glorious days. Of course, the owners and the people connected with the castle never had any long, peaceful periods.; the never-ending struggle for 1:Jhe crown of Hungary brought misery and suffering to the p01pU1lation; the throne of Hungary was seldom gained without bloodshed. Many of the battles for the throne took place ,b eneath the Lilkaiva Castle. 'Dhe Tokoly clan became a ,power in Hungary and rebelled a:gainst the thTOne. In 1670, when the imperial anny besieged the Orava Castle, whi-ch was held by 1:Jhe elder Toko1y, his so.n Emevich, disguised as a woman, fled Likava and organiized a rebellion against the HaJb$burgs. When Francis Raikoczi ordered the old castle demol,ished in 1707, the people undertook the task enthusiastically, but the walls would not go down. No one became interested in re building the old Lika1Va 'bastion, so tJhe bleak walls remain a silent and ominous witness to a troubled past. • • • DEFINITION OF A CZECHOSLOVAK: A Czechoslo vak is a Czech or renegade Slovak who claims that the Slovak nation does not want to be free and independent, but prefers to be under the domination of the Czechs, who are, according to him, the only peuple in the world who can safeguard the national existence of the Slovak people and promote its national welfare better than the Slovaks themselves. In short: A LIAR! � SLOVAKIA 15 CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA LIKAVA 'I'he ruins of this ancient castle are situated, on an isolated rook aibove the toiwn of Lilkarva, near Ruwmlberok, in LiptO'V County. In the bax::kgroiund it is surrounded by mountains, the nearest of wlhich is caUed Cebrat,. while memoraJble ChOlc rises northeast and fogenda.ry Mnich soutih of the castle. On Mt. Mnich (Monk) there was at one time a monastery of the Red MonJk-lremp18!rs. Legend has it that this monastery was conneioted with the 'V'illage of Llkaiva lby underground passages. It has not been definitely estaJblished when Likav a Castle was !built; some historians say that it was 1built during the time of Mojmir or Svatop'h.1.ik, while others olaim that the Red Monks, the Templars, who had occuJpied a whole series of 1Slovruk castles, built it in the 13th century to preveillt the wHd Tatars from coming into Ora,iva. The ruins of Liikaiva iare very interesting even today. Its mam walls reach heaivenward, forming the image oif a ship. The buildings of Li!kaNa were quite extensive and in some places as high as five . .stories. Traces of :p aintings, histOI1ical dates and various decorations on the walls are stilil faintly vi,silble, as are evidences of several gates and underground store rooms. Soutlh and west of the castle were two extensive gardens; below the castle a yard and a fishpond north of it. The iview from the castle is ivery 1bea,wtifuL On the south one can see the ,w hite ho1Uses of Liik,a va, ~ond which lies Ruzomberok, the city of Father Andrew llli.nika, champion of justice and Slo1vaJk freedom. When danger threatened, the people of Gerner, UptOIV and Turiec usually fled to the hills and mountains. The Likava Castle was a sarfe pla-ce of refuge when 500,000 Tatars itore into Hungary in 1241 ; in the battle a/bove the Sajava River some 100,000 soldiers perished. The people of those regions fled not only into the mountains and castles, but also sought refuge in the many caives for which �16 SLOVAKIA Slovakia is noted. Plroof od: this exists in the carves of Liptov and those orf Mt. Mnich and Mt. Choe. After the depa:riture of the Tata.Ts, Likava passed into the hands of Genman calonirers who were called in by King Bela IV of HUil!gary. In 1312, the lord of Lrkaiva Castle was Radomir, the last Prior Of Cerveny Klastor (Red . Monastery) on Mt. Mnich. Three years later (1'31'5) Ki:ng Charles RdbeTt •donated Lilkava to Miatusv Done, administrator of Li-pto1V Oounty, for aid giiven him in 1:Jhe battle near Rozhanovce. Later, the casble 1belonged to George Buibek (Bebek ?) , King Zigmll!l1d, John Jiskra (1441), Peter Komorovsky (1449); the la;tter also awned the Oraiva Castle. Other owners of Likava included Andrew Bathory, John Krusie, the Hunady's, Zaipol'skys, Illeshazis and, finaMy the Tokolys. While the latteT family held it, Litkava ,p robably sa;w its most glorious days. Of course, the owners and the people connected with the castle never had any long, peaceful periods.; the never-ending struggle for 1:Jhe crown of Hungary brought misery and suffering to the p01pU1lation; the throne of Hungary was seldom gained without bloodshed. Many of the battles for the throne took place ,b eneath the Lilkaiva Castle. 'Dhe Tokoly clan became a ,power in Hungary and rebelled a:gainst the thTOne. In 1670, when the imperial anny besieged the Orava Castle, whi-ch was held by 1:Jhe elder Toko1y, his so.n Emevich, disguised as a woman, fled Likava and organiized a rebellion against the HaJb$burgs. When Francis Raikoczi ordered the old castle demol,ished in 1707, the people undertook the task enthusiastically, but the walls would not go down. No one became interested in re building the old Lika1Va 'bastion, so tJhe bleak walls remain a silent and ominous witness to a troubled past. • • • DEFINITION OF A CZECHOSLOVAK: A Czechoslo vak is a Czech or renegade Slovak who claims that the Slovak nation does not want to be free and independent, but prefers to be under the domination of the Czechs, who are, according to him, the only peuple in the world who can safeguard the national existence of the Slovak people and promote its national welfare better than the Slovaks themselves. In short: A LIAR! � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 15 CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA LIKAVA 'I'he ruins of this ancient castle are situated, on an isolated rook aibove the toiwn of Lilkarva, near Ruwmlberok, in LiptO'V County. In the bax::kgroiund it is surrounded by mountains, the nearest of wlhich is caUed Cebrat,. while memoraJble ChOlc rises northeast and fogenda.ry Mnich soutih of the castle. On Mt. Mnich (Monk) there was at one time a monastery of the Red MonJk-lremp18!rs. Legend has it that this monastery was conneioted with the 'V'illage of Llkaiva lby underground passages. It has not been definitely estaJblished when Likav a Castle was !built; some historians say that it was 1built during the time of Mojmir or Svatop'h.1.ik, while others olaim that the Red Monks, the Templars, who had occuJpied a whole series of 1Slovruk castles, built it in the 13th century to preveillt the wHd Tatars from coming into Ora,iva. The ruins of Liikaiva iare very interesting even today. Its mam walls reach heaivenward, forming the image oif a ship. The buildings of Li!kaNa were quite extensive and in some places as high as five . .stories. Traces of :p aintings, histOI1ical dates and various decorations on the walls are stilil faintly vi,silble, as are evidences of several gates and underground store rooms. Soutlh and west of the castle were two extensive gardens; below the castle a yard and a fishpond north of it. The iview from the castle is ivery 1bea,wtifuL On the south one can see the ,w hite ho1Uses of Liik,a va, ~ond which lies Ruzomberok, the city of Father Andrew llli.nika, champion of justice and Slo1vaJk freedom. When danger threatened, the people of Gerner, UptOIV and Turiec usually fled to the hills and mountains. The Likava Castle was a sarfe pla-ce of refuge when 500,000 Tatars itore into Hungary in 1241 ; in the battle a/bove the Sajava River some 100,000 soldiers perished. The people of those regions fled not only into the mountains and castles, but also sought refuge in the many caives for which 16 SLOVAKIA Slovakia is noted. Plroof od: this exists in the carves of Liptov and those orf Mt. Mnich and Mt. Choe. After the depa:riture of the Tata.Ts, Likava passed into the hands of Genman calonirers who were called in by King Bela IV of HUil!gary. In 1312, the lord of Lrkaiva Castle was Radomir, the last Prior Of Cerveny Klastor (Red . Monastery) on Mt. Mnich. Three years later (1'31'5) Ki:ng Charles RdbeTt •donated Lilkava to Miatusv Done, administrator of Li-pto1V Oounty, for aid giiven him in 1:Jhe battle near Rozhanovce. Later, the casble 1belonged to George Buibek (Bebek ?) , King Zigmll!l1d, John Jiskra (1441), Peter Komorovsky (1449); the la;tter also awned the Oraiva Castle. Other owners of Likava included Andrew Bathory, John Krusie, the Hunady's, Zaipol'skys, Illeshazis and, finaMy the Tokolys. While the latteT family held it, Litkava ,p robably sa;w its most glorious days. Of course, the owners and the people connected with the castle never had any long, peaceful periods.; the never-ending struggle for 1:Jhe crown of Hungary brought misery and suffering to the p01pU1lation; the throne of Hungary was seldom gained without bloodshed. Many of the battles for the throne took place ,b eneath the Lilkaiva Castle. 'Dhe Tokoly clan became a ,power in Hungary and rebelled a:gainst the thTOne. In 1670, when the imperial anny besieged the Orava Castle, whi-ch was held by 1:Jhe elder Toko1y, his so.n Emevich, disguised as a woman, fled Likava and organiized a rebellion against the HaJb$burgs. When Francis Raikoczi ordered the old castle demol,ished in 1707, the people undertook the task enthusiastically, but the walls would not go down. No one became interested in re building the old Lika1Va 'bastion, so tJhe bleak walls remain a silent and ominous witness to a troubled past. • • • DEFINITION OF A CZECHOSLOVAK: A Czechoslo vak is a Czech or renegade Slovak who claims that the Slovak nation does not want to be free and independent, but prefers to be under the domination of the Czechs, who are, according to him, the only peuple in the world who can safeguard the national existence of the Slovak people and promote its national welfare better than the Slovaks themselves. In short: A LIAR!  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Castles of Slovakia: Likava Description An account of the resource Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 2 (10), June 1954 pp. 15-16 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June 1954 castles https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/e95420de81f68ba44f395a5fd339a0f2.pdf 5e925a8f673b0491d1991e3c2743db18 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA LIBERATI ON INDEPEN DENCE 17 FEDERAT ION By Dr. Lev E. Dobriansky In 1952 millions of Americans voted in the great hope of seeing a moral and rational policy of liberation launched to prevent a disastrous World War III and, at the same time, to insure the eventual defeat of Russian Communist imperialism . As of today, there isn't the slightest realization of this outstanding promise. And it cannot be expected that the people will forget. No matter how one dresses it up verbally , the foreign policy of the United States today is still containmen t. The so-called policy of mass retaliation is essentially containment by threat. This retaliation version of containmen t is as devoid of moral principle, political and psychologic al inspiration, and historical perspective as the orthodox version maintained by Mr. Kennan and his well placed followers. Dedicated to the liberation and the links of independence and federation in the same policy chain, we must intens ify our efforts to bring this winning policy into being. We must s upport those who are for this American policy, and oppose those who are against it. It is the only policy capable of obstructing the genoc!dal consolidati on of the Communis t Empire in which Moscow is currently engaged. Once this consolidatio n is accomplish ed, the enemy will have established his basic and requisite position for world conquest. This consolidatio n is the prime ground for the enemy's reasonable expectation of success. Fortified by the advanta ges of a world-wide conspir acy and "the first shot ," this expectation does not require any superiority in arms. I>:: the calculus of world conquest, consolidati on, subversion a nd spontaneou s aggression are sufficient to produce "regionalized Pearl Harbors" devastating major sources of retaliatory effort. Liberation is a process of political warfar~ aimed at the ultimate defeat of the enemy and the independen ce of captive nations as a necessary and logical basis for ·'European and Asiatic reconstruct ion. History does · not - s tand still . The dynamics of Western freedom and Ru ssian Communist �1 SLOVAKIA totalitarianism leave us no choice but to carry political warfare on the present empire terrain of the enemy. By the standards of what constitutes "peace" today, this action is J.>eaceable. It demands our full, active support of the real , existing undergrounds and resistance forces in Slovakia, East Germany, Poland, Czechia, Rumania, Hungary, Bulgaria and Ukraine. These known underground forces are fighting in a political offensive to regain the very independence and self-government for their respective nations that we must fight in to preserve for our own. Theirs is not an ersatz struggle. Last week we witnessed the spectacle of a Senate committee entertaining testimony pitched to an "underground tour" from the Baltic to the Mediterranean. There is a good deal of evidence to support the lack of credibility in such testimony and brazenly fabricated claims that border on insult to the intelligence of the American people. Observers are carefully watching to see whether the Jenner committee intends to call upon witnesses that represent real underground networks and who can expertly testify on the misleading and dishonest opera tions of the totalitarian and anti-Semitic Russian organization known as the NTS. They are also waiting to see whether this bold spectacle before a Congressional committee is nothing more than a blown, plllblicity cover-up - engineered by interested but sorely embarrassed American supporters - of the recent cases of heavy Communist infiltration in the group. A Russian "priest" and NTS leader in West Berlin, Matyslav Volonsevich, defected to the Soviets with all the addresses of his parishioners and the funds of the church. "Georg Mueller," alias Georg Vladimir Khonmzhy-Kherso nsky," another NTS leader, was recently given a prison sentence by a United States court in Frankfurt for operating as a Soviet spy. There is also the case of Alexander Trushnovich about whom much doubt exists concerning his being "kidnapped" by the Communists. On the surface this spectacle has all the marks of a publicity cover-up tuned to the gullibility of viewers in such matters. There can be no doubt, however, that this totali- �SLOVAKIA 19 tarian Russian group, which opportunistically operated with Nazism as it now seeks to do with the West, is a prime target for Communist infiltration. The totalitarianism of NTS s hares many things in common with the totalitarianism of Moscow, notably totalitarian Great Russianism with all its racist and freedom-denying qualities. The group is the best possible breeding-ground for Soviet Russian spies and, as seen in the Khersonsky case, an agency of espionage for Moscow. It scarcely deserves our trust. Even the Nazis, in the closing days of the war, saw fit to slay scores of its members. The enlightened nationalist cause of the Slovak, Polish, Ukrainian and other resisters certainly restricts the range of possible Russian Communist infiltration. It is based on the invincible fight for national independence and freedom from alien Russian domination. This is its consuming end, not that of substituting one form of totalitarianism with an empire complex for another with the same complex. It seeks the national independence that we Americans enjoy and are now challenged to defend. This spirit of national independence is the full source of power and strength of the patriotic, non-Russian resisted behind the Iron Curtain. It is our means of victory over Russian Communist imperialism. It is our formula of enduring peace beyond the defeat of Communism For only with real independence and equal soverignty can the now captive nations, from the Danube to the Pacific, begin to think of entering into free contracts of federalization. The experience of Indo-China should convince us that peoples fight for something rather than merely against Communism. We who are of these convictions must work tirelessly for their realization. This is our task in the great interest of our own country. To aid in this task, it is necessary for us to establish an American Conference on Foreign Affairs . consisting of American organizations such as yours. the Polish American Congress, the Ukrainian Congress Committee and others, that would meet annua11y to discuss and assess our common problems. I sincerely hope that the inspiration for this will be generated here today. � SLOVAKIA LIBERATI ON INDEPEN DENCE 17 FEDERAT ION By Dr. Lev E. Dobriansky In 1952 millions of Americans voted in the great hope of seeing a moral and rational policy of liberation launched to prevent a disastrous World War III and, at the same time, to insure the eventual defeat of Russian Communist imperialism . As of today, there isn't the slightest realization of this outstanding promise. And it cannot be expected that the people will forget. No matter how one dresses it up verbally , the foreign policy of the United States today is still containmen t. The so-called policy of mass retaliation is essentially containment by threat. This retaliation version of containmen t is as devoid of moral principle, political and psychologic al inspiration, and historical perspective as the orthodox version maintained by Mr. Kennan and his well placed followers. Dedicated to the liberation and the links of independence and federation in the same policy chain, we must intens ify our efforts to bring this winning policy into being. We must s upport those who are for this American policy, and oppose those who are against it. It is the only policy capable of obstructing the genoc!dal consolidati on of the Communis t Empire in which Moscow is currently engaged. Once this consolidatio n is accomplish ed, the enemy will have established his basic and requisite position for world conquest. This consolidatio n is the prime ground for the enemy's reasonable expectation of success. Fortified by the advanta ges of a world-wide conspir acy and "the first shot ," this expectation does not require any superiority in arms. I>:: the calculus of world conquest, consolidati on, subversion a nd spontaneou s aggression are sufficient to produce "regionalized Pearl Harbors" devastating major sources of retaliatory effort. Liberation is a process of political warfar~ aimed at the ultimate defeat of the enemy and the independen ce of captive nations as a necessary and logical basis for ·'European and Asiatic reconstruct ion. History does · not - s tand still . The dynamics of Western freedom and Ru ssian Communist �1 SLOVAKIA totalitarianism leave us no choice but to carry political warfare on the present empire terrain of the enemy. By the standards of what constitutes "peace" today, this action is J.>eaceable. It demands our full, active support of the real , existing undergrounds and resistance forces in Slovakia, East Germany, Poland, Czechia, Rumania, Hungary, Bulgaria and Ukraine. These known underground forces are fighting in a political offensive to regain the very independence and self-government for their respective nations that we must fight in to preserve for our own. Theirs is not an ersatz struggle. Last week we witnessed the spectacle of a Senate committee entertaining testimony pitched to an "underground tour" from the Baltic to the Mediterranean. There is a good deal of evidence to support the lack of credibility in such testimony and brazenly fabricated claims that border on insult to the intelligence of the American people. Observers are carefully watching to see whether the Jenner committee intends to call upon witnesses that represent real underground networks and who can expertly testify on the misleading and dishonest opera tions of the totalitarian and anti-Semitic Russian organization known as the NTS. They are also waiting to see whether this bold spectacle before a Congressional committee is nothing more than a blown, plllblicity cover-up - engineered by interested but sorely embarrassed American supporters - of the recent cases of heavy Communist infiltration in the group. A Russian "priest" and NTS leader in West Berlin, Matyslav Volonsevich, defected to the Soviets with all the addresses of his parishioners and the funds of the church. "Georg Mueller," alias Georg Vladimir Khonmzhy-Kherso nsky," another NTS leader, was recently given a prison sentence by a United States court in Frankfurt for operating as a Soviet spy. There is also the case of Alexander Trushnovich about whom much doubt exists concerning his being "kidnapped" by the Communists. On the surface this spectacle has all the marks of a publicity cover-up tuned to the gullibility of viewers in such matters. There can be no doubt, however, that this totali- �SLOVAKIA 19 tarian Russian group, which opportunistically operated with Nazism as it now seeks to do with the West, is a prime target for Communist infiltration. The totalitarianism of NTS s hares many things in common with the totalitarianism of Moscow, notably totalitarian Great Russianism with all its racist and freedom-denying qualities. The group is the best possible breeding-ground for Soviet Russian spies and, as seen in the Khersonsky case, an agency of espionage for Moscow. It scarcely deserves our trust. Even the Nazis, in the closing days of the war, saw fit to slay scores of its members. The enlightened nationalist cause of the Slovak, Polish, Ukrainian and other resisters certainly restricts the range of possible Russian Communist infiltration. It is based on the invincible fight for national independence and freedom from alien Russian domination. This is its consuming end, not that of substituting one form of totalitarianism with an empire complex for another with the same complex. It seeks the national independence that we Americans enjoy and are now challenged to defend. This spirit of national independence is the full source of power and strength of the patriotic, non-Russian resisted behind the Iron Curtain. It is our means of victory over Russian Communist imperialism. It is our formula of enduring peace beyond the defeat of Communism For only with real independence and equal soverignty can the now captive nations, from the Danube to the Pacific, begin to think of entering into free contracts of federalization. The experience of Indo-China should convince us that peoples fight for something rather than merely against Communism. We who are of these convictions must work tirelessly for their realization. This is our task in the great interest of our own country. To aid in this task, it is necessary for us to establish an American Conference on Foreign Affairs . consisting of American organizations such as yours. the Polish American Congress, the Ukrainian Congress Committee and others, that would meet annua11y to discuss and assess our common problems. I sincerely hope that the inspiration for this will be generated here today. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA LIBERATI ON INDEPEN DENCE 17 FEDERAT ION By Dr. Lev E. Dobriansky In 1952 millions of Americans voted in the great hope of seeing a moral and rational policy of liberation launched to prevent a disastrous World War III and, at the same time, to insure the eventual defeat of Russian Communist imperialism . As of today, there isn't the slightest realization of this outstanding promise. And it cannot be expected that the people will forget. No matter how one dresses it up verbally , the foreign policy of the United States today is still containmen t. The so-called policy of mass retaliation is essentially containment by threat. This retaliation version of containmen t is as devoid of moral principle, political and psychologic al inspiration, and historical perspective as the orthodox version maintained by Mr. Kennan and his well placed followers. Dedicated to the liberation and the links of independence and federation in the same policy chain, we must intens ify our efforts to bring this winning policy into being. We must s upport those who are for this American policy, and oppose those who are against it. It is the only policy capable of obstructing the genoc!dal consolidati on of the Communis t Empire in which Moscow is currently engaged. Once this consolidatio n is accomplish ed, the enemy will have established his basic and requisite position for world conquest. This consolidatio n is the prime ground for the enemy's reasonable expectation of success. Fortified by the advanta ges of a world-wide conspir acy and "the first shot ," this expectation does not require any superiority in arms. I>:: the calculus of world conquest, consolidati on, subversion a nd spontaneou s aggression are sufficient to produce "regionalized Pearl Harbors" devastating major sources of retaliatory effort. Liberation is a process of political warfar~ aimed at the ultimate defeat of the enemy and the independen ce of captive nations as a necessary and logical basis for ·'European and Asiatic reconstruct ion. History does · not - s tand still . The dynamics of Western freedom and Ru ssian Communist 1 SLOVAKIA totalitarianism leave us no choice but to carry political warfare on the present empire terrain of the enemy. By the standards of what constitutes "peace" today, this action is J.>eaceable. It demands our full, active support of the real , existing undergrounds and resistance forces in Slovakia, East Germany, Poland, Czechia, Rumania, Hungary, Bulgaria and Ukraine. These known underground forces are fighting in a political offensive to regain the very independence and self-government for their respective nations that we must fight in to preserve for our own. Theirs is not an ersatz struggle. Last week we witnessed the spectacle of a Senate committee entertaining testimony pitched to an "underground tour" from the Baltic to the Mediterranean. There is a good deal of evidence to support the lack of credibility in such testimony and brazenly fabricated claims that border on insult to the intelligence of the American people. Observers are carefully watching to see whether the Jenner committee intends to call upon witnesses that represent real underground networks and who can expertly testify on the misleading and dishonest opera tions of the totalitarian and anti-Semitic Russian organization known as the NTS. They are also waiting to see whether this bold spectacle before a Congressional committee is nothing more than a blown, plllblicity cover-up - engineered by interested but sorely embarrassed American supporters - of the recent cases of heavy Communist infiltration in the group. A Russian "priest" and NTS leader in West Berlin, Matyslav Volonsevich, defected to the Soviets with all the addresses of his parishioners and the funds of the church. "Georg Mueller," alias Georg Vladimir Khonmzhy-Kherso nsky," another NTS leader, was recently given a prison sentence by a United States court in Frankfurt for operating as a Soviet spy. There is also the case of Alexander Trushnovich about whom much doubt exists concerning his being "kidnapped" by the Communists. On the surface this spectacle has all the marks of a publicity cover-up tuned to the gullibility of viewers in such matters. There can be no doubt, however, that this totali- SLOVAKIA 19 tarian Russian group, which opportunistically operated with Nazism as it now seeks to do with the West, is a prime target for Communist infiltration. The totalitarianism of NTS s hares many things in common with the totalitarianism of Moscow, notably totalitarian Great Russianism with all its racist and freedom-denying qualities. The group is the best possible breeding-ground for Soviet Russian spies and, as seen in the Khersonsky case, an agency of espionage for Moscow. It scarcely deserves our trust. Even the Nazis, in the closing days of the war, saw fit to slay scores of its members. The enlightened nationalist cause of the Slovak, Polish, Ukrainian and other resisters certainly restricts the range of possible Russian Communist infiltration. It is based on the invincible fight for national independence and freedom from alien Russian domination. This is its consuming end, not that of substituting one form of totalitarianism with an empire complex for another with the same complex. It seeks the national independence that we Americans enjoy and are now challenged to defend. This spirit of national independence is the full source of power and strength of the patriotic, non-Russian resisted behind the Iron Curtain. It is our means of victory over Russian Communist imperialism. It is our formula of enduring peace beyond the defeat of Communism For only with real independence and equal soverignty can the now captive nations, from the Danube to the Pacific, begin to think of entering into free contracts of federalization. The experience of Indo-China should convince us that peoples fight for something rather than merely against Communism. We who are of these convictions must work tirelessly for their realization. This is our task in the great interest of our own country. To aid in this task, it is necessary for us to establish an American Conference on Foreign Affairs . consisting of American organizations such as yours. the Polish American Congress, the Ukrainian Congress Committee and others, that would meet annua11y to discuss and assess our common problems. I sincerely hope that the inspiration for this will be generated here today.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Liberation - Independence - Federation Description An account of the resource Dr. Lev E. Dobriansky Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 2 (10), June 1954 pp. 17-19 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dobriansky, Lev E. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June 1954 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/61b97e8a6667b4e204ee5aec380a2684.pdf d51f4318c3ccf8071e25c987b7b5f243 PDF Text Text 20 SLOVAKIA I WAS AN OFFICER OF THE CZECHO-SLOVAK ARMV Anonymous Preferred Until the autumn of 1'948, I was an active officer of the Ozecho.;Slovak Army, bearing the rank of Stalff-Captain. I achieved this rank doing regular officer's duties after graduating as ·an artiHery 'lieutenant from the Military Academy at BratisilaNa, the capital city of Slovrukia, my country. In 1942-43, ·as a member of the Slovak Army, I was ~n comlbat rugainst the U.1S.S.R. During that time I travelled through Galicia, Ukvainia, White Ruthenia and the Caucasus and :came· in cootact with the divty, miserable, starved and frightened population of those territories. I spoke with many intellec.tuals there and they gave me an idea of what real life is li!ke in communist Russia. I had heard similar stories before, at home, but found it hard to believe them. Now I had it first hand from people who. lived under the men of the -Kremlin. At t:Jhe end of 1944 and the 1b eginning of 19415, the Red Army made its way in Slovakia and eventually "lit~ted" all of Ozecho-,Slovakia. The Red occupation lasted until the end of 1946, but even after that time the country, especially Slo.va!kia - the eastern part of Czecho-Slovakia - remained an eldarado for · military units, groups and indi,viduals whether desertees or reguJar sOildier of the Red Arimy who robbed, pillaged, plundered, murdered and raped almost at will. Thds occupation had a very great influence on the reorgani1z ation of the OzechO-iSlorvak Army after the wrur. First, because the first 1post-war Ozeoho.;81ovak government was established in Moscow, which was its official residence for a time, and, secondly, beca.u se the first Czecho-Slova;k _A rmy corps, organized in Russia during the war, was the fir~t to come into the coll!Iltry with the Russdans. The Ozecho-.Slov-a k Army was made up of two nationalities: the. Czechs and the ,Sfovruks, These two nations, even thoug,h they lived in the same state and were governed by the same government (Prague), did not get along very �SLOVAKIA 21 well. Causes of this lay deeply in the mentalities coming out of their religious beliefs, traditions and economic structure. Furthermore, the Slova:ks felt that they were forced to lilve with the Czechs in the same state, since no reaJl representative of the SlovaJk nation attended the P.aris Peace Conference in 1'919, or was consulted. As time went on, the lea;d. ing Czech politiciruns e~loited the Slovaks more and more and stul:fuornly refused to recognize their just claims and their inherent dght to freedom, lilberty and the pursuit of hruppiness. This resulted in the utter colia:pse of Ozecho-,Slovakia in 1939, when the Slovruk nation proclaimed the independence of SlovaJkia all1d the Czechs ca:me under the Germans. The prolblems which preceded the collapse of the first Ozech0-4SlovaJk Repulblic (1918-11938) were not solved after 1945, but rather intensified. They af1footed /both civilian and army personnel. The deteriorated relations between the Ozechs and Slo'Vaks g;rew worse, because Dr. Edward Benes and his Moscow government pursued communist tendencies and persecuted anti-socialistic and anti--communistic elements e$peciaHy in S}()JVa,k ia. Thousands of good citizens were disfranchised, dispossessed, forcefully deported out of Slovrukia, jailed and even executed lb ecaue they refused to accept the new order of Benes and Stalin and cooperate with Communists. Officers of the Slovak Army and their families suffered the most. The armed forces were suibordinate to the Ministry of National Defense and were dirvided ,i nto four inHitary regions (Vojenske Olblasti): 1. Praigue, 2. Hradec Kralove, 3. Brno, 4. Bratislava. The Department of Defense Security was o-r ganized under the Ministry of National Defense; its task was to -keep the military in line and it was much the same as the NKVD in the Red Army. The department had 'brancihes or units at aH headquarters, in all army units and Judependent units. The heads oif these departments were also sll!bstitute commanders; all were from the first Ozecho-,Slovak Army Corps which was trained and schooled in Russia. Their activities were aiimed especiaUy against Slwaik officers ·who were at least 90 per cent anti-communist. This socalled · "Fifth Department" (Intelligence) of the Ministry of �22 SLOVAK·I A Naitional Defense had to keep a record of just albout everything on everybody in the Army. Agents of the department shadowed every officer amd reported what he did on or off duty . .Ais soon as am,y officer !became a suspect of some indiscretion or v-iolation - real or imagined - he was jailed and held for court. Another new department established within the armed forces was the Department of T,raining and Education. Officers of this department were assigned to every military unit, staritilng from a company, battery, or a wing. The functions of these officers were the same as those of the Polytrl.llks (political commissars) in the Red Army. Their job was to preserve unity in the army, hold the soldiers to certain princi<ples and incmkate and foster the idea of devotion and loyalty to the state and the regime. These officers spread the seed of Commun<ism and hate against their superiors among their men. Once a week they held lectures, praJsin,g Stalin, the Red Army, the heroes of Socialism and Soviet establishment s and smearing and condemning Ca;piWism, western democracy and Christianity. The officers of this Department of Educaition and braining had little or no education at a;ll. Communists took advantage of this fact and devloped in them a certain 'kind of ill-aimbition by granting them high ranks, because they had learned to speaik and act as they were ordered. In 1948 I was an instructor in a.school for officers in reserve. I taught ballistics. When I had to interrupt my teaching, because I was called to taike part in artill.ery maneuvers, a captain substituted for me. When he introduced' himself to the attendants of the sohool, he told them: "Let the staff-captaiin continue gilv:ing you lectures on the subject of baHistics. I can't do it, because I finished at the Moscow School and their ballistics are altogether different than those of the CzechoSlovaik A,r my; they use different mathematics; it's very complicated, so I won't coinfuse you with it." The students immediately felt that something was wrong, because my substitute did not want to teach ballistics. 'Dhey urged him to explain ballistics as taught by the Moscow School, but he evaded alil questions on the suibject and preferred to talk about the history of the Red Army. When I returned to the �SLOVAKIA 23 school, I chec,ked the record orf this individual and found that he was illiterate when drafted into the service. The officer-iins tructors had a very destTuct1ve inf1uence upon the moral discipline, and behavior of the men. 'I'heir poweT increased to such an extent that rriany commande rs could not f,ulfiH programs and orders regarding men's training. In 1946 morale and discipline were so deteriorate d that practically no one's orders were 01beyed; such a condition existed in SlovaJkia especially. During a football game in Bratislawa ilil 1946, a riot 'b roke out in the stands and General Sirica, commande r of 'Military District No. 4 was beaten brutally when he attempted to ca:Jm the rioters. These officers, it seems, were outside the jurisdiction of regU'lar commanders. COIIllmanders usually did not ask to haive them puniished or transferred , because i[ they did so, they were the 01I1es to 'be punished and t:Jransferred. The reoiiganiza tion of the Czooho-Slo vak Airrmiy, Sovietstyle, was begun in 1945, ·b ut was not completed in 1948, antj. I doubt that it will ever be completed. Chaos, fear and inseouriity, brought in ,by Dr. Benes and his Londlon-Moscow governmen t in 1946, hiwe taken hold of the milita_ry. No one is certain of anything; every!body, it seems, is spying on every!body else. Partisans, formerly ,p rivileged, who robb,e d, plundered and raped the population, are now :be:ing replaced as um-eliaJble. The Communis ts are in complete power and control in Ozeicho-Slovaikia and oruy tried and loya,1-to-Moscow Reds are placed in responsible positions Court martials and severe punishmen ts hwe failed to increase disciipline and morale. Desertions by officers, who were favorites just a while back, ooour daily. 1 During 1947 and 1948 I was imprisoned on several occasions and inivesitiigated on ohar,ges of conspiracy. When I escruped successfull y in the autumn of 1948, I said good-1bye to no one, not even my dear wife who was with chi'ld at that time. After I deserted the army and escaped, I Jearned that my wife W?,S 'jaHed man~ times and brutally beaten during the investigatio n. Her herulth gradually broke down and in 1951 she died under the most tragic circumstan ces, leaving two small children. She was only 26. �SLOVAKIA Living in Canada today, I am not an ofificer any more. I work as a helper on construction jobs and feel well ·and satisfied, though I cannot but he1p think of my children and re'latirves over there. And despite the hardships and . misfortunes which ibeset me some time ago, when I fost. aff I had gatined during my residence in Canada, I fee1 rich, because I .lmow thait, God willing, I'll ·b e up tomQII'rOW doing the same wo:r1k I was doing yesterday without a police guard. I can malke my plans for the future freely without fear that some one shall intenfere in my affairs. Today my only wish is that I might have my children with me to en'.i<)y the peace and security of a great democratic country. • • • TH~ SLOVAK STATE AND CENTRAL EUROPE Dr. Arved Grebert When judging the problem of the function of the Slovak State in the CootraJl-Ewropean area, it is necessary a.1bove all else to bear in. mind several faicts which ·emanate from the goopoliticaJl situation of the territOII'y of Slovakia. The territory of SlovaJlci.a occutpies am. important place in the Central-®uropean region. Its sfu-ategic significance, its mineral wealth, the ,p ower potential of its inhaJbitants, as weli as its economk produicti.Jvity represents values, always tempts its nerghl>ors, especially the Magyrurs, Ozechs and the Poles. The attempt to dominate Slovakia, or to gain influence over it, is, therefore, a natural part of their poHtical aspirations and plans. "The Gibraltar and the Danube Basin" From the military standpoint, Slovakia is one of the most natural stroo.gholds of Central Europe. Propped up against the migihty Car,pathian range of mountains, which represent its everlasting and natural 1borders on the north and · the west, and protected on the s01Uth /by the broad Danulbe, the second lamgest ri,yer on the Eurqpean continent, its territory presents an ideal terrain for military defense. Its valleys are narrowed and, therefore, easily defended. effoet.Nely even with a relatively small number of people and arms. � 20 SLOVAKIA I WAS AN OFFICER OF THE CZECHO-SLOVAK ARMV Anonymous Preferred Until the autumn of 1'948, I was an active officer of the Ozecho.;Slovak Army, bearing the rank of Stalff-Captain. I achieved this rank doing regular officer's duties after graduating as ·an artiHery 'lieutenant from the Military Academy at BratisilaNa, the capital city of Slovrukia, my country. In 1942-43, ·as a member of the Slovak Army, I was ~n comlbat rugainst the U.1S.S.R. During that time I travelled through Galicia, Ukvainia, White Ruthenia and the Caucasus and :came· in cootact with the divty, miserable, starved and frightened population of those territories. I spoke with many intellec.tuals there and they gave me an idea of what real life is li!ke in communist Russia. I had heard similar stories before, at home, but found it hard to believe them. Now I had it first hand from people who. lived under the men of the -Kremlin. At t:Jhe end of 1944 and the 1b eginning of 19415, the Red Army made its way in Slovakia and eventually "lit~ted" all of Ozecho-,Slovakia. The Red occupation lasted until the end of 1946, but even after that time the country, especially Slo.va!kia - the eastern part of Czecho-Slovakia - remained an eldarado for · military units, groups and indi,viduals whether desertees or reguJar sOildier of the Red Arimy who robbed, pillaged, plundered, murdered and raped almost at will. Thds occupation had a very great influence on the reorgani1z ation of the OzechO-iSlorvak Army after the wrur. First, because the first 1post-war Ozeoho.;81ovak government was established in Moscow, which was its official residence for a time, and, secondly, beca.u se the first Czecho-Slova;k _A rmy corps, organized in Russia during the war, was the fir~t to come into the coll!Iltry with the Russdans. The Ozecho-.Slov-a k Army was made up of two nationalities: the. Czechs and the ,Sfovruks, These two nations, even thoug,h they lived in the same state and were governed by the same government (Prague), did not get along very �SLOVAKIA 21 well. Causes of this lay deeply in the mentalities coming out of their religious beliefs, traditions and economic structure. Furthermore, the Slova:ks felt that they were forced to lilve with the Czechs in the same state, since no reaJl representative of the SlovaJk nation attended the P.aris Peace Conference in 1'919, or was consulted. As time went on, the lea;d. ing Czech politiciruns e~loited the Slovaks more and more and stul:fuornly refused to recognize their just claims and their inherent dght to freedom, lilberty and the pursuit of hruppiness. This resulted in the utter colia:pse of Ozecho-,Slovakia in 1939, when the Slovruk nation proclaimed the independence of SlovaJkia all1d the Czechs ca:me under the Germans. The prolblems which preceded the collapse of the first Ozech0-4SlovaJk Repulblic (1918-11938) were not solved after 1945, but rather intensified. They af1footed /both civilian and army personnel. The deteriorated relations between the Ozechs and Slo'Vaks g;rew worse, because Dr. Edward Benes and his Moscow government pursued communist tendencies and persecuted anti-socialistic and anti--communistic elements e$peciaHy in S}()JVa,k ia. Thousands of good citizens were disfranchised, dispossessed, forcefully deported out of Slovrukia, jailed and even executed lb ecaue they refused to accept the new order of Benes and Stalin and cooperate with Communists. Officers of the Slovak Army and their families suffered the most. The armed forces were suibordinate to the Ministry of National Defense and were dirvided ,i nto four inHitary regions (Vojenske Olblasti): 1. Praigue, 2. Hradec Kralove, 3. Brno, 4. Bratislava. The Department of Defense Security was o-r ganized under the Ministry of National Defense; its task was to -keep the military in line and it was much the same as the NKVD in the Red Army. The department had 'brancihes or units at aH headquarters, in all army units and Judependent units. The heads oif these departments were also sll!bstitute commanders; all were from the first Ozecho-,Slovak Army Corps which was trained and schooled in Russia. Their activities were aiimed especiaUy against Slwaik officers ·who were at least 90 per cent anti-communist. This socalled · "Fifth Department" (Intelligence) of the Ministry of �22 SLOVAK·I A Naitional Defense had to keep a record of just albout everything on everybody in the Army. Agents of the department shadowed every officer amd reported what he did on or off duty . .Ais soon as am,y officer !became a suspect of some indiscretion or v-iolation - real or imagined - he was jailed and held for court. Another new department established within the armed forces was the Department of T,raining and Education. Officers of this department were assigned to every military unit, staritilng from a company, battery, or a wing. The functions of these officers were the same as those of the Polytrl.llks (political commissars) in the Red Army. Their job was to preserve unity in the army, hold the soldiers to certain princi<ples and incmkate and foster the idea of devotion and loyalty to the state and the regime. These officers spread the seed of Commun<ism and hate against their superiors among their men. Once a week they held lectures, praJsin,g Stalin, the Red Army, the heroes of Socialism and Soviet establishment s and smearing and condemning Ca;piWism, western democracy and Christianity. The officers of this Department of Educaition and braining had little or no education at a;ll. Communists took advantage of this fact and devloped in them a certain 'kind of ill-aimbition by granting them high ranks, because they had learned to speaik and act as they were ordered. In 1948 I was an instructor in a.school for officers in reserve. I taught ballistics. When I had to interrupt my teaching, because I was called to taike part in artill.ery maneuvers, a captain substituted for me. When he introduced' himself to the attendants of the sohool, he told them: "Let the staff-captaiin continue gilv:ing you lectures on the subject of baHistics. I can't do it, because I finished at the Moscow School and their ballistics are altogether different than those of the CzechoSlovaik A,r my; they use different mathematics; it's very complicated, so I won't coinfuse you with it." The students immediately felt that something was wrong, because my substitute did not want to teach ballistics. 'Dhey urged him to explain ballistics as taught by the Moscow School, but he evaded alil questions on the suibject and preferred to talk about the history of the Red Army. When I returned to the �SLOVAKIA 23 school, I chec,ked the record orf this individual and found that he was illiterate when drafted into the service. The officer-iins tructors had a very destTuct1ve inf1uence upon the moral discipline, and behavior of the men. 'I'heir poweT increased to such an extent that rriany commande rs could not f,ulfiH programs and orders regarding men's training. In 1946 morale and discipline were so deteriorate d that practically no one's orders were 01beyed; such a condition existed in SlovaJkia especially. During a football game in Bratislawa ilil 1946, a riot 'b roke out in the stands and General Sirica, commande r of 'Military District No. 4 was beaten brutally when he attempted to ca:Jm the rioters. These officers, it seems, were outside the jurisdiction of regU'lar commanders. COIIllmanders usually did not ask to haive them puniished or transferred , because i[ they did so, they were the 01I1es to 'be punished and t:Jransferred. The reoiiganiza tion of the Czooho-Slo vak Airrmiy, Sovietstyle, was begun in 1945, ·b ut was not completed in 1948, antj. I doubt that it will ever be completed. Chaos, fear and inseouriity, brought in ,by Dr. Benes and his Londlon-Moscow governmen t in 1946, hiwe taken hold of the milita_ry. No one is certain of anything; every!body, it seems, is spying on every!body else. Partisans, formerly ,p rivileged, who robb,e d, plundered and raped the population, are now :be:ing replaced as um-eliaJble. The Communis ts are in complete power and control in Ozeicho-Slovaikia and oruy tried and loya,1-to-Moscow Reds are placed in responsible positions Court martials and severe punishmen ts hwe failed to increase disciipline and morale. Desertions by officers, who were favorites just a while back, ooour daily. 1 During 1947 and 1948 I was imprisoned on several occasions and inivesitiigated on ohar,ges of conspiracy. When I escruped successfull y in the autumn of 1948, I said good-1bye to no one, not even my dear wife who was with chi'ld at that time. After I deserted the army and escaped, I Jearned that my wife W?,S 'jaHed man~ times and brutally beaten during the investigatio n. Her herulth gradually broke down and in 1951 she died under the most tragic circumstan ces, leaving two small children. She was only 26. �SLOVAKIA Living in Canada today, I am not an ofificer any more. I work as a helper on construction jobs and feel well ·and satisfied, though I cannot but he1p think of my children and re'latirves over there. And despite the hardships and . misfortunes which ibeset me some time ago, when I fost. aff I had gatined during my residence in Canada, I fee1 rich, because I .lmow thait, God willing, I'll ·b e up tomQII'rOW doing the same wo:r1k I was doing yesterday without a police guard. I can malke my plans for the future freely without fear that some one shall intenfere in my affairs. Today my only wish is that I might have my children with me to en'.i<)y the peace and security of a great democratic country. • • • TH~ SLOVAK STATE AND CENTRAL EUROPE Dr. Arved Grebert When judging the problem of the function of the Slovak State in the CootraJl-Ewropean area, it is necessary a.1bove all else to bear in. mind several faicts which ·emanate from the goopoliticaJl situation of the territOII'y of Slovakia. The territory of SlovaJlci.a occutpies am. important place in the Central-®uropean region. Its sfu-ategic significance, its mineral wealth, the ,p ower potential of its inhaJbitants, as weli as its economk produicti.Jvity represents values, always tempts its nerghl>ors, especially the Magyrurs, Ozechs and the Poles. The attempt to dominate Slovakia, or to gain influence over it, is, therefore, a natural part of their poHtical aspirations and plans. "The Gibraltar and the Danube Basin" From the military standpoint, Slovakia is one of the most natural stroo.gholds of Central Europe. Propped up against the migihty Car,pathian range of mountains, which represent its everlasting and natural 1borders on the north and · the west, and protected on the s01Uth /by the broad Danulbe, the second lamgest ri,yer on the Eurqpean continent, its territory presents an ideal terrain for military defense. Its valleys are narrowed and, therefore, easily defended. effoet.Nely even with a relatively small number of people and arms. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 20 SLOVAKIA I WAS AN OFFICER OF THE CZECHO-SLOVAK ARMV Anonymous Preferred Until the autumn of 1'948, I was an active officer of the Ozecho.;Slovak Army, bearing the rank of Stalff-Captain. I achieved this rank doing regular officer's duties after graduating as ·an artiHery 'lieutenant from the Military Academy at BratisilaNa, the capital city of Slovrukia, my country. In 1942-43, ·as a member of the Slovak Army, I was ~n comlbat rugainst the U.1S.S.R. During that time I travelled through Galicia, Ukvainia, White Ruthenia and the Caucasus and :came· in cootact with the divty, miserable, starved and frightened population of those territories. I spoke with many intellec.tuals there and they gave me an idea of what real life is li!ke in communist Russia. I had heard similar stories before, at home, but found it hard to believe them. Now I had it first hand from people who. lived under the men of the -Kremlin. At t:Jhe end of 1944 and the 1b eginning of 19415, the Red Army made its way in Slovakia and eventually "lit~ted" all of Ozecho-,Slovakia. The Red occupation lasted until the end of 1946, but even after that time the country, especially Slo.va!kia - the eastern part of Czecho-Slovakia - remained an eldarado for · military units, groups and indi,viduals whether desertees or reguJar sOildier of the Red Arimy who robbed, pillaged, plundered, murdered and raped almost at will. Thds occupation had a very great influence on the reorgani1z ation of the OzechO-iSlorvak Army after the wrur. First, because the first 1post-war Ozeoho.;81ovak government was established in Moscow, which was its official residence for a time, and, secondly, beca.u se the first Czecho-Slova;k _A rmy corps, organized in Russia during the war, was the fir~t to come into the coll!Iltry with the Russdans. The Ozecho-.Slov-a k Army was made up of two nationalities: the. Czechs and the ,Sfovruks, These two nations, even thoug,h they lived in the same state and were governed by the same government (Prague), did not get along very SLOVAKIA 21 well. Causes of this lay deeply in the mentalities coming out of their religious beliefs, traditions and economic structure. Furthermore, the Slova:ks felt that they were forced to lilve with the Czechs in the same state, since no reaJl representative of the SlovaJk nation attended the P.aris Peace Conference in 1'919, or was consulted. As time went on, the lea;d. ing Czech politiciruns e~loited the Slovaks more and more and stul:fuornly refused to recognize their just claims and their inherent dght to freedom, lilberty and the pursuit of hruppiness. This resulted in the utter colia:pse of Ozecho-,Slovakia in 1939, when the Slovruk nation proclaimed the independence of SlovaJkia all1d the Czechs ca:me under the Germans. The prolblems which preceded the collapse of the first Ozech0-4SlovaJk Repulblic (1918-11938) were not solved after 1945, but rather intensified. They af1footed /both civilian and army personnel. The deteriorated relations between the Ozechs and Slo'Vaks g;rew worse, because Dr. Edward Benes and his Moscow government pursued communist tendencies and persecuted anti-socialistic and anti--communistic elements e$peciaHy in S}()JVa,k ia. Thousands of good citizens were disfranchised, dispossessed, forcefully deported out of Slovrukia, jailed and even executed lb ecaue they refused to accept the new order of Benes and Stalin and cooperate with Communists. Officers of the Slovak Army and their families suffered the most. The armed forces were suibordinate to the Ministry of National Defense and were dirvided ,i nto four inHitary regions (Vojenske Olblasti): 1. Praigue, 2. Hradec Kralove, 3. Brno, 4. Bratislava. The Department of Defense Security was o-r ganized under the Ministry of National Defense; its task was to -keep the military in line and it was much the same as the NKVD in the Red Army. The department had 'brancihes or units at aH headquarters, in all army units and Judependent units. The heads oif these departments were also sll!bstitute commanders; all were from the first Ozecho-,Slovak Army Corps which was trained and schooled in Russia. Their activities were aiimed especiaUy against Slwaik officers ·who were at least 90 per cent anti-communist. This socalled · "Fifth Department" (Intelligence) of the Ministry of 22 SLOVAK·I A Naitional Defense had to keep a record of just albout everything on everybody in the Army. Agents of the department shadowed every officer amd reported what he did on or off duty . .Ais soon as am,y officer !became a suspect of some indiscretion or v-iolation - real or imagined - he was jailed and held for court. Another new department established within the armed forces was the Department of T,raining and Education. Officers of this department were assigned to every military unit, staritilng from a company, battery, or a wing. The functions of these officers were the same as those of the Polytrl.llks (political commissars) in the Red Army. Their job was to preserve unity in the army, hold the soldiers to certain princi<ples and incmkate and foster the idea of devotion and loyalty to the state and the regime. These officers spread the seed of Commun<ism and hate against their superiors among their men. Once a week they held lectures, praJsin,g Stalin, the Red Army, the heroes of Socialism and Soviet establishment s and smearing and condemning Ca;piWism, western democracy and Christianity. The officers of this Department of Educaition and braining had little or no education at a;ll. Communists took advantage of this fact and devloped in them a certain 'kind of ill-aimbition by granting them high ranks, because they had learned to speaik and act as they were ordered. In 1948 I was an instructor in a.school for officers in reserve. I taught ballistics. When I had to interrupt my teaching, because I was called to taike part in artill.ery maneuvers, a captain substituted for me. When he introduced' himself to the attendants of the sohool, he told them: "Let the staff-captaiin continue gilv:ing you lectures on the subject of baHistics. I can't do it, because I finished at the Moscow School and their ballistics are altogether different than those of the CzechoSlovaik A,r my; they use different mathematics; it's very complicated, so I won't coinfuse you with it." The students immediately felt that something was wrong, because my substitute did not want to teach ballistics. 'Dhey urged him to explain ballistics as taught by the Moscow School, but he evaded alil questions on the suibject and preferred to talk about the history of the Red Army. When I returned to the SLOVAKIA 23 school, I chec,ked the record orf this individual and found that he was illiterate when drafted into the service. The officer-iins tructors had a very destTuct1ve inf1uence upon the moral discipline, and behavior of the men. 'I'heir poweT increased to such an extent that rriany commande rs could not f,ulfiH programs and orders regarding men's training. In 1946 morale and discipline were so deteriorate d that practically no one's orders were 01beyed; such a condition existed in SlovaJkia especially. During a football game in Bratislawa ilil 1946, a riot 'b roke out in the stands and General Sirica, commande r of 'Military District No. 4 was beaten brutally when he attempted to ca:Jm the rioters. These officers, it seems, were outside the jurisdiction of regU'lar commanders. COIIllmanders usually did not ask to haive them puniished or transferred , because i[ they did so, they were the 01I1es to 'be punished and t:Jransferred. The reoiiganiza tion of the Czooho-Slo vak Airrmiy, Sovietstyle, was begun in 1945, ·b ut was not completed in 1948, antj. I doubt that it will ever be completed. Chaos, fear and inseouriity, brought in ,by Dr. Benes and his Londlon-Moscow governmen t in 1946, hiwe taken hold of the milita_ry. No one is certain of anything; every!body, it seems, is spying on every!body else. Partisans, formerly ,p rivileged, who robb,e d, plundered and raped the population, are now :be:ing replaced as um-eliaJble. The Communis ts are in complete power and control in Ozeicho-Slovaikia and oruy tried and loya,1-to-Moscow Reds are placed in responsible positions Court martials and severe punishmen ts hwe failed to increase disciipline and morale. Desertions by officers, who were favorites just a while back, ooour daily. 1 During 1947 and 1948 I was imprisoned on several occasions and inivesitiigated on ohar,ges of conspiracy. When I escruped successfull y in the autumn of 1948, I said good-1bye to no one, not even my dear wife who was with chi'ld at that time. After I deserted the army and escaped, I Jearned that my wife W?,S 'jaHed man~ times and brutally beaten during the investigatio n. Her herulth gradually broke down and in 1951 she died under the most tragic circumstan ces, leaving two small children. She was only 26. SLOVAKIA Living in Canada today, I am not an ofificer any more. I work as a helper on construction jobs and feel well ·and satisfied, though I cannot but he1p think of my children and re'latirves over there. And despite the hardships and . misfortunes which ibeset me some time ago, when I fost. aff I had gatined during my residence in Canada, I fee1 rich, because I .lmow thait, God willing, I'll ·b e up tomQII'rOW doing the same wo:r1k I was doing yesterday without a police guard. I can malke my plans for the future freely without fear that some one shall intenfere in my affairs. Today my only wish is that I might have my children with me to en'.i<)y the peace and security of a great democratic country. • • • TH~ SLOVAK STATE AND CENTRAL EUROPE Dr. Arved Grebert When judging the problem of the function of the Slovak State in the CootraJl-Ewropean area, it is necessary a.1bove all else to bear in. mind several faicts which ·emanate from the goopoliticaJl situation of the territOII'y of Slovakia. The territory of SlovaJlci.a occutpies am. important place in the Central-®uropean region. Its sfu-ategic significance, its mineral wealth, the ,p ower potential of its inhaJbitants, as weli as its economk produicti.Jvity represents values, always tempts its nerghl>ors, especially the Magyrurs, Ozechs and the Poles. The attempt to dominate Slovakia, or to gain influence over it, is, therefore, a natural part of their poHtical aspirations and plans. "The Gibraltar and the Danube Basin" From the military standpoint, Slovakia is one of the most natural stroo.gholds of Central Europe. Propped up against the migihty Car,pathian range of mountains, which represent its everlasting and natural 1borders on the north and · the west, and protected on the s01Uth /by the broad Danulbe, the second lamgest ri,yer on the Eurqpean continent, its territory presents an ideal terrain for military defense. Its valleys are narrowed and, therefore, easily defended. effoet.Nely even with a relatively small number of people and arms.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource I Was an Officer in the Czecho-Slovak Army Description An account of the resource Anonymous Preferred Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 2 (10), June 1954 pp. 20-24 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June 1954 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/3e2582aad377e8e73aa9fb6c56175b31.pdf 4e52355547ccaa39f52cff3b901b588e PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA Living in Canada today, I am not an ofificer any more. I work as a helper on construction jobs and feel well ·and satisfied, though I cannot but he1p think of my children and re'latirves over there. And despite the hardships and . misfortunes which ibeset me some time ago, when I fost. aff I had gatined during my residence in Canada, I fee1 rich, because I .lmow thait, God willing, I'll ·b e up tomQII'rOW doing the same wo:r1k I was doing yesterday without a police guard. I can malke my plans for the future freely without fear that some one shall intenfere in my affairs. Today my only wish is that I might have my children with me to en'.i<)y the peace and security of a great democratic country. • • • TH~ SLOVAK STATE AND CENTRAL EUROPE Dr. Arved Grebert When judging the problem of the function of the Slovak State in the CootraJl-Ewropean area, it is necessary a.1bove all else to bear in. mind several faicts which ·emanate from the goopoliticaJl situation of the territOII'y of Slovakia. The territory of SlovaJlci.a occutpies am. important place in the Central-®uropean region. Its sfu-ategic significance, its mineral wealth, the ,p ower potential of its inhaJbitants, as weli as its economk produicti.Jvity represents values, always tempts its nerghl>ors, especially the Magyrurs, Ozechs and the Poles. The attempt to dominate Slovakia, or to gain influence over it, is, therefore, a natural part of their poHtical aspirations and plans. "The Gibraltar and the Danube Basin" From the military standpoint, Slovakia is one of the most natural stroo.gholds of Central Europe. Propped up against the migihty Car,pathian range of mountains, which represent its everlasting and natural 1borders on the north and · the west, and protected on the s01Uth /by the broad Danulbe, the second lamgest ri,yer on the Eurqpean continent, its territory presents an ideal terrain for military defense. Its valleys are narrowed and, therefore, easily defended. effoet.Nely even with a relatively small number of people and arms. �SLOVAKIA 25 The thi:ok forests provide excellent nests of resistance again.st an aggressor. SlovaJkia is an ideal natwral fort~; it is a "Gi!braltar of the Darmlbe Basin." From the most ancient times, the southern and southwestern regions of this natural fortress formed one of the most important strategic places orf Europe. These regions, especiaJlly the landis on both ·banks of the Danube, represented from time immemorial a part of the territory, which the Czech military theoreti~ian, Colonel E. Morruvec, charactenized as the "g,reatest strategic crossroads orf Central Europe ." On the ban:ks of the Danwbe, between the mouth of the Lpel Rirver and Vienna, there existed the territory from the ages where, on the one side, there met the imperialistic pressure of the German wo:rld, coming from the W~t, with the pressure of the Mongols, which came from the Russian steppes (thrrough the Uz Pass), and, on the other side, the pressure coming from the No!rlh through the Moravian Gate against the pressure of the Italian ipeninsula (The Romans) am.d the Balikans (Byzantium; the Turks). During fiive centuries, it was on the central Danube that the Romans defended ancient civiilization against the world orf "barbarians" ; it was there that the wild Huns to•r e into the heart olf Euroipe; it was there that the Flrruniks clashed with the .AJvars and, in the ninth centucy the German world with the Slovanic world; it was ,t here tl)at the nomaru.c Magyars and the Tatars attacked the Christian civilization of western Europe; and it was th,rowgh th~re that just recently one of the currents of Asiatic lbolshe:vism poured into IDurorpe. "Nowhere else was the land of Eurnpe so satwated with blood," wrote Colonel Moraivec, "as it wais in the lowlands which extend on iboth sides of the Danu'be. There most of the nations were. exchaniged, ,t here it was that the pressure was the greatest am.d !borders changed most frequently." This territory is reaUy "the crosS1road of pressure of the imperialistic forces of IDurope." (See: E. Moravec : La V aleur straregique de la Tchecoslovaquie pour fEurope Oooidentale; Prague, 1938; p. 10). From the aibove it follows that the Slovaks occupy a tet- �26 SLOVAKIA ritory whose strategic importiamce is far greater than its silZe and the numlber of its in:haibirtaints. We shall see that even more clearly id: we at least 1b riefly dndicate what the occupation of this territory means for its ne~ghbors. Why the Neighbors are Interested Whil.e the Slovruks are firmly propped against rvalleys and slopes of this natura!l mountam fortress , the Magyars, Poles rund Ozechs occupy the lowlands, which do not afford them ainy kind of natural protection agaiinst ipossilble attacks from their neighibors. It is, therefore, only natural, that Magyar, Czech and Po.lish imperialists saw and still see in Slovrukia an important defensive bastion, which could serve them well in the event of an enemy attack. For the Ozechs. the domination of Slovakia means rubove all else protection against the everlasting German pressll!I'e which is .s queezing them liike pincers from three sides. 'Dhe Magyars see in Slovrukia from the militrury standpoint a real defensirve wall against the constant pressure of the Slovanic world. For the Poles the domination of SlOIVakia would represent a real cover-uip for their baciks against possilble attaclks, which have come so often in their history from the East and the West, from Germany and Russia. For the Polish imperialists Slovaikia would aiso mean access to the Drunulbe, whi:ch in turn wol.l!ld mean increasing the influence of Poland in the Danulbe basin. Poland, held in the pincers of two colossi, the German and the Russli,an, only by coming into the DanUJbe region could become a real " European Great Power," whfoh is the open am'bition of the Polish adherents of this policy. From the economic standpoint, Slovakia means much for the surrounding nations. Not only as a market far their industry, but also as a source of ram materials. For the Magyars the forest wealth of Slovrulcia, the natural conditions for the development of industry (mineral wealth, wood, water power, coal) are a valuruble adjund to the agricultural regions of the Magyar lowlands. Slovrukia served as a market for Ozech industrial products, which annuailly "if we figure consei,vati'Vely" - to use the words of Dr. Kazwas "amounted to rupproximately 1100-1200 million Czecho-Slo1 �27 SLOVAKIA va,k Crowns ( 37 -40 million dollars) ." Slorv,aJkia meant more for the Owchs than Hungary (1005 million crowns), Poland (625 million crowns), Ru1mania (596 million crowns), Ita:ly ( 491 million crowns), etc. Ozecho-1Slovakia expovted more only to Germany, Austria, Y,u gosla,via and IDngla,nd (from the official statistics of 1930). From the stamdipoint of ,production of the Ozech lands, Slovakia was also a more important maI1ket than the foreign marlcets, ibecaUJSe it meant a market protected by a customs (tax) lb order, that is, a mrurlket which brings higher prices (see: Kanvas, ":Sjednocooi vyrdbnich podmin~ v zemi ceskych a na Slovensku," Pra;gue, 1933, pp. 80, 1'18). For Czech imperialists holding onto Slorvaik,i a meant a lso an access to the free Danulbe, in other words, not only an open door to the Danube Basin, ibut also· to the Balikans. In a free Europe the Danulbe is a free river, which means concretely that it opened the door for Ozeoh industria,l ;products directly not only into all the Danulbian states, but also to the coastal states of the Bla:ck Sea and the Mediterranean. For Poland, the domina,tioo of Slov-aJkfa from the economic standpoint would mean the same thing. F:rom the aibove facts -w hich represent only a few of the m~ interests of the neighlbors of Sfovaikia, it is obvious that the imperialistic linterests of the Ozechs, Poles and Magyars clash in Slovakia. 1 The Consequences of Dominating Slovakia The domination of Slova:kia .b y one of her neighbors, however, also presents a threat to the remainmg nations of this region. The domination oif SlOIVa.lkia by the Czechs is aga;inst the interests of Poland, Germany, Hungary, the Croatians, Ruthenians and Slovenes. Having the Ozeohs on the Danube meams a Czecho-Russian aHiance to the Poles, Orech canons only 35 kilometers f,r om Budaipest, a reviva!l orf Ozech imperurlism ,m the eyes of the Germans and a tool of other imperialisms, the daillger of cultural and economical Ozechlzation of Ruthenia, and indirectly the reviival of Sel'\bian imperfalism. in the eyes of the Croatians and Slovenes. The dominaition of SlovaJk,ia by the Magyars is aigainst the interests of the Ruma.mans, Czechs, Seoos, Ruthenians, Poles and �28 SLOVAKIA Germans-. 'It wouJd mean suppressing the Czechs into an interila.tioo.allry political provincialism, a strengthening of- Magyar pressure against the Rurrrania:ns, Croatians, Slovenes and Serl>s, bloclcinig the Polii.Sih penetration to the South. A Slova:kia doniinated hy Poland wouJd be rugainst the interests of the. Oze,chs, Magyars, Rutheniains and Germans. Harving the Poles on the DanuJbe would mean insignirficwnce and .political sUJppression of the Czechs and Magyars in the Danube Basin. Domination oif SlovakJa either 1b y ibhe Germans or the Russians wowld be directly against the vital interests of all other nations of this region. It would really mean the first step towrurd the domination of the whole of Central Europe by one of the great powers, the result of which would ,be the brealking up of the balance of power not only in this area, but also on the entire Euro1pean continent, together with fear-reaching consequences em~mating therefrom . And similarply even from the narrower viewpoint of the Central-European :firamework, judging what the domination of Slovakia by ariy of its neighibo;ios wo,uld mean, at first glance it is quite Olbvious that it would mean. :the dest.Tuction of the 'b alance of power in this area, which wou~d bear with itself the seeds of discontent, pressures and arguments, that it prepares the conditions for the insterference and influence oif power interests outside the area, which in the final restrlts are always harmful to all the nations of this region. SlOIV'rukia wouJd always be a too great and quite an indigestible ,prey whether in the stomach of the Czech, Maigyar, or Po~~ imiperialism. ·F orcefully dominating ,SlovaJkia would b'ting them · more dangers than advantages, especially in times· of crises. SlavaJkia in reality would be for them not a: defen:sd'Ve position, but a "Trodan horse" in the service of their . enemies. 'I'he events of March 1939 illustrated this clea'.il'ly to the Ozechs. The Real Interest of All iFfowevef, an independent Slovakia · is not against the just interests of any orf its neighlbors or any other state. Coruversely, an independent Slovakia is the reaJ interest of al!I · her neighbors. Imperialistic phantoms, no matter how ~nticirig; rciiily·-indicate· the road to ca:tastrophy, especially �SLOVAKIA 29: when · they are not supported by sufrficient power means. And this is doubly true for Ozeoh, Magya,r and Polish im-· peril:!lism, especially when we glance at the goopolitical sit... uation i~ wh'ich these nations liive. An i,n.depei:i,dent iSlov.a.kia ~eed not mean a hiindrance to c_zooh or Poli~!J, econoap.ic products on ~.µeir way to the free. apd internationa!l Danµibe. Ali these are questi<?ns whlyh cocld be solved to werybody's . satisfaction with good will .. And independen~ Sl01Vakia has just as much interest to .de-. fend .Central Euroipe against a,l,l outside imperialisti<: pres-. sll!I'e,· :W4ether it carnes from Germany or Russia, as to the rest of .the nations Oif. this ar~a. Conversely, as an independent state it is a far greater guarantee that it would not be use<l ~nd .a bused in the interest of foreign imipeTialistic plans than wh~ it is forced ~ainst its wiU into t_h e fI:~mework of op,e c;,f its neighibofiing. states. T,he ens1aved . ~nd ~uppressed always justify their right to "treason" and ~ to valid.a~· it at t.J?.e first QppOrt.une moment. A Slovalkia dOII'lll.nat.ed py t.µe ;Magyars, Czechs, or Poles will aa.ways increase ,t he numper p.f .their enemies. A free aJ?.,d ,i_n depe,ndent ~lova.}{ia, l:i,ow~ ever, _wouJd be a real friend. The Mission of the Slovak State · prer~ud.- An independ~f Slovakia is thus one .of the sites of the balance oif power in Central Euroipe, which means peace and tranquility _;_ 'we'1ifare and prosperity in 'this so ~eaivily tried area of Eur01pe. · fiom this ~ewpodnt the_.Slovadc State .sh8ilf have a signirficant and important mission m·the Centra;J ...Europea.n area: on its territory can be eliimiriated tme counter interests of Centro-IDu:ro,pean iinperiaJlisms, which it would be· pos~ible to replace W:ith cooipera,,tion anq. -m1,1tuw. understanding. The Slo~k State would par.a il~ ~e~l dang~o11s and poi&on<>us "srnali" imipema,,lasms jn this so im~ portant -area, which M,ter the .destruction of Soviet' impem~ a_1ism .:WQJtld again attain thek relati,ve impor~e }n.· this r egion. 'Vherefore, the .e,xiste.Q.<!~ -of an independent \Sl<wa.k State is not only in the interest of Central Europe, but also the whole of Europe. Under such circumstances Slovalkia couM be among the Poles, Czechs and Ma:gyars what Swit.zerland is ,bebween France, Germany and Italy. The relation �30 SLOVAKIA of forces is much more against the beneifilt of SW!ita:erland than it would be in the oase orf SlOIV'akia. The Slovruk State, therefore, has a signifiicant mission of consolidat'iing the Central~European Area to promote peace. An independent Slovak,iia womd neuitralirze P◊lish imperialism tenddng toward the south, Czech iimperialism tendill!g East and MaJgya,r imperia1ism tending North. In thls manner independent SlovaJkia wouJd be contributing in a great measuTe to the pacification, consolidation and star biHzation of the peace prereqwisites of this important region. At the same time its existence as such would be one of the fundam.ental piUars orf balance of power in this part of Europe. Sta,hllity, consolidation and ba:lance in relation among the small and larger nations between Germany and Russia are the conditions for the common defense of th~s especially imlportant area of Euro1p e by all these nations agamst any attempt to do1rninate them. Freedom and independence of this regfon is one of the fundamental oondi tions of European ba!lance of power and, hence, indirectly even balance of world power. And tlris area will oniliy then be aJble to defend itself when alJ the nations of thris area will be interested in defond!ing the 1:pol!i.tical system instalJed in this area. That will be olrty ,w hen atll shiaH be free and equal. The SlOIV'aks inhaJbit a territory that is so important strategically and geoipollitically that the .nations of this area cannot be indilfiferent aJbout defending it. The events of 1939 and 1944 proved thls clearly. The Slovaks wiH defend this area olrly if they are free and independent. Judging the question on the basis of the aJbove viewpomts, the exd.stence of the SlavaJk State is in the interest not Olltly of Cent:raJl Europe, but the whole of Europe as well. During the first World War, Professor A. Denis of the Unwe11Sity of Paris underatood this cwrectly, pointing out already 8Jt that time the European significance of the Slova:k question. • • • � SLOVAKIA Living in Canada today, I am not an ofificer any more. I work as a helper on construction jobs and feel well ·and satisfied, though I cannot but he1p think of my children and re'latirves over there. And despite the hardships and . misfortunes which ibeset me some time ago, when I fost. aff I had gatined during my residence in Canada, I fee1 rich, because I .lmow thait, God willing, I'll ·b e up tomQII'rOW doing the same wo:r1k I was doing yesterday without a police guard. I can malke my plans for the future freely without fear that some one shall intenfere in my affairs. Today my only wish is that I might have my children with me to en'.i<)y the peace and security of a great democratic country. • • • TH~ SLOVAK STATE AND CENTRAL EUROPE Dr. Arved Grebert When judging the problem of the function of the Slovak State in the CootraJl-Ewropean area, it is necessary a.1bove all else to bear in. mind several faicts which ·emanate from the goopoliticaJl situation of the territOII'y of Slovakia. The territory of SlovaJlci.a occutpies am. important place in the Central-®uropean region. Its sfu-ategic significance, its mineral wealth, the ,p ower potential of its inhaJbitants, as weli as its economk produicti.Jvity represents values, always tempts its nerghl>ors, especially the Magyrurs, Ozechs and the Poles. The attempt to dominate Slovakia, or to gain influence over it, is, therefore, a natural part of their poHtical aspirations and plans. "The Gibraltar and the Danube Basin" From the military standpoint, Slovakia is one of the most natural stroo.gholds of Central Europe. Propped up against the migihty Car,pathian range of mountains, which represent its everlasting and natural 1borders on the north and · the west, and protected on the s01Uth /by the broad Danulbe, the second lamgest ri,yer on the Eurqpean continent, its territory presents an ideal terrain for military defense. Its valleys are narrowed and, therefore, easily defended. effoet.Nely even with a relatively small number of people and arms. �SLOVAKIA 25 The thi:ok forests provide excellent nests of resistance again.st an aggressor. SlovaJkia is an ideal natwral fort~; it is a "Gi!braltar of the Darmlbe Basin." From the most ancient times, the southern and southwestern regions of this natural fortress formed one of the most important strategic places orf Europe. These regions, especiaJlly the landis on both ·banks of the Danube, represented from time immemorial a part of the territory, which the Czech military theoreti~ian, Colonel E. Morruvec, charactenized as the "g,reatest strategic crossroads orf Central Europe ." On the ban:ks of the Danwbe, between the mouth of the Lpel Rirver and Vienna, there existed the territory from the ages where, on the one side, there met the imperialistic pressure of the German wo:rld, coming from the W~t, with the pressure of the Mongols, which came from the Russian steppes (thrrough the Uz Pass), and, on the other side, the pressure coming from the No!rlh through the Moravian Gate against the pressure of the Italian ipeninsula (The Romans) am.d the Balikans (Byzantium; the Turks). During fiive centuries, it was on the central Danube that the Romans defended ancient civiilization against the world orf "barbarians" ; it was there that the wild Huns to•r e into the heart olf Euroipe; it was there that the Flrruniks clashed with the .AJvars and, in the ninth centucy the German world with the Slovanic world; it was ,t here tl)at the nomaru.c Magyars and the Tatars attacked the Christian civilization of western Europe; and it was th,rowgh th~re that just recently one of the currents of Asiatic lbolshe:vism poured into IDurorpe. "Nowhere else was the land of Eurnpe so satwated with blood," wrote Colonel Moraivec, "as it wais in the lowlands which extend on iboth sides of the Danu'be. There most of the nations were. exchaniged, ,t here it was that the pressure was the greatest am.d !borders changed most frequently." This territory is reaUy "the crosS1road of pressure of the imperialistic forces of IDurope." (See: E. Moravec : La V aleur straregique de la Tchecoslovaquie pour fEurope Oooidentale; Prague, 1938; p. 10). From the aibove it follows that the Slovaks occupy a tet- �26 SLOVAKIA ritory whose strategic importiamce is far greater than its silZe and the numlber of its in:haibirtaints. We shall see that even more clearly id: we at least 1b riefly dndicate what the occupation of this territory means for its ne~ghbors. Why the Neighbors are Interested Whil.e the Slovruks are firmly propped against rvalleys and slopes of this natura!l mountam fortress , the Magyars, Poles rund Ozechs occupy the lowlands, which do not afford them ainy kind of natural protection agaiinst ipossilble attacks from their neighibors. It is, therefore, only natural, that Magyar, Czech and Po.lish imperialists saw and still see in Slovrukia an important defensive bastion, which could serve them well in the event of an enemy attack. For the Ozechs. the domination of Slovakia means rubove all else protection against the everlasting German pressll!I'e which is .s queezing them liike pincers from three sides. 'Dhe Magyars see in Slovrukia from the militrury standpoint a real defensirve wall against the constant pressure of the Slovanic world. For the Poles the domination of SlOIVakia would represent a real cover-uip for their baciks against possilble attaclks, which have come so often in their history from the East and the West, from Germany and Russia. For the Polish imperialists Slovaikia would aiso mean access to the Drunulbe, whi:ch in turn wol.l!ld mean increasing the influence of Poland in the Danulbe basin. Poland, held in the pincers of two colossi, the German and the Russli,an, only by coming into the DanUJbe region could become a real " European Great Power," whfoh is the open am'bition of the Polish adherents of this policy. From the economic standpoint, Slovakia means much for the surrounding nations. Not only as a market far their industry, but also as a source of ram materials. For the Magyars the forest wealth of Slovrulcia, the natural conditions for the development of industry (mineral wealth, wood, water power, coal) are a valuruble adjund to the agricultural regions of the Magyar lowlands. Slovrukia served as a market for Ozech industrial products, which annuailly "if we figure consei,vati'Vely" - to use the words of Dr. Kazwas "amounted to rupproximately 1100-1200 million Czecho-Slo1 �27 SLOVAKIA va,k Crowns ( 37 -40 million dollars) ." Slorv,aJkia meant more for the Owchs than Hungary (1005 million crowns), Poland (625 million crowns), Ru1mania (596 million crowns), Ita:ly ( 491 million crowns), etc. Ozecho-1Slovakia expovted more only to Germany, Austria, Y,u gosla,via and IDngla,nd (from the official statistics of 1930). From the stamdipoint of ,production of the Ozech lands, Slovakia was also a more important maI1ket than the foreign marlcets, ibecaUJSe it meant a market protected by a customs (tax) lb order, that is, a mrurlket which brings higher prices (see: Kanvas, ":Sjednocooi vyrdbnich podmin~ v zemi ceskych a na Slovensku," Pra;gue, 1933, pp. 80, 1'18). For Czech imperialists holding onto Slorvaik,i a meant a lso an access to the free Danulbe, in other words, not only an open door to the Danube Basin, ibut also· to the Balikans. In a free Europe the Danulbe is a free river, which means concretely that it opened the door for Ozeoh industria,l ;products directly not only into all the Danulbian states, but also to the coastal states of the Bla:ck Sea and the Mediterranean. For Poland, the domina,tioo of Slov-aJkfa from the economic standpoint would mean the same thing. F:rom the aibove facts -w hich represent only a few of the m~ interests of the neighlbors of Sfovaikia, it is obvious that the imperialistic linterests of the Ozechs, Poles and Magyars clash in Slovakia. 1 The Consequences of Dominating Slovakia The domination of Slova:kia .b y one of her neighbors, however, also presents a threat to the remainmg nations of this region. The domination oif SlOIVa.lkia by the Czechs is aga;inst the interests of Poland, Germany, Hungary, the Croatians, Ruthenians and Slovenes. Having the Ozeohs on the Danube meams a Czecho-Russian aHiance to the Poles, Orech canons only 35 kilometers f,r om Budaipest, a reviva!l orf Ozech imperurlism ,m the eyes of the Germans and a tool of other imperialisms, the daillger of cultural and economical Ozechlzation of Ruthenia, and indirectly the reviival of Sel'\bian imperfalism. in the eyes of the Croatians and Slovenes. The dominaition of SlovaJk,ia by the Magyars is aigainst the interests of the Ruma.mans, Czechs, Seoos, Ruthenians, Poles and �28 SLOVAKIA Germans-. 'It wouJd mean suppressing the Czechs into an interila.tioo.allry political provincialism, a strengthening of- Magyar pressure against the Rurrrania:ns, Croatians, Slovenes and Serl>s, bloclcinig the Polii.Sih penetration to the South. A Slova:kia doniinated hy Poland wouJd be rugainst the interests of the. Oze,chs, Magyars, Rutheniains and Germans. Harving the Poles on the DanuJbe would mean insignirficwnce and .political sUJppression of the Czechs and Magyars in the Danube Basin. Domination oif SlovakJa either 1b y ibhe Germans or the Russians wowld be directly against the vital interests of all other nations of this region. It would really mean the first step towrurd the domination of the whole of Central Europe by one of the great powers, the result of which would ,be the brealking up of the balance of power not only in this area, but also on the entire Euro1pean continent, together with fear-reaching consequences em~mating therefrom . And similarply even from the narrower viewpoint of the Central-European :firamework, judging what the domination of Slovakia by ariy of its neighibo;ios wo,uld mean, at first glance it is quite Olbvious that it would mean. :the dest.Tuction of the 'b alance of power in this area, which wou~d bear with itself the seeds of discontent, pressures and arguments, that it prepares the conditions for the insterference and influence oif power interests outside the area, which in the final restrlts are always harmful to all the nations of this region. SlOIV'rukia wouJd always be a too great and quite an indigestible ,prey whether in the stomach of the Czech, Maigyar, or Po~~ imiperialism. ·F orcefully dominating ,SlovaJkia would b'ting them · more dangers than advantages, especially in times· of crises. SlavaJkia in reality would be for them not a: defen:sd'Ve position, but a "Trodan horse" in the service of their . enemies. 'I'he events of March 1939 illustrated this clea'.il'ly to the Ozechs. The Real Interest of All iFfowevef, an independent Slovakia · is not against the just interests of any orf its neighlbors or any other state. Coruversely, an independent Slovakia is the reaJ interest of al!I · her neighbors. Imperialistic phantoms, no matter how ~nticirig; rciiily·-indicate· the road to ca:tastrophy, especially �SLOVAKIA 29: when · they are not supported by sufrficient power means. And this is doubly true for Ozeoh, Magya,r and Polish im-· peril:!lism, especially when we glance at the goopolitical sit... uation i~ wh'ich these nations liive. An i,n.depei:i,dent iSlov.a.kia ~eed not mean a hiindrance to c_zooh or Poli~!J, econoap.ic products on ~.µeir way to the free. apd internationa!l Danµibe. Ali these are questi<?ns whlyh cocld be solved to werybody's . satisfaction with good will .. And independen~ Sl01Vakia has just as much interest to .de-. fend .Central Euroipe against a,l,l outside imperialisti<: pres-. sll!I'e,· :W4ether it carnes from Germany or Russia, as to the rest of .the nations Oif. this ar~a. Conversely, as an independent state it is a far greater guarantee that it would not be use<l ~nd .a bused in the interest of foreign imipeTialistic plans than wh~ it is forced ~ainst its wiU into t_h e fI:~mework of op,e c;,f its neighibofiing. states. T,he ens1aved . ~nd ~uppressed always justify their right to "treason" and ~ to valid.a~· it at t.J?.e first QppOrt.une moment. A Slovalkia dOII'lll.nat.ed py t.µe ;Magyars, Czechs, or Poles will aa.ways increase ,t he numper p.f .their enemies. A free aJ?.,d ,i_n depe,ndent ~lova.}{ia, l:i,ow~ ever, _wouJd be a real friend. The Mission of the Slovak State · prer~ud.- An independ~f Slovakia is thus one .of the sites of the balance oif power in Central Euroipe, which means peace and tranquility _;_ 'we'1ifare and prosperity in 'this so ~eaivily tried area of Eur01pe. · fiom this ~ewpodnt the_.Slovadc State .sh8ilf have a signirficant and important mission m·the Centra;J ...Europea.n area: on its territory can be eliimiriated tme counter interests of Centro-IDu:ro,pean iinperiaJlisms, which it would be· pos~ible to replace W:ith cooipera,,tion anq. -m1,1tuw. understanding. The Slo~k State would par.a il~ ~e~l dang~o11s and poi&on<>us "srnali" imipema,,lasms jn this so im~ portant -area, which M,ter the .destruction of Soviet' impem~ a_1ism .:WQJtld again attain thek relati,ve impor~e }n.· this r egion. 'Vherefore, the .e,xiste.Q.<!~ -of an independent \Sl<wa.k State is not only in the interest of Central Europe, but also the whole of Europe. Under such circumstances Slovalkia couM be among the Poles, Czechs and Ma:gyars what Swit.zerland is ,bebween France, Germany and Italy. The relation �30 SLOVAKIA of forces is much more against the beneifilt of SW!ita:erland than it would be in the oase orf SlOIV'akia. The Slovruk State, therefore, has a signifiicant mission of consolidat'iing the Central~European Area to promote peace. An independent Slovak,iia womd neuitralirze P◊lish imperialism tenddng toward the south, Czech iimperialism tendill!g East and MaJgya,r imperia1ism tending North. In thls manner independent SlovaJkia wouJd be contributing in a great measuTe to the pacification, consolidation and star biHzation of the peace prereqwisites of this important region. At the same time its existence as such would be one of the fundam.ental piUars orf balance of power in this part of Europe. Sta,hllity, consolidation and ba:lance in relation among the small and larger nations between Germany and Russia are the conditions for the common defense of th~s especially imlportant area of Euro1p e by all these nations agamst any attempt to do1rninate them. Freedom and independence of this regfon is one of the fundamental oondi tions of European ba!lance of power and, hence, indirectly even balance of world power. And tlris area will oniliy then be aJble to defend itself when alJ the nations of thris area will be interested in defond!ing the 1:pol!i.tical system instalJed in this area. That will be olrty ,w hen atll shiaH be free and equal. The SlOIV'aks inhaJbit a territory that is so important strategically and geoipollitically that the .nations of this area cannot be indilfiferent aJbout defending it. The events of 1939 and 1944 proved thls clearly. The Slovaks wiH defend this area olrly if they are free and independent. Judging the question on the basis of the aJbove viewpomts, the exd.stence of the SlavaJk State is in the interest not Olltly of Cent:raJl Europe, but the whole of Europe as well. During the first World War, Professor A. Denis of the Unwe11Sity of Paris underatood this cwrectly, pointing out already 8Jt that time the European significance of the Slova:k question. • • • � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA Living in Canada today, I am not an ofificer any more. I work as a helper on construction jobs and feel well ·and satisfied, though I cannot but he1p think of my children and re'latirves over there. And despite the hardships and . misfortunes which ibeset me some time ago, when I fost. aff I had gatined during my residence in Canada, I fee1 rich, because I .lmow thait, God willing, I'll ·b e up tomQII'rOW doing the same wo:r1k I was doing yesterday without a police guard. I can malke my plans for the future freely without fear that some one shall intenfere in my affairs. Today my only wish is that I might have my children with me to en'.i<)y the peace and security of a great democratic country. • • • TH~ SLOVAK STATE AND CENTRAL EUROPE Dr. Arved Grebert When judging the problem of the function of the Slovak State in the CootraJl-Ewropean area, it is necessary a.1bove all else to bear in. mind several faicts which ·emanate from the goopoliticaJl situation of the territOII'y of Slovakia. The territory of SlovaJlci.a occutpies am. important place in the Central-®uropean region. Its sfu-ategic significance, its mineral wealth, the ,p ower potential of its inhaJbitants, as weli as its economk produicti.Jvity represents values, always tempts its nerghl>ors, especially the Magyrurs, Ozechs and the Poles. The attempt to dominate Slovakia, or to gain influence over it, is, therefore, a natural part of their poHtical aspirations and plans. "The Gibraltar and the Danube Basin" From the military standpoint, Slovakia is one of the most natural stroo.gholds of Central Europe. Propped up against the migihty Car,pathian range of mountains, which represent its everlasting and natural 1borders on the north and · the west, and protected on the s01Uth /by the broad Danulbe, the second lamgest ri,yer on the Eurqpean continent, its territory presents an ideal terrain for military defense. Its valleys are narrowed and, therefore, easily defended. effoet.Nely even with a relatively small number of people and arms. SLOVAKIA 25 The thi:ok forests provide excellent nests of resistance again.st an aggressor. SlovaJkia is an ideal natwral fort~; it is a "Gi!braltar of the Darmlbe Basin." From the most ancient times, the southern and southwestern regions of this natural fortress formed one of the most important strategic places orf Europe. These regions, especiaJlly the landis on both ·banks of the Danube, represented from time immemorial a part of the territory, which the Czech military theoreti~ian, Colonel E. Morruvec, charactenized as the "g,reatest strategic crossroads orf Central Europe ." On the ban:ks of the Danwbe, between the mouth of the Lpel Rirver and Vienna, there existed the territory from the ages where, on the one side, there met the imperialistic pressure of the German wo:rld, coming from the W~t, with the pressure of the Mongols, which came from the Russian steppes (thrrough the Uz Pass), and, on the other side, the pressure coming from the No!rlh through the Moravian Gate against the pressure of the Italian ipeninsula (The Romans) am.d the Balikans (Byzantium; the Turks). During fiive centuries, it was on the central Danube that the Romans defended ancient civiilization against the world orf "barbarians" ; it was there that the wild Huns to•r e into the heart olf Euroipe; it was there that the Flrruniks clashed with the .AJvars and, in the ninth centucy the German world with the Slovanic world; it was ,t here tl)at the nomaru.c Magyars and the Tatars attacked the Christian civilization of western Europe; and it was th,rowgh th~re that just recently one of the currents of Asiatic lbolshe:vism poured into IDurorpe. "Nowhere else was the land of Eurnpe so satwated with blood," wrote Colonel Moraivec, "as it wais in the lowlands which extend on iboth sides of the Danu'be. There most of the nations were. exchaniged, ,t here it was that the pressure was the greatest am.d !borders changed most frequently." This territory is reaUy "the crosS1road of pressure of the imperialistic forces of IDurope." (See: E. Moravec : La V aleur straregique de la Tchecoslovaquie pour fEurope Oooidentale; Prague, 1938; p. 10). From the aibove it follows that the Slovaks occupy a tet- 26 SLOVAKIA ritory whose strategic importiamce is far greater than its silZe and the numlber of its in:haibirtaints. We shall see that even more clearly id: we at least 1b riefly dndicate what the occupation of this territory means for its ne~ghbors. Why the Neighbors are Interested Whil.e the Slovruks are firmly propped against rvalleys and slopes of this natura!l mountam fortress , the Magyars, Poles rund Ozechs occupy the lowlands, which do not afford them ainy kind of natural protection agaiinst ipossilble attacks from their neighibors. It is, therefore, only natural, that Magyar, Czech and Po.lish imperialists saw and still see in Slovrukia an important defensive bastion, which could serve them well in the event of an enemy attack. For the Ozechs. the domination of Slovakia means rubove all else protection against the everlasting German pressll!I'e which is .s queezing them liike pincers from three sides. 'Dhe Magyars see in Slovrukia from the militrury standpoint a real defensirve wall against the constant pressure of the Slovanic world. For the Poles the domination of SlOIVakia would represent a real cover-uip for their baciks against possilble attaclks, which have come so often in their history from the East and the West, from Germany and Russia. For the Polish imperialists Slovaikia would aiso mean access to the Drunulbe, whi:ch in turn wol.l!ld mean increasing the influence of Poland in the Danulbe basin. Poland, held in the pincers of two colossi, the German and the Russli,an, only by coming into the DanUJbe region could become a real " European Great Power," whfoh is the open am'bition of the Polish adherents of this policy. From the economic standpoint, Slovakia means much for the surrounding nations. Not only as a market far their industry, but also as a source of ram materials. For the Magyars the forest wealth of Slovrulcia, the natural conditions for the development of industry (mineral wealth, wood, water power, coal) are a valuruble adjund to the agricultural regions of the Magyar lowlands. Slovrukia served as a market for Ozech industrial products, which annuailly "if we figure consei,vati'Vely" - to use the words of Dr. Kazwas "amounted to rupproximately 1100-1200 million Czecho-Slo1 27 SLOVAKIA va,k Crowns ( 37 -40 million dollars) ." Slorv,aJkia meant more for the Owchs than Hungary (1005 million crowns), Poland (625 million crowns), Ru1mania (596 million crowns), Ita:ly ( 491 million crowns), etc. Ozecho-1Slovakia expovted more only to Germany, Austria, Y,u gosla,via and IDngla,nd (from the official statistics of 1930). From the stamdipoint of ,production of the Ozech lands, Slovakia was also a more important maI1ket than the foreign marlcets, ibecaUJSe it meant a market protected by a customs (tax) lb order, that is, a mrurlket which brings higher prices (see: Kanvas, ":Sjednocooi vyrdbnich podmin~ v zemi ceskych a na Slovensku," Pra;gue, 1933, pp. 80, 1'18). For Czech imperialists holding onto Slorvaik,i a meant a lso an access to the free Danulbe, in other words, not only an open door to the Danube Basin, ibut also· to the Balikans. In a free Europe the Danulbe is a free river, which means concretely that it opened the door for Ozeoh industria,l ;products directly not only into all the Danulbian states, but also to the coastal states of the Bla:ck Sea and the Mediterranean. For Poland, the domina,tioo of Slov-aJkfa from the economic standpoint would mean the same thing. F:rom the aibove facts -w hich represent only a few of the m~ interests of the neighlbors of Sfovaikia, it is obvious that the imperialistic linterests of the Ozechs, Poles and Magyars clash in Slovakia. 1 The Consequences of Dominating Slovakia The domination of Slova:kia .b y one of her neighbors, however, also presents a threat to the remainmg nations of this region. The domination oif SlOIVa.lkia by the Czechs is aga;inst the interests of Poland, Germany, Hungary, the Croatians, Ruthenians and Slovenes. Having the Ozeohs on the Danube meams a Czecho-Russian aHiance to the Poles, Orech canons only 35 kilometers f,r om Budaipest, a reviva!l orf Ozech imperurlism ,m the eyes of the Germans and a tool of other imperialisms, the daillger of cultural and economical Ozechlzation of Ruthenia, and indirectly the reviival of Sel'\bian imperfalism. in the eyes of the Croatians and Slovenes. The dominaition of SlovaJk,ia by the Magyars is aigainst the interests of the Ruma.mans, Czechs, Seoos, Ruthenians, Poles and 28 SLOVAKIA Germans-. 'It wouJd mean suppressing the Czechs into an interila.tioo.allry political provincialism, a strengthening of- Magyar pressure against the Rurrrania:ns, Croatians, Slovenes and Serl>s, bloclcinig the Polii.Sih penetration to the South. A Slova:kia doniinated hy Poland wouJd be rugainst the interests of the. Oze,chs, Magyars, Rutheniains and Germans. Harving the Poles on the DanuJbe would mean insignirficwnce and .political sUJppression of the Czechs and Magyars in the Danube Basin. Domination oif SlovakJa either 1b y ibhe Germans or the Russians wowld be directly against the vital interests of all other nations of this region. It would really mean the first step towrurd the domination of the whole of Central Europe by one of the great powers, the result of which would ,be the brealking up of the balance of power not only in this area, but also on the entire Euro1pean continent, together with fear-reaching consequences em~mating therefrom . And similarply even from the narrower viewpoint of the Central-European :firamework, judging what the domination of Slovakia by ariy of its neighibo;ios wo,uld mean, at first glance it is quite Olbvious that it would mean. :the dest.Tuction of the 'b alance of power in this area, which wou~d bear with itself the seeds of discontent, pressures and arguments, that it prepares the conditions for the insterference and influence oif power interests outside the area, which in the final restrlts are always harmful to all the nations of this region. SlOIV'rukia wouJd always be a too great and quite an indigestible ,prey whether in the stomach of the Czech, Maigyar, or Po~~ imiperialism. ·F orcefully dominating ,SlovaJkia would b'ting them · more dangers than advantages, especially in times· of crises. SlavaJkia in reality would be for them not a: defen:sd'Ve position, but a "Trodan horse" in the service of their . enemies. 'I'he events of March 1939 illustrated this clea'.il'ly to the Ozechs. The Real Interest of All iFfowevef, an independent Slovakia · is not against the just interests of any orf its neighlbors or any other state. Coruversely, an independent Slovakia is the reaJ interest of al!I · her neighbors. Imperialistic phantoms, no matter how ~nticirig; rciiily·-indicate· the road to ca:tastrophy, especially SLOVAKIA 29: when · they are not supported by sufrficient power means. And this is doubly true for Ozeoh, Magya,r and Polish im-· peril:!lism, especially when we glance at the goopolitical sit... uation i~ wh'ich these nations liive. An i,n.depei:i,dent iSlov.a.kia ~eed not mean a hiindrance to c_zooh or Poli~!J, econoap.ic products on ~.µeir way to the free. apd internationa!l Danµibe. Ali these are questi<?ns whlyh cocld be solved to werybody's . satisfaction with good will .. And independen~ Sl01Vakia has just as much interest to .de-. fend .Central Euroipe against a,l,l outside imperialisti<: pres-. sll!I'e,· :W4ether it carnes from Germany or Russia, as to the rest of .the nations Oif. this ar~a. Conversely, as an independent state it is a far greater guarantee that it would not be use<l ~nd .a bused in the interest of foreign imipeTialistic plans than wh~ it is forced ~ainst its wiU into t_h e fI:~mework of op,e c;,f its neighibofiing. states. T,he ens1aved . ~nd ~uppressed always justify their right to "treason" and ~ to valid.a~· it at t.J?.e first QppOrt.une moment. A Slovalkia dOII'lll.nat.ed py t.µe ;Magyars, Czechs, or Poles will aa.ways increase ,t he numper p.f .their enemies. A free aJ?.,d ,i_n depe,ndent ~lova.}{ia, l:i,ow~ ever, _wouJd be a real friend. The Mission of the Slovak State · prer~ud.- An independ~f Slovakia is thus one .of the sites of the balance oif power in Central Euroipe, which means peace and tranquility _;_ 'we'1ifare and prosperity in 'this so ~eaivily tried area of Eur01pe. · fiom this ~ewpodnt the_.Slovadc State .sh8ilf have a signirficant and important mission m·the Centra;J ...Europea.n area: on its territory can be eliimiriated tme counter interests of Centro-IDu:ro,pean iinperiaJlisms, which it would be· pos~ible to replace W:ith cooipera,,tion anq. -m1,1tuw. understanding. The Slo~k State would par.a il~ ~e~l dang~o11s and poi&on<>us "srnali" imipema,,lasms jn this so im~ portant -area, which M,ter the .destruction of Soviet' impem~ a_1ism .:WQJtld again attain thek relati,ve impor~e }n.· this r egion. 'Vherefore, the .e,xiste.Q.<!~ -of an independent \Sl<wa.k State is not only in the interest of Central Europe, but also the whole of Europe. Under such circumstances Slovalkia couM be among the Poles, Czechs and Ma:gyars what Swit.zerland is ,bebween France, Germany and Italy. The relation 30 SLOVAKIA of forces is much more against the beneifilt of SW!ita:erland than it would be in the oase orf SlOIV'akia. The Slovruk State, therefore, has a signifiicant mission of consolidat'iing the Central~European Area to promote peace. An independent Slovak,iia womd neuitralirze P◊lish imperialism tenddng toward the south, Czech iimperialism tendill!g East and MaJgya,r imperia1ism tending North. In thls manner independent SlovaJkia wouJd be contributing in a great measuTe to the pacification, consolidation and star biHzation of the peace prereqwisites of this important region. At the same time its existence as such would be one of the fundam.ental piUars orf balance of power in this part of Europe. Sta,hllity, consolidation and ba:lance in relation among the small and larger nations between Germany and Russia are the conditions for the common defense of th~s especially imlportant area of Euro1p e by all these nations agamst any attempt to do1rninate them. Freedom and independence of this regfon is one of the fundamental oondi tions of European ba!lance of power and, hence, indirectly even balance of world power. And tlris area will oniliy then be aJble to defend itself when alJ the nations of thris area will be interested in defond!ing the 1:pol!i.tical system instalJed in this area. That will be olrty ,w hen atll shiaH be free and equal. The SlOIV'aks inhaJbit a territory that is so important strategically and geoipollitically that the .nations of this area cannot be indilfiferent aJbout defending it. The events of 1939 and 1944 proved thls clearly. The Slovaks wiH defend this area olrly if they are free and independent. Judging the question on the basis of the aJbove viewpomts, the exd.stence of the SlavaJk State is in the interest not Olltly of Cent:raJl Europe, but the whole of Europe as well. During the first World War, Professor A. Denis of the Unwe11Sity of Paris underatood this cwrectly, pointing out already 8Jt that time the European significance of the Slova:k question. • • •  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Slovak State and Central Europe Description An account of the resource Dr. Arvéd Grébert Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 2 (10), June 1954 pp. 24-30 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Grébert, Arvéd, 1915-2001 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June 1954 LCNAF+dates https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/12b947135282539907e952e9791ea5eb.pdf a9d5b0ba4c3a697082adf96f9236a26a PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 31 DECLARATION OF THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF AMERICANS OF SWVAK DESCENT MAY 24-25, 1954, WASHINGTON, D. C. WE - the participants of the National Conference of Americans of Slovak descent, sponsored by the Slovak League of America at Washington, D. C., May 24-25, 1954 - do solemnly and unanimously declare: 1. We rededicate ourselves to the preservation of our American Democracy - the principles upon which our United States of America was founded and which made it the greatest democratic country in the world. 2. Our primary interest is the welfare and security of the United States of America. 3. We condemn all forms of tyranny, every form of totalitarian political system. We recognize the Godless philosophy of materialistic Communism as the dread evil and conspiracy against free humanity that it is, as a political system which threatens mankind with utter enslavement. We have fought consistently and resolutely against it in and out of season and, today, are more determined than ever to persevere in our fight against it with all possible means at our command until the plague of Communism is completely wiped off the face of the earth . 4. We cannot sU1bscribe to the policy that doing business with the Soviet Union and its satellites is in the best interests of the welfare and security of the United States and the free world. 5. The ''Council of Free Czechoslovakia" does not express the political will of the Slovak nation or the will of the Slovaks in exile. The Slovak members ("Czech" Slovaks) of the Council are individuals who either did not get a mandate from the Slovak nation, or betrayed it by collaborating with communists and the Sovi6}t Union. We strongly recommend that all official, semi-official and private American institutions desiring any information �32 SLOVAKIA on problems affecting the Slovak nation, consult with the Slovak League of America, an Amelticfu illSltitution which since 1907 has been advancing the cause of freedom and national rights of the Slovak nation. Another organization worthy of consultation in the matter of the problems of the Slovak nation is the Slovak National Council Abroad whose leadership and membership ~epreserits the majority o.f the Slovak exiles. 6. We heartily commend all efforts on the part of our Government, its agencies and Congressional Comrriitt~ to ferret out, unmask and prosecute all subversive elements, specifically all communists and fellow~travelers, which propagate class hatreds, economic strife, chaos and anarchy. All persons and organizations, who wittingly or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of Communism, should be thoroughly investigated by the proper organs of our Government. 7. We approve the idea of a United Nations Organization which shall promote and preserve peace and prosperity in all countries of the world, as far as is humanly possible. The UNO at the present time is not really an organization of United Nations, but an organization of Governments, several of which definitely are not representative of the political will and the national interests of the nations they claim to represent. 8. We subscribe wholeheartedly to the principle that a.11 nations have the right to determine by their own free choice the state or form of political organization under which they wish to live. The principle of self-determination - the fundamental principle of American policy in Europe since the administration of President Woodrow Wilson must apply without reservations even to the Slovak nation from .which we are descended. 9. We endorse the principle that the Government of the United States shall refuse to recognize any government imposed upon any nation by the force of an alien power and urge that this principle be made operative even in the case of the Slovak nation, which is in fact dominated today �SLOVAKIA 33 by the . Czecho-Communist regime of Prague in violation of the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations Organization and the fundamental principle of American policy of self-determination. 10. The independent Slovak Republic, established by the duly elected representatives of the Slovak nation on March 14, 1939, should not have been destroyed by the victorious allied Nations without consulting the will of the Slovak nation. We, therefore, respectfully request the President of the U. S. and the Congress to instruct our delegate to the United Nations Organization to request an investigation by the UNO of the destruction of the Slovak Republic. 11. We furthermo.re , respectfully petition the President of the U. S. and the Congress to voice a strong protest against the violation of human rights in Slovakia, the brutal persecution of Slovak religious, cultural and political leaders by the Czecho-Communist regime of Prague. 12. As Christians and adherents of the democratic way of life, we resolutely oppose the domination and exploitation of any nation by any other nation or political state. The Slovak nation did not want to be dominated by the Magyars prior to 1918 and, today, does not want to be ruled by the Czech nation. We firmly believe that the national existence and the welfare of the Slovruk nation can best be safeguarded by the Slovaks themselves in their own Slovak Republic. 13. We seek no special favors or grants for the nation we are descended from. We only plead for the recognition of and respect for its inherent and fundamental rights, because it cannot voice itself freely today. These rights are predicated on the elementary democratic and Christian principle that all peoples, wherever they may be found and however few their numbers, are morally entitled to speak in the council- of nations, there to defend the rights of their nation to survival and self-fulfillment. 14. The Czechs and their Slovak hirelings ("Czech" Slovaks), now organized in various Czech and "Czechoslovak" organizations, do not represent the political will of the �34 SLOVAKIA Slovak nation and, therefore, have no authority to speak for the Slovaks anywhere. One such organization, the "Council of Free Czechoslovakia," purports to be an organization of ''anti-communist, democratic exiles" from Czecho-Slova:kia, but is, in fact, an organization controlled by Czechs who were members of the communist-dominated "National Front" government of Dr. Edward Benes and Clement Gottwald, which collaborated closely with the Soviet Union and outlawed all anti-socialistic and anti-communistic parties in Czecho-Slovakia. The leading members of this Council should be recognized for what they really were in their homeland: promoters of socialism and the pro-Soviet policy of the Czech socialists a nd communists. (Signatures:) P. A. Hrobak, Jacob J. Kocis, Julia Krajcovic, Milan V. Blazek, Frantisek Hrusovsky, t Theodore G. Kojis, O.S.B., Abbot, P. Jamriska, Msgr. F. J. Dubosh, Joseph G. Prusa, John J. Sirotnak, Julius A. Janci, Stephanie 0. Husek, Peter P. Hletko M.D., George P. Baluh, Stephen J. Tkach, M. J. Wargovich, Helen Kocan, Gabriela I. Vavrek, Frank J. Gurcak, Rev. Cyril M. Orendac, Karol Piacek, Frank Bobus, Marge Bleskan, Jozef A. Mikus, Mary Koenig, Victoria Lunter, Veronica Ginovsky, Maria Kolesar, Anna M. Sotak, John Lafko, Edward Alexovic, John P. Stankovic, M. F. Gajdos, Marge Bleskan, Anna Mae Hutira, Bridget Alexovic, George S. Luba O.S.B., Rev. Michael M. Tondra, Rev. Casimir Cvercko, Rev. John E. Senglar D.S.L., Susan Matuscak, Martin Kopunek, John A. Kanuck, Anna E. Kanuck, Rev. Augustine J. Zan, Rev. Max. Chladny-Hanos S.T.D., Frank Tartal, Mary Luchansky, Matej Varga, Steve S. Koenig, John J. Rozboril, Mary Janci, Joseph Bransky, Stefan Klucar, Bernadina Hanuscin, Helen Kudlac, Maria Walovich, Rev. Joseph Chochula, Rev. Alfons Vercek, Rev. Charles J. Florek, Paul C. Kazimer, Jan Beliansky, Stefan Hodos, M. J. Bosak, �SLOVAKIA 35 Jozef Pauco, Vojtech Balaz, Frank Deviatka, Method M. Balco, Juraj Getlik, Anton Moravcik, Otto Klement, Mike Soyka Sr., Joseph Stanek, Dr. Rudolph Medlen, Mary Student, Stephen Student, Gabriel Lantos, Andrew Welchek, Simon Siranec, Blase Dvorsky, Michal Rak, Veronica Janci, Anna M. Kocur, Irene F. Kocur, Anna V. Kocur, Mary Welchek, Irene Halac, Terezia Ondriska, Anna Vizza, Susanna K.lucar, Veronica Patala, Julia P. Benya. • • • ADDRESS OF PHILIP A. HROBAK, PRESIDENT OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA, DELIVERED AT THE INFORMAL DINNER OF THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF AMERICANS OF SLOVAK DESCENT, WASHINGTON HOTEL, MAY 24, 1954 As citizens of the United States of America we firmly hold to the belief that all nations without exception have the inherent, God-given right to freedom and independence, the right to establish their own political state and to freely elect a govern.men t of their own choice. On March 14, 1939, after over ten centuries of alien domination, the Slovak nation exercised its inherent right when its duly elected representatives in the Bratislava Assembly of autonomous Slovakia proclaimed the independence of the land the Slovaks had occupied for 1500 years and established the Republic of Slovakia. Of course, certain people in America present this historical fact in a false light and attempt to debase and vilify everything connected with it. But the utterly simple historical truth is that the Slovak Assembly unanimously declared the land of the Slovaks an independent republic. Independent Slovakia, the dream of Slova;k generations, did become a reality and was thoroughly enjoyed by the Slovak people, even though it was short-lived (1939-1945). And it is significant even today that the Slovak Republic was recognized by twenty-seven countries, includmg Great Britain, France, Japan, and even the Soviet Union. Natu- � SLOVAKIA 31 DECLARATION OF THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF AMERICANS OF SWVAK DESCENT MAY 24-25, 1954, WASHINGTON, D. C. WE - the participants of the National Conference of Americans of Slovak descent, sponsored by the Slovak League of America at Washington, D. C., May 24-25, 1954 - do solemnly and unanimously declare: 1. We rededicate ourselves to the preservation of our American Democracy - the principles upon which our United States of America was founded and which made it the greatest democratic country in the world. 2. Our primary interest is the welfare and security of the United States of America. 3. We condemn all forms of tyranny, every form of totalitarian political system. We recognize the Godless philosophy of materialistic Communism as the dread evil and conspiracy against free humanity that it is, as a political system which threatens mankind with utter enslavement. We have fought consistently and resolutely against it in and out of season and, today, are more determined than ever to persevere in our fight against it with all possible means at our command until the plague of Communism is completely wiped off the face of the earth . 4. We cannot sU1bscribe to the policy that doing business with the Soviet Union and its satellites is in the best interests of the welfare and security of the United States and the free world. 5. The ''Council of Free Czechoslovakia" does not express the political will of the Slovak nation or the will of the Slovaks in exile. The Slovak members ("Czech" Slovaks) of the Council are individuals who either did not get a mandate from the Slovak nation, or betrayed it by collaborating with communists and the Sovi6}t Union. We strongly recommend that all official, semi-official and private American institutions desiring any information �32 SLOVAKIA on problems affecting the Slovak nation, consult with the Slovak League of America, an Amelticfu illSltitution which since 1907 has been advancing the cause of freedom and national rights of the Slovak nation. Another organization worthy of consultation in the matter of the problems of the Slovak nation is the Slovak National Council Abroad whose leadership and membership ~epreserits the majority o.f the Slovak exiles. 6. We heartily commend all efforts on the part of our Government, its agencies and Congressional Comrriitt~ to ferret out, unmask and prosecute all subversive elements, specifically all communists and fellow~travelers, which propagate class hatreds, economic strife, chaos and anarchy. All persons and organizations, who wittingly or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of Communism, should be thoroughly investigated by the proper organs of our Government. 7. We approve the idea of a United Nations Organization which shall promote and preserve peace and prosperity in all countries of the world, as far as is humanly possible. The UNO at the present time is not really an organization of United Nations, but an organization of Governments, several of which definitely are not representative of the political will and the national interests of the nations they claim to represent. 8. We subscribe wholeheartedly to the principle that a.11 nations have the right to determine by their own free choice the state or form of political organization under which they wish to live. The principle of self-determination - the fundamental principle of American policy in Europe since the administration of President Woodrow Wilson must apply without reservations even to the Slovak nation from .which we are descended. 9. We endorse the principle that the Government of the United States shall refuse to recognize any government imposed upon any nation by the force of an alien power and urge that this principle be made operative even in the case of the Slovak nation, which is in fact dominated today �SLOVAKIA 33 by the . Czecho-Communist regime of Prague in violation of the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations Organization and the fundamental principle of American policy of self-determination. 10. The independent Slovak Republic, established by the duly elected representatives of the Slovak nation on March 14, 1939, should not have been destroyed by the victorious allied Nations without consulting the will of the Slovak nation. We, therefore, respectfully request the President of the U. S. and the Congress to instruct our delegate to the United Nations Organization to request an investigation by the UNO of the destruction of the Slovak Republic. 11. We furthermo.re , respectfully petition the President of the U. S. and the Congress to voice a strong protest against the violation of human rights in Slovakia, the brutal persecution of Slovak religious, cultural and political leaders by the Czecho-Communist regime of Prague. 12. As Christians and adherents of the democratic way of life, we resolutely oppose the domination and exploitation of any nation by any other nation or political state. The Slovak nation did not want to be dominated by the Magyars prior to 1918 and, today, does not want to be ruled by the Czech nation. We firmly believe that the national existence and the welfare of the Slovruk nation can best be safeguarded by the Slovaks themselves in their own Slovak Republic. 13. We seek no special favors or grants for the nation we are descended from. We only plead for the recognition of and respect for its inherent and fundamental rights, because it cannot voice itself freely today. These rights are predicated on the elementary democratic and Christian principle that all peoples, wherever they may be found and however few their numbers, are morally entitled to speak in the council- of nations, there to defend the rights of their nation to survival and self-fulfillment. 14. The Czechs and their Slovak hirelings ("Czech" Slovaks), now organized in various Czech and "Czechoslovak" organizations, do not represent the political will of the �34 SLOVAKIA Slovak nation and, therefore, have no authority to speak for the Slovaks anywhere. One such organization, the "Council of Free Czechoslovakia," purports to be an organization of ''anti-communist, democratic exiles" from Czecho-Slova:kia, but is, in fact, an organization controlled by Czechs who were members of the communist-dominated "National Front" government of Dr. Edward Benes and Clement Gottwald, which collaborated closely with the Soviet Union and outlawed all anti-socialistic and anti-communistic parties in Czecho-Slovakia. The leading members of this Council should be recognized for what they really were in their homeland: promoters of socialism and the pro-Soviet policy of the Czech socialists a nd communists. (Signatures:) P. A. Hrobak, Jacob J. Kocis, Julia Krajcovic, Milan V. Blazek, Frantisek Hrusovsky, t Theodore G. Kojis, O.S.B., Abbot, P. Jamriska, Msgr. F. J. Dubosh, Joseph G. Prusa, John J. Sirotnak, Julius A. Janci, Stephanie 0. Husek, Peter P. Hletko M.D., George P. Baluh, Stephen J. Tkach, M. J. Wargovich, Helen Kocan, Gabriela I. Vavrek, Frank J. Gurcak, Rev. Cyril M. Orendac, Karol Piacek, Frank Bobus, Marge Bleskan, Jozef A. Mikus, Mary Koenig, Victoria Lunter, Veronica Ginovsky, Maria Kolesar, Anna M. Sotak, John Lafko, Edward Alexovic, John P. Stankovic, M. F. Gajdos, Marge Bleskan, Anna Mae Hutira, Bridget Alexovic, George S. Luba O.S.B., Rev. Michael M. Tondra, Rev. Casimir Cvercko, Rev. John E. Senglar D.S.L., Susan Matuscak, Martin Kopunek, John A. Kanuck, Anna E. Kanuck, Rev. Augustine J. Zan, Rev. Max. Chladny-Hanos S.T.D., Frank Tartal, Mary Luchansky, Matej Varga, Steve S. Koenig, John J. Rozboril, Mary Janci, Joseph Bransky, Stefan Klucar, Bernadina Hanuscin, Helen Kudlac, Maria Walovich, Rev. Joseph Chochula, Rev. Alfons Vercek, Rev. Charles J. Florek, Paul C. Kazimer, Jan Beliansky, Stefan Hodos, M. J. Bosak, �SLOVAKIA 35 Jozef Pauco, Vojtech Balaz, Frank Deviatka, Method M. Balco, Juraj Getlik, Anton Moravcik, Otto Klement, Mike Soyka Sr., Joseph Stanek, Dr. Rudolph Medlen, Mary Student, Stephen Student, Gabriel Lantos, Andrew Welchek, Simon Siranec, Blase Dvorsky, Michal Rak, Veronica Janci, Anna M. Kocur, Irene F. Kocur, Anna V. Kocur, Mary Welchek, Irene Halac, Terezia Ondriska, Anna Vizza, Susanna K.lucar, Veronica Patala, Julia P. Benya. • • • ADDRESS OF PHILIP A. HROBAK, PRESIDENT OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA, DELIVERED AT THE INFORMAL DINNER OF THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF AMERICANS OF SLOVAK DESCENT, WASHINGTON HOTEL, MAY 24, 1954 As citizens of the United States of America we firmly hold to the belief that all nations without exception have the inherent, God-given right to freedom and independence, the right to establish their own political state and to freely elect a govern.men t of their own choice. On March 14, 1939, after over ten centuries of alien domination, the Slovak nation exercised its inherent right when its duly elected representatives in the Bratislava Assembly of autonomous Slovakia proclaimed the independence of the land the Slovaks had occupied for 1500 years and established the Republic of Slovakia. Of course, certain people in America present this historical fact in a false light and attempt to debase and vilify everything connected with it. But the utterly simple historical truth is that the Slovak Assembly unanimously declared the land of the Slovaks an independent republic. Independent Slovakia, the dream of Slova;k generations, did become a reality and was thoroughly enjoyed by the Slovak people, even though it was short-lived (1939-1945). And it is significant even today that the Slovak Republic was recognized by twenty-seven countries, includmg Great Britain, France, Japan, and even the Soviet Union. Natu- � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 31 DECLARATION OF THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF AMERICANS OF SWVAK DESCENT MAY 24-25, 1954, WASHINGTON, D. C. WE - the participants of the National Conference of Americans of Slovak descent, sponsored by the Slovak League of America at Washington, D. C., May 24-25, 1954 - do solemnly and unanimously declare: 1. We rededicate ourselves to the preservation of our American Democracy - the principles upon which our United States of America was founded and which made it the greatest democratic country in the world. 2. Our primary interest is the welfare and security of the United States of America. 3. We condemn all forms of tyranny, every form of totalitarian political system. We recognize the Godless philosophy of materialistic Communism as the dread evil and conspiracy against free humanity that it is, as a political system which threatens mankind with utter enslavement. We have fought consistently and resolutely against it in and out of season and, today, are more determined than ever to persevere in our fight against it with all possible means at our command until the plague of Communism is completely wiped off the face of the earth . 4. We cannot sU1bscribe to the policy that doing business with the Soviet Union and its satellites is in the best interests of the welfare and security of the United States and the free world. 5. The ''Council of Free Czechoslovakia" does not express the political will of the Slovak nation or the will of the Slovaks in exile. The Slovak members ("Czech" Slovaks) of the Council are individuals who either did not get a mandate from the Slovak nation, or betrayed it by collaborating with communists and the Sovi6}t Union. We strongly recommend that all official, semi-official and private American institutions desiring any information 32 SLOVAKIA on problems affecting the Slovak nation, consult with the Slovak League of America, an Amelticfu illSltitution which since 1907 has been advancing the cause of freedom and national rights of the Slovak nation. Another organization worthy of consultation in the matter of the problems of the Slovak nation is the Slovak National Council Abroad whose leadership and membership ~epreserits the majority o.f the Slovak exiles. 6. We heartily commend all efforts on the part of our Government, its agencies and Congressional Comrriitt~ to ferret out, unmask and prosecute all subversive elements, specifically all communists and fellow~travelers, which propagate class hatreds, economic strife, chaos and anarchy. All persons and organizations, who wittingly or unwittingly give aid and comfort to the conspiracy of Communism, should be thoroughly investigated by the proper organs of our Government. 7. We approve the idea of a United Nations Organization which shall promote and preserve peace and prosperity in all countries of the world, as far as is humanly possible. The UNO at the present time is not really an organization of United Nations, but an organization of Governments, several of which definitely are not representative of the political will and the national interests of the nations they claim to represent. 8. We subscribe wholeheartedly to the principle that a.11 nations have the right to determine by their own free choice the state or form of political organization under which they wish to live. The principle of self-determination - the fundamental principle of American policy in Europe since the administration of President Woodrow Wilson must apply without reservations even to the Slovak nation from .which we are descended. 9. We endorse the principle that the Government of the United States shall refuse to recognize any government imposed upon any nation by the force of an alien power and urge that this principle be made operative even in the case of the Slovak nation, which is in fact dominated today SLOVAKIA 33 by the . Czecho-Communist regime of Prague in violation of the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations Organization and the fundamental principle of American policy of self-determination. 10. The independent Slovak Republic, established by the duly elected representatives of the Slovak nation on March 14, 1939, should not have been destroyed by the victorious allied Nations without consulting the will of the Slovak nation. We, therefore, respectfully request the President of the U. S. and the Congress to instruct our delegate to the United Nations Organization to request an investigation by the UNO of the destruction of the Slovak Republic. 11. We furthermo.re , respectfully petition the President of the U. S. and the Congress to voice a strong protest against the violation of human rights in Slovakia, the brutal persecution of Slovak religious, cultural and political leaders by the Czecho-Communist regime of Prague. 12. As Christians and adherents of the democratic way of life, we resolutely oppose the domination and exploitation of any nation by any other nation or political state. The Slovak nation did not want to be dominated by the Magyars prior to 1918 and, today, does not want to be ruled by the Czech nation. We firmly believe that the national existence and the welfare of the Slovruk nation can best be safeguarded by the Slovaks themselves in their own Slovak Republic. 13. We seek no special favors or grants for the nation we are descended from. We only plead for the recognition of and respect for its inherent and fundamental rights, because it cannot voice itself freely today. These rights are predicated on the elementary democratic and Christian principle that all peoples, wherever they may be found and however few their numbers, are morally entitled to speak in the council- of nations, there to defend the rights of their nation to survival and self-fulfillment. 14. The Czechs and their Slovak hirelings ("Czech" Slovaks), now organized in various Czech and "Czechoslovak" organizations, do not represent the political will of the 34 SLOVAKIA Slovak nation and, therefore, have no authority to speak for the Slovaks anywhere. One such organization, the "Council of Free Czechoslovakia," purports to be an organization of ''anti-communist, democratic exiles" from Czecho-Slova:kia, but is, in fact, an organization controlled by Czechs who were members of the communist-dominated "National Front" government of Dr. Edward Benes and Clement Gottwald, which collaborated closely with the Soviet Union and outlawed all anti-socialistic and anti-communistic parties in Czecho-Slovakia. The leading members of this Council should be recognized for what they really were in their homeland: promoters of socialism and the pro-Soviet policy of the Czech socialists a nd communists. (Signatures:) P. A. Hrobak, Jacob J. Kocis, Julia Krajcovic, Milan V. Blazek, Frantisek Hrusovsky, t Theodore G. Kojis, O.S.B., Abbot, P. Jamriska, Msgr. F. J. Dubosh, Joseph G. Prusa, John J. Sirotnak, Julius A. Janci, Stephanie 0. Husek, Peter P. Hletko M.D., George P. Baluh, Stephen J. Tkach, M. J. Wargovich, Helen Kocan, Gabriela I. Vavrek, Frank J. Gurcak, Rev. Cyril M. Orendac, Karol Piacek, Frank Bobus, Marge Bleskan, Jozef A. Mikus, Mary Koenig, Victoria Lunter, Veronica Ginovsky, Maria Kolesar, Anna M. Sotak, John Lafko, Edward Alexovic, John P. Stankovic, M. F. Gajdos, Marge Bleskan, Anna Mae Hutira, Bridget Alexovic, George S. Luba O.S.B., Rev. Michael M. Tondra, Rev. Casimir Cvercko, Rev. John E. Senglar D.S.L., Susan Matuscak, Martin Kopunek, John A. Kanuck, Anna E. Kanuck, Rev. Augustine J. Zan, Rev. Max. Chladny-Hanos S.T.D., Frank Tartal, Mary Luchansky, Matej Varga, Steve S. Koenig, John J. Rozboril, Mary Janci, Joseph Bransky, Stefan Klucar, Bernadina Hanuscin, Helen Kudlac, Maria Walovich, Rev. Joseph Chochula, Rev. Alfons Vercek, Rev. Charles J. Florek, Paul C. Kazimer, Jan Beliansky, Stefan Hodos, M. J. Bosak, SLOVAKIA 35 Jozef Pauco, Vojtech Balaz, Frank Deviatka, Method M. Balco, Juraj Getlik, Anton Moravcik, Otto Klement, Mike Soyka Sr., Joseph Stanek, Dr. Rudolph Medlen, Mary Student, Stephen Student, Gabriel Lantos, Andrew Welchek, Simon Siranec, Blase Dvorsky, Michal Rak, Veronica Janci, Anna M. Kocur, Irene F. Kocur, Anna V. Kocur, Mary Welchek, Irene Halac, Terezia Ondriska, Anna Vizza, Susanna K.lucar, Veronica Patala, Julia P. Benya. • • • ADDRESS OF PHILIP A. HROBAK, PRESIDENT OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA, DELIVERED AT THE INFORMAL DINNER OF THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF AMERICANS OF SLOVAK DESCENT, WASHINGTON HOTEL, MAY 24, 1954 As citizens of the United States of America we firmly hold to the belief that all nations without exception have the inherent, God-given right to freedom and independence, the right to establish their own political state and to freely elect a govern.men t of their own choice. On March 14, 1939, after over ten centuries of alien domination, the Slovak nation exercised its inherent right when its duly elected representatives in the Bratislava Assembly of autonomous Slovakia proclaimed the independence of the land the Slovaks had occupied for 1500 years and established the Republic of Slovakia. Of course, certain people in America present this historical fact in a false light and attempt to debase and vilify everything connected with it. But the utterly simple historical truth is that the Slovak Assembly unanimously declared the land of the Slovaks an independent republic. Independent Slovakia, the dream of Slova;k generations, did become a reality and was thoroughly enjoyed by the Slovak people, even though it was short-lived (1939-1945). And it is significant even today that the Slovak Republic was recognized by twenty-seven countries, includmg Great Britain, France, Japan, and even the Soviet Union. Natu-  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Declaration of the National Conference of Americans of Slovak Descent - May 24-25,1954, Washington, D.C. Description An account of the resource Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 2 (10), June 1954 pp. 31-35 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June 1954 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/17b2ba5de24fde8f10d68ec6e9dabd71.pdf 987bd22423ada38132070f099872cd75 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 35 Jozef Pauco, Vojtech Balaz, Frank Deviatka, Method M. Balco, Juraj Getlik, Anton Moravcik, Otto Klement, Mike Soyka Sr., Joseph Stanek, Dr. Rudolph Medlen, Mary Student, Stephen Student, Gabriel Lantos, Andrew Welchek, Simon Siranec, Blase Dvorsky, Michal Rak, Veronica Janci, Anna M. Kocur, Irene F. Kocur, Anna V. Kocur, Mary Welchek, Irene Halac, Terezia Ondriska, Anna Vizza, Susanna K.lucar, Veronica Patala, Julia P. Benya. • • • ADDRESS OF PHILIP A. HROBAK, PRESIDENT OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA, DELIVERED AT THE INFORMAL DINNER OF THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF AMERICANS OF SLOVAK DESCENT, WASHINGTON HOTEL, MAY 24, 1954 As citizens of the United States of America we firmly hold to the belief that all nations without exception have the inherent, God-given right to freedom and independence, the right to establish their own political state and to freely elect a govern.men t of their own choice. On March 14, 1939, after over ten centuries of alien domination, the Slovak nation exercised its inherent right when its duly elected representatives in the Bratislava Assembly of autonomous Slovakia proclaimed the independence of the land the Slovaks had occupied for 1500 years and established the Republic of Slovakia. Of course, certain people in America present this historical fact in a false light and attempt to debase and vilify everything connected with it. But the utterly simple historical truth is that the Slovak Assembly unanimously declared the land of the Slovaks an independent republic. Independent Slovakia, the dream of Slova;k generations, did become a reality and was thoroughly enjoyed by the Slovak people, even though it was short-lived (1939-1945). And it is significant even today that the Slovak Republic was recognized by twenty-seven countries, includmg Great Britain, France, Japan, and even the Soviet Union. Natu- �36 SLOVAKTA rally, the· enemies of S1ovak freedom and independence; the exploiters of the Slovak nation, furiously opposed the independence of Slovakia. Raving over the circumstances und.e r w}:iich the Slovaks· gained their independence, the foJlowen; of . Dr. E9,war4 Benes - the so-called Benes Czechs (Socialists) and "Czecho: slovaks" (Slovak Judases_ in the pay· of the Benes Cze.chs) - smeared and crucified true Slovak ·pa.triots who dared fo speak up for what their nation rightfully entitled· tci:' But no matter what the circumstances under which the nation we are descended from gained its independence, we as Americans declar_e unequiv<><;:ally tha,t the Repuplic of Slovakia should not have been destroyed against the will of the Slovak nationt · · ' · " -' · , · ·: ·' ·· ,,- ' was ._ ' /-: ·.• :·. :~-,:.,~• : l,. ·'· • ~. • •·: " ~ 1 • • · ;• • i '""•·t, ·~ · ·:.,;:· By what ·law of · God · ot man·· Wli.s i-ndepehderut ··s1ovakia destroyed? Its wanton destructiori" cannot be reconciled with our political beliefs; it was contrary to all Christian and democratic principles, in short, the destruction of Slovaikia in l945 was criminal. And_the eternal shame of it all is that Slovakia was destroyed by the victorious United Nations under the guise of liberation! . The present terri_ble plight of the Slovak nation, like that of th_e other naµo~s of Central Europe which had been "liberJLte.d " in 1945, can be trace<} to th~ blundering, undemocratic policy pursued and the secret agreements negotiated in the name of expediency by m~n in democratic government~. We are _all, therefore, res,po_n sible, more or less, for the Red enslavement of the nations behind the Iron Curtain and the iphu:manities suffered by .them. Defi~itely, we. should do . $Omething about it. Let at least be honest with ourselve-s and the rest of the wi:>-rld and admit .that it was morally wrong and contrary· to every democratic and Christian principle to surrender the Slovak nation and the other nations of Central and Eastern Europe to the ruthless men of the· K;remlin: Then; let us repudiate the treaties and secret agreements iby which these nations were enslaved by the USSR and immediately proceed in earnest with the task of real· liberation of all nations from all tyranny. · • . The struggle against tyranny· is nothing new to the Slo.. µs �SLOVAKIA 37 vaks. The history of the Slovak nation is a history of thraldom and exploitation. For over' ten centuries the Slovak nation -'-- one of the oldest Christian nations in Central :IDurope --'- has been but a pawn in the hands of alien rulers. Its freedom, security, economy and territorial integrity have always been determined by foreigners. The Slovaks have suffered longer under alien domination than any other nation of Europe. No other nation has been so thoroughly misundeI'.stood, misrepresented, degraded, maligned and vilified even by the very people who claimed to represent it and protect its national interests, by men who professed to be and were glorified as the very epitome of the democratic way of life. Many of us believed, as did many Slovaks at home, that the trials and tribulations of the Slovak nation were ended and its national existence safeguarded with the establishment of .the Czecho-Slovak Republic in 1918, which the Slovaks and the Czechs were supposed to govern as equal partners and in which the Czechs were to be masters of their own household and the Slovaks were to enjoy States' Rights according to the principle of self-determination. But we were mistaken, badly mistaken. We did not see the job through ; Czecho-Slovakia was not set up as a federation. It soon becanie evident that the Prague Government, headed by T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Edward Benes, did not regard the Slovaks as equal partners, but only as a colony to be exploited by the Czechs. · The Slovaks s9on realized that Czecho-Slcwakia ~imply meant an exchange of rulers: they were rid of the Magyar tyrant only to be placed under the Czech despot, ~ho also sought to destroy them eventuaily as a nation. They protested, but in vain. Andrew Hlinka, champion of Slovak freedom , went to Paris to attend the Peace Conference in 1919, but was promptly arrested by the French police, at the instigation of Dr. Edward Benes, and ordered o'ut of France. For this the Prague Government later hacf Hlinka jailed . . The Slovaks, however, ·outlived the tyranny of the past and today are determined to outlive the present scourge of Czecho-Co:tnmunist terror and violence and to continue in their march to complete political freedom and fndependen ce. �38 SLOVAKIA But what after Communism? Shall the Slovaks be surrendered to another tyrant? Are they willing to be exploited by another form of Czecho~Slovakfa? Certainly not! The Slovaks want only what rightfully belongs to them - no more no less. They want the United States of America and the rest of the free world to recognize and respect their inherent right to freedom and independence. The Slovaks, however , despite the many bitter memor ies of injustices suffered from ruling groups of neighboring nations, some of which blatantly claimed to be exemplary democracies - are fully aware of the fact that a free Ukraine, a free Poland, Bohemia, Latvia, Estonia, Lithuania, and even a free Russia are also nece&sary to form a better, free and more just order in Europe. The Slovaks well know that the struggle for freedom and independence camiot and must not be waged in isolation, that the goal of liberation from communist tyranny and all foreign domination must be the unified aim of all enslaved nations and of all friends of all the oppressed peoples. It is a matter of record that the Slovak nation fought Communism, the implacable foe of all free countries, in and out of season. Americans of Slovak descent can proudly stress the fact that their forefathers fought the plague of materialistic Communism consistently and resolutely for over a hundred years. Slovak history tells us that Louis Stur, champion of Slovak freedom, repudiated the Godless philosophy of Marx in 1849; at its very first session, in 1905, the political party of Andrew IIlinka, the Slova,k Populist Party, did not hesitate to condemn Communism; fourteen years later, in 1919, General Milan R. Stefanik, Slovak hero of World War I and one of the founders of Czecho-Slovakia, warned T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Edward Benes to make no compromises with Bolshevism ; finally, Dr. Joseph Tiso, the first president of the Slovak Republic, appealed to his people to persevere in its fight against the dread plague of Communism even as he was being led to his death on the gallows by order of the Communist-dominated National Front Government of Dr. Edward Benes on April 18, 1947. And, today, the sons of Slovakia, wherever they might be, �SLOVAKIA 39 are more determined than ever to fight Communist tyranny until it is completely eradicated from the face of the earth. The Slovaks seek the opportunity to play a useful role in the struggle for freedom and, they believe, it is the responsibility of the free democratic world to afford them this opportunity. At the same time, however, they wish to make it perfectly clear that they do not intend to surrender their inherent right to freedom and independence under any circumstances. They do not beHeve the Soviet propaganda that the free democratic world wants the Slovak nation to commit national suicide. The Slovaks want the free nations of the world to recognize at long last a simple truth which the Slovaks and the Czechs have known for many centuTies past, that is, that the Czechs are not and do not desire to be Slovaks, and the Slovaks are not and do not want to be Czechs. The Slovaks recognize and respect the right of the Czech nation to complete freedom and political independence, but they also expect the leaders of the Czech nation to realize that the Slovak nation, too, has the inherent right to freedom and political independence. And in the struggle against Communism, the Slovaks want to be united with all free nations and not es,p ecially with and only with the Czech natioo. They want it clearly understood that they are not fighting Communism for the sake of a free or any other kind of Czecho-Slovakia. They were definitely through with the political monstrosity known as Czecho-Slovakia in 1939, when the Assembly of autonomous Slovakia declared the independence of the Slovak nation. The Slovaks subscribe wholeheartedly to the idea of a federation of Central Europe, or even a federation of the whole of Europe, in which all nations would be equal and none would be dominated and exploited by the others. The Slovaks do not want anything that they are not rightfully entitled to; they make no claims to Czech history, national traditions and customs, or the material, spiritual and cultural wealth of the Czech nation; and they do not covet Czech territory. The Slovaks do not want or request the Czechs to represent them in the field of human endeavor, whether cultural. political, or spiritual. �40 SLOVAKJ4 And, of course, the Slovaks do not want to be credited with the criminal acts committed by the Communist-dominated "National Front" Government of Dr. IDdward Benes and Clement Gottwald. The Slovak nation had nothing to do with the criminal expulsion of Germans and Magyars from Czecho-Slovakia, or the brutal persecution and suppression of religion and of all anti-Communist opposition in that hapless country. For the betrayal of Czecho-Slovakia - the Czech and Slovak nations - to the Communists and the Soviet Union, the Slovaks give full credit to Dr. Edward Be.nes and his socialist followers, who consistently promoted proSoviet policy. Slovak political, cultural and religious leaders did not betray the Czechs, but the "Benes Czechs" betrayed not only the Slovaks, but the entire Ozech nation as well. Today, in America and elsewhere, the Benes Czechs and their Slovak hirelings - the apostles of "Czechoslovak" democracy .- are organized in various Czech and "Czechoslovak" organizations, the "American Fund fo,r Czechoslovak Refugees, Inc.," and the "Council of Free Czechoslovakia" among them, which profess to be organizations of "anti-Communist, democratic exiles" from Czecho-Slovakia. In fact, however, they are controlled by the Benes Czechs, the Cze<:h National Socialists and former members of the Communist-dominated "National Front" Government of Dr. Edward Be.n.es and Clement Gottwald, which collaborated closely with the Soviet Union and outlawed all anti-socialistic and anti-communistic parties in Czecho-Slovakia in 1945. These "National Fronters," who claim they control the employees of RADIO FREE EUROPE and the VOICE OF AMERICA, never did and never will re-p resent the political will of the SlovaJk naiti01I1, and therefore, hruve no authority to speak for the Slovaks anywhere. Furthermore, they do not represent the anti-socialistic and anti-communistic Czechs. They should be recognized for what they really were in their homeland: promoters of the pro-Soviet policy of the Czech Socialists and Communists. And they should be treated accordingly. Under their leadership the so-called "Czechoslovak democracy" had practically no trouble at all in converting to a "people's democracy" after World ·War II. Americans of Slovak descent -consider it their sacred �SLOVAKIA 41 duty to unmask and embarrass all such pseudodemocratic Elements and to disarm them completely, because the enemies of Slovak freedom and independence are, in fact, the enemies of the American democratic way of life itself. Imagine then, if you will, our surprise and consternation when we learned as late as February 26, 1954, that our State Department still "considers the Council of Free Czechoslovakia to be an organization of leading anti-Communist political refugees from Czechoslovakia working for the liberation of that country from Communist domination." Rightfully we ask: "What goes on in official Washington?" ln our opinion, to defend an indefensible group of foreign politicians, who peddled the Moscow line for years, is today not only inexcusable but highly reprehensible. And more so in the case of a government official. We must not be confused by the propagators of the "new look" of the Soviet Union. Let us remember that such a "new look" had deceived intelligent statesmen and wary diplomats during the last war. Just ten yeaJrs ago today, May 24, 1944, the Hon. Winston Churchill said in the Commons: " Profound changes have taken place in Soviet Russia. The Trotskyite form of communism has been completely wiped out. The victories of the Russian armies have been attended by a great rise in strength of the Russian state and a remarkable broadening of its views. The religious side of Russian life has had a wonderful rebirth. The discipline and military etiquette of the Russian armies are unsurpassed. There is a new national anthem. The Comintern has been abolished." The Slovak nation was not deceived by the Soviet chamelon in 1938, or in 1944, and it will not be deceived by it now. The Slovaks are firmly convinced that the world cannot exist in peace half-slave and half-free; there can be no compromise between the forces of freedom and the forces of slavery. History has taught us one great lesson: no nation can have a monopoly on freedom and remain free. Freedom is the grandest of all of God's gifts to mankind ; freedom is the universal heritage of all the ages. The more we promote �42 SLOVAKIA and share it, the more abundant and lasting are its fruits. Peace without freedom is unthinkable. If we are truly int erested in a permanent and just peace, let us not deny freedom to any nation - not even the Slo,v ak nation . • MARCH 14 - • • SLOVAK INDEPENDENOE DAY1 ( Address of the Hon. Michael A. Feighan, 20th District, Ohio, delivered on the occasion of the 15th anniversary of the Slovak Declaration of Independence at a meeting sponsored by the Slovak League of America and the Catholic Slovak Federation of America, at the Benedictine High School Auditorium, Cleveland, March 13, 1954, on "National Sovereignty Against World Socialism.") It is an honor for me to be here with you this evening and to join with you in commemorating the love of Slovak people everywhere in the world for God, freedom, and individual liberty. Anyone who has taken the time to study the history of the Slovak people, or to acquaint themselves with the traditions of Slovaks in America, will immediately recognize my point of associating God with human freedom. Like the Irish , their slogan is and has always been for God and country. Some years ago, when the storm clouds of World War II were gathering over the skies of Europe, I became intense1y interested in the cause of nations which were then hanging in the balance. On the one hand, we, the people of the free world, were confronted with the menace of national socialism as represented by Hitler, and on the other hand, the menace of international socialism as represented by Stalin, the czar of Russian communism. It was then clear to me that the tyrants, Stalin and Hitler, had a common purpose - to dominate the world. It was therefore no shock to me when the Hitler-Stalin Pact was announced to the world in 1939. It was, however, a tremendous shock to the unprepared homegrown Communists and fellow travelers in the United States and their fellow conspirators in other parts of the world. � SLOVAKIA 35 Jozef Pauco, Vojtech Balaz, Frank Deviatka, Method M. Balco, Juraj Getlik, Anton Moravcik, Otto Klement, Mike Soyka Sr., Joseph Stanek, Dr. Rudolph Medlen, Mary Student, Stephen Student, Gabriel Lantos, Andrew Welchek, Simon Siranec, Blase Dvorsky, Michal Rak, Veronica Janci, Anna M. Kocur, Irene F. Kocur, Anna V. Kocur, Mary Welchek, Irene Halac, Terezia Ondriska, Anna Vizza, Susanna K.lucar, Veronica Patala, Julia P. Benya. • • • ADDRESS OF PHILIP A. HROBAK, PRESIDENT OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA, DELIVERED AT THE INFORMAL DINNER OF THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF AMERICANS OF SLOVAK DESCENT, WASHINGTON HOTEL, MAY 24, 1954 As citizens of the United States of America we firmly hold to the belief that all nations without exception have the inherent, God-given right to freedom and independence, the right to establish their own political state and to freely elect a govern.men t of their own choice. On March 14, 1939, after over ten centuries of alien domination, the Slovak nation exercised its inherent right when its duly elected representatives in the Bratislava Assembly of autonomous Slovakia proclaimed the independence of the land the Slovaks had occupied for 1500 years and established the Republic of Slovakia. Of course, certain people in America present this historical fact in a false light and attempt to debase and vilify everything connected with it. But the utterly simple historical truth is that the Slovak Assembly unanimously declared the land of the Slovaks an independent republic. Independent Slovakia, the dream of Slova;k generations, did become a reality and was thoroughly enjoyed by the Slovak people, even though it was short-lived (1939-1945). And it is significant even today that the Slovak Republic was recognized by twenty-seven countries, includmg Great Britain, France, Japan, and even the Soviet Union. Natu- �36 SLOVAKTA rally, the· enemies of S1ovak freedom and independence; the exploiters of the Slovak nation, furiously opposed the independence of Slovakia. Raving over the circumstances und.e r w}:iich the Slovaks· gained their independence, the foJlowen; of . Dr. E9,war4 Benes - the so-called Benes Czechs (Socialists) and "Czecho: slovaks" (Slovak Judases_ in the pay· of the Benes Cze.chs) - smeared and crucified true Slovak ·pa.triots who dared fo speak up for what their nation rightfully entitled· tci:' But no matter what the circumstances under which the nation we are descended from gained its independence, we as Americans declar_e unequiv<><;:ally tha,t the Repuplic of Slovakia should not have been destroyed against the will of the Slovak nationt · · ' · " -' · , · ·: ·' ·· ,,- ' was ._ ' /-: ·.• :·. :~-,:.,~• : l,. ·'· • ~. • •·: " ~ 1 • • · ;• • i '""•·t, ·~ · ·:.,;:· By what ·law of · God · ot man·· Wli.s i-ndepehderut ··s1ovakia destroyed? Its wanton destructiori" cannot be reconciled with our political beliefs; it was contrary to all Christian and democratic principles, in short, the destruction of Slovaikia in l945 was criminal. And_the eternal shame of it all is that Slovakia was destroyed by the victorious United Nations under the guise of liberation! . The present terri_ble plight of the Slovak nation, like that of th_e other naµo~s of Central Europe which had been "liberJLte.d " in 1945, can be trace<} to th~ blundering, undemocratic policy pursued and the secret agreements negotiated in the name of expediency by m~n in democratic government~. We are _all, therefore, res,po_n sible, more or less, for the Red enslavement of the nations behind the Iron Curtain and the iphu:manities suffered by .them. Defi~itely, we. should do . $Omething about it. Let at least be honest with ourselve-s and the rest of the wi:>-rld and admit .that it was morally wrong and contrary· to every democratic and Christian principle to surrender the Slovak nation and the other nations of Central and Eastern Europe to the ruthless men of the· K;remlin: Then; let us repudiate the treaties and secret agreements iby which these nations were enslaved by the USSR and immediately proceed in earnest with the task of real· liberation of all nations from all tyranny. · • . The struggle against tyranny· is nothing new to the Slo.. µs �SLOVAKIA 37 vaks. The history of the Slovak nation is a history of thraldom and exploitation. For over' ten centuries the Slovak nation -'-- one of the oldest Christian nations in Central :IDurope --'- has been but a pawn in the hands of alien rulers. Its freedom, security, economy and territorial integrity have always been determined by foreigners. The Slovaks have suffered longer under alien domination than any other nation of Europe. No other nation has been so thoroughly misundeI'.stood, misrepresented, degraded, maligned and vilified even by the very people who claimed to represent it and protect its national interests, by men who professed to be and were glorified as the very epitome of the democratic way of life. Many of us believed, as did many Slovaks at home, that the trials and tribulations of the Slovak nation were ended and its national existence safeguarded with the establishment of .the Czecho-Slovak Republic in 1918, which the Slovaks and the Czechs were supposed to govern as equal partners and in which the Czechs were to be masters of their own household and the Slovaks were to enjoy States' Rights according to the principle of self-determination. But we were mistaken, badly mistaken. We did not see the job through ; Czecho-Slovakia was not set up as a federation. It soon becanie evident that the Prague Government, headed by T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Edward Benes, did not regard the Slovaks as equal partners, but only as a colony to be exploited by the Czechs. · The Slovaks s9on realized that Czecho-Slcwakia ~imply meant an exchange of rulers: they were rid of the Magyar tyrant only to be placed under the Czech despot, ~ho also sought to destroy them eventuaily as a nation. They protested, but in vain. Andrew Hlinka, champion of Slovak freedom , went to Paris to attend the Peace Conference in 1919, but was promptly arrested by the French police, at the instigation of Dr. Edward Benes, and ordered o'ut of France. For this the Prague Government later hacf Hlinka jailed . . The Slovaks, however, ·outlived the tyranny of the past and today are determined to outlive the present scourge of Czecho-Co:tnmunist terror and violence and to continue in their march to complete political freedom and fndependen ce. �38 SLOVAKIA But what after Communism? Shall the Slovaks be surrendered to another tyrant? Are they willing to be exploited by another form of Czecho~Slovakfa? Certainly not! The Slovaks want only what rightfully belongs to them - no more no less. They want the United States of America and the rest of the free world to recognize and respect their inherent right to freedom and independence. The Slovaks, however , despite the many bitter memor ies of injustices suffered from ruling groups of neighboring nations, some of which blatantly claimed to be exemplary democracies - are fully aware of the fact that a free Ukraine, a free Poland, Bohemia, Latvia, Estonia, Lithuania, and even a free Russia are also nece&sary to form a better, free and more just order in Europe. The Slovaks well know that the struggle for freedom and independence camiot and must not be waged in isolation, that the goal of liberation from communist tyranny and all foreign domination must be the unified aim of all enslaved nations and of all friends of all the oppressed peoples. It is a matter of record that the Slovak nation fought Communism, the implacable foe of all free countries, in and out of season. Americans of Slovak descent can proudly stress the fact that their forefathers fought the plague of materialistic Communism consistently and resolutely for over a hundred years. Slovak history tells us that Louis Stur, champion of Slovak freedom, repudiated the Godless philosophy of Marx in 1849; at its very first session, in 1905, the political party of Andrew IIlinka, the Slova,k Populist Party, did not hesitate to condemn Communism; fourteen years later, in 1919, General Milan R. Stefanik, Slovak hero of World War I and one of the founders of Czecho-Slovakia, warned T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Edward Benes to make no compromises with Bolshevism ; finally, Dr. Joseph Tiso, the first president of the Slovak Republic, appealed to his people to persevere in its fight against the dread plague of Communism even as he was being led to his death on the gallows by order of the Communist-dominated National Front Government of Dr. Edward Benes on April 18, 1947. And, today, the sons of Slovakia, wherever they might be, �SLOVAKIA 39 are more determined than ever to fight Communist tyranny until it is completely eradicated from the face of the earth. The Slovaks seek the opportunity to play a useful role in the struggle for freedom and, they believe, it is the responsibility of the free democratic world to afford them this opportunity. At the same time, however, they wish to make it perfectly clear that they do not intend to surrender their inherent right to freedom and independence under any circumstances. They do not beHeve the Soviet propaganda that the free democratic world wants the Slovak nation to commit national suicide. The Slovaks want the free nations of the world to recognize at long last a simple truth which the Slovaks and the Czechs have known for many centuTies past, that is, that the Czechs are not and do not desire to be Slovaks, and the Slovaks are not and do not want to be Czechs. The Slovaks recognize and respect the right of the Czech nation to complete freedom and political independence, but they also expect the leaders of the Czech nation to realize that the Slovak nation, too, has the inherent right to freedom and political independence. And in the struggle against Communism, the Slovaks want to be united with all free nations and not es,p ecially with and only with the Czech natioo. They want it clearly understood that they are not fighting Communism for the sake of a free or any other kind of Czecho-Slovakia. They were definitely through with the political monstrosity known as Czecho-Slovakia in 1939, when the Assembly of autonomous Slovakia declared the independence of the Slovak nation. The Slovaks subscribe wholeheartedly to the idea of a federation of Central Europe, or even a federation of the whole of Europe, in which all nations would be equal and none would be dominated and exploited by the others. The Slovaks do not want anything that they are not rightfully entitled to; they make no claims to Czech history, national traditions and customs, or the material, spiritual and cultural wealth of the Czech nation; and they do not covet Czech territory. The Slovaks do not want or request the Czechs to represent them in the field of human endeavor, whether cultural. political, or spiritual. �40 SLOVAKJ4 And, of course, the Slovaks do not want to be credited with the criminal acts committed by the Communist-dominated "National Front" Government of Dr. IDdward Benes and Clement Gottwald. The Slovak nation had nothing to do with the criminal expulsion of Germans and Magyars from Czecho-Slovakia, or the brutal persecution and suppression of religion and of all anti-Communist opposition in that hapless country. For the betrayal of Czecho-Slovakia - the Czech and Slovak nations - to the Communists and the Soviet Union, the Slovaks give full credit to Dr. Edward Be.nes and his socialist followers, who consistently promoted proSoviet policy. Slovak political, cultural and religious leaders did not betray the Czechs, but the "Benes Czechs" betrayed not only the Slovaks, but the entire Ozech nation as well. Today, in America and elsewhere, the Benes Czechs and their Slovak hirelings - the apostles of "Czechoslovak" democracy .- are organized in various Czech and "Czechoslovak" organizations, the "American Fund fo,r Czechoslovak Refugees, Inc.," and the "Council of Free Czechoslovakia" among them, which profess to be organizations of "anti-Communist, democratic exiles" from Czecho-Slovakia. In fact, however, they are controlled by the Benes Czechs, the Cze<:h National Socialists and former members of the Communist-dominated "National Front" Government of Dr. Edward Be.n.es and Clement Gottwald, which collaborated closely with the Soviet Union and outlawed all anti-socialistic and anti-communistic parties in Czecho-Slovakia in 1945. These "National Fronters," who claim they control the employees of RADIO FREE EUROPE and the VOICE OF AMERICA, never did and never will re-p resent the political will of the SlovaJk naiti01I1, and therefore, hruve no authority to speak for the Slovaks anywhere. Furthermore, they do not represent the anti-socialistic and anti-communistic Czechs. They should be recognized for what they really were in their homeland: promoters of the pro-Soviet policy of the Czech Socialists and Communists. And they should be treated accordingly. Under their leadership the so-called "Czechoslovak democracy" had practically no trouble at all in converting to a "people's democracy" after World ·War II. Americans of Slovak descent -consider it their sacred �SLOVAKIA 41 duty to unmask and embarrass all such pseudodemocratic Elements and to disarm them completely, because the enemies of Slovak freedom and independence are, in fact, the enemies of the American democratic way of life itself. Imagine then, if you will, our surprise and consternation when we learned as late as February 26, 1954, that our State Department still "considers the Council of Free Czechoslovakia to be an organization of leading anti-Communist political refugees from Czechoslovakia working for the liberation of that country from Communist domination." Rightfully we ask: "What goes on in official Washington?" ln our opinion, to defend an indefensible group of foreign politicians, who peddled the Moscow line for years, is today not only inexcusable but highly reprehensible. And more so in the case of a government official. We must not be confused by the propagators of the "new look" of the Soviet Union. Let us remember that such a "new look" had deceived intelligent statesmen and wary diplomats during the last war. Just ten yeaJrs ago today, May 24, 1944, the Hon. Winston Churchill said in the Commons: " Profound changes have taken place in Soviet Russia. The Trotskyite form of communism has been completely wiped out. The victories of the Russian armies have been attended by a great rise in strength of the Russian state and a remarkable broadening of its views. The religious side of Russian life has had a wonderful rebirth. The discipline and military etiquette of the Russian armies are unsurpassed. There is a new national anthem. The Comintern has been abolished." The Slovak nation was not deceived by the Soviet chamelon in 1938, or in 1944, and it will not be deceived by it now. The Slovaks are firmly convinced that the world cannot exist in peace half-slave and half-free; there can be no compromise between the forces of freedom and the forces of slavery. History has taught us one great lesson: no nation can have a monopoly on freedom and remain free. Freedom is the grandest of all of God's gifts to mankind ; freedom is the universal heritage of all the ages. The more we promote �42 SLOVAKIA and share it, the more abundant and lasting are its fruits. Peace without freedom is unthinkable. If we are truly int erested in a permanent and just peace, let us not deny freedom to any nation - not even the Slo,v ak nation . • MARCH 14 - • • SLOVAK INDEPENDENOE DAY1 ( Address of the Hon. Michael A. Feighan, 20th District, Ohio, delivered on the occasion of the 15th anniversary of the Slovak Declaration of Independence at a meeting sponsored by the Slovak League of America and the Catholic Slovak Federation of America, at the Benedictine High School Auditorium, Cleveland, March 13, 1954, on "National Sovereignty Against World Socialism.") It is an honor for me to be here with you this evening and to join with you in commemorating the love of Slovak people everywhere in the world for God, freedom, and individual liberty. Anyone who has taken the time to study the history of the Slovak people, or to acquaint themselves with the traditions of Slovaks in America, will immediately recognize my point of associating God with human freedom. Like the Irish , their slogan is and has always been for God and country. Some years ago, when the storm clouds of World War II were gathering over the skies of Europe, I became intense1y interested in the cause of nations which were then hanging in the balance. On the one hand, we, the people of the free world, were confronted with the menace of national socialism as represented by Hitler, and on the other hand, the menace of international socialism as represented by Stalin, the czar of Russian communism. It was then clear to me that the tyrants, Stalin and Hitler, had a common purpose - to dominate the world. It was therefore no shock to me when the Hitler-Stalin Pact was announced to the world in 1939. It was, however, a tremendous shock to the unprepared homegrown Communists and fellow travelers in the United States and their fellow conspirators in other parts of the world. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 35 Jozef Pauco, Vojtech Balaz, Frank Deviatka, Method M. Balco, Juraj Getlik, Anton Moravcik, Otto Klement, Mike Soyka Sr., Joseph Stanek, Dr. Rudolph Medlen, Mary Student, Stephen Student, Gabriel Lantos, Andrew Welchek, Simon Siranec, Blase Dvorsky, Michal Rak, Veronica Janci, Anna M. Kocur, Irene F. Kocur, Anna V. Kocur, Mary Welchek, Irene Halac, Terezia Ondriska, Anna Vizza, Susanna K.lucar, Veronica Patala, Julia P. Benya. • • • ADDRESS OF PHILIP A. HROBAK, PRESIDENT OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA, DELIVERED AT THE INFORMAL DINNER OF THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF AMERICANS OF SLOVAK DESCENT, WASHINGTON HOTEL, MAY 24, 1954 As citizens of the United States of America we firmly hold to the belief that all nations without exception have the inherent, God-given right to freedom and independence, the right to establish their own political state and to freely elect a govern.men t of their own choice. On March 14, 1939, after over ten centuries of alien domination, the Slovak nation exercised its inherent right when its duly elected representatives in the Bratislava Assembly of autonomous Slovakia proclaimed the independence of the land the Slovaks had occupied for 1500 years and established the Republic of Slovakia. Of course, certain people in America present this historical fact in a false light and attempt to debase and vilify everything connected with it. But the utterly simple historical truth is that the Slovak Assembly unanimously declared the land of the Slovaks an independent republic. Independent Slovakia, the dream of Slova;k generations, did become a reality and was thoroughly enjoyed by the Slovak people, even though it was short-lived (1939-1945). And it is significant even today that the Slovak Republic was recognized by twenty-seven countries, includmg Great Britain, France, Japan, and even the Soviet Union. Natu- 36 SLOVAKTA rally, the· enemies of S1ovak freedom and independence; the exploiters of the Slovak nation, furiously opposed the independence of Slovakia. Raving over the circumstances und.e r w}:iich the Slovaks· gained their independence, the foJlowen; of . Dr. E9,war4 Benes - the so-called Benes Czechs (Socialists) and "Czecho: slovaks" (Slovak Judases_ in the pay· of the Benes Cze.chs) - smeared and crucified true Slovak ·pa.triots who dared fo speak up for what their nation rightfully entitled· tci:' But no matter what the circumstances under which the nation we are descended from gained its independence, we as Americans declar_e unequiv<><;:ally tha,t the Repuplic of Slovakia should not have been destroyed against the will of the Slovak nationt · · ' · " -' · , · ·: ·' ·· ,,- ' was ._ ' /-: ·.• :·. :~-,:.,~• : l,. ·'· • ~. • •·: " ~ 1 • • · ;• • i '""•·t, ·~ · ·:.,;:· By what ·law of · God · ot man·· Wli.s i-ndepehderut ··s1ovakia destroyed? Its wanton destructiori" cannot be reconciled with our political beliefs; it was contrary to all Christian and democratic principles, in short, the destruction of Slovaikia in l945 was criminal. And_the eternal shame of it all is that Slovakia was destroyed by the victorious United Nations under the guise of liberation! . The present terri_ble plight of the Slovak nation, like that of th_e other naµo~s of Central Europe which had been "liberJLte.d " in 1945, can be trace<} to th~ blundering, undemocratic policy pursued and the secret agreements negotiated in the name of expediency by m~n in democratic government~. We are _all, therefore, res,po_n sible, more or less, for the Red enslavement of the nations behind the Iron Curtain and the iphu:manities suffered by .them. Defi~itely, we. should do . $Omething about it. Let at least be honest with ourselve-s and the rest of the wi:>-rld and admit .that it was morally wrong and contrary· to every democratic and Christian principle to surrender the Slovak nation and the other nations of Central and Eastern Europe to the ruthless men of the· K;remlin: Then; let us repudiate the treaties and secret agreements iby which these nations were enslaved by the USSR and immediately proceed in earnest with the task of real· liberation of all nations from all tyranny. · • . The struggle against tyranny· is nothing new to the Slo.. µs SLOVAKIA 37 vaks. The history of the Slovak nation is a history of thraldom and exploitation. For over' ten centuries the Slovak nation -'-- one of the oldest Christian nations in Central :IDurope --'- has been but a pawn in the hands of alien rulers. Its freedom, security, economy and territorial integrity have always been determined by foreigners. The Slovaks have suffered longer under alien domination than any other nation of Europe. No other nation has been so thoroughly misundeI'.stood, misrepresented, degraded, maligned and vilified even by the very people who claimed to represent it and protect its national interests, by men who professed to be and were glorified as the very epitome of the democratic way of life. Many of us believed, as did many Slovaks at home, that the trials and tribulations of the Slovak nation were ended and its national existence safeguarded with the establishment of .the Czecho-Slovak Republic in 1918, which the Slovaks and the Czechs were supposed to govern as equal partners and in which the Czechs were to be masters of their own household and the Slovaks were to enjoy States' Rights according to the principle of self-determination. But we were mistaken, badly mistaken. We did not see the job through ; Czecho-Slovakia was not set up as a federation. It soon becanie evident that the Prague Government, headed by T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Edward Benes, did not regard the Slovaks as equal partners, but only as a colony to be exploited by the Czechs. · The Slovaks s9on realized that Czecho-Slcwakia ~imply meant an exchange of rulers: they were rid of the Magyar tyrant only to be placed under the Czech despot, ~ho also sought to destroy them eventuaily as a nation. They protested, but in vain. Andrew Hlinka, champion of Slovak freedom , went to Paris to attend the Peace Conference in 1919, but was promptly arrested by the French police, at the instigation of Dr. Edward Benes, and ordered o'ut of France. For this the Prague Government later hacf Hlinka jailed . . The Slovaks, however, ·outlived the tyranny of the past and today are determined to outlive the present scourge of Czecho-Co:tnmunist terror and violence and to continue in their march to complete political freedom and fndependen ce. 38 SLOVAKIA But what after Communism? Shall the Slovaks be surrendered to another tyrant? Are they willing to be exploited by another form of Czecho~Slovakfa? Certainly not! The Slovaks want only what rightfully belongs to them - no more no less. They want the United States of America and the rest of the free world to recognize and respect their inherent right to freedom and independence. The Slovaks, however , despite the many bitter memor ies of injustices suffered from ruling groups of neighboring nations, some of which blatantly claimed to be exemplary democracies - are fully aware of the fact that a free Ukraine, a free Poland, Bohemia, Latvia, Estonia, Lithuania, and even a free Russia are also nece&sary to form a better, free and more just order in Europe. The Slovaks well know that the struggle for freedom and independence camiot and must not be waged in isolation, that the goal of liberation from communist tyranny and all foreign domination must be the unified aim of all enslaved nations and of all friends of all the oppressed peoples. It is a matter of record that the Slovak nation fought Communism, the implacable foe of all free countries, in and out of season. Americans of Slovak descent can proudly stress the fact that their forefathers fought the plague of materialistic Communism consistently and resolutely for over a hundred years. Slovak history tells us that Louis Stur, champion of Slovak freedom, repudiated the Godless philosophy of Marx in 1849; at its very first session, in 1905, the political party of Andrew IIlinka, the Slova,k Populist Party, did not hesitate to condemn Communism; fourteen years later, in 1919, General Milan R. Stefanik, Slovak hero of World War I and one of the founders of Czecho-Slovakia, warned T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Edward Benes to make no compromises with Bolshevism ; finally, Dr. Joseph Tiso, the first president of the Slovak Republic, appealed to his people to persevere in its fight against the dread plague of Communism even as he was being led to his death on the gallows by order of the Communist-dominated National Front Government of Dr. Edward Benes on April 18, 1947. And, today, the sons of Slovakia, wherever they might be, SLOVAKIA 39 are more determined than ever to fight Communist tyranny until it is completely eradicated from the face of the earth. The Slovaks seek the opportunity to play a useful role in the struggle for freedom and, they believe, it is the responsibility of the free democratic world to afford them this opportunity. At the same time, however, they wish to make it perfectly clear that they do not intend to surrender their inherent right to freedom and independence under any circumstances. They do not beHeve the Soviet propaganda that the free democratic world wants the Slovak nation to commit national suicide. The Slovaks want the free nations of the world to recognize at long last a simple truth which the Slovaks and the Czechs have known for many centuTies past, that is, that the Czechs are not and do not desire to be Slovaks, and the Slovaks are not and do not want to be Czechs. The Slovaks recognize and respect the right of the Czech nation to complete freedom and political independence, but they also expect the leaders of the Czech nation to realize that the Slovak nation, too, has the inherent right to freedom and political independence. And in the struggle against Communism, the Slovaks want to be united with all free nations and not es,p ecially with and only with the Czech natioo. They want it clearly understood that they are not fighting Communism for the sake of a free or any other kind of Czecho-Slovakia. They were definitely through with the political monstrosity known as Czecho-Slovakia in 1939, when the Assembly of autonomous Slovakia declared the independence of the Slovak nation. The Slovaks subscribe wholeheartedly to the idea of a federation of Central Europe, or even a federation of the whole of Europe, in which all nations would be equal and none would be dominated and exploited by the others. The Slovaks do not want anything that they are not rightfully entitled to; they make no claims to Czech history, national traditions and customs, or the material, spiritual and cultural wealth of the Czech nation; and they do not covet Czech territory. The Slovaks do not want or request the Czechs to represent them in the field of human endeavor, whether cultural. political, or spiritual. 40 SLOVAKJ4 And, of course, the Slovaks do not want to be credited with the criminal acts committed by the Communist-dominated "National Front" Government of Dr. IDdward Benes and Clement Gottwald. The Slovak nation had nothing to do with the criminal expulsion of Germans and Magyars from Czecho-Slovakia, or the brutal persecution and suppression of religion and of all anti-Communist opposition in that hapless country. For the betrayal of Czecho-Slovakia - the Czech and Slovak nations - to the Communists and the Soviet Union, the Slovaks give full credit to Dr. Edward Be.nes and his socialist followers, who consistently promoted proSoviet policy. Slovak political, cultural and religious leaders did not betray the Czechs, but the "Benes Czechs" betrayed not only the Slovaks, but the entire Ozech nation as well. Today, in America and elsewhere, the Benes Czechs and their Slovak hirelings - the apostles of "Czechoslovak" democracy .- are organized in various Czech and "Czechoslovak" organizations, the "American Fund fo,r Czechoslovak Refugees, Inc.," and the "Council of Free Czechoslovakia" among them, which profess to be organizations of "anti-Communist, democratic exiles" from Czecho-Slovakia. In fact, however, they are controlled by the Benes Czechs, the Cze<:h National Socialists and former members of the Communist-dominated "National Front" Government of Dr. Edward Be.n.es and Clement Gottwald, which collaborated closely with the Soviet Union and outlawed all anti-socialistic and anti-communistic parties in Czecho-Slovakia in 1945. These "National Fronters," who claim they control the employees of RADIO FREE EUROPE and the VOICE OF AMERICA, never did and never will re-p resent the political will of the SlovaJk naiti01I1, and therefore, hruve no authority to speak for the Slovaks anywhere. Furthermore, they do not represent the anti-socialistic and anti-communistic Czechs. They should be recognized for what they really were in their homeland: promoters of the pro-Soviet policy of the Czech Socialists and Communists. And they should be treated accordingly. Under their leadership the so-called "Czechoslovak democracy" had practically no trouble at all in converting to a "people's democracy" after World ·War II. Americans of Slovak descent -consider it their sacred SLOVAKIA 41 duty to unmask and embarrass all such pseudodemocratic Elements and to disarm them completely, because the enemies of Slovak freedom and independence are, in fact, the enemies of the American democratic way of life itself. Imagine then, if you will, our surprise and consternation when we learned as late as February 26, 1954, that our State Department still "considers the Council of Free Czechoslovakia to be an organization of leading anti-Communist political refugees from Czechoslovakia working for the liberation of that country from Communist domination." Rightfully we ask: "What goes on in official Washington?" ln our opinion, to defend an indefensible group of foreign politicians, who peddled the Moscow line for years, is today not only inexcusable but highly reprehensible. And more so in the case of a government official. We must not be confused by the propagators of the "new look" of the Soviet Union. Let us remember that such a "new look" had deceived intelligent statesmen and wary diplomats during the last war. Just ten yeaJrs ago today, May 24, 1944, the Hon. Winston Churchill said in the Commons: " Profound changes have taken place in Soviet Russia. The Trotskyite form of communism has been completely wiped out. The victories of the Russian armies have been attended by a great rise in strength of the Russian state and a remarkable broadening of its views. The religious side of Russian life has had a wonderful rebirth. The discipline and military etiquette of the Russian armies are unsurpassed. There is a new national anthem. The Comintern has been abolished." The Slovak nation was not deceived by the Soviet chamelon in 1938, or in 1944, and it will not be deceived by it now. The Slovaks are firmly convinced that the world cannot exist in peace half-slave and half-free; there can be no compromise between the forces of freedom and the forces of slavery. History has taught us one great lesson: no nation can have a monopoly on freedom and remain free. Freedom is the grandest of all of God's gifts to mankind ; freedom is the universal heritage of all the ages. The more we promote 42 SLOVAKIA and share it, the more abundant and lasting are its fruits. Peace without freedom is unthinkable. If we are truly int erested in a permanent and just peace, let us not deny freedom to any nation - not even the Slo,v ak nation . • MARCH 14 - • • SLOVAK INDEPENDENOE DAY1 ( Address of the Hon. Michael A. Feighan, 20th District, Ohio, delivered on the occasion of the 15th anniversary of the Slovak Declaration of Independence at a meeting sponsored by the Slovak League of America and the Catholic Slovak Federation of America, at the Benedictine High School Auditorium, Cleveland, March 13, 1954, on "National Sovereignty Against World Socialism.") It is an honor for me to be here with you this evening and to join with you in commemorating the love of Slovak people everywhere in the world for God, freedom, and individual liberty. Anyone who has taken the time to study the history of the Slovak people, or to acquaint themselves with the traditions of Slovaks in America, will immediately recognize my point of associating God with human freedom. Like the Irish , their slogan is and has always been for God and country. Some years ago, when the storm clouds of World War II were gathering over the skies of Europe, I became intense1y interested in the cause of nations which were then hanging in the balance. On the one hand, we, the people of the free world, were confronted with the menace of national socialism as represented by Hitler, and on the other hand, the menace of international socialism as represented by Stalin, the czar of Russian communism. It was then clear to me that the tyrants, Stalin and Hitler, had a common purpose - to dominate the world. It was therefore no shock to me when the Hitler-Stalin Pact was announced to the world in 1939. It was, however, a tremendous shock to the unprepared homegrown Communists and fellow travelers in the United States and their fellow conspirators in other parts of the world.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Address of Philip A. Hrobak, President of the Slovak League of America Description An account of the resource Delivered at the informal dinner of the National Conference of Americans of Slovak Descent, Washington Hotel, May 24, 1954 Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 2 (10), June 1954 pp. 35-42 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hrobak, Philip Anthony, 1904-1964 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June 1954 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/1e5f8edf8c62b30c4b789a5d8ca7afe4.pdf cac4ae1c1f89b75ce5a4120f8ad1723d PDF Text Text 42 SLOVAKIA and share it, the more abundant and lasting are its fruits. Peace without freedom is unthinkable. If we are truly int erested in a permanent and just peace, let us not deny freedom to any nation - not even the Slo,v ak nation . • MARCH 14 - • • SLOVAK INDEPENDENOE DAY1 ( Address of the Hon. Michael A. Feighan, 20th District, Ohio, delivered on the occasion of the 15th anniversary of the Slovak Declaration of Independence at a meeting sponsored by the Slovak League of America and the Catholic Slovak Federation of America, at the Benedictine High School Auditorium, Cleveland, March 13, 1954, on "National Sovereignty Against World Socialism.") It is an honor for me to be here with you this evening and to join with you in commemorating the love of Slovak people everywhere in the world for God, freedom, and individual liberty. Anyone who has taken the time to study the history of the Slovak people, or to acquaint themselves with the traditions of Slovaks in America, will immediately recognize my point of associating God with human freedom. Like the Irish , their slogan is and has always been for God and country. Some years ago, when the storm clouds of World War II were gathering over the skies of Europe, I became intense1y interested in the cause of nations which were then hanging in the balance. On the one hand, we, the people of the free world, were confronted with the menace of national socialism as represented by Hitler, and on the other hand, the menace of international socialism as represented by Stalin, the czar of Russian communism. It was then clear to me that the tyrants, Stalin and Hitler, had a common purpose - to dominate the world. It was therefore no shock to me when the Hitler-Stalin Pact was announced to the world in 1939. It was, however, a tremendous shock to the unprepared homegrown Communists and fellow travelers in the United States and their fellow conspirators in other parts of the world. �SLOVAKIA 43 The first act of the two international gangsters in their drive for world domain, was to divide up the Eurasian continent into spheres of influence. The future of the many small nations which then made u:p all of Central and Eastern Europe, were determined by the expediency of dictatorial decision. It was in these circumstances that I first began my interesting study orf the Slovak Nation. I was struok by the fact that the Slovak people had made a continuous and unremitting struggle for national independence for over 1,000 years. I was impressed by the fact that alien occupation and oppression had not dimmed the aspirations and the hopes of the Slo,v aks, but had increased their determination for national independence. The more I read about the Slovak cause, the more amazed I became with the fact that so little was known about it in the United States. This compelled me to delve deeper into the glorious history of the Slovak people. The things I learned are undoubtedly common knowledge to you, but I should like to use this occasion to say a few words about the struggle for freedom of the Slovak people down through the ages, in the hope that other Americans may become better acquainted with these facts. Slovak history really begins with the arrival of the brother Saints Cyril and Methodius in Slovakia. These scholarly saints brought to Slovakia. which later spread to other Slavic lands, the first written language of the Slavs, which we know as Church Slovanic. They also brought to Slovakia a vast knowledge of government administration and law. They were quick to see the need for training Slovak scholars and training them in the masterful art of law and administration. They established the first school system in Slovakia. The contributions of the brother Saints Cyril and Methodius are everywhere apparent in the long and heroic history of the Slovak people. Slovakia, like its sister nations of Central and Eastern Europe, has stood throughout history as the rampart of Christian civilization. The loyal sons of Saints Cyril and Methodius have stood firm in their faith for God and country. Beginning �44 SLOVAKIA with Janosik, to Anton Bernolak, to Tomasik, to Kollar, to Joseph Hurban, the Daniel O'Connell of Slovak history, to General Stefanik, symbol of Slovak nationhood, to the beloved leader, Msgr. Andrew Hlinka, who ' symbolized the fight for independence of the Slovak people. Each and everyone of these great patriots is synonymous with the fight for human freedom and the preservation of the Slovak nation. The Slovaks, like many other of the oppressed people of Central · and Eastern Europe, began to emigrate to the new world in the middle part of the 19th century. It has been said, and with good reason, that almost half of the population of Slovakia emigrated to the United States to build a new life in dignity and human freedom. It is no accident that today we find that the population of present day enslaved Slovakia is only slightly double that of the number of Americans of Slovak descent here in the United States. The Slovaks who have emigrated to the United States, their children, and their children's children have always demonstrated their adherence to the banner of God and country. They have never failed in their allegiance to God nor have they ever failed in their allegiance to their adopted land, the United States of America. With their adjustment to the American scene, they have never failed in · the advocacy of freedom and independence for the Slovak nation. I would like to say here now that it is right and proper for them to maintain that position. We admire the Irish for their demands for Irish union and independence; we admire the Poles · for their de~ :i.. nd for Polish independence; we support them and all other groups in the United States who support the political principles enunciated in the American Declaration of Independence and our Constitution and Bill of Rights. We, as good Americans, must always stand firmly behind the right of every nation, large or small, to attain and hold its national sovereignty. For well over 100 years, adherence to this principle was the keystone of our foreign policy. This caused national patriots and fighters for human freedom the world over to look to the United State& of �SLOVAKIA 45 America for moral and material support. Many nations of the world won their freedom and have maintained their independence because of our courageous . adherence to this basic principle of a successful foreign policy. It is no overstatement to say that our current place in world affairs in no small measure results from our devotion to this basic human principle. Slovakia has never ceased in its struggles to attain national sovereignty and self government for its people. During and following World War I this effort was led by Monsignor Hlinka, who is revered by all the people of Slovakia as well as those in adopted homelands in · many parts of the world. As founder of the Slovak People's Party, Monsignor Hlinka crystallized the hopes of· the Slovak ·people for over 1,000 years to attain national sovereignty. Monsignor Hlinka died in 1938, at a time when the gathering storm c)f World ·war II threatened. all of Europe, but the spirit of Monsignor Hlinka did not die, because the Slovak _People'~ Party remained. ever dedicated to his historic cause. When the evil despots, Hitler and Stalin, began dividing up the geography (),f Europe, it was only natural that the Slovak people would make their bid for national sovereignty. Caught as they were between the powerful forces of Hitler and Stalin, it is all the more remarkable that they were able to attain national statehood when all other smaller nations of Eur9pe' were being destroyed. , Every conceivable charge has . been laid against the Slovak people, and the period of Nation.a] sovereignty they enjoyed from 1939 to 1945. Most of tqese charges have now been washed away. In the aftermath of World War II and as the dust has begun to settle on the events of that period in history, we are able to appreciate more adequately the facts in this matter. I am convinced that only after the world-wide struggle between human freedom and despotic slavery is settled, will we be ab!e to .fully understand, and appreciate that period of Slovak national independence from 1939 to 1945. If we, the God fearing people of the free world, fail to win the crucial struggle in which we are now engaged, these questions .wjll be buried deep in the thousand years of darkness which will �46 SLOVAKIA surely follow. But we shall not lose this struggle, and in our hour of inevitable triumph, all civilized men shall have the full and truthful answers to all the questions that have been raised about the period of Slovak independence that we commemorate here this evening. I am prepared, as I am sure you are, to let history answer for the heroi:c efforts of the Slovak people to attain their national independence. We are saddened by the events which are taking place in Slovakia today. There the evil hand of the Russian Communist is attempting to destroy the very spirit of Saints Cyril and Methodius and to reduce the Slovak people to a state of servility worse than that of the dark ages. But in their evil cause the Russian Communists shall fail, because the spirit of Saints Cyril and Methodius shall prevail so long as there is a Slovak alive anywhere in the world. I join with you this evening in commemorating this, the l 5th anniversary of Slovak independence and share with you the unwavering conviction that just as surely as day follows night, the Slovak Nation will once again be free and independent. • • * .. The 14th day of March is annually celebrated by the Slovak people everywhere in the world as Slovak Independence Day. This year, as for a number of years past, the residents of Slovakia are unable to participate in this celebration as they are still suffering under the yoke of Communist tyranny. The strongest characteristic of the peace-loving Slovak people has always been and still is their ardent devotion to the cause of liberty and freedom, and their strong adherence to the sa.me truly democratic principles for which our country stands. Their sons and daughters have given their lives for these principles and many still linger in prisons and concentration camps because of their refusal to submit to Communist domination. On this, their Independence Day, I join with millions of Americans in expressing my hopes that the day may soon come when they will again be free and have the God-given right of self-determination of their own national future. Slovak Independence Day. Extension of Remarks of Hon. �SLOVAKIA 47 Thaddeus M. Machrowicz of Michigan in the House of Representatives, Monday, March 14, 1954. March 14 was the 15th anniversary of the independence of Slovakia, which occasion found the people of Slovakia engaged in a continuing battle of resistance against Communist tyranny to retrieve their freedom and national independence. I know I speak for the American people in proclaiming our belief that the principles set forth in our Declaration of Independence of the rights of all peoples to self-determination and the opportunity to pursue their own national destiny under the government of their choice or the rights of all civilized peoples everywhere. By its brutal aggression against the Slovak nation, the Soviet Union placed itself squarely in opposition to the ideals held by the whole of the free world. In their resistance to the bolshevization of their country and in their suffering under a foreign tyranny which has attempted to undermine the most enduring basis of human society, the dignity and rights of the individual together with these national rights, the people of Slovakia have the moral backing and the sincere sympathy of the free world. - Fifteenth Anniversary of the Independence of Slovakia. Extension Of Remarks of Hon. B. W. (Pat) Kearney of New York in the House of Representatives, Monday, March 15, 1954. On Sunday next we observe the Slovak Independence Day, and from Americans everywhere will come a prayer that soon again liberty and the dignity of man will be restored to the brave men and women of the land of the Slovak. I am glad to have the opportunity of joining with other Members of the Congress of the United States in sincere assurance that we are standing by in their time of trial and tribulation and will not desist in our efforts until the people of the once proud Slovak Republic again are free. It was on March 14, 1939, in the spirit of our own July 4, 1776, the independence of Slovakia was proclaimed. The Slovak Republic came into being before World War II and was recognized by 27 countries. · �48 SLOVAKIA The Red army occupied the Slovak Republic at the end of World War II, and put an end to the freedom and independence of the Slovak people. Disregarding the right of self-determination and the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, a foreign reign was forced upon this young Republic which in Febmary 1948 wa,s taken over _completely by the Communist regime. From the very beginning the Slovaks took a negative attitude toward communism. General Milan Rastislav Stefanik, the scientist-astronomer, after completing a trip through Russia in 1919, telegraphed his government: Say it loud to everybody: Bolshevism is not only a philosophical ideology but a morbid phenomenon, an apocalyptic chaos, in which the lowest instincts manifest themselves and the Bolshevist leaders are dictators in the most terr~ble sense of the word. Clad in rags, they seize wealth and in reality claim privileges. . . . To flirt with bolshevism means to leave the path of honor and of human commonsense. And I tell you out of the depth of my soul: The fight against all phenomena of bolshevism must dominate our policy. Let us act energetically as long as there is time. If we will not decide ourselves to act, bolshevism will weaken small nations and, at the end, will cause their full dissolution. A prophetic warning. Today the Slovak people are leading a double fight: the fight against Communist tyranny and against foreign rule. They are fighting heroically for their freedom and independence within a free and united Europe. That fight is marked by martyrs at home and refugees abroad. On Sunday, March 14, throughout the free world national independence day will be celebrated by the Slovak people, as a signal to Moscow that they have in their minds and hearts two purposes to free their country from foreign domination and an ideology to which by nature and tradition they are unalterably opposed. - Slo'Vak Independence Day. Extension of Remarks of Hon. Barratt O'Hara of Illinois in the House of Representatives, Tuesday, March 9, 1954. � 42 SLOVAKIA and share it, the more abundant and lasting are its fruits. Peace without freedom is unthinkable. If we are truly int erested in a permanent and just peace, let us not deny freedom to any nation - not even the Slo,v ak nation . • MARCH 14 - • • SLOVAK INDEPENDENOE DAY1 ( Address of the Hon. Michael A. Feighan, 20th District, Ohio, delivered on the occasion of the 15th anniversary of the Slovak Declaration of Independence at a meeting sponsored by the Slovak League of America and the Catholic Slovak Federation of America, at the Benedictine High School Auditorium, Cleveland, March 13, 1954, on "National Sovereignty Against World Socialism.") It is an honor for me to be here with you this evening and to join with you in commemorating the love of Slovak people everywhere in the world for God, freedom, and individual liberty. Anyone who has taken the time to study the history of the Slovak people, or to acquaint themselves with the traditions of Slovaks in America, will immediately recognize my point of associating God with human freedom. Like the Irish , their slogan is and has always been for God and country. Some years ago, when the storm clouds of World War II were gathering over the skies of Europe, I became intense1y interested in the cause of nations which were then hanging in the balance. On the one hand, we, the people of the free world, were confronted with the menace of national socialism as represented by Hitler, and on the other hand, the menace of international socialism as represented by Stalin, the czar of Russian communism. It was then clear to me that the tyrants, Stalin and Hitler, had a common purpose - to dominate the world. It was therefore no shock to me when the Hitler-Stalin Pact was announced to the world in 1939. It was, however, a tremendous shock to the unprepared homegrown Communists and fellow travelers in the United States and their fellow conspirators in other parts of the world. �SLOVAKIA 43 The first act of the two international gangsters in their drive for world domain, was to divide up the Eurasian continent into spheres of influence. The future of the many small nations which then made u:p all of Central and Eastern Europe, were determined by the expediency of dictatorial decision. It was in these circumstances that I first began my interesting study orf the Slovak Nation. I was struok by the fact that the Slovak people had made a continuous and unremitting struggle for national independence for over 1,000 years. I was impressed by the fact that alien occupation and oppression had not dimmed the aspirations and the hopes of the Slo,v aks, but had increased their determination for national independence. The more I read about the Slovak cause, the more amazed I became with the fact that so little was known about it in the United States. This compelled me to delve deeper into the glorious history of the Slovak people. The things I learned are undoubtedly common knowledge to you, but I should like to use this occasion to say a few words about the struggle for freedom of the Slovak people down through the ages, in the hope that other Americans may become better acquainted with these facts. Slovak history really begins with the arrival of the brother Saints Cyril and Methodius in Slovakia. These scholarly saints brought to Slovakia. which later spread to other Slavic lands, the first written language of the Slavs, which we know as Church Slovanic. They also brought to Slovakia a vast knowledge of government administration and law. They were quick to see the need for training Slovak scholars and training them in the masterful art of law and administration. They established the first school system in Slovakia. The contributions of the brother Saints Cyril and Methodius are everywhere apparent in the long and heroic history of the Slovak people. Slovakia, like its sister nations of Central and Eastern Europe, has stood throughout history as the rampart of Christian civilization. The loyal sons of Saints Cyril and Methodius have stood firm in their faith for God and country. Beginning �44 SLOVAKIA with Janosik, to Anton Bernolak, to Tomasik, to Kollar, to Joseph Hurban, the Daniel O'Connell of Slovak history, to General Stefanik, symbol of Slovak nationhood, to the beloved leader, Msgr. Andrew Hlinka, who ' symbolized the fight for independence of the Slovak people. Each and everyone of these great patriots is synonymous with the fight for human freedom and the preservation of the Slovak nation. The Slovaks, like many other of the oppressed people of Central · and Eastern Europe, began to emigrate to the new world in the middle part of the 19th century. It has been said, and with good reason, that almost half of the population of Slovakia emigrated to the United States to build a new life in dignity and human freedom. It is no accident that today we find that the population of present day enslaved Slovakia is only slightly double that of the number of Americans of Slovak descent here in the United States. The Slovaks who have emigrated to the United States, their children, and their children's children have always demonstrated their adherence to the banner of God and country. They have never failed in their allegiance to God nor have they ever failed in their allegiance to their adopted land, the United States of America. With their adjustment to the American scene, they have never failed in · the advocacy of freedom and independence for the Slovak nation. I would like to say here now that it is right and proper for them to maintain that position. We admire the Irish for their demands for Irish union and independence; we admire the Poles · for their de~ :i.. nd for Polish independence; we support them and all other groups in the United States who support the political principles enunciated in the American Declaration of Independence and our Constitution and Bill of Rights. We, as good Americans, must always stand firmly behind the right of every nation, large or small, to attain and hold its national sovereignty. For well over 100 years, adherence to this principle was the keystone of our foreign policy. This caused national patriots and fighters for human freedom the world over to look to the United State& of �SLOVAKIA 45 America for moral and material support. Many nations of the world won their freedom and have maintained their independence because of our courageous . adherence to this basic principle of a successful foreign policy. It is no overstatement to say that our current place in world affairs in no small measure results from our devotion to this basic human principle. Slovakia has never ceased in its struggles to attain national sovereignty and self government for its people. During and following World War I this effort was led by Monsignor Hlinka, who is revered by all the people of Slovakia as well as those in adopted homelands in · many parts of the world. As founder of the Slovak People's Party, Monsignor Hlinka crystallized the hopes of· the Slovak ·people for over 1,000 years to attain national sovereignty. Monsignor Hlinka died in 1938, at a time when the gathering storm c)f World ·war II threatened. all of Europe, but the spirit of Monsignor Hlinka did not die, because the Slovak _People'~ Party remained. ever dedicated to his historic cause. When the evil despots, Hitler and Stalin, began dividing up the geography (),f Europe, it was only natural that the Slovak people would make their bid for national sovereignty. Caught as they were between the powerful forces of Hitler and Stalin, it is all the more remarkable that they were able to attain national statehood when all other smaller nations of Eur9pe' were being destroyed. , Every conceivable charge has . been laid against the Slovak people, and the period of Nation.a] sovereignty they enjoyed from 1939 to 1945. Most of tqese charges have now been washed away. In the aftermath of World War II and as the dust has begun to settle on the events of that period in history, we are able to appreciate more adequately the facts in this matter. I am convinced that only after the world-wide struggle between human freedom and despotic slavery is settled, will we be ab!e to .fully understand, and appreciate that period of Slovak national independence from 1939 to 1945. If we, the God fearing people of the free world, fail to win the crucial struggle in which we are now engaged, these questions .wjll be buried deep in the thousand years of darkness which will �46 SLOVAKIA surely follow. But we shall not lose this struggle, and in our hour of inevitable triumph, all civilized men shall have the full and truthful answers to all the questions that have been raised about the period of Slovak independence that we commemorate here this evening. I am prepared, as I am sure you are, to let history answer for the heroi:c efforts of the Slovak people to attain their national independence. We are saddened by the events which are taking place in Slovakia today. There the evil hand of the Russian Communist is attempting to destroy the very spirit of Saints Cyril and Methodius and to reduce the Slovak people to a state of servility worse than that of the dark ages. But in their evil cause the Russian Communists shall fail, because the spirit of Saints Cyril and Methodius shall prevail so long as there is a Slovak alive anywhere in the world. I join with you this evening in commemorating this, the l 5th anniversary of Slovak independence and share with you the unwavering conviction that just as surely as day follows night, the Slovak Nation will once again be free and independent. • • * .. The 14th day of March is annually celebrated by the Slovak people everywhere in the world as Slovak Independence Day. This year, as for a number of years past, the residents of Slovakia are unable to participate in this celebration as they are still suffering under the yoke of Communist tyranny. The strongest characteristic of the peace-loving Slovak people has always been and still is their ardent devotion to the cause of liberty and freedom, and their strong adherence to the sa.me truly democratic principles for which our country stands. Their sons and daughters have given their lives for these principles and many still linger in prisons and concentration camps because of their refusal to submit to Communist domination. On this, their Independence Day, I join with millions of Americans in expressing my hopes that the day may soon come when they will again be free and have the God-given right of self-determination of their own national future. Slovak Independence Day. Extension of Remarks of Hon. �SLOVAKIA 47 Thaddeus M. Machrowicz of Michigan in the House of Representatives, Monday, March 14, 1954. March 14 was the 15th anniversary of the independence of Slovakia, which occasion found the people of Slovakia engaged in a continuing battle of resistance against Communist tyranny to retrieve their freedom and national independence. I know I speak for the American people in proclaiming our belief that the principles set forth in our Declaration of Independence of the rights of all peoples to self-determination and the opportunity to pursue their own national destiny under the government of their choice or the rights of all civilized peoples everywhere. By its brutal aggression against the Slovak nation, the Soviet Union placed itself squarely in opposition to the ideals held by the whole of the free world. In their resistance to the bolshevization of their country and in their suffering under a foreign tyranny which has attempted to undermine the most enduring basis of human society, the dignity and rights of the individual together with these national rights, the people of Slovakia have the moral backing and the sincere sympathy of the free world. - Fifteenth Anniversary of the Independence of Slovakia. Extension Of Remarks of Hon. B. W. (Pat) Kearney of New York in the House of Representatives, Monday, March 15, 1954. On Sunday next we observe the Slovak Independence Day, and from Americans everywhere will come a prayer that soon again liberty and the dignity of man will be restored to the brave men and women of the land of the Slovak. I am glad to have the opportunity of joining with other Members of the Congress of the United States in sincere assurance that we are standing by in their time of trial and tribulation and will not desist in our efforts until the people of the once proud Slovak Republic again are free. It was on March 14, 1939, in the spirit of our own July 4, 1776, the independence of Slovakia was proclaimed. The Slovak Republic came into being before World War II and was recognized by 27 countries. · �48 SLOVAKIA The Red army occupied the Slovak Republic at the end of World War II, and put an end to the freedom and independence of the Slovak people. Disregarding the right of self-determination and the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, a foreign reign was forced upon this young Republic which in Febmary 1948 wa,s taken over _completely by the Communist regime. From the very beginning the Slovaks took a negative attitude toward communism. General Milan Rastislav Stefanik, the scientist-astronomer, after completing a trip through Russia in 1919, telegraphed his government: Say it loud to everybody: Bolshevism is not only a philosophical ideology but a morbid phenomenon, an apocalyptic chaos, in which the lowest instincts manifest themselves and the Bolshevist leaders are dictators in the most terr~ble sense of the word. Clad in rags, they seize wealth and in reality claim privileges. . . . To flirt with bolshevism means to leave the path of honor and of human commonsense. And I tell you out of the depth of my soul: The fight against all phenomena of bolshevism must dominate our policy. Let us act energetically as long as there is time. If we will not decide ourselves to act, bolshevism will weaken small nations and, at the end, will cause their full dissolution. A prophetic warning. Today the Slovak people are leading a double fight: the fight against Communist tyranny and against foreign rule. They are fighting heroically for their freedom and independence within a free and united Europe. That fight is marked by martyrs at home and refugees abroad. On Sunday, March 14, throughout the free world national independence day will be celebrated by the Slovak people, as a signal to Moscow that they have in their minds and hearts two purposes to free their country from foreign domination and an ideology to which by nature and tradition they are unalterably opposed. - Slo'Vak Independence Day. Extension of Remarks of Hon. Barratt O'Hara of Illinois in the House of Representatives, Tuesday, March 9, 1954. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 42 SLOVAKIA and share it, the more abundant and lasting are its fruits. Peace without freedom is unthinkable. If we are truly int erested in a permanent and just peace, let us not deny freedom to any nation - not even the Slo,v ak nation . • MARCH 14 - • • SLOVAK INDEPENDENOE DAY1 ( Address of the Hon. Michael A. Feighan, 20th District, Ohio, delivered on the occasion of the 15th anniversary of the Slovak Declaration of Independence at a meeting sponsored by the Slovak League of America and the Catholic Slovak Federation of America, at the Benedictine High School Auditorium, Cleveland, March 13, 1954, on "National Sovereignty Against World Socialism.") It is an honor for me to be here with you this evening and to join with you in commemorating the love of Slovak people everywhere in the world for God, freedom, and individual liberty. Anyone who has taken the time to study the history of the Slovak people, or to acquaint themselves with the traditions of Slovaks in America, will immediately recognize my point of associating God with human freedom. Like the Irish , their slogan is and has always been for God and country. Some years ago, when the storm clouds of World War II were gathering over the skies of Europe, I became intense1y interested in the cause of nations which were then hanging in the balance. On the one hand, we, the people of the free world, were confronted with the menace of national socialism as represented by Hitler, and on the other hand, the menace of international socialism as represented by Stalin, the czar of Russian communism. It was then clear to me that the tyrants, Stalin and Hitler, had a common purpose - to dominate the world. It was therefore no shock to me when the Hitler-Stalin Pact was announced to the world in 1939. It was, however, a tremendous shock to the unprepared homegrown Communists and fellow travelers in the United States and their fellow conspirators in other parts of the world. SLOVAKIA 43 The first act of the two international gangsters in their drive for world domain, was to divide up the Eurasian continent into spheres of influence. The future of the many small nations which then made u:p all of Central and Eastern Europe, were determined by the expediency of dictatorial decision. It was in these circumstances that I first began my interesting study orf the Slovak Nation. I was struok by the fact that the Slovak people had made a continuous and unremitting struggle for national independence for over 1,000 years. I was impressed by the fact that alien occupation and oppression had not dimmed the aspirations and the hopes of the Slo,v aks, but had increased their determination for national independence. The more I read about the Slovak cause, the more amazed I became with the fact that so little was known about it in the United States. This compelled me to delve deeper into the glorious history of the Slovak people. The things I learned are undoubtedly common knowledge to you, but I should like to use this occasion to say a few words about the struggle for freedom of the Slovak people down through the ages, in the hope that other Americans may become better acquainted with these facts. Slovak history really begins with the arrival of the brother Saints Cyril and Methodius in Slovakia. These scholarly saints brought to Slovakia. which later spread to other Slavic lands, the first written language of the Slavs, which we know as Church Slovanic. They also brought to Slovakia a vast knowledge of government administration and law. They were quick to see the need for training Slovak scholars and training them in the masterful art of law and administration. They established the first school system in Slovakia. The contributions of the brother Saints Cyril and Methodius are everywhere apparent in the long and heroic history of the Slovak people. Slovakia, like its sister nations of Central and Eastern Europe, has stood throughout history as the rampart of Christian civilization. The loyal sons of Saints Cyril and Methodius have stood firm in their faith for God and country. Beginning 44 SLOVAKIA with Janosik, to Anton Bernolak, to Tomasik, to Kollar, to Joseph Hurban, the Daniel O'Connell of Slovak history, to General Stefanik, symbol of Slovak nationhood, to the beloved leader, Msgr. Andrew Hlinka, who ' symbolized the fight for independence of the Slovak people. Each and everyone of these great patriots is synonymous with the fight for human freedom and the preservation of the Slovak nation. The Slovaks, like many other of the oppressed people of Central · and Eastern Europe, began to emigrate to the new world in the middle part of the 19th century. It has been said, and with good reason, that almost half of the population of Slovakia emigrated to the United States to build a new life in dignity and human freedom. It is no accident that today we find that the population of present day enslaved Slovakia is only slightly double that of the number of Americans of Slovak descent here in the United States. The Slovaks who have emigrated to the United States, their children, and their children's children have always demonstrated their adherence to the banner of God and country. They have never failed in their allegiance to God nor have they ever failed in their allegiance to their adopted land, the United States of America. With their adjustment to the American scene, they have never failed in · the advocacy of freedom and independence for the Slovak nation. I would like to say here now that it is right and proper for them to maintain that position. We admire the Irish for their demands for Irish union and independence; we admire the Poles · for their de~ :i.. nd for Polish independence; we support them and all other groups in the United States who support the political principles enunciated in the American Declaration of Independence and our Constitution and Bill of Rights. We, as good Americans, must always stand firmly behind the right of every nation, large or small, to attain and hold its national sovereignty. For well over 100 years, adherence to this principle was the keystone of our foreign policy. This caused national patriots and fighters for human freedom the world over to look to the United State& of SLOVAKIA 45 America for moral and material support. Many nations of the world won their freedom and have maintained their independence because of our courageous . adherence to this basic principle of a successful foreign policy. It is no overstatement to say that our current place in world affairs in no small measure results from our devotion to this basic human principle. Slovakia has never ceased in its struggles to attain national sovereignty and self government for its people. During and following World War I this effort was led by Monsignor Hlinka, who is revered by all the people of Slovakia as well as those in adopted homelands in · many parts of the world. As founder of the Slovak People's Party, Monsignor Hlinka crystallized the hopes of· the Slovak ·people for over 1,000 years to attain national sovereignty. Monsignor Hlinka died in 1938, at a time when the gathering storm c)f World ·war II threatened. all of Europe, but the spirit of Monsignor Hlinka did not die, because the Slovak _People'~ Party remained. ever dedicated to his historic cause. When the evil despots, Hitler and Stalin, began dividing up the geography (),f Europe, it was only natural that the Slovak people would make their bid for national sovereignty. Caught as they were between the powerful forces of Hitler and Stalin, it is all the more remarkable that they were able to attain national statehood when all other smaller nations of Eur9pe' were being destroyed. , Every conceivable charge has . been laid against the Slovak people, and the period of Nation.a] sovereignty they enjoyed from 1939 to 1945. Most of tqese charges have now been washed away. In the aftermath of World War II and as the dust has begun to settle on the events of that period in history, we are able to appreciate more adequately the facts in this matter. I am convinced that only after the world-wide struggle between human freedom and despotic slavery is settled, will we be ab!e to .fully understand, and appreciate that period of Slovak national independence from 1939 to 1945. If we, the God fearing people of the free world, fail to win the crucial struggle in which we are now engaged, these questions .wjll be buried deep in the thousand years of darkness which will 46 SLOVAKIA surely follow. But we shall not lose this struggle, and in our hour of inevitable triumph, all civilized men shall have the full and truthful answers to all the questions that have been raised about the period of Slovak independence that we commemorate here this evening. I am prepared, as I am sure you are, to let history answer for the heroi:c efforts of the Slovak people to attain their national independence. We are saddened by the events which are taking place in Slovakia today. There the evil hand of the Russian Communist is attempting to destroy the very spirit of Saints Cyril and Methodius and to reduce the Slovak people to a state of servility worse than that of the dark ages. But in their evil cause the Russian Communists shall fail, because the spirit of Saints Cyril and Methodius shall prevail so long as there is a Slovak alive anywhere in the world. I join with you this evening in commemorating this, the l 5th anniversary of Slovak independence and share with you the unwavering conviction that just as surely as day follows night, the Slovak Nation will once again be free and independent. • • * .. The 14th day of March is annually celebrated by the Slovak people everywhere in the world as Slovak Independence Day. This year, as for a number of years past, the residents of Slovakia are unable to participate in this celebration as they are still suffering under the yoke of Communist tyranny. The strongest characteristic of the peace-loving Slovak people has always been and still is their ardent devotion to the cause of liberty and freedom, and their strong adherence to the sa.me truly democratic principles for which our country stands. Their sons and daughters have given their lives for these principles and many still linger in prisons and concentration camps because of their refusal to submit to Communist domination. On this, their Independence Day, I join with millions of Americans in expressing my hopes that the day may soon come when they will again be free and have the God-given right of self-determination of their own national future. Slovak Independence Day. Extension of Remarks of Hon. SLOVAKIA 47 Thaddeus M. Machrowicz of Michigan in the House of Representatives, Monday, March 14, 1954. March 14 was the 15th anniversary of the independence of Slovakia, which occasion found the people of Slovakia engaged in a continuing battle of resistance against Communist tyranny to retrieve their freedom and national independence. I know I speak for the American people in proclaiming our belief that the principles set forth in our Declaration of Independence of the rights of all peoples to self-determination and the opportunity to pursue their own national destiny under the government of their choice or the rights of all civilized peoples everywhere. By its brutal aggression against the Slovak nation, the Soviet Union placed itself squarely in opposition to the ideals held by the whole of the free world. In their resistance to the bolshevization of their country and in their suffering under a foreign tyranny which has attempted to undermine the most enduring basis of human society, the dignity and rights of the individual together with these national rights, the people of Slovakia have the moral backing and the sincere sympathy of the free world. - Fifteenth Anniversary of the Independence of Slovakia. Extension Of Remarks of Hon. B. W. (Pat) Kearney of New York in the House of Representatives, Monday, March 15, 1954. On Sunday next we observe the Slovak Independence Day, and from Americans everywhere will come a prayer that soon again liberty and the dignity of man will be restored to the brave men and women of the land of the Slovak. I am glad to have the opportunity of joining with other Members of the Congress of the United States in sincere assurance that we are standing by in their time of trial and tribulation and will not desist in our efforts until the people of the once proud Slovak Republic again are free. It was on March 14, 1939, in the spirit of our own July 4, 1776, the independence of Slovakia was proclaimed. The Slovak Republic came into being before World War II and was recognized by 27 countries. · 48 SLOVAKIA The Red army occupied the Slovak Republic at the end of World War II, and put an end to the freedom and independence of the Slovak people. Disregarding the right of self-determination and the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, a foreign reign was forced upon this young Republic which in Febmary 1948 wa,s taken over _completely by the Communist regime. From the very beginning the Slovaks took a negative attitude toward communism. General Milan Rastislav Stefanik, the scientist-astronomer, after completing a trip through Russia in 1919, telegraphed his government: Say it loud to everybody: Bolshevism is not only a philosophical ideology but a morbid phenomenon, an apocalyptic chaos, in which the lowest instincts manifest themselves and the Bolshevist leaders are dictators in the most terr~ble sense of the word. Clad in rags, they seize wealth and in reality claim privileges. . . . To flirt with bolshevism means to leave the path of honor and of human commonsense. And I tell you out of the depth of my soul: The fight against all phenomena of bolshevism must dominate our policy. Let us act energetically as long as there is time. If we will not decide ourselves to act, bolshevism will weaken small nations and, at the end, will cause their full dissolution. A prophetic warning. Today the Slovak people are leading a double fight: the fight against Communist tyranny and against foreign rule. They are fighting heroically for their freedom and independence within a free and united Europe. That fight is marked by martyrs at home and refugees abroad. On Sunday, March 14, throughout the free world national independence day will be celebrated by the Slovak people, as a signal to Moscow that they have in their minds and hearts two purposes to free their country from foreign domination and an ideology to which by nature and tradition they are unalterably opposed. - Slo'Vak Independence Day. Extension of Remarks of Hon. Barratt O'Hara of Illinois in the House of Representatives, Tuesday, March 9, 1954.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource March 14 - Slovak Independence Day Description An account of the resource Address of the Hon. Michael A. Feighan, 20th District, Ohio, delivered on the occasion of the 15th anniversary of the Slovak Declaration of Independence at a meeting sponsored by the Slovak League of America and the Catholic Slovak Federation of America, at the Benedictine High School Auditorium, Cleveland, March 13, 1954, on "National Sovereignty Against World Socialism" Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 2 (10), June 1954 pp. 42-48 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Feighan, Michael Aloysius, 1905- Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June 1954 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/6f9439fc83b357065608a09e9c3d34b7.pdf 6b14c62fdc51dbf80f29d47274b82007 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 49 624-659 A.D.: THE SLOVAKS AND KING SAMO'S EMPIRE Dr. Henrich Bartek The Great Morawian IDmpire, which had its greatest development during the reign of King Sivatoplwk (870---895), lasted Q/Ver one hundred years. It was the climax of the long struggle of the SlOIV~ trilbes for their own staite. The core or nucleus of the territory occU1pied by the forefathers of the Slovaik nation was the territory to the north of the coo.tool Danuibe. At the end of the eighth centwy and the beginning of the ninith, the SlovaJk trilbes succesSlf ully threw off the yoke of the A vars with the help of Chaxla;maigne. The history of the ninth century offers many possibilities to inquire into the various political and spiritual tendencies which chanced to meet in Great Moravia. But we must reimemlber that patrioti'c motives from the era of national rebinth strn play a significrunt role and visions of the mighty empire of our forefathers not only strengthened national lirfe, hurt also were a rich source of poetic and artistic creativeness. Overestimating the Cyrillo-Methodius episode, tJherefore, is quite common among the Slovaks. Digressions frOIIIl current views, for example, the Christianiwtion of the Slov,aJks by Saints Cyril and Methodius, are accepted with distrust, even though irt is quite obvious that the Slova;ks were Christians long before the adivent of Saints Cyril and Meithodius. F1unthermore, that t'he epochal work of the creators orf the nationa)l liturgy did not last long in Slovakia, but reached its climax outside the 1and od: the Slova;k,s among the southern and eastern SlolV'anic peoples. A thorough understanding of the cultural and political foundations of the development of the Great Moraivian Empire is unthinlkalble wirbhout -a knowledge of the period that preceded it, since Greait Morwia w,a;s neither the first state arrangement orf our forefathers, nor the beginning of their historical aotivti.1Jy, but the result and the c,limax of actions of seve·r al centuries. - -The meager sources before the ninth century do hot entice historiaJns, becaiuse they do not offer sufficient materia,1 �50 SLOVAKIA for the expression of more or less probable theories a:nd because the Slovruks, long /before the origin of the Great Moravian Empire, had oooupied a space in the Danuibi'clln region several times greater than that which they n:ow occupy. The fortunes of the Slov-aiks in the era before Great Moravia are veiled in mystery and will not become known U!Iltiil historical science shall be aJble to use the results of researches ()If those scientific departments w'hich could effeotwely CQl1lttibute to the solution of the problem of OUT oldest history. To date, however, a•r eheologicai finds were not sufficiently evaluated to let us know the pro,g ressi.ve penetraititon of the Slovaks into the Danulbian territory; and ethnography has not attempted to give an eociplanation of the origin of Slovak culture in comparison with the culture of its SlOIVIMlic •a nd nonSlovanic nei:gh!bors, saying rrothmg about our ,p hilology which neglected the history of our tongue by devoting 1tself ia11gely to registering dialects and the normalimtion of the· language of literature. Furthermore, comparative philology has such reliable methods that it often can with final validity solive even questions which historfans must leawe unnoticed for a laok of written memoirs, ,b ut which they possilbly could 'b uild farther if they had at hand some supporting poinJts gained through other departments. Philology itself could afford much valualble knowledge to clarify not only the era before Great Moravia in the Danubian area, but als'O the geographical position of the Slovak tri·bes in their ancient homeland because this oon 'b e done 'b y analysis of certain strata of the diotionary aind linguistic maI1ks, as well as by an am.alysis o!f geogmphical names of ancient origm. Of course, such resea:z,ches require exiceptional ca.111tion, but the fact that the ecclesiastica:l Slovanic language enaJbles us to reconst:rmct the arra111gement of vowels of Sl'OIV'lalk words used in the second haJ1f of the ninth century is a sufficient -basis so that we could, ac:cord!irng to single words prese:z,ved since before the ninth cen't;ucy, regressiive1y reconstruct the arrangement of vowels of words from the eighth to the fif,t h centuries, nay, even dooper into the past, whereby it win be shown at which sections of time certain foreign ~rds penetrated into our midst, which as dbjective proo1Js wi:ll enruble �S LOVAKIA 51 us to define the cuiturO-ipoliticaJ contacts of our forefathers in the era before Great MOTaviia. In this process of finding the dldest settlements of t'he Sio,V'a,ks, topograJphical names will have a speciaJJ. sig:niificance, a!boJVe al[ else the names of rivers aJnd settlements, as we shall see in examples presented below. So that we miig,ht arrive at positive results from the history before Great Moravia, we must accept a cert.a.in. working hypothesis, the aiutho,rlty of wlhfoh we shall inquire into, wherelby for the saJke of ancient histo11y we are uirged to issue out of Samo.' s emipire and assume that Great Moravria was not the first state formation of the Slova!k tribes, beca~ Fredegar's chronicles record a strong western-.Slovruric empire aJreadly in the sreiventh century; it was headed by King Samo and was strong enough to resist the pressure not only of the Avars, but esven of the Twktish kingdom of King Dagolmllrt. Fredega:r's report aibout the great defeat of the Franlks near the Wogastiburg Castle in 631, as well as several other notations 'by thtis same historian, are the only objective proof aibout Samn's empire, and on these records are based the most various theories about the ethnical composition and the territorial extent, as well as the principal city of Samo's state. As usua11y ha,pperns in such cases, when the som-ce does not a.icoorately define a territory, scho1a:rs of the individu.a1 SIOIValtlic nations striive to a:pip~iate unto themselves Samo's empire: some Czech scientists are seelkting Wogastibrn,g in the most western sections of Bohemia; the Slovenes would liike to find it in Coruta:nia; and foreign scholars lean to one or the other theory. For e}Cample, the Belgian histol'ian Pirenne was for Corutania, whiile Milk.kola, the F~itmish scholar on Slavistics, preferred Bohemia.. In the past recent years, Oze<!h, Polish, and Slov,ak scholars ha:d agreed that King Samo resided at DelVin near the Danube, which, therefore, must have been the center of his empire. We find the weak side of these theories in the lack of new objective proofs which could complement Fredegar's notations. Even. though many new staitemenrts aJbout Samo's empire are very reasonable and very pro!balble, they will re- �52 SLOVAKL<\. main only as suppositions until incontrovert1ble proofs aa-e offered to support them. These theories albout the center of Samo's empire were propagated in 1951 by Oettinger, well-Jmoiwn Viennese historian of arts and arrcheology, who teills us in his book "Das Warden Wiens" thait he regards Vienna as Samo's residence: He bases his b.elief on the fact that the construotion of the Berghof Castle in Vienna, jrUdging it according to prese1wed architectonic relics, can be traced only to Samo's era, because the Avam as a nomadic nation could not build such a great stooe citadel. Besides that, professor Oettinger produces a whole series of othea:- arguments to prove htis theory, one of which we might introduce at this time, that is, that the Slovenes use the name Danu~ for Vienna, namely, that they called the castle a:nd the city according to the rirver, which could hawe happened only during Samo's time, . when the Barghof in Vienna; was the seat of Samo's _, empire. 'I'he discovery of the castle is certainly a very weighty fact, which archeoilogy and history of the arts, th<l!Il!ks to the deductions of Professor Oettinger, presented to historians. Oettinger considers it sellf-evident that Sl0V1a:ks an~l_ other Slovanic peoples lived in the entire region of Vienna and far to the west :tlong the Danulbe territo;ry duriing Samo's time. Theories about the center of Samo's empire at Devin, and especially the proofs of Oeittinger are a suffidenit basis for philology to ask the question: What Slovanic peoples could have li'Ved during Samo.'s time in the Vienna region, near the Danube in present Austria:, and in the vicinity of Devin? Ilf it could be succeSSlf,u lly prorved that during Samo's time the Slovaks a!lrea:dy were settiled in the central Danwbian region, on both sides of this great river, that would mean a milestone in the most ancient history of the SllO!VaJk nation, because F'redegar wrote quite plainly that Samo came among the SlOIV'anic peoiples exactly at the time when they had successfully relbeHed against the Avars. Therefore, it was not Samo, a Frankish merchant by origin, who l~berated the Slovanic peoples who later elected him their king, because they had Uberated themselJves before his advent. Philological proofs of the Slovakness of the regions to �SLOVAKIA 53 the .south: of the central Danube in the seventh century could becomie the basis of extensive historical researches, which wouhl place the beginnings of the historical era of the political efforts of the Slo.vruks two centuries dooper into the past, t'herelby clarif~g eiven the origin of the Great Mom-wan Empire. As mentioned albO!ve, philology can throw light on even very runcient eras of nati:ons by ana>ly,z ing a>dopted foreign words and ancient names of ri'Vers and cities. At this time we shall attempt to girve at least a few examples to illustrate how this could be done. Several Ancient Geographical Names An ex,pl,a;n_ation of the origin of topographii.cal names is a useful aid of historians, be.<:ause quite frequentl;y it presents -a better picture orf an anoient settlement than fragmenta:r:y · reports orf chroniclers and, furthermore, vowel chamges,. to which geographical names succumbed, enaJbied us to determine the time of their origin and the period of their existence. In the past decades many wo;r,k,s were published a'bo.ut Slo'V'anic to,p ographical names, but most frequently they are rather conicerned with simply registering names than with explaining them, since the explanation of the oriigin of names encounters many diflficu[ties, especiaJ>ly i!Il the Danwbe territory, whe;re we meet with traces of the lllyrians, Celts, GeTmans and Romans, even the European aJbocygenes, whiHe t'he illyrian and Celtic languages arre not as yet suflficiently reasea.r ched. It is relatirvely very difficult to eociplain clearly to inexperts the origin orf some ancient name, ibecaiuse that requires considerable k!Ilowledge of comparative philology. Thus, for example, even at first glance it is abvious that the nam·e s Viede:ii and Wien (Vienna), which have a ,b asic importance for an.oient history of the Sloivalks, are somewhat related or conneicted togetherr, but maJking their relationship clear requires centain knowledge so that the explanation might 'be accessible to every one and, therefore, we shall ta'ke Ulp a few oth~ geog~aJphical names to show by what manner names of antique origin come to us. RfM___.ROMA (Rome) : The connooti10n of the terms is obvious, but the difficulty encountered is explaining the Slo- �5-1 SLOVAKIA vruk "i" for the Latin "o", as well as the masculine gender of the Slovak name. Quite some time ago, professor Skok of Zagreb University pointed out that on the Dalmatian coast the Latin Salona was cha:nged into Solin, Nona to Nin, Albona to Labin (lby changing position of V'OCals, like the Czech Labe from Albis, buit the German Elbe Wli,thout changing position; the ancient Serbian and Croatian name Jakin was derirved from Ancona). In these names, the Latin "o" was compensated for by the S1ovanic "ii" which then was changed to "y" and fmally to "i." At the same time t:he Latin femi'Illine gender of the names was changed to the masc'll'line in the Slovanic languages, be"Camse in unrefined Latin the Accusative ending "-m" disappeared' and "ad Roma" was used instead of "aid Roma:m" (to Rome). The Slovank peoples regarded the ending "-a" as a suffix of the genitive case of the mascU!line gender and from the forms "do Rima, z Rima, do Solina, zo Solina," etc., they made the maS:C'U'line nominative "Rim, Solin, Nin," etc. It cannot be said with cert.ainty whether the Slovaks got the word "Rim" through the southern Slova'l1S or directly from the Romans in Pamnon:ia, because the name of the princilpa:1 city of the Roman ffimpire may have become known to them when they already lirved in the Car,pathians, but as yet had not penetrated to the Danuibe. RABA-RABIOA-RAB: One of the important southern tributaries of the central Danulb,e in Pannorua is the river Raalb, which in t:he Roman era was ca.Heel Arabo. R is generaliliy ~cknowled'ged that the name is of Celtic origin, which in the S1orvanic was first aJbbrevfaJted into Arba and then later in the fi.mt half Oif the ninth century became Raba by transposition of letters. We find a river bea:ring the same name in Pol,and, which flows into the Visla alboive the Dunajec ; I :reg,ard the name of the Ra!ba of Polamd also of Celitic origin. The Polish Raba and the Pannonian Ra.ha a.re one Of the many proofs of the wandering Oif the Celts, after whom there are traces e:ven in Slovaikia in the names of rivers. Thus, for example, Orava is of Ce1tic origin,. as is Oravica in Rumania. 'Dhe Rabica (Ra.pea in Mayiga:r and Rabliltz �SLOVAKIA 55 in German) flows into the Danubian Raba. And Rabica means the SmaH Ralba, because in ancient Slovak diminlutiive names were formed- ~ the sulffix "-ica" - e.g. - NitraNitrica, Bystra-lBystrica, Tepla~Teplica, Lomna◄Lomnica, Byoca.,Bytx'!ica., Lovea◄Lovcioa, etc. One o.f the triburtaries of the Ralbica is named Repce in Magyar, which undoubtedly is am. older name than Ra.pea, because the Magyar Repce presupposes the older Slo'Va.k form Ratiica with an "-a" after a soft "c." In other words, the Magyar Repce was adopted bef<>i:re the thirteenth cen<bury, before the hardening of the soft "c," whife the Magyar Ra.pea is of later origin (afiter the "-a" changed into "-a" in Slovak). At the confluence of the Raba into the Danulbe is the city of RaJb (RaaJb), the Magyar Gyor, which used to be the site of a strong gianison to protect the Roman borders. In Slovll!k t'he name of the city is of the masculine gender in contrast to the name of the river. So, here again we meet with tilie same phenomenon as we did with the. name Rim (Rome). The SlovaJks ada,pted and preserved the ancient name of the river in the form oif Raba and out of it made the dimmuti<ve Rabica; but when they came to the name of the city, they changed the gender in the spirit of their language and, therefore, the form Rab proves a direct corm.ection with the Roman population. in Pannonia, from which the Slovaks tOOik the name of the r iver in the form of Arba, but in designating the city changed the form to Arb, from which at .t he end of the second half of the ninth century, by a trans.posiltion of vocals, the forms Raba and Rab originated. The German forms Raab, Rabnitz and the Magyar Raba (the riiveir) , Repce, Rapea coulld have been taJken onlry from the SlovaJk forms. Here the ancient Slov3'k continuity is quite clear. We must also mention that on the Adriatic, south of the ffihune River, lies the island of RaJb with a oity by that name. The IWian name of the island is Arbe, which also supports our etymology of the names Raba (in Poland), Raba, Rabica, Rab (beyond the Danu'be). When dealing with ancient geog,rruphica:l names, if we are concerned. with the afrooment of the name of a river with the name of a city or town, the name of the river, as a rule, is older. For example: Nitra is named according to �56 SLOVAKIA the river bearing that name, and not vice-versa. The same holds for the names Raba and Rab: the Celts first named the river and later the setrtJement by the same name, which became a Roman city or town. On the Polish Raba there is no town with a similiar name, 'b ut only the community Rabka, whose suffix is "-ka" shows that its origin came later, similarly liike Oravka is of a lateT date in comparison with the more ancient Oravica. In the period of migration of nations there were no great oo111flrcit:s in Panrnonia which could have destroyed ancient oities, because the Romans at the beginning of the fifth cenitury ceded Pann.onia to the H'l.l!Ils, who not only did not destroy A:q,uincum, near the present Budin, but not even the principal city of Upper Pannonia, SaJVaria (todaiy, the Magyar Szombathe ly and the German Stein am Anger). This wealthy city, the birthplace oif St. Ma,rtin, was Mstroyed oruy after the fall of the Tums, in 4!56, but by an earthquaJke. The Huns, similat1ly like the Arvara later, were not interested in destrnying the Pannonfam towns which had to pay them tribute. Therefore, eiven outsride oircumstain ces attest to the fact that the forefathers of the Slo:viaks were acquainted with Rab (Raab) during the time when it was a n important ancient town with a harbor on the Danube. RE~WEN NA-VIED EN-WIEN (Vienna): The official name of the southern tribuil:iary of the Danube in Vienna is Fluss Wien (1RiJver Vioona), even though in the ordinary German language, both in the City of Vienna and also in it.s vicmity, the ancient name Rekawenna is still qurite alive. The firsit part o!f the latter appelation cor.respond s to the SlovaJk "rieka" (rwhich happened to be "reka" in the tenth and eleventh centuries,). Near tJhe wpper part of this river is a community called Rekawinke l (A corner of the river). The second part of the com'I)O!U.Ild word with its "-wenna" reminds us of the names V!ienna (Viedeii) in Slov,ruk and Wien in German). The ending "-a" of the name Wenna tells us that we are concerned with a name that was taken o,ver into German at a relatively late date, s,i nce the "-a" ending ·· in old German disappeared . For exaJiniple: the ancient name of the river Ipusa �SLOVAKIA 57 changed into lps ( officially, Ybbs), of courrse thro1Ugh a Slovanic medil.llffi, as is proved by its. trilbutary, the Ipsitz, namely the Small ]jpsa, which in turn wa;s derived from the older term Ipsica. Similarly only thTou·g h a Slovanic medilllffi can be eXiplained the feminine gender of the name Enns, which professor E. Schwrurz noted correctly, according to which the ancient Anisus first gave the Slovams Anisa, from which then, b.y changing the "a" into an "e" and further changes in the German, the form Enns was created. The feminine gender of Enns points to its Slovanic origin against the masc'll!line gender of the class~ca·l name Anisus. This same phenomenon is noticed in t'he names Drava and Sava, which in Latin are Dravus and Savus (masclllline gender) . The change in gender in the Slovanic is given to the omitted or untleratood word "rieka" or probrubly "voda" (rirver and water, lbolth feminine gender). The form Rekawenna, wiith the irresevviation of the word "rieka" indicates not onliy the Sl{)!Varucity of the name, 'but also the necessity of disting1Uishing 'by means of this word t'he name of the ri;ver from another geographical name, so that ambiguity would not a-rise. The existence of the word "Rellmwenna" tells us that the name Wenna had to be. also• the name of a place. Rekawenna found its way into the common German language at the earliest by the end of the eleventh century, that is, aifter the disappearance orf the ending "-a," which otherwise agrees also with historical fact, because the Germans succeSSJfu[ly pushed out the Magyars from the Vienna region only as late as the eleiventh century. According to Much, the Celtic appelation for the Wien (Vienna) River was Vedunia, which means "mountain stream" ("Waldibach"). We thinlk that Much cor:rectly seeks the Ce1tic origin of the name of the river, but we cannot agree with him that we are here concerned with the suffix "-nia," beca:use the Romans wouJd have placed t'his word among the multitude of other names, which ended in "-ania, -onia, -inia, -unia, -enia" and all of which in common or vulgar Latin had a long, accented vowel before the "-n". Burt Vediinia with a long, accented "-ii" would not have become Vieden in Sl01Vak The Celtic V edona we regard as the same name which was preserved in the French name of the �58 SLOVAKIA river Vienne (a tributary of the Loire), as well as in the name of the City of V'ienne near Grenoble and in the regional name Haute Vienne. Here we are concerned with a similar ancient Celtic name as, for exarrniple, the French lsere, which corresponds to the Bava:rian lsar and the Czech Jizera, or the French Aube frrom the Celtic Albis (compaTe with Labe-Elbe, above). The French Vienne presuipposes the Celtic V oo.ona with a short aCJCented "-e-", w'hioh gave "-ie-," simila:rly as bene gaive bien. The change of Voo.ona to Vienne came aJbout according to t!he cmrent old..French vooal changes, which we cannot truke up here. We presuppose the Celto-Latin na,me of the riiver Vedona, in which the Latin short "-o-" gave the short "-u-" in the Sloivanic, w'hich later changed into a hard jer, like the Latin commater gaive kumatra and kmotra: like co:mlite(m) g,a,ve kumet and then kmef, and many others. In the same manner, Vedona first ga.ve Veduna, which after the disappeaora:nce of the weak jer (i.ei. the very short "-u") changed into Vedna, which the Germans adrupted in the form of Wenna, beoause they did not to[e,r ate the intervowel grollip "-dn-". In a word, Rekawenna got into the German lanigua:ge through a Sloviank medium ; not only because of the first part of the compound word, but also the second part. 'l'he glorious Vindobona of antiquity, which was situated rubove the river Vedona, lost its impomnce and a1read'Y in the beginning of tlhe fifth cenitury it is mentioned once as Vindomana, and at other tiimes as Vendomina or Vindomma. IDvidently we a:re concerned with a name of Celtic origin, which originaHy meant as much as "a white city" and whose name was being fu:rigotten by the ancient writers oif the fii.fith and sixth centuries. The SlO!V'aks could have known Vindobona--Vendomina already in the fifth century, and certainly not later than the beginning of the sixth; and sin(!e the names of rive:ris usually became the names of settlements, the settllement near the Vedona RiveT (today, the Rekawenna) was named after it. The name of the to:wn was of the mas<!uline gender, while the riiver remained feminine, like Rab (the river: Raba). �SLO \ .AK IA 59 Here the name of the river was Veduna and the town named after it bore the name Vedun (where the "-u-" later became a hard jer in a strong position, which was p~operly changed into an "-e-"). After the vocalimtion of the je:ra, therefore akeady in the tenth century, the foom Vedeii existed in SlowaJk; the genitive of this form wa.s Vediia (do Vedna - to Vienna) . The German na:me is not derived from the nominatirve, 'but from the SlO!Vlak geinitirve, as attested t-0 by the proof "Wenia" from 881. The attempt of pro!fessoc Liewehr, who preswpposes in this name a nasal vowel, CaJI1not be deduced in any manner, but even more incorrect is his claim that the Gerunans got the name "Wien" from the Czechs. Liehwehr obviously colllf,used Ol;ech with Slovak. When we consider that even today the Slovak ethnic border commences abo1Ut 35 !k ilometers northeast of Vienna, that during the entire ninth century the southern border of Great Moravia in Lower Austria was the Danube, and .tJhat durring the time of Ki'Il!g Sva.topllllk even the Vienna region belonged to his empire, it is altogether clear that the Slova,ks have ,preserved to the present time the ancient appelation o!f Viedeii (Viienna). 'f.he Czechs a;ccepted the name Viden from the Slorvaks, as they did the word "kost.el" (church) , rubout whic h we shall say something before we conclude this article. The German Rekawenna comes from the old Slovak form "reka Vedna" and from the ancient, indfrect cases: do Vediia (to Vienna, z Vedna (from Vienna) , in old German this was first Wena, and then later Wien. Llke the Germans along the Roman border on the Danulbe preserved the names Pata.via, Lentia, Lauriacum in the forms Pasau, Linz, Lorch, so the Slovaks in the names of Vied en and Rab ,preserved the names of V edona and Arabo along that ancient border. '.Ilhe Slo;venian Dunaj (iDanulbe) to designate Vienna supports the theory of professor Oettinger that the principal city of Samo's, empiTe was Vienna, rbecause only the constriuction of Benghof cOIUld haive girven the Slovenians the chance to name the new citadel according to the river, but �60 SLOVAKIA the irrediutaible oontinmty of the Sl01Vruk name wit'h the ancient one attests to the fact that during the time of King Samo, and even 1b efore him, the Slovenes did not live in the Vienna region, but the Slov8Jks did. Edtitz-Edlach-Edlbach: It is dbviol\.ls that the Slovruk population wais found not Ottl!ly in the immedliaite vii.cinity of Vienna, but extended fal'lt'her to the south, aJPpmx:imwte1y to the separation of the southern tributaries O!f the Danube in Lower Austria and partia,Uy in Upper AU1sitria, as is attested to by other to;pograiphica;l names, of which we might mention art 1€18JSt Edlitz and Eillach, which are east and north of Semmering. The consonant group "-di-" indicates its Slo!V'ruk origin. In Slovene "jela' comes from the older form "ela," as compared to the Slovruk "jedfa" (derived from the older fo:ran "edfa"). The grolllp "-di-" was also preseirved in the name of Modling (near Vienna) .f.rom the Sloviak "M:odlin" (another Modlin is near Wa:raaw). And south of Wind<ischg,a,rsten in Upper Austria we find the stream Edlbach. The very drcuimsitance that these names do not start with a "j-" proves their antiquity, that is, they must have penetrated into the Germian before the secondi half of the ninth century. In German names ta;ken over fr<>rr1 SIOIValk, we can ascertain three groups: 1. Edlitz (east of Semmering; another one is west of the Vienna Forest, near Wein1burg); here belong many other names, which we need not mention; Aflenz, a riiver in the SO'Utheastern region of Upper Austria; these and similar n8Jmes were taken over by t'he Germans when the Sloivak sit.HI used 'adfa, ablonica' instead of "jedfa, jablonica"; 2. the group with the initial "g" instead of the Slovak "j-" - e.g., Gaflenz (the nanie of the town above the river Aflertz W8JS ·adlapted later by the Germans, which means that the Sloiv,alk poipuiliaition preserwed itself there quite some time); 3. the ,groUJp with the presenved secondary "j-,r-" e.g. Jauerling (f,r om Javornik, a mountain ridge northw~ of MelO'k, a:bove the Danulbe; . the Gemnans adapted the word, just lirke they got "Moserling" from "MocamI'k"); Jas~tzbach, a trilburtal'y of the Erlaf, whfoh :filows into the Danu'be (Jasnitlz is from the SLO'V'ark Jasenica, naimed accordling to the tree "jasen" - ash). _ �SLOVAKIA 61 All this indicates the possi1bility which philology has to determine the time element of vowel changes, a,lso to ascertain the g.radual penetration of Gernnan colomzation and the period · of Gennanization of the Danube area in present-day Austria. Pregraten: Pro;fessor E. Pragarte Pregarten Schwartz correctly derives the name Pregarten from the word "pregarda," which later iby interposition of vocals, changed to "pregrada" (now priehrada in Slovak). We found over ten Pregartens in Upper AU/Stria alone, in the districts of Vociklalbruok, Perg, Gmunden, Freis,tadit, P,r egarten, Eferding, Ottens,tein, Raa>b, Schwanenstad t, which indicates that defense partitions are concerned, parts of the Slov.amic stronghold system which came from the sixth century and haippened to- be on the western border of Samo's empi-re. Designating territoria;l borders had a specia:l sig,rnifica:nce in the life o;f the ancient Slovans; even the German word "Grenze" comes from the Slo,vanic "granica." The Germans penetrated into easte•r n Tyrol after the change of ''gard-" to "grad-", because Pregraten was preser-v ed there. Of course., in some ,places they penetrated before this chamge took place, beca,use there we also find the settlement Aegarth (Oegarth) from the Sl01Va,k Ograda, similarly li!ke a sm~H plow in the German dialect used there is called "arl" from the ancient Slovene form "arlo" (today ralo a,nd, in Sloivruk, radio). The German form arl comes from the era before the interchange of vocals. Windisch garsten-Garsten: The first part of the na,me Windischgars ten indii'cates the Slovanidty of t'he seoon:d part, rubout which E. Schwartz claims that it comes from the Slovanic "chvorst-" ( chrasf in SloiVaik). We cannot, however, agree with him, beca,me in old German names taJken over from the Slov,8Jnic, "k" takes the place oif "ch"; e.g., in Austria, in the Damulbe region, there are several hills whi'C'h are called Kulm, Kulmitz; these are derived from the Slovak "chu!lm" (today, Chlmec, chlmok); therefore, the 'g" of Garsten ca,nnot come from "ch," but only from a word which began with .a "g". Besides that, Windischga-rs ten lies on the old, very im- �62 SLOVAKIA portant highway which already dUJring the Roman times corrected Noricum with the Danwbian region; therefore, already then this road was fortified with bast.rions. In the proximity Of Win<lischg•a rsten is Grad.au, whose. name is obvious1y connected or rel•a ted to the word "grad." A section of the city of Steyr is also called Garsten. We are here concerned with an elevation which hardly could halve been named after "chraist"' (thicket; s'lmufbbery), but l'ather after "brad" (castle; bastion). In our 01pilll.i.on, Garst.en is derived from "gardisce" - the accented "-i-" dlisappearing in the Geir,man, and the gl'OU'l) olf five consonants "rdsts-", because very difrficw.t to pronounce, was modified to "-rit-". Therefore,, we must derive "Garst.en" from "gardisce" and not from "chvorst" ( ohrasf, today). And since south of Windi-schg,a rsten we find the stream Edlbach, it is necesisary to assll!me that the Slovaks settled here very earJiy, because the Sioivenes along the Dra;v,a penetrated to the west in the sixt'h and serventh centuries and through Istria into northern J.truly. In a word, their goal was west and sourt'hiwest, but not north. Slovak tribes from the north also penetrated souith and so1.lfthwesit into the Danubian region. Inasmuoh as traces of Slovenian colonirzation have been ascertained recently around the central part of the Enns, they came from a 1a:ter ,period, when the penetration of the Slovenes to the west wais stopped by the Bavarians and in northern Italy by the Langobal'ds. The woros Garsten, Windischgarst.en, just lilke Pregart.en, are liiving testimony of the defense organization of the forefathers of the ~ovalks (.castles, bastions, citadels) ; other names in the Dainlllibian region of Austria will lead us to the sa:me conclusion. For example, Gairlen and Grat.en ( Garten berg ipresuipposes the name "Gradna), and many names conta•i ning "Strass", are for the most part related to the Slovak "straza" (guaro, and not to the German Strasse (street). Traces were even found after the name "brad.lo" (huge rock) , which the ancient SlovaJks used to designate a defensilve p1ace, usuiaaly a hill, on which defenses were set up (compare Brad.lo near Myjava and Domica; also Branisko, a hill between Saris and Spis) . �SLOVAKIA 63 By analyzing a large number of locail, river, borderline and other names in Lower and Upper AIUJStria and vicinity, as well as Austrian dia:leotic words of Slovak origin, we can define relatiively a;ccurateily just aibout what tme these areas were colonized, but also the 'beginnings, the bo,r ders and the fortunes of Slovak colonization. In summary, then: 1. The names Wien, Rekawenna, Raab, Rabnitz found their way into, German through a Slovak medium, and the Slovaks received the names Vieden, Raba, Rab directly from the Roman population wath whioh they came into contact after their advent into P,a nnonia. 2. The southern 1b ooodary of Slovak colonization in Lorwer and Upper Austria is coarsely indicated by the propagati001 of names of the Edlitz ty,pe, the Slo;va;kness of which cannot ibe questioned, and for the most par,t is c,overed with the waters of the southern tributaries of the central Danube and the northern tributaries of the Drava, besides the region of the centrai IDnns. 3. Names of the Pregarten--Garst,en type designate an ancient Slovak-Bavarian boundary line, which was sUJbjected to changes from the sixth to the eighth centuries. It is self-evident that the direct Slovak~Roman contact was not limited to topograiphicaJ names alone, but can be traced in a multitude of words which the forefathers of the Slovaks took 0 ver from the Pannonian Romams. Pressed for space here, let us mention at least a feiw exrumples. The Slo~ vaks could ha,ve received the word "cast.ellum" only in Pannonia, whose ecclesiastica.>l organization was clissolved thy the Acvars when they destroyed the archibishopris of Sirmium in 582. The Roman "cast,ella" (ca,s tles) served as places of worship long before that date. At that time, when the Slovaks became acquainted with the word castellum (lkostol" - church), they also came to know the word "t,ehla," which came from "tegla," and this word in turn from the Latin "tegula." The GeI1Illans changed "tegla" to "ziegel" in the first half of the sixth century. The Czec'hs got the word "kost.el' from the western-iSlovaJk "kostel," because on their ethnical territory there never wa,s 1 �64 SLOVAKIA a single Roman "castellum." The Czech "cihla" comes from the German, while the Slova;k "tehla" and the Moravian-Slovak "tihla" come directly from the Roman "teglartegula." Among other words the forefathers Olf the Slovaks took over directly from the Romans were also "marmor" (J1ater "mramor - ma:rible) and "ban.a (mine). This swpports our theory that the Slovaks had direct conitacts with the Romans in Pannon:ia. It is not the purpose of philology to analyize the political sitiuation in Europe of the first half of the seventh century and to point out the possibilities which were presented the ancient Slovaiks so that they became the core of the strong empire of King Samo. It shall be the task of ecclesiastical historiains to throw Hght on the reasons why St. Amandus, the apostle of the Belgians, was not suocessful with the Slovak tri!bes in the western Da;nUJbian area. Historians will perhaps tel,l us which Slovak tribes preserved their independence even after Samo's deat'h. Philology can simply state that the material culture of the Sl01Vak Tribes, just like their administrativ e organization, was the same during Samo's time as it was in the Great Moravian Empire and that differences in spiritual culture were only in religion. During Samo's time the ancient Slovaks held onto their pagan religion, whHe the creators of Great Moraivia were Christian Slovak princes . • • • WHO SAID IT? "The aHiiance with the USSR is the starting ,poirut of our new foreign policy and of our security system. This alliance will be complrumented by alhances with other Slav countries. It r epreseruts a mighty bulwairk ag,ainst iposs,i!bJe danger in the future Jirom German imperia:lisnn. In the spirit of these prino1ples, the Demooraitic Party aicted st!an.mchly at all forums. It put aH its weight behind this conception. This orientation is to be regarded as the invariable devise also for our future political life." - (Dr. Joseph Lettrich, Vi.ce-Chaimnan cxf the IDxecutive Committee of the "Council of Free Czechoslo.vakia," at session of Democratic Party, January 25, 194'8). � SLOVAKIA 49 624-659 A.D.: THE SLOVAKS AND KING SAMO'S EMPIRE Dr. Henrich Bartek The Great Morawian IDmpire, which had its greatest development during the reign of King Sivatoplwk (870---895), lasted Q/Ver one hundred years. It was the climax of the long struggle of the SlOIV~ trilbes for their own staite. The core or nucleus of the territory occU1pied by the forefathers of the Slovaik nation was the territory to the north of the coo.tool Danuibe. At the end of the eighth centwy and the beginning of the ninith, the SlovaJk trilbes succesSlf ully threw off the yoke of the A vars with the help of Chaxla;maigne. The history of the ninth century offers many possibilities to inquire into the various political and spiritual tendencies which chanced to meet in Great Moravia. But we must reimemlber that patrioti'c motives from the era of national rebinth strn play a significrunt role and visions of the mighty empire of our forefathers not only strengthened national lirfe, hurt also were a rich source of poetic and artistic creativeness. Overestimating the Cyrillo-Methodius episode, tJherefore, is quite common among the Slovaks. Digressions frOIIIl current views, for example, the Christianiwtion of the Slov,aJks by Saints Cyril and Methodius, are accepted with distrust, even though irt is quite obvious that the Slova;ks were Christians long before the adivent of Saints Cyril and Meithodius. F1unthermore, that t'he epochal work of the creators orf the nationa)l liturgy did not last long in Slovakia, but reached its climax outside the 1and od: the Slova;k,s among the southern and eastern SlolV'anic peoples. A thorough understanding of the cultural and political foundations of the development of the Great Moraivian Empire is unthinlkalble wirbhout -a knowledge of the period that preceded it, since Greait Morwia w,a;s neither the first state arrangement orf our forefathers, nor the beginning of their historical aotivti.1Jy, but the result and the c,limax of actions of seve·r al centuries. - -The meager sources before the ninth century do hot entice historiaJns, becaiuse they do not offer sufficient materia,1 �50 SLOVAKIA for the expression of more or less probable theories a:nd because the Slovruks, long /before the origin of the Great Moravian Empire, had oooupied a space in the Danuibi'clln region several times greater than that which they n:ow occupy. The fortunes of the Slov-aiks in the era before Great Moravia are veiled in mystery and will not become known U!Iltiil historical science shall be aJble to use the results of researches ()If those scientific departments w'hich could effeotwely CQl1lttibute to the solution of the problem of OUT oldest history. To date, however, a•r eheologicai finds were not sufficiently evaluated to let us know the pro,g ressi.ve penetraititon of the Slovaks into the Danulbian territory; and ethnography has not attempted to give an eociplanation of the origin of Slovak culture in comparison with the culture of its SlOIVIMlic •a nd nonSlovanic nei:gh!bors, saying rrothmg about our ,p hilology which neglected the history of our tongue by devoting 1tself ia11gely to registering dialects and the normalimtion of the· language of literature. Furthermore, comparative philology has such reliable methods that it often can with final validity solive even questions which historfans must leawe unnoticed for a laok of written memoirs, ,b ut which they possilbly could 'b uild farther if they had at hand some supporting poinJts gained through other departments. Philology itself could afford much valualble knowledge to clarify not only the era before Great Moravia in the Danubian area, but als'O the geographical position of the Slovak tri·bes in their ancient homeland because this oon 'b e done 'b y analysis of certain strata of the diotionary aind linguistic maI1ks, as well as by an am.alysis o!f geogmphical names of ancient origm. Of course, such resea:z,ches require exiceptional ca.111tion, but the fact that the ecclesiastica:l Slovanic language enaJbles us to reconst:rmct the arra111gement of vowels of Sl'OIV'lalk words used in the second haJ1f of the ninth century is a sufficient -basis so that we could, ac:cord!irng to single words prese:z,ved since before the ninth cen't;ucy, regressiive1y reconstruct the arrangement of vowels of words from the eighth to the fif,t h centuries, nay, even dooper into the past, whereby it win be shown at which sections of time certain foreign ~rds penetrated into our midst, which as dbjective proo1Js wi:ll enruble �S LOVAKIA 51 us to define the cuiturO-ipoliticaJ contacts of our forefathers in the era before Great MOTaviia. In this process of finding the dldest settlements of t'he Sio,V'a,ks, topograJphical names will have a speciaJJ. sig:niificance, a!boJVe al[ else the names of rivers aJnd settlements, as we shall see in examples presented below. So that we miig,ht arrive at positive results from the history before Great Moravia, we must accept a cert.a.in. working hypothesis, the aiutho,rlty of wlhfoh we shall inquire into, wherelby for the saJke of ancient histo11y we are uirged to issue out of Samo.' s emipire and assume that Great Moravria was not the first state formation of the Slova!k tribes, beca~ Fredegar's chronicles record a strong western-.Slovruric empire aJreadly in the sreiventh century; it was headed by King Samo and was strong enough to resist the pressure not only of the Avars, but esven of the Twktish kingdom of King Dagolmllrt. Fredega:r's report aibout the great defeat of the Franlks near the Wogastiburg Castle in 631, as well as several other notations 'by thtis same historian, are the only objective proof aibout Samn's empire, and on these records are based the most various theories about the ethnical composition and the territorial extent, as well as the principal city of Samo's state. As usua11y ha,pperns in such cases, when the som-ce does not a.icoorately define a territory, scho1a:rs of the individu.a1 SIOIValtlic nations striive to a:pip~iate unto themselves Samo's empire: some Czech scientists are seelkting Wogastibrn,g in the most western sections of Bohemia; the Slovenes would liike to find it in Coruta:nia; and foreign scholars lean to one or the other theory. For e}Cample, the Belgian histol'ian Pirenne was for Corutania, whiile Milk.kola, the F~itmish scholar on Slavistics, preferred Bohemia.. In the past recent years, Oze<!h, Polish, and Slov,ak scholars ha:d agreed that King Samo resided at DelVin near the Danube, which, therefore, must have been the center of his empire. We find the weak side of these theories in the lack of new objective proofs which could complement Fredegar's notations. Even. though many new staitemenrts aJbout Samo's empire are very reasonable and very pro!balble, they will re- �52 SLOVAKL<\. main only as suppositions until incontrovert1ble proofs aa-e offered to support them. These theories albout the center of Samo's empire were propagated in 1951 by Oettinger, well-Jmoiwn Viennese historian of arts and arrcheology, who teills us in his book "Das Warden Wiens" thait he regards Vienna as Samo's residence: He bases his b.elief on the fact that the construotion of the Berghof Castle in Vienna, jrUdging it according to prese1wed architectonic relics, can be traced only to Samo's era, because the Avam as a nomadic nation could not build such a great stooe citadel. Besides that, professor Oettinger produces a whole series of othea:- arguments to prove htis theory, one of which we might introduce at this time, that is, that the Slovenes use the name Danu~ for Vienna, namely, that they called the castle a:nd the city according to the rirver, which could hawe happened only during Samo's time, . when the Barghof in Vienna; was the seat of Samo's _, empire. 'I'he discovery of the castle is certainly a very weighty fact, which archeoilogy and history of the arts, th<l!Il!ks to the deductions of Professor Oettinger, presented to historians. Oettinger considers it sellf-evident that Sl0V1a:ks an~l_ other Slovanic peoples lived in the entire region of Vienna and far to the west :tlong the Danulbe territo;ry duriing Samo's time. Theories about the center of Samo's empire at Devin, and especially the proofs of Oeittinger are a suffidenit basis for philology to ask the question: What Slovanic peoples could have li'Ved during Samo.'s time in the Vienna region, near the Danube in present Austria:, and in the vicinity of Devin? Ilf it could be succeSSlf,u lly prorved that during Samo's time the Slovaks a!lrea:dy were settiled in the central Danwbian region, on both sides of this great river, that would mean a milestone in the most ancient history of the SllO!VaJk nation, because F'redegar wrote quite plainly that Samo came among the SlOIV'anic peoiples exactly at the time when they had successfully relbeHed against the Avars. Therefore, it was not Samo, a Frankish merchant by origin, who l~berated the Slovanic peoples who later elected him their king, because they had Uberated themselJves before his advent. Philological proofs of the Slovakness of the regions to �SLOVAKIA 53 the .south: of the central Danube in the seventh century could becomie the basis of extensive historical researches, which wouhl place the beginnings of the historical era of the political efforts of the Slo.vruks two centuries dooper into the past, t'herelby clarif~g eiven the origin of the Great Mom-wan Empire. As mentioned albO!ve, philology can throw light on even very runcient eras of nati:ons by ana>ly,z ing a>dopted foreign words and ancient names of ri'Vers and cities. At this time we shall attempt to girve at least a few examples to illustrate how this could be done. Several Ancient Geographical Names An ex,pl,a;n_ation of the origin of topographii.cal names is a useful aid of historians, be.<:ause quite frequentl;y it presents -a better picture orf an anoient settlement than fragmenta:r:y · reports orf chroniclers and, furthermore, vowel chamges,. to which geographical names succumbed, enaJbied us to determine the time of their origin and the period of their existence. In the past decades many wo;r,k,s were published a'bo.ut Slo'V'anic to,p ographical names, but most frequently they are rather conicerned with simply registering names than with explaining them, since the explanation of the oriigin of names encounters many diflficu[ties, especiaJ>ly i!Il the Danwbe territory, whe;re we meet with traces of the lllyrians, Celts, GeTmans and Romans, even the European aJbocygenes, whiHe t'he illyrian and Celtic languages arre not as yet suflficiently reasea.r ched. It is relatirvely very difficult to eociplain clearly to inexperts the origin orf some ancient name, ibecaiuse that requires considerable k!Ilowledge of comparative philology. Thus, for example, even at first glance it is abvious that the nam·e s Viede:ii and Wien (Vienna), which have a ,b asic importance for an.oient history of the Sloivalks, are somewhat related or conneicted togetherr, but maJking their relationship clear requires centain knowledge so that the explanation might 'be accessible to every one and, therefore, we shall ta'ke Ulp a few oth~ geog~aJphical names to show by what manner names of antique origin come to us. RfM___.ROMA (Rome) : The connooti10n of the terms is obvious, but the difficulty encountered is explaining the Slo- �5-1 SLOVAKIA vruk "i" for the Latin "o", as well as the masculine gender of the Slovak name. Quite some time ago, professor Skok of Zagreb University pointed out that on the Dalmatian coast the Latin Salona was cha:nged into Solin, Nona to Nin, Albona to Labin (lby changing position of V'OCals, like the Czech Labe from Albis, buit the German Elbe Wli,thout changing position; the ancient Serbian and Croatian name Jakin was derirved from Ancona). In these names, the Latin "o" was compensated for by the S1ovanic "ii" which then was changed to "y" and fmally to "i." At the same time t:he Latin femi'Illine gender of the names was changed to the masc'll'line in the Slovanic languages, be"Camse in unrefined Latin the Accusative ending "-m" disappeared' and "ad Roma" was used instead of "aid Roma:m" (to Rome). The Slovank peoples regarded the ending "-a" as a suffix of the genitive case of the mascU!line gender and from the forms "do Rima, z Rima, do Solina, zo Solina," etc., they made the maS:C'U'line nominative "Rim, Solin, Nin," etc. It cannot be said with cert.ainty whether the Slovaks got the word "Rim" through the southern Slova'l1S or directly from the Romans in Pamnon:ia, because the name of the princilpa:1 city of the Roman ffimpire may have become known to them when they already lirved in the Car,pathians, but as yet had not penetrated to the Danuibe. RABA-RABIOA-RAB: One of the important southern tributaries of the central Danulb,e in Pannorua is the river Raalb, which in t:he Roman era was ca.Heel Arabo. R is generaliliy ~cknowled'ged that the name is of Celtic origin, which in the S1orvanic was first aJbbrevfaJted into Arba and then later in the fi.mt half Oif the ninth century became Raba by transposition of letters. We find a river bea:ring the same name in Pol,and, which flows into the Visla alboive the Dunajec ; I :reg,ard the name of the Ra!ba of Polamd also of Celitic origin. The Polish Raba and the Pannonian Ra.ha a.re one Of the many proofs of the wandering Oif the Celts, after whom there are traces e:ven in Slovaikia in the names of rivers. Thus, for example, Orava is of Ce1tic origin,. as is Oravica in Rumania. 'Dhe Rabica (Ra.pea in Mayiga:r and Rabliltz �SLOVAKIA 55 in German) flows into the Danubian Raba. And Rabica means the SmaH Ralba, because in ancient Slovak diminlutiive names were formed- ~ the sulffix "-ica" - e.g. - NitraNitrica, Bystra-lBystrica, Tepla~Teplica, Lomna◄Lomnica, Byoca.,Bytx'!ica., Lovea◄Lovcioa, etc. One o.f the triburtaries of the Ralbica is named Repce in Magyar, which undoubtedly is am. older name than Ra.pea, because the Magyar Repce presupposes the older Slo'Va.k form Ratiica with an "-a" after a soft "c." In other words, the Magyar Repce was adopted bef<>i:re the thirteenth cen<bury, before the hardening of the soft "c," whife the Magyar Ra.pea is of later origin (afiter the "-a" changed into "-a" in Slovak). At the confluence of the Raba into the Danulbe is the city of RaJb (RaaJb), the Magyar Gyor, which used to be the site of a strong gianison to protect the Roman borders. In Slovll!k t'he name of the city is of the masculine gender in contrast to the name of the river. So, here again we meet with tilie same phenomenon as we did with the. name Rim (Rome). The SlovaJks ada,pted and preserved the ancient name of the river in the form oif Raba and out of it made the dimmuti<ve Rabica; but when they came to the name of the city, they changed the gender in the spirit of their language and, therefore, the form Rab proves a direct corm.ection with the Roman population. in Pannonia, from which the Slovaks tOOik the name of the r iver in the form of Arba, but in designating the city changed the form to Arb, from which at .t he end of the second half of the ninth century, by a trans.posiltion of vocals, the forms Raba and Rab originated. The German forms Raab, Rabnitz and the Magyar Raba (the riiveir) , Repce, Rapea coulld have been taJken onlry from the SlovaJk forms. Here the ancient Slov3'k continuity is quite clear. We must also mention that on the Adriatic, south of the ffihune River, lies the island of RaJb with a oity by that name. The IWian name of the island is Arbe, which also supports our etymology of the names Raba (in Poland), Raba, Rabica, Rab (beyond the Danu'be). When dealing with ancient geog,rruphica:l names, if we are concerned. with the afrooment of the name of a river with the name of a city or town, the name of the river, as a rule, is older. For example: Nitra is named according to �56 SLOVAKIA the river bearing that name, and not vice-versa. The same holds for the names Raba and Rab: the Celts first named the river and later the setrtJement by the same name, which became a Roman city or town. On the Polish Raba there is no town with a similiar name, 'b ut only the community Rabka, whose suffix is "-ka" shows that its origin came later, similarly liike Oravka is of a lateT date in comparison with the more ancient Oravica. In the period of migration of nations there were no great oo111flrcit:s in Panrnonia which could have destroyed ancient oities, because the Romans at the beginning of the fifth cenitury ceded Pann.onia to the H'l.l!Ils, who not only did not destroy A:q,uincum, near the present Budin, but not even the principal city of Upper Pannonia, SaJVaria (todaiy, the Magyar Szombathe ly and the German Stein am Anger). This wealthy city, the birthplace oif St. Ma,rtin, was Mstroyed oruy after the fall of the Tums, in 4!56, but by an earthquaJke. The Huns, similat1ly like the Arvara later, were not interested in destrnying the Pannonfam towns which had to pay them tribute. Therefore, eiven outsride oircumstain ces attest to the fact that the forefathers of the Slo:viaks were acquainted with Rab (Raab) during the time when it was a n important ancient town with a harbor on the Danube. RE~WEN NA-VIED EN-WIEN (Vienna): The official name of the southern tribuil:iary of the Danube in Vienna is Fluss Wien (1RiJver Vioona), even though in the ordinary German language, both in the City of Vienna and also in it.s vicmity, the ancient name Rekawenna is still qurite alive. The firsit part o!f the latter appelation cor.respond s to the SlovaJk "rieka" (rwhich happened to be "reka" in the tenth and eleventh centuries,). Near tJhe wpper part of this river is a community called Rekawinke l (A corner of the river). The second part of the com'I)O!U.Ild word with its "-wenna" reminds us of the names V!ienna (Viedeii) in Slov,ruk and Wien in German). The ending "-a" of the name Wenna tells us that we are concerned with a name that was taken o,ver into German at a relatively late date, s,i nce the "-a" ending ·· in old German disappeared . For exaJiniple: the ancient name of the river Ipusa �SLOVAKIA 57 changed into lps ( officially, Ybbs), of courrse thro1Ugh a Slovanic medil.llffi, as is proved by its. trilbutary, the Ipsitz, namely the Small ]jpsa, which in turn wa;s derived from the older term Ipsica. Similarly only thTou·g h a Slovanic medilllffi can be eXiplained the feminine gender of the name Enns, which professor E. Schwrurz noted correctly, according to which the ancient Anisus first gave the Slovams Anisa, from which then, b.y changing the "a" into an "e" and further changes in the German, the form Enns was created. The feminine gender of Enns points to its Slovanic origin against the masc'll!line gender of the class~ca·l name Anisus. This same phenomenon is noticed in t'he names Drava and Sava, which in Latin are Dravus and Savus (masclllline gender) . The change in gender in the Slovanic is given to the omitted or untleratood word "rieka" or probrubly "voda" (rirver and water, lbolth feminine gender). The form Rekawenna, wiith the irresevviation of the word "rieka" indicates not onliy the Sl{)!Varucity of the name, 'but also the necessity of disting1Uishing 'by means of this word t'he name of the ri;ver from another geographical name, so that ambiguity would not a-rise. The existence of the word "Rellmwenna" tells us that the name Wenna had to be. also• the name of a place. Rekawenna found its way into the common German language at the earliest by the end of the eleventh century, that is, aifter the disappearance orf the ending "-a," which otherwise agrees also with historical fact, because the Germans succeSSJfu[ly pushed out the Magyars from the Vienna region only as late as the eleiventh century. According to Much, the Celtic appelation for the Wien (Vienna) River was Vedunia, which means "mountain stream" ("Waldibach"). We thinlk that Much cor:rectly seeks the Ce1tic origin of the name of the river, but we cannot agree with him that we are here concerned with the suffix "-nia," beca:use the Romans wouJd have placed t'his word among the multitude of other names, which ended in "-ania, -onia, -inia, -unia, -enia" and all of which in common or vulgar Latin had a long, accented vowel before the "-n". Burt Vediinia with a long, accented "-ii" would not have become Vieden in Sl01Vak The Celtic V edona we regard as the same name which was preserved in the French name of the �58 SLOVAKIA river Vienne (a tributary of the Loire), as well as in the name of the City of V'ienne near Grenoble and in the regional name Haute Vienne. Here we are concerned with a similar ancient Celtic name as, for exarrniple, the French lsere, which corresponds to the Bava:rian lsar and the Czech Jizera, or the French Aube frrom the Celtic Albis (compaTe with Labe-Elbe, above). The French Vienne presuipposes the Celtic V oo.ona with a short aCJCented "-e-", w'hioh gave "-ie-," simila:rly as bene gaive bien. The change of Voo.ona to Vienne came aJbout according to t!he cmrent old..French vooal changes, which we cannot truke up here. We presuppose the Celto-Latin na,me of the riiver Vedona, in which the Latin short "-o-" gave the short "-u-" in the Sloivanic, w'hich later changed into a hard jer, like the Latin commater gaive kumatra and kmotra: like co:mlite(m) g,a,ve kumet and then kmef, and many others. In the same manner, Vedona first ga.ve Veduna, which after the disappeaora:nce of the weak jer (i.ei. the very short "-u") changed into Vedna, which the Germans adrupted in the form of Wenna, beoause they did not to[e,r ate the intervowel grollip "-dn-". In a word, Rekawenna got into the German lanigua:ge through a Sloviank medium ; not only because of the first part of the compound word, but also the second part. 'l'he glorious Vindobona of antiquity, which was situated rubove the river Vedona, lost its impomnce and a1read'Y in the beginning of tlhe fifth cenitury it is mentioned once as Vindomana, and at other tiimes as Vendomina or Vindomma. IDvidently we a:re concerned with a name of Celtic origin, which originaHy meant as much as "a white city" and whose name was being fu:rigotten by the ancient writers oif the fii.fith and sixth centuries. The SlO!V'aks could have known Vindobona--Vendomina already in the fifth century, and certainly not later than the beginning of the sixth; and sin(!e the names of rive:ris usually became the names of settlements, the settllement near the Vedona RiveT (today, the Rekawenna) was named after it. The name of the to:wn was of the mas<!uline gender, while the riiver remained feminine, like Rab (the river: Raba). �SLO \ .AK IA 59 Here the name of the river was Veduna and the town named after it bore the name Vedun (where the "-u-" later became a hard jer in a strong position, which was p~operly changed into an "-e-"). After the vocalimtion of the je:ra, therefore akeady in the tenth century, the foom Vedeii existed in SlowaJk; the genitive of this form wa.s Vediia (do Vedna - to Vienna) . The German na:me is not derived from the nominatirve, 'but from the SlO!Vlak geinitirve, as attested t-0 by the proof "Wenia" from 881. The attempt of pro!fessoc Liewehr, who preswpposes in this name a nasal vowel, CaJI1not be deduced in any manner, but even more incorrect is his claim that the Gerunans got the name "Wien" from the Czechs. Liehwehr obviously colllf,used Ol;ech with Slovak. When we consider that even today the Slovak ethnic border commences abo1Ut 35 !k ilometers northeast of Vienna, that during the entire ninth century the southern border of Great Moravia in Lower Austria was the Danube, and .tJhat durring the time of Ki'Il!g Sva.topllllk even the Vienna region belonged to his empire, it is altogether clear that the Slova,ks have ,preserved to the present time the ancient appelation o!f Viedeii (Viienna). 'f.he Czechs a;ccepted the name Viden from the Slorvaks, as they did the word "kost.el" (church) , rubout whic h we shall say something before we conclude this article. The German Rekawenna comes from the old Slovak form "reka Vedna" and from the ancient, indfrect cases: do Vediia (to Vienna, z Vedna (from Vienna) , in old German this was first Wena, and then later Wien. Llke the Germans along the Roman border on the Danulbe preserved the names Pata.via, Lentia, Lauriacum in the forms Pasau, Linz, Lorch, so the Slovaks in the names of Vied en and Rab ,preserved the names of V edona and Arabo along that ancient border. '.Ilhe Slo;venian Dunaj (iDanulbe) to designate Vienna supports the theory of professor Oettinger that the principal city of Samo's, empiTe was Vienna, rbecause only the constriuction of Benghof cOIUld haive girven the Slovenians the chance to name the new citadel according to the river, but �60 SLOVAKIA the irrediutaible oontinmty of the Sl01Vruk name wit'h the ancient one attests to the fact that during the time of King Samo, and even 1b efore him, the Slovenes did not live in the Vienna region, but the Slov8Jks did. Edtitz-Edlach-Edlbach: It is dbviol\.ls that the Slovruk population wais found not Ottl!ly in the immedliaite vii.cinity of Vienna, but extended fal'lt'her to the south, aJPpmx:imwte1y to the separation of the southern tributaries O!f the Danube in Lower Austria and partia,Uy in Upper AU1sitria, as is attested to by other to;pograiphica;l names, of which we might mention art 1€18JSt Edlitz and Eillach, which are east and north of Semmering. The consonant group "-di-" indicates its Slo!V'ruk origin. In Slovene "jela' comes from the older form "ela," as compared to the Slovruk "jedfa" (derived from the older fo:ran "edfa"). The grolllp "-di-" was also preseirved in the name of Modling (near Vienna) .f.rom the Sloviak "M:odlin" (another Modlin is near Wa:raaw). And south of Wind<ischg,a,rsten in Upper Austria we find the stream Edlbach. The very drcuimsitance that these names do not start with a "j-" proves their antiquity, that is, they must have penetrated into the Germian before the secondi half of the ninth century. In German names ta;ken over fr<>rr1 SIOIValk, we can ascertain three groups: 1. Edlitz (east of Semmering; another one is west of the Vienna Forest, near Wein1burg); here belong many other names, which we need not mention; Aflenz, a riiver in the SO'Utheastern region of Upper Austria; these and similar n8Jmes were taken over by t'he Germans when the Sloivak sit.HI used 'adfa, ablonica' instead of "jedfa, jablonica"; 2. the group with the initial "g" instead of the Slovak "j-" - e.g., Gaflenz (the nanie of the town above the river Aflertz W8JS ·adlapted later by the Germans, which means that the Sloiv,alk poipuiliaition preserwed itself there quite some time); 3. the ,groUJp with the presenved secondary "j-,r-" e.g. Jauerling (f,r om Javornik, a mountain ridge northw~ of MelO'k, a:bove the Danulbe; . the Gemnans adapted the word, just lirke they got "Moserling" from "MocamI'k"); Jas~tzbach, a trilburtal'y of the Erlaf, whfoh :filows into the Danu'be (Jasnitlz is from the SLO'V'ark Jasenica, naimed accordling to the tree "jasen" - ash). _ �SLOVAKIA 61 All this indicates the possi1bility which philology has to determine the time element of vowel changes, a,lso to ascertain the g.radual penetration of Gernnan colomzation and the period · of Gennanization of the Danube area in present-day Austria. Pregraten: Pro;fessor E. Pragarte Pregarten Schwartz correctly derives the name Pregarten from the word "pregarda," which later iby interposition of vocals, changed to "pregrada" (now priehrada in Slovak). We found over ten Pregartens in Upper AU/Stria alone, in the districts of Vociklalbruok, Perg, Gmunden, Freis,tadit, P,r egarten, Eferding, Ottens,tein, Raa>b, Schwanenstad t, which indicates that defense partitions are concerned, parts of the Slov.amic stronghold system which came from the sixth century and haippened to- be on the western border of Samo's empi-re. Designating territoria;l borders had a specia:l sig,rnifica:nce in the life o;f the ancient Slovans; even the German word "Grenze" comes from the Slo,vanic "granica." The Germans penetrated into easte•r n Tyrol after the change of ''gard-" to "grad-", because Pregraten was preser-v ed there. Of course., in some ,places they penetrated before this chamge took place, beca,use there we also find the settlement Aegarth (Oegarth) from the Sl01Va,k Ograda, similarly li!ke a sm~H plow in the German dialect used there is called "arl" from the ancient Slovene form "arlo" (today ralo a,nd, in Sloivruk, radio). The German form arl comes from the era before the interchange of vocals. Windisch garsten-Garsten: The first part of the na,me Windischgars ten indii'cates the Slovanidty of t'he seoon:d part, rubout which E. Schwartz claims that it comes from the Slovanic "chvorst-" ( chrasf in SloiVaik). We cannot, however, agree with him, beca,me in old German names taJken over from the Slov,8Jnic, "k" takes the place oif "ch"; e.g., in Austria, in the Damulbe region, there are several hills whi'C'h are called Kulm, Kulmitz; these are derived from the Slovak "chu!lm" (today, Chlmec, chlmok); therefore, the 'g" of Garsten ca,nnot come from "ch," but only from a word which began with .a "g". Besides that, Windischga-rs ten lies on the old, very im- �62 SLOVAKIA portant highway which already dUJring the Roman times corrected Noricum with the Danwbian region; therefore, already then this road was fortified with bast.rions. In the proximity Of Win<lischg•a rsten is Grad.au, whose. name is obvious1y connected or rel•a ted to the word "grad." A section of the city of Steyr is also called Garsten. We are here concerned with an elevation which hardly could halve been named after "chraist"' (thicket; s'lmufbbery), but l'ather after "brad" (castle; bastion). In our 01pilll.i.on, Garst.en is derived from "gardisce" - the accented "-i-" dlisappearing in the Geir,man, and the gl'OU'l) olf five consonants "rdsts-", because very difrficw.t to pronounce, was modified to "-rit-". Therefore,, we must derive "Garst.en" from "gardisce" and not from "chvorst" ( ohrasf, today). And since south of Windi-schg,a rsten we find the stream Edlbach, it is necesisary to assll!me that the Slovaks settled here very earJiy, because the Sioivenes along the Dra;v,a penetrated to the west in the sixt'h and serventh centuries and through Istria into northern J.truly. In a word, their goal was west and sourt'hiwest, but not north. Slovak tribes from the north also penetrated souith and so1.lfthwesit into the Danubian region. Inasmuoh as traces of Slovenian colonirzation have been ascertained recently around the central part of the Enns, they came from a 1a:ter ,period, when the penetration of the Slovenes to the west wais stopped by the Bavarians and in northern Italy by the Langobal'ds. The woros Garsten, Windischgarst.en, just lilke Pregart.en, are liiving testimony of the defense organization of the forefathers of the ~ovalks (.castles, bastions, citadels) ; other names in the Dainlllibian region of Austria will lead us to the sa:me conclusion. For example, Gairlen and Grat.en ( Garten berg ipresuipposes the name "Gradna), and many names conta•i ning "Strass", are for the most part related to the Slovak "straza" (guaro, and not to the German Strasse (street). Traces were even found after the name "brad.lo" (huge rock) , which the ancient SlovaJks used to designate a defensilve p1ace, usuiaaly a hill, on which defenses were set up (compare Brad.lo near Myjava and Domica; also Branisko, a hill between Saris and Spis) . �SLOVAKIA 63 By analyzing a large number of locail, river, borderline and other names in Lower and Upper AIUJStria and vicinity, as well as Austrian dia:leotic words of Slovak origin, we can define relatiively a;ccurateily just aibout what tme these areas were colonized, but also the 'beginnings, the bo,r ders and the fortunes of Slovak colonization. In summary, then: 1. The names Wien, Rekawenna, Raab, Rabnitz found their way into, German through a Slovak medium, and the Slovaks received the names Vieden, Raba, Rab directly from the Roman population wath whioh they came into contact after their advent into P,a nnonia. 2. The southern 1b ooodary of Slovak colonization in Lorwer and Upper Austria is coarsely indicated by the propagati001 of names of the Edlitz ty,pe, the Slo;va;kness of which cannot ibe questioned, and for the most par,t is c,overed with the waters of the southern tributaries of the central Danube and the northern tributaries of the Drava, besides the region of the centrai IDnns. 3. Names of the Pregarten--Garst,en type designate an ancient Slovak-Bavarian boundary line, which was sUJbjected to changes from the sixth to the eighth centuries. It is self-evident that the direct Slovak~Roman contact was not limited to topograiphicaJ names alone, but can be traced in a multitude of words which the forefathers of the Slovaks took 0 ver from the Pannonian Romams. Pressed for space here, let us mention at least a feiw exrumples. The Slo~ vaks could ha,ve received the word "cast.ellum" only in Pannonia, whose ecclesiastica.>l organization was clissolved thy the Acvars when they destroyed the archibishopris of Sirmium in 582. The Roman "cast,ella" (ca,s tles) served as places of worship long before that date. At that time, when the Slovaks became acquainted with the word castellum (lkostol" - church), they also came to know the word "t,ehla," which came from "tegla," and this word in turn from the Latin "tegula." The GeI1Illans changed "tegla" to "ziegel" in the first half of the sixth century. The Czec'hs got the word "kost.el' from the western-iSlovaJk "kostel," because on their ethnical territory there never wa,s 1 �64 SLOVAKIA a single Roman "castellum." The Czech "cihla" comes from the German, while the Slova;k "tehla" and the Moravian-Slovak "tihla" come directly from the Roman "teglartegula." Among other words the forefathers Olf the Slovaks took over directly from the Romans were also "marmor" (J1ater "mramor - ma:rible) and "ban.a (mine). This swpports our theory that the Slovaks had direct conitacts with the Romans in Pannon:ia. It is not the purpose of philology to analyize the political sitiuation in Europe of the first half of the seventh century and to point out the possibilities which were presented the ancient Slovaiks so that they became the core of the strong empire of King Samo. It shall be the task of ecclesiastical historiains to throw Hght on the reasons why St. Amandus, the apostle of the Belgians, was not suocessful with the Slovak tri!bes in the western Da;nUJbian area. Historians will perhaps tel,l us which Slovak tribes preserved their independence even after Samo's deat'h. Philology can simply state that the material culture of the Sl01Vak Tribes, just like their administrativ e organization, was the same during Samo's time as it was in the Great Moravian Empire and that differences in spiritual culture were only in religion. During Samo's time the ancient Slovaks held onto their pagan religion, whHe the creators of Great Moraivia were Christian Slovak princes . • • • WHO SAID IT? "The aHiiance with the USSR is the starting ,poirut of our new foreign policy and of our security system. This alliance will be complrumented by alhances with other Slav countries. It r epreseruts a mighty bulwairk ag,ainst iposs,i!bJe danger in the future Jirom German imperia:lisnn. In the spirit of these prino1ples, the Demooraitic Party aicted st!an.mchly at all forums. It put aH its weight behind this conception. This orientation is to be regarded as the invariable devise also for our future political life." - (Dr. Joseph Lettrich, Vi.ce-Chaimnan cxf the IDxecutive Committee of the "Council of Free Czechoslo.vakia," at session of Democratic Party, January 25, 194'8). � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 49 624-659 A.D.: THE SLOVAKS AND KING SAMO'S EMPIRE Dr. Henrich Bartek The Great Morawian IDmpire, which had its greatest development during the reign of King Sivatoplwk (870---895), lasted Q/Ver one hundred years. It was the climax of the long struggle of the SlOIV~ trilbes for their own staite. The core or nucleus of the territory occU1pied by the forefathers of the Slovaik nation was the territory to the north of the coo.tool Danuibe. At the end of the eighth centwy and the beginning of the ninith, the SlovaJk trilbes succesSlf ully threw off the yoke of the A vars with the help of Chaxla;maigne. The history of the ninth century offers many possibilities to inquire into the various political and spiritual tendencies which chanced to meet in Great Moravia. But we must reimemlber that patrioti'c motives from the era of national rebinth strn play a significrunt role and visions of the mighty empire of our forefathers not only strengthened national lirfe, hurt also were a rich source of poetic and artistic creativeness. Overestimating the Cyrillo-Methodius episode, tJherefore, is quite common among the Slovaks. Digressions frOIIIl current views, for example, the Christianiwtion of the Slov,aJks by Saints Cyril and Methodius, are accepted with distrust, even though irt is quite obvious that the Slova;ks were Christians long before the adivent of Saints Cyril and Meithodius. F1unthermore, that t'he epochal work of the creators orf the nationa)l liturgy did not last long in Slovakia, but reached its climax outside the 1and od: the Slova;k,s among the southern and eastern SlolV'anic peoples. A thorough understanding of the cultural and political foundations of the development of the Great Moraivian Empire is unthinlkalble wirbhout -a knowledge of the period that preceded it, since Greait Morwia w,a;s neither the first state arrangement orf our forefathers, nor the beginning of their historical aotivti.1Jy, but the result and the c,limax of actions of seve·r al centuries. - -The meager sources before the ninth century do hot entice historiaJns, becaiuse they do not offer sufficient materia,1 50 SLOVAKIA for the expression of more or less probable theories a:nd because the Slovruks, long /before the origin of the Great Moravian Empire, had oooupied a space in the Danuibi'clln region several times greater than that which they n:ow occupy. The fortunes of the Slov-aiks in the era before Great Moravia are veiled in mystery and will not become known U!Iltiil historical science shall be aJble to use the results of researches ()If those scientific departments w'hich could effeotwely CQl1lttibute to the solution of the problem of OUT oldest history. To date, however, a•r eheologicai finds were not sufficiently evaluated to let us know the pro,g ressi.ve penetraititon of the Slovaks into the Danulbian territory; and ethnography has not attempted to give an eociplanation of the origin of Slovak culture in comparison with the culture of its SlOIVIMlic •a nd nonSlovanic nei:gh!bors, saying rrothmg about our ,p hilology which neglected the history of our tongue by devoting 1tself ia11gely to registering dialects and the normalimtion of the· language of literature. Furthermore, comparative philology has such reliable methods that it often can with final validity solive even questions which historfans must leawe unnoticed for a laok of written memoirs, ,b ut which they possilbly could 'b uild farther if they had at hand some supporting poinJts gained through other departments. Philology itself could afford much valualble knowledge to clarify not only the era before Great Moravia in the Danubian area, but als'O the geographical position of the Slovak tri·bes in their ancient homeland because this oon 'b e done 'b y analysis of certain strata of the diotionary aind linguistic maI1ks, as well as by an am.alysis o!f geogmphical names of ancient origm. Of course, such resea:z,ches require exiceptional ca.111tion, but the fact that the ecclesiastica:l Slovanic language enaJbles us to reconst:rmct the arra111gement of vowels of Sl'OIV'lalk words used in the second haJ1f of the ninth century is a sufficient -basis so that we could, ac:cord!irng to single words prese:z,ved since before the ninth cen't;ucy, regressiive1y reconstruct the arrangement of vowels of words from the eighth to the fif,t h centuries, nay, even dooper into the past, whereby it win be shown at which sections of time certain foreign ~rds penetrated into our midst, which as dbjective proo1Js wi:ll enruble S LOVAKIA 51 us to define the cuiturO-ipoliticaJ contacts of our forefathers in the era before Great MOTaviia. In this process of finding the dldest settlements of t'he Sio,V'a,ks, topograJphical names will have a speciaJJ. sig:niificance, a!boJVe al[ else the names of rivers aJnd settlements, as we shall see in examples presented below. So that we miig,ht arrive at positive results from the history before Great Moravia, we must accept a cert.a.in. working hypothesis, the aiutho,rlty of wlhfoh we shall inquire into, wherelby for the saJke of ancient histo11y we are uirged to issue out of Samo.' s emipire and assume that Great Moravria was not the first state formation of the Slova!k tribes, beca~ Fredegar's chronicles record a strong western-.Slovruric empire aJreadly in the sreiventh century; it was headed by King Samo and was strong enough to resist the pressure not only of the Avars, but esven of the Twktish kingdom of King Dagolmllrt. Fredega:r's report aibout the great defeat of the Franlks near the Wogastiburg Castle in 631, as well as several other notations 'by thtis same historian, are the only objective proof aibout Samn's empire, and on these records are based the most various theories about the ethnical composition and the territorial extent, as well as the principal city of Samo's state. As usua11y ha,pperns in such cases, when the som-ce does not a.icoorately define a territory, scho1a:rs of the individu.a1 SIOIValtlic nations striive to a:pip~iate unto themselves Samo's empire: some Czech scientists are seelkting Wogastibrn,g in the most western sections of Bohemia; the Slovenes would liike to find it in Coruta:nia; and foreign scholars lean to one or the other theory. For e}Cample, the Belgian histol'ian Pirenne was for Corutania, whiile Milk.kola, the F~itmish scholar on Slavistics, preferred Bohemia.. In the past recent years, Oze<!h, Polish, and Slov,ak scholars ha:d agreed that King Samo resided at DelVin near the Danube, which, therefore, must have been the center of his empire. We find the weak side of these theories in the lack of new objective proofs which could complement Fredegar's notations. Even. though many new staitemenrts aJbout Samo's empire are very reasonable and very pro!balble, they will re- 52 SLOVAKL<\. main only as suppositions until incontrovert1ble proofs aa-e offered to support them. These theories albout the center of Samo's empire were propagated in 1951 by Oettinger, well-Jmoiwn Viennese historian of arts and arrcheology, who teills us in his book "Das Warden Wiens" thait he regards Vienna as Samo's residence: He bases his b.elief on the fact that the construotion of the Berghof Castle in Vienna, jrUdging it according to prese1wed architectonic relics, can be traced only to Samo's era, because the Avam as a nomadic nation could not build such a great stooe citadel. Besides that, professor Oettinger produces a whole series of othea:- arguments to prove htis theory, one of which we might introduce at this time, that is, that the Slovenes use the name Danu~ for Vienna, namely, that they called the castle a:nd the city according to the rirver, which could hawe happened only during Samo's time, . when the Barghof in Vienna; was the seat of Samo's _, empire. 'I'he discovery of the castle is certainly a very weighty fact, which archeoilogy and history of the arts, th<l!Il!ks to the deductions of Professor Oettinger, presented to historians. Oettinger considers it sellf-evident that Sl0V1a:ks an~l_ other Slovanic peoples lived in the entire region of Vienna and far to the west :tlong the Danulbe territo;ry duriing Samo's time. Theories about the center of Samo's empire at Devin, and especially the proofs of Oeittinger are a suffidenit basis for philology to ask the question: What Slovanic peoples could have li'Ved during Samo.'s time in the Vienna region, near the Danube in present Austria:, and in the vicinity of Devin? Ilf it could be succeSSlf,u lly prorved that during Samo's time the Slovaks a!lrea:dy were settiled in the central Danwbian region, on both sides of this great river, that would mean a milestone in the most ancient history of the SllO!VaJk nation, because F'redegar wrote quite plainly that Samo came among the SlOIV'anic peoiples exactly at the time when they had successfully relbeHed against the Avars. Therefore, it was not Samo, a Frankish merchant by origin, who l~berated the Slovanic peoples who later elected him their king, because they had Uberated themselJves before his advent. Philological proofs of the Slovakness of the regions to SLOVAKIA 53 the .south: of the central Danube in the seventh century could becomie the basis of extensive historical researches, which wouhl place the beginnings of the historical era of the political efforts of the Slo.vruks two centuries dooper into the past, t'herelby clarif~g eiven the origin of the Great Mom-wan Empire. As mentioned albO!ve, philology can throw light on even very runcient eras of nati:ons by ana>ly,z ing a>dopted foreign words and ancient names of ri'Vers and cities. At this time we shall attempt to girve at least a few examples to illustrate how this could be done. Several Ancient Geographical Names An ex,pl,a;n_ation of the origin of topographii.cal names is a useful aid of historians, be.<:ause quite frequentl;y it presents -a better picture orf an anoient settlement than fragmenta:r:y · reports orf chroniclers and, furthermore, vowel chamges,. to which geographical names succumbed, enaJbied us to determine the time of their origin and the period of their existence. In the past decades many wo;r,k,s were published a'bo.ut Slo'V'anic to,p ographical names, but most frequently they are rather conicerned with simply registering names than with explaining them, since the explanation of the oriigin of names encounters many diflficu[ties, especiaJ>ly i!Il the Danwbe territory, whe;re we meet with traces of the lllyrians, Celts, GeTmans and Romans, even the European aJbocygenes, whiHe t'he illyrian and Celtic languages arre not as yet suflficiently reasea.r ched. It is relatirvely very difficult to eociplain clearly to inexperts the origin orf some ancient name, ibecaiuse that requires considerable k!Ilowledge of comparative philology. Thus, for example, even at first glance it is abvious that the nam·e s Viede:ii and Wien (Vienna), which have a ,b asic importance for an.oient history of the Sloivalks, are somewhat related or conneicted togetherr, but maJking their relationship clear requires centain knowledge so that the explanation might 'be accessible to every one and, therefore, we shall ta'ke Ulp a few oth~ geog~aJphical names to show by what manner names of antique origin come to us. RfM___.ROMA (Rome) : The connooti10n of the terms is obvious, but the difficulty encountered is explaining the Slo- 5-1 SLOVAKIA vruk "i" for the Latin "o", as well as the masculine gender of the Slovak name. Quite some time ago, professor Skok of Zagreb University pointed out that on the Dalmatian coast the Latin Salona was cha:nged into Solin, Nona to Nin, Albona to Labin (lby changing position of V'OCals, like the Czech Labe from Albis, buit the German Elbe Wli,thout changing position; the ancient Serbian and Croatian name Jakin was derirved from Ancona). In these names, the Latin "o" was compensated for by the S1ovanic "ii" which then was changed to "y" and fmally to "i." At the same time t:he Latin femi'Illine gender of the names was changed to the masc'll'line in the Slovanic languages, be"Camse in unrefined Latin the Accusative ending "-m" disappeared' and "ad Roma" was used instead of "aid Roma:m" (to Rome). The Slovank peoples regarded the ending "-a" as a suffix of the genitive case of the mascU!line gender and from the forms "do Rima, z Rima, do Solina, zo Solina," etc., they made the maS:C'U'line nominative "Rim, Solin, Nin," etc. It cannot be said with cert.ainty whether the Slovaks got the word "Rim" through the southern Slova'l1S or directly from the Romans in Pamnon:ia, because the name of the princilpa:1 city of the Roman ffimpire may have become known to them when they already lirved in the Car,pathians, but as yet had not penetrated to the Danuibe. RABA-RABIOA-RAB: One of the important southern tributaries of the central Danulb,e in Pannorua is the river Raalb, which in t:he Roman era was ca.Heel Arabo. R is generaliliy ~cknowled'ged that the name is of Celtic origin, which in the S1orvanic was first aJbbrevfaJted into Arba and then later in the fi.mt half Oif the ninth century became Raba by transposition of letters. We find a river bea:ring the same name in Pol,and, which flows into the Visla alboive the Dunajec ; I :reg,ard the name of the Ra!ba of Polamd also of Celitic origin. The Polish Raba and the Pannonian Ra.ha a.re one Of the many proofs of the wandering Oif the Celts, after whom there are traces e:ven in Slovaikia in the names of rivers. Thus, for example, Orava is of Ce1tic origin,. as is Oravica in Rumania. 'Dhe Rabica (Ra.pea in Mayiga:r and Rabliltz SLOVAKIA 55 in German) flows into the Danubian Raba. And Rabica means the SmaH Ralba, because in ancient Slovak diminlutiive names were formed- ~ the sulffix "-ica" - e.g. - NitraNitrica, Bystra-lBystrica, Tepla~Teplica, Lomna◄Lomnica, Byoca.,Bytx'!ica., Lovea◄Lovcioa, etc. One o.f the triburtaries of the Ralbica is named Repce in Magyar, which undoubtedly is am. older name than Ra.pea, because the Magyar Repce presupposes the older Slo'Va.k form Ratiica with an "-a" after a soft "c." In other words, the Magyar Repce was adopted bef<>i:re the thirteenth cen<bury, before the hardening of the soft "c," whife the Magyar Ra.pea is of later origin (afiter the "-a" changed into "-a" in Slovak). At the confluence of the Raba into the Danulbe is the city of RaJb (RaaJb), the Magyar Gyor, which used to be the site of a strong gianison to protect the Roman borders. In Slovll!k t'he name of the city is of the masculine gender in contrast to the name of the river. So, here again we meet with tilie same phenomenon as we did with the. name Rim (Rome). The SlovaJks ada,pted and preserved the ancient name of the river in the form oif Raba and out of it made the dimmuti<ve Rabica; but when they came to the name of the city, they changed the gender in the spirit of their language and, therefore, the form Rab proves a direct corm.ection with the Roman population. in Pannonia, from which the Slovaks tOOik the name of the r iver in the form of Arba, but in designating the city changed the form to Arb, from which at .t he end of the second half of the ninth century, by a trans.posiltion of vocals, the forms Raba and Rab originated. The German forms Raab, Rabnitz and the Magyar Raba (the riiveir) , Repce, Rapea coulld have been taJken onlry from the SlovaJk forms. Here the ancient Slov3'k continuity is quite clear. We must also mention that on the Adriatic, south of the ffihune River, lies the island of RaJb with a oity by that name. The IWian name of the island is Arbe, which also supports our etymology of the names Raba (in Poland), Raba, Rabica, Rab (beyond the Danu'be). When dealing with ancient geog,rruphica:l names, if we are concerned. with the afrooment of the name of a river with the name of a city or town, the name of the river, as a rule, is older. For example: Nitra is named according to 56 SLOVAKIA the river bearing that name, and not vice-versa. The same holds for the names Raba and Rab: the Celts first named the river and later the setrtJement by the same name, which became a Roman city or town. On the Polish Raba there is no town with a similiar name, 'b ut only the community Rabka, whose suffix is "-ka" shows that its origin came later, similarly liike Oravka is of a lateT date in comparison with the more ancient Oravica. In the period of migration of nations there were no great oo111flrcit:s in Panrnonia which could have destroyed ancient oities, because the Romans at the beginning of the fifth cenitury ceded Pann.onia to the H'l.l!Ils, who not only did not destroy A:q,uincum, near the present Budin, but not even the principal city of Upper Pannonia, SaJVaria (todaiy, the Magyar Szombathe ly and the German Stein am Anger). This wealthy city, the birthplace oif St. Ma,rtin, was Mstroyed oruy after the fall of the Tums, in 4!56, but by an earthquaJke. The Huns, similat1ly like the Arvara later, were not interested in destrnying the Pannonfam towns which had to pay them tribute. Therefore, eiven outsride oircumstain ces attest to the fact that the forefathers of the Slo:viaks were acquainted with Rab (Raab) during the time when it was a n important ancient town with a harbor on the Danube. RE~WEN NA-VIED EN-WIEN (Vienna): The official name of the southern tribuil:iary of the Danube in Vienna is Fluss Wien (1RiJver Vioona), even though in the ordinary German language, both in the City of Vienna and also in it.s vicmity, the ancient name Rekawenna is still qurite alive. The firsit part o!f the latter appelation cor.respond s to the SlovaJk "rieka" (rwhich happened to be "reka" in the tenth and eleventh centuries,). Near tJhe wpper part of this river is a community called Rekawinke l (A corner of the river). The second part of the com'I)O!U.Ild word with its "-wenna" reminds us of the names V!ienna (Viedeii) in Slov,ruk and Wien in German). The ending "-a" of the name Wenna tells us that we are concerned with a name that was taken o,ver into German at a relatively late date, s,i nce the "-a" ending ·· in old German disappeared . For exaJiniple: the ancient name of the river Ipusa SLOVAKIA 57 changed into lps ( officially, Ybbs), of courrse thro1Ugh a Slovanic medil.llffi, as is proved by its. trilbutary, the Ipsitz, namely the Small ]jpsa, which in turn wa;s derived from the older term Ipsica. Similarly only thTou·g h a Slovanic medilllffi can be eXiplained the feminine gender of the name Enns, which professor E. Schwrurz noted correctly, according to which the ancient Anisus first gave the Slovams Anisa, from which then, b.y changing the "a" into an "e" and further changes in the German, the form Enns was created. The feminine gender of Enns points to its Slovanic origin against the masc'll!line gender of the class~ca·l name Anisus. This same phenomenon is noticed in t'he names Drava and Sava, which in Latin are Dravus and Savus (masclllline gender) . The change in gender in the Slovanic is given to the omitted or untleratood word "rieka" or probrubly "voda" (rirver and water, lbolth feminine gender). The form Rekawenna, wiith the irresevviation of the word "rieka" indicates not onliy the Sl{)!Varucity of the name, 'but also the necessity of disting1Uishing 'by means of this word t'he name of the ri;ver from another geographical name, so that ambiguity would not a-rise. The existence of the word "Rellmwenna" tells us that the name Wenna had to be. also• the name of a place. Rekawenna found its way into the common German language at the earliest by the end of the eleventh century, that is, aifter the disappearance orf the ending "-a," which otherwise agrees also with historical fact, because the Germans succeSSJfu[ly pushed out the Magyars from the Vienna region only as late as the eleiventh century. According to Much, the Celtic appelation for the Wien (Vienna) River was Vedunia, which means "mountain stream" ("Waldibach"). We thinlk that Much cor:rectly seeks the Ce1tic origin of the name of the river, but we cannot agree with him that we are here concerned with the suffix "-nia," beca:use the Romans wouJd have placed t'his word among the multitude of other names, which ended in "-ania, -onia, -inia, -unia, -enia" and all of which in common or vulgar Latin had a long, accented vowel before the "-n". Burt Vediinia with a long, accented "-ii" would not have become Vieden in Sl01Vak The Celtic V edona we regard as the same name which was preserved in the French name of the 58 SLOVAKIA river Vienne (a tributary of the Loire), as well as in the name of the City of V'ienne near Grenoble and in the regional name Haute Vienne. Here we are concerned with a similar ancient Celtic name as, for exarrniple, the French lsere, which corresponds to the Bava:rian lsar and the Czech Jizera, or the French Aube frrom the Celtic Albis (compaTe with Labe-Elbe, above). The French Vienne presuipposes the Celtic V oo.ona with a short aCJCented "-e-", w'hioh gave "-ie-," simila:rly as bene gaive bien. The change of Voo.ona to Vienne came aJbout according to t!he cmrent old..French vooal changes, which we cannot truke up here. We presuppose the Celto-Latin na,me of the riiver Vedona, in which the Latin short "-o-" gave the short "-u-" in the Sloivanic, w'hich later changed into a hard jer, like the Latin commater gaive kumatra and kmotra: like co:mlite(m) g,a,ve kumet and then kmef, and many others. In the same manner, Vedona first ga.ve Veduna, which after the disappeaora:nce of the weak jer (i.ei. the very short "-u") changed into Vedna, which the Germans adrupted in the form of Wenna, beoause they did not to[e,r ate the intervowel grollip "-dn-". In a word, Rekawenna got into the German lanigua:ge through a Sloviank medium ; not only because of the first part of the compound word, but also the second part. 'l'he glorious Vindobona of antiquity, which was situated rubove the river Vedona, lost its impomnce and a1read'Y in the beginning of tlhe fifth cenitury it is mentioned once as Vindomana, and at other tiimes as Vendomina or Vindomma. IDvidently we a:re concerned with a name of Celtic origin, which originaHy meant as much as "a white city" and whose name was being fu:rigotten by the ancient writers oif the fii.fith and sixth centuries. The SlO!V'aks could have known Vindobona--Vendomina already in the fifth century, and certainly not later than the beginning of the sixth; and sin(!e the names of rive:ris usually became the names of settlements, the settllement near the Vedona RiveT (today, the Rekawenna) was named after it. The name of the to:wn was of the mas<!uline gender, while the riiver remained feminine, like Rab (the river: Raba). SLO \ .AK IA 59 Here the name of the river was Veduna and the town named after it bore the name Vedun (where the "-u-" later became a hard jer in a strong position, which was p~operly changed into an "-e-"). After the vocalimtion of the je:ra, therefore akeady in the tenth century, the foom Vedeii existed in SlowaJk; the genitive of this form wa.s Vediia (do Vedna - to Vienna) . The German na:me is not derived from the nominatirve, 'but from the SlO!Vlak geinitirve, as attested t-0 by the proof "Wenia" from 881. The attempt of pro!fessoc Liewehr, who preswpposes in this name a nasal vowel, CaJI1not be deduced in any manner, but even more incorrect is his claim that the Gerunans got the name "Wien" from the Czechs. Liehwehr obviously colllf,used Ol;ech with Slovak. When we consider that even today the Slovak ethnic border commences abo1Ut 35 !k ilometers northeast of Vienna, that during the entire ninth century the southern border of Great Moravia in Lower Austria was the Danube, and .tJhat durring the time of Ki'Il!g Sva.topllllk even the Vienna region belonged to his empire, it is altogether clear that the Slova,ks have ,preserved to the present time the ancient appelation o!f Viedeii (Viienna). 'f.he Czechs a;ccepted the name Viden from the Slorvaks, as they did the word "kost.el" (church) , rubout whic h we shall say something before we conclude this article. The German Rekawenna comes from the old Slovak form "reka Vedna" and from the ancient, indfrect cases: do Vediia (to Vienna, z Vedna (from Vienna) , in old German this was first Wena, and then later Wien. Llke the Germans along the Roman border on the Danulbe preserved the names Pata.via, Lentia, Lauriacum in the forms Pasau, Linz, Lorch, so the Slovaks in the names of Vied en and Rab ,preserved the names of V edona and Arabo along that ancient border. '.Ilhe Slo;venian Dunaj (iDanulbe) to designate Vienna supports the theory of professor Oettinger that the principal city of Samo's, empiTe was Vienna, rbecause only the constriuction of Benghof cOIUld haive girven the Slovenians the chance to name the new citadel according to the river, but 60 SLOVAKIA the irrediutaible oontinmty of the Sl01Vruk name wit'h the ancient one attests to the fact that during the time of King Samo, and even 1b efore him, the Slovenes did not live in the Vienna region, but the Slov8Jks did. Edtitz-Edlach-Edlbach: It is dbviol\.ls that the Slovruk population wais found not Ottl!ly in the immedliaite vii.cinity of Vienna, but extended fal'lt'her to the south, aJPpmx:imwte1y to the separation of the southern tributaries O!f the Danube in Lower Austria and partia,Uy in Upper AU1sitria, as is attested to by other to;pograiphica;l names, of which we might mention art 1€18JSt Edlitz and Eillach, which are east and north of Semmering. The consonant group "-di-" indicates its Slo!V'ruk origin. In Slovene "jela' comes from the older form "ela," as compared to the Slovruk "jedfa" (derived from the older fo:ran "edfa"). The grolllp "-di-" was also preseirved in the name of Modling (near Vienna) .f.rom the Sloviak "M:odlin" (another Modlin is near Wa:raaw). And south of Wind<ischg,a,rsten in Upper Austria we find the stream Edlbach. The very drcuimsitance that these names do not start with a "j-" proves their antiquity, that is, they must have penetrated into the Germian before the secondi half of the ninth century. In German names ta;ken over fr<>rr1 SIOIValk, we can ascertain three groups: 1. Edlitz (east of Semmering; another one is west of the Vienna Forest, near Wein1burg); here belong many other names, which we need not mention; Aflenz, a riiver in the SO'Utheastern region of Upper Austria; these and similar n8Jmes were taken over by t'he Germans when the Sloivak sit.HI used 'adfa, ablonica' instead of "jedfa, jablonica"; 2. the group with the initial "g" instead of the Slovak "j-" - e.g., Gaflenz (the nanie of the town above the river Aflertz W8JS ·adlapted later by the Germans, which means that the Sloiv,alk poipuiliaition preserwed itself there quite some time); 3. the ,groUJp with the presenved secondary "j-,r-" e.g. Jauerling (f,r om Javornik, a mountain ridge northw~ of MelO'k, a:bove the Danulbe; . the Gemnans adapted the word, just lirke they got "Moserling" from "MocamI'k"); Jas~tzbach, a trilburtal'y of the Erlaf, whfoh :filows into the Danu'be (Jasnitlz is from the SLO'V'ark Jasenica, naimed accordling to the tree "jasen" - ash). _ SLOVAKIA 61 All this indicates the possi1bility which philology has to determine the time element of vowel changes, a,lso to ascertain the g.radual penetration of Gernnan colomzation and the period · of Gennanization of the Danube area in present-day Austria. Pregraten: Pro;fessor E. Pragarte Pregarten Schwartz correctly derives the name Pregarten from the word "pregarda," which later iby interposition of vocals, changed to "pregrada" (now priehrada in Slovak). We found over ten Pregartens in Upper AU/Stria alone, in the districts of Vociklalbruok, Perg, Gmunden, Freis,tadit, P,r egarten, Eferding, Ottens,tein, Raa>b, Schwanenstad t, which indicates that defense partitions are concerned, parts of the Slov.amic stronghold system which came from the sixth century and haippened to- be on the western border of Samo's empi-re. Designating territoria;l borders had a specia:l sig,rnifica:nce in the life o;f the ancient Slovans; even the German word "Grenze" comes from the Slo,vanic "granica." The Germans penetrated into easte•r n Tyrol after the change of ''gard-" to "grad-", because Pregraten was preser-v ed there. Of course., in some ,places they penetrated before this chamge took place, beca,use there we also find the settlement Aegarth (Oegarth) from the Sl01Va,k Ograda, similarly li!ke a sm~H plow in the German dialect used there is called "arl" from the ancient Slovene form "arlo" (today ralo a,nd, in Sloivruk, radio). The German form arl comes from the era before the interchange of vocals. Windisch garsten-Garsten: The first part of the na,me Windischgars ten indii'cates the Slovanidty of t'he seoon:d part, rubout which E. Schwartz claims that it comes from the Slovanic "chvorst-" ( chrasf in SloiVaik). We cannot, however, agree with him, beca,me in old German names taJken over from the Slov,8Jnic, "k" takes the place oif "ch"; e.g., in Austria, in the Damulbe region, there are several hills whi'C'h are called Kulm, Kulmitz; these are derived from the Slovak "chu!lm" (today, Chlmec, chlmok); therefore, the 'g" of Garsten ca,nnot come from "ch," but only from a word which began with .a "g". Besides that, Windischga-rs ten lies on the old, very im- 62 SLOVAKIA portant highway which already dUJring the Roman times corrected Noricum with the Danwbian region; therefore, already then this road was fortified with bast.rions. In the proximity Of Win<lischg•a rsten is Grad.au, whose. name is obvious1y connected or rel•a ted to the word "grad." A section of the city of Steyr is also called Garsten. We are here concerned with an elevation which hardly could halve been named after "chraist"' (thicket; s'lmufbbery), but l'ather after "brad" (castle; bastion). In our 01pilll.i.on, Garst.en is derived from "gardisce" - the accented "-i-" dlisappearing in the Geir,man, and the gl'OU'l) olf five consonants "rdsts-", because very difrficw.t to pronounce, was modified to "-rit-". Therefore,, we must derive "Garst.en" from "gardisce" and not from "chvorst" ( ohrasf, today). And since south of Windi-schg,a rsten we find the stream Edlbach, it is necesisary to assll!me that the Slovaks settled here very earJiy, because the Sioivenes along the Dra;v,a penetrated to the west in the sixt'h and serventh centuries and through Istria into northern J.truly. In a word, their goal was west and sourt'hiwest, but not north. Slovak tribes from the north also penetrated souith and so1.lfthwesit into the Danubian region. Inasmuoh as traces of Slovenian colonirzation have been ascertained recently around the central part of the Enns, they came from a 1a:ter ,period, when the penetration of the Slovenes to the west wais stopped by the Bavarians and in northern Italy by the Langobal'ds. The woros Garsten, Windischgarst.en, just lilke Pregart.en, are liiving testimony of the defense organization of the forefathers of the ~ovalks (.castles, bastions, citadels) ; other names in the Dainlllibian region of Austria will lead us to the sa:me conclusion. For example, Gairlen and Grat.en ( Garten berg ipresuipposes the name "Gradna), and many names conta•i ning "Strass", are for the most part related to the Slovak "straza" (guaro, and not to the German Strasse (street). Traces were even found after the name "brad.lo" (huge rock) , which the ancient SlovaJks used to designate a defensilve p1ace, usuiaaly a hill, on which defenses were set up (compare Brad.lo near Myjava and Domica; also Branisko, a hill between Saris and Spis) . SLOVAKIA 63 By analyzing a large number of locail, river, borderline and other names in Lower and Upper AIUJStria and vicinity, as well as Austrian dia:leotic words of Slovak origin, we can define relatiively a;ccurateily just aibout what tme these areas were colonized, but also the 'beginnings, the bo,r ders and the fortunes of Slovak colonization. In summary, then: 1. The names Wien, Rekawenna, Raab, Rabnitz found their way into, German through a Slovak medium, and the Slovaks received the names Vieden, Raba, Rab directly from the Roman population wath whioh they came into contact after their advent into P,a nnonia. 2. The southern 1b ooodary of Slovak colonization in Lorwer and Upper Austria is coarsely indicated by the propagati001 of names of the Edlitz ty,pe, the Slo;va;kness of which cannot ibe questioned, and for the most par,t is c,overed with the waters of the southern tributaries of the central Danube and the northern tributaries of the Drava, besides the region of the centrai IDnns. 3. Names of the Pregarten--Garst,en type designate an ancient Slovak-Bavarian boundary line, which was sUJbjected to changes from the sixth to the eighth centuries. It is self-evident that the direct Slovak~Roman contact was not limited to topograiphicaJ names alone, but can be traced in a multitude of words which the forefathers of the Slovaks took 0 ver from the Pannonian Romams. Pressed for space here, let us mention at least a feiw exrumples. The Slo~ vaks could ha,ve received the word "cast.ellum" only in Pannonia, whose ecclesiastica.>l organization was clissolved thy the Acvars when they destroyed the archibishopris of Sirmium in 582. The Roman "cast,ella" (ca,s tles) served as places of worship long before that date. At that time, when the Slovaks became acquainted with the word castellum (lkostol" - church), they also came to know the word "t,ehla," which came from "tegla," and this word in turn from the Latin "tegula." The GeI1Illans changed "tegla" to "ziegel" in the first half of the sixth century. The Czec'hs got the word "kost.el' from the western-iSlovaJk "kostel," because on their ethnical territory there never wa,s 1 64 SLOVAKIA a single Roman "castellum." The Czech "cihla" comes from the German, while the Slova;k "tehla" and the Moravian-Slovak "tihla" come directly from the Roman "teglartegula." Among other words the forefathers Olf the Slovaks took over directly from the Romans were also "marmor" (J1ater "mramor - ma:rible) and "ban.a (mine). This swpports our theory that the Slovaks had direct conitacts with the Romans in Pannon:ia. It is not the purpose of philology to analyize the political sitiuation in Europe of the first half of the seventh century and to point out the possibilities which were presented the ancient Slovaiks so that they became the core of the strong empire of King Samo. It shall be the task of ecclesiastical historiains to throw Hght on the reasons why St. Amandus, the apostle of the Belgians, was not suocessful with the Slovak tri!bes in the western Da;nUJbian area. Historians will perhaps tel,l us which Slovak tribes preserved their independence even after Samo's deat'h. Philology can simply state that the material culture of the Sl01Vak Tribes, just like their administrativ e organization, was the same during Samo's time as it was in the Great Moravian Empire and that differences in spiritual culture were only in religion. During Samo's time the ancient Slovaks held onto their pagan religion, whHe the creators of Great Moraivia were Christian Slovak princes . • • • WHO SAID IT? "The aHiiance with the USSR is the starting ,poirut of our new foreign policy and of our security system. This alliance will be complrumented by alhances with other Slav countries. It r epreseruts a mighty bulwairk ag,ainst iposs,i!bJe danger in the future Jirom German imperia:lisnn. In the spirit of these prino1ples, the Demooraitic Party aicted st!an.mchly at all forums. It put aH its weight behind this conception. This orientation is to be regarded as the invariable devise also for our future political life." - (Dr. Joseph Lettrich, Vi.ce-Chaimnan cxf the IDxecutive Committee of the "Council of Free Czechoslo.vakia," at session of Democratic Party, January 25, 194'8).  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 624-659 A.D.: The Slovaks and King Samo's Empire Description An account of the resource Dr. Henrich Bartek Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 2 (10), June 1954 pp. 49-64 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Bartek, Henrich, 1907-1986 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June 1954 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/57771c21abf587901bbc84c916b62e8f.pdf 5ab02c69841d5adf74f6b3535bea90a3 PDF Text Text Officers of the Slovak League of America (Organi zed 1907 in Cle veland, Ohio.) • Honorary Dr. Peter 1943 W . C' hicago John J . Sirotnak 61U-612 Lincoln Trust Bldg. Sc ran ton 3, Pa. I'r es iJen l P. H letko 48th Street 9, [l]i nois Dr. Julius Janci 215 East Mason Street Pres id ent Owoss o, :vii ch. Philip A. H r obak P. 0 . Box 150, Middl e town , Pa. Ste phani e 0. Husek Georgian Co ur t Co ll ege Vice-Prei;id e n t L a kewood, N. J. J acob Kocis ADVISORY COUNCIL 1547 - 167 th Street Michael J. Vargovich H ammond, Tnd. National President First Catholic Slovak Union Vice-Pre sident of U . S . A. Julia Krajcovic 1648 W. 18th St., Chicago 8, Ill. Recording Secre tary Francis H rusovsky 2900 East Boulevard Cleve land 4, Ohio Helen Kocan National President First Catholic Slova k Ladies Union Frank Sobus National P r e sident Slovak Catholic Sokol S ec re ta ry-Tre as u rer Mi la n V. Blazek 4205 W . Cull erton Street Chicago 23, Ill. Stephen J. Tkach National President P e nna. Slovak Union Gabriela E. Vavrek National President Ladies Pennsylvania Slovak Union EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Paul P . Jamriska 810 Montooth Street Pittsburgh 10 , P a . Joseph Prusa 205 Ma dison St.. Pa,ssaic, N. J. SLOVAK John Rozboril National President S lovak Cath olic Cadet Union NEWSPAPERS ( Affiliated with the Slovak League of America) JEDNOTA Pa. SLOVENSKA OBRANA S cranton, Pa. ZENSKA JEDNOTA Cleveland, Ohio. BRATSTVO Wilk es-Ba rre , P a . SLOVENSKE NOVINY Cleveland , Ohio. ZORNICKA Wilkes-Barre, Pa. KATOLiCKY SOKOL Passai c, N . J . SVORNOST Whitaker, Pa. OSADNE. HLASY .\I iddletown, SLO VAK V AMERIK E Whi t ing, Ind . Chicago, m. �.,. ;.i. .:.q .. , ' • t ..,.CA ! ~>. . </ .,,; ., l , ;' r 1f·i~ ''U ;4 i; , '' ' ' ' ~ - .-. . ./ I -<'~· Ruins of Devin Castle (south view) i Slovaikia. History tells that the Slo;vak King Raistishw ruled the Great Moravian Empire from this fortress in the ninth century. � Officers of the Slovak League of America (Organi zed 1907 in Cle veland, Ohio.) • Honorary Dr. Peter 1943 W . C' hicago John J . Sirotnak 61U-612 Lincoln Trust Bldg. Sc ran ton 3, Pa. I'r es iJen l P. H letko 48th Street 9, [l]i nois Dr. Julius Janci 215 East Mason Street Pres id ent Owoss o, :vii ch. Philip A. H r obak P. 0 . Box 150, Middl e town , Pa. Ste phani e 0. Husek Georgian Co ur t Co ll ege Vice-Prei;id e n t L a kewood, N. J. J acob Kocis ADVISORY COUNCIL 1547 - 167 th Street Michael J. Vargovich H ammond, Tnd. National President First Catholic Slovak Union Vice-Pre sident of U . S . A. Julia Krajcovic 1648 W. 18th St., Chicago 8, Ill. Recording Secre tary Francis H rusovsky 2900 East Boulevard Cleve land 4, Ohio Helen Kocan National President First Catholic Slova k Ladies Union Frank Sobus National P r e sident Slovak Catholic Sokol S ec re ta ry-Tre as u rer Mi la n V. Blazek 4205 W . Cull erton Street Chicago 23, Ill. Stephen J. Tkach National President P e nna. Slovak Union Gabriela E. Vavrek National President Ladies Pennsylvania Slovak Union EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Paul P . Jamriska 810 Montooth Street Pittsburgh 10 , P a . Joseph Prusa 205 Ma dison St.. Pa,ssaic, N. J. SLOVAK John Rozboril National President S lovak Cath olic Cadet Union NEWSPAPERS ( Affiliated with the Slovak League of America) JEDNOTA Pa. SLOVENSKA OBRANA S cranton, Pa. ZENSKA JEDNOTA Cleveland, Ohio. BRATSTVO Wilk es-Ba rre , P a . SLOVENSKE NOVINY Cleveland , Ohio. ZORNICKA Wilkes-Barre, Pa. KATOLiCKY SOKOL Passai c, N . J . SVORNOST Whitaker, Pa. OSADNE. HLASY .\I iddletown, SLO VAK V AMERIK E Whi t ing, Ind . Chicago, m. �.,. ;.i. .:.q .. , ' • t ..,.CA ! ~>. . </ .,,; ., l , ;' r 1f·i~ ''U ;4 i; , '' ' ' ' ~ - .-. . ./ I -<'~· Ruins of Devin Castle (south view) i Slovaikia. History tells that the Slo;vak King Raistishw ruled the Great Moravian Empire from this fortress in the ninth century. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Officers of the Slovak League of America (Organi zed 1907 in Cle veland, Ohio.) • Honorary Dr. Peter 1943 W . C' hicago John J . Sirotnak 61U-612 Lincoln Trust Bldg. Sc ran ton 3, Pa. I'r es iJen l P. H letko 48th Street 9, [l]i nois Dr. Julius Janci 215 East Mason Street Pres id ent Owoss o, :vii ch. Philip A. H r obak P. 0 . Box 150, Middl e town , Pa. Ste phani e 0. Husek Georgian Co ur t Co ll ege Vice-Prei;id e n t L a kewood, N. J. J acob Kocis ADVISORY COUNCIL 1547 - 167 th Street Michael J. Vargovich H ammond, Tnd. National President First Catholic Slovak Union Vice-Pre sident of U . S . A. Julia Krajcovic 1648 W. 18th St., Chicago 8, Ill. Recording Secre tary Francis H rusovsky 2900 East Boulevard Cleve land 4, Ohio Helen Kocan National President First Catholic Slova k Ladies Union Frank Sobus National P r e sident Slovak Catholic Sokol S ec re ta ry-Tre as u rer Mi la n V. Blazek 4205 W . Cull erton Street Chicago 23, Ill. Stephen J. Tkach National President P e nna. Slovak Union Gabriela E. Vavrek National President Ladies Pennsylvania Slovak Union EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Paul P . Jamriska 810 Montooth Street Pittsburgh 10 , P a . Joseph Prusa 205 Ma dison St.. Pa,ssaic, N. J. SLOVAK John Rozboril National President S lovak Cath olic Cadet Union NEWSPAPERS ( Affiliated with the Slovak League of America) JEDNOTA Pa. SLOVENSKA OBRANA S cranton, Pa. ZENSKA JEDNOTA Cleveland, Ohio. BRATSTVO Wilk es-Ba rre , P a . SLOVENSKE NOVINY Cleveland , Ohio. ZORNICKA Wilkes-Barre, Pa. KATOLiCKY SOKOL Passai c, N . J . SVORNOST Whitaker, Pa. OSADNE. HLASY .\I iddletown, SLO VAK V AMERIK E Whi t ing, Ind . Chicago, m. .,. ;.i. .:.q .. , ' • t ..,.CA ! ~>. . </ .,,; ., l , ;' r 1f·i~ ''U ;4 i; , '' ' ' ' ~ - .-. . ./ I -<'~· Ruins of Devin Castle (south view) i Slovaikia. History tells that the Slo;vak King Raistishw ruled the Great Moravian Empire from this fortress in the ninth century.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Back Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 1 (10) Description An account of the resource includes photo of ruins of Devín Castle Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource June 1954 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/eb635f999ed711f2ef9c4b2ccc76ca4c.pdf fad6c62494aeb869bf33b589432a28b5 PDF Text Text ~~ IL (0) W& VOL.' i - : J - ~1~:'o;_ SEPT .-DEC. 1954 "- l ,: ~ - ~-4 ( ~~13 ) ~ IN THIS ISSUE: THE SLOVAK UPRISING OF AUGUST 1944 NATIONALISM VS INTERNATIONALISM DR. LETTRICH ' S PRINCIPLES THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC AND COMMUNISM THE LETTRICH "<DEMOCRATS " AND COMMUNISM NATIONALIZATION OF P R IVATE PROPERT Y IN SLOVAKIA SLOVAK FOLKLORE : THE MAN WHO NEVER SINNED EASTERN SLOVAKIA WAS SLOVAK FOR CENTURIES SELF- DETERMINATION FOR SLOVAKIA THE APOSTLE·$ OF BOGUS FEDERALISM HOW THE COMMUNISTS SEIZED POWER IN ~~ SLOVAKIA\ PROFILE OF AN EXILE POLITICIAN CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA: T H E OLD CASTLE ( STARY HRAD)'\~ JOHN MASARYK WAS NO EXCEPTION WHO SAi D IT ? - * PP. 22, 58, 77, 84 * * Edit ed .:. nd · c ompil ed by PHILIP A . HROBAK Pub I ished by T HE S LOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA �SLOVAKIA is published periodically by the :::;1ovak League of America, a cultural arnl ci vie federation of Amerwans of Slovak d.e::icent. 'fhe chief purpose of SLOVAK.IA Ls to pro111ote a better understanding and appn!c1atio11 of the Slovak nation and its long struggle for freedorn and independence. As Americans, members of the Bluvak League of America firmly believe that the Slovak nation, just as all nations, has an inherent and God-given right to freedom and independence. They are dedicated to the cause of the American way of 1ife, Slovak freedom and world peace and are determined to oppose the plague of Communism and all other totalitarjan political systems. Subscription to Slovakia $1.00 per .v ear in the U. S. A. - $2.00 elsewhere. Send subscriptions to: SLOVAKIA Box 150 Middletown, Pa. Printed in the U.S. A. JEDNOTA PRESS Middletown, Pa. �SL OV AK IA Published VOL. IV quarterly by the Slovak SEPT.-,DEC. 1954 With this issue SLOVAKIA ends its fourVh year. With th1s double issue it makes its thirteenth appearance. The first iss ue in 195£ will be marked Vol. V, No. 14. We hope that we haeve satisfied our readers in the past four years ,a nd will be able to do so in the future. At any irate we shall do our utmost not to disappoint them. SLOVAKIA is, indeed, different from most other periodicals, and it was intended to be so. It has a definite mission to fulfill, a mission that does not co mpare w1th that of other literature, ex. cept in its dedication to truth and justice, to the American way of life and to the struggle against all tyranny, THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA, the publisher of the SII.JOVAK,I,A, certainly is rendering a valuable service not only for its membership and the Slovak nation, but for America and the rest of the free world as well. 'I\he more the nations of the earth know and understand one another, the better -sh all they appreoia.te themselves and the friendlier will be their relationships , Without thls knowledge, relationship and understanding a peaceful world is unthinkable. Dr. Stephen Osusky, former Czecho,S,l ovak amb assador to France and now a member of the so.called "Coun,cll of Free Czechoslovakia," filed ,a $250,000.00 libel suit in July against the C. S. (Czeohoalovak) Publishing Co., and Dr. Hubert Ripka, former member of the Nation,al Front League of America NO. 3-4 (12-13) government of the Benes•Gottwald coalition. Andrew Valusek president of the pu blishing con'. cern, ,a nd Jan P,apa.nek, vice-presiden t and former Czecho-Slovak delegate to the United ations, were also named. We did n ot expect anything to come of that act:ion, ,hence we were not too dis. appointed Wlhen it was reported that noth1ng oame of it. Osusky today is supposed to represent the political will of the Slovak nation, but in reality he does not. Amerioans of Slovak descent still recall that Mir. Osusky was delegated by tihe Slovak League of America to go to Europe to look after the intereats of the Slovak nation after World War I. T. G. Masaryk offered him a tempting position and Osusky forgot about his Slovak people. As far as is known, h e has not as yet reported to the Slovak League on the mission en. trusted to him some 35 years ago. Osu sky ihas never been elected by the lovaks at home to represent them in any politf.cal capacity. "The Deliverance of Sister Cecilia" - by •S ister Cecilia as told to William Brinkley, assistant editor of :UIJF'E magazine - bas been published by Farrar, Straus and Young. Sister Cecilia, a SJo. v,ak nun, was w,anted by tihe Communists for her underground work of helping her countrymen flee the Reds. Then she had to flee for her life herself. Tille R eds pursued S·ister Cecilia for four months, ,b ut were unable to catch up with ber. Resorting to �2 SLOVAKIA various disguises, Sister Cecilia, finally in dangerous flight, made her way to the W-e st and free• dom. After two years in West Germany, Sister Cecilia came to America in Febmary, 1954. The story of Sister Cecilia's daring exploits is interestingly presented by Mr. Brinkley in 360 pages. Y-0u can get your copy from the pUJb!isher for $3.75. Over 20,000 book&, with a to• tal issue of some 330,000,0-00, 'have been published in Czedho•Slova•k ia by the Reds from 1945 to the end of 1953. MATUS ZVON , to whom Dr. ,Ce.sarich refers in 'his article "The Apostles of Bogus Federalism," in this Issue, is not kno,wn among Slovak writers, hence, tJb.e name obviously is a pseudonym. " Slova kia i n .B I o o d and Sh ackl es" by Stephen Blasko. for- mer Slovak deputy to tJhe Prague Parliament, w.as published dur• ing the summer by the Oatholic Slovak Sokol, Passaic, N. J. It is an expose of Gen. Nic-hoLas Ferjencik, called "the Bloody Gen• era!," and -h is brutal police force, the N.KVD of <SloV>akia. You can have a copy for just one dollar. We are often asked for tb ack copies of SIJOVA.IGA. All axe still ,availaible in limited num· bers except Vol. 1, N o. 2. OUT readers may stLll get ALL avail_ a,ble copies (13 issues) for only $5.00 as long as the supply ,l asts. THE NEW TESTAMENT, transl,ated into S'lovak by Charles Strmei'i of the Slovak Benedictine High School, Cleveland, Ohio, has just been pu'Mls'hed ,b y Obrana Press, lnc., Scranton, Pa., in easily rnadable type. Over 950 pages and bound in clotih, the bodk sells for $10.-00. The " t en th anniversary" of the Communist-inspired 1944 Slovak upnsmg (massacre) was cele. brated ,b y the Reds of CzechoSlovaki-a August 29, 1944. The Benes Czechs and Czech Slovaks (''Czechoslovaks"!) commemorat_ ed it in America -rulso (NE:W YOIRK TIMES, August 29, 1954), but not in the fashion they were accustomed to before February 25, 1948, w'hen they suddenly became "anti-Communist, democra_ tic exiles." A rather detailed account of the m1snom ered "Slovaik National Uprising" is presented in this issue of SiWVA- KIA. " FALSE FREEDOM " - a new book by Edward L. Delaney and dedicated " To the memo r y of th e martyred patri ot,. Prelate, and Presi dent, Joseph T •iso" made its ap·pearance recently. You can get your copy from S:UOVAKIA: in cloth (Library Edition) $3.00; paper cover -- $2.00. Andrew Gemersky ls the pseudonym of a •S lov,ak w ho escaped from Slovakia just several months ago, He contacted SLOV AKlA soon after he arrived in West Germany, He was witness t-0 the t'hlngs he writes about. His frun:lly is still in Slovakia. The Slovak Institute, spon. sored by the Slovak !Benedictine Fathers of Cleveland, 0 ., opened Its third year of ,a ctivity Novemb er 3. Evening olasses for adults, every second Wednesday, commence at 8 P. M. Slovak language and history courses are open to all without charge. Sessions are held at the Benedictine High Scho-01, 2900 Bast Boulevard. �SLOVAKIA History or propaganda? the title of an article that will aJP· pear in future issues of SLOVAKLA. Wak.h tor it and, in the meantime, send a subscription for a friend . We ihave said on many occasions that no nation has been so misrepresented, minimized and vilified as the Slovcak nation, and now for the proof as offered by "eminen.t" hist orians who attempted to write albout the Slovaks and t heir country without sufficient prEWaration and stud,y_ The International Peasant Union, headed by Mikolajczyk, did itself no good 1by publishing Fedor Hod.fa's a r ticle (The SJova'k Democratic P,a rty) in its ·B ul. letin. The pea,sants of S'1ovakia could never endorse Hodza's airticle - or any of the Lettrlch "democrats" w'ho collaborated with the Reds and the USSR. The Red Czech Government was among the very first s•a tellite governments to name a delegation to the USSIR•s'I)Onsored European confer·e nce, held in Moscow recently. It seems that nothing has c hanged in Czech Prague : even under Benes, the 0zechs were always among the fir.st to run to Mo scow. McCarthy or no MoGarthy, Ameri cans cannot let up in their fight against Communists and 1Red infiltration of Government and industry without endangering the security of the United States. The Was,hlngton "censure" spectacle was lamentable and reprehensible. Who of the di'stinguis·hed membe.rs of the Watkins committee was not at one time or another guilty of the same charges as McCarthy? And who is it that is so interested in hav. 3 i.ng Americans forget the task the MoOarthy committee was to accomplish and w'ho it was that initiated the Wlhole debacle by preferring C'harges ,a gain8t the committee? The New York S.tate Supreme Court ruled (No,v . 17) that the Ozecll Reds of Pra,gue ,aJ:1e not entitled to the 0 zecho.,s:Iova.k Red Cross fund'S he1d by Dr. Jan Papanek; former Czecho•Slovak delegate to the United Nations who voted with the US~IR on most im,portant issues. According to the NEW YORKSKY DIDNNiK, the money will lbe used by the "American Fund for Czec•hoslovak Refugees" of which Pa,panek is the ·head. OnJy bhe "politicaJ:ly relfable" get help from th!llt fund, so that means patriotic Sloviaks are out. The NY(l) was overjoyed that ''iPapanek won and the Communists lost." The latter ,Jost some.thin,g they did not have - and Papane.k got his hands on money that was not rightfully his to diis. pose of in t'he first place. 1 Mendes France, might say "veni, vidi" a bout his recent visit to the USA, but ·h ardly "vici," as many papers would htave us believe. Whether he ca.ptured the 'hearts of Americans remains to be :see.n. 'In the. meantime, it would be well for America to pause and ref.lect on what has happened in Vietnam, and ot•h er states witJh coalition governments which included the Reds. !Have you renewed your subscription to SLOVAKIA? And why not subscribe for a friend? IMIDRRY 0HRIS'I1MAiS AN'D A HAPPY NEW YEAR! � ~~ IL (0) W& VOL.' i - : J - ~1~:'o;_ SEPT .-DEC. 1954 "- l ,: ~ - ~-4 ( ~~13 ) ~ IN THIS ISSUE: THE SLOVAK UPRISING OF AUGUST 1944 NATIONALISM VS INTERNATIONALISM DR. LETTRICH ' S PRINCIPLES THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC AND COMMUNISM THE LETTRICH "<DEMOCRATS " AND COMMUNISM NATIONALIZATION OF P R IVATE PROPERT Y IN SLOVAKIA SLOVAK FOLKLORE : THE MAN WHO NEVER SINNED EASTERN SLOVAKIA WAS SLOVAK FOR CENTURIES SELF- DETERMINATION FOR SLOVAKIA THE APOSTLE·$ OF BOGUS FEDERALISM HOW THE COMMUNISTS SEIZED POWER IN ~~ SLOVAKIA\ PROFILE OF AN EXILE POLITICIAN CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA: T H E OLD CASTLE ( STARY HRAD)'\~ JOHN MASARYK WAS NO EXCEPTION WHO SAi D IT ? - * PP. 22, 58, 77, 84 * * Edit ed .:. nd · c ompil ed by PHILIP A . HROBAK Pub I ished by T HE S LOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA �SLOVAKIA is published periodically by the :::;1ovak League of America, a cultural arnl ci vie federation of Amerwans of Slovak d.e::icent. 'fhe chief purpose of SLOVAK.IA Ls to pro111ote a better understanding and appn!c1atio11 of the Slovak nation and its long struggle for freedorn and independence. As Americans, members of the Bluvak League of America firmly believe that the Slovak nation, just as all nations, has an inherent and God-given right to freedom and independence. They are dedicated to the cause of the American way of 1ife, Slovak freedom and world peace and are determined to oppose the plague of Communism and all other totalitarjan political systems. Subscription to Slovakia $1.00 per .v ear in the U. S. A. - $2.00 elsewhere. Send subscriptions to: SLOVAKIA Box 150 Middletown, Pa. Printed in the U.S. A. JEDNOTA PRESS Middletown, Pa. �SL OV AK IA Published VOL. IV quarterly by the Slovak SEPT.-,DEC. 1954 With this issue SLOVAKIA ends its fourVh year. With th1s double issue it makes its thirteenth appearance. The first iss ue in 195£ will be marked Vol. V, No. 14. We hope that we haeve satisfied our readers in the past four years ,a nd will be able to do so in the future. At any irate we shall do our utmost not to disappoint them. SLOVAKIA is, indeed, different from most other periodicals, and it was intended to be so. It has a definite mission to fulfill, a mission that does not co mpare w1th that of other literature, ex. cept in its dedication to truth and justice, to the American way of life and to the struggle against all tyranny, THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA, the publisher of the SII.JOVAK,I,A, certainly is rendering a valuable service not only for its membership and the Slovak nation, but for America and the rest of the free world as well. 'I\he more the nations of the earth know and understand one another, the better -sh all they appreoia.te themselves and the friendlier will be their relationships , Without thls knowledge, relationship and understanding a peaceful world is unthinkable. Dr. Stephen Osusky, former Czecho,S,l ovak amb assador to France and now a member of the so.called "Coun,cll of Free Czechoslovakia," filed ,a $250,000.00 libel suit in July against the C. S. (Czeohoalovak) Publishing Co., and Dr. Hubert Ripka, former member of the Nation,al Front League of America NO. 3-4 (12-13) government of the Benes•Gottwald coalition. Andrew Valusek president of the pu blishing con'. cern, ,a nd Jan P,apa.nek, vice-presiden t and former Czecho-Slovak delegate to the United ations, were also named. We did n ot expect anything to come of that act:ion, ,hence we were not too dis. appointed Wlhen it was reported that noth1ng oame of it. Osusky today is supposed to represent the political will of the Slovak nation, but in reality he does not. Amerioans of Slovak descent still recall that Mir. Osusky was delegated by tihe Slovak League of America to go to Europe to look after the intereats of the Slovak nation after World War I. T. G. Masaryk offered him a tempting position and Osusky forgot about his Slovak people. As far as is known, h e has not as yet reported to the Slovak League on the mission en. trusted to him some 35 years ago. Osu sky ihas never been elected by the lovaks at home to represent them in any politf.cal capacity. "The Deliverance of Sister Cecilia" - by •S ister Cecilia as told to William Brinkley, assistant editor of :UIJF'E magazine - bas been published by Farrar, Straus and Young. Sister Cecilia, a SJo. v,ak nun, was w,anted by tihe Communists for her underground work of helping her countrymen flee the Reds. Then she had to flee for her life herself. Tille R eds pursued S·ister Cecilia for four months, ,b ut were unable to catch up with ber. Resorting to �2 SLOVAKIA various disguises, Sister Cecilia, finally in dangerous flight, made her way to the W-e st and free• dom. After two years in West Germany, Sister Cecilia came to America in Febmary, 1954. The story of Sister Cecilia's daring exploits is interestingly presented by Mr. Brinkley in 360 pages. Y-0u can get your copy from the pUJb!isher for $3.75. Over 20,000 book&, with a to• tal issue of some 330,000,0-00, 'have been published in Czedho•Slova•k ia by the Reds from 1945 to the end of 1953. MATUS ZVON , to whom Dr. ,Ce.sarich refers in 'his article "The Apostles of Bogus Federalism," in this Issue, is not kno,wn among Slovak writers, hence, tJb.e name obviously is a pseudonym. " Slova kia i n .B I o o d and Sh ackl es" by Stephen Blasko. for- mer Slovak deputy to tJhe Prague Parliament, w.as published dur• ing the summer by the Oatholic Slovak Sokol, Passaic, N. J. It is an expose of Gen. Nic-hoLas Ferjencik, called "the Bloody Gen• era!," and -h is brutal police force, the N.KVD of <SloV>akia. You can have a copy for just one dollar. We are often asked for tb ack copies of SIJOVA.IGA. All axe still ,availaible in limited num· bers except Vol. 1, N o. 2. OUT readers may stLll get ALL avail_ a,ble copies (13 issues) for only $5.00 as long as the supply ,l asts. THE NEW TESTAMENT, transl,ated into S'lovak by Charles Strmei'i of the Slovak Benedictine High School, Cleveland, Ohio, has just been pu'Mls'hed ,b y Obrana Press, lnc., Scranton, Pa., in easily rnadable type. Over 950 pages and bound in clotih, the bodk sells for $10.-00. The " t en th anniversary" of the Communist-inspired 1944 Slovak upnsmg (massacre) was cele. brated ,b y the Reds of CzechoSlovaki-a August 29, 1944. The Benes Czechs and Czech Slovaks (''Czechoslovaks"!) commemorat_ ed it in America -rulso (NE:W YOIRK TIMES, August 29, 1954), but not in the fashion they were accustomed to before February 25, 1948, w'hen they suddenly became "anti-Communist, democra_ tic exiles." A rather detailed account of the m1snom ered "Slovaik National Uprising" is presented in this issue of SiWVA- KIA. " FALSE FREEDOM " - a new book by Edward L. Delaney and dedicated " To the memo r y of th e martyred patri ot,. Prelate, and Presi dent, Joseph T •iso" made its ap·pearance recently. You can get your copy from S:UOVAKIA: in cloth (Library Edition) $3.00; paper cover -- $2.00. Andrew Gemersky ls the pseudonym of a •S lov,ak w ho escaped from Slovakia just several months ago, He contacted SLOV AKlA soon after he arrived in West Germany, He was witness t-0 the t'hlngs he writes about. His frun:lly is still in Slovakia. The Slovak Institute, spon. sored by the Slovak !Benedictine Fathers of Cleveland, 0 ., opened Its third year of ,a ctivity Novemb er 3. Evening olasses for adults, every second Wednesday, commence at 8 P. M. Slovak language and history courses are open to all without charge. Sessions are held at the Benedictine High Scho-01, 2900 Bast Boulevard. �SLOVAKIA History or propaganda? the title of an article that will aJP· pear in future issues of SLOVAKLA. Wak.h tor it and, in the meantime, send a subscription for a friend . We ihave said on many occasions that no nation has been so misrepresented, minimized and vilified as the Slovcak nation, and now for the proof as offered by "eminen.t" hist orians who attempted to write albout the Slovaks and t heir country without sufficient prEWaration and stud,y_ The International Peasant Union, headed by Mikolajczyk, did itself no good 1by publishing Fedor Hod.fa's a r ticle (The SJova'k Democratic P,a rty) in its ·B ul. letin. The pea,sants of S'1ovakia could never endorse Hodza's airticle - or any of the Lettrlch "democrats" w'ho collaborated with the Reds and the USSR. The Red Czech Government was among the very first s•a tellite governments to name a delegation to the USSIR•s'I)Onsored European confer·e nce, held in Moscow recently. It seems that nothing has c hanged in Czech Prague : even under Benes, the 0zechs were always among the fir.st to run to Mo scow. McCarthy or no MoGarthy, Ameri cans cannot let up in their fight against Communists and 1Red infiltration of Government and industry without endangering the security of the United States. The Was,hlngton "censure" spectacle was lamentable and reprehensible. Who of the di'stinguis·hed membe.rs of the Watkins committee was not at one time or another guilty of the same charges as McCarthy? And who is it that is so interested in hav. 3 i.ng Americans forget the task the MoOarthy committee was to accomplish and w'ho it was that initiated the Wlhole debacle by preferring C'harges ,a gain8t the committee? The New York S.tate Supreme Court ruled (No,v . 17) that the Ozecll Reds of Pra,gue ,aJ:1e not entitled to the 0 zecho.,s:Iova.k Red Cross fund'S he1d by Dr. Jan Papanek; former Czecho•Slovak delegate to the United Nations who voted with the US~IR on most im,portant issues. According to the NEW YORKSKY DIDNNiK, the money will lbe used by the "American Fund for Czec•hoslovak Refugees" of which Pa,panek is the ·head. OnJy bhe "politicaJ:ly relfable" get help from th!llt fund, so that means patriotic Sloviaks are out. The NY(l) was overjoyed that ''iPapanek won and the Communists lost." The latter ,Jost some.thin,g they did not have - and Papane.k got his hands on money that was not rightfully his to diis. pose of in t'he first place. 1 Mendes France, might say "veni, vidi" a bout his recent visit to the USA, but ·h ardly "vici," as many papers would htave us believe. Whether he ca.ptured the 'hearts of Americans remains to be :see.n. 'In the. meantime, it would be well for America to pause and ref.lect on what has happened in Vietnam, and ot•h er states witJh coalition governments which included the Reds. !Have you renewed your subscription to SLOVAKIA? And why not subscribe for a friend? IMIDRRY 0HRIS'I1MAiS AN'D A HAPPY NEW YEAR! � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document ~~ IL (0) W& VOL.' i - : J - ~1~:'o;_ SEPT .-DEC. 1954 "- l ,: ~ - ~-4 ( ~~13 ) ~ IN THIS ISSUE: THE SLOVAK UPRISING OF AUGUST 1944 NATIONALISM VS INTERNATIONALISM DR. LETTRICH ' S PRINCIPLES THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC AND COMMUNISM THE LETTRICH "<DEMOCRATS " AND COMMUNISM NATIONALIZATION OF P R IVATE PROPERT Y IN SLOVAKIA SLOVAK FOLKLORE : THE MAN WHO NEVER SINNED EASTERN SLOVAKIA WAS SLOVAK FOR CENTURIES SELF- DETERMINATION FOR SLOVAKIA THE APOSTLE·$ OF BOGUS FEDERALISM HOW THE COMMUNISTS SEIZED POWER IN ~~ SLOVAKIA\ PROFILE OF AN EXILE POLITICIAN CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA: T H E OLD CASTLE ( STARY HRAD)'\~ JOHN MASARYK WAS NO EXCEPTION WHO SAi D IT ? - * PP. 22, 58, 77, 84 * * Edit ed .:. nd · c ompil ed by PHILIP A . HROBAK Pub I ished by T HE S LOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA SLOVAKIA is published periodically by the :::;1ovak League of America, a cultural arnl ci vie federation of Amerwans of Slovak d.e::icent. 'fhe chief purpose of SLOVAK.IA Ls to pro111ote a better understanding and appn!c1atio11 of the Slovak nation and its long struggle for freedorn and independence. As Americans, members of the Bluvak League of America firmly believe that the Slovak nation, just as all nations, has an inherent and God-given right to freedom and independence. They are dedicated to the cause of the American way of 1ife, Slovak freedom and world peace and are determined to oppose the plague of Communism and all other totalitarjan political systems. Subscription to Slovakia $1.00 per .v ear in the U. S. A. - $2.00 elsewhere. Send subscriptions to: SLOVAKIA Box 150 Middletown, Pa. Printed in the U.S. A. JEDNOTA PRESS Middletown, Pa. SL OV AK IA Published VOL. IV quarterly by the Slovak SEPT.-,DEC. 1954 With this issue SLOVAKIA ends its fourVh year. With th1s double issue it makes its thirteenth appearance. The first iss ue in 195£ will be marked Vol. V, No. 14. We hope that we haeve satisfied our readers in the past four years ,a nd will be able to do so in the future. At any irate we shall do our utmost not to disappoint them. SLOVAKIA is, indeed, different from most other periodicals, and it was intended to be so. It has a definite mission to fulfill, a mission that does not co mpare w1th that of other literature, ex. cept in its dedication to truth and justice, to the American way of life and to the struggle against all tyranny, THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA, the publisher of the SII.JOVAK,I,A, certainly is rendering a valuable service not only for its membership and the Slovak nation, but for America and the rest of the free world as well. 'I\he more the nations of the earth know and understand one another, the better -sh all they appreoia.te themselves and the friendlier will be their relationships , Without thls knowledge, relationship and understanding a peaceful world is unthinkable. Dr. Stephen Osusky, former Czecho,S,l ovak amb assador to France and now a member of the so.called "Coun,cll of Free Czechoslovakia," filed ,a $250,000.00 libel suit in July against the C. S. (Czeohoalovak) Publishing Co., and Dr. Hubert Ripka, former member of the Nation,al Front League of America NO. 3-4 (12-13) government of the Benes•Gottwald coalition. Andrew Valusek president of the pu blishing con'. cern, ,a nd Jan P,apa.nek, vice-presiden t and former Czecho-Slovak delegate to the United ations, were also named. We did n ot expect anything to come of that act:ion, ,hence we were not too dis. appointed Wlhen it was reported that noth1ng oame of it. Osusky today is supposed to represent the political will of the Slovak nation, but in reality he does not. Amerioans of Slovak descent still recall that Mir. Osusky was delegated by tihe Slovak League of America to go to Europe to look after the intereats of the Slovak nation after World War I. T. G. Masaryk offered him a tempting position and Osusky forgot about his Slovak people. As far as is known, h e has not as yet reported to the Slovak League on the mission en. trusted to him some 35 years ago. Osu sky ihas never been elected by the lovaks at home to represent them in any politf.cal capacity. "The Deliverance of Sister Cecilia" - by •S ister Cecilia as told to William Brinkley, assistant editor of :UIJF'E magazine - bas been published by Farrar, Straus and Young. Sister Cecilia, a SJo. v,ak nun, was w,anted by tihe Communists for her underground work of helping her countrymen flee the Reds. Then she had to flee for her life herself. Tille R eds pursued S·ister Cecilia for four months, ,b ut were unable to catch up with ber. Resorting to 2 SLOVAKIA various disguises, Sister Cecilia, finally in dangerous flight, made her way to the W-e st and free• dom. After two years in West Germany, Sister Cecilia came to America in Febmary, 1954. The story of Sister Cecilia's daring exploits is interestingly presented by Mr. Brinkley in 360 pages. Y-0u can get your copy from the pUJb!isher for $3.75. Over 20,000 book&, with a to• tal issue of some 330,000,0-00, 'have been published in Czedho•Slova•k ia by the Reds from 1945 to the end of 1953. MATUS ZVON , to whom Dr. ,Ce.sarich refers in 'his article "The Apostles of Bogus Federalism," in this Issue, is not kno,wn among Slovak writers, hence, tJb.e name obviously is a pseudonym. " Slova kia i n .B I o o d and Sh ackl es" by Stephen Blasko. for- mer Slovak deputy to tJhe Prague Parliament, w.as published dur• ing the summer by the Oatholic Slovak Sokol, Passaic, N. J. It is an expose of Gen. Nic-hoLas Ferjencik, called "the Bloody Gen• era!," and -h is brutal police force, the N.KVD of <SloV>akia. You can have a copy for just one dollar. We are often asked for tb ack copies of SIJOVA.IGA. All axe still ,availaible in limited num· bers except Vol. 1, N o. 2. OUT readers may stLll get ALL avail_ a,ble copies (13 issues) for only $5.00 as long as the supply ,l asts. THE NEW TESTAMENT, transl,ated into S'lovak by Charles Strmei'i of the Slovak Benedictine High School, Cleveland, Ohio, has just been pu'Mls'hed ,b y Obrana Press, lnc., Scranton, Pa., in easily rnadable type. Over 950 pages and bound in clotih, the bodk sells for $10.-00. The " t en th anniversary" of the Communist-inspired 1944 Slovak upnsmg (massacre) was cele. brated ,b y the Reds of CzechoSlovaki-a August 29, 1944. The Benes Czechs and Czech Slovaks (''Czechoslovaks"!) commemorat_ ed it in America -rulso (NE:W YOIRK TIMES, August 29, 1954), but not in the fashion they were accustomed to before February 25, 1948, w'hen they suddenly became "anti-Communist, democra_ tic exiles." A rather detailed account of the m1snom ered "Slovaik National Uprising" is presented in this issue of SiWVA- KIA. " FALSE FREEDOM " - a new book by Edward L. Delaney and dedicated " To the memo r y of th e martyred patri ot,. Prelate, and Presi dent, Joseph T •iso" made its ap·pearance recently. You can get your copy from S:UOVAKIA: in cloth (Library Edition) $3.00; paper cover -- $2.00. Andrew Gemersky ls the pseudonym of a •S lov,ak w ho escaped from Slovakia just several months ago, He contacted SLOV AKlA soon after he arrived in West Germany, He was witness t-0 the t'hlngs he writes about. His frun:lly is still in Slovakia. The Slovak Institute, spon. sored by the Slovak !Benedictine Fathers of Cleveland, 0 ., opened Its third year of ,a ctivity Novemb er 3. Evening olasses for adults, every second Wednesday, commence at 8 P. M. Slovak language and history courses are open to all without charge. Sessions are held at the Benedictine High Scho-01, 2900 Bast Boulevard. SLOVAKIA History or propaganda? the title of an article that will aJP· pear in future issues of SLOVAKLA. Wak.h tor it and, in the meantime, send a subscription for a friend . We ihave said on many occasions that no nation has been so misrepresented, minimized and vilified as the Slovcak nation, and now for the proof as offered by "eminen.t" hist orians who attempted to write albout the Slovaks and t heir country without sufficient prEWaration and stud,y_ The International Peasant Union, headed by Mikolajczyk, did itself no good 1by publishing Fedor Hod.fa's a r ticle (The SJova'k Democratic P,a rty) in its ·B ul. letin. The pea,sants of S'1ovakia could never endorse Hodza's airticle - or any of the Lettrlch "democrats" w'ho collaborated with the Reds and the USSR. The Red Czech Government was among the very first s•a tellite governments to name a delegation to the USSIR•s'I)Onsored European confer·e nce, held in Moscow recently. It seems that nothing has c hanged in Czech Prague : even under Benes, the 0zechs were always among the fir.st to run to Mo scow. McCarthy or no MoGarthy, Ameri cans cannot let up in their fight against Communists and 1Red infiltration of Government and industry without endangering the security of the United States. The Was,hlngton "censure" spectacle was lamentable and reprehensible. Who of the di'stinguis·hed membe.rs of the Watkins committee was not at one time or another guilty of the same charges as McCarthy? And who is it that is so interested in hav. 3 i.ng Americans forget the task the MoOarthy committee was to accomplish and w'ho it was that initiated the Wlhole debacle by preferring C'harges ,a gain8t the committee? The New York S.tate Supreme Court ruled (No,v . 17) that the Ozecll Reds of Pra,gue ,aJ:1e not entitled to the 0 zecho.,s:Iova.k Red Cross fund'S he1d by Dr. Jan Papanek; former Czecho•Slovak delegate to the United Nations who voted with the US~IR on most im,portant issues. According to the NEW YORKSKY DIDNNiK, the money will lbe used by the "American Fund for Czec•hoslovak Refugees" of which Pa,panek is the ·head. OnJy bhe "politicaJ:ly relfable" get help from th!llt fund, so that means patriotic Sloviaks are out. The NY(l) was overjoyed that ''iPapanek won and the Communists lost." The latter ,Jost some.thin,g they did not have - and Papane.k got his hands on money that was not rightfully his to diis. pose of in t'he first place. 1 Mendes France, might say "veni, vidi" a bout his recent visit to the USA, but ·h ardly "vici," as many papers would htave us believe. Whether he ca.ptured the 'hearts of Americans remains to be :see.n. 'In the. meantime, it would be well for America to pause and ref.lect on what has happened in Vietnam, and ot•h er states witJh coalition governments which included the Reds. !Have you renewed your subscription to SLOVAKIA? And why not subscribe for a friend? IMIDRRY 0HRIS'I1MAiS AN'D A HAPPY NEW YEAR!  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Front Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 3-4 (12-13) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Sept.-Dec. 1954 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/c2398952a9a832ef2d719b0303bda680.pdf f3534c93f3653f59c63899e5c876bdb7 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA THE SWVAK UPRISING OF AUGUST 1944 Philip A. Hrobak Much has been said and written about the "Slovak Uprising" of August 1944, by the Benes Czechs (Socialists), the "Czechoslovaks" (Slovaks in the pay of Benes Czechs), and the Communists. Their versions of the uprising have been widely publicized and have been accepted as true, it seems, even by our State Department (Voice of America) and the Free Europe Committee (Radio Free Europe). Of course, patriotic Slovaks also have said and written much about the uprising which brought terror and confusion, death and destruction, and the German Army to thier land. But their story of that massacre, mass murders, and mass graves, has not been given publicity and has not been accepted as true by our State Department and the Free Europe Committee. Why? It seems simply for political reasons. To me it is plainly clear that forces are at work to prevent Americans and the rest of the free world from getting the true version, all the availa;ble facts, about the Slovak uprising of August 1944. After the uprising in Slovakia got under way "officially" on August 29, 1944, Dr. Edward Benes, the Lettrich "Democrats," the Husak Communists, and Moscow - all in unison - proclaimed it a spontaneous action of the Slovak nation and labeled it as the "Slovak National Uprising," which, they said would be inscribed in the history of the Slovak people with golden letters. They told us then - and keep telling us even today - that the uprising was thoroughly planned, well-timed and perfectly executed. It is true that the Lettrich "Democrats" and the Benes Czechs have given various "modifications" of their original story about the uprising since February 25, 1948, when they suddenly became "democratic and anti-Communist," but they still have not given us the whole truth, all the facts as they know them. Since they have admitted that they organized the Slovak uprising of August 1944 with the Communists, they undoubtedly do know the facts, but for obvious reasons are not willing to reveal them even today. �SLOVAKIA 5 "National Fronters" in America As late as August 29, 1954, in a letter published in the NEW YORK TIMES, recalling the "Slovak Uprising" of 1944, the signatories - Josef Lettrich, Matej Josko and Juraj Slavik (Slova:ks in the pay of Benes Czechs, regarded as traitors by all truly patriotic Slovaks), and Adolf Klimek and Peter Zenkl (Benes Czechs who promoted the pro-Soviet policy of Dr. Edward Benes and were members of his Communits-dominated National Front government) - tell us: 1. The Slovak people did not want to be independent; independence was forced on them by Hitler. 2. The Slova,k people rose in armed revolt against the German Army and against the Slovak Government. 3. More than 70,000 soldiers and 12,000 partisans participated in the uprising of 1944. 4. The great majority of the fighters in this uprising and their lea,dership were of democratic, Western orientation. 5. The Slovak fighters manifested by their action their "Czechoslovwk" patriotism and "democratic" beliefs. 6. Even French partisans fought on the side of the Slovak partisans. The letter proves beyond a shadow of doubt that the Benes Czechs and their Slovak stooges have not changed their program or amended their ways. They still insist on spreading the legend about the Slovak uprising which was fabricated in Moscow and propagated by the Communists under Karol Schmidke and the so-called "Democrats" (formerly Agrarians) under Josef Lettrich after the uprising was under way. Ten years after the horrible massacre and betrayal of the Slovak people by the Husak Communists, the Lettrich "Democrats," and the Benes Czechs, the signers of the TIMES letter would still have Americans believe the lie that the Slovaks did not want to be free and independent, but preferred to be dominated and exploited by the Czechs and, therefore, the Slovak nation rose up spontaneously in armed �6 SLOVAKIA revolt against its own State and against its own Government. How stupid do they think Americans are? Yes, how stupid must they think we are, since our own State Department, the U. S. Information Agency (Voice of America), and the Free Europe Committee (Radio Free Europe) still faH for their line and even help propagate the same lie? Lettrich and Josko must know the truth about the Slovak uprising, because they played an active role in it. The other three signatories did not participate actively and directly, as far as I could ascertain. All of them, however, and others of the so-called "Council of Free Czechoslovak ia" which operates out of Washington and New York, do claim credit for the Communist-in spired .putsch of 1944 which they prefer to call - even as the Commu~ists do - the "Slovak National Uprising." Lettrich and Josko do not want to divulge the truth about the uprising, because they would rather not implicate themselves. But the irrefutable fact remains that they were deeply implicated in the Communist-in spired putsch which claimed the lives of some 70,000 Slovaks, resulted in mass murders and mass graves, and brought the German Army into Slovakia. Moscow Brigades in Slovakia Furthermore, it is a matter of record that up to February 25, 1948, the Benes Czechs and the Lettrich "Democrats" ("Czechoslova ks") celebrated the Slovak uprising annually in the same fashion as the Communists of Slovakia, glorifying the Slovak partisans under Communist Schmidke and the Soviet partisans under Velicko of the USSR, the "great and glorious achievements " of the revolt, the wisdom and leadership of Stalin, and the heroic deeds of the USSR and the Red Army, which led to the "liberation" of the Slovak nation and the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Together with the Communists they claimed credit for the "Slovak National Uprising" - and even today claim credit for it, though not together with the Communists. And patriotic, democratic Slovaks everywhere did and still do give them full credit for all the terroristic acts, mass murders and mass graves, indescribable crimes and terror, �SLOVAKIA 7 misery and Red enslavement that ensued. They hold them fully responsible for it. When the Benes Czechs and the Lettrich ",Democrats" persist in upholding the lie that the '~Slov-ak people rose in armed revolt against the German Army and against the Slovak Government," they are deliberately concealing the facts. They certainly must know that the German Army came into Slovakia only after the partisans had captured several army garrisons in central Slovakia and began terrorizing and murdering the population. And they certainly could not have forgotten the slogans used and the contents of the broadcasts made by the partisans at that time. If their memory is conveniently failing them, I might suggest that they refresh it by reading their own publications (CAS; NOVE CASY, 1944, London; PARTIZANI NA SLOVENSKU; NAD TATROU SA BL"'2'"1SKA; SLOBODNE CESKOSLOVENSKO; NARODNA OBRODA; etc.). I have it from reliable sources that no more than 35,000 sol~iers of the Slovak Army participated in the uprising the majority of whom were forced to fight on the side of the partisans against their own State and against their own government by the partisans and Red commanders of the USSR. But the Benes Czechs and the Lettrich "Democrats" - like the Communists - still tell us that the figure was 70,000 so that the uprising might appear as "national" in character. Furthermore, they state that 12,000 partisans participated in the Slovak uprising of 1944, in which "even French partisans fought on the side of the Slovak partisans," but conveniently omit to say that the Slovak partisans were led by the Communist Karol Schmidke, the Soviet partisans by Velicko of the USSR, while French partisans naturally were led by a French Communist. Indeed, it would not surprise me at all, if we eventually learned that other "international brigades" also participated in the 1944 putsch in Slovakia! I simply cannot believe that the Benes Czechs and the Lettrich "Democrats" have forgotten that various units of the rebel army were commanded by Soviet military men who were subordinate to the Soviet Chief of Staff in Kyjev, among whom were: Jegorov, Osmolov, Sukajev, Sadilenko, �8 SLOVAKIA Volkov, Smirnov, Krajuskin, Popov, Kolesnikov, Arsenev, Surkov, Solosenko, Cernogorov, Vysocky, Krasiev-Stepanov, and Poliakov. What, then, is the purpose of the balderdash that "the great majority of the fighters in this uprising and their leadership were of democratic, Western orientation"? After being accorded political asylum in America, why should Benes Czechs and Lettrich "Democrats" still want to deceive Americans in 1954? By their actions did they not then, and are they not now manifesting - like the "Slovak fighters" of the 1944 uprising - their "Czechoslovak" patriotism and "democratic" beliefs? Indeed, something that requires more looking into! Is it any wonder then that informed Americans, together with our good Slovak friends behind the Iron Curtain and in exile, are rudely shocked and thoroughly indignant, because our State Department, the U.S. Information Agency (Voice of America), and the Free Europe Committee (Radio Free Europe) not only permit, but even help the Benes Czechs and the Lettrich "Democrats" deceive the American public and the rest of the free world? Lettrich and J osko could also tell us a bit about the background of the uprising of 1944, if they only wanted to - something of the events which preceded and the people who prepared the ground for the horrible massacre of the Slovaks in 1944, especially the agreements between the Lettrich "Democrats" and the Schmidke ...Husak Communists which were negotiated on December 25, 1943, and on June 26, 1945, and called for the closest collaboration between the parties concerned and the USSR. They negotiated and signed those agreements! The situation prior to 1944 Until about the end of 1942, there were no "illegal" groups in Slovakia, that is, active resistance groups. To the fall of Stalingrad, Slovak Communists used to meet socially with Slovak Czechs ("Czechoslovaks" - followers of Dr. Edward Benes's "one-nation" theory and his pro-Soviet policy). This was not connected with any hazards. The Slovak Government was aware of this, but did nothing to prevent �SLOVAKIA 9 their social meetings. The Communist Party had been outlawed in 1938 by the autonomous Slovak Government, but individual members were not persecuted or interned just because they were Communists. Some Communists and many Lettrich "Democrats" held government positions and other well-paying jobs. In 1943, two Moscow-trained Communists, Karol Schmidke, a Silesian half-German, and the Czech Karol Bacilek, were parachuted into Slova:kia by the Soviets to organize and direct illegal activities. But it was not until the end of that year that the Slovak Communists and left-wing Agrarians began to meet regularly to discuss organizing resistance groups and planning for the future. After Dr. Edward Benes, the "resigned-and-still-president" of CzechoSlovakia, concluded the so-called "Czechoslovak-Soviet Treaty" in Moscow, on December 12, 1943, the left-wing Slovak Agrarians (Lettrich's group) got together with the Slovak Communists (the Schmidke-Husak group) to conclude the "Christmas Agreement" of 1943, whereby they created a "common political leadership" under the name of the "Slovak National Council" and declared "eternal friendship" for each other. The Slovak National Council, they declared, is "the one and only representative of the political will of the Slovak nation" and the "body supreme" as far as the affairs of Slovakia were concerned. These Slovak Agrarians, later re-christened to Slovak "Democrats," united with the Slovak Communists to collaborate with Moscow in the destruction of the Slovak Republic and in the establishment of a "new" Czecho-Slovak democracy, a "people's democratic State." From available accounts, it is quite evident that there were differences of opinion among the Husak Communists and the Lettrich "Democrats" as far as the future of Slovakia was concerned. Slovak Communists did not care whether Slovakia became a Soviet Republic or remained within the framework of Czecho-Slovakia, as a unit of a federative system, as long as it was governed by them. Lettrich's "Democrats" - the "Czechoslovaks" - how- �10 SLOVAKIA ever, did not have a clear-cut program; at times they knew not what they wanted or where they were really going. Some were for the relationship which existed prior to Munich, 1938, while others preferred that which existed after Munich, but prior to March 14, 1939, when the Slovak parliament declared Slovakia independent. The latter were for the federative system, which T. G. Masaryk and Edward Benes proposed for Czecho-Slovakia to the Allies in 1918 but never inaugurated. Communists in Slovakia were aware of the fact that the ovewhelming majority of the Slovak people resolutely opposed the conception of a "one-nation" Czecho-Slovakia, which the Benes Czechs propagated. They used this knowledge to gain supporters for their cause whenever an opportunity presented itself. It so happened when they repudiated the proclamation of the "London Government" of Dr. Edward Benes of June 30, 1943, which declared that the future of Czecho-Slovakia would rest on the conception of a "onenation" Czecho-Slovakia - a unified or united "Czechoslovak" nation. The Lettrich "Democrats" - the "Czechoslovaks" on the other hand, accepted the conception of an ethnic "Czechoslovak" nation of the Benes Czechs, even though they could not agree among themselves just what the relationship between the Czechs and the Slovaks should be like in the "new" Czecho-Slovakia. After Dr. Milan Hodza, former premier of Czecho-Slovakia, parted with Benes, many of them had lost faith in the president who resigned and then made himself president again. Nevertheless, they sided with Benes, because he was recognized both by the democratic' powers and the USSR. Like the Communists, the Lettrich "Democrats" hated the Tiso regime, which was thoroughly Christian and as democratic as it possibly could be under the circumstances; like the Communists they were not interested in a truly democratic Slovak State, because they knew they could never becoming ruling figures in it by the free will of the Slovak people. So, the Lettrich "Democrats" decided to go along with the Communists, proclaiming the establishment of a �SLOVAKIA 11 "new" Czecho-Slovakia as one of their chief aims, based, of course, on the spirit and the letter of the Treaty of December 12, 1943, which Benes had concluded with the Soviet Union and by which not only the Slovaks, but also the Czechs were formally sold out to the men of the Kremlin. The right of Benes to conclude such a treaty might be justly questioned, since the nations of Czecho-Slovakia had not authorized him to act in their behalf after his resignation as president in 1938, but that would be of little consequence today. The overwhelming majority of the Slovak people, with its political and religious leadership - the followers of Andrew Hlinka and Martin Razus - was definitely for a Christian, democratic, independent Slovak State, a Slovakia free of all foreign domination and rid of all Communists. It still is for such a State today. The Red Front Approaches Slovakia After concluding the "Christmas Agreement" of 1943, the Lettrich "Democrats" and the Husak Communists, began to discuss the matter of an armed putsch or revolt. In April, 1944, Dr. Vavro Srobar, one of the oldest and most intimate friends of Dr. Edward Benes in Slovakia, asked Benes what the Slovaks should do in the event that Hungary would quit the war and join the Allies, and/ or in the event that Germany should occupy Slovakia. Benes strongly advised an open revolt in his reply, because this, he said, would enable a speedy occupation of Slovakia by the Soviet Army. Dr. Joseph Tiso, President of Slovakia, and the Slovak Government, including Slovak military leaders, had other plans. They did not want Slovakia to become an open battleground ; they tried to spare their people from the horrors of war. To avoid unnecessary bloodshed and occupation by the German and Soviet armies, they thought it best if the Slovak Army would take over the Government of Slovakia at the opportune moment. The "opportune moment" - it was understood - meant the fall of Cracow on the North, or the fall ·of Miskovec in the South. When that happened, the Slovak Army was to occupy the borders of Slovakia; �12 SLOVAKIA then the Slovak Government would step out in favor of the Army which, with the help of political parties, would form a new government, temporarily, which, in turn, would tie up with the United Nations, especially the West. Since the Slovak Government at that time had no contact with the West, thanks to Dr. Benes's refusal to deal with it, it tried to inform the West BJbout its plan through the USSR, even though it did so with great misgivings. General Augustine Malar personally contacted the Soviet Military Staff in the Ukraine, revealed the plan at least partly, and requested, in the name of the Slovak Government, that the Soviets and the Western Allies agree to this plan of action and also recognize the political independence of Slovakia. Malar, respecting the advice of the Slovak Government, wisely omitted to say anything about Slovakia's intention of joining the West. In reply, the Soviets said that they had not planned on penetrating through Slovakia; they were willing to recognize the political independence of Slovakia, as they already had in 1939, but steadfastly refused to agree on the point that military operations in Slovakia should be undertaken by the Slovak Army alone. It was quite obvious already then that the USSR wanted to occupy Slovakia for political reasons. The story of General Mala.r's contact with the Soviet Military on December 17, 1943, was told during the trial of Dr. Joseph Tiso and members of the 'Slovak Government (19461947) before the National Court in Bratislava. About the end of June the Slovak National Council decided to send a delegation to Moscow to inform Stalin of its plans and to petition the Soviets to include Slovakia in their plan of operations. Karol Schmidke and General Nicholas Ferjencik were selected to make the trip. Because of "technical" reasons, they did not undertake the trip until August 4, 1944. Ferjencik, now enjoying political asylum in America, could easily give us the details of that meeting, if he desired to do so. The partisans engaged in terroristic acts rather regularly at the end of July and the beginning of August, 1944. When they seized the command of several garrisons in �SLOVAKIA 13 central Slovakia and murdered many persons in that section of the country, General Malar, to save the situation, appealed to the Army in a radio broadcast not to be taken in by partisan rumors, not to join the partisans, because "our time has not yet arrived . . . When it does come, then we shall all pull at the same end of the rope." The terroristic acts of the partisans alarmed even Lt. Col. Golian, to whom Benes had entrusted the military preparations and operations of the "resistance" in Slovakia. G-Olian demanded that the partisans subordinate their activity to his command, the "authorized" military command of the "illegal" forces. Velicko, commander of the Soviet partisans, informed Golian that he would do so, but continued on his own any way. Angered and frustrated, Golian sent Lt. Col. Manica, August 20, 1944, with a request that Velicko order the partisans to cease their activities, otherwise the Germans would surely intervene. Velicko, however, disregarded the request and his .partisans continued to spread terror and violence in central and eastern Slovakia. The terroristic acts of the partisans created a very difficult situation for President Tiso and the Slovak Government. They did what they could to keep the German Army from occupying Slovakia. They explained that the disturbances were not widespread or "national," but local, and that the Slovak Army was capable of handling them and restoring order. The Germans, however, were reluctant to believe the Slovaks, especially after the murder of General Otto and his military mission at Banska Bystrica, August 27, 1944. Hitler's Wehrmacht began to occupy Slovakia, and the Slovaks really were in for the worst. The uprising, in which the Lettrich "Democrats" and the Communists collaborated fully to the joy of Moscow, was responsible for the Germans occupying Slovalkia in 1944. Why August 29, 1944? Benes Czechs, Lettrich "Democrats" and Schmidke Communists had told us - and are still telling us - that the Slovak uprising began on August 29, 1944. Why was that partic'ular date selected, when they knew - as we know now, �14 8LOVAKIA because even they themselves admitted it - that the partisans committed terroristic acts before that date? They selected that date as the "official" date so that they could tell the world that President Tiso and the Slovak Government called or invited the German Army to Slovakia and thus cover up the fact that the distuvbances created by the partisans were really responsible for the occupation of Slovakia by the Germans. Lettrich, Husak, N ovomesky and other "leaders" of the uprising were not even in Banska Bystrica on August 29, 1944. The Slovak National Council did not issue its declaration of the revolt until September 1, 1944. When German military units began moving into Slovakia as a result of partisan terroristic activities, the leaders of the uprising resorted to lies to gain the support of the Slovak Army and the Slovak people. They said: the Germans were coming to occupy the whole of ,Slovakia; that President Tiso was murdered; that members of the Slovak Government were seized and taken to Germany, etc. The ruse, however, even thoogh at first it deceiived many in SlovaJki:a and abroad, failed to attain its objective. What happened in Slovakia prior t,o August 29, 1944? Partisans committed terroristic acts in eastern and central Slovakia for at least three or four weeks before that date. The situation grew so tense that the Slovak Government conitem.iplated declaring Martial La,w on August 1, 1944, but did not resort to it till later. On several occasions the Germans warned Tiso and the Slovak Government that if they could not cope with the situation and keep order in Slovakia, the German Army definitely would move in to make order. Tiso and the Slovak Government did what they could under the circumstances to restore order and, thereby, keep the Germans out of Slovakia. They knew that their plans for joining with western forces of the United Nations could not be realized if the Germans occupied Slovakia. The partisans, however, taking orders from Moscow and London, were not interested in preserving order; they were only interested in preparing the ground for the Red Army: After �SLOVAKIA 15 the latter occupied 'Slovakia, they figured they would take over all power in Slovakia. And they did. After the German front collapsed in Rumania, German diplomatic personnel - some thirty persons, including women and children - were hurriedly evacuated. Communist agents already were quite active in Slovakia, creating chaos and confusion and provoking incidents with Germany. The train carrying German diplomats from Bucharest was halted on the evening of August 26, 1944, at Turciansky Svaty Martin, Slovakia, by partisans. The passengers were told rather politely that it would be impossible for them to go farther, because of engine trouble. Quarters were arranged for them in the local barracks. The next morning the entire group was ordered into the barracks square by one Major Kuchta, lined up and mowed down with machine guns. It was thus that the military mission of General Otto perished. Two days later German troops came in force into Slovakia "to restore order." The partisans, of course, told the Slovaks that the German occupation was entirely ttnprovoked and that they now had to fight for their freedom, Tiso was murdered, etc., as mentioned above. Before that time, however, on August 20, 1944, Velicko and his .partisans were busy in Turiec requisitioning autos, robbing stores and farmers. During the night of August 24 a group of German field gendarmes were taken by surprise and shot while they slept in the Hotel Slavia in Vrutky. Turiec and vicinity were also terrorized and victimized by a group led by the sadistic Lutheran preacher Vojtech HruskaTerenyi, the Communist from Hungary who already back in 1919, as a young preacher, had participated in the Red revolt of Bela Kun (Cohen). Francis Slamen, member of the Slovak Assembly and chairman of the Slovak Christian Labor Union, was among several persons murdered in Brezno Natl Hronom, August 27, 1944. On August 28, 1944, partisan officers shot Col. Zverin and Col. Kanak of the Slovak Army in Banska Bystrica. In Liptovsky Svaty Mikulas they arrested Col. Kl'ucik, of the garrison there, and Lt. Frecer; later they murdered them. �16 SLOVAKIA Let's fight to the last drop of your blood! On September 1, 1944, the Slovak National Council, headed by "Democrat" Lettrich and Communist Schmidke, met in Banska Bystrica and immediately made August 29, 1944, the "official" date of the start of the Slovak uprising. Futhermore, they issued a declaration which stated that the Council was the body supreme in Slovakia, the only representative and authorized body in Slovakia which had the right to speak in the name of the Slovak nation. The Slovak National Council was composed of Lettrich "Democrats" and Schmidke-Hus a:k Communists (-50-50); Dr. Joseph Lettrich was chairman and Karol Schmidke co-chairman of the Council. On September 5, 1944, during its first "solemn" session, the so-called Slovak National Council sent two telegrams: one to Stalin, the other to Benes. The Stalin telegram read as follows (translated from the Slovak): Josip Visarionovic ,Stalin Marshal of the USSR Moscow, Kremlin The Slovak National Council sends You and the nations of the Soviet Union from its solemn session its most cordial greetings and thanks You for the understanding which You have manifested for our fight of liberation, waged against the common enemy. Glory to the victorious Red Army! Banska Bystrica, September 5, 1944 The Slovak National Council It is significant that the Council made up of Communists and the Lettrich "Democrats" sent no greeting at that time either to the President of the United States or the King of England, who apparently did not rate. The Slovak National Council called in all reservists and ordered full mobilization. The response was poor; not many Slovaks answered the call voluntarily. The Council had to rest satisfied with those it could force to bear arms against their country in the area held by the partisans, a few districts in central and eastern Slovakia. A part of the Trnava garrison, led by John Benko, defected and joined the partisans; General Mala.r's divisions, however, refused to join. The German forces, led by Gen. Berger and Gen. iHoffle, soon encircled the partisan putschists. The heaviest fighting �SLOVAKIA 17 took place near Telgart, Cremosne, Dubrava and Kremnicka, during which some 4,000 were killed. The partisans, who had taken to the hills and mountains of Slovakia before the Germans moved in, soon realized that their situation was quite hopeless. They lacked men and material to cope with the situation they had created. And promised help from the USSR and from Benes in London did not materialize to any noticeaible extent. Sporadic skirmishes continued for about two months; by the end of October the Communist-inspired "national" uprising in Slovakia was completely liquidated. Of course, the press of the USSR and the "Czechoslovak Press Bureau (CTK) of Dr. Benes in London supplied the world press, including our own OWI, with sensational fabrications; reports which told of the glorious and valiant stand of the Slovak nation which fought to renew the CzechoSlovak Republic - a "new" Republic, a Czecho-.Slovakia which would be a "people's" democracy - and shed its blood so that Benes might be president again; reports which told the world that the partisans had one third, then one-half and, later, almost the whole of Slovakia under their control after a week or two of "furious" fighting. Balderdash! The partisans fought in the fashion of partisans; there were practically no open, regular battles, but only sporadic skirmishes and attacks. When the "heroic" commanders of the partisan units saw that the situation was hopeless, they flew out of Slovakia into the USSR in planes that were ready just for such an eventuality. Talsky, a Czech and commander of the "eastern front" who was supposed to join with the Red Army at the opportune moment, flew to the USSR, leaving his "army" behind; there he was promptly arrested as a deserter. Generals Golian and Viest, officers who defected from the Slovak Army and joined the partisans, were ready to leave the scene of the "glorious" revolt, when their own soldiers blew up their plane with grenades. Viest and Golian hid themselves in a certain village, but were betrayed by their own men when the Germans sought them. Captured, they were taken to Germany and later shot. �18 SLOVAKIA The charact.er of the, -si.ovak uprising The Slovak National Council was busy issuing decrees to terrorize the vast masses of the Slovak population. It decreed the dissolution of the IIlinka Slovak People's Party, the German Party, and the Magyar Christian Social Party; ecclesiastical properties and institutions were nationalized and confiscated; a concentration camp was established at Slovenska Lupca, where over 700 victims were held to await partisan "justice." Partisan "people's" courts were quickly set up at Sklabina, Kunerad and elsewhere. Thousands of Slovaks were arbitrarily convicted and jailed; hundreds were liquidated without a hearing. The 1944 uprising in Slovakia pad all the earmarks of a bolshevik rebellion: partisans w~re :r:ed kerchiefs round their necks, Lenin goatees, and a rosary of grenades around their belts. They robbed and raped, plundered and murdered wherever they went. They forced priests to act friendly towards them, bless their weapons and even read the Holy Mass for the success of their diabolical venture. If a priest hesitated or refused to follow their orders, he was beaten, threatened with shooting or actually. shot. Joseph and Andrew Kocalko from Sucany, father and son respectively, were beaten to death beyond recognition by Hruska-Terenyi and his men. The father had spent quite a number of years in America. The Communist Lutheran preacher, Vojtech Hruska-Terenyi, and Jersov, a ·Russian professor, killed 147 Slovaks and buried them in a mass grave at Sklabina. Hruska-Terenyi was judge, jury and executioner. Those whom he sentenced to death had to strip down to their underclothes and march to the foot of the forest in Sklabina. There each victim was given a spade to dig his own grave. Some of the victims cracked under the ordeal and were shot forthwith; the rest kept digging slowly until Jersov blew his whistle and machine guns mowed them down into their shallow graves. The bodies of the hopeless victims were covered with twigs and a little dirt. The mass grave at Sklabina was uncovered in November 1944. Many of the victims had a bullet hole back of the neck. �SLOVAKIA 19 Among the priests who were murdered there were: Rev. Anthony Salat, member of the Slovak Parliament and pastor of the Catholic congregation at Hajniky; Rev. Martinka of Liptovsky Svaty Michal; Rev. John Nemec of Zavadka; Rev. Sedo of Liptovsky Svaty Jan. In Povazska Bystrica, -a theologian named Milan was also murdered. I might note here for the record that the Communists and Lettrich "Democrats" joyously celebrated the "silver anniversary" of the invasion of Slovakia by the bolshevik hordes of Bela Kun from Hungary during the uprising of 1944 - the first time any one in Slovakia made a hero of the Magyar Communist revolutionary who murdered Slovaks, pillaged their lands and destroyed their homes! Need any more be said about the character of the Slovak uprising of 1944? I might add, too, that the same Slovak National Council of Lettrich "Democrats" and Schmidke-Husak Communists was making extensive preparations to celebrate "Czechoslovak Independence Day" on October 28, 1944, as it never had been celebrated before, but the events that followed the terroristic acts of the partisans forestalled the celebration. Mass murders and mass graves We have heard of mass murders and mass graves· i'n Poland (Katyn Forest), the Ukraine (Vinnitsia), and elsewhere, but little or nothing about those in Slovakia. In Slovakia mass graves have been uncovered in Micinska Dolina, Sklene, Podsucha, Pusty Hrad, in the Prievidza Valley, Lucivna, Sklabina, Kunerad, L'ubietova; also in the vicinity of Kovacova, Ruzomberok, Zvolen, Humenne, Bosany, and Tri Vody. There is also a mass grave near Petrzalka, but this one came into being after the occupation of Bratislava by the Red Army in the spring of 1945. The partisans were responsible for most of the murders and mass graves. During the trial of President Tiso in 1947, the prosecution stated that some 4,316 persons were buried in mass graves and blamed Tiso and the Slovak Government for them for obvious reasons. There is, of course, no way of ascertaining whether that figure is accurate or not. A thorough investigation would probably at least double it. �20 SLOVAKIA Why the putsch failed When Generals Golian and Viest were apprehended by the Germans, after their own soldiers had betrayed their hidingplace, they declared that the "uprising" had failed, because: 1. low morale prevailed in the army; soldiers had no desire to fight for a "new" Czecho-Slovakia or the USSR; · and they did not want to destroy their own State and their own Government; 2. partisan provocateurs and saboteurs had absolutely no respect or regard for the feelings of the Slovak people; they were beyond the law, brutal and reckless; 3. the Germans sent captured soldiers home, after disarming and a hearing them; 4. the partisan army lacked capable leadership; 5. communications were bad; 6. the Slovak population was hostile to the partisans and their cause; 7. little help came from the USSR and the West (Benes); 8. the Red Army was not ready to march into Slovakia; 9. the partisans did not have sufficient food, munition, guns and planes ; 10. thousands of men deserted. Conclusions From the above it is evident that the Slovak uprising of August, 1944, was not national in character; it did not have the backing of the vast ma,sses of the Slovak population. It was Communist-inspired and led; it was engineered by the Reds in Moscow and London, with the participation of Benes, without regard to the interests of the Slovak people. The partisans, no matter what their origin, were guilty of the most horrible crimes. The Communist-inspired putsch of 1944 brought terror and chaos, destruction and death, misery and Red enslavement to Slovakia. In reality, the Slovak uprising of 1944 was a "Warsaw" in miniature. Only the Communists and Moscow profited from it. Slovak Communists, Lettrich "Democrats" and Benes Czechs profited from it, but only temporarily. Together they celebrated the "great and lasting achievements" of that massacre, glorifying Stalin, the USSR, the Red Army and Benes, until February 25, 1948. And they still celebrate it today; of course, not with the Communists, nor in the same fashion as they did �SLOVAKIA 21 prior to 1948. Those that were lucky enough to escape the hell they helped to create in Slovakia, that is. What fools they be, and what fools are we, if we continue to believe their version of the horrible massacre of the Slovak people in 1944, if we continue to trust them. The blood of thousands and thousands of innocent victims in mass graves of Slovakia cries to heaven for vengeance against them. Patriotic Slovaks everywhere do commemorate the Communist-inspired Slovak uprising of 1944, but not in the manner of the Benes Czechs, Lettrich "Democrats" and the Communists. Recalling the uprising as one of the darkest chapters in their history, which brought death and destruction and Red enslavement to their country, good Slovaks bow their heads reverently in prayer for the victims of that massacre and ask the almighty and just God to speed the day of judgment for all who were responsible for it and, too, that in His mercy He might also speed the day of liberation of their nation from the Godless, ruthless rule of Moscow and from all foreign domination. I firmly believe that it is in the highest interests of America and the rest of the free world that they lend a willing ear to the story patriotic Slovaks have to tell not only about the uprising of 1944, but also about the political mess that was Czecho-Slovakia, prior to Munich and after the "liberation" in 1945. I cannot and will not believe that our State Department, the U. S. Infonnation Agency (Voice of America), other U. S. government agencies, and the Free Europe Committee (Radio Free Europe) are working in the interests of America and the rest of the free world, when they serve and promote the interests of the Benes Czechs and the Lettrich "Democrats" who collaiborated with the Communists and the USSR as members of the National Front government of the BenesGottwald coalition. Benes Czechs and Lettrich "Democrats" - now members of the so-called "Council of Free Czechoslovakia" operating out of Washington and New York - are gradually coming to the point of openly admitting that collaboration �22 SLOV.AK[A with Communists does not pay, that the history of CzechoSlovakia is clear proof of what attempted co-existence with Communists leads to. But they still are loath to admit that they did colla,borate with Communists and the USSR, that they did promote the pro-Soviet policy of Dr. Edward Benes and, hence, are in a large measure responsible for the present terrible plight of the peoples of CzechoJSlovakia. And they still insist on spreading the legend about the Slovak up~ rising which was fabricated by Moscow and the LettrichSchmidke Slovak National Council. Jfow, then, can we believe that they have really broken completely with the past? • • • WHO SAID IT? "The post~war economic changes in Czechoslovakia some of them revolutionary in tiheir scope but none of them an entirely new departure in CzechoslO'Vak history - have occurred with a minimum of political friction. It seems to have been generally understood that the rebuilding of capital and the recovery of ;production were the national needs, rather than a revhnal of the conflict of ideologies which paved the way to the Second World War. For these objectives, all political parties were willing to work together. Czechoslovakia has a Communist Party which accepts joint power with non-Communist parties; its second Marxist party the Social Democrats, works ~ith non-Socialists. The other Czech parties, non-Communist but not anti-Communist, are equally willing to cooperate with the Communist Party. The Slovak Democratic Party alone contains elements of irreconcilable opposition to the Communists, with the result that it is the weatl{est linlk in the National Front. There are no deiiinitely anti-Communist parties; these were all liquidated as a result of their pre-war and wartime activities. 'I'his coHalboration of Communists, socialists and liberals in a National Front Government has boon a condition (William Diamond, Czechoslovaof post-was process." kia Between East and West, 1947, !Stevens and Sons, Ltd., London ; p. 233) . � SLOVAKIA THE SWVAK UPRISING OF AUGUST 1944 Philip A. Hrobak Much has been said and written about the "Slovak Uprising" of August 1944, by the Benes Czechs (Socialists), the "Czechoslovaks" (Slovaks in the pay of Benes Czechs), and the Communists. Their versions of the uprising have been widely publicized and have been accepted as true, it seems, even by our State Department (Voice of America) and the Free Europe Committee (Radio Free Europe). Of course, patriotic Slovaks also have said and written much about the uprising which brought terror and confusion, death and destruction, and the German Army to thier land. But their story of that massacre, mass murders, and mass graves, has not been given publicity and has not been accepted as true by our State Department and the Free Europe Committee. Why? It seems simply for political reasons. To me it is plainly clear that forces are at work to prevent Americans and the rest of the free world from getting the true version, all the availa;ble facts, about the Slovak uprising of August 1944. After the uprising in Slovakia got under way "officially" on August 29, 1944, Dr. Edward Benes, the Lettrich "Democrats," the Husak Communists, and Moscow - all in unison - proclaimed it a spontaneous action of the Slovak nation and labeled it as the "Slovak National Uprising," which, they said would be inscribed in the history of the Slovak people with golden letters. They told us then - and keep telling us even today - that the uprising was thoroughly planned, well-timed and perfectly executed. It is true that the Lettrich "Democrats" and the Benes Czechs have given various "modifications" of their original story about the uprising since February 25, 1948, when they suddenly became "democratic and anti-Communist," but they still have not given us the whole truth, all the facts as they know them. Since they have admitted that they organized the Slovak uprising of August 1944 with the Communists, they undoubtedly do know the facts, but for obvious reasons are not willing to reveal them even today. �SLOVAKIA 5 "National Fronters" in America As late as August 29, 1954, in a letter published in the NEW YORK TIMES, recalling the "Slovak Uprising" of 1944, the signatories - Josef Lettrich, Matej Josko and Juraj Slavik (Slova:ks in the pay of Benes Czechs, regarded as traitors by all truly patriotic Slovaks), and Adolf Klimek and Peter Zenkl (Benes Czechs who promoted the pro-Soviet policy of Dr. Edward Benes and were members of his Communits-dominated National Front government) - tell us: 1. The Slovak people did not want to be independent; independence was forced on them by Hitler. 2. The Slova,k people rose in armed revolt against the German Army and against the Slovak Government. 3. More than 70,000 soldiers and 12,000 partisans participated in the uprising of 1944. 4. The great majority of the fighters in this uprising and their lea,dership were of democratic, Western orientation. 5. The Slovak fighters manifested by their action their "Czechoslovwk" patriotism and "democratic" beliefs. 6. Even French partisans fought on the side of the Slovak partisans. The letter proves beyond a shadow of doubt that the Benes Czechs and their Slovak stooges have not changed their program or amended their ways. They still insist on spreading the legend about the Slovak uprising which was fabricated in Moscow and propagated by the Communists under Karol Schmidke and the so-called "Democrats" (formerly Agrarians) under Josef Lettrich after the uprising was under way. Ten years after the horrible massacre and betrayal of the Slovak people by the Husak Communists, the Lettrich "Democrats," and the Benes Czechs, the signers of the TIMES letter would still have Americans believe the lie that the Slovaks did not want to be free and independent, but preferred to be dominated and exploited by the Czechs and, therefore, the Slovak nation rose up spontaneously in armed �6 SLOVAKIA revolt against its own State and against its own Government. How stupid do they think Americans are? Yes, how stupid must they think we are, since our own State Department, the U. S. Information Agency (Voice of America), and the Free Europe Committee (Radio Free Europe) still faH for their line and even help propagate the same lie? Lettrich and Josko must know the truth about the Slovak uprising, because they played an active role in it. The other three signatories did not participate actively and directly, as far as I could ascertain. All of them, however, and others of the so-called "Council of Free Czechoslovak ia" which operates out of Washington and New York, do claim credit for the Communist-in spired .putsch of 1944 which they prefer to call - even as the Commu~ists do - the "Slovak National Uprising." Lettrich and Josko do not want to divulge the truth about the uprising, because they would rather not implicate themselves. But the irrefutable fact remains that they were deeply implicated in the Communist-in spired putsch which claimed the lives of some 70,000 Slovaks, resulted in mass murders and mass graves, and brought the German Army into Slovakia. Moscow Brigades in Slovakia Furthermore, it is a matter of record that up to February 25, 1948, the Benes Czechs and the Lettrich "Democrats" ("Czechoslova ks") celebrated the Slovak uprising annually in the same fashion as the Communists of Slovakia, glorifying the Slovak partisans under Communist Schmidke and the Soviet partisans under Velicko of the USSR, the "great and glorious achievements " of the revolt, the wisdom and leadership of Stalin, and the heroic deeds of the USSR and the Red Army, which led to the "liberation" of the Slovak nation and the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Together with the Communists they claimed credit for the "Slovak National Uprising" - and even today claim credit for it, though not together with the Communists. And patriotic, democratic Slovaks everywhere did and still do give them full credit for all the terroristic acts, mass murders and mass graves, indescribable crimes and terror, �SLOVAKIA 7 misery and Red enslavement that ensued. They hold them fully responsible for it. When the Benes Czechs and the Lettrich ",Democrats" persist in upholding the lie that the '~Slov-ak people rose in armed revolt against the German Army and against the Slovak Government," they are deliberately concealing the facts. They certainly must know that the German Army came into Slovakia only after the partisans had captured several army garrisons in central Slovakia and began terrorizing and murdering the population. And they certainly could not have forgotten the slogans used and the contents of the broadcasts made by the partisans at that time. If their memory is conveniently failing them, I might suggest that they refresh it by reading their own publications (CAS; NOVE CASY, 1944, London; PARTIZANI NA SLOVENSKU; NAD TATROU SA BL"'2'"1SKA; SLOBODNE CESKOSLOVENSKO; NARODNA OBRODA; etc.). I have it from reliable sources that no more than 35,000 sol~iers of the Slovak Army participated in the uprising the majority of whom were forced to fight on the side of the partisans against their own State and against their own government by the partisans and Red commanders of the USSR. But the Benes Czechs and the Lettrich "Democrats" - like the Communists - still tell us that the figure was 70,000 so that the uprising might appear as "national" in character. Furthermore, they state that 12,000 partisans participated in the Slovak uprising of 1944, in which "even French partisans fought on the side of the Slovak partisans," but conveniently omit to say that the Slovak partisans were led by the Communist Karol Schmidke, the Soviet partisans by Velicko of the USSR, while French partisans naturally were led by a French Communist. Indeed, it would not surprise me at all, if we eventually learned that other "international brigades" also participated in the 1944 putsch in Slovakia! I simply cannot believe that the Benes Czechs and the Lettrich "Democrats" have forgotten that various units of the rebel army were commanded by Soviet military men who were subordinate to the Soviet Chief of Staff in Kyjev, among whom were: Jegorov, Osmolov, Sukajev, Sadilenko, �8 SLOVAKIA Volkov, Smirnov, Krajuskin, Popov, Kolesnikov, Arsenev, Surkov, Solosenko, Cernogorov, Vysocky, Krasiev-Stepanov, and Poliakov. What, then, is the purpose of the balderdash that "the great majority of the fighters in this uprising and their leadership were of democratic, Western orientation"? After being accorded political asylum in America, why should Benes Czechs and Lettrich "Democrats" still want to deceive Americans in 1954? By their actions did they not then, and are they not now manifesting - like the "Slovak fighters" of the 1944 uprising - their "Czechoslovak" patriotism and "democratic" beliefs? Indeed, something that requires more looking into! Is it any wonder then that informed Americans, together with our good Slovak friends behind the Iron Curtain and in exile, are rudely shocked and thoroughly indignant, because our State Department, the U.S. Information Agency (Voice of America), and the Free Europe Committee (Radio Free Europe) not only permit, but even help the Benes Czechs and the Lettrich "Democrats" deceive the American public and the rest of the free world? Lettrich and J osko could also tell us a bit about the background of the uprising of 1944, if they only wanted to - something of the events which preceded and the people who prepared the ground for the horrible massacre of the Slovaks in 1944, especially the agreements between the Lettrich "Democrats" and the Schmidke ...Husak Communists which were negotiated on December 25, 1943, and on June 26, 1945, and called for the closest collaboration between the parties concerned and the USSR. They negotiated and signed those agreements! The situation prior to 1944 Until about the end of 1942, there were no "illegal" groups in Slovakia, that is, active resistance groups. To the fall of Stalingrad, Slovak Communists used to meet socially with Slovak Czechs ("Czechoslovaks" - followers of Dr. Edward Benes's "one-nation" theory and his pro-Soviet policy). This was not connected with any hazards. The Slovak Government was aware of this, but did nothing to prevent �SLOVAKIA 9 their social meetings. The Communist Party had been outlawed in 1938 by the autonomous Slovak Government, but individual members were not persecuted or interned just because they were Communists. Some Communists and many Lettrich "Democrats" held government positions and other well-paying jobs. In 1943, two Moscow-trained Communists, Karol Schmidke, a Silesian half-German, and the Czech Karol Bacilek, were parachuted into Slova:kia by the Soviets to organize and direct illegal activities. But it was not until the end of that year that the Slovak Communists and left-wing Agrarians began to meet regularly to discuss organizing resistance groups and planning for the future. After Dr. Edward Benes, the "resigned-and-still-president" of CzechoSlovakia, concluded the so-called "Czechoslovak-Soviet Treaty" in Moscow, on December 12, 1943, the left-wing Slovak Agrarians (Lettrich's group) got together with the Slovak Communists (the Schmidke-Husak group) to conclude the "Christmas Agreement" of 1943, whereby they created a "common political leadership" under the name of the "Slovak National Council" and declared "eternal friendship" for each other. The Slovak National Council, they declared, is "the one and only representative of the political will of the Slovak nation" and the "body supreme" as far as the affairs of Slovakia were concerned. These Slovak Agrarians, later re-christened to Slovak "Democrats," united with the Slovak Communists to collaborate with Moscow in the destruction of the Slovak Republic and in the establishment of a "new" Czecho-Slovak democracy, a "people's democratic State." From available accounts, it is quite evident that there were differences of opinion among the Husak Communists and the Lettrich "Democrats" as far as the future of Slovakia was concerned. Slovak Communists did not care whether Slovakia became a Soviet Republic or remained within the framework of Czecho-Slovakia, as a unit of a federative system, as long as it was governed by them. Lettrich's "Democrats" - the "Czechoslovaks" - how- �10 SLOVAKIA ever, did not have a clear-cut program; at times they knew not what they wanted or where they were really going. Some were for the relationship which existed prior to Munich, 1938, while others preferred that which existed after Munich, but prior to March 14, 1939, when the Slovak parliament declared Slovakia independent. The latter were for the federative system, which T. G. Masaryk and Edward Benes proposed for Czecho-Slovakia to the Allies in 1918 but never inaugurated. Communists in Slovakia were aware of the fact that the ovewhelming majority of the Slovak people resolutely opposed the conception of a "one-nation" Czecho-Slovakia, which the Benes Czechs propagated. They used this knowledge to gain supporters for their cause whenever an opportunity presented itself. It so happened when they repudiated the proclamation of the "London Government" of Dr. Edward Benes of June 30, 1943, which declared that the future of Czecho-Slovakia would rest on the conception of a "onenation" Czecho-Slovakia - a unified or united "Czechoslovak" nation. The Lettrich "Democrats" - the "Czechoslovaks" on the other hand, accepted the conception of an ethnic "Czechoslovak" nation of the Benes Czechs, even though they could not agree among themselves just what the relationship between the Czechs and the Slovaks should be like in the "new" Czecho-Slovakia. After Dr. Milan Hodza, former premier of Czecho-Slovakia, parted with Benes, many of them had lost faith in the president who resigned and then made himself president again. Nevertheless, they sided with Benes, because he was recognized both by the democratic' powers and the USSR. Like the Communists, the Lettrich "Democrats" hated the Tiso regime, which was thoroughly Christian and as democratic as it possibly could be under the circumstances; like the Communists they were not interested in a truly democratic Slovak State, because they knew they could never becoming ruling figures in it by the free will of the Slovak people. So, the Lettrich "Democrats" decided to go along with the Communists, proclaiming the establishment of a �SLOVAKIA 11 "new" Czecho-Slovakia as one of their chief aims, based, of course, on the spirit and the letter of the Treaty of December 12, 1943, which Benes had concluded with the Soviet Union and by which not only the Slovaks, but also the Czechs were formally sold out to the men of the Kremlin. The right of Benes to conclude such a treaty might be justly questioned, since the nations of Czecho-Slovakia had not authorized him to act in their behalf after his resignation as president in 1938, but that would be of little consequence today. The overwhelming majority of the Slovak people, with its political and religious leadership - the followers of Andrew Hlinka and Martin Razus - was definitely for a Christian, democratic, independent Slovak State, a Slovakia free of all foreign domination and rid of all Communists. It still is for such a State today. The Red Front Approaches Slovakia After concluding the "Christmas Agreement" of 1943, the Lettrich "Democrats" and the Husak Communists, began to discuss the matter of an armed putsch or revolt. In April, 1944, Dr. Vavro Srobar, one of the oldest and most intimate friends of Dr. Edward Benes in Slovakia, asked Benes what the Slovaks should do in the event that Hungary would quit the war and join the Allies, and/ or in the event that Germany should occupy Slovakia. Benes strongly advised an open revolt in his reply, because this, he said, would enable a speedy occupation of Slovakia by the Soviet Army. Dr. Joseph Tiso, President of Slovakia, and the Slovak Government, including Slovak military leaders, had other plans. They did not want Slovakia to become an open battleground ; they tried to spare their people from the horrors of war. To avoid unnecessary bloodshed and occupation by the German and Soviet armies, they thought it best if the Slovak Army would take over the Government of Slovakia at the opportune moment. The "opportune moment" - it was understood - meant the fall of Cracow on the North, or the fall ·of Miskovec in the South. When that happened, the Slovak Army was to occupy the borders of Slovakia; �12 SLOVAKIA then the Slovak Government would step out in favor of the Army which, with the help of political parties, would form a new government, temporarily, which, in turn, would tie up with the United Nations, especially the West. Since the Slovak Government at that time had no contact with the West, thanks to Dr. Benes's refusal to deal with it, it tried to inform the West BJbout its plan through the USSR, even though it did so with great misgivings. General Augustine Malar personally contacted the Soviet Military Staff in the Ukraine, revealed the plan at least partly, and requested, in the name of the Slovak Government, that the Soviets and the Western Allies agree to this plan of action and also recognize the political independence of Slovakia. Malar, respecting the advice of the Slovak Government, wisely omitted to say anything about Slovakia's intention of joining the West. In reply, the Soviets said that they had not planned on penetrating through Slovakia; they were willing to recognize the political independence of Slovakia, as they already had in 1939, but steadfastly refused to agree on the point that military operations in Slovakia should be undertaken by the Slovak Army alone. It was quite obvious already then that the USSR wanted to occupy Slovakia for political reasons. The story of General Mala.r's contact with the Soviet Military on December 17, 1943, was told during the trial of Dr. Joseph Tiso and members of the 'Slovak Government (19461947) before the National Court in Bratislava. About the end of June the Slovak National Council decided to send a delegation to Moscow to inform Stalin of its plans and to petition the Soviets to include Slovakia in their plan of operations. Karol Schmidke and General Nicholas Ferjencik were selected to make the trip. Because of "technical" reasons, they did not undertake the trip until August 4, 1944. Ferjencik, now enjoying political asylum in America, could easily give us the details of that meeting, if he desired to do so. The partisans engaged in terroristic acts rather regularly at the end of July and the beginning of August, 1944. When they seized the command of several garrisons in �SLOVAKIA 13 central Slovakia and murdered many persons in that section of the country, General Malar, to save the situation, appealed to the Army in a radio broadcast not to be taken in by partisan rumors, not to join the partisans, because "our time has not yet arrived . . . When it does come, then we shall all pull at the same end of the rope." The terroristic acts of the partisans alarmed even Lt. Col. Golian, to whom Benes had entrusted the military preparations and operations of the "resistance" in Slovakia. G-Olian demanded that the partisans subordinate their activity to his command, the "authorized" military command of the "illegal" forces. Velicko, commander of the Soviet partisans, informed Golian that he would do so, but continued on his own any way. Angered and frustrated, Golian sent Lt. Col. Manica, August 20, 1944, with a request that Velicko order the partisans to cease their activities, otherwise the Germans would surely intervene. Velicko, however, disregarded the request and his .partisans continued to spread terror and violence in central and eastern Slovakia. The terroristic acts of the partisans created a very difficult situation for President Tiso and the Slovak Government. They did what they could to keep the German Army from occupying Slovakia. They explained that the disturbances were not widespread or "national," but local, and that the Slovak Army was capable of handling them and restoring order. The Germans, however, were reluctant to believe the Slovaks, especially after the murder of General Otto and his military mission at Banska Bystrica, August 27, 1944. Hitler's Wehrmacht began to occupy Slovakia, and the Slovaks really were in for the worst. The uprising, in which the Lettrich "Democrats" and the Communists collaborated fully to the joy of Moscow, was responsible for the Germans occupying Slovalkia in 1944. Why August 29, 1944? Benes Czechs, Lettrich "Democrats" and Schmidke Communists had told us - and are still telling us - that the Slovak uprising began on August 29, 1944. Why was that partic'ular date selected, when they knew - as we know now, �14 8LOVAKIA because even they themselves admitted it - that the partisans committed terroristic acts before that date? They selected that date as the "official" date so that they could tell the world that President Tiso and the Slovak Government called or invited the German Army to Slovakia and thus cover up the fact that the distuvbances created by the partisans were really responsible for the occupation of Slovakia by the Germans. Lettrich, Husak, N ovomesky and other "leaders" of the uprising were not even in Banska Bystrica on August 29, 1944. The Slovak National Council did not issue its declaration of the revolt until September 1, 1944. When German military units began moving into Slovakia as a result of partisan terroristic activities, the leaders of the uprising resorted to lies to gain the support of the Slovak Army and the Slovak people. They said: the Germans were coming to occupy the whole of ,Slovakia; that President Tiso was murdered; that members of the Slovak Government were seized and taken to Germany, etc. The ruse, however, even thoogh at first it deceiived many in SlovaJki:a and abroad, failed to attain its objective. What happened in Slovakia prior t,o August 29, 1944? Partisans committed terroristic acts in eastern and central Slovakia for at least three or four weeks before that date. The situation grew so tense that the Slovak Government conitem.iplated declaring Martial La,w on August 1, 1944, but did not resort to it till later. On several occasions the Germans warned Tiso and the Slovak Government that if they could not cope with the situation and keep order in Slovakia, the German Army definitely would move in to make order. Tiso and the Slovak Government did what they could under the circumstances to restore order and, thereby, keep the Germans out of Slovakia. They knew that their plans for joining with western forces of the United Nations could not be realized if the Germans occupied Slovakia. The partisans, however, taking orders from Moscow and London, were not interested in preserving order; they were only interested in preparing the ground for the Red Army: After �SLOVAKIA 15 the latter occupied 'Slovakia, they figured they would take over all power in Slovakia. And they did. After the German front collapsed in Rumania, German diplomatic personnel - some thirty persons, including women and children - were hurriedly evacuated. Communist agents already were quite active in Slovakia, creating chaos and confusion and provoking incidents with Germany. The train carrying German diplomats from Bucharest was halted on the evening of August 26, 1944, at Turciansky Svaty Martin, Slovakia, by partisans. The passengers were told rather politely that it would be impossible for them to go farther, because of engine trouble. Quarters were arranged for them in the local barracks. The next morning the entire group was ordered into the barracks square by one Major Kuchta, lined up and mowed down with machine guns. It was thus that the military mission of General Otto perished. Two days later German troops came in force into Slovakia "to restore order." The partisans, of course, told the Slovaks that the German occupation was entirely ttnprovoked and that they now had to fight for their freedom, Tiso was murdered, etc., as mentioned above. Before that time, however, on August 20, 1944, Velicko and his .partisans were busy in Turiec requisitioning autos, robbing stores and farmers. During the night of August 24 a group of German field gendarmes were taken by surprise and shot while they slept in the Hotel Slavia in Vrutky. Turiec and vicinity were also terrorized and victimized by a group led by the sadistic Lutheran preacher Vojtech HruskaTerenyi, the Communist from Hungary who already back in 1919, as a young preacher, had participated in the Red revolt of Bela Kun (Cohen). Francis Slamen, member of the Slovak Assembly and chairman of the Slovak Christian Labor Union, was among several persons murdered in Brezno Natl Hronom, August 27, 1944. On August 28, 1944, partisan officers shot Col. Zverin and Col. Kanak of the Slovak Army in Banska Bystrica. In Liptovsky Svaty Mikulas they arrested Col. Kl'ucik, of the garrison there, and Lt. Frecer; later they murdered them. �16 SLOVAKIA Let's fight to the last drop of your blood! On September 1, 1944, the Slovak National Council, headed by "Democrat" Lettrich and Communist Schmidke, met in Banska Bystrica and immediately made August 29, 1944, the "official" date of the start of the Slovak uprising. Futhermore, they issued a declaration which stated that the Council was the body supreme in Slovakia, the only representative and authorized body in Slovakia which had the right to speak in the name of the Slovak nation. The Slovak National Council was composed of Lettrich "Democrats" and Schmidke-Hus a:k Communists (-50-50); Dr. Joseph Lettrich was chairman and Karol Schmidke co-chairman of the Council. On September 5, 1944, during its first "solemn" session, the so-called Slovak National Council sent two telegrams: one to Stalin, the other to Benes. The Stalin telegram read as follows (translated from the Slovak): Josip Visarionovic ,Stalin Marshal of the USSR Moscow, Kremlin The Slovak National Council sends You and the nations of the Soviet Union from its solemn session its most cordial greetings and thanks You for the understanding which You have manifested for our fight of liberation, waged against the common enemy. Glory to the victorious Red Army! Banska Bystrica, September 5, 1944 The Slovak National Council It is significant that the Council made up of Communists and the Lettrich "Democrats" sent no greeting at that time either to the President of the United States or the King of England, who apparently did not rate. The Slovak National Council called in all reservists and ordered full mobilization. The response was poor; not many Slovaks answered the call voluntarily. The Council had to rest satisfied with those it could force to bear arms against their country in the area held by the partisans, a few districts in central and eastern Slovakia. A part of the Trnava garrison, led by John Benko, defected and joined the partisans; General Mala.r's divisions, however, refused to join. The German forces, led by Gen. Berger and Gen. iHoffle, soon encircled the partisan putschists. The heaviest fighting �SLOVAKIA 17 took place near Telgart, Cremosne, Dubrava and Kremnicka, during which some 4,000 were killed. The partisans, who had taken to the hills and mountains of Slovakia before the Germans moved in, soon realized that their situation was quite hopeless. They lacked men and material to cope with the situation they had created. And promised help from the USSR and from Benes in London did not materialize to any noticeaible extent. Sporadic skirmishes continued for about two months; by the end of October the Communist-inspired "national" uprising in Slovakia was completely liquidated. Of course, the press of the USSR and the "Czechoslovak Press Bureau (CTK) of Dr. Benes in London supplied the world press, including our own OWI, with sensational fabrications; reports which told of the glorious and valiant stand of the Slovak nation which fought to renew the CzechoSlovak Republic - a "new" Republic, a Czecho-.Slovakia which would be a "people's" democracy - and shed its blood so that Benes might be president again; reports which told the world that the partisans had one third, then one-half and, later, almost the whole of Slovakia under their control after a week or two of "furious" fighting. Balderdash! The partisans fought in the fashion of partisans; there were practically no open, regular battles, but only sporadic skirmishes and attacks. When the "heroic" commanders of the partisan units saw that the situation was hopeless, they flew out of Slovakia into the USSR in planes that were ready just for such an eventuality. Talsky, a Czech and commander of the "eastern front" who was supposed to join with the Red Army at the opportune moment, flew to the USSR, leaving his "army" behind; there he was promptly arrested as a deserter. Generals Golian and Viest, officers who defected from the Slovak Army and joined the partisans, were ready to leave the scene of the "glorious" revolt, when their own soldiers blew up their plane with grenades. Viest and Golian hid themselves in a certain village, but were betrayed by their own men when the Germans sought them. Captured, they were taken to Germany and later shot. �18 SLOVAKIA The charact.er of the, -si.ovak uprising The Slovak National Council was busy issuing decrees to terrorize the vast masses of the Slovak population. It decreed the dissolution of the IIlinka Slovak People's Party, the German Party, and the Magyar Christian Social Party; ecclesiastical properties and institutions were nationalized and confiscated; a concentration camp was established at Slovenska Lupca, where over 700 victims were held to await partisan "justice." Partisan "people's" courts were quickly set up at Sklabina, Kunerad and elsewhere. Thousands of Slovaks were arbitrarily convicted and jailed; hundreds were liquidated without a hearing. The 1944 uprising in Slovakia pad all the earmarks of a bolshevik rebellion: partisans w~re :r:ed kerchiefs round their necks, Lenin goatees, and a rosary of grenades around their belts. They robbed and raped, plundered and murdered wherever they went. They forced priests to act friendly towards them, bless their weapons and even read the Holy Mass for the success of their diabolical venture. If a priest hesitated or refused to follow their orders, he was beaten, threatened with shooting or actually. shot. Joseph and Andrew Kocalko from Sucany, father and son respectively, were beaten to death beyond recognition by Hruska-Terenyi and his men. The father had spent quite a number of years in America. The Communist Lutheran preacher, Vojtech Hruska-Terenyi, and Jersov, a ·Russian professor, killed 147 Slovaks and buried them in a mass grave at Sklabina. Hruska-Terenyi was judge, jury and executioner. Those whom he sentenced to death had to strip down to their underclothes and march to the foot of the forest in Sklabina. There each victim was given a spade to dig his own grave. Some of the victims cracked under the ordeal and were shot forthwith; the rest kept digging slowly until Jersov blew his whistle and machine guns mowed them down into their shallow graves. The bodies of the hopeless victims were covered with twigs and a little dirt. The mass grave at Sklabina was uncovered in November 1944. Many of the victims had a bullet hole back of the neck. �SLOVAKIA 19 Among the priests who were murdered there were: Rev. Anthony Salat, member of the Slovak Parliament and pastor of the Catholic congregation at Hajniky; Rev. Martinka of Liptovsky Svaty Michal; Rev. John Nemec of Zavadka; Rev. Sedo of Liptovsky Svaty Jan. In Povazska Bystrica, -a theologian named Milan was also murdered. I might note here for the record that the Communists and Lettrich "Democrats" joyously celebrated the "silver anniversary" of the invasion of Slovakia by the bolshevik hordes of Bela Kun from Hungary during the uprising of 1944 - the first time any one in Slovakia made a hero of the Magyar Communist revolutionary who murdered Slovaks, pillaged their lands and destroyed their homes! Need any more be said about the character of the Slovak uprising of 1944? I might add, too, that the same Slovak National Council of Lettrich "Democrats" and Schmidke-Husak Communists was making extensive preparations to celebrate "Czechoslovak Independence Day" on October 28, 1944, as it never had been celebrated before, but the events that followed the terroristic acts of the partisans forestalled the celebration. Mass murders and mass graves We have heard of mass murders and mass graves· i'n Poland (Katyn Forest), the Ukraine (Vinnitsia), and elsewhere, but little or nothing about those in Slovakia. In Slovakia mass graves have been uncovered in Micinska Dolina, Sklene, Podsucha, Pusty Hrad, in the Prievidza Valley, Lucivna, Sklabina, Kunerad, L'ubietova; also in the vicinity of Kovacova, Ruzomberok, Zvolen, Humenne, Bosany, and Tri Vody. There is also a mass grave near Petrzalka, but this one came into being after the occupation of Bratislava by the Red Army in the spring of 1945. The partisans were responsible for most of the murders and mass graves. During the trial of President Tiso in 1947, the prosecution stated that some 4,316 persons were buried in mass graves and blamed Tiso and the Slovak Government for them for obvious reasons. There is, of course, no way of ascertaining whether that figure is accurate or not. A thorough investigation would probably at least double it. �20 SLOVAKIA Why the putsch failed When Generals Golian and Viest were apprehended by the Germans, after their own soldiers had betrayed their hidingplace, they declared that the "uprising" had failed, because: 1. low morale prevailed in the army; soldiers had no desire to fight for a "new" Czecho-Slovakia or the USSR; · and they did not want to destroy their own State and their own Government; 2. partisan provocateurs and saboteurs had absolutely no respect or regard for the feelings of the Slovak people; they were beyond the law, brutal and reckless; 3. the Germans sent captured soldiers home, after disarming and a hearing them; 4. the partisan army lacked capable leadership; 5. communications were bad; 6. the Slovak population was hostile to the partisans and their cause; 7. little help came from the USSR and the West (Benes); 8. the Red Army was not ready to march into Slovakia; 9. the partisans did not have sufficient food, munition, guns and planes ; 10. thousands of men deserted. Conclusions From the above it is evident that the Slovak uprising of August, 1944, was not national in character; it did not have the backing of the vast ma,sses of the Slovak population. It was Communist-inspired and led; it was engineered by the Reds in Moscow and London, with the participation of Benes, without regard to the interests of the Slovak people. The partisans, no matter what their origin, were guilty of the most horrible crimes. The Communist-inspired putsch of 1944 brought terror and chaos, destruction and death, misery and Red enslavement to Slovakia. In reality, the Slovak uprising of 1944 was a "Warsaw" in miniature. Only the Communists and Moscow profited from it. Slovak Communists, Lettrich "Democrats" and Benes Czechs profited from it, but only temporarily. Together they celebrated the "great and lasting achievements" of that massacre, glorifying Stalin, the USSR, the Red Army and Benes, until February 25, 1948. And they still celebrate it today; of course, not with the Communists, nor in the same fashion as they did �SLOVAKIA 21 prior to 1948. Those that were lucky enough to escape the hell they helped to create in Slovakia, that is. What fools they be, and what fools are we, if we continue to believe their version of the horrible massacre of the Slovak people in 1944, if we continue to trust them. The blood of thousands and thousands of innocent victims in mass graves of Slovakia cries to heaven for vengeance against them. Patriotic Slovaks everywhere do commemorate the Communist-inspired Slovak uprising of 1944, but not in the manner of the Benes Czechs, Lettrich "Democrats" and the Communists. Recalling the uprising as one of the darkest chapters in their history, which brought death and destruction and Red enslavement to their country, good Slovaks bow their heads reverently in prayer for the victims of that massacre and ask the almighty and just God to speed the day of judgment for all who were responsible for it and, too, that in His mercy He might also speed the day of liberation of their nation from the Godless, ruthless rule of Moscow and from all foreign domination. I firmly believe that it is in the highest interests of America and the rest of the free world that they lend a willing ear to the story patriotic Slovaks have to tell not only about the uprising of 1944, but also about the political mess that was Czecho-Slovakia, prior to Munich and after the "liberation" in 1945. I cannot and will not believe that our State Department, the U. S. Infonnation Agency (Voice of America), other U. S. government agencies, and the Free Europe Committee (Radio Free Europe) are working in the interests of America and the rest of the free world, when they serve and promote the interests of the Benes Czechs and the Lettrich "Democrats" who collaiborated with the Communists and the USSR as members of the National Front government of the BenesGottwald coalition. Benes Czechs and Lettrich "Democrats" - now members of the so-called "Council of Free Czechoslovakia" operating out of Washington and New York - are gradually coming to the point of openly admitting that collaboration �22 SLOV.AK[A with Communists does not pay, that the history of CzechoSlovakia is clear proof of what attempted co-existence with Communists leads to. But they still are loath to admit that they did colla,borate with Communists and the USSR, that they did promote the pro-Soviet policy of Dr. Edward Benes and, hence, are in a large measure responsible for the present terrible plight of the peoples of CzechoJSlovakia. And they still insist on spreading the legend about the Slovak up~ rising which was fabricated by Moscow and the LettrichSchmidke Slovak National Council. Jfow, then, can we believe that they have really broken completely with the past? • • • WHO SAID IT? "The post~war economic changes in Czechoslovakia some of them revolutionary in tiheir scope but none of them an entirely new departure in CzechoslO'Vak history - have occurred with a minimum of political friction. It seems to have been generally understood that the rebuilding of capital and the recovery of ;production were the national needs, rather than a revhnal of the conflict of ideologies which paved the way to the Second World War. For these objectives, all political parties were willing to work together. Czechoslovakia has a Communist Party which accepts joint power with non-Communist parties; its second Marxist party the Social Democrats, works ~ith non-Socialists. The other Czech parties, non-Communist but not anti-Communist, are equally willing to cooperate with the Communist Party. The Slovak Democratic Party alone contains elements of irreconcilable opposition to the Communists, with the result that it is the weatl{est linlk in the National Front. There are no deiiinitely anti-Communist parties; these were all liquidated as a result of their pre-war and wartime activities. 'I'his coHalboration of Communists, socialists and liberals in a National Front Government has boon a condition (William Diamond, Czechoslovaof post-was process." kia Between East and West, 1947, !Stevens and Sons, Ltd., London ; p. 233) . � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA THE SWVAK UPRISING OF AUGUST 1944 Philip A. Hrobak Much has been said and written about the "Slovak Uprising" of August 1944, by the Benes Czechs (Socialists), the "Czechoslovaks" (Slovaks in the pay of Benes Czechs), and the Communists. Their versions of the uprising have been widely publicized and have been accepted as true, it seems, even by our State Department (Voice of America) and the Free Europe Committee (Radio Free Europe). Of course, patriotic Slovaks also have said and written much about the uprising which brought terror and confusion, death and destruction, and the German Army to thier land. But their story of that massacre, mass murders, and mass graves, has not been given publicity and has not been accepted as true by our State Department and the Free Europe Committee. Why? It seems simply for political reasons. To me it is plainly clear that forces are at work to prevent Americans and the rest of the free world from getting the true version, all the availa;ble facts, about the Slovak uprising of August 1944. After the uprising in Slovakia got under way "officially" on August 29, 1944, Dr. Edward Benes, the Lettrich "Democrats," the Husak Communists, and Moscow - all in unison - proclaimed it a spontaneous action of the Slovak nation and labeled it as the "Slovak National Uprising," which, they said would be inscribed in the history of the Slovak people with golden letters. They told us then - and keep telling us even today - that the uprising was thoroughly planned, well-timed and perfectly executed. It is true that the Lettrich "Democrats" and the Benes Czechs have given various "modifications" of their original story about the uprising since February 25, 1948, when they suddenly became "democratic and anti-Communist," but they still have not given us the whole truth, all the facts as they know them. Since they have admitted that they organized the Slovak uprising of August 1944 with the Communists, they undoubtedly do know the facts, but for obvious reasons are not willing to reveal them even today. SLOVAKIA 5 "National Fronters" in America As late as August 29, 1954, in a letter published in the NEW YORK TIMES, recalling the "Slovak Uprising" of 1944, the signatories - Josef Lettrich, Matej Josko and Juraj Slavik (Slova:ks in the pay of Benes Czechs, regarded as traitors by all truly patriotic Slovaks), and Adolf Klimek and Peter Zenkl (Benes Czechs who promoted the pro-Soviet policy of Dr. Edward Benes and were members of his Communits-dominated National Front government) - tell us: 1. The Slovak people did not want to be independent; independence was forced on them by Hitler. 2. The Slova,k people rose in armed revolt against the German Army and against the Slovak Government. 3. More than 70,000 soldiers and 12,000 partisans participated in the uprising of 1944. 4. The great majority of the fighters in this uprising and their lea,dership were of democratic, Western orientation. 5. The Slovak fighters manifested by their action their "Czechoslovwk" patriotism and "democratic" beliefs. 6. Even French partisans fought on the side of the Slovak partisans. The letter proves beyond a shadow of doubt that the Benes Czechs and their Slovak stooges have not changed their program or amended their ways. They still insist on spreading the legend about the Slovak uprising which was fabricated in Moscow and propagated by the Communists under Karol Schmidke and the so-called "Democrats" (formerly Agrarians) under Josef Lettrich after the uprising was under way. Ten years after the horrible massacre and betrayal of the Slovak people by the Husak Communists, the Lettrich "Democrats," and the Benes Czechs, the signers of the TIMES letter would still have Americans believe the lie that the Slovaks did not want to be free and independent, but preferred to be dominated and exploited by the Czechs and, therefore, the Slovak nation rose up spontaneously in armed 6 SLOVAKIA revolt against its own State and against its own Government. How stupid do they think Americans are? Yes, how stupid must they think we are, since our own State Department, the U. S. Information Agency (Voice of America), and the Free Europe Committee (Radio Free Europe) still faH for their line and even help propagate the same lie? Lettrich and Josko must know the truth about the Slovak uprising, because they played an active role in it. The other three signatories did not participate actively and directly, as far as I could ascertain. All of them, however, and others of the so-called "Council of Free Czechoslovak ia" which operates out of Washington and New York, do claim credit for the Communist-in spired .putsch of 1944 which they prefer to call - even as the Commu~ists do - the "Slovak National Uprising." Lettrich and Josko do not want to divulge the truth about the uprising, because they would rather not implicate themselves. But the irrefutable fact remains that they were deeply implicated in the Communist-in spired putsch which claimed the lives of some 70,000 Slovaks, resulted in mass murders and mass graves, and brought the German Army into Slovakia. Moscow Brigades in Slovakia Furthermore, it is a matter of record that up to February 25, 1948, the Benes Czechs and the Lettrich "Democrats" ("Czechoslova ks") celebrated the Slovak uprising annually in the same fashion as the Communists of Slovakia, glorifying the Slovak partisans under Communist Schmidke and the Soviet partisans under Velicko of the USSR, the "great and glorious achievements " of the revolt, the wisdom and leadership of Stalin, and the heroic deeds of the USSR and the Red Army, which led to the "liberation" of the Slovak nation and the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Together with the Communists they claimed credit for the "Slovak National Uprising" - and even today claim credit for it, though not together with the Communists. And patriotic, democratic Slovaks everywhere did and still do give them full credit for all the terroristic acts, mass murders and mass graves, indescribable crimes and terror, SLOVAKIA 7 misery and Red enslavement that ensued. They hold them fully responsible for it. When the Benes Czechs and the Lettrich ",Democrats" persist in upholding the lie that the '~Slov-ak people rose in armed revolt against the German Army and against the Slovak Government," they are deliberately concealing the facts. They certainly must know that the German Army came into Slovakia only after the partisans had captured several army garrisons in central Slovakia and began terrorizing and murdering the population. And they certainly could not have forgotten the slogans used and the contents of the broadcasts made by the partisans at that time. If their memory is conveniently failing them, I might suggest that they refresh it by reading their own publications (CAS; NOVE CASY, 1944, London; PARTIZANI NA SLOVENSKU; NAD TATROU SA BL"'2'"1SKA; SLOBODNE CESKOSLOVENSKO; NARODNA OBRODA; etc.). I have it from reliable sources that no more than 35,000 sol~iers of the Slovak Army participated in the uprising the majority of whom were forced to fight on the side of the partisans against their own State and against their own government by the partisans and Red commanders of the USSR. But the Benes Czechs and the Lettrich "Democrats" - like the Communists - still tell us that the figure was 70,000 so that the uprising might appear as "national" in character. Furthermore, they state that 12,000 partisans participated in the Slovak uprising of 1944, in which "even French partisans fought on the side of the Slovak partisans," but conveniently omit to say that the Slovak partisans were led by the Communist Karol Schmidke, the Soviet partisans by Velicko of the USSR, while French partisans naturally were led by a French Communist. Indeed, it would not surprise me at all, if we eventually learned that other "international brigades" also participated in the 1944 putsch in Slovakia! I simply cannot believe that the Benes Czechs and the Lettrich "Democrats" have forgotten that various units of the rebel army were commanded by Soviet military men who were subordinate to the Soviet Chief of Staff in Kyjev, among whom were: Jegorov, Osmolov, Sukajev, Sadilenko, 8 SLOVAKIA Volkov, Smirnov, Krajuskin, Popov, Kolesnikov, Arsenev, Surkov, Solosenko, Cernogorov, Vysocky, Krasiev-Stepanov, and Poliakov. What, then, is the purpose of the balderdash that "the great majority of the fighters in this uprising and their leadership were of democratic, Western orientation"? After being accorded political asylum in America, why should Benes Czechs and Lettrich "Democrats" still want to deceive Americans in 1954? By their actions did they not then, and are they not now manifesting - like the "Slovak fighters" of the 1944 uprising - their "Czechoslovak" patriotism and "democratic" beliefs? Indeed, something that requires more looking into! Is it any wonder then that informed Americans, together with our good Slovak friends behind the Iron Curtain and in exile, are rudely shocked and thoroughly indignant, because our State Department, the U.S. Information Agency (Voice of America), and the Free Europe Committee (Radio Free Europe) not only permit, but even help the Benes Czechs and the Lettrich "Democrats" deceive the American public and the rest of the free world? Lettrich and J osko could also tell us a bit about the background of the uprising of 1944, if they only wanted to - something of the events which preceded and the people who prepared the ground for the horrible massacre of the Slovaks in 1944, especially the agreements between the Lettrich "Democrats" and the Schmidke ...Husak Communists which were negotiated on December 25, 1943, and on June 26, 1945, and called for the closest collaboration between the parties concerned and the USSR. They negotiated and signed those agreements! The situation prior to 1944 Until about the end of 1942, there were no "illegal" groups in Slovakia, that is, active resistance groups. To the fall of Stalingrad, Slovak Communists used to meet socially with Slovak Czechs ("Czechoslovaks" - followers of Dr. Edward Benes's "one-nation" theory and his pro-Soviet policy). This was not connected with any hazards. The Slovak Government was aware of this, but did nothing to prevent SLOVAKIA 9 their social meetings. The Communist Party had been outlawed in 1938 by the autonomous Slovak Government, but individual members were not persecuted or interned just because they were Communists. Some Communists and many Lettrich "Democrats" held government positions and other well-paying jobs. In 1943, two Moscow-trained Communists, Karol Schmidke, a Silesian half-German, and the Czech Karol Bacilek, were parachuted into Slova:kia by the Soviets to organize and direct illegal activities. But it was not until the end of that year that the Slovak Communists and left-wing Agrarians began to meet regularly to discuss organizing resistance groups and planning for the future. After Dr. Edward Benes, the "resigned-and-still-president" of CzechoSlovakia, concluded the so-called "Czechoslovak-Soviet Treaty" in Moscow, on December 12, 1943, the left-wing Slovak Agrarians (Lettrich's group) got together with the Slovak Communists (the Schmidke-Husak group) to conclude the "Christmas Agreement" of 1943, whereby they created a "common political leadership" under the name of the "Slovak National Council" and declared "eternal friendship" for each other. The Slovak National Council, they declared, is "the one and only representative of the political will of the Slovak nation" and the "body supreme" as far as the affairs of Slovakia were concerned. These Slovak Agrarians, later re-christened to Slovak "Democrats," united with the Slovak Communists to collaborate with Moscow in the destruction of the Slovak Republic and in the establishment of a "new" Czecho-Slovak democracy, a "people's democratic State." From available accounts, it is quite evident that there were differences of opinion among the Husak Communists and the Lettrich "Democrats" as far as the future of Slovakia was concerned. Slovak Communists did not care whether Slovakia became a Soviet Republic or remained within the framework of Czecho-Slovakia, as a unit of a federative system, as long as it was governed by them. Lettrich's "Democrats" - the "Czechoslovaks" - how- 10 SLOVAKIA ever, did not have a clear-cut program; at times they knew not what they wanted or where they were really going. Some were for the relationship which existed prior to Munich, 1938, while others preferred that which existed after Munich, but prior to March 14, 1939, when the Slovak parliament declared Slovakia independent. The latter were for the federative system, which T. G. Masaryk and Edward Benes proposed for Czecho-Slovakia to the Allies in 1918 but never inaugurated. Communists in Slovakia were aware of the fact that the ovewhelming majority of the Slovak people resolutely opposed the conception of a "one-nation" Czecho-Slovakia, which the Benes Czechs propagated. They used this knowledge to gain supporters for their cause whenever an opportunity presented itself. It so happened when they repudiated the proclamation of the "London Government" of Dr. Edward Benes of June 30, 1943, which declared that the future of Czecho-Slovakia would rest on the conception of a "onenation" Czecho-Slovakia - a unified or united "Czechoslovak" nation. The Lettrich "Democrats" - the "Czechoslovaks" on the other hand, accepted the conception of an ethnic "Czechoslovak" nation of the Benes Czechs, even though they could not agree among themselves just what the relationship between the Czechs and the Slovaks should be like in the "new" Czecho-Slovakia. After Dr. Milan Hodza, former premier of Czecho-Slovakia, parted with Benes, many of them had lost faith in the president who resigned and then made himself president again. Nevertheless, they sided with Benes, because he was recognized both by the democratic' powers and the USSR. Like the Communists, the Lettrich "Democrats" hated the Tiso regime, which was thoroughly Christian and as democratic as it possibly could be under the circumstances; like the Communists they were not interested in a truly democratic Slovak State, because they knew they could never becoming ruling figures in it by the free will of the Slovak people. So, the Lettrich "Democrats" decided to go along with the Communists, proclaiming the establishment of a SLOVAKIA 11 "new" Czecho-Slovakia as one of their chief aims, based, of course, on the spirit and the letter of the Treaty of December 12, 1943, which Benes had concluded with the Soviet Union and by which not only the Slovaks, but also the Czechs were formally sold out to the men of the Kremlin. The right of Benes to conclude such a treaty might be justly questioned, since the nations of Czecho-Slovakia had not authorized him to act in their behalf after his resignation as president in 1938, but that would be of little consequence today. The overwhelming majority of the Slovak people, with its political and religious leadership - the followers of Andrew Hlinka and Martin Razus - was definitely for a Christian, democratic, independent Slovak State, a Slovakia free of all foreign domination and rid of all Communists. It still is for such a State today. The Red Front Approaches Slovakia After concluding the "Christmas Agreement" of 1943, the Lettrich "Democrats" and the Husak Communists, began to discuss the matter of an armed putsch or revolt. In April, 1944, Dr. Vavro Srobar, one of the oldest and most intimate friends of Dr. Edward Benes in Slovakia, asked Benes what the Slovaks should do in the event that Hungary would quit the war and join the Allies, and/ or in the event that Germany should occupy Slovakia. Benes strongly advised an open revolt in his reply, because this, he said, would enable a speedy occupation of Slovakia by the Soviet Army. Dr. Joseph Tiso, President of Slovakia, and the Slovak Government, including Slovak military leaders, had other plans. They did not want Slovakia to become an open battleground ; they tried to spare their people from the horrors of war. To avoid unnecessary bloodshed and occupation by the German and Soviet armies, they thought it best if the Slovak Army would take over the Government of Slovakia at the opportune moment. The "opportune moment" - it was understood - meant the fall of Cracow on the North, or the fall ·of Miskovec in the South. When that happened, the Slovak Army was to occupy the borders of Slovakia; 12 SLOVAKIA then the Slovak Government would step out in favor of the Army which, with the help of political parties, would form a new government, temporarily, which, in turn, would tie up with the United Nations, especially the West. Since the Slovak Government at that time had no contact with the West, thanks to Dr. Benes's refusal to deal with it, it tried to inform the West BJbout its plan through the USSR, even though it did so with great misgivings. General Augustine Malar personally contacted the Soviet Military Staff in the Ukraine, revealed the plan at least partly, and requested, in the name of the Slovak Government, that the Soviets and the Western Allies agree to this plan of action and also recognize the political independence of Slovakia. Malar, respecting the advice of the Slovak Government, wisely omitted to say anything about Slovakia's intention of joining the West. In reply, the Soviets said that they had not planned on penetrating through Slovakia; they were willing to recognize the political independence of Slovakia, as they already had in 1939, but steadfastly refused to agree on the point that military operations in Slovakia should be undertaken by the Slovak Army alone. It was quite obvious already then that the USSR wanted to occupy Slovakia for political reasons. The story of General Mala.r's contact with the Soviet Military on December 17, 1943, was told during the trial of Dr. Joseph Tiso and members of the 'Slovak Government (19461947) before the National Court in Bratislava. About the end of June the Slovak National Council decided to send a delegation to Moscow to inform Stalin of its plans and to petition the Soviets to include Slovakia in their plan of operations. Karol Schmidke and General Nicholas Ferjencik were selected to make the trip. Because of "technical" reasons, they did not undertake the trip until August 4, 1944. Ferjencik, now enjoying political asylum in America, could easily give us the details of that meeting, if he desired to do so. The partisans engaged in terroristic acts rather regularly at the end of July and the beginning of August, 1944. When they seized the command of several garrisons in SLOVAKIA 13 central Slovakia and murdered many persons in that section of the country, General Malar, to save the situation, appealed to the Army in a radio broadcast not to be taken in by partisan rumors, not to join the partisans, because "our time has not yet arrived . . . When it does come, then we shall all pull at the same end of the rope." The terroristic acts of the partisans alarmed even Lt. Col. Golian, to whom Benes had entrusted the military preparations and operations of the "resistance" in Slovakia. G-Olian demanded that the partisans subordinate their activity to his command, the "authorized" military command of the "illegal" forces. Velicko, commander of the Soviet partisans, informed Golian that he would do so, but continued on his own any way. Angered and frustrated, Golian sent Lt. Col. Manica, August 20, 1944, with a request that Velicko order the partisans to cease their activities, otherwise the Germans would surely intervene. Velicko, however, disregarded the request and his .partisans continued to spread terror and violence in central and eastern Slovakia. The terroristic acts of the partisans created a very difficult situation for President Tiso and the Slovak Government. They did what they could to keep the German Army from occupying Slovakia. They explained that the disturbances were not widespread or "national," but local, and that the Slovak Army was capable of handling them and restoring order. The Germans, however, were reluctant to believe the Slovaks, especially after the murder of General Otto and his military mission at Banska Bystrica, August 27, 1944. Hitler's Wehrmacht began to occupy Slovakia, and the Slovaks really were in for the worst. The uprising, in which the Lettrich "Democrats" and the Communists collaborated fully to the joy of Moscow, was responsible for the Germans occupying Slovalkia in 1944. Why August 29, 1944? Benes Czechs, Lettrich "Democrats" and Schmidke Communists had told us - and are still telling us - that the Slovak uprising began on August 29, 1944. Why was that partic'ular date selected, when they knew - as we know now, 14 8LOVAKIA because even they themselves admitted it - that the partisans committed terroristic acts before that date? They selected that date as the "official" date so that they could tell the world that President Tiso and the Slovak Government called or invited the German Army to Slovakia and thus cover up the fact that the distuvbances created by the partisans were really responsible for the occupation of Slovakia by the Germans. Lettrich, Husak, N ovomesky and other "leaders" of the uprising were not even in Banska Bystrica on August 29, 1944. The Slovak National Council did not issue its declaration of the revolt until September 1, 1944. When German military units began moving into Slovakia as a result of partisan terroristic activities, the leaders of the uprising resorted to lies to gain the support of the Slovak Army and the Slovak people. They said: the Germans were coming to occupy the whole of ,Slovakia; that President Tiso was murdered; that members of the Slovak Government were seized and taken to Germany, etc. The ruse, however, even thoogh at first it deceiived many in SlovaJki:a and abroad, failed to attain its objective. What happened in Slovakia prior t,o August 29, 1944? Partisans committed terroristic acts in eastern and central Slovakia for at least three or four weeks before that date. The situation grew so tense that the Slovak Government conitem.iplated declaring Martial La,w on August 1, 1944, but did not resort to it till later. On several occasions the Germans warned Tiso and the Slovak Government that if they could not cope with the situation and keep order in Slovakia, the German Army definitely would move in to make order. Tiso and the Slovak Government did what they could under the circumstances to restore order and, thereby, keep the Germans out of Slovakia. They knew that their plans for joining with western forces of the United Nations could not be realized if the Germans occupied Slovakia. The partisans, however, taking orders from Moscow and London, were not interested in preserving order; they were only interested in preparing the ground for the Red Army: After SLOVAKIA 15 the latter occupied 'Slovakia, they figured they would take over all power in Slovakia. And they did. After the German front collapsed in Rumania, German diplomatic personnel - some thirty persons, including women and children - were hurriedly evacuated. Communist agents already were quite active in Slovakia, creating chaos and confusion and provoking incidents with Germany. The train carrying German diplomats from Bucharest was halted on the evening of August 26, 1944, at Turciansky Svaty Martin, Slovakia, by partisans. The passengers were told rather politely that it would be impossible for them to go farther, because of engine trouble. Quarters were arranged for them in the local barracks. The next morning the entire group was ordered into the barracks square by one Major Kuchta, lined up and mowed down with machine guns. It was thus that the military mission of General Otto perished. Two days later German troops came in force into Slovakia "to restore order." The partisans, of course, told the Slovaks that the German occupation was entirely ttnprovoked and that they now had to fight for their freedom, Tiso was murdered, etc., as mentioned above. Before that time, however, on August 20, 1944, Velicko and his .partisans were busy in Turiec requisitioning autos, robbing stores and farmers. During the night of August 24 a group of German field gendarmes were taken by surprise and shot while they slept in the Hotel Slavia in Vrutky. Turiec and vicinity were also terrorized and victimized by a group led by the sadistic Lutheran preacher Vojtech HruskaTerenyi, the Communist from Hungary who already back in 1919, as a young preacher, had participated in the Red revolt of Bela Kun (Cohen). Francis Slamen, member of the Slovak Assembly and chairman of the Slovak Christian Labor Union, was among several persons murdered in Brezno Natl Hronom, August 27, 1944. On August 28, 1944, partisan officers shot Col. Zverin and Col. Kanak of the Slovak Army in Banska Bystrica. In Liptovsky Svaty Mikulas they arrested Col. Kl'ucik, of the garrison there, and Lt. Frecer; later they murdered them. 16 SLOVAKIA Let's fight to the last drop of your blood! On September 1, 1944, the Slovak National Council, headed by "Democrat" Lettrich and Communist Schmidke, met in Banska Bystrica and immediately made August 29, 1944, the "official" date of the start of the Slovak uprising. Futhermore, they issued a declaration which stated that the Council was the body supreme in Slovakia, the only representative and authorized body in Slovakia which had the right to speak in the name of the Slovak nation. The Slovak National Council was composed of Lettrich "Democrats" and Schmidke-Hus a:k Communists (-50-50); Dr. Joseph Lettrich was chairman and Karol Schmidke co-chairman of the Council. On September 5, 1944, during its first "solemn" session, the so-called Slovak National Council sent two telegrams: one to Stalin, the other to Benes. The Stalin telegram read as follows (translated from the Slovak): Josip Visarionovic ,Stalin Marshal of the USSR Moscow, Kremlin The Slovak National Council sends You and the nations of the Soviet Union from its solemn session its most cordial greetings and thanks You for the understanding which You have manifested for our fight of liberation, waged against the common enemy. Glory to the victorious Red Army! Banska Bystrica, September 5, 1944 The Slovak National Council It is significant that the Council made up of Communists and the Lettrich "Democrats" sent no greeting at that time either to the President of the United States or the King of England, who apparently did not rate. The Slovak National Council called in all reservists and ordered full mobilization. The response was poor; not many Slovaks answered the call voluntarily. The Council had to rest satisfied with those it could force to bear arms against their country in the area held by the partisans, a few districts in central and eastern Slovakia. A part of the Trnava garrison, led by John Benko, defected and joined the partisans; General Mala.r's divisions, however, refused to join. The German forces, led by Gen. Berger and Gen. iHoffle, soon encircled the partisan putschists. The heaviest fighting SLOVAKIA 17 took place near Telgart, Cremosne, Dubrava and Kremnicka, during which some 4,000 were killed. The partisans, who had taken to the hills and mountains of Slovakia before the Germans moved in, soon realized that their situation was quite hopeless. They lacked men and material to cope with the situation they had created. And promised help from the USSR and from Benes in London did not materialize to any noticeaible extent. Sporadic skirmishes continued for about two months; by the end of October the Communist-inspired "national" uprising in Slovakia was completely liquidated. Of course, the press of the USSR and the "Czechoslovak Press Bureau (CTK) of Dr. Benes in London supplied the world press, including our own OWI, with sensational fabrications; reports which told of the glorious and valiant stand of the Slovak nation which fought to renew the CzechoSlovak Republic - a "new" Republic, a Czecho-.Slovakia which would be a "people's" democracy - and shed its blood so that Benes might be president again; reports which told the world that the partisans had one third, then one-half and, later, almost the whole of Slovakia under their control after a week or two of "furious" fighting. Balderdash! The partisans fought in the fashion of partisans; there were practically no open, regular battles, but only sporadic skirmishes and attacks. When the "heroic" commanders of the partisan units saw that the situation was hopeless, they flew out of Slovakia into the USSR in planes that were ready just for such an eventuality. Talsky, a Czech and commander of the "eastern front" who was supposed to join with the Red Army at the opportune moment, flew to the USSR, leaving his "army" behind; there he was promptly arrested as a deserter. Generals Golian and Viest, officers who defected from the Slovak Army and joined the partisans, were ready to leave the scene of the "glorious" revolt, when their own soldiers blew up their plane with grenades. Viest and Golian hid themselves in a certain village, but were betrayed by their own men when the Germans sought them. Captured, they were taken to Germany and later shot. 18 SLOVAKIA The charact.er of the, -si.ovak uprising The Slovak National Council was busy issuing decrees to terrorize the vast masses of the Slovak population. It decreed the dissolution of the IIlinka Slovak People's Party, the German Party, and the Magyar Christian Social Party; ecclesiastical properties and institutions were nationalized and confiscated; a concentration camp was established at Slovenska Lupca, where over 700 victims were held to await partisan "justice." Partisan "people's" courts were quickly set up at Sklabina, Kunerad and elsewhere. Thousands of Slovaks were arbitrarily convicted and jailed; hundreds were liquidated without a hearing. The 1944 uprising in Slovakia pad all the earmarks of a bolshevik rebellion: partisans w~re :r:ed kerchiefs round their necks, Lenin goatees, and a rosary of grenades around their belts. They robbed and raped, plundered and murdered wherever they went. They forced priests to act friendly towards them, bless their weapons and even read the Holy Mass for the success of their diabolical venture. If a priest hesitated or refused to follow their orders, he was beaten, threatened with shooting or actually. shot. Joseph and Andrew Kocalko from Sucany, father and son respectively, were beaten to death beyond recognition by Hruska-Terenyi and his men. The father had spent quite a number of years in America. The Communist Lutheran preacher, Vojtech Hruska-Terenyi, and Jersov, a ·Russian professor, killed 147 Slovaks and buried them in a mass grave at Sklabina. Hruska-Terenyi was judge, jury and executioner. Those whom he sentenced to death had to strip down to their underclothes and march to the foot of the forest in Sklabina. There each victim was given a spade to dig his own grave. Some of the victims cracked under the ordeal and were shot forthwith; the rest kept digging slowly until Jersov blew his whistle and machine guns mowed them down into their shallow graves. The bodies of the hopeless victims were covered with twigs and a little dirt. The mass grave at Sklabina was uncovered in November 1944. Many of the victims had a bullet hole back of the neck. SLOVAKIA 19 Among the priests who were murdered there were: Rev. Anthony Salat, member of the Slovak Parliament and pastor of the Catholic congregation at Hajniky; Rev. Martinka of Liptovsky Svaty Michal; Rev. John Nemec of Zavadka; Rev. Sedo of Liptovsky Svaty Jan. In Povazska Bystrica, -a theologian named Milan was also murdered. I might note here for the record that the Communists and Lettrich "Democrats" joyously celebrated the "silver anniversary" of the invasion of Slovakia by the bolshevik hordes of Bela Kun from Hungary during the uprising of 1944 - the first time any one in Slovakia made a hero of the Magyar Communist revolutionary who murdered Slovaks, pillaged their lands and destroyed their homes! Need any more be said about the character of the Slovak uprising of 1944? I might add, too, that the same Slovak National Council of Lettrich "Democrats" and Schmidke-Husak Communists was making extensive preparations to celebrate "Czechoslovak Independence Day" on October 28, 1944, as it never had been celebrated before, but the events that followed the terroristic acts of the partisans forestalled the celebration. Mass murders and mass graves We have heard of mass murders and mass graves· i'n Poland (Katyn Forest), the Ukraine (Vinnitsia), and elsewhere, but little or nothing about those in Slovakia. In Slovakia mass graves have been uncovered in Micinska Dolina, Sklene, Podsucha, Pusty Hrad, in the Prievidza Valley, Lucivna, Sklabina, Kunerad, L'ubietova; also in the vicinity of Kovacova, Ruzomberok, Zvolen, Humenne, Bosany, and Tri Vody. There is also a mass grave near Petrzalka, but this one came into being after the occupation of Bratislava by the Red Army in the spring of 1945. The partisans were responsible for most of the murders and mass graves. During the trial of President Tiso in 1947, the prosecution stated that some 4,316 persons were buried in mass graves and blamed Tiso and the Slovak Government for them for obvious reasons. There is, of course, no way of ascertaining whether that figure is accurate or not. A thorough investigation would probably at least double it. 20 SLOVAKIA Why the putsch failed When Generals Golian and Viest were apprehended by the Germans, after their own soldiers had betrayed their hidingplace, they declared that the "uprising" had failed, because: 1. low morale prevailed in the army; soldiers had no desire to fight for a "new" Czecho-Slovakia or the USSR; · and they did not want to destroy their own State and their own Government; 2. partisan provocateurs and saboteurs had absolutely no respect or regard for the feelings of the Slovak people; they were beyond the law, brutal and reckless; 3. the Germans sent captured soldiers home, after disarming and a hearing them; 4. the partisan army lacked capable leadership; 5. communications were bad; 6. the Slovak population was hostile to the partisans and their cause; 7. little help came from the USSR and the West (Benes); 8. the Red Army was not ready to march into Slovakia; 9. the partisans did not have sufficient food, munition, guns and planes ; 10. thousands of men deserted. Conclusions From the above it is evident that the Slovak uprising of August, 1944, was not national in character; it did not have the backing of the vast ma,sses of the Slovak population. It was Communist-inspired and led; it was engineered by the Reds in Moscow and London, with the participation of Benes, without regard to the interests of the Slovak people. The partisans, no matter what their origin, were guilty of the most horrible crimes. The Communist-inspired putsch of 1944 brought terror and chaos, destruction and death, misery and Red enslavement to Slovakia. In reality, the Slovak uprising of 1944 was a "Warsaw" in miniature. Only the Communists and Moscow profited from it. Slovak Communists, Lettrich "Democrats" and Benes Czechs profited from it, but only temporarily. Together they celebrated the "great and lasting achievements" of that massacre, glorifying Stalin, the USSR, the Red Army and Benes, until February 25, 1948. And they still celebrate it today; of course, not with the Communists, nor in the same fashion as they did SLOVAKIA 21 prior to 1948. Those that were lucky enough to escape the hell they helped to create in Slovakia, that is. What fools they be, and what fools are we, if we continue to believe their version of the horrible massacre of the Slovak people in 1944, if we continue to trust them. The blood of thousands and thousands of innocent victims in mass graves of Slovakia cries to heaven for vengeance against them. Patriotic Slovaks everywhere do commemorate the Communist-inspired Slovak uprising of 1944, but not in the manner of the Benes Czechs, Lettrich "Democrats" and the Communists. Recalling the uprising as one of the darkest chapters in their history, which brought death and destruction and Red enslavement to their country, good Slovaks bow their heads reverently in prayer for the victims of that massacre and ask the almighty and just God to speed the day of judgment for all who were responsible for it and, too, that in His mercy He might also speed the day of liberation of their nation from the Godless, ruthless rule of Moscow and from all foreign domination. I firmly believe that it is in the highest interests of America and the rest of the free world that they lend a willing ear to the story patriotic Slovaks have to tell not only about the uprising of 1944, but also about the political mess that was Czecho-Slovakia, prior to Munich and after the "liberation" in 1945. I cannot and will not believe that our State Department, the U. S. Infonnation Agency (Voice of America), other U. S. government agencies, and the Free Europe Committee (Radio Free Europe) are working in the interests of America and the rest of the free world, when they serve and promote the interests of the Benes Czechs and the Lettrich "Democrats" who collaiborated with the Communists and the USSR as members of the National Front government of the BenesGottwald coalition. Benes Czechs and Lettrich "Democrats" - now members of the so-called "Council of Free Czechoslovakia" operating out of Washington and New York - are gradually coming to the point of openly admitting that collaboration 22 SLOV.AK[A with Communists does not pay, that the history of CzechoSlovakia is clear proof of what attempted co-existence with Communists leads to. But they still are loath to admit that they did colla,borate with Communists and the USSR, that they did promote the pro-Soviet policy of Dr. Edward Benes and, hence, are in a large measure responsible for the present terrible plight of the peoples of CzechoJSlovakia. And they still insist on spreading the legend about the Slovak up~ rising which was fabricated by Moscow and the LettrichSchmidke Slovak National Council. Jfow, then, can we believe that they have really broken completely with the past? • • • WHO SAID IT? "The post~war economic changes in Czechoslovakia some of them revolutionary in tiheir scope but none of them an entirely new departure in CzechoslO'Vak history - have occurred with a minimum of political friction. It seems to have been generally understood that the rebuilding of capital and the recovery of ;production were the national needs, rather than a revhnal of the conflict of ideologies which paved the way to the Second World War. For these objectives, all political parties were willing to work together. Czechoslovakia has a Communist Party which accepts joint power with non-Communist parties; its second Marxist party the Social Democrats, works ~ith non-Socialists. The other Czech parties, non-Communist but not anti-Communist, are equally willing to cooperate with the Communist Party. The Slovak Democratic Party alone contains elements of irreconcilable opposition to the Communists, with the result that it is the weatl{est linlk in the National Front. There are no deiiinitely anti-Communist parties; these were all liquidated as a result of their pre-war and wartime activities. 'I'his coHalboration of Communists, socialists and liberals in a National Front Government has boon a condition (William Diamond, Czechoslovaof post-was process." kia Between East and West, 1947, !Stevens and Sons, Ltd., London ; p. 233) .  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Slovak Uprising of August 1944 Description An account of the resource Philip A. Hrobak Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 3-4 (12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954 pp. 4-22 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hrobak, Philip Anthony, 1904-1964 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Sept.-Dec. 1954 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/75eb07a548c0c77c60cfb3f202c9cbe0.pdf ddecf2530d55a511fc06bdc628e03714 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 23 NATIONALISM VS INTERNATIONALISM By Michael A. Feighan, Member of U.S. Congress The sulbject of N aJtionalism vs. Internationalism has been a wpic of heated debate for well aver half a century. Vollllmes ,hSJVe been written on the sui})ject. Political pa.rti~ and ideological movements have based their platform on one or the other side of the issue. Yet today there is greaJt confusion and misunderstanding on just what these political terms mean. That is - there is great COil!.fusion in · the non..,communist world in general and among a considerable element of the non-<Xllllmlunist intellectuals in parbicular. It can be said with certainty that tltis confusi01I1 does not exist in the ideological Marx.:.st camp or among its multicolored agents. This confusion results mainly from a perversion of both political terms which -has taiken place in the last quarter of a century. The 1.mha;ppy practice of fixing an e'Vil and all inclusive meruning to words, a practice which received unusual impetus during the World War fil, has also added to this confusion. In this atmosphere the advocates of Marxism have been enjoy.i.ng an undisturbed political holiday. Their formula for maintaining an unchallenged right orf way is to occasionally stir up the false ,b eliefs they have created aibout nationalism while devoting a constant effort at promotin1g the ty,p e of internationalism best calculated to lead the way to world communism. There is a healthy nationalism and a healthy internationalism - !both of which are mortal enemies of Marxism in any form. When they are healthy they in no way conflict with one another, but in reality co.mpliment each other. Properly nurtured and ~loited. these two political forces could lead the way in lifting the heavy chains of Russian Communism which now enslave a minimum of 29 nations and part oif 4 other nations. As a first .s tep we must understand the component parts of healthy nationalism.. The te:rm na.tion:alisrrn is derived from and related to the term nation. The nation is best defined a;s a people having a common and distinctive heritage, culture, tradition, folklore and language whioh �24 SLOVAKIA is supported by a geographical oontiguity. When these basic factors are S1timulated by one or several of the ,great inspirational forces of religion, freedom or independence, the flower of nationhood blooms. Healthy n:ationaJ.ism places loy,alty to one's nation very high on the scale of human values. In a poprnar sense it is best descrilbed iby the inspiring phrase "Lorve of God and Couliltry." The American revolutionary war which gave birth to our nation has long lbeen regarded as the first major demonstration of healthy nationalism. The deep political impaJCt upon the world of our 'Victorious st:mgigle for national independence caused historiams to refer to the 19th Ce:ntuTy as the "century of niationalism." We as a nation and the policy we pursued in the conduct of our foreign affairs, frcan the birth of our nation up to 1920, associated OlUlr destiny with the f ovces of na;tionalism at work in the wor-ld. We had noithi!Ilg in common with the imperialists OT the autocrats of that period and ,i n reality we were coveted by all of them. Standing a:s the solitary republic in a world di:vided by empires which oOIIllStantly sought to extend their reailm, we survived and grew to our pres,ent stature in the world arena by sU1pporung the farces of healit:ihy nationalism. The MonToe Doctrine is a classic example of the manner in which our d'oreign policy welded the forces of nationalism. against the .predatory schemes of empires. World Wair I opened at a point in history when nationalism wa,s the most ·c01mpe1Hng force in world politics. The era rnf empires Wl3JS coming to a close as the popular demands of many !Ilations bound within them called out forr national sovereignty. 'Tihe Russian Tsarist empire, a,p propriately calloo. the prison of nations, was seething with discontent. The Austro~ungarian empire had already made many concessions to the variOl.lis national elements within the realm in an effort to stern the tide. The Ott01man empire wias tottering from the same internal pressures. As the w.aJr ,progressed into its, final stages it became increas. ingly 3!pparent that the demands of nationalism would hiwe to ibe faced up to in the p ~ a r settlements. It was in these circumstances that President Woodrow Wilson advanced the political princ1ple of national self-determin- �SLOVAKIA 25 ation as the only just formula for bringing order out of the ruins of those ibrolken empires. It is important to note that Wilson, in truking this ,position, wcted in accord with the ,b asic ,p rinciple which had guided our foreign policy for over 140 years. Iwen before the end ()If Wo:rld War I national independence movements sprrung UJP throughout central and eastern Europe and Eurasia. The non-1Russian nations of the Russian 'Dsarist Empire, long held captive by the autocrats of Muscovy, lost no time in proclaiming their national independence The Ukrainian Il!ation, the largest of these captirve nations, was in the 'Vianguard of this movement. By the time the statesmen of the gr.e at powers gathered in Paris for the peace conference, the era of empires was dead and had already 1b een replaced by the young but vig'Orous era of national sovereignty. But that golden era which held so much hope for suffering mamk.ind was short lived. Preside111t Wilson soon learned that the European statesmen were unconcerned with the popular movements supporting his principle of self-determina tioo. They rwere more concerned with settlements based UJPOil power politics, the cornerstone of which called for the estalblishment of a cordon srunitaire in eastern EurOipe. Wlhile paying lip service to the iprog,r am advanced by President Wilson, tJhe European statesmen reshaiped the map of central and eastern Europe to fit their selfish and shortsighted notions of contemporary peace. The peace settlements following World War I set the stage for the events which inevitalbly led the westeTIIl world to its present .precarious positon. ln the period between the great wars, the Uruited States pU!rsued a policy of isolationism. The hard disaippointmenits brought aJbout lby the power ,politics settlements after World War I played a major role in the estaJb1ishment of that policy. Meanwhile the Bolshevi!ks had estaJblished total power in Moscow. After creating the Russian Fedemted Socialist Republic of Soviets they then emlbar.ked upon a series m aggressive newly erected cordon sanitaire. They were engaged in those a:ggressive wars as late as 1923. It is an. estarblished fact that the Bolshevik masters of Musoovy met with all-out �26 SLOVAKIA resist:am.ce from the people of the reborn non-Russian nations whi!Ch sprang up uipon the 11uins of the feudal Tsarist empire. War in the traditional sense was not in itself sufficient to .p ut down .fille spirit of I11ationaJl independence which swept 1i1ke wildifire tfrom t!he Baltic Sea to the areas east of the Caspian 1Sea. The 'brutal tactics of forced sta11vation, forced population transfers and the vast networlr of slave l:aJbor camps follOIWed quickly on the heels of the Russian occ111pation of these reJbor.n na;tions. It was in these circumstances that the masters of the Kremlin announced to the world in 1922 the formation of the Union of Sov.iet !Socialist Repu!blics. After they ihad managed by armed ag;gression and the crime of genocide to reestaJblish the largest portion of the Russian empire, they found it necessary to create a caver name in order to hide the terrible events which had taiken place east of the Euroipean created cordon samtaire. Moreover, the iMusco~ vites were anxious to aivoid the charge ·o f a resurgence of Russian super-racism and to retain the support of the advocates oif wm-ld oociallism. Thus the high sounding and cleverly misleading cover of U.,S.1S.iR. was lall!lliched in the international ,p olitical -arena. Shortly thereafter a new political force was injected into the saim.e political a;rena. It lbeca.me known as national socialism, then as NaJz:iism, or Fascism, and :fi.nally as super-racism. .Some asturte political obseIWers of that period were quicik to recognize the i,nherenit anomaly in the po'litical laJbel ''national socialism." How was it possible to have the ingredients of nationalism and socialism mixed in the same politi~l movement? Obviously it was i,mpossilble to mix two diametrically opposed political theories. It w.as noit long 'before the one rworld propa;gandists worked out the formula to resolve the anomaly. Nationalism equalled Na!ZiiSIIn - Nazi.ism equalled everything that was evil therefore Nationalism equaUed everything that was evil. But what of socialism? By a queer turn of the 1propagM1dists pen, Socialism became the bulwarlc of democra·ey. Socialism was the politcal system of the U.iS.S.R - therefore the U.S.S.R. was a democracy. By this process the experts in the use of weasel words put an evil CU'l1se upon Il!ation- �SLOVAKIA 27 alism in any form, while at the same time manufacturing a d.ynamically effective co;yer for the Muscovite -plan of world conquest We entered World War fil the victims of tbis diabolical iperversion of political terms. The same must be said a:bout the other sovereign nations of the West which entered the struggle against the axis powers. This accounts, in large measure, for our failure to devekllp a positive plan for the reconstruction of the post-war world along truly democratic lines, with gQIVernments representatiive of the will of tJhe people. In lwger measure it accounts for the success af the masters of the Kremlin in extending their empire of ruthless control over 800 milliOIIl. people wvering an area encompassing a.l:most one-ithird of the earth's surface. It is in this context that we can best understand the "new internationalism" ,p eddled by the multi-colored agents of Moscow. Only a fool oc the Ivory Tower Theoreticians will fail to recognme that the dominant school of internationalism operating in the world today is completely pos• sessed iby the Russian communists. To ibe sure there are other schools of internationalism ~ing adhex:-en,ts and supporters which aTe not attached to the Moscow oribit. Unfortunately none of these competing schools ·p ossess any real polWcal dyniamics af a magnitude comparaJble to the Russian-Communist movement. Moreover, none of them are backed by aggressive military forces such as clearly support the "new internationalism" promoted by the Mus• covites in their age long drive for world empire. Fram this analysis one might too quiokly conclude that the Ruissian imperialists haive discredited and killed off hoolthy nationalism and healthy intemiaticmalism. So far as healthy nationalism is concerned, just the contra.Ty in the case. The clhaitwinistic practices of the Russians have tremendously in:creased healthy national.ism ,w ithin the Russian-Comrl)..unist empire. Within the past year the civilized world has had ample proof to swpport this conten· tion. These two exa:mples bear -O'Ut the point. 1. Shortly :after Stalin was elim.i,nated, MalenJmv and Beria became enga;ged m a life and death struggle fOT total �28 SLOVAKIA power. Mialenkov, a Russian, chose the course of support,. ing the historic cause of Russian super--racism. Beria, a renegade Geor,gian, attempted to ,harness the p01Werful nationalist forces of the non-<Russiam. nations of the U. S. S. R. to his side. Beria, as head of the dread secret police and oommissar of the slaive la,'bor system, certainly knew the most dynamic political forces at woiik within the U. S. S. R. Since 'he was in a liife and death struggle, he naturally wanted these forces in his camp. Malenkov on the other hand was the darlinrg of the Russian burea,ucracy and he had to cast his lot with traiditional Russ ian super-racism. Thi,s struggle raged for months during which time Beria was replacing the <Russian pro...consuls in the non~Rus:siian nations with natives of those nations. To be su:re ,t hose natives. were tied to communism ibut they opposed Russian dominratiorn of the a,ffairs of their nation. Beria eame very close to winnin'g that struggle the effect of which might haJVe well caused a great revolutionary outbrealk throughout the U .ISJS.R. Only a deal between the Russian bureaucracy and the Jea,ders of the Red Army saved the day for Russian super-racism. Beria was arrested iby the Red Army and executed, but the seeds of internal revolt weire increased in consequence af his struggle for power. 2. This year ma:riks the 300tfu a.n.niiversary of the Treaty of Pereyaslaiv - the instrument .by which the Russians enslaved the Ukrainians. The !Russians are using this occasion lfoir a never ending series of pronouncements and celebrations, all of which seeik to prove that the Russians are the true friends of the Uikraintains. The official announcement of the Kremlin inaugurating these celebrations admitted that every decent Ukranian down through history ha,d struggled for the goal of national independence . It also claimed that the Utkraill'ian n 1ation had finally attained its long struggle for national independ€!Il1Ce - "thanks to the Russians ,and the Communist Party." But what kind of national ,i ndependence? They define it as natjornia.1 in form and socialist in SU!bstance. This of course means no independence at all. IHowever it is important to note the manner in which the Muscoivites are associating nationalism with socialiSIID. Thi s is most reminiscent of the tactics of 1 1 �SLOVAKIA 29 Adolph Hitler. Healthy nationalism is very much alive in the world today. It is more vigorous within the Russian communist empire than elsewhere in the world. This fact must be understood and exiploited by the leaders of the free world if we are going to hawe .peace and freedom throughout the warild while a,voiding World War IiLI. Unfortunately the same crurmot 'be said aJbout healthy internationalism. Internationalism as a t'heocy- and a;s a po- · litical ipractice has boon thoroughly infected by the goals of world Manci,sm. The Russd.an Communist con1Spiracy has taken over the leadershlp in this field. Movements free from this infection have :neitlher the internal dynamics nor the military 'Sllllpport necessary to offiset those- sponsored or controlled by the Russian communists. Buit rwe can build a healthy internationalism and one that would be far more ,p owerful in the political arena than the Moscorw brand. To accomplish this goal we must understand healthy nationalism. Then we must foster and support it as a counteracting force to World Communism. Having done thi-s we will harve taken the first step in creating a healthy internationalism. The second step in this ,process calls for the development and support oif free regional federations. These regio1rml federations would he colffi!prised of a numlber of sovereign and independent n:ations which freely elected to become party to .the regi01I1al federation. The economic, political and security adlvantages of the regiona,l federation concept would lead the way in gaining the support of the memlber states. This pattern is completely consistent with .the charter of the United Nations. Indeed it springs from the basic idea whioh created the associatio,n of Ame.rican States which stands as a regional arrangement of the nations of the Western Hemisphere. It is a ,sollilld pattern because it recognizes that healthy internatiootalism must lbe 'based upon full recognition of healthy nationalism. Moreover it supports a political philosophy which is consistent with the American way of life and therefore the antithesis of World Communism. � SLOVAKIA 23 NATIONALISM VS INTERNATIONALISM By Michael A. Feighan, Member of U.S. Congress The sulbject of N aJtionalism vs. Internationalism has been a wpic of heated debate for well aver half a century. Vollllmes ,hSJVe been written on the sui})ject. Political pa.rti~ and ideological movements have based their platform on one or the other side of the issue. Yet today there is greaJt confusion and misunderstanding on just what these political terms mean. That is - there is great COil!.fusion in · the non..,communist world in general and among a considerable element of the non-<Xllllmlunist intellectuals in parbicular. It can be said with certainty that tltis confusi01I1 does not exist in the ideological Marx.:.st camp or among its multicolored agents. This confusion results mainly from a perversion of both political terms which -has taiken place in the last quarter of a century. The 1.mha;ppy practice of fixing an e'Vil and all inclusive meruning to words, a practice which received unusual impetus during the World War fil, has also added to this confusion. In this atmosphere the advocates of Marxism have been enjoy.i.ng an undisturbed political holiday. Their formula for maintaining an unchallenged right orf way is to occasionally stir up the false ,b eliefs they have created aibout nationalism while devoting a constant effort at promotin1g the ty,p e of internationalism best calculated to lead the way to world communism. There is a healthy nationalism and a healthy internationalism - !both of which are mortal enemies of Marxism in any form. When they are healthy they in no way conflict with one another, but in reality co.mpliment each other. Properly nurtured and ~loited. these two political forces could lead the way in lifting the heavy chains of Russian Communism which now enslave a minimum of 29 nations and part oif 4 other nations. As a first .s tep we must understand the component parts of healthy nationalism.. The te:rm na.tion:alisrrn is derived from and related to the term nation. The nation is best defined a;s a people having a common and distinctive heritage, culture, tradition, folklore and language whioh �24 SLOVAKIA is supported by a geographical oontiguity. When these basic factors are S1timulated by one or several of the ,great inspirational forces of religion, freedom or independence, the flower of nationhood blooms. Healthy n:ationaJ.ism places loy,alty to one's nation very high on the scale of human values. In a poprnar sense it is best descrilbed iby the inspiring phrase "Lorve of God and Couliltry." The American revolutionary war which gave birth to our nation has long lbeen regarded as the first major demonstration of healthy nationalism. The deep political impaJCt upon the world of our 'Victorious st:mgigle for national independence caused historiams to refer to the 19th Ce:ntuTy as the "century of niationalism." We as a nation and the policy we pursued in the conduct of our foreign affairs, frcan the birth of our nation up to 1920, associated OlUlr destiny with the f ovces of na;tionalism at work in the wor-ld. We had noithi!Ilg in common with the imperialists OT the autocrats of that period and ,i n reality we were coveted by all of them. Standing a:s the solitary republic in a world di:vided by empires which oOIIllStantly sought to extend their reailm, we survived and grew to our pres,ent stature in the world arena by sU1pporung the farces of healit:ihy nationalism. The MonToe Doctrine is a classic example of the manner in which our d'oreign policy welded the forces of nationalism. against the .predatory schemes of empires. World Wair I opened at a point in history when nationalism wa,s the most ·c01mpe1Hng force in world politics. The era rnf empires Wl3JS coming to a close as the popular demands of many !Ilations bound within them called out forr national sovereignty. 'Tihe Russian Tsarist empire, a,p propriately calloo. the prison of nations, was seething with discontent. The Austro~ungarian empire had already made many concessions to the variOl.lis national elements within the realm in an effort to stern the tide. The Ott01man empire wias tottering from the same internal pressures. As the w.aJr ,progressed into its, final stages it became increas. ingly 3!pparent that the demands of nationalism would hiwe to ibe faced up to in the p ~ a r settlements. It was in these circumstances that President Woodrow Wilson advanced the political princ1ple of national self-determin- �SLOVAKIA 25 ation as the only just formula for bringing order out of the ruins of those ibrolken empires. It is important to note that Wilson, in truking this ,position, wcted in accord with the ,b asic ,p rinciple which had guided our foreign policy for over 140 years. Iwen before the end ()If Wo:rld War I national independence movements sprrung UJP throughout central and eastern Europe and Eurasia. The non-1Russian nations of the Russian 'Dsarist Empire, long held captive by the autocrats of Muscovy, lost no time in proclaiming their national independence The Ukrainian Il!ation, the largest of these captirve nations, was in the 'Vianguard of this movement. By the time the statesmen of the gr.e at powers gathered in Paris for the peace conference, the era of empires was dead and had already 1b een replaced by the young but vig'Orous era of national sovereignty. But that golden era which held so much hope for suffering mamk.ind was short lived. Preside111t Wilson soon learned that the European statesmen were unconcerned with the popular movements supporting his principle of self-determina tioo. They rwere more concerned with settlements based UJPOil power politics, the cornerstone of which called for the estalblishment of a cordon srunitaire in eastern EurOipe. Wlhile paying lip service to the iprog,r am advanced by President Wilson, tJhe European statesmen reshaiped the map of central and eastern Europe to fit their selfish and shortsighted notions of contemporary peace. The peace settlements following World War I set the stage for the events which inevitalbly led the westeTIIl world to its present .precarious positon. ln the period between the great wars, the Uruited States pU!rsued a policy of isolationism. The hard disaippointmenits brought aJbout lby the power ,politics settlements after World War I played a major role in the estaJb1ishment of that policy. Meanwhile the Bolshevi!ks had estaJblished total power in Moscow. After creating the Russian Fedemted Socialist Republic of Soviets they then emlbar.ked upon a series m aggressive newly erected cordon sanitaire. They were engaged in those a:ggressive wars as late as 1923. It is an. estarblished fact that the Bolshevik masters of Musoovy met with all-out �26 SLOVAKIA resist:am.ce from the people of the reborn non-Russian nations whi!Ch sprang up uipon the 11uins of the feudal Tsarist empire. War in the traditional sense was not in itself sufficient to .p ut down .fille spirit of I11ationaJl independence which swept 1i1ke wildifire tfrom t!he Baltic Sea to the areas east of the Caspian 1Sea. The 'brutal tactics of forced sta11vation, forced population transfers and the vast networlr of slave l:aJbor camps follOIWed quickly on the heels of the Russian occ111pation of these reJbor.n na;tions. It was in these circumstances that the masters of the Kremlin announced to the world in 1922 the formation of the Union of Sov.iet !Socialist Repu!blics. After they ihad managed by armed ag;gression and the crime of genocide to reestaJblish the largest portion of the Russian empire, they found it necessary to create a caver name in order to hide the terrible events which had taiken place east of the Euroipean created cordon samtaire. Moreover, the iMusco~ vites were anxious to aivoid the charge ·o f a resurgence of Russian super-racism and to retain the support of the advocates oif wm-ld oociallism. Thus the high sounding and cleverly misleading cover of U.,S.1S.iR. was lall!lliched in the international ,p olitical -arena. Shortly thereafter a new political force was injected into the saim.e political a;rena. It lbeca.me known as national socialism, then as NaJz:iism, or Fascism, and :fi.nally as super-racism. .Some asturte political obseIWers of that period were quicik to recognize the i,nherenit anomaly in the po'litical laJbel ''national socialism." How was it possible to have the ingredients of nationalism and socialism mixed in the same politi~l movement? Obviously it was i,mpossilble to mix two diametrically opposed political theories. It w.as noit long 'before the one rworld propa;gandists worked out the formula to resolve the anomaly. Nationalism equalled Na!ZiiSIIn - Nazi.ism equalled everything that was evil therefore Nationalism equaUed everything that was evil. But what of socialism? By a queer turn of the 1propagM1dists pen, Socialism became the bulwarlc of democra·ey. Socialism was the politcal system of the U.iS.S.R - therefore the U.S.S.R. was a democracy. By this process the experts in the use of weasel words put an evil CU'l1se upon Il!ation- �SLOVAKIA 27 alism in any form, while at the same time manufacturing a d.ynamically effective co;yer for the Muscovite -plan of world conquest We entered World War fil the victims of tbis diabolical iperversion of political terms. The same must be said a:bout the other sovereign nations of the West which entered the struggle against the axis powers. This accounts, in large measure, for our failure to devekllp a positive plan for the reconstruction of the post-war world along truly democratic lines, with gQIVernments representatiive of the will of tJhe people. In lwger measure it accounts for the success af the masters of the Kremlin in extending their empire of ruthless control over 800 milliOIIl. people wvering an area encompassing a.l:most one-ithird of the earth's surface. It is in this context that we can best understand the "new internationalism" ,p eddled by the multi-colored agents of Moscow. Only a fool oc the Ivory Tower Theoreticians will fail to recognme that the dominant school of internationalism operating in the world today is completely pos• sessed iby the Russian communists. To ibe sure there are other schools of internationalism ~ing adhex:-en,ts and supporters which aTe not attached to the Moscow oribit. Unfortunately none of these competing schools ·p ossess any real polWcal dyniamics af a magnitude comparaJble to the Russian-Communist movement. Moreover, none of them are backed by aggressive military forces such as clearly support the "new internationalism" promoted by the Mus• covites in their age long drive for world empire. Fram this analysis one might too quiokly conclude that the Ruissian imperialists haive discredited and killed off hoolthy nationalism and healthy intemiaticmalism. So far as healthy nationalism is concerned, just the contra.Ty in the case. The clhaitwinistic practices of the Russians have tremendously in:creased healthy national.ism ,w ithin the Russian-Comrl)..unist empire. Within the past year the civilized world has had ample proof to swpport this conten· tion. These two exa:mples bear -O'Ut the point. 1. Shortly :after Stalin was elim.i,nated, MalenJmv and Beria became enga;ged m a life and death struggle fOT total �28 SLOVAKIA power. Mialenkov, a Russian, chose the course of support,. ing the historic cause of Russian super--racism. Beria, a renegade Geor,gian, attempted to ,harness the p01Werful nationalist forces of the non-<Russiam. nations of the U. S. S. R. to his side. Beria, as head of the dread secret police and oommissar of the slaive la,'bor system, certainly knew the most dynamic political forces at woiik within the U. S. S. R. Since 'he was in a liife and death struggle, he naturally wanted these forces in his camp. Malenkov on the other hand was the darlinrg of the Russian burea,ucracy and he had to cast his lot with traiditional Russ ian super-racism. Thi,s struggle raged for months during which time Beria was replacing the <Russian pro...consuls in the non~Rus:siian nations with natives of those nations. To be su:re ,t hose natives. were tied to communism ibut they opposed Russian dominratiorn of the a,ffairs of their nation. Beria eame very close to winnin'g that struggle the effect of which might haJVe well caused a great revolutionary outbrealk throughout the U .ISJS.R. Only a deal between the Russian bureaucracy and the Jea,ders of the Red Army saved the day for Russian super-racism. Beria was arrested iby the Red Army and executed, but the seeds of internal revolt weire increased in consequence af his struggle for power. 2. This year ma:riks the 300tfu a.n.niiversary of the Treaty of Pereyaslaiv - the instrument .by which the Russians enslaved the Ukrainians. The !Russians are using this occasion lfoir a never ending series of pronouncements and celebrations, all of which seeik to prove that the Russians are the true friends of the Uikraintains. The official announcement of the Kremlin inaugurating these celebrations admitted that every decent Ukranian down through history ha,d struggled for the goal of national independence . It also claimed that the Utkraill'ian n 1ation had finally attained its long struggle for national independ€!Il1Ce - "thanks to the Russians ,and the Communist Party." But what kind of national ,i ndependence? They define it as natjornia.1 in form and socialist in SU!bstance. This of course means no independence at all. IHowever it is important to note the manner in which the Muscoivites are associating nationalism with socialiSIID. Thi s is most reminiscent of the tactics of 1 1 �SLOVAKIA 29 Adolph Hitler. Healthy nationalism is very much alive in the world today. It is more vigorous within the Russian communist empire than elsewhere in the world. This fact must be understood and exiploited by the leaders of the free world if we are going to hawe .peace and freedom throughout the warild while a,voiding World War IiLI. Unfortunately the same crurmot 'be said aJbout healthy internationalism. Internationalism as a t'heocy- and a;s a po- · litical ipractice has boon thoroughly infected by the goals of world Manci,sm. The Russd.an Communist con1Spiracy has taken over the leadershlp in this field. Movements free from this infection have :neitlher the internal dynamics nor the military 'Sllllpport necessary to offiset those- sponsored or controlled by the Russian communists. Buit rwe can build a healthy internationalism and one that would be far more ,p owerful in the political arena than the Moscorw brand. To accomplish this goal we must understand healthy nationalism. Then we must foster and support it as a counteracting force to World Communism. Having done thi-s we will harve taken the first step in creating a healthy internationalism. The second step in this ,process calls for the development and support oif free regional federations. These regio1rml federations would he colffi!prised of a numlber of sovereign and independent n:ations which freely elected to become party to .the regi01I1al federation. The economic, political and security adlvantages of the regiona,l federation concept would lead the way in gaining the support of the memlber states. This pattern is completely consistent with .the charter of the United Nations. Indeed it springs from the basic idea whioh created the associatio,n of Ame.rican States which stands as a regional arrangement of the nations of the Western Hemisphere. It is a ,sollilld pattern because it recognizes that healthy internatiootalism must lbe 'based upon full recognition of healthy nationalism. Moreover it supports a political philosophy which is consistent with the American way of life and therefore the antithesis of World Communism. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 23 NATIONALISM VS INTERNATIONALISM By Michael A. Feighan, Member of U.S. Congress The sulbject of N aJtionalism vs. Internationalism has been a wpic of heated debate for well aver half a century. Vollllmes ,hSJVe been written on the sui})ject. Political pa.rti~ and ideological movements have based their platform on one or the other side of the issue. Yet today there is greaJt confusion and misunderstanding on just what these political terms mean. That is - there is great COil!.fusion in · the non..,communist world in general and among a considerable element of the non-<Xllllmlunist intellectuals in parbicular. It can be said with certainty that tltis confusi01I1 does not exist in the ideological Marx.:.st camp or among its multicolored agents. This confusion results mainly from a perversion of both political terms which -has taiken place in the last quarter of a century. The 1.mha;ppy practice of fixing an e'Vil and all inclusive meruning to words, a practice which received unusual impetus during the World War fil, has also added to this confusion. In this atmosphere the advocates of Marxism have been enjoy.i.ng an undisturbed political holiday. Their formula for maintaining an unchallenged right orf way is to occasionally stir up the false ,b eliefs they have created aibout nationalism while devoting a constant effort at promotin1g the ty,p e of internationalism best calculated to lead the way to world communism. There is a healthy nationalism and a healthy internationalism - !both of which are mortal enemies of Marxism in any form. When they are healthy they in no way conflict with one another, but in reality co.mpliment each other. Properly nurtured and ~loited. these two political forces could lead the way in lifting the heavy chains of Russian Communism which now enslave a minimum of 29 nations and part oif 4 other nations. As a first .s tep we must understand the component parts of healthy nationalism.. The te:rm na.tion:alisrrn is derived from and related to the term nation. The nation is best defined a;s a people having a common and distinctive heritage, culture, tradition, folklore and language whioh 24 SLOVAKIA is supported by a geographical oontiguity. When these basic factors are S1timulated by one or several of the ,great inspirational forces of religion, freedom or independence, the flower of nationhood blooms. Healthy n:ationaJ.ism places loy,alty to one's nation very high on the scale of human values. In a poprnar sense it is best descrilbed iby the inspiring phrase "Lorve of God and Couliltry." The American revolutionary war which gave birth to our nation has long lbeen regarded as the first major demonstration of healthy nationalism. The deep political impaJCt upon the world of our 'Victorious st:mgigle for national independence caused historiams to refer to the 19th Ce:ntuTy as the "century of niationalism." We as a nation and the policy we pursued in the conduct of our foreign affairs, frcan the birth of our nation up to 1920, associated OlUlr destiny with the f ovces of na;tionalism at work in the wor-ld. We had noithi!Ilg in common with the imperialists OT the autocrats of that period and ,i n reality we were coveted by all of them. Standing a:s the solitary republic in a world di:vided by empires which oOIIllStantly sought to extend their reailm, we survived and grew to our pres,ent stature in the world arena by sU1pporung the farces of healit:ihy nationalism. The MonToe Doctrine is a classic example of the manner in which our d'oreign policy welded the forces of nationalism. against the .predatory schemes of empires. World Wair I opened at a point in history when nationalism wa,s the most ·c01mpe1Hng force in world politics. The era rnf empires Wl3JS coming to a close as the popular demands of many !Ilations bound within them called out forr national sovereignty. 'Tihe Russian Tsarist empire, a,p propriately calloo. the prison of nations, was seething with discontent. The Austro~ungarian empire had already made many concessions to the variOl.lis national elements within the realm in an effort to stern the tide. The Ott01man empire wias tottering from the same internal pressures. As the w.aJr ,progressed into its, final stages it became increas. ingly 3!pparent that the demands of nationalism would hiwe to ibe faced up to in the p ~ a r settlements. It was in these circumstances that President Woodrow Wilson advanced the political princ1ple of national self-determin- SLOVAKIA 25 ation as the only just formula for bringing order out of the ruins of those ibrolken empires. It is important to note that Wilson, in truking this ,position, wcted in accord with the ,b asic ,p rinciple which had guided our foreign policy for over 140 years. Iwen before the end ()If Wo:rld War I national independence movements sprrung UJP throughout central and eastern Europe and Eurasia. The non-1Russian nations of the Russian 'Dsarist Empire, long held captive by the autocrats of Muscovy, lost no time in proclaiming their national independence The Ukrainian Il!ation, the largest of these captirve nations, was in the 'Vianguard of this movement. By the time the statesmen of the gr.e at powers gathered in Paris for the peace conference, the era of empires was dead and had already 1b een replaced by the young but vig'Orous era of national sovereignty. But that golden era which held so much hope for suffering mamk.ind was short lived. Preside111t Wilson soon learned that the European statesmen were unconcerned with the popular movements supporting his principle of self-determina tioo. They rwere more concerned with settlements based UJPOil power politics, the cornerstone of which called for the estalblishment of a cordon srunitaire in eastern EurOipe. Wlhile paying lip service to the iprog,r am advanced by President Wilson, tJhe European statesmen reshaiped the map of central and eastern Europe to fit their selfish and shortsighted notions of contemporary peace. The peace settlements following World War I set the stage for the events which inevitalbly led the westeTIIl world to its present .precarious positon. ln the period between the great wars, the Uruited States pU!rsued a policy of isolationism. The hard disaippointmenits brought aJbout lby the power ,politics settlements after World War I played a major role in the estaJb1ishment of that policy. Meanwhile the Bolshevi!ks had estaJblished total power in Moscow. After creating the Russian Fedemted Socialist Republic of Soviets they then emlbar.ked upon a series m aggressive newly erected cordon sanitaire. They were engaged in those a:ggressive wars as late as 1923. It is an. estarblished fact that the Bolshevik masters of Musoovy met with all-out 26 SLOVAKIA resist:am.ce from the people of the reborn non-Russian nations whi!Ch sprang up uipon the 11uins of the feudal Tsarist empire. War in the traditional sense was not in itself sufficient to .p ut down .fille spirit of I11ationaJl independence which swept 1i1ke wildifire tfrom t!he Baltic Sea to the areas east of the Caspian 1Sea. The 'brutal tactics of forced sta11vation, forced population transfers and the vast networlr of slave l:aJbor camps follOIWed quickly on the heels of the Russian occ111pation of these reJbor.n na;tions. It was in these circumstances that the masters of the Kremlin announced to the world in 1922 the formation of the Union of Sov.iet !Socialist Repu!blics. After they ihad managed by armed ag;gression and the crime of genocide to reestaJblish the largest portion of the Russian empire, they found it necessary to create a caver name in order to hide the terrible events which had taiken place east of the Euroipean created cordon samtaire. Moreover, the iMusco~ vites were anxious to aivoid the charge ·o f a resurgence of Russian super-racism and to retain the support of the advocates oif wm-ld oociallism. Thus the high sounding and cleverly misleading cover of U.,S.1S.iR. was lall!lliched in the international ,p olitical -arena. Shortly thereafter a new political force was injected into the saim.e political a;rena. It lbeca.me known as national socialism, then as NaJz:iism, or Fascism, and :fi.nally as super-racism. .Some asturte political obseIWers of that period were quicik to recognize the i,nherenit anomaly in the po'litical laJbel ''national socialism." How was it possible to have the ingredients of nationalism and socialism mixed in the same politi~l movement? Obviously it was i,mpossilble to mix two diametrically opposed political theories. It w.as noit long 'before the one rworld propa;gandists worked out the formula to resolve the anomaly. Nationalism equalled Na!ZiiSIIn - Nazi.ism equalled everything that was evil therefore Nationalism equaUed everything that was evil. But what of socialism? By a queer turn of the 1propagM1dists pen, Socialism became the bulwarlc of democra·ey. Socialism was the politcal system of the U.iS.S.R - therefore the U.S.S.R. was a democracy. By this process the experts in the use of weasel words put an evil CU'l1se upon Il!ation- SLOVAKIA 27 alism in any form, while at the same time manufacturing a d.ynamically effective co;yer for the Muscovite -plan of world conquest We entered World War fil the victims of tbis diabolical iperversion of political terms. The same must be said a:bout the other sovereign nations of the West which entered the struggle against the axis powers. This accounts, in large measure, for our failure to devekllp a positive plan for the reconstruction of the post-war world along truly democratic lines, with gQIVernments representatiive of the will of tJhe people. In lwger measure it accounts for the success af the masters of the Kremlin in extending their empire of ruthless control over 800 milliOIIl. people wvering an area encompassing a.l:most one-ithird of the earth's surface. It is in this context that we can best understand the "new internationalism" ,p eddled by the multi-colored agents of Moscow. Only a fool oc the Ivory Tower Theoreticians will fail to recognme that the dominant school of internationalism operating in the world today is completely pos• sessed iby the Russian communists. To ibe sure there are other schools of internationalism ~ing adhex:-en,ts and supporters which aTe not attached to the Moscow oribit. Unfortunately none of these competing schools ·p ossess any real polWcal dyniamics af a magnitude comparaJble to the Russian-Communist movement. Moreover, none of them are backed by aggressive military forces such as clearly support the "new internationalism" promoted by the Mus• covites in their age long drive for world empire. Fram this analysis one might too quiokly conclude that the Ruissian imperialists haive discredited and killed off hoolthy nationalism and healthy intemiaticmalism. So far as healthy nationalism is concerned, just the contra.Ty in the case. The clhaitwinistic practices of the Russians have tremendously in:creased healthy national.ism ,w ithin the Russian-Comrl)..unist empire. Within the past year the civilized world has had ample proof to swpport this conten· tion. These two exa:mples bear -O'Ut the point. 1. Shortly :after Stalin was elim.i,nated, MalenJmv and Beria became enga;ged m a life and death struggle fOT total 28 SLOVAKIA power. Mialenkov, a Russian, chose the course of support,. ing the historic cause of Russian super--racism. Beria, a renegade Geor,gian, attempted to ,harness the p01Werful nationalist forces of the non-<Russiam. nations of the U. S. S. R. to his side. Beria, as head of the dread secret police and oommissar of the slaive la,'bor system, certainly knew the most dynamic political forces at woiik within the U. S. S. R. Since 'he was in a liife and death struggle, he naturally wanted these forces in his camp. Malenkov on the other hand was the darlinrg of the Russian burea,ucracy and he had to cast his lot with traiditional Russ ian super-racism. Thi,s struggle raged for months during which time Beria was replacing the <Russian pro...consuls in the non~Rus:siian nations with natives of those nations. To be su:re ,t hose natives. were tied to communism ibut they opposed Russian dominratiorn of the a,ffairs of their nation. Beria eame very close to winnin'g that struggle the effect of which might haJVe well caused a great revolutionary outbrealk throughout the U .ISJS.R. Only a deal between the Russian bureaucracy and the Jea,ders of the Red Army saved the day for Russian super-racism. Beria was arrested iby the Red Army and executed, but the seeds of internal revolt weire increased in consequence af his struggle for power. 2. This year ma:riks the 300tfu a.n.niiversary of the Treaty of Pereyaslaiv - the instrument .by which the Russians enslaved the Ukrainians. The !Russians are using this occasion lfoir a never ending series of pronouncements and celebrations, all of which seeik to prove that the Russians are the true friends of the Uikraintains. The official announcement of the Kremlin inaugurating these celebrations admitted that every decent Ukranian down through history ha,d struggled for the goal of national independence . It also claimed that the Utkraill'ian n 1ation had finally attained its long struggle for national independ€!Il1Ce - "thanks to the Russians ,and the Communist Party." But what kind of national ,i ndependence? They define it as natjornia.1 in form and socialist in SU!bstance. This of course means no independence at all. IHowever it is important to note the manner in which the Muscoivites are associating nationalism with socialiSIID. Thi s is most reminiscent of the tactics of 1 1 SLOVAKIA 29 Adolph Hitler. Healthy nationalism is very much alive in the world today. It is more vigorous within the Russian communist empire than elsewhere in the world. This fact must be understood and exiploited by the leaders of the free world if we are going to hawe .peace and freedom throughout the warild while a,voiding World War IiLI. Unfortunately the same crurmot 'be said aJbout healthy internationalism. Internationalism as a t'heocy- and a;s a po- · litical ipractice has boon thoroughly infected by the goals of world Manci,sm. The Russd.an Communist con1Spiracy has taken over the leadershlp in this field. Movements free from this infection have :neitlher the internal dynamics nor the military 'Sllllpport necessary to offiset those- sponsored or controlled by the Russian communists. Buit rwe can build a healthy internationalism and one that would be far more ,p owerful in the political arena than the Moscorw brand. To accomplish this goal we must understand healthy nationalism. Then we must foster and support it as a counteracting force to World Communism. Having done thi-s we will harve taken the first step in creating a healthy internationalism. The second step in this ,process calls for the development and support oif free regional federations. These regio1rml federations would he colffi!prised of a numlber of sovereign and independent n:ations which freely elected to become party to .the regi01I1al federation. The economic, political and security adlvantages of the regiona,l federation concept would lead the way in gaining the support of the memlber states. This pattern is completely consistent with .the charter of the United Nations. Indeed it springs from the basic idea whioh created the associatio,n of Ame.rican States which stands as a regional arrangement of the nations of the Western Hemisphere. It is a ,sollilld pattern because it recognizes that healthy internatiootalism must lbe 'based upon full recognition of healthy nationalism. Moreover it supports a political philosophy which is consistent with the American way of life and therefore the antithesis of World Communism.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Nationalism vs. Internationalism Description An account of the resource Michael A. Feighan, Member of U. S. Congress Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 3-4 (12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954 pp. 23-29 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Feighan, Michael Aloysius, 1905- Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Sept.-Dec. 1954 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/128273b962ed1383557507a6e0186da5.pdf bd587b3aa0f8dadb8a1f82df17e8e5b7 PDF Text Text 30 SLOVAKIA DR. LETTRICH'S PRINCIPLES Dr. Michael Zibrin Jin the beginning cxf January 1948, when the presidium of the ISlOJVaJk Democratfo ,Party met in session at Bratislav:a, Dr. Joseph iLettrich recei,ved an ordinary card frOIIll an aoquatlntance, iDr. Michael Mudry--Selbilk. The latter · bluntly infomned Lettrich -that he was now in ISwitizerland and did not intend to return to Slovak~1a, It was ju.st a short time prior to th:at date, at the end of •Decemlber, 1947, that Ferjenic£k's pdlice ,c alled Miu.dry in twice for a hearing on account of an alleged meeting of Lettrich with Dr. Peter P. Hfotko during Lettrich's visit in Chicago, in 1946, where he had oome escorted by .a Comnnmist, one Rudolph Martanoivic. Miudvy, saying nothing to any one, sold his furniture and made his exit stealthily, escapmg to Switzerland, whence he sent Lettrich the card referred to aJbove. Lettri'ch .·Jbecame excited, criticized Mud.Ty, and said that the Democratic !Party had erred seriously when it toot him in. As f.a,r M Lettrich, was concerned, he was through forever with Mudry, because he did not have to run off as long -as Lettrich and Ferjentellk rprotected him. Of course, Lettrich evidently did not ik.now th.at some two and a ha1f months later he himself would be an escapee and the services of Michael Mu.dry would again lbe welcome and valuaJble. And it so haJppened that Lettrich landed in Chicago, Illinois, in the spring of ·1J9148, and ,b egan . to woI'lk togetlier again with his old pal Michael M'lidry. As soon as the so-.called "Council of Free 0.zechoslowkia" was orgarnzed lby Zenkl, Ripka :and other Czech socialists Miudry joined up. Later Lettrich was instrumental in getting iMJudry ,a job !With Radio Free Euro:pe where, together with two Ozech Marxists, Peroutka alild Tigrid, he formed the leading Ozech~lovak trio as an "encouragement" to those deputies Olf the Demooratic Party, who sat in Gottwald's prisons and whom, at the begin.ning cxf October 1938, Benes's police oommissioner, Dr. Michael Mu.dry, so energetically jailed. This jaiJer of Dr. Joseph Stas- �SLOVAKIA 31 ko, who is suffering in LeapoldQIV for his Christian and democratic conivicl.ions, was then 1gi,ven a new distinction by Lettric:h. A London report stated that there were three persons fighting for the leading position. of the 'Slova!k section of the "Ozechoslova.Jk" cliMision of Radio Free Europe. One was the well-&nOIWn distr.ilbu:ter of lands, •t he creator of the ,kolchoses and loy.al commissar of Dr. Lettrich, Dr. Martin Kivetlko; the other, a ser.viant of Lettrich, Dr. John Paulmy.fl'oth; and the third, the clever policeman, Dr. Michael Mu.dry. Radio Free Eu.rope wanted the "Council of Free Ozechoslovrukia" decide the issue; the Council in turn told Lettrich to mruke the choiice. And Lettrich did. Forgetting what he had said and thought a/bout Mudry in January, 1948, :he appointed his old friend and, Benes'a policeman headman Of (uondoo.'s Radio Free Europe. We can well imagine how the ISloviaiks at home felt about this. They were Slhooked iby R:adio Free Europe's action amd left their kinsman in exile know just hoiw they felt rubout it. Protests were shocked by Radio Free Europe's action and let their conspiracy, pardon, a policy od' its oiwn to follow. Lettrich knoiws albout the facts referred to above as well as I do. And yet Michael Miudry, who thereto never had been in London, was ,p referred to Dr. John Bauliny, who had spent eight yeaxs in London and had notaJble connections in English diplomaitic ciroles. Bau.Hny .w as smeared by both the Czech 'Socialists and non-Socialists. They !knew that he had visited (PridaJvak, the "separatist," and had written letters to K!8-rol Sidoir, chairman of the !Slovaik National Council Aibroad and chief "sepairatist," so they plied their smearing trade witll gusto. -Dr. Jan •Pauliny...T6th, the diplomat, who succeeded Mar.tin Razus as chairman of the SlO!Valk Nationa:l Party amd was ibetter known a,t home than Mudry, simply did not rate with Lettrich. · This is lesson rfor Pauliny. Not only for !Pa,uliny .hurt for all Slov.aJks, and R:adio. Free Europe, as well. It would be most fortunaJte IlJOt only for the SlQ)\naJcs, lbut for R•F E itself, if the latter would .aict realistically and put an end to its systematic a!llti~Sl-01Vruk policy. For Pauliny and for a �32 SLOVAKIA every 1Slova'k irt rwould be well, if they would speedily become aiware of the faot that they probably coUJld e~h the:mse1ves lby join.mg the Lettrichrites rand Zeruklites, but onl,y at the ~ of their own nation's interests and for the benefit cxf Czech imperialism. We Slavalks, however, are aware that the association is quite complete: Blaho, aJppointed head of State secw-ity, shall issue a list of the "umeliaJble"; Ferjencik will arrest them - 1some will lose their teeth , others will hwve their arms and ri:bs broken, as they did have prior to 1948; those who .still resist shall face the firing sq,uad of lettrich's consul ,g eneral, Gejza Krno. We certainly have somethtng to live for! The sooner every S1ovak lbecOIIlles aware of this, the better. Then every one will know just where to stand, and the Zenklites will no longer find renegades to serve them for Juda.s's pay. The 1Slova!ks who remain with them are outcasts 'Of the Slov8Jk nation. As many times as :I reproached Dr. Lettrich in exile, I neiver said anything !before the execution of Dr. Tiso, that is, !b efore April 18, 1947, when it was quite olbvious to all of us just iwha.t Benes thought ~bout the SlovaJks and that all his promises were plain humbug. Then, when deputies Kempny, Bugar and Stasko were surrendered to stand trial, lli. 1L e.ttrich did nothing to save -t hem. Shortly after thaJt, on Janiuary 27, 1948, John Ursiny, Lettrich's protector, fell. After these events, iwhen Lettrich still sang praises about our freedOIIll and democracy - saying that "our relationship to, the USSR, !based on the treaty of December 12, 1943, is unalter.alble in the poHtioal life of the future. . . " - I was conrvinced thaJt he could not forget the so-called "Christmas Agreement" of 1943, when his group voluntarily surrendered power over the SlovMcs to the Communists, even though the Communists at that time did not represent even 10 peir cent of the electorate! Returning from Prague, Febnmry 25, 1948, sev~al how-s after Gottwald -t ook over the government, Lettrich wanted to distribute functions on the train. Arriving in Bratislaiva, Lettrich called a secret session rwi-thout inV'it1 �SLOVAKIA 33 ing me; It was at this session that he swrrendered the Democratic Party to Milan Polak, LU!kalcovic rund Sevcik and Lettrich knew that Se:vlcilk was a member of the NKVD. When thls happened, there was no doubt in my mind that Lettrich was maJking great mistakes and was not a man of principle. Therefore, let all my critics a;c,know:ledge that I :had reasons, for parting with Lettrich pohtioolly ruid that I had to quit rum, since I did not want to get into serious conflict with my conscience. After that I met iwith :Or. Le:ttrich once more; that was in November, 1951, alfter the crisis in the "Council of Free Ozechoslorvakia," when I received a report that Lettrich had called Zenkl a H•a r and had come to Chicago to explain his conduct. Before meelting with 'him, I was informed that Lettrich vi,s ited .A!b!bot OndraJk at Lisle, lill., that same day and even told him that Zenkl was a political liar and descrilbed his com'Panions similarly. He asked the .A!bibot for help against the dictate orf these political swindlers. The Ozech Oatholic NAROD wrote aJbout that visit.. Lettri~h aipparooitly was through with Zenkl. And yet he waJs not. After the albove episode, Lettrich made up with the ZenJdites He even accompanied Zen!kl on a visit to Chic.ago sho:rtly after that and with him even dared to visit the very same Albbot Ondrruk before ,w hom he had excoriated Zenkl. Now then, is Lettricli a man o!f princi,ple? God only knows why he still continues to sit in the "Council of Free Ozechoslo:vrulcia" and is ready to do practically anything for Zerukl as long as he is paid for it. Oould it possilbly be the $400.00 monthly, as he himself once ac~ knowl€dged? Furthermore, quite a stir was created when Lettrich att€mpted to• get Fedora Piaul01Va (nee KR!NO), a Communist, into the USA, through his beloved friend, the "shooting consul gene~rul," Geijiza Krno. eiven providing the necessary documents. This he did, even thoug,h a year ear• lier in his OfWil paipeT, the CAS, he excoriated Fedora and one Zora JesenSlky for their lectures in the communist organizations orf S1'oiv;ruk women Weill, how could I be !blamed �34 SLOVAKIA for thinlki.Ing that Lettrich was in the train of Marxists, who are willing to become reconciled even with the devil himse1f a!t the exipense .of .the security of the UISA, just so they might earn $400.00 a mont:h from the government of the USA and the American taxpayers. In the meantime, when iRFE was reorganl:zed, Dr. Mu.dry was ma-de the headman of the Slovak pairt of the "Ozechoslo1Vla2k" division of Radio Free Europe in Munich. We can imrugine jusit how the Slovaks at home felt albout this promotion, which rwas engineered ~ Lettrich. As far as I aim concerned, it iwas at this point that Lettrich discarded the last prindple of de,c ency when he appointed Dr. Mu.dry as the head of the resistance broadcast, the very same M!udry who 'boasted in Chica;go how he arrested Stasko and, get this,, .r efused to free him even on the intervenition of Karol. 1Sidor in 11938, lbut ilnstead ,s urrendered him to the c~ech !State .representatirve in Bratislava. As I had asked my friends before, I ask aJgain - the friends who still stand by Lettrfoh: What was more corred, to quit Lettrich and continue to keep silent? Was there not ,a l.ready too much silence since HH8 to the present time? How could any honest Slo;vailr !keep silent .a f:ter Lettrich's open letter to Coingressman Charles, J. Kersten in whkh he denied ,b oth the existence and the right of the Slovrukis to determine their OM7Il destiny and future? And after his i.atest iversion of the Slovak uprising of 1944 in the NEW Y10RK TI!MElS (August 29, 1954), wherein he still promotes the Jegend faJbricated by his group amd the CommU!Ilists? It is not anger or jealousy that has 1prompted me to write as I hwve. I have 1been ,p rompted. to do so, !because I sincerely feel that it is a duty I awe to my people to shed oome light on the road L-eittrich is traiveling. Principles, it seems, do not coI11Cern Letitrich eiven today when there is so much taJ:k -rubout uniting the ISlova;ks in exile. Ho,w could any honest SlorvaJk, imbued with Christian and democratic principles, unite in any undertaiking with a man like Lettri~h? � 30 SLOVAKIA DR. LETTRICH'S PRINCIPLES Dr. Michael Zibrin Jin the beginning cxf January 1948, when the presidium of the ISlOJVaJk Democratfo ,Party met in session at Bratislav:a, Dr. Joseph iLettrich recei,ved an ordinary card frOIIll an aoquatlntance, iDr. Michael Mudry--Selbilk. The latter · bluntly infomned Lettrich -that he was now in ISwitizerland and did not intend to return to Slovak~1a, It was ju.st a short time prior to th:at date, at the end of •Decemlber, 1947, that Ferjenic£k's pdlice ,c alled Miu.dry in twice for a hearing on account of an alleged meeting of Lettrich with Dr. Peter P. Hfotko during Lettrich's visit in Chicago, in 1946, where he had oome escorted by .a Comnnmist, one Rudolph Martanoivic. Miudvy, saying nothing to any one, sold his furniture and made his exit stealthily, escapmg to Switzerland, whence he sent Lettrich the card referred to aJbove. Lettri'ch .·Jbecame excited, criticized Mud.Ty, and said that the Democratic !Party had erred seriously when it toot him in. As f.a,r M Lettrich, was concerned, he was through forever with Mudry, because he did not have to run off as long -as Lettrich and Ferjentellk rprotected him. Of course, Lettrich evidently did not ik.now th.at some two and a ha1f months later he himself would be an escapee and the services of Michael Mu.dry would again lbe welcome and valuaJble. And it so haJppened that Lettrich landed in Chicago, Illinois, in the spring of ·1J9148, and ,b egan . to woI'lk togetlier again with his old pal Michael M'lidry. As soon as the so-.called "Council of Free 0.zechoslowkia" was orgarnzed lby Zenkl, Ripka :and other Czech socialists Miudry joined up. Later Lettrich was instrumental in getting iMJudry ,a job !With Radio Free Euro:pe where, together with two Ozech Marxists, Peroutka alild Tigrid, he formed the leading Ozech~lovak trio as an "encouragement" to those deputies Olf the Demooratic Party, who sat in Gottwald's prisons and whom, at the begin.ning cxf October 1938, Benes's police oommissioner, Dr. Michael Mu.dry, so energetically jailed. This jaiJer of Dr. Joseph Stas- �SLOVAKIA 31 ko, who is suffering in LeapoldQIV for his Christian and democratic conivicl.ions, was then 1gi,ven a new distinction by Lettric:h. A London report stated that there were three persons fighting for the leading position. of the 'Slova!k section of the "Ozechoslova.Jk" cliMision of Radio Free Europe. One was the well-&nOIWn distr.ilbu:ter of lands, •t he creator of the ,kolchoses and loy.al commissar of Dr. Lettrich, Dr. Martin Kivetlko; the other, a ser.viant of Lettrich, Dr. John Paulmy.fl'oth; and the third, the clever policeman, Dr. Michael Mu.dry. Radio Free Eu.rope wanted the "Council of Free Ozechoslovrukia" decide the issue; the Council in turn told Lettrich to mruke the choiice. And Lettrich did. Forgetting what he had said and thought a/bout Mudry in January, 1948, :he appointed his old friend and, Benes'a policeman headman Of (uondoo.'s Radio Free Europe. We can well imagine how the ISloviaiks at home felt about this. They were Slhooked iby R:adio Free Europe's action amd left their kinsman in exile know just hoiw they felt rubout it. Protests were shocked by Radio Free Europe's action and let their conspiracy, pardon, a policy od' its oiwn to follow. Lettrich knoiws albout the facts referred to above as well as I do. And yet Michael Miudry, who thereto never had been in London, was ,p referred to Dr. John Bauliny, who had spent eight yeaxs in London and had notaJble connections in English diplomaitic ciroles. Bau.Hny .w as smeared by both the Czech 'Socialists and non-Socialists. They !knew that he had visited (PridaJvak, the "separatist," and had written letters to K!8-rol Sidoir, chairman of the !Slovaik National Council Aibroad and chief "sepairatist," so they plied their smearing trade witll gusto. -Dr. Jan •Pauliny...T6th, the diplomat, who succeeded Mar.tin Razus as chairman of the SlO!Valk Nationa:l Party amd was ibetter known a,t home than Mudry, simply did not rate with Lettrich. · This is lesson rfor Pauliny. Not only for !Pa,uliny .hurt for all Slov.aJks, and R:adio. Free Europe, as well. It would be most fortunaJte IlJOt only for the SlQ)\naJcs, lbut for R•F E itself, if the latter would .aict realistically and put an end to its systematic a!llti~Sl-01Vruk policy. For Pauliny and for a �32 SLOVAKIA every 1Slova'k irt rwould be well, if they would speedily become aiware of the faot that they probably coUJld e~h the:mse1ves lby join.mg the Lettrichrites rand Zeruklites, but onl,y at the ~ of their own nation's interests and for the benefit cxf Czech imperialism. We Slavalks, however, are aware that the association is quite complete: Blaho, aJppointed head of State secw-ity, shall issue a list of the "umeliaJble"; Ferjencik will arrest them - 1some will lose their teeth , others will hwve their arms and ri:bs broken, as they did have prior to 1948; those who .still resist shall face the firing sq,uad of lettrich's consul ,g eneral, Gejza Krno. We certainly have somethtng to live for! The sooner every S1ovak lbecOIIlles aware of this, the better. Then every one will know just where to stand, and the Zenklites will no longer find renegades to serve them for Juda.s's pay. The 1Slova!ks who remain with them are outcasts 'Of the Slov8Jk nation. As many times as :I reproached Dr. Lettrich in exile, I neiver said anything !before the execution of Dr. Tiso, that is, !b efore April 18, 1947, when it was quite olbvious to all of us just iwha.t Benes thought ~bout the SlovaJks and that all his promises were plain humbug. Then, when deputies Kempny, Bugar and Stasko were surrendered to stand trial, lli. 1L e.ttrich did nothing to save -t hem. Shortly after thaJt, on Janiuary 27, 1948, John Ursiny, Lettrich's protector, fell. After these events, iwhen Lettrich still sang praises about our freedOIIll and democracy - saying that "our relationship to, the USSR, !based on the treaty of December 12, 1943, is unalter.alble in the poHtioal life of the future. . . " - I was conrvinced thaJt he could not forget the so-called "Christmas Agreement" of 1943, when his group voluntarily surrendered power over the SlovMcs to the Communists, even though the Communists at that time did not represent even 10 peir cent of the electorate! Returning from Prague, Febnmry 25, 1948, sev~al how-s after Gottwald -t ook over the government, Lettrich wanted to distribute functions on the train. Arriving in Bratislaiva, Lettrich called a secret session rwi-thout inV'it1 �SLOVAKIA 33 ing me; It was at this session that he swrrendered the Democratic Party to Milan Polak, LU!kalcovic rund Sevcik and Lettrich knew that Se:vlcilk was a member of the NKVD. When thls happened, there was no doubt in my mind that Lettrich was maJking great mistakes and was not a man of principle. Therefore, let all my critics a;c,know:ledge that I :had reasons, for parting with Lettrich pohtioolly ruid that I had to quit rum, since I did not want to get into serious conflict with my conscience. After that I met iwith :Or. Le:ttrich once more; that was in November, 1951, alfter the crisis in the "Council of Free Ozechoslorvakia," when I received a report that Lettrich had called Zenkl a H•a r and had come to Chicago to explain his conduct. Before meelting with 'him, I was informed that Lettrich vi,s ited .A!b!bot OndraJk at Lisle, lill., that same day and even told him that Zenkl was a political liar and descrilbed his com'Panions similarly. He asked the .A!bibot for help against the dictate orf these political swindlers. The Ozech Oatholic NAROD wrote aJbout that visit.. Lettri~h aipparooitly was through with Zenkl. And yet he waJs not. After the albove episode, Lettrich made up with the ZenJdites He even accompanied Zen!kl on a visit to Chic.ago sho:rtly after that and with him even dared to visit the very same Albbot Ondrruk before ,w hom he had excoriated Zenkl. Now then, is Lettricli a man o!f princi,ple? God only knows why he still continues to sit in the "Council of Free Ozechoslo:vrulcia" and is ready to do practically anything for Zerukl as long as he is paid for it. Oould it possilbly be the $400.00 monthly, as he himself once ac~ knowl€dged? Furthermore, quite a stir was created when Lettrich att€mpted to• get Fedora Piaul01Va (nee KR!NO), a Communist, into the USA, through his beloved friend, the "shooting consul gene~rul," Geijiza Krno. eiven providing the necessary documents. This he did, even thoug,h a year ear• lier in his OfWil paipeT, the CAS, he excoriated Fedora and one Zora JesenSlky for their lectures in the communist organizations orf S1'oiv;ruk women Weill, how could I be !blamed �34 SLOVAKIA for thinlki.Ing that Lettrich was in the train of Marxists, who are willing to become reconciled even with the devil himse1f a!t the exipense .of .the security of the UISA, just so they might earn $400.00 a mont:h from the government of the USA and the American taxpayers. In the meantime, when iRFE was reorganl:zed, Dr. Mu.dry was ma-de the headman of the Slovak pairt of the "Ozechoslo1Vla2k" division of Radio Free Europe in Munich. We can imrugine jusit how the Slovaks at home felt albout this promotion, which rwas engineered ~ Lettrich. As far as I aim concerned, it iwas at this point that Lettrich discarded the last prindple of de,c ency when he appointed Dr. Mu.dry as the head of the resistance broadcast, the very same M!udry who 'boasted in Chica;go how he arrested Stasko and, get this,, .r efused to free him even on the intervenition of Karol. 1Sidor in 11938, lbut ilnstead ,s urrendered him to the c~ech !State .representatirve in Bratislava. As I had asked my friends before, I ask aJgain - the friends who still stand by Lettrfoh: What was more corred, to quit Lettrich and continue to keep silent? Was there not ,a l.ready too much silence since HH8 to the present time? How could any honest Slo;vailr !keep silent .a f:ter Lettrich's open letter to Coingressman Charles, J. Kersten in whkh he denied ,b oth the existence and the right of the Slovrukis to determine their OM7Il destiny and future? And after his i.atest iversion of the Slovak uprising of 1944 in the NEW Y10RK TI!MElS (August 29, 1954), wherein he still promotes the Jegend faJbricated by his group amd the CommU!Ilists? It is not anger or jealousy that has 1prompted me to write as I hwve. I have 1been ,p rompted. to do so, !because I sincerely feel that it is a duty I awe to my people to shed oome light on the road L-eittrich is traiveling. Principles, it seems, do not coI11Cern Letitrich eiven today when there is so much taJ:k -rubout uniting the ISlova;ks in exile. Ho,w could any honest SlorvaJk, imbued with Christian and democratic principles, unite in any undertaiking with a man like Lettri~h? � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 30 SLOVAKIA DR. LETTRICH'S PRINCIPLES Dr. Michael Zibrin Jin the beginning cxf January 1948, when the presidium of the ISlOJVaJk Democratfo ,Party met in session at Bratislav:a, Dr. Joseph iLettrich recei,ved an ordinary card frOIIll an aoquatlntance, iDr. Michael Mudry--Selbilk. The latter · bluntly infomned Lettrich -that he was now in ISwitizerland and did not intend to return to Slovak~1a, It was ju.st a short time prior to th:at date, at the end of •Decemlber, 1947, that Ferjenic£k's pdlice ,c alled Miu.dry in twice for a hearing on account of an alleged meeting of Lettrich with Dr. Peter P. Hfotko during Lettrich's visit in Chicago, in 1946, where he had oome escorted by .a Comnnmist, one Rudolph Martanoivic. Miudvy, saying nothing to any one, sold his furniture and made his exit stealthily, escapmg to Switzerland, whence he sent Lettrich the card referred to aJbove. Lettri'ch .·Jbecame excited, criticized Mud.Ty, and said that the Democratic !Party had erred seriously when it toot him in. As f.a,r M Lettrich, was concerned, he was through forever with Mudry, because he did not have to run off as long -as Lettrich and Ferjentellk rprotected him. Of course, Lettrich evidently did not ik.now th.at some two and a ha1f months later he himself would be an escapee and the services of Michael Mu.dry would again lbe welcome and valuaJble. And it so haJppened that Lettrich landed in Chicago, Illinois, in the spring of ·1J9148, and ,b egan . to woI'lk togetlier again with his old pal Michael M'lidry. As soon as the so-.called "Council of Free 0.zechoslowkia" was orgarnzed lby Zenkl, Ripka :and other Czech socialists Miudry joined up. Later Lettrich was instrumental in getting iMJudry ,a job !With Radio Free Euro:pe where, together with two Ozech Marxists, Peroutka alild Tigrid, he formed the leading Ozech~lovak trio as an "encouragement" to those deputies Olf the Demooratic Party, who sat in Gottwald's prisons and whom, at the begin.ning cxf October 1938, Benes's police oommissioner, Dr. Michael Mu.dry, so energetically jailed. This jaiJer of Dr. Joseph Stas- SLOVAKIA 31 ko, who is suffering in LeapoldQIV for his Christian and democratic conivicl.ions, was then 1gi,ven a new distinction by Lettric:h. A London report stated that there were three persons fighting for the leading position. of the 'Slova!k section of the "Ozechoslova.Jk" cliMision of Radio Free Europe. One was the well-&nOIWn distr.ilbu:ter of lands, •t he creator of the ,kolchoses and loy.al commissar of Dr. Lettrich, Dr. Martin Kivetlko; the other, a ser.viant of Lettrich, Dr. John Paulmy.fl'oth; and the third, the clever policeman, Dr. Michael Mu.dry. Radio Free Eu.rope wanted the "Council of Free Ozechoslovrukia" decide the issue; the Council in turn told Lettrich to mruke the choiice. And Lettrich did. Forgetting what he had said and thought a/bout Mudry in January, 1948, :he appointed his old friend and, Benes'a policeman headman Of (uondoo.'s Radio Free Europe. We can well imagine how the ISloviaiks at home felt about this. They were Slhooked iby R:adio Free Europe's action amd left their kinsman in exile know just hoiw they felt rubout it. Protests were shocked by Radio Free Europe's action and let their conspiracy, pardon, a policy od' its oiwn to follow. Lettrich knoiws albout the facts referred to above as well as I do. And yet Michael Miudry, who thereto never had been in London, was ,p referred to Dr. John Bauliny, who had spent eight yeaxs in London and had notaJble connections in English diplomaitic ciroles. Bau.Hny .w as smeared by both the Czech 'Socialists and non-Socialists. They !knew that he had visited (PridaJvak, the "separatist," and had written letters to K!8-rol Sidoir, chairman of the !Slovaik National Council Aibroad and chief "sepairatist," so they plied their smearing trade witll gusto. -Dr. Jan •Pauliny...T6th, the diplomat, who succeeded Mar.tin Razus as chairman of the SlO!Valk Nationa:l Party amd was ibetter known a,t home than Mudry, simply did not rate with Lettrich. · This is lesson rfor Pauliny. Not only for !Pa,uliny .hurt for all Slov.aJks, and R:adio. Free Europe, as well. It would be most fortunaJte IlJOt only for the SlQ)\naJcs, lbut for R•F E itself, if the latter would .aict realistically and put an end to its systematic a!llti~Sl-01Vruk policy. For Pauliny and for a 32 SLOVAKIA every 1Slova'k irt rwould be well, if they would speedily become aiware of the faot that they probably coUJld e~h the:mse1ves lby join.mg the Lettrichrites rand Zeruklites, but onl,y at the ~ of their own nation's interests and for the benefit cxf Czech imperialism. We Slavalks, however, are aware that the association is quite complete: Blaho, aJppointed head of State secw-ity, shall issue a list of the "umeliaJble"; Ferjencik will arrest them - 1some will lose their teeth , others will hwve their arms and ri:bs broken, as they did have prior to 1948; those who .still resist shall face the firing sq,uad of lettrich's consul ,g eneral, Gejza Krno. We certainly have somethtng to live for! The sooner every S1ovak lbecOIIlles aware of this, the better. Then every one will know just where to stand, and the Zenklites will no longer find renegades to serve them for Juda.s's pay. The 1Slova!ks who remain with them are outcasts 'Of the Slov8Jk nation. As many times as :I reproached Dr. Lettrich in exile, I neiver said anything !before the execution of Dr. Tiso, that is, !b efore April 18, 1947, when it was quite olbvious to all of us just iwha.t Benes thought ~bout the SlovaJks and that all his promises were plain humbug. Then, when deputies Kempny, Bugar and Stasko were surrendered to stand trial, lli. 1L e.ttrich did nothing to save -t hem. Shortly after thaJt, on Janiuary 27, 1948, John Ursiny, Lettrich's protector, fell. After these events, iwhen Lettrich still sang praises about our freedOIIll and democracy - saying that "our relationship to, the USSR, !based on the treaty of December 12, 1943, is unalter.alble in the poHtioal life of the future. . . " - I was conrvinced thaJt he could not forget the so-called "Christmas Agreement" of 1943, when his group voluntarily surrendered power over the SlovMcs to the Communists, even though the Communists at that time did not represent even 10 peir cent of the electorate! Returning from Prague, Febnmry 25, 1948, sev~al how-s after Gottwald -t ook over the government, Lettrich wanted to distribute functions on the train. Arriving in Bratislaiva, Lettrich called a secret session rwi-thout inV'it1 SLOVAKIA 33 ing me; It was at this session that he swrrendered the Democratic Party to Milan Polak, LU!kalcovic rund Sevcik and Lettrich knew that Se:vlcilk was a member of the NKVD. When thls happened, there was no doubt in my mind that Lettrich was maJking great mistakes and was not a man of principle. Therefore, let all my critics a;c,know:ledge that I :had reasons, for parting with Lettrich pohtioolly ruid that I had to quit rum, since I did not want to get into serious conflict with my conscience. After that I met iwith :Or. Le:ttrich once more; that was in November, 1951, alfter the crisis in the "Council of Free Ozechoslorvakia," when I received a report that Lettrich had called Zenkl a H•a r and had come to Chicago to explain his conduct. Before meelting with 'him, I was informed that Lettrich vi,s ited .A!b!bot OndraJk at Lisle, lill., that same day and even told him that Zenkl was a political liar and descrilbed his com'Panions similarly. He asked the .A!bibot for help against the dictate orf these political swindlers. The Ozech Oatholic NAROD wrote aJbout that visit.. Lettri~h aipparooitly was through with Zenkl. And yet he waJs not. After the albove episode, Lettrich made up with the ZenJdites He even accompanied Zen!kl on a visit to Chic.ago sho:rtly after that and with him even dared to visit the very same Albbot Ondrruk before ,w hom he had excoriated Zenkl. Now then, is Lettricli a man o!f princi,ple? God only knows why he still continues to sit in the "Council of Free Ozechoslo:vrulcia" and is ready to do practically anything for Zerukl as long as he is paid for it. Oould it possilbly be the $400.00 monthly, as he himself once ac~ knowl€dged? Furthermore, quite a stir was created when Lettrich att€mpted to• get Fedora Piaul01Va (nee KR!NO), a Communist, into the USA, through his beloved friend, the "shooting consul gene~rul," Geijiza Krno. eiven providing the necessary documents. This he did, even thoug,h a year ear• lier in his OfWil paipeT, the CAS, he excoriated Fedora and one Zora JesenSlky for their lectures in the communist organizations orf S1'oiv;ruk women Weill, how could I be !blamed 34 SLOVAKIA for thinlki.Ing that Lettrich was in the train of Marxists, who are willing to become reconciled even with the devil himse1f a!t the exipense .of .the security of the UISA, just so they might earn $400.00 a mont:h from the government of the USA and the American taxpayers. In the meantime, when iRFE was reorganl:zed, Dr. Mu.dry was ma-de the headman of the Slovak pairt of the "Ozechoslo1Vla2k" division of Radio Free Europe in Munich. We can imrugine jusit how the Slovaks at home felt albout this promotion, which rwas engineered ~ Lettrich. As far as I aim concerned, it iwas at this point that Lettrich discarded the last prindple of de,c ency when he appointed Dr. Mu.dry as the head of the resistance broadcast, the very same M!udry who 'boasted in Chica;go how he arrested Stasko and, get this,, .r efused to free him even on the intervenition of Karol. 1Sidor in 11938, lbut ilnstead ,s urrendered him to the c~ech !State .representatirve in Bratislava. As I had asked my friends before, I ask aJgain - the friends who still stand by Lettrfoh: What was more corred, to quit Lettrich and continue to keep silent? Was there not ,a l.ready too much silence since HH8 to the present time? How could any honest Slo;vailr !keep silent .a f:ter Lettrich's open letter to Coingressman Charles, J. Kersten in whkh he denied ,b oth the existence and the right of the Slovrukis to determine their OM7Il destiny and future? And after his i.atest iversion of the Slovak uprising of 1944 in the NEW Y10RK TI!MElS (August 29, 1954), wherein he still promotes the Jegend faJbricated by his group amd the CommU!Ilists? It is not anger or jealousy that has 1prompted me to write as I hwve. I have 1been ,p rompted. to do so, !because I sincerely feel that it is a duty I awe to my people to shed oome light on the road L-eittrich is traiveling. Principles, it seems, do not coI11Cern Letitrich eiven today when there is so much taJ:k -rubout uniting the ISlova;ks in exile. Ho,w could any honest SlorvaJk, imbued with Christian and democratic principles, unite in any undertaiking with a man like Lettri~h?  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Dr. Lettrich's Principles Description An account of the resource Dr. Michael Zibrin Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 3-4 (12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954 pp. 30-34 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Zibrín, Michal, 1899-1968 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Sept.-Dec. 1954 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/28459c5b368d229232daf4fb747046d0.pdf 08fca6cfd0ef67ad60a81281f938d785 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 35 THE SWVAK REPUBLIC AND COMMUNISM Dr. Joseph Pauco The courageous and mercileEs fight against Communism belongs among the most serious deeds of the representative s of the Slovak Republic (1939-1945). It could not have been otherwise, because the political body which had taken over the responsibility for the development of affairs in the Slovak Republic, from the very beginning of its public activity, was consistently anti~Commun ist. Already at the end of 1938, the autonomous government of Dr. Joseph Tiso dissolved and outlawed the Communist Party in Slovakia. On October 6, 1938, when the Prague Government finally recognized the rights of the Slovak nation to autonomy, according to the Pittsburgh Agreement of May 30, 1918, all the political parties of Slovakia agreed on a single program in the face of the emergency which had arisen at that time. All parties, that is, except the Social Democrats and the Communists, who refused to support the bloc of civic parties and repudiated the principle of autonomy for Slovakia. The Slovak Government, however, dissolved and outlawed the Communist Party as a matter of principle, being fully aware of the fact that every Communist organization is an enemy of all freedoms and an agent of Moscow. It was not so long ago that this act of the Slovak Government was thrust before the eyes of the Slovaks as a sin and a betrayal of Democracy. But today we see, for example, that some States of America have outlawed the Communist Party, and the Government of the United States never adopted such a sharp anti~ommun ist course as it has at present. In 1938, the Slovak Government acted most prudently and with foresight; history will never be able to criticize it for its anti-Commun ist stand. During the Second World War, the Slovak Republic had diplomatic contacts with the Soviet Union almost two years. It would be altogether useless to concern ourselves in detail with that part of the hateful anti-Slovak propaganda, which even today wants to see in this diplomatic relationship a pro-Soviet feeling or policy of the Slovak �36 SLOVAKTA Government. We know that western governments are in a "cold" war and, in places, even a "hot" war with the Communists and armies supported by the Soviets and yet they have diplomatic contacts with the Soviet dictatorship. Who would dare to accuse, for example, the Eisenhower ,A¢ninistration of following a pro-Soviet course? And we must not forget that the Slovak Government did not rescind outlawing the Communist Party even after it did establish diplomatic contacts with Soviet Russia. Speaking about diplomatic contacts of the Slovak Republic with the Soviet Union, we must also mention a matter, which at first glance might appear as an insignificant event, but which really sheds light on the anti-Communist and antiSoviet stand of the government of the Slovak Republic. Before sending its ambassador to Bratislava, Moscow had requested the Slovak Government to use one of its largest buildings, the Avion Palace, as its embassy. But Tiso refused. Why? Tiso r efused because it was quite obvious to him that the Soviets were not only interested in quarters for their diplomatic personnel, but also intended to establish an espionage center for the whole of central Europe, which would be covered by immunity. The Slovak Government acted as it did even though it was aware of the fact that it might be at the price of breaking off all diplomatic contacts with the Soviets. This act certainly cannot be construed as evidence of a "pro-Soviet" policy of the Slovak Republic! In June, 1941, the Slovak Army marched into Soviet territory. The Slovak Republic entered the war against Soviet Russia, because it was in accord with Slovak antiCommunist traditions. This it did even though it was fully aware of the geopolitical situation of Slovakia and the political combination of forces in the central Europe of that time. It may be worth mentioning, however, that formally the Slovak Republic did not declare war against anybody. According to the constitution of the Slovak Republic war could not be declared without the approval of Parliament and the signature of the President of the Republic. Where the Premier and the Minister of National Defense did declare �SLOVAKIA 37 war against anybody, they did so without the accord of Parliament and the approval and signature of President Tiso. Regarding the armed conflict of the Slovak Republic with the Soviets, we might boldly compare it, from a formal and practical standpoint, with the "police action" of the United States in Korea. The anti-Communist stand of the representatives of the Slovak Republic stands out more prominently, if we recall that two divisions of the Slovak Army (about 12,000 men) fought exclusively on the eastern, that is, the Soviet front and that not a single Slovak soldier was placed on the western front. In short, the army of the Slovak Republic did not fight against the armies of America, Great Britain and France, but only against the armies of the Soviet Union. Serious attempts were made to have the Slovak Army fight on the western front. The Slovak Government, however, adamantly opposed the move. The will of the sovereignty of the Slovak Republic was not violated in this instance. It was not, therefore, accidental that the Slovaks fought only against the Soviets. President Dr. Joseph Tiso acted soberly in the antiCommunist crusade during the war and fulfilled his historical mission regardless of consequences. When allied victory was certain, Soviet plenipotentiaries sought out Tiso and told him that he could continue in the presidency after the war, if he would only proclaim Slovakia a Soviet repuQ,fo:i; Tiso, of course, refused and sealed his doom. Stalin was not a forgetful man. Of course, this was not the only instant which attested to Tiso's crusade against Communism. His fight · against Communism had begun long before he had become President of Slovakia, in fact, from the very outset of his public activity. The Communist prosecutors and judges of the Bratislava "National" Court accused Dr. Tiso of declaring that he would fight against his own brother if he were a Communist and that Communism must be cut from the body of every nation as a malignant ulcer. Certain it is that all political actions backed by Soviet Moscow and all regimes, which knew not how to cope with �SLOVAKIA Communism or out of ignorance and naivite regarded it as Democracy, looked upon the consistent validation of the anti-Communist stand of the Slovak Republic as treason. This was demonstrated most emphatically when the Communists and their collaborators executed a host of Slovak patriots, including President Dr. Joseph Tiso. We know that the "National" Court in Bratislava considered Tiso's negative and hostile stand to the Soviets and Communists, as well as the war of the Slovak Army against the Soviets, as his greatest "crime". If one points out the guilt not only of the Communists, who demanded and got Tiso's head, but also the guilt of those, who at that time sat behind the same table with the Communists and the ministerial council when judicial murders were committed, this is in order. And that all the more so, because at that time every anti"'Communist was given the singular opportunity to manifest his conviction. During the "trial" of Dr. Tiso, the cold war between the West and the USSR was already initiated. But the persons who executed Slovak antiCommunist fighters, or those who did not move a finger to save them - though they could have - apparently forgot that the West exists at all. And today, sad to say, these very same persons, now in the West, want to prove that they always were active anti-Communists. The Slovak Republic introduced itself into world history remarkably well as an anti-Communist political and military factor. If it would have given nothing else to the Slovak nation but have taught it the correct way to look upon the danger of Communism, the wartime Slovak Republic certainly would have been worthy of its existence. Addressing his countrymen, Dr. Joseph Tiso often said: "We do not show a sufficient regard for our State, because we have not as yet sacrificed enough for it." Today it is altogether clear that the sacrifices for Slovak statehood in the fight against Communism are effectively helping the Slovaks persevere in their efforts to renew Slovak statehood and that the Slovaks can be justly proud of their anti-Communist past. � SLOVAKIA 35 THE SWVAK REPUBLIC AND COMMUNISM Dr. Joseph Pauco The courageous and mercileEs fight against Communism belongs among the most serious deeds of the representative s of the Slovak Republic (1939-1945). It could not have been otherwise, because the political body which had taken over the responsibility for the development of affairs in the Slovak Republic, from the very beginning of its public activity, was consistently anti~Commun ist. Already at the end of 1938, the autonomous government of Dr. Joseph Tiso dissolved and outlawed the Communist Party in Slovakia. On October 6, 1938, when the Prague Government finally recognized the rights of the Slovak nation to autonomy, according to the Pittsburgh Agreement of May 30, 1918, all the political parties of Slovakia agreed on a single program in the face of the emergency which had arisen at that time. All parties, that is, except the Social Democrats and the Communists, who refused to support the bloc of civic parties and repudiated the principle of autonomy for Slovakia. The Slovak Government, however, dissolved and outlawed the Communist Party as a matter of principle, being fully aware of the fact that every Communist organization is an enemy of all freedoms and an agent of Moscow. It was not so long ago that this act of the Slovak Government was thrust before the eyes of the Slovaks as a sin and a betrayal of Democracy. But today we see, for example, that some States of America have outlawed the Communist Party, and the Government of the United States never adopted such a sharp anti~ommun ist course as it has at present. In 1938, the Slovak Government acted most prudently and with foresight; history will never be able to criticize it for its anti-Commun ist stand. During the Second World War, the Slovak Republic had diplomatic contacts with the Soviet Union almost two years. It would be altogether useless to concern ourselves in detail with that part of the hateful anti-Slovak propaganda, which even today wants to see in this diplomatic relationship a pro-Soviet feeling or policy of the Slovak �36 SLOVAKTA Government. We know that western governments are in a "cold" war and, in places, even a "hot" war with the Communists and armies supported by the Soviets and yet they have diplomatic contacts with the Soviet dictatorship. Who would dare to accuse, for example, the Eisenhower ,A¢ninistration of following a pro-Soviet course? And we must not forget that the Slovak Government did not rescind outlawing the Communist Party even after it did establish diplomatic contacts with Soviet Russia. Speaking about diplomatic contacts of the Slovak Republic with the Soviet Union, we must also mention a matter, which at first glance might appear as an insignificant event, but which really sheds light on the anti-Communist and antiSoviet stand of the government of the Slovak Republic. Before sending its ambassador to Bratislava, Moscow had requested the Slovak Government to use one of its largest buildings, the Avion Palace, as its embassy. But Tiso refused. Why? Tiso r efused because it was quite obvious to him that the Soviets were not only interested in quarters for their diplomatic personnel, but also intended to establish an espionage center for the whole of central Europe, which would be covered by immunity. The Slovak Government acted as it did even though it was aware of the fact that it might be at the price of breaking off all diplomatic contacts with the Soviets. This act certainly cannot be construed as evidence of a "pro-Soviet" policy of the Slovak Republic! In June, 1941, the Slovak Army marched into Soviet territory. The Slovak Republic entered the war against Soviet Russia, because it was in accord with Slovak antiCommunist traditions. This it did even though it was fully aware of the geopolitical situation of Slovakia and the political combination of forces in the central Europe of that time. It may be worth mentioning, however, that formally the Slovak Republic did not declare war against anybody. According to the constitution of the Slovak Republic war could not be declared without the approval of Parliament and the signature of the President of the Republic. Where the Premier and the Minister of National Defense did declare �SLOVAKIA 37 war against anybody, they did so without the accord of Parliament and the approval and signature of President Tiso. Regarding the armed conflict of the Slovak Republic with the Soviets, we might boldly compare it, from a formal and practical standpoint, with the "police action" of the United States in Korea. The anti-Communist stand of the representatives of the Slovak Republic stands out more prominently, if we recall that two divisions of the Slovak Army (about 12,000 men) fought exclusively on the eastern, that is, the Soviet front and that not a single Slovak soldier was placed on the western front. In short, the army of the Slovak Republic did not fight against the armies of America, Great Britain and France, but only against the armies of the Soviet Union. Serious attempts were made to have the Slovak Army fight on the western front. The Slovak Government, however, adamantly opposed the move. The will of the sovereignty of the Slovak Republic was not violated in this instance. It was not, therefore, accidental that the Slovaks fought only against the Soviets. President Dr. Joseph Tiso acted soberly in the antiCommunist crusade during the war and fulfilled his historical mission regardless of consequences. When allied victory was certain, Soviet plenipotentiaries sought out Tiso and told him that he could continue in the presidency after the war, if he would only proclaim Slovakia a Soviet repuQ,fo:i; Tiso, of course, refused and sealed his doom. Stalin was not a forgetful man. Of course, this was not the only instant which attested to Tiso's crusade against Communism. His fight · against Communism had begun long before he had become President of Slovakia, in fact, from the very outset of his public activity. The Communist prosecutors and judges of the Bratislava "National" Court accused Dr. Tiso of declaring that he would fight against his own brother if he were a Communist and that Communism must be cut from the body of every nation as a malignant ulcer. Certain it is that all political actions backed by Soviet Moscow and all regimes, which knew not how to cope with �SLOVAKIA Communism or out of ignorance and naivite regarded it as Democracy, looked upon the consistent validation of the anti-Communist stand of the Slovak Republic as treason. This was demonstrated most emphatically when the Communists and their collaborators executed a host of Slovak patriots, including President Dr. Joseph Tiso. We know that the "National" Court in Bratislava considered Tiso's negative and hostile stand to the Soviets and Communists, as well as the war of the Slovak Army against the Soviets, as his greatest "crime". If one points out the guilt not only of the Communists, who demanded and got Tiso's head, but also the guilt of those, who at that time sat behind the same table with the Communists and the ministerial council when judicial murders were committed, this is in order. And that all the more so, because at that time every anti"'Communist was given the singular opportunity to manifest his conviction. During the "trial" of Dr. Tiso, the cold war between the West and the USSR was already initiated. But the persons who executed Slovak antiCommunist fighters, or those who did not move a finger to save them - though they could have - apparently forgot that the West exists at all. And today, sad to say, these very same persons, now in the West, want to prove that they always were active anti-Communists. The Slovak Republic introduced itself into world history remarkably well as an anti-Communist political and military factor. If it would have given nothing else to the Slovak nation but have taught it the correct way to look upon the danger of Communism, the wartime Slovak Republic certainly would have been worthy of its existence. Addressing his countrymen, Dr. Joseph Tiso often said: "We do not show a sufficient regard for our State, because we have not as yet sacrificed enough for it." Today it is altogether clear that the sacrifices for Slovak statehood in the fight against Communism are effectively helping the Slovaks persevere in their efforts to renew Slovak statehood and that the Slovaks can be justly proud of their anti-Communist past. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 35 THE SWVAK REPUBLIC AND COMMUNISM Dr. Joseph Pauco The courageous and mercileEs fight against Communism belongs among the most serious deeds of the representative s of the Slovak Republic (1939-1945). It could not have been otherwise, because the political body which had taken over the responsibility for the development of affairs in the Slovak Republic, from the very beginning of its public activity, was consistently anti~Commun ist. Already at the end of 1938, the autonomous government of Dr. Joseph Tiso dissolved and outlawed the Communist Party in Slovakia. On October 6, 1938, when the Prague Government finally recognized the rights of the Slovak nation to autonomy, according to the Pittsburgh Agreement of May 30, 1918, all the political parties of Slovakia agreed on a single program in the face of the emergency which had arisen at that time. All parties, that is, except the Social Democrats and the Communists, who refused to support the bloc of civic parties and repudiated the principle of autonomy for Slovakia. The Slovak Government, however, dissolved and outlawed the Communist Party as a matter of principle, being fully aware of the fact that every Communist organization is an enemy of all freedoms and an agent of Moscow. It was not so long ago that this act of the Slovak Government was thrust before the eyes of the Slovaks as a sin and a betrayal of Democracy. But today we see, for example, that some States of America have outlawed the Communist Party, and the Government of the United States never adopted such a sharp anti~ommun ist course as it has at present. In 1938, the Slovak Government acted most prudently and with foresight; history will never be able to criticize it for its anti-Commun ist stand. During the Second World War, the Slovak Republic had diplomatic contacts with the Soviet Union almost two years. It would be altogether useless to concern ourselves in detail with that part of the hateful anti-Slovak propaganda, which even today wants to see in this diplomatic relationship a pro-Soviet feeling or policy of the Slovak 36 SLOVAKTA Government. We know that western governments are in a "cold" war and, in places, even a "hot" war with the Communists and armies supported by the Soviets and yet they have diplomatic contacts with the Soviet dictatorship. Who would dare to accuse, for example, the Eisenhower ,A¢ninistration of following a pro-Soviet course? And we must not forget that the Slovak Government did not rescind outlawing the Communist Party even after it did establish diplomatic contacts with Soviet Russia. Speaking about diplomatic contacts of the Slovak Republic with the Soviet Union, we must also mention a matter, which at first glance might appear as an insignificant event, but which really sheds light on the anti-Communist and antiSoviet stand of the government of the Slovak Republic. Before sending its ambassador to Bratislava, Moscow had requested the Slovak Government to use one of its largest buildings, the Avion Palace, as its embassy. But Tiso refused. Why? Tiso r efused because it was quite obvious to him that the Soviets were not only interested in quarters for their diplomatic personnel, but also intended to establish an espionage center for the whole of central Europe, which would be covered by immunity. The Slovak Government acted as it did even though it was aware of the fact that it might be at the price of breaking off all diplomatic contacts with the Soviets. This act certainly cannot be construed as evidence of a "pro-Soviet" policy of the Slovak Republic! In June, 1941, the Slovak Army marched into Soviet territory. The Slovak Republic entered the war against Soviet Russia, because it was in accord with Slovak antiCommunist traditions. This it did even though it was fully aware of the geopolitical situation of Slovakia and the political combination of forces in the central Europe of that time. It may be worth mentioning, however, that formally the Slovak Republic did not declare war against anybody. According to the constitution of the Slovak Republic war could not be declared without the approval of Parliament and the signature of the President of the Republic. Where the Premier and the Minister of National Defense did declare SLOVAKIA 37 war against anybody, they did so without the accord of Parliament and the approval and signature of President Tiso. Regarding the armed conflict of the Slovak Republic with the Soviets, we might boldly compare it, from a formal and practical standpoint, with the "police action" of the United States in Korea. The anti-Communist stand of the representatives of the Slovak Republic stands out more prominently, if we recall that two divisions of the Slovak Army (about 12,000 men) fought exclusively on the eastern, that is, the Soviet front and that not a single Slovak soldier was placed on the western front. In short, the army of the Slovak Republic did not fight against the armies of America, Great Britain and France, but only against the armies of the Soviet Union. Serious attempts were made to have the Slovak Army fight on the western front. The Slovak Government, however, adamantly opposed the move. The will of the sovereignty of the Slovak Republic was not violated in this instance. It was not, therefore, accidental that the Slovaks fought only against the Soviets. President Dr. Joseph Tiso acted soberly in the antiCommunist crusade during the war and fulfilled his historical mission regardless of consequences. When allied victory was certain, Soviet plenipotentiaries sought out Tiso and told him that he could continue in the presidency after the war, if he would only proclaim Slovakia a Soviet repuQ,fo:i; Tiso, of course, refused and sealed his doom. Stalin was not a forgetful man. Of course, this was not the only instant which attested to Tiso's crusade against Communism. His fight · against Communism had begun long before he had become President of Slovakia, in fact, from the very outset of his public activity. The Communist prosecutors and judges of the Bratislava "National" Court accused Dr. Tiso of declaring that he would fight against his own brother if he were a Communist and that Communism must be cut from the body of every nation as a malignant ulcer. Certain it is that all political actions backed by Soviet Moscow and all regimes, which knew not how to cope with SLOVAKIA Communism or out of ignorance and naivite regarded it as Democracy, looked upon the consistent validation of the anti-Communist stand of the Slovak Republic as treason. This was demonstrated most emphatically when the Communists and their collaborators executed a host of Slovak patriots, including President Dr. Joseph Tiso. We know that the "National" Court in Bratislava considered Tiso's negative and hostile stand to the Soviets and Communists, as well as the war of the Slovak Army against the Soviets, as his greatest "crime". If one points out the guilt not only of the Communists, who demanded and got Tiso's head, but also the guilt of those, who at that time sat behind the same table with the Communists and the ministerial council when judicial murders were committed, this is in order. And that all the more so, because at that time every anti"'Communist was given the singular opportunity to manifest his conviction. During the "trial" of Dr. Tiso, the cold war between the West and the USSR was already initiated. But the persons who executed Slovak antiCommunist fighters, or those who did not move a finger to save them - though they could have - apparently forgot that the West exists at all. And today, sad to say, these very same persons, now in the West, want to prove that they always were active anti-Communists. The Slovak Republic introduced itself into world history remarkably well as an anti-Communist political and military factor. If it would have given nothing else to the Slovak nation but have taught it the correct way to look upon the danger of Communism, the wartime Slovak Republic certainly would have been worthy of its existence. Addressing his countrymen, Dr. Joseph Tiso often said: "We do not show a sufficient regard for our State, because we have not as yet sacrificed enough for it." Today it is altogether clear that the sacrifices for Slovak statehood in the fight against Communism are effectively helping the Slovaks persevere in their efforts to renew Slovak statehood and that the Slovaks can be justly proud of their anti-Communist past.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Slovak Republic and Communism Description An account of the resource Dr. Joseph Paučo Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 3-4 (12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954 pp. 35-38 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paučo, Jozef, 1914-1975 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Sept.-Dec. 1954 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/c81966ab83aa490ff8e2044117e0e4b7.pdf 1c14a39865f9334c9f66438c5a8e0681 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 39 Collaboration and Coexistence: THE LETI'RICH "DEMOCRATS" AND COMMUNISTS P.A. Hrobak The Slovak Democratic Party did not exist in pre-war Slovakia, whereas the Slovak Communist Party did. The Democratic Party came into existence when the left-wing Agrarians decided to salvage their wealth and their political prestige at the expense of their own nation. They were well aware of the fact that they represented a negligible amount of the Slovak electorate in Slovakia and, hence, could never be elected as representatives of the political will of the Slovak nation in any free elections. The Communists in pre-war Slovakia were just about in the same fix; they did not have the backing of even 10 % of the electorate. But the Communists were in a more favorable position at the end of 1943, because it was quite evident at that time that the USSR would have a lot to say about the order that was to prevail in Czecho-Slovakia after the war. Dr. Edward Benes, the "resigned-and-stil'l president" of Czecho-Slovakia, had concluded the "Czechoslovak-Soviet Treaty" on December 12, 1943, which formally sold out that hapless country to the USSR. The Lettrich "Democrats" were fully aware of the situation at that time. The Lettrich "Democrats" could become a power in post-war Slovakia only with the help of the Communists, so they joined up with them to destroy the Republic of Slovakia and estaiblish a "new" Czecho-Slovakia - a "people's" democracy - subordinated to the USSR. They concluded several agreements with the Communists which are referred to writers from time to time. We produce them in toto here. The 1943 "Christmas" Agreement "The ideological tendencies in Slovakia - which even after October 6, 1938, continued on the principles of antiFascist democracy and to the present day have actively opposed the political, economic and cultural violation of the Slovak people and which today represent the actual think- �SLOVAKIA ing of all groups of the Slovak people - have decided to create a common political leadership which shall be the SLOVAK NATIONAL COUNCIL, the sole representative of the political will of the Slovak nation at home. "I. The Role and the Aims of the Slovak National Council are: . "1. Unitedly and centrally to wage the fight of the Slovak nation for the removal of the Nazi-German dictatorship, which is being enforced even by native usurpers of political power. "2. At the fi..rst opportune moment to seize all political, legislative, military, or administrative executive power in Slovakia and administer it according to the will of the people until such time as freely elected representatives of the people shall be able to take over all power. "3. As soon as possible after the seizure of power, the Slovak National Council shall see to it that the Slovak people of its own will shall freely designate its own representatives to whom the Slovak National Council shall surrender all power. "4. In its activity the Slovak National Council shall proceed in understanding with the Czecho-Slovak Government and the entire resistance movement abroad, whose work in the international and military fields it recognizes and supports. "II. The associated tendencies and groups of the Council have agreed on these principles: "1. It is our desire that the Slovak nation and the Czech nation, as the most related Slovanic nations, work out their future destiny in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, that is, in a joint State of the Slovaks and Czechs, and on a basis of equality. "2. We desire close collaboration with all Slovanic States and nations, especially with the Soviet Union in which we see the guarantee of a free life and general growth of small nations generally and of the Slovanic nations in particular . ., ~· , · "3. · ·The future Czecho-Slovak Republic shall conduct its foreign policy in the spirit of these principles and, there- �SLOVAKIA 41 fore in the field of foreign policy and in the military field shall rely on the USSR. "4. The internal order of the future Czecho-Slovak Repurblic shall be democratic, but all Fascist, racial, totalitarian tendencies, and all such as shall be in conflict with these principles, shall be eradicated. In this spirit the internal political government shall be firmly conducted, but, nevertheless, in a democratic manner. It is necessary to avoid the mistakes and errors of the past. "5. The concept of democracy must be carried over and intensified also in the economic and social fields, so that the distribution of the national income among all the inhabitants be as equal as possible and the life of every citizen be humanly dignified. "6. Culture, education and training must be conducted by these principles. Freedom of religious beliefs shall be preserved, but the influence of the churches on the tendency and the management of the State shall be excluded. "7. About the definite adjustment of these questions - and especially about the legal, constitutional adjustment of the relationship of the Slovak nation to the Czech nation - shall be decided, on the Slovak side, exclusively by freely (designated) representatives of the Slovak nation. "Bratislava, Christmas, 1943." T·h e Agreement of June 26, 1945 . "1. Neither party of the National Front has any other aims than a united, indivisible, democratic Czecho-Slovak Republic, built on the legally equal union of the Slovak and Czech nations and, in its foreign, Slovak and economic policies, depending on the Soviet Union, keeping brotherly contacts with all Slovanic States and nations, preserving the traditional friendly contacts with the western allies. "2. Both parties of the National Front - the Democratic Party and the Communist Party of Slovakia - are aware of the fact that to successfully perform the tasks of one class pr of one political party is not sufficient, but that harmonious cooperation of all working groups of the nation �42 SLOVAKIA is necessary, and that of both our political parties which represent the will of the nation. "3. It is our unalterable will to preserve and consolidate the National Front, which is built first of all on the collaboration of the Democratic Party with the Communist Party of Slovakia, so that it could fulfill its great task of consolidation and reconstruction. "In the spirit of fraternal friendship of the Czech and Slovak nations, we want to keep up the most friendly cooperation of the Communist Party of Slovakia and the Democratic Party, federated in the Slovak National Front, with the political parties in the Czech lands, especially with the bloc of working people of the cities and their vicinities which forms the core of political representation of the Czech nation. "4. Just as we fought together during the national rebellion against the Gellman invaders and their Magyar helpers, so together we want to cleanse Slovakia of Nazi Germans, Fascist Magyars, to achieve the exchange of the remaining Magyar population for the Slovaks in Hungary and abroad and thus contribute to the fulfillment of the governmental program to build the Czecho-Slovak Republic as a State of the Czechs and the Slovaks. "5. By mutual collaboration we want to continue inexorably and uncompromisingly to expose and disarm all Fascist, collaborationist and exploitationary elements. "6. Just as we value highly respectable, conscientious and qualified citizens, even if they are not adherents of political parties, we shall just as certainly disarm characterless conjuncturalists, chameleons, opportunists, as well as the prejudiced, even if they should cloak themselves with adherence to some of our parties. "7. Between the Communist Party of Slovakia and the Democratic Party there is complete agreement on the matter that local and district National Committees, just like economic, industrial, social, health, cultural and other institutions of a national character, shall not become the object of one of our political parties, but shall be so composed that they adequately represent all democratic and working groups of our citizenry. �SLOVAKIA 43 "8. The Democratic Party and the Communist Party of Slovakia are completely united in respecting and defending the right of religious confession, but also in the matter that Slovak citizens of whatever faith are equal citizens of our State. On the other hand, they expect that the churches shall not afford asylum to Fascist culprits and shall not become tools of any sort of political agitation. "9. The Democratic Party, just like the Communist Party of Slovakia, is striving for extensive social reforms to raise the living and cultural standard of the working people and, on the other hand, the Communist Party of Slovakia, just like the Democratic Party, resolutely respects private property of peasants, tradesmen, businessmen, small and medium entrepreneurs and officials. "10. Since there is agreement ,o n all vital questions between the Democratic Party and the Communist Party of Slovakia, both parties shall strive for the end that, in the spirit of the collacboration of the underground and the uprising, the methods of honorable, open, sincere and loyal collaboration, become domesticated in all organizations and groups of the party. "June 26, 1945. "For the Communist Party of Slovakia: Karol Schmidke, Dr. Gustav Husak, Laco Novomesky, Dr. E. Frisch, Karol Bacilek. "For the Democratic Party: Dr. Jozef Lettrich, Dr. Fedor Hodza, Dr. Matej Josko, Dr. Jozef Kysely, Milan Polak." It is obvious that the Lettrich "Democrats" collaborated with Communists and the USSR deliberately and willingly against the national interests of their own people. They wanted to coexist and co-govern with the Reds, but forgot that the Reds had other plans, their own plans, based on the Moscow blueprint or master plan. After the Reds and Moscow used them to attain their ends in Czecho-Slovakia, the Lettrich "Democrats" were relegated to the political rubbish heap. The Slovak people, whom they betrayed, want to keep them there. Why should our State Department, the �SLOVAKIA 44 U. S. Information Agency (Voice of America), the Free Europe Committee (Radio Free Europe) and other American institutions still try to salvage them? Why insist that such 0 political dupes" ( ?) represent the political will of the Slovak nation? They never did and never shall! • RECOMMENDED $3.00; SWVAK FOR (the set); "Hirdbak's "S'IJOVAK LffiSSONS" • • BOOKS: "The Slovaks" (Jwrchak BEGINNERS" (Books I-III) $1.50 Eniglish-,Sl{)IVa;k Dictionary" $4.00; (iHrolbak) $3.50 . • • • NATIONALIZATION OF PRIVATE PROPERTY IN SLOVAKIA Andrej Gemersky When Edward Benes signed the governmental decree in 1945 to nationalize '.key (heavy) indrustry, the Communists in Slovakia and the Czech lands became the masters of the economic situation. By signing that decree Benes sealed the fate not only of heaJVy industry, Wihich thereto was owned for the most part rb y share-holders' associations, 1b ut also the industry which was owned by indirviduals. Benes's decree nationali0ed all industrial enterprises which employed: more than 50 persons. For the time bemg, therefore, enterprises with u:p to 50 emptoyees were not affeded by the decree. Bwt only for a short time. The Co1mmunists are rk nown for their consistent stand on a!bolishing all rprivaJte ownership. They ibelieve in the prinrciple that man s'hould not exiploit man, that man must not be ex!ploited 'by the bourgeois, the capitalists, who. according to the Communists are represented by private OIWltlers withO'llt regard to the iltind and ~tent of prirvate ownership. The Communists, therefore, once they were in key positliooo in SlovaJki1a , sought to nationalilze every private enter.prise, large and small. I had said that enterprises with up to 50 employees were not nationalized at the outset (1945). These the � SLOVAKIA 39 Collaboration and Coexistence: THE LETI'RICH "DEMOCRATS" AND COMMUNISTS P.A. Hrobak The Slovak Democratic Party did not exist in pre-war Slovakia, whereas the Slovak Communist Party did. The Democratic Party came into existence when the left-wing Agrarians decided to salvage their wealth and their political prestige at the expense of their own nation. They were well aware of the fact that they represented a negligible amount of the Slovak electorate in Slovakia and, hence, could never be elected as representatives of the political will of the Slovak nation in any free elections. The Communists in pre-war Slovakia were just about in the same fix; they did not have the backing of even 10 % of the electorate. But the Communists were in a more favorable position at the end of 1943, because it was quite evident at that time that the USSR would have a lot to say about the order that was to prevail in Czecho-Slovakia after the war. Dr. Edward Benes, the "resigned-and-stil'l president" of Czecho-Slovakia, had concluded the "Czechoslovak-Soviet Treaty" on December 12, 1943, which formally sold out that hapless country to the USSR. The Lettrich "Democrats" were fully aware of the situation at that time. The Lettrich "Democrats" could become a power in post-war Slovakia only with the help of the Communists, so they joined up with them to destroy the Republic of Slovakia and estaiblish a "new" Czecho-Slovakia - a "people's" democracy - subordinated to the USSR. They concluded several agreements with the Communists which are referred to writers from time to time. We produce them in toto here. The 1943 "Christmas" Agreement "The ideological tendencies in Slovakia - which even after October 6, 1938, continued on the principles of antiFascist democracy and to the present day have actively opposed the political, economic and cultural violation of the Slovak people and which today represent the actual think- �SLOVAKIA ing of all groups of the Slovak people - have decided to create a common political leadership which shall be the SLOVAK NATIONAL COUNCIL, the sole representative of the political will of the Slovak nation at home. "I. The Role and the Aims of the Slovak National Council are: . "1. Unitedly and centrally to wage the fight of the Slovak nation for the removal of the Nazi-German dictatorship, which is being enforced even by native usurpers of political power. "2. At the fi..rst opportune moment to seize all political, legislative, military, or administrative executive power in Slovakia and administer it according to the will of the people until such time as freely elected representatives of the people shall be able to take over all power. "3. As soon as possible after the seizure of power, the Slovak National Council shall see to it that the Slovak people of its own will shall freely designate its own representatives to whom the Slovak National Council shall surrender all power. "4. In its activity the Slovak National Council shall proceed in understanding with the Czecho-Slovak Government and the entire resistance movement abroad, whose work in the international and military fields it recognizes and supports. "II. The associated tendencies and groups of the Council have agreed on these principles: "1. It is our desire that the Slovak nation and the Czech nation, as the most related Slovanic nations, work out their future destiny in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, that is, in a joint State of the Slovaks and Czechs, and on a basis of equality. "2. We desire close collaboration with all Slovanic States and nations, especially with the Soviet Union in which we see the guarantee of a free life and general growth of small nations generally and of the Slovanic nations in particular . ., ~· , · "3. · ·The future Czecho-Slovak Republic shall conduct its foreign policy in the spirit of these principles and, there- �SLOVAKIA 41 fore in the field of foreign policy and in the military field shall rely on the USSR. "4. The internal order of the future Czecho-Slovak Repurblic shall be democratic, but all Fascist, racial, totalitarian tendencies, and all such as shall be in conflict with these principles, shall be eradicated. In this spirit the internal political government shall be firmly conducted, but, nevertheless, in a democratic manner. It is necessary to avoid the mistakes and errors of the past. "5. The concept of democracy must be carried over and intensified also in the economic and social fields, so that the distribution of the national income among all the inhabitants be as equal as possible and the life of every citizen be humanly dignified. "6. Culture, education and training must be conducted by these principles. Freedom of religious beliefs shall be preserved, but the influence of the churches on the tendency and the management of the State shall be excluded. "7. About the definite adjustment of these questions - and especially about the legal, constitutional adjustment of the relationship of the Slovak nation to the Czech nation - shall be decided, on the Slovak side, exclusively by freely (designated) representatives of the Slovak nation. "Bratislava, Christmas, 1943." T·h e Agreement of June 26, 1945 . "1. Neither party of the National Front has any other aims than a united, indivisible, democratic Czecho-Slovak Republic, built on the legally equal union of the Slovak and Czech nations and, in its foreign, Slovak and economic policies, depending on the Soviet Union, keeping brotherly contacts with all Slovanic States and nations, preserving the traditional friendly contacts with the western allies. "2. Both parties of the National Front - the Democratic Party and the Communist Party of Slovakia - are aware of the fact that to successfully perform the tasks of one class pr of one political party is not sufficient, but that harmonious cooperation of all working groups of the nation �42 SLOVAKIA is necessary, and that of both our political parties which represent the will of the nation. "3. It is our unalterable will to preserve and consolidate the National Front, which is built first of all on the collaboration of the Democratic Party with the Communist Party of Slovakia, so that it could fulfill its great task of consolidation and reconstruction. "In the spirit of fraternal friendship of the Czech and Slovak nations, we want to keep up the most friendly cooperation of the Communist Party of Slovakia and the Democratic Party, federated in the Slovak National Front, with the political parties in the Czech lands, especially with the bloc of working people of the cities and their vicinities which forms the core of political representation of the Czech nation. "4. Just as we fought together during the national rebellion against the Gellman invaders and their Magyar helpers, so together we want to cleanse Slovakia of Nazi Germans, Fascist Magyars, to achieve the exchange of the remaining Magyar population for the Slovaks in Hungary and abroad and thus contribute to the fulfillment of the governmental program to build the Czecho-Slovak Republic as a State of the Czechs and the Slovaks. "5. By mutual collaboration we want to continue inexorably and uncompromisingly to expose and disarm all Fascist, collaborationist and exploitationary elements. "6. Just as we value highly respectable, conscientious and qualified citizens, even if they are not adherents of political parties, we shall just as certainly disarm characterless conjuncturalists, chameleons, opportunists, as well as the prejudiced, even if they should cloak themselves with adherence to some of our parties. "7. Between the Communist Party of Slovakia and the Democratic Party there is complete agreement on the matter that local and district National Committees, just like economic, industrial, social, health, cultural and other institutions of a national character, shall not become the object of one of our political parties, but shall be so composed that they adequately represent all democratic and working groups of our citizenry. �SLOVAKIA 43 "8. The Democratic Party and the Communist Party of Slovakia are completely united in respecting and defending the right of religious confession, but also in the matter that Slovak citizens of whatever faith are equal citizens of our State. On the other hand, they expect that the churches shall not afford asylum to Fascist culprits and shall not become tools of any sort of political agitation. "9. The Democratic Party, just like the Communist Party of Slovakia, is striving for extensive social reforms to raise the living and cultural standard of the working people and, on the other hand, the Communist Party of Slovakia, just like the Democratic Party, resolutely respects private property of peasants, tradesmen, businessmen, small and medium entrepreneurs and officials. "10. Since there is agreement ,o n all vital questions between the Democratic Party and the Communist Party of Slovakia, both parties shall strive for the end that, in the spirit of the collacboration of the underground and the uprising, the methods of honorable, open, sincere and loyal collaboration, become domesticated in all organizations and groups of the party. "June 26, 1945. "For the Communist Party of Slovakia: Karol Schmidke, Dr. Gustav Husak, Laco Novomesky, Dr. E. Frisch, Karol Bacilek. "For the Democratic Party: Dr. Jozef Lettrich, Dr. Fedor Hodza, Dr. Matej Josko, Dr. Jozef Kysely, Milan Polak." It is obvious that the Lettrich "Democrats" collaborated with Communists and the USSR deliberately and willingly against the national interests of their own people. They wanted to coexist and co-govern with the Reds, but forgot that the Reds had other plans, their own plans, based on the Moscow blueprint or master plan. After the Reds and Moscow used them to attain their ends in Czecho-Slovakia, the Lettrich "Democrats" were relegated to the political rubbish heap. The Slovak people, whom they betrayed, want to keep them there. Why should our State Department, the �SLOVAKIA 44 U. S. Information Agency (Voice of America), the Free Europe Committee (Radio Free Europe) and other American institutions still try to salvage them? Why insist that such 0 political dupes" ( ?) represent the political will of the Slovak nation? They never did and never shall! • RECOMMENDED $3.00; SWVAK FOR (the set); "Hirdbak's "S'IJOVAK LffiSSONS" • • BOOKS: "The Slovaks" (Jwrchak BEGINNERS" (Books I-III) $1.50 Eniglish-,Sl{)IVa;k Dictionary" $4.00; (iHrolbak) $3.50 . • • • NATIONALIZATION OF PRIVATE PROPERTY IN SLOVAKIA Andrej Gemersky When Edward Benes signed the governmental decree in 1945 to nationalize '.key (heavy) indrustry, the Communists in Slovakia and the Czech lands became the masters of the economic situation. By signing that decree Benes sealed the fate not only of heaJVy industry, Wihich thereto was owned for the most part rb y share-holders' associations, 1b ut also the industry which was owned by indirviduals. Benes's decree nationali0ed all industrial enterprises which employed: more than 50 persons. For the time bemg, therefore, enterprises with u:p to 50 emptoyees were not affeded by the decree. Bwt only for a short time. The Co1mmunists are rk nown for their consistent stand on a!bolishing all rprivaJte ownership. They ibelieve in the prinrciple that man s'hould not exiploit man, that man must not be ex!ploited 'by the bourgeois, the capitalists, who. according to the Communists are represented by private OIWltlers withO'llt regard to the iltind and ~tent of prirvate ownership. The Communists, therefore, once they were in key positliooo in SlovaJki1a , sought to nationalilze every private enter.prise, large and small. I had said that enterprises with up to 50 employees were not nationalized at the outset (1945). These the � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 39 Collaboration and Coexistence: THE LETI'RICH "DEMOCRATS" AND COMMUNISTS P.A. Hrobak The Slovak Democratic Party did not exist in pre-war Slovakia, whereas the Slovak Communist Party did. The Democratic Party came into existence when the left-wing Agrarians decided to salvage their wealth and their political prestige at the expense of their own nation. They were well aware of the fact that they represented a negligible amount of the Slovak electorate in Slovakia and, hence, could never be elected as representatives of the political will of the Slovak nation in any free elections. The Communists in pre-war Slovakia were just about in the same fix; they did not have the backing of even 10 % of the electorate. But the Communists were in a more favorable position at the end of 1943, because it was quite evident at that time that the USSR would have a lot to say about the order that was to prevail in Czecho-Slovakia after the war. Dr. Edward Benes, the "resigned-and-stil'l president" of Czecho-Slovakia, had concluded the "Czechoslovak-Soviet Treaty" on December 12, 1943, which formally sold out that hapless country to the USSR. The Lettrich "Democrats" were fully aware of the situation at that time. The Lettrich "Democrats" could become a power in post-war Slovakia only with the help of the Communists, so they joined up with them to destroy the Republic of Slovakia and estaiblish a "new" Czecho-Slovakia - a "people's" democracy - subordinated to the USSR. They concluded several agreements with the Communists which are referred to writers from time to time. We produce them in toto here. The 1943 "Christmas" Agreement "The ideological tendencies in Slovakia - which even after October 6, 1938, continued on the principles of antiFascist democracy and to the present day have actively opposed the political, economic and cultural violation of the Slovak people and which today represent the actual think- SLOVAKIA ing of all groups of the Slovak people - have decided to create a common political leadership which shall be the SLOVAK NATIONAL COUNCIL, the sole representative of the political will of the Slovak nation at home. "I. The Role and the Aims of the Slovak National Council are: . "1. Unitedly and centrally to wage the fight of the Slovak nation for the removal of the Nazi-German dictatorship, which is being enforced even by native usurpers of political power. "2. At the fi..rst opportune moment to seize all political, legislative, military, or administrative executive power in Slovakia and administer it according to the will of the people until such time as freely elected representatives of the people shall be able to take over all power. "3. As soon as possible after the seizure of power, the Slovak National Council shall see to it that the Slovak people of its own will shall freely designate its own representatives to whom the Slovak National Council shall surrender all power. "4. In its activity the Slovak National Council shall proceed in understanding with the Czecho-Slovak Government and the entire resistance movement abroad, whose work in the international and military fields it recognizes and supports. "II. The associated tendencies and groups of the Council have agreed on these principles: "1. It is our desire that the Slovak nation and the Czech nation, as the most related Slovanic nations, work out their future destiny in the Czecho-Slovak Republic, that is, in a joint State of the Slovaks and Czechs, and on a basis of equality. "2. We desire close collaboration with all Slovanic States and nations, especially with the Soviet Union in which we see the guarantee of a free life and general growth of small nations generally and of the Slovanic nations in particular . ., ~· , · "3. · ·The future Czecho-Slovak Republic shall conduct its foreign policy in the spirit of these principles and, there- SLOVAKIA 41 fore in the field of foreign policy and in the military field shall rely on the USSR. "4. The internal order of the future Czecho-Slovak Repurblic shall be democratic, but all Fascist, racial, totalitarian tendencies, and all such as shall be in conflict with these principles, shall be eradicated. In this spirit the internal political government shall be firmly conducted, but, nevertheless, in a democratic manner. It is necessary to avoid the mistakes and errors of the past. "5. The concept of democracy must be carried over and intensified also in the economic and social fields, so that the distribution of the national income among all the inhabitants be as equal as possible and the life of every citizen be humanly dignified. "6. Culture, education and training must be conducted by these principles. Freedom of religious beliefs shall be preserved, but the influence of the churches on the tendency and the management of the State shall be excluded. "7. About the definite adjustment of these questions - and especially about the legal, constitutional adjustment of the relationship of the Slovak nation to the Czech nation - shall be decided, on the Slovak side, exclusively by freely (designated) representatives of the Slovak nation. "Bratislava, Christmas, 1943." T·h e Agreement of June 26, 1945 . "1. Neither party of the National Front has any other aims than a united, indivisible, democratic Czecho-Slovak Republic, built on the legally equal union of the Slovak and Czech nations and, in its foreign, Slovak and economic policies, depending on the Soviet Union, keeping brotherly contacts with all Slovanic States and nations, preserving the traditional friendly contacts with the western allies. "2. Both parties of the National Front - the Democratic Party and the Communist Party of Slovakia - are aware of the fact that to successfully perform the tasks of one class pr of one political party is not sufficient, but that harmonious cooperation of all working groups of the nation 42 SLOVAKIA is necessary, and that of both our political parties which represent the will of the nation. "3. It is our unalterable will to preserve and consolidate the National Front, which is built first of all on the collaboration of the Democratic Party with the Communist Party of Slovakia, so that it could fulfill its great task of consolidation and reconstruction. "In the spirit of fraternal friendship of the Czech and Slovak nations, we want to keep up the most friendly cooperation of the Communist Party of Slovakia and the Democratic Party, federated in the Slovak National Front, with the political parties in the Czech lands, especially with the bloc of working people of the cities and their vicinities which forms the core of political representation of the Czech nation. "4. Just as we fought together during the national rebellion against the Gellman invaders and their Magyar helpers, so together we want to cleanse Slovakia of Nazi Germans, Fascist Magyars, to achieve the exchange of the remaining Magyar population for the Slovaks in Hungary and abroad and thus contribute to the fulfillment of the governmental program to build the Czecho-Slovak Republic as a State of the Czechs and the Slovaks. "5. By mutual collaboration we want to continue inexorably and uncompromisingly to expose and disarm all Fascist, collaborationist and exploitationary elements. "6. Just as we value highly respectable, conscientious and qualified citizens, even if they are not adherents of political parties, we shall just as certainly disarm characterless conjuncturalists, chameleons, opportunists, as well as the prejudiced, even if they should cloak themselves with adherence to some of our parties. "7. Between the Communist Party of Slovakia and the Democratic Party there is complete agreement on the matter that local and district National Committees, just like economic, industrial, social, health, cultural and other institutions of a national character, shall not become the object of one of our political parties, but shall be so composed that they adequately represent all democratic and working groups of our citizenry. SLOVAKIA 43 "8. The Democratic Party and the Communist Party of Slovakia are completely united in respecting and defending the right of religious confession, but also in the matter that Slovak citizens of whatever faith are equal citizens of our State. On the other hand, they expect that the churches shall not afford asylum to Fascist culprits and shall not become tools of any sort of political agitation. "9. The Democratic Party, just like the Communist Party of Slovakia, is striving for extensive social reforms to raise the living and cultural standard of the working people and, on the other hand, the Communist Party of Slovakia, just like the Democratic Party, resolutely respects private property of peasants, tradesmen, businessmen, small and medium entrepreneurs and officials. "10. Since there is agreement ,o n all vital questions between the Democratic Party and the Communist Party of Slovakia, both parties shall strive for the end that, in the spirit of the collacboration of the underground and the uprising, the methods of honorable, open, sincere and loyal collaboration, become domesticated in all organizations and groups of the party. "June 26, 1945. "For the Communist Party of Slovakia: Karol Schmidke, Dr. Gustav Husak, Laco Novomesky, Dr. E. Frisch, Karol Bacilek. "For the Democratic Party: Dr. Jozef Lettrich, Dr. Fedor Hodza, Dr. Matej Josko, Dr. Jozef Kysely, Milan Polak." It is obvious that the Lettrich "Democrats" collaborated with Communists and the USSR deliberately and willingly against the national interests of their own people. They wanted to coexist and co-govern with the Reds, but forgot that the Reds had other plans, their own plans, based on the Moscow blueprint or master plan. After the Reds and Moscow used them to attain their ends in Czecho-Slovakia, the Lettrich "Democrats" were relegated to the political rubbish heap. The Slovak people, whom they betrayed, want to keep them there. Why should our State Department, the SLOVAKIA 44 U. S. Information Agency (Voice of America), the Free Europe Committee (Radio Free Europe) and other American institutions still try to salvage them? Why insist that such 0 political dupes" ( ?) represent the political will of the Slovak nation? They never did and never shall! • RECOMMENDED $3.00; SWVAK FOR (the set); "Hirdbak's "S'IJOVAK LffiSSONS" • • BOOKS: "The Slovaks" (Jwrchak BEGINNERS" (Books I-III) $1.50 Eniglish-,Sl{)IVa;k Dictionary" $4.00; (iHrolbak) $3.50 . • • • NATIONALIZATION OF PRIVATE PROPERTY IN SLOVAKIA Andrej Gemersky When Edward Benes signed the governmental decree in 1945 to nationalize '.key (heavy) indrustry, the Communists in Slovakia and the Czech lands became the masters of the economic situation. By signing that decree Benes sealed the fate not only of heaJVy industry, Wihich thereto was owned for the most part rb y share-holders' associations, 1b ut also the industry which was owned by indirviduals. Benes's decree nationali0ed all industrial enterprises which employed: more than 50 persons. For the time bemg, therefore, enterprises with u:p to 50 emptoyees were not affeded by the decree. Bwt only for a short time. The Co1mmunists are rk nown for their consistent stand on a!bolishing all rprivaJte ownership. They ibelieve in the prinrciple that man s'hould not exiploit man, that man must not be ex!ploited 'by the bourgeois, the capitalists, who. according to the Communists are represented by private OIWltlers withO'llt regard to the iltind and ~tent of prirvate ownership. The Communists, therefore, once they were in key positliooo in SlovaJki1a , sought to nationalilze every private enter.prise, large and small. I had said that enterprises with up to 50 employees were not nationalized at the outset (1945). These the  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Lettrich "Democrats" and Communists Description An account of the resource P. A. Hrobak Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 3-4 (12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954 pp. 39-44 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hrobak, Philip Anthony, 1904-1964 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Sept.-Dec. 1954 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/c7b94e33444b94b1e95528aea4079592.pdf 5eabc43874f7bfa7f0a988807692c463 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 44 U. S. Information Agency (Voice of America), the Free Europe Committee (Radio Free Europe) and other American institutions still try to salvage them? Why insist that such 0 political dupes" ( ?) represent the political will of the Slovak nation? They never did and never shall! • RECOMMENDED $3.00; SWVAK FOR (the set); "Hirdbak's "S'IJOVAK LffiSSONS" • • BOOKS: "The Slovaks" (Jwrchak BEGINNERS" (Books I-III) $1.50 Eniglish-,Sl{)IVa;k Dictionary" $4.00; (iHrolbak) $3.50 . • • • NATIONALIZATION OF PRIVATE PROPERTY IN SLOVAKIA Andrej Gemersky When Edward Benes signed the governmental decree in 1945 to nationalize '.key (heavy) indrustry, the Communists in Slovakia and the Czech lands became the masters of the economic situation. By signing that decree Benes sealed the fate not only of heaJVy industry, Wihich thereto was owned for the most part rb y share-holders' associations, 1b ut also the industry which was owned by indirviduals. Benes's decree nationali0ed all industrial enterprises which employed: more than 50 persons. For the time bemg, therefore, enterprises with u:p to 50 emptoyees were not affeded by the decree. Bwt only for a short time. The Co1mmunists are rk nown for their consistent stand on a!bolishing all rprivaJte ownership. They ibelieve in the prinrciple that man s'hould not exiploit man, that man must not be ex!ploited 'by the bourgeois, the capitalists, who. according to the Communists are represented by private OIWltlers withO'llt regard to the iltind and ~tent of prirvate ownership. The Communists, therefore, once they were in key positliooo in SlovaJki1a , sought to nationalilze every private enter.prise, large and small. I had said that enterprises with up to 50 employees were not nationalized at the outset (1945). These the �SLOVAKIA 45 Communists first ibegan to combine into larger productiive units, into so-called maniwfacturing and selling combines or cooperatives; they !began to co1lectilvi1ze production or manufacture. They said that collectiivization was a neces-sary an:d inevitruble degree of socialistic, progressiive undertaiking and, therefore, W'ihoeiver opposed co'.hlectiivization was not priogressive but reactionary, an enemy af socialism which spelled the "good and welfare" of the ,people. Such a person, of course, was an enemy of the State and, hence, coulq ,be ,punished accoroing to existing laws. TailoTs were o,r.garuzed in the cooperatiive called "Vw~ rodev" ; ha;berdashers, merchants with mixed merchandise in the "Jednorba" and "Buducnoof"; shoemrukers in the "V'zoro!buv," lbut s1hoesihops with three employees were not affected. The latter, however, were not allowed to make new shoes, lbut only to repair old ones; their shops had to carry the sign "iidrzbar." It was thus that all manufacturing plants and selling outlets in 1Sl01Vakia were oollectiivized. Later, larger cooperati<ves fbecame so-.called "national" enterprises; \but national entffil)rises are also State enter.prises, !because the profits belong to the Strute exclusicvely, that is, to the Communists. Former "priV1ate" enterprises were given a neiw name; original trade names, carrying the names of ipri-vate entrepreneurs and owners, had to go. Now, for example, we read ,t he names of "na;tional" enterprises, such as, "Teohnokov, Masin.a, Ob111Va, Popper, Mlieicne speciaJlity," etc. Ln a word all ,business is under State control. When the Communists :niationa:li'Zed or collectivized entenprises, they allowed the former prwate OIWillera to run them for the State as "managers." But they had one of their tried men in eiveiry business place, whose duty it was to learn all the triciks of the trade. In time the original owner-mam.ager lbecame unnecessary and W&S transferred to some other enter,prise ·a s a lruborer. His understudy, classed as "aJbsolutely reliable," took 01Ver the jdb of managing the business. In many in.stances, ,private owners opposed collecticvization. In such cases the Oomm'U.Ilists simply too:k amay �46 SLOVAKIA their business permits, or closed their shops as economically unnecessary. So a person practically had to join the Red cooperatives if he wanted to live and have a roof over his head. Most of the small operators ha<l their shops in their ho.mes and could easily be dispossessed in the "public interest" - meaning of course in the interest otf the Communist Party. In Slovakia the Communists did not collectivize all prilvate enterprises at one time. At first the Reds would call the owner to attend a trade meeting of this or that national oomimittee and try to conivince him how he would benefit by joining a cooperative. :tf he could not be convinced, they would tell him that they would have to review his trade permit and ascertain whether his shop was necessary to f wfill the economic plan. Miter the lboss, the Reds would tackle ,his employees to convince them that they are not very bright if they ,let ,prirvate owners, the bourgeois, to exploit them. Why should the wo'I1kers help the owners to wax richer at their expense, the Reds would easily say, when they can work in cooperative shops and get better pay? In many cases that is how the Communists operated in their own !benefit. IDm.iplo.yees quit their old employers to wonk in the cooperatives, where they actually receirved better pay. When the Reds had all producing enterprises nationalized aJnd collectirvired, they later introduced socalled rproductitve norms, which had to be met, if the workers were to, reiceirve the pay they were getting. These norms could never be met, so the workers actually got less pay than they did f,r,om prirvate owners. This, according to the Communists, is not exploitation of the wonkers, but a co111scientioU1S and patriotic building~up of socialism. Getting control of agricultural production caused the greates~ concern to, the Communists, !because all people therefore eiven those who lirve in the communistic "paradise" - have to eat. 'Ilhe Communists knew that a ,s carcity of food would not helip them COIIlSOlidate their power in the State; they also !knew that a hungry perso:n could not work and slave for them effectively. So tliey begMl to col- �SLOVAKIA 47 lectiv1ze aigricultural units, the fazms. That is how the socalled "Uniform A,gricultuiral Cooperatives" (Jednotne rofrofnicke druzstva - JRD) originated in :SlovaJdia. 1Slovaik farmers refused to jOlin the cooiperaUves (,kolchozes) and openly resisted the Communists. They told them ,b luntly that they did not want kolchozes like those in the USISR, !because they were not prosiperous agric'l.lltural mstitutions. Official pro;pagato,rs orf the [Red Party, however, exip1ained thaJt .t hey weire not concerned about kolcho:zes, but aJbout co~ra:Uve farming, which must meet Slwalk conditions and demands which are different than those existing in the USSR and, therefore, they said, the Slovalk farm cooperatives do not have and will not have anything in cOllllmO!n with the Soiviet kolchozes. It so h:aJppened that many Slovruk faTIIners let themselves be deceived by the Red lullaJbies of the Communist agitators and joined the cooperatiives. Soon after, they learned to thek .sorr,ow that the cooperatives were nothing else but Soiviet !kol'chozes, which depri,v ed the formers of 99 per cent of their property. No· longer were they masters of their own household, but slaves of t'he Communist Party. Of course, the Ooimmunists would haJVe forced their plans OIJ1 the Slovalk farmers even though all of them would have refused to join the ikolchoizes; they prolbaibly would harve kno clked tJhem afif one 1b y one, ivilla1ge by village, .b ecause they were the l31W, they were in po,weir. Natuirrully, the Slo1w1Jk farmers, true to their Christian democvatic tradition, struck !baic'.k, even though it meaJI1t persec:ultion, prison, or eiven deportation. They figured the Reds co'l.lld not :kill, imprison o;r depO!rt all oif them without starving themselves out. Just how the Slo;valk farmer felt about ,t he situation soon made itselif felt in the whole of Sloivakia: the faruners under the new system were producing much }ess than they did before the adrvent of the kolchozes. The Red lbos:ses cursed and threatened the farmers , but to no :wail ; a lbad year was followed by a worse year. Wor.kers everyiW'here complained loudly. After years of stubborn Slovak resistance, the Reds decided to change their tactics to improve the agricultur.a:l. �48 SLOVAKIA situ3ition in Slovaikia. and increase the amount of meat, flowr, vegetable.s, eitc. m 1003 they suddenly began to ,proclaim that no one wa;s swpposed. to be forced into the oooperativesi and anyone who wished to quit them could do so and begin to farm priivately on his OIWil ,p roperty. President Zapotooky himself annou:nred the new, surpristing course of the Communists in a speech in which he hypocritically condemned all iviolence and terro~tion of the farmers, saying that they were "violations olf a local character" for which the guilty parties shall bear the responsibility. This complete turnalbout -Of ,policy may hruve surprised many innocents, ,b ut it rwas really nothing new in Communist tactics and str.ategy. It was not the first time or the last .that they reversed their policies. '!'hey did it before and shall conrtinue to do it ·a s long as it serves their interests, the interests of ,t he Communist Party and the interests of the UISSIR. Those who do not understand Communist methods and their constant goals might see in this tarna:bout of the Oommunists, their weakne.ss. This, howe;ver, would be a fundamental error, which would aNenge itself in a brutal manner. We must remember that the very same thing haJppened even in the "exemplary" Soviet Union more than once. After the Communists seii-zed the government in Russia, even during the lifetime of Lenin, the Communists began to collecti~ on a grand scale, brutally persecuting every one who opposed them. After a time they found themselves in an economic crisis; the peaSlant fairmers quit ,p roducing the necessary quotas of farm products. It did not truke Len!in long to figure ·h is way out of the impending crisis. He proclaimed a "new economic pol,ircy" (Novaja NEP), which returned the Ekonomiceskaja Politika they might work them prithat o s , farms to the farmers vately. Five years later, however, Lenin ordered the dissolution orf NIDP in the UiSSiR and a general collectiviization of all farms. isovhozes and lk:olclwzes ,w ere ag,a in formed. Sovhiozes are state aigricultural properties in which pri¥ate ownership is completely exc1uded, while kolcll01Zes al1 �SLOVAKIA 49 low about 1 per cent ownership in a farm project, as mentioned a:oove in reference to JRD. After a complete turnaJbout af policy in Sl01Vrukia, in 1953, mruny farmers welcomed the chance to quit the JiRD and begin farming pri'Vately. Many see in this move, a wealkness of the Communists and are thus guilty Olf a serious er.ror, 1because the same thing is hO'Ulld to hruppen in Slovakia that haJppened in the lJISIS'R and wherever the Reds are in pOIWer: general collecti,vi,z ation is bound to come. It is unfortunate that so many people still do not understand how Communism woI"ks, the tactics 1:Jhe Communists use to attain their ends. In Slovakia, all the farmers who quit the 'kolchooes are m'3.11ked men. As soon as the economic situation improives and a surplus of farm products is lblri.lt up in Slo.vrukia, the farmers will be compelled to join the kolchooes and Sovhozes. Those who refuse to join will be lalbe-led "enemies" of the !State and dealt with accordingly . • • • SLOVAK FOLKLORE TI-IE MAN WHO NEVER SINNED In a certain village there once lived a poor but upright and devout man. Althoogh as gray as a pigeon, he had never, not even once, c<mmritted sin. He never hurt any one by word o:r deed, nor did he ever offend a siingle person in any way. This, Oif course, irritated the devil in hell, who said, scratching behind his ears : '"I1his is certainly exasperating with this man. Other persons, no matter how upright, render me a service at least once during their lifetime. This fellow, however, Slhall die today oir tomorro.w and as yet has not done my ibidding even Oll1Ce. But just wait, mister, I'll show you uip yet!" Not knowing of the trap the devil was setting for him, the poor man lirved ;peacefully in his shack, praying to God daily, never offending any one, CO'Veting not another's possessions, and conducting himself in an things according to God's commandments. � SLOVAKIA 44 U. S. Information Agency (Voice of America), the Free Europe Committee (Radio Free Europe) and other American institutions still try to salvage them? Why insist that such 0 political dupes" ( ?) represent the political will of the Slovak nation? They never did and never shall! • RECOMMENDED $3.00; SWVAK FOR (the set); "Hirdbak's "S'IJOVAK LffiSSONS" • • BOOKS: "The Slovaks" (Jwrchak BEGINNERS" (Books I-III) $1.50 Eniglish-,Sl{)IVa;k Dictionary" $4.00; (iHrolbak) $3.50 . • • • NATIONALIZATION OF PRIVATE PROPERTY IN SLOVAKIA Andrej Gemersky When Edward Benes signed the governmental decree in 1945 to nationalize '.key (heavy) indrustry, the Communists in Slovakia and the Czech lands became the masters of the economic situation. By signing that decree Benes sealed the fate not only of heaJVy industry, Wihich thereto was owned for the most part rb y share-holders' associations, 1b ut also the industry which was owned by indirviduals. Benes's decree nationali0ed all industrial enterprises which employed: more than 50 persons. For the time bemg, therefore, enterprises with u:p to 50 emptoyees were not affeded by the decree. Bwt only for a short time. The Co1mmunists are rk nown for their consistent stand on a!bolishing all rprivaJte ownership. They ibelieve in the prinrciple that man s'hould not exiploit man, that man must not be ex!ploited 'by the bourgeois, the capitalists, who. according to the Communists are represented by private OIWltlers withO'llt regard to the iltind and ~tent of prirvate ownership. The Communists, therefore, once they were in key positliooo in SlovaJki1a , sought to nationalilze every private enter.prise, large and small. I had said that enterprises with up to 50 employees were not nationalized at the outset (1945). These the �SLOVAKIA 45 Communists first ibegan to combine into larger productiive units, into so-called maniwfacturing and selling combines or cooperatives; they !began to co1lectilvi1ze production or manufacture. They said that collectiivization was a neces-sary an:d inevitruble degree of socialistic, progressiive undertaiking and, therefore, W'ihoeiver opposed co'.hlectiivization was not priogressive but reactionary, an enemy af socialism which spelled the "good and welfare" of the ,people. Such a person, of course, was an enemy of the State and, hence, coulq ,be ,punished accoroing to existing laws. TailoTs were o,r.garuzed in the cooperatiive called "Vw~ rodev" ; ha;berdashers, merchants with mixed merchandise in the "Jednorba" and "Buducnoof"; shoemrukers in the "V'zoro!buv," lbut s1hoesihops with three employees were not affected. The latter, however, were not allowed to make new shoes, lbut only to repair old ones; their shops had to carry the sign "iidrzbar." It was thus that all manufacturing plants and selling outlets in 1Sl01Vakia were oollectiivized. Later, larger cooperati<ves fbecame so-.called "national" enterprises; \but national entffil)rises are also State enter.prises, !because the profits belong to the Strute exclusicvely, that is, to the Communists. Former "priV1ate" enterprises were given a neiw name; original trade names, carrying the names of ipri-vate entrepreneurs and owners, had to go. Now, for example, we read ,t he names of "na;tional" enterprises, such as, "Teohnokov, Masin.a, Ob111Va, Popper, Mlieicne speciaJlity," etc. Ln a word all ,business is under State control. When the Communists :niationa:li'Zed or collectivized entenprises, they allowed the former prwate OIWillera to run them for the State as "managers." But they had one of their tried men in eiveiry business place, whose duty it was to learn all the triciks of the trade. In time the original owner-mam.ager lbecame unnecessary and W&S transferred to some other enter,prise ·a s a lruborer. His understudy, classed as "aJbsolutely reliable," took 01Ver the jdb of managing the business. In many in.stances, ,private owners opposed collecticvization. In such cases the Oomm'U.Ilists simply too:k amay �46 SLOVAKIA their business permits, or closed their shops as economically unnecessary. So a person practically had to join the Red cooperatives if he wanted to live and have a roof over his head. Most of the small operators ha<l their shops in their ho.mes and could easily be dispossessed in the "public interest" - meaning of course in the interest otf the Communist Party. In Slovakia the Communists did not collectivize all prilvate enterprises at one time. At first the Reds would call the owner to attend a trade meeting of this or that national oomimittee and try to conivince him how he would benefit by joining a cooperative. :tf he could not be convinced, they would tell him that they would have to review his trade permit and ascertain whether his shop was necessary to f wfill the economic plan. Miter the lboss, the Reds would tackle ,his employees to convince them that they are not very bright if they ,let ,prirvate owners, the bourgeois, to exploit them. Why should the wo'I1kers help the owners to wax richer at their expense, the Reds would easily say, when they can work in cooperative shops and get better pay? In many cases that is how the Communists operated in their own !benefit. IDm.iplo.yees quit their old employers to wonk in the cooperatives, where they actually receirved better pay. When the Reds had all producing enterprises nationalized aJnd collectirvired, they later introduced socalled rproductitve norms, which had to be met, if the workers were to, reiceirve the pay they were getting. These norms could never be met, so the workers actually got less pay than they did f,r,om prirvate owners. This, according to the Communists, is not exploitation of the wonkers, but a co111scientioU1S and patriotic building~up of socialism. Getting control of agricultural production caused the greates~ concern to, the Communists, !because all people therefore eiven those who lirve in the communistic "paradise" - have to eat. 'Ilhe Communists knew that a ,s carcity of food would not helip them COIIlSOlidate their power in the State; they also !knew that a hungry perso:n could not work and slave for them effectively. So tliey begMl to col- �SLOVAKIA 47 lectiv1ze aigricultural units, the fazms. That is how the socalled "Uniform A,gricultuiral Cooperatives" (Jednotne rofrofnicke druzstva - JRD) originated in :SlovaJdia. 1Slovaik farmers refused to jOlin the cooiperaUves (,kolchozes) and openly resisted the Communists. They told them ,b luntly that they did not want kolchozes like those in the USISR, !because they were not prosiperous agric'l.lltural mstitutions. Official pro;pagato,rs orf the [Red Party, however, exip1ained thaJt .t hey weire not concerned about kolcho:zes, but aJbout co~ra:Uve farming, which must meet Slwalk conditions and demands which are different than those existing in the USSR and, therefore, they said, the Slovalk farm cooperatives do not have and will not have anything in cOllllmO!n with the Soiviet kolchozes. It so h:aJppened that many Slovruk faTIIners let themselves be deceived by the Red lullaJbies of the Communist agitators and joined the cooperatiives. Soon after, they learned to thek .sorr,ow that the cooperatives were nothing else but Soiviet !kol'chozes, which depri,v ed the formers of 99 per cent of their property. No· longer were they masters of their own household, but slaves of t'he Communist Party. Of course, the Ooimmunists would haJVe forced their plans OIJ1 the Slovalk farmers even though all of them would have refused to join the ikolchoizes; they prolbaibly would harve kno clked tJhem afif one 1b y one, ivilla1ge by village, .b ecause they were the l31W, they were in po,weir. Natuirrully, the Slo1w1Jk farmers, true to their Christian democvatic tradition, struck !baic'.k, even though it meaJI1t persec:ultion, prison, or eiven deportation. They figured the Reds co'l.lld not :kill, imprison o;r depO!rt all oif them without starving themselves out. Just how the Slo;valk farmer felt about ,t he situation soon made itselif felt in the whole of Sloivakia: the faruners under the new system were producing much }ess than they did before the adrvent of the kolchozes. The Red lbos:ses cursed and threatened the farmers , but to no :wail ; a lbad year was followed by a worse year. Wor.kers everyiW'here complained loudly. After years of stubborn Slovak resistance, the Reds decided to change their tactics to improve the agricultur.a:l. �48 SLOVAKIA situ3ition in Slovaikia. and increase the amount of meat, flowr, vegetable.s, eitc. m 1003 they suddenly began to ,proclaim that no one wa;s swpposed. to be forced into the oooperativesi and anyone who wished to quit them could do so and begin to farm priivately on his OIWil ,p roperty. President Zapotooky himself annou:nred the new, surpristing course of the Communists in a speech in which he hypocritically condemned all iviolence and terro~tion of the farmers, saying that they were "violations olf a local character" for which the guilty parties shall bear the responsibility. This complete turnalbout -Of ,policy may hruve surprised many innocents, ,b ut it rwas really nothing new in Communist tactics and str.ategy. It was not the first time or the last .that they reversed their policies. '!'hey did it before and shall conrtinue to do it ·a s long as it serves their interests, the interests of ,t he Communist Party and the interests of the UISSIR. Those who do not understand Communist methods and their constant goals might see in this tarna:bout of the Oommunists, their weakne.ss. This, howe;ver, would be a fundamental error, which would aNenge itself in a brutal manner. We must remember that the very same thing haJppened even in the "exemplary" Soviet Union more than once. After the Communists seii-zed the government in Russia, even during the lifetime of Lenin, the Communists began to collecti~ on a grand scale, brutally persecuting every one who opposed them. After a time they found themselves in an economic crisis; the peaSlant fairmers quit ,p roducing the necessary quotas of farm products. It did not truke Len!in long to figure ·h is way out of the impending crisis. He proclaimed a "new economic pol,ircy" (Novaja NEP), which returned the Ekonomiceskaja Politika they might work them prithat o s , farms to the farmers vately. Five years later, however, Lenin ordered the dissolution orf NIDP in the UiSSiR and a general collectiviization of all farms. isovhozes and lk:olclwzes ,w ere ag,a in formed. Sovhiozes are state aigricultural properties in which pri¥ate ownership is completely exc1uded, while kolcll01Zes al1 �SLOVAKIA 49 low about 1 per cent ownership in a farm project, as mentioned a:oove in reference to JRD. After a complete turnaJbout af policy in Sl01Vrukia, in 1953, mruny farmers welcomed the chance to quit the JiRD and begin farming pri'Vately. Many see in this move, a wealkness of the Communists and are thus guilty Olf a serious er.ror, 1because the same thing is hO'Ulld to hruppen in Slovakia that haJppened in the lJISIS'R and wherever the Reds are in pOIWer: general collecti,vi,z ation is bound to come. It is unfortunate that so many people still do not understand how Communism woI"ks, the tactics 1:Jhe Communists use to attain their ends. In Slovakia, all the farmers who quit the 'kolchooes are m'3.11ked men. As soon as the economic situation improives and a surplus of farm products is lblri.lt up in Slo.vrukia, the farmers will be compelled to join the kolchooes and Sovhozes. Those who refuse to join will be lalbe-led "enemies" of the !State and dealt with accordingly . • • • SLOVAK FOLKLORE TI-IE MAN WHO NEVER SINNED In a certain village there once lived a poor but upright and devout man. Althoogh as gray as a pigeon, he had never, not even once, c<mmritted sin. He never hurt any one by word o:r deed, nor did he ever offend a siingle person in any way. This, Oif course, irritated the devil in hell, who said, scratching behind his ears : '"I1his is certainly exasperating with this man. Other persons, no matter how upright, render me a service at least once during their lifetime. This fellow, however, Slhall die today oir tomorro.w and as yet has not done my ibidding even Oll1Ce. But just wait, mister, I'll show you uip yet!" Not knowing of the trap the devil was setting for him, the poor man lirved ;peacefully in his shack, praying to God daily, never offending any one, CO'Veting not another's possessions, and conducting himself in an things according to God's commandments. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 44 U. S. Information Agency (Voice of America), the Free Europe Committee (Radio Free Europe) and other American institutions still try to salvage them? Why insist that such 0 political dupes" ( ?) represent the political will of the Slovak nation? They never did and never shall! • RECOMMENDED $3.00; SWVAK FOR (the set); "Hirdbak's "S'IJOVAK LffiSSONS" • • BOOKS: "The Slovaks" (Jwrchak BEGINNERS" (Books I-III) $1.50 Eniglish-,Sl{)IVa;k Dictionary" $4.00; (iHrolbak) $3.50 . • • • NATIONALIZATION OF PRIVATE PROPERTY IN SLOVAKIA Andrej Gemersky When Edward Benes signed the governmental decree in 1945 to nationalize '.key (heavy) indrustry, the Communists in Slovakia and the Czech lands became the masters of the economic situation. By signing that decree Benes sealed the fate not only of heaJVy industry, Wihich thereto was owned for the most part rb y share-holders' associations, 1b ut also the industry which was owned by indirviduals. Benes's decree nationali0ed all industrial enterprises which employed: more than 50 persons. For the time bemg, therefore, enterprises with u:p to 50 emptoyees were not affeded by the decree. Bwt only for a short time. The Co1mmunists are rk nown for their consistent stand on a!bolishing all rprivaJte ownership. They ibelieve in the prinrciple that man s'hould not exiploit man, that man must not be ex!ploited 'by the bourgeois, the capitalists, who. according to the Communists are represented by private OIWltlers withO'llt regard to the iltind and ~tent of prirvate ownership. The Communists, therefore, once they were in key positliooo in SlovaJki1a , sought to nationalilze every private enter.prise, large and small. I had said that enterprises with up to 50 employees were not nationalized at the outset (1945). These the SLOVAKIA 45 Communists first ibegan to combine into larger productiive units, into so-called maniwfacturing and selling combines or cooperatives; they !began to co1lectilvi1ze production or manufacture. They said that collectiivization was a neces-sary an:d inevitruble degree of socialistic, progressiive undertaiking and, therefore, W'ihoeiver opposed co'.hlectiivization was not priogressive but reactionary, an enemy af socialism which spelled the "good and welfare" of the ,people. Such a person, of course, was an enemy of the State and, hence, coulq ,be ,punished accoroing to existing laws. TailoTs were o,r.garuzed in the cooperatiive called "Vw~ rodev" ; ha;berdashers, merchants with mixed merchandise in the "Jednorba" and "Buducnoof"; shoemrukers in the "V'zoro!buv," lbut s1hoesihops with three employees were not affected. The latter, however, were not allowed to make new shoes, lbut only to repair old ones; their shops had to carry the sign "iidrzbar." It was thus that all manufacturing plants and selling outlets in 1Sl01Vakia were oollectiivized. Later, larger cooperati<ves fbecame so-.called "national" enterprises; \but national entffil)rises are also State enter.prises, !because the profits belong to the Strute exclusicvely, that is, to the Communists. Former "priV1ate" enterprises were given a neiw name; original trade names, carrying the names of ipri-vate entrepreneurs and owners, had to go. Now, for example, we read ,t he names of "na;tional" enterprises, such as, "Teohnokov, Masin.a, Ob111Va, Popper, Mlieicne speciaJlity," etc. Ln a word all ,business is under State control. When the Communists :niationa:li'Zed or collectivized entenprises, they allowed the former prwate OIWillera to run them for the State as "managers." But they had one of their tried men in eiveiry business place, whose duty it was to learn all the triciks of the trade. In time the original owner-mam.ager lbecame unnecessary and W&S transferred to some other enter,prise ·a s a lruborer. His understudy, classed as "aJbsolutely reliable," took 01Ver the jdb of managing the business. In many in.stances, ,private owners opposed collecticvization. In such cases the Oomm'U.Ilists simply too:k amay 46 SLOVAKIA their business permits, or closed their shops as economically unnecessary. So a person practically had to join the Red cooperatives if he wanted to live and have a roof over his head. Most of the small operators ha<l their shops in their ho.mes and could easily be dispossessed in the "public interest" - meaning of course in the interest otf the Communist Party. In Slovakia the Communists did not collectivize all prilvate enterprises at one time. At first the Reds would call the owner to attend a trade meeting of this or that national oomimittee and try to conivince him how he would benefit by joining a cooperative. :tf he could not be convinced, they would tell him that they would have to review his trade permit and ascertain whether his shop was necessary to f wfill the economic plan. Miter the lboss, the Reds would tackle ,his employees to convince them that they are not very bright if they ,let ,prirvate owners, the bourgeois, to exploit them. Why should the wo'I1kers help the owners to wax richer at their expense, the Reds would easily say, when they can work in cooperative shops and get better pay? In many cases that is how the Communists operated in their own !benefit. IDm.iplo.yees quit their old employers to wonk in the cooperatives, where they actually receirved better pay. When the Reds had all producing enterprises nationalized aJnd collectirvired, they later introduced socalled rproductitve norms, which had to be met, if the workers were to, reiceirve the pay they were getting. These norms could never be met, so the workers actually got less pay than they did f,r,om prirvate owners. This, according to the Communists, is not exploitation of the wonkers, but a co111scientioU1S and patriotic building~up of socialism. Getting control of agricultural production caused the greates~ concern to, the Communists, !because all people therefore eiven those who lirve in the communistic "paradise" - have to eat. 'Ilhe Communists knew that a ,s carcity of food would not helip them COIIlSOlidate their power in the State; they also !knew that a hungry perso:n could not work and slave for them effectively. So tliey begMl to col- SLOVAKIA 47 lectiv1ze aigricultural units, the fazms. That is how the socalled "Uniform A,gricultuiral Cooperatives" (Jednotne rofrofnicke druzstva - JRD) originated in :SlovaJdia. 1Slovaik farmers refused to jOlin the cooiperaUves (,kolchozes) and openly resisted the Communists. They told them ,b luntly that they did not want kolchozes like those in the USISR, !because they were not prosiperous agric'l.lltural mstitutions. Official pro;pagato,rs orf the [Red Party, however, exip1ained thaJt .t hey weire not concerned about kolcho:zes, but aJbout co~ra:Uve farming, which must meet Slwalk conditions and demands which are different than those existing in the USSR and, therefore, they said, the Slovalk farm cooperatives do not have and will not have anything in cOllllmO!n with the Soiviet kolchozes. It so h:aJppened that many Slovruk faTIIners let themselves be deceived by the Red lullaJbies of the Communist agitators and joined the cooperatiives. Soon after, they learned to thek .sorr,ow that the cooperatives were nothing else but Soiviet !kol'chozes, which depri,v ed the formers of 99 per cent of their property. No· longer were they masters of their own household, but slaves of t'he Communist Party. Of course, the Ooimmunists would haJVe forced their plans OIJ1 the Slovalk farmers even though all of them would have refused to join the ikolchoizes; they prolbaibly would harve kno clked tJhem afif one 1b y one, ivilla1ge by village, .b ecause they were the l31W, they were in po,weir. Natuirrully, the Slo1w1Jk farmers, true to their Christian democvatic tradition, struck !baic'.k, even though it meaJI1t persec:ultion, prison, or eiven deportation. They figured the Reds co'l.lld not :kill, imprison o;r depO!rt all oif them without starving themselves out. Just how the Slo;valk farmer felt about ,t he situation soon made itselif felt in the whole of Sloivakia: the faruners under the new system were producing much }ess than they did before the adrvent of the kolchozes. The Red lbos:ses cursed and threatened the farmers , but to no :wail ; a lbad year was followed by a worse year. Wor.kers everyiW'here complained loudly. After years of stubborn Slovak resistance, the Reds decided to change their tactics to improve the agricultur.a:l. 48 SLOVAKIA situ3ition in Slovaikia. and increase the amount of meat, flowr, vegetable.s, eitc. m 1003 they suddenly began to ,proclaim that no one wa;s swpposed. to be forced into the oooperativesi and anyone who wished to quit them could do so and begin to farm priivately on his OIWil ,p roperty. President Zapotooky himself annou:nred the new, surpristing course of the Communists in a speech in which he hypocritically condemned all iviolence and terro~tion of the farmers, saying that they were "violations olf a local character" for which the guilty parties shall bear the responsibility. This complete turnalbout -Of ,policy may hruve surprised many innocents, ,b ut it rwas really nothing new in Communist tactics and str.ategy. It was not the first time or the last .that they reversed their policies. '!'hey did it before and shall conrtinue to do it ·a s long as it serves their interests, the interests of ,t he Communist Party and the interests of the UISSIR. Those who do not understand Communist methods and their constant goals might see in this tarna:bout of the Oommunists, their weakne.ss. This, howe;ver, would be a fundamental error, which would aNenge itself in a brutal manner. We must remember that the very same thing haJppened even in the "exemplary" Soviet Union more than once. After the Communists seii-zed the government in Russia, even during the lifetime of Lenin, the Communists began to collecti~ on a grand scale, brutally persecuting every one who opposed them. After a time they found themselves in an economic crisis; the peaSlant fairmers quit ,p roducing the necessary quotas of farm products. It did not truke Len!in long to figure ·h is way out of the impending crisis. He proclaimed a "new economic pol,ircy" (Novaja NEP), which returned the Ekonomiceskaja Politika they might work them prithat o s , farms to the farmers vately. Five years later, however, Lenin ordered the dissolution orf NIDP in the UiSSiR and a general collectiviization of all farms. isovhozes and lk:olclwzes ,w ere ag,a in formed. Sovhiozes are state aigricultural properties in which pri¥ate ownership is completely exc1uded, while kolcll01Zes al1 SLOVAKIA 49 low about 1 per cent ownership in a farm project, as mentioned a:oove in reference to JRD. After a complete turnaJbout af policy in Sl01Vrukia, in 1953, mruny farmers welcomed the chance to quit the JiRD and begin farming pri'Vately. Many see in this move, a wealkness of the Communists and are thus guilty Olf a serious er.ror, 1because the same thing is hO'Ulld to hruppen in Slovakia that haJppened in the lJISIS'R and wherever the Reds are in pOIWer: general collecti,vi,z ation is bound to come. It is unfortunate that so many people still do not understand how Communism woI"ks, the tactics 1:Jhe Communists use to attain their ends. In Slovakia, all the farmers who quit the 'kolchooes are m'3.11ked men. As soon as the economic situation improives and a surplus of farm products is lblri.lt up in Slo.vrukia, the farmers will be compelled to join the kolchooes and Sovhozes. Those who refuse to join will be lalbe-led "enemies" of the !State and dealt with accordingly . • • • SLOVAK FOLKLORE TI-IE MAN WHO NEVER SINNED In a certain village there once lived a poor but upright and devout man. Althoogh as gray as a pigeon, he had never, not even once, c<mmritted sin. He never hurt any one by word o:r deed, nor did he ever offend a siingle person in any way. This, Oif course, irritated the devil in hell, who said, scratching behind his ears : '"I1his is certainly exasperating with this man. Other persons, no matter how upright, render me a service at least once during their lifetime. This fellow, however, Slhall die today oir tomorro.w and as yet has not done my ibidding even Oll1Ce. But just wait, mister, I'll show you uip yet!" Not knowing of the trap the devil was setting for him, the poor man lirved ;peacefully in his shack, praying to God daily, never offending any one, CO'Veting not another's possessions, and conducting himself in an things according to God's commandments.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Nationalization of Private Property in Slovakia Description An account of the resource Andrej Gemerský Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 3-4 (12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954 pp. 44-49 Note from frontmatter: "Andrew Gemerský is the pseudonym of a Slovak who escaped from Slovakia just several months ago, ..." Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Gemerský, Andrej Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Sept.-Dec. 1954 name pseudonym https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/3a416b849dc5c304286bb7127e026b60.pdf aabc41157f5922ee35512537dc87450e PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 49 low about 1 per cent ownership in a farm project, as mentioned a:oove in reference to JRD. After a complete turnaJbout af policy in Sl01Vrukia, in 1953, mruny farmers welcomed the chance to quit the JiRD and begin farming pri'Vately. Many see in this move, a wealkness of the Communists and are thus guilty Olf a serious er.ror, 1because the same thing is hO'Ulld to hruppen in Slovakia that haJppened in the lJISIS'R and wherever the Reds are in pOIWer: general collecti,vi,z ation is bound to come. It is unfortunate that so many people still do not understand how Communism woI"ks, the tactics 1:Jhe Communists use to attain their ends. In Slovakia, all the farmers who quit the 'kolchooes are m'3.11ked men. As soon as the economic situation improives and a surplus of farm products is lblri.lt up in Slo.vrukia, the farmers will be compelled to join the kolchooes and Sovhozes. Those who refuse to join will be lalbe-led "enemies" of the !State and dealt with accordingly . • • • SLOVAK FOLKLORE TI-IE MAN WHO NEVER SINNED In a certain village there once lived a poor but upright and devout man. Althoogh as gray as a pigeon, he had never, not even once, c<mmritted sin. He never hurt any one by word o:r deed, nor did he ever offend a siingle person in any way. This, Oif course, irritated the devil in hell, who said, scratching behind his ears : '"I1his is certainly exasperating with this man. Other persons, no matter how upright, render me a service at least once during their lifetime. This fellow, however, Slhall die today oir tomorro.w and as yet has not done my ibidding even Oll1Ce. But just wait, mister, I'll show you uip yet!" Not knowing of the trap the devil was setting for him, the poor man lirved ;peacefully in his shack, praying to God daily, never offending any one, CO'Veting not another's possessions, and conducting himself in an things according to God's commandments. �50 SLOVAKIA Suddenly, without a warning - would that he had stayed in the bottomless pit of hell! - the devil gallops into the poor man's room just as God had made him: he had teeth Hke pikes, legs like a horse, horns on his head, and even a tail behind. Without ado, he began: "Well, no dowbt albout it, you know who I am, do you not? I ha.ve ibeen trailing you since you were /born, but never once could I catch you committing sin. Now, you choose what it is you ,w ant to do: either you shall kill a man, or blaspheme God, or you shall get drunk. Whether you want to or not, Oille oif these three sins you must commit. Tomorroiw I shall come ag,ain to, hear what your decision is." As he finished spooking, the devil flew up the chimney. And what did the upright man do? Indeed, :he was not very frig\hte:ned, because he ikneiw that whosoever is Wiith God, with him God also is. Nevertheless, he spent the whole day thinlking albout what he should do. He could not ma!ke a decision. The enti.re God:-giiven day he read devout b.ooks and th.en prayed, sighing: "lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil." But what hruppened? The next morning the devil again came down the chimney and, facmg the poor man, said: "Well, have you thought over what I had said to you?" "Aye, I have, indeed I have. If you are a devil, go to hell, w,here the Lord Chiriist has p1'aced you and let upright ,p eople live in peace. I sha;ll not sin just to please you!" "But," retorted the deivil, ":I s,ay to you aigain that you cannot avoid this, !b ecause there is not, nor shall there be, a man in this world who shall not sin at least once during his lifetime. ltf you continue to defy me, I swear that you shall commit all three sins. Now, think it over again; I shall come again t01IDorow." With this the devil vanished up the chimney again. The poor mam. remained alooe fbehind a table with his head restinrg in t'he paJlms of his hands. He was thinking the matter over. The more he ra!ked his brains a.bout it, the more he was conviil!cing himself that the devil did say something. �51 SLOVAKIA "Indeed," he reasoned, "the devil was right. All of us axe sinners. Surely, the Lord Christ would nort ha,ve died in vain even for me - and I have not as yet sinned even once. Aye, the devil could be right. Well, I shall not pull fingers with him. But to kill a man? Thart would be a grave sin, indeed. Never in my Hfe haJVe I hurt any one, not even the smallest child, nor hruve I layed even my small finger on any one - and now I should kill some one? That I shall never do! But to iblaspheme the Lord, God, that, too, would ibe a gra,ve .sin. From my youth I have been careful not to say an evil word to any one and now, in my old age, I iaim supposed to iblasrpheme God? Even that is ourt! Get drunk? Hmm, that would perhaps lbe the smallest sin; with it I would harm no one. I shall get drUil!k, come home and sloop it off - and the matter shall lbe ended; the devil will not bother me any more." Hlaiving thought QIVer the matter in this manner, the uprigiht man rose from the talble as he uttered the last words to himself and wended his way to. a tavern. There he dranlk and drank until he could drink no more His feet quite unsteady, the poor but foolish man made his way home. Once in the house, tholl!gh it never had been his cmstom to create a scene, he now raved and ranted. Unfortunately his grandchild began to cry; un-• hesitatingly he t:Jhwm.ped it heavily QIVer the head, so that the child became silent for all eternity. Then he let loose a torrent of cur:ses and bJasrphemies that shoOlk the h(}IUSe. He cursed the devil, all the saints, a,nd blasrpemed God Himself. lBehold, the fruit of drunkeness ! 1f the poor man had avoided intoxication, he could have died a holy man. He did not want to commit murder o,r blaspheme God, but ooce under the influence of liquor he did both. And so it was that a righteous man tb ecame a scoundrel, thief and murderer. It is most difficult, they say, to get intoxicated the first time, but ever so easy after that first time. And the blacik, evil one in hell was overjoyed and is still rejoicing to the present time that his invention of whiskey was not in vain! - (Tra,nslated 1by Andrew Bachleda.) 1 � SLOVAKIA 49 low about 1 per cent ownership in a farm project, as mentioned a:oove in reference to JRD. After a complete turnaJbout af policy in Sl01Vrukia, in 1953, mruny farmers welcomed the chance to quit the JiRD and begin farming pri'Vately. Many see in this move, a wealkness of the Communists and are thus guilty Olf a serious er.ror, 1because the same thing is hO'Ulld to hruppen in Slovakia that haJppened in the lJISIS'R and wherever the Reds are in pOIWer: general collecti,vi,z ation is bound to come. It is unfortunate that so many people still do not understand how Communism woI"ks, the tactics 1:Jhe Communists use to attain their ends. In Slovakia, all the farmers who quit the 'kolchooes are m'3.11ked men. As soon as the economic situation improives and a surplus of farm products is lblri.lt up in Slo.vrukia, the farmers will be compelled to join the kolchooes and Sovhozes. Those who refuse to join will be lalbe-led "enemies" of the !State and dealt with accordingly . • • • SLOVAK FOLKLORE TI-IE MAN WHO NEVER SINNED In a certain village there once lived a poor but upright and devout man. Althoogh as gray as a pigeon, he had never, not even once, c<mmritted sin. He never hurt any one by word o:r deed, nor did he ever offend a siingle person in any way. This, Oif course, irritated the devil in hell, who said, scratching behind his ears : '"I1his is certainly exasperating with this man. Other persons, no matter how upright, render me a service at least once during their lifetime. This fellow, however, Slhall die today oir tomorro.w and as yet has not done my ibidding even Oll1Ce. But just wait, mister, I'll show you uip yet!" Not knowing of the trap the devil was setting for him, the poor man lirved ;peacefully in his shack, praying to God daily, never offending any one, CO'Veting not another's possessions, and conducting himself in an things according to God's commandments. �50 SLOVAKIA Suddenly, without a warning - would that he had stayed in the bottomless pit of hell! - the devil gallops into the poor man's room just as God had made him: he had teeth Hke pikes, legs like a horse, horns on his head, and even a tail behind. Without ado, he began: "Well, no dowbt albout it, you know who I am, do you not? I ha.ve ibeen trailing you since you were /born, but never once could I catch you committing sin. Now, you choose what it is you ,w ant to do: either you shall kill a man, or blaspheme God, or you shall get drunk. Whether you want to or not, Oille oif these three sins you must commit. Tomorroiw I shall come ag,ain to, hear what your decision is." As he finished spooking, the devil flew up the chimney. And what did the upright man do? Indeed, :he was not very frig\hte:ned, because he ikneiw that whosoever is Wiith God, with him God also is. Nevertheless, he spent the whole day thinlking albout what he should do. He could not ma!ke a decision. The enti.re God:-giiven day he read devout b.ooks and th.en prayed, sighing: "lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil." But what hruppened? The next morning the devil again came down the chimney and, facmg the poor man, said: "Well, have you thought over what I had said to you?" "Aye, I have, indeed I have. If you are a devil, go to hell, w,here the Lord Chiriist has p1'aced you and let upright ,p eople live in peace. I sha;ll not sin just to please you!" "But," retorted the deivil, ":I s,ay to you aigain that you cannot avoid this, !b ecause there is not, nor shall there be, a man in this world who shall not sin at least once during his lifetime. ltf you continue to defy me, I swear that you shall commit all three sins. Now, think it over again; I shall come again t01IDorow." With this the devil vanished up the chimney again. The poor mam. remained alooe fbehind a table with his head restinrg in t'he paJlms of his hands. He was thinking the matter over. The more he ra!ked his brains a.bout it, the more he was conviil!cing himself that the devil did say something. �51 SLOVAKIA "Indeed," he reasoned, "the devil was right. All of us axe sinners. Surely, the Lord Christ would nort ha,ve died in vain even for me - and I have not as yet sinned even once. Aye, the devil could be right. Well, I shall not pull fingers with him. But to kill a man? Thart would be a grave sin, indeed. Never in my Hfe haJVe I hurt any one, not even the smallest child, nor hruve I layed even my small finger on any one - and now I should kill some one? That I shall never do! But to iblaspheme the Lord, God, that, too, would ibe a gra,ve .sin. From my youth I have been careful not to say an evil word to any one and now, in my old age, I iaim supposed to iblasrpheme God? Even that is ourt! Get drunk? Hmm, that would perhaps lbe the smallest sin; with it I would harm no one. I shall get drUil!k, come home and sloop it off - and the matter shall lbe ended; the devil will not bother me any more." Hlaiving thought QIVer the matter in this manner, the uprigiht man rose from the talble as he uttered the last words to himself and wended his way to. a tavern. There he dranlk and drank until he could drink no more His feet quite unsteady, the poor but foolish man made his way home. Once in the house, tholl!gh it never had been his cmstom to create a scene, he now raved and ranted. Unfortunately his grandchild began to cry; un-• hesitatingly he t:Jhwm.ped it heavily QIVer the head, so that the child became silent for all eternity. Then he let loose a torrent of cur:ses and bJasrphemies that shoOlk the h(}IUSe. He cursed the devil, all the saints, a,nd blasrpemed God Himself. lBehold, the fruit of drunkeness ! 1f the poor man had avoided intoxication, he could have died a holy man. He did not want to commit murder o,r blaspheme God, but ooce under the influence of liquor he did both. And so it was that a righteous man tb ecame a scoundrel, thief and murderer. It is most difficult, they say, to get intoxicated the first time, but ever so easy after that first time. And the blacik, evil one in hell was overjoyed and is still rejoicing to the present time that his invention of whiskey was not in vain! - (Tra,nslated 1by Andrew Bachleda.) 1 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 49 low about 1 per cent ownership in a farm project, as mentioned a:oove in reference to JRD. After a complete turnaJbout af policy in Sl01Vrukia, in 1953, mruny farmers welcomed the chance to quit the JiRD and begin farming pri'Vately. Many see in this move, a wealkness of the Communists and are thus guilty Olf a serious er.ror, 1because the same thing is hO'Ulld to hruppen in Slovakia that haJppened in the lJISIS'R and wherever the Reds are in pOIWer: general collecti,vi,z ation is bound to come. It is unfortunate that so many people still do not understand how Communism woI"ks, the tactics 1:Jhe Communists use to attain their ends. In Slovakia, all the farmers who quit the 'kolchooes are m'3.11ked men. As soon as the economic situation improives and a surplus of farm products is lblri.lt up in Slo.vrukia, the farmers will be compelled to join the kolchooes and Sovhozes. Those who refuse to join will be lalbe-led "enemies" of the !State and dealt with accordingly . • • • SLOVAK FOLKLORE TI-IE MAN WHO NEVER SINNED In a certain village there once lived a poor but upright and devout man. Althoogh as gray as a pigeon, he had never, not even once, c<mmritted sin. He never hurt any one by word o:r deed, nor did he ever offend a siingle person in any way. This, Oif course, irritated the devil in hell, who said, scratching behind his ears : '"I1his is certainly exasperating with this man. Other persons, no matter how upright, render me a service at least once during their lifetime. This fellow, however, Slhall die today oir tomorro.w and as yet has not done my ibidding even Oll1Ce. But just wait, mister, I'll show you uip yet!" Not knowing of the trap the devil was setting for him, the poor man lirved ;peacefully in his shack, praying to God daily, never offending any one, CO'Veting not another's possessions, and conducting himself in an things according to God's commandments. 50 SLOVAKIA Suddenly, without a warning - would that he had stayed in the bottomless pit of hell! - the devil gallops into the poor man's room just as God had made him: he had teeth Hke pikes, legs like a horse, horns on his head, and even a tail behind. Without ado, he began: "Well, no dowbt albout it, you know who I am, do you not? I ha.ve ibeen trailing you since you were /born, but never once could I catch you committing sin. Now, you choose what it is you ,w ant to do: either you shall kill a man, or blaspheme God, or you shall get drunk. Whether you want to or not, Oille oif these three sins you must commit. Tomorroiw I shall come ag,ain to, hear what your decision is." As he finished spooking, the devil flew up the chimney. And what did the upright man do? Indeed, :he was not very frig\hte:ned, because he ikneiw that whosoever is Wiith God, with him God also is. Nevertheless, he spent the whole day thinlking albout what he should do. He could not ma!ke a decision. The enti.re God:-giiven day he read devout b.ooks and th.en prayed, sighing: "lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil." But what hruppened? The next morning the devil again came down the chimney and, facmg the poor man, said: "Well, have you thought over what I had said to you?" "Aye, I have, indeed I have. If you are a devil, go to hell, w,here the Lord Chiriist has p1'aced you and let upright ,p eople live in peace. I sha;ll not sin just to please you!" "But," retorted the deivil, ":I s,ay to you aigain that you cannot avoid this, !b ecause there is not, nor shall there be, a man in this world who shall not sin at least once during his lifetime. ltf you continue to defy me, I swear that you shall commit all three sins. Now, think it over again; I shall come again t01IDorow." With this the devil vanished up the chimney again. The poor mam. remained alooe fbehind a table with his head restinrg in t'he paJlms of his hands. He was thinking the matter over. The more he ra!ked his brains a.bout it, the more he was conviil!cing himself that the devil did say something. 51 SLOVAKIA "Indeed," he reasoned, "the devil was right. All of us axe sinners. Surely, the Lord Christ would nort ha,ve died in vain even for me - and I have not as yet sinned even once. Aye, the devil could be right. Well, I shall not pull fingers with him. But to kill a man? Thart would be a grave sin, indeed. Never in my Hfe haJVe I hurt any one, not even the smallest child, nor hruve I layed even my small finger on any one - and now I should kill some one? That I shall never do! But to iblaspheme the Lord, God, that, too, would ibe a gra,ve .sin. From my youth I have been careful not to say an evil word to any one and now, in my old age, I iaim supposed to iblasrpheme God? Even that is ourt! Get drunk? Hmm, that would perhaps lbe the smallest sin; with it I would harm no one. I shall get drUil!k, come home and sloop it off - and the matter shall lbe ended; the devil will not bother me any more." Hlaiving thought QIVer the matter in this manner, the uprigiht man rose from the talble as he uttered the last words to himself and wended his way to. a tavern. There he dranlk and drank until he could drink no more His feet quite unsteady, the poor but foolish man made his way home. Once in the house, tholl!gh it never had been his cmstom to create a scene, he now raved and ranted. Unfortunately his grandchild began to cry; un-• hesitatingly he t:Jhwm.ped it heavily QIVer the head, so that the child became silent for all eternity. Then he let loose a torrent of cur:ses and bJasrphemies that shoOlk the h(}IUSe. He cursed the devil, all the saints, a,nd blasrpemed God Himself. lBehold, the fruit of drunkeness ! 1f the poor man had avoided intoxication, he could have died a holy man. He did not want to commit murder o,r blaspheme God, but ooce under the influence of liquor he did both. And so it was that a righteous man tb ecame a scoundrel, thief and murderer. It is most difficult, they say, to get intoxicated the first time, but ever so easy after that first time. And the blacik, evil one in hell was overjoyed and is still rejoicing to the present time that his invention of whiskey was not in vain! - (Tra,nslated 1by Andrew Bachleda.) 1  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak Folklore: The Man Who Never Sinned Description An account of the resource Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 3-4 (12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954 pp. 49-51 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Sept.-Dec. 1954 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/cff79980f19d781e4cb2beea87219d55.pdf 418c4090d55ecc02637603f5431bf84c PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 52 EASTERN SLOVAK.IA INHABITED FOR CENTURIES BY GREAT SLOVAK MAJORITY Michael S. Macuga HistoricaJlly, Western Uikrainia, extending to the Eastern Canpa;tJhians, haJS no vaiid claim to the Slovaik lands which border on Ruthenia, or Carpathian Russia, the westernmost extension of the Russian racial element. In 1930 the national census of the repU!blic of Crecho~lovakia showed that in eastern Slovakia the counties, of Spis, Saris, Zemplin and Albauj had a population of 408,129 Slovaiks and 81,960 Rusins or Ruthenians (also known as Car,pathoRussians and Little Russians). Despite these significant figures there is a 1propaganda moivement, both here and aJbroad, wibich is designed to inco:nporate these SlolV'aik counties with their predominant Slov ak popuilations in the Soiviert Republic of Ukrainia on the pretext thait they belong to Riuthenia. There is nothing to sulbsta.ntiate this wild claim. Of course, the men of the Kremlin are more than willing to force not only the eastern part but the whole of Slovakia under their dominion, history and statistics no•lJWiithstand!ing. According to the 1930 national census the facts of the case of Eastern SlovaJkia against Ruthenia are confirmed without a doUJbt in S1orvalkia's favor. The figures tell us the nU!IDlber o;f 1SlovaJks and RuitheniaillS living in the various cities and towns. City~Town Bard!io;y HU!Inenne Gelniica Giraltovce Koomarok Levoca !Julbovna Medzilruborce Michailovce P.oprad SlOIViaks Ruthe:nli!ans 21,841 19,551 17,189 15,125 15,43Q 22,1\36 12,742 2,860 41,72,2 19,961 13,216 948 110 736 655 1,008 6,228 14,944 374 99 �53 SLOVAKIA 56,086 30,599 11,388 Snina 22,760 Solhrance 9,335 Stropkw 38,853 Trebisov 29,066 Spisska Nova Ves 7,145 Spissika Stara Ve.s VranOIV (nad To:pl'ou) 24,·594 Pre.sov .Srubinov 1 937 6,797 19,891 1,8!10 16,891 216 1,396 1,192 512 So much for statistics. Furtlhermore, no valid historical arguments exist to bacik Russian views in this matter. Polish philologists tried frequently to estaJblish the Polish origins of Eastern Slovrukian dialects but lin vain. Zd. Stieber of Cracow tried to build up a case for Poland there, as did Samo Ozamlbel, the Slovak linguist. But other philologists, such as the eminent Dutchman, Van Wijk, the Magya.T scholar, Kniesza, the Ozech linguists·, Pastrnek, TralVnii.cek, Smilauer and the .SlON•aJk scholar, Stanislav, rproved satisfaotorily that the Eastern dialects of Slovrukia have a SlOIVaJk origin and fo1mdation. M. Malecki, however, a Polish Slovanic scholar, tried to estaJblish Polish origins in the northern Trenicin area. The Ukrainian sruvants see, on the other hand, onliy Ruithenian and Ulrnamian origins of the dialects in the easiteril regions of Slowklia. These theories of the late nineteenth century rupply not only to Thstern Slovakia, 'but also to the areas near Backa and Sriem where many Greek-Catholi c Slovruks settled. They, too, speak an e<8JS!tern SiovaJk dialect. Vladimir lfuafjuk's views, namely, that the dfalects of eastetn Sl01Vakia were Ukrainian, were dlisproived by Siovaik and Czooh philologists, as well a:s by the Russian 1Slav scholar, Sobolevsiky, and the Norwegian Slavist, Olaf Broch, who knew that part olf the country as weH as Ruthenia. Hnafjwk conslidered even such fundamental Slovak words as biv~ (\byvaf), mae (miae), ocec (otec) dzen (day), hodzina {hodina), pajdzesat (paedesiaf), etc., as Ukrainian! Ewery eastern SlO!Vak uses such language with its peouliar locai flavor, or color. Lt is part of his natirve vocalbulary which is distinctly ~ovak, not Uikirainian. When attention was called �54 SLOVAKIA to this discrepancy, Rn:afju'k revised his analysis and chose the White Russi.am. language as his starting point in which dz is sulbstituted for d' ·a nd c for f, respectively, in conitrast to the Greater RU!SSii. an 1anguruge. But according to his conterntion the western SlovaJk versions, e.g., dzedzina and dzeci, etc., wmtld hruve to ibe explained in the same way. Obviously, such conclusions are fall.se. 1 Professor Fr,anrtisek Pastrnek, the renowned Czech phllologist from Prague, proved in his book Rusini Jazyka Slovenskeho ('Peitrograd, 1907) that these Eastern Slovak dialects were reall,y Slovak in origin and form, not Ruthenian or UJrna:iru·a n as Hnat'juk tried to dem:onstrate.. Jin 1935, Dr. Fr. Tichy, an authority on Slav languages, pointed out (Nas Ziivot, 1935, p. 133) that the la'Illguage of the Ru.sins in Bruoka and Sriem was actually Slovak, although a grammarian, Dr. G. Kostelnik, (his very name is Slov•a k, since the Russian word for church from which it is deri'Ved is cerkev, not kostol, as in SlOWlJk) termed it Russian. Olbse.I"Ve his w,riting: "Ked' se sceme nauoic dobre pisac, abo ked' sceme dobre naucic insi jazyk, ta spredz musime nauci.c hramatiku tej besedy, chtoru najlepse zname. A taka beseda tota, cos chton'i se od dzecinstva posluhujeme - macertiiska beseda." There is ha.roly an,y need orf philologica[ learning to deterun:ine that thiis ,s ample is not Russian at aJl, bu.rt Cilear type of an eastern SlovaJldan dialect. Question Solved Ages Ago Apparently, t'his problem was ironed out many years ago to the satisfaction of intel!ligent Slovanic scholars everywhere. Nevertheless, there are aJLways some who resurrect old errors based on prejudice and ftalse prem~. And it is unfortunate that such linguists get a hearing every time. Genuine scholars, howeiver, trealt their spurioUJS views wiith utter contempt. For politicians of a certain class in Eastern S1ovrukia these incontrovertilble conclusions, based on historical 0vidence and philological research, have no ivalue because they do not oonbri.bute to their selfish interests. But true politicrul policies must ultimate[y be detemiined and sUip- �SLOVAKIA 55 ported by incontestilble scientific data and geinuine historical facts. We are wefil aware of the fact th,a;t in the high forest areas of eastern SlovaJkiia Riuthenian (Rusin) settlements are foll!lld, ,b ut we also know that they are small and few in numlber and that their inhrubi;tanits migrated there recently. We are informed that their Ruthenian stam.d is too often political rather than. national or historical. At a.my rate the pred'OIIllinant popu[aJtiOIIl of Eastern Slovakia is SloV'alk. It is qU!i.te difficult, however, to establish a definite national boundary in the easteI1Illillost !Part of Slov.aJkia, because the Ruthenian and Ukrainiia.n elements harve blended with the Sllovak dialects there, and they haJVe all become closely allied after a period of time. Hence, we have heard U.krruinian,s remark, when they hear the eastern Slovak di·a lect spoken, t118Jt it is quite like their tonigue. And the Slo:vaJks there say the same when they hear the Ukrainian spoken on the !borderline of their country. Dialoots in that area of conflict a:re like lin!ks in a chain which is raised to white heat; ,t he lJinlk.s, fuse and unite, so that no politician, or philologist, can determine precisely where the Ru'thenirun begins and the Slo;vaJk ends, jUJSt as no saivant can estaJb11sh aoowrately the line of differentiation between the French and the Irtalian on their borders, and the German in contrast to the Dutch, or Danish, because these languages unite imperceptibly on their nationrul !boundaries. It is no secret therefore, that there exist some vill:ages alongside many Sllavalk towns in eastern Slovalkia, /but there are also Slovruk towns in Car,patho-Russia, e .g., in Marmaros County. ShouiJ.d we Slovaiks demand that the eastern boundary of their country be pushed as far eastward as Marnnaros COOlllty simply because a few Slovak settlements are foll!lld in the interior of Ruthenia? 'Historica:l evidence ·cOIIltradicts the views and suJbsequent actions of those political leaden; who desire to push the western !boundary of Carpa'tho-1Russian ~nsion to Poprad in SlolV'aiklia. A few Ruthenian colonists ruppeared in eastern Slovalcia in the thirteenth century. The Ruthenians; however, did not come there irn any consideraible numbers until �56 SJ,OVAKIA the si~teenth, seventeenth aJI1d eighteenth centuries. A Russian historian, Andrej Petrov, proved this in his bo()k "Drevnesilja Gr-amoty po Istorii Karpatslroj Rusi" (in the chapter: 0 Nacale Karp. Rusi, plllblrished by the Slavonic Institute, f>mgue, 1930) . Geographical Map - the Best Proof It is unnecessary to study the history of coloniization in Carpath04Rus sia and eastern Slovakia •i n order to show who were the original inha'b,itants there. The fact that the Ruthenian villa:ges are scattered. here ood there in the higher plateaus and forest areas shows them to be of later origin, because the earlier settlers, the Slovaks, already lived on the plains and in the fertile vialleys when the Ruthenians canne. Hence, the latter, as newcomers, had to move on; they went into the hills rund mountains and becaime foresters and sheepherders. Thus, thooe who wish to move the Car-patho-Rus sian bounx1ary-iline westward as far as Poprad do a grruve injustice to Slovrukia; they ignore ages..,old traditions, cultural, social and poliiti.tca;l fiaJOtors. By doing vii.ruence to. history these men are initiating forces which will inevitaJbly bring serious disorders in 1:lhe future. Eastern Slovruks, from St:rlba to Uzhorod, speak a distinct SlOViaJkian dialect whiich iis ahln. to the dialect of the western Slovaks. 'I"hey call -t heir langua;ge, Slovaik, and tha;t is not onil.y an important philological fact, but a sociologicail and political phenomenon that cannot be explained away by those who wish to expand at Slovakia's e~pense. Eastern Slovrukia has always been within the sphere of infiueI11Ce of Slmnalk oultUTe. Consequently, when Czech was adopted for a time 1by some Slo,v-aJks as a literary language, it was introduced into that part of the country, too. And when, finally, the Slovaiks agreed on a centrail SlovaJk literary medium, it became the language of literature of the land. Moreover, Slovak pulblications canne from E:osice as early as the seventeenth aJlld eighteenth centuries, for it was the center of Slovalk culture at that time. The Jesuirts maintained a Slovak press ast their college in Kosice. �SLOVAKIA 57 Art Confirms the Slovak Stand The historiy of art in Sl01Vakia shows the uniforniity of Slov1rl{ culture throughout the country from the earliest beginnings. The difference between Slovak and Ruthenian art is not merely superficial. SloviaJk art sihai,ply tontra:sts with Rutheniian art in origin amd fonm, and the former is a part of western ol.l!lture, while the latter definitely bel01I1gs to the East. This is manifest in the study of creative art. In Kosice and P.resov the churches a.re not Rluthenian or eastern in design, lbut definitely 'belong to the West. Who would dare to cut off that land which has been influenced by a traditional cwlture for a thousand years and p}aice it iruto another cu.!ltural sphere by foree? How tragic and confusing would such an act of fully be for Slova;kia. Strongly imlbedded traditions and customs are such powerrf.1.l!l and vital forces that any attempt to efface them OT diroot them into di.lfferent channels would meet with disaster and add to the comusion already developed lby Mosoow. : .V{tal issues are lbeling consibantrry confused 'by a misuse of terminology siuic:h as, Greek-Catholic 'bemg taken as synonymous with Ruthenian (Rusin). But it .pU12JZles only the people who ha,ve . little knowiedge of the sociologicM, ling,u1sti'C, cm tural and historical elements and the conditions whlch determine true concepts of nationhood. It is we11 known that the Greek-CathoJics in Vernar and Telgart, for example, do not know the Rusin language. The term "Nationa;I Magyar-Ca.1vin Church" has no meaning •b ecause there are Slovaik and Czech Calvinists. AU Ser1bs are not Orthodox; some are Roman Catholics - a fact which few people seem to know. Showl.d the German nation, which is mostly Protestant in its religion, lay claim to our lands because some of our citizenJS profess to be Protestants? Slovanic-!Byrziantine .(Greek-Catholic) lritur.gy is not a specific means of national identity for the Rusins, becaiuse many Slovaks profess the Greek-Cathoiic rite. Anyone who is at least somewhat informed on the subject of the history of church liturgy knows that even non-Slovanic nations arlopted the anoient liturgy of their ~ovanic neighibors. To use liturgy as the basis of political orientation is not in �58 SLOVAKIA keeping with the s3;cred spirit of religion. The Slovaks, therefore, regret to see the Slovanic.Byzantine Rite being employed for political puriposes, ·b ecause they have a warm regard for the Rruthenian nation which has so nobly preserved the ancient ldturgy of the Slovak Apostles, St. Cyril and St. Methodius, who introduced this sacred rite to meet the needs of the Slawic nations. The Slwaims are not prejudiced 3;gaimst the Rusin nation which has lived in dose cont8!ct and harmony with the Slovaks for centuries. They wish them success in their social and national endeavors, but will not willingly submit to pressure from any political regime. The Slovaks realize thai this pressure does not have the S8;llction of true Ruthenians, and, therefore, they shall not lose faith in them, fw- they are their brothers. A third party, however, is endearvoring to spJ.it up the SlolV'8llic nations. The Slov8!ks and Ruthenians wiU do weH to remain calm and resolute and avoid useless arguments and misunderstandings. They can and must work together in peace and brotherhood for their common good a.g ainst theio:- common enemy. T}le abQIVe analysis of a crucia;l p11dblem should be sufficiently clear fro'In the facts presented; and it ought to discourage any further attempts to Rusin-ilze the Slovaks of eastern Slovakia. The Slovaks contributed ricltly to Rusin culture, and here, in America, many eminent Ruthenian leaders were Slovaks who did not try to denationalize them. Eastern Slovakia did not and does not belong to Ruthenia historicany. It belongs to the Slovak na,tion, as does the rest of the territory of Slovakia which has been occupied by the SlovaJks for at least the past 1'500 years. • • • WHO SAID IT? "THE SLOVAK NATION, one of the oldest Christian nations of central Europe, is a dis-tinct ethnic unit. Just as the Czechs are and want to remain Czechs, just so the Slovaks are and want to remain Slovaks. The history, culture and national traditions of the Slovak nation are Jistinct from the history, culture and national traditions of the Czechs. The Slovaks never were, nor are they no,~. a part o! the Czech nation. Slovaks here and abroad resent being called 'Cze• choslovaks'." - (P. A. Hrobak, Detroit, Mich., 11-18-51) � SLOVAKIA 52 EASTERN SLOVAK.IA INHABITED FOR CENTURIES BY GREAT SLOVAK MAJORITY Michael S. Macuga HistoricaJlly, Western Uikrainia, extending to the Eastern Canpa;tJhians, haJS no vaiid claim to the Slovaik lands which border on Ruthenia, or Carpathian Russia, the westernmost extension of the Russian racial element. In 1930 the national census of the repU!blic of Crecho~lovakia showed that in eastern Slovakia the counties, of Spis, Saris, Zemplin and Albauj had a population of 408,129 Slovaiks and 81,960 Rusins or Ruthenians (also known as Car,pathoRussians and Little Russians). Despite these significant figures there is a 1propaganda moivement, both here and aJbroad, wibich is designed to inco:nporate these SlolV'aik counties with their predominant Slov ak popuilations in the Soiviert Republic of Ukrainia on the pretext thait they belong to Riuthenia. There is nothing to sulbsta.ntiate this wild claim. Of course, the men of the Kremlin are more than willing to force not only the eastern part but the whole of Slovakia under their dominion, history and statistics no•lJWiithstand!ing. According to the 1930 national census the facts of the case of Eastern SlovaJkia against Ruthenia are confirmed without a doUJbt in S1orvalkia's favor. The figures tell us the nU!IDlber o;f 1SlovaJks and RuitheniaillS living in the various cities and towns. City~Town Bard!io;y HU!Inenne Gelniica Giraltovce Koomarok Levoca !Julbovna Medzilruborce Michailovce P.oprad SlOIViaks Ruthe:nli!ans 21,841 19,551 17,189 15,125 15,43Q 22,1\36 12,742 2,860 41,72,2 19,961 13,216 948 110 736 655 1,008 6,228 14,944 374 99 �53 SLOVAKIA 56,086 30,599 11,388 Snina 22,760 Solhrance 9,335 Stropkw 38,853 Trebisov 29,066 Spisska Nova Ves 7,145 Spissika Stara Ve.s VranOIV (nad To:pl'ou) 24,·594 Pre.sov .Srubinov 1 937 6,797 19,891 1,8!10 16,891 216 1,396 1,192 512 So much for statistics. Furtlhermore, no valid historical arguments exist to bacik Russian views in this matter. Polish philologists tried frequently to estaJblish the Polish origins of Eastern Slovrukian dialects but lin vain. Zd. Stieber of Cracow tried to build up a case for Poland there, as did Samo Ozamlbel, the Slovak linguist. But other philologists, such as the eminent Dutchman, Van Wijk, the Magya.T scholar, Kniesza, the Ozech linguists·, Pastrnek, TralVnii.cek, Smilauer and the .SlON•aJk scholar, Stanislav, rproved satisfaotorily that the Eastern dialects of Slovrukia have a SlOIVaJk origin and fo1mdation. M. Malecki, however, a Polish Slovanic scholar, tried to estaJblish Polish origins in the northern Trenicin area. The Ukrainian sruvants see, on the other hand, onliy Ruithenian and Ulrnamian origins of the dialects in the easiteril regions of Slowklia. These theories of the late nineteenth century rupply not only to Thstern Slovakia, 'but also to the areas near Backa and Sriem where many Greek-Catholi c Slovruks settled. They, too, speak an e<8JS!tern SiovaJk dialect. Vladimir lfuafjuk's views, namely, that the dfalects of eastetn Sl01Vakia were Ukrainian, were dlisproived by Siovaik and Czooh philologists, as well a:s by the Russian 1Slav scholar, Sobolevsiky, and the Norwegian Slavist, Olaf Broch, who knew that part olf the country as weH as Ruthenia. Hnafjwk conslidered even such fundamental Slovak words as biv~ (\byvaf), mae (miae), ocec (otec) dzen (day), hodzina {hodina), pajdzesat (paedesiaf), etc., as Ukrainian! Ewery eastern SlO!Vak uses such language with its peouliar locai flavor, or color. Lt is part of his natirve vocalbulary which is distinctly ~ovak, not Uikirainian. When attention was called �54 SLOVAKIA to this discrepancy, Rn:afju'k revised his analysis and chose the White Russi.am. language as his starting point in which dz is sulbstituted for d' ·a nd c for f, respectively, in conitrast to the Greater RU!SSii. an 1anguruge. But according to his conterntion the western SlovaJk versions, e.g., dzedzina and dzeci, etc., wmtld hruve to ibe explained in the same way. Obviously, such conclusions are fall.se. 1 Professor Fr,anrtisek Pastrnek, the renowned Czech phllologist from Prague, proved in his book Rusini Jazyka Slovenskeho ('Peitrograd, 1907) that these Eastern Slovak dialects were reall,y Slovak in origin and form, not Ruthenian or UJrna:iru·a n as Hnat'juk tried to dem:onstrate.. Jin 1935, Dr. Fr. Tichy, an authority on Slav languages, pointed out (Nas Ziivot, 1935, p. 133) that the la'Illguage of the Ru.sins in Bruoka and Sriem was actually Slovak, although a grammarian, Dr. G. Kostelnik, (his very name is Slov•a k, since the Russian word for church from which it is deri'Ved is cerkev, not kostol, as in SlOWlJk) termed it Russian. Olbse.I"Ve his w,riting: "Ked' se sceme nauoic dobre pisac, abo ked' sceme dobre naucic insi jazyk, ta spredz musime nauci.c hramatiku tej besedy, chtoru najlepse zname. A taka beseda tota, cos chton'i se od dzecinstva posluhujeme - macertiiska beseda." There is ha.roly an,y need orf philologica[ learning to deterun:ine that thiis ,s ample is not Russian at aJl, bu.rt Cilear type of an eastern SlovaJldan dialect. Question Solved Ages Ago Apparently, t'his problem was ironed out many years ago to the satisfaction of intel!ligent Slovanic scholars everywhere. Nevertheless, there are aJLways some who resurrect old errors based on prejudice and ftalse prem~. And it is unfortunate that such linguists get a hearing every time. Genuine scholars, howeiver, trealt their spurioUJS views wiith utter contempt. For politicians of a certain class in Eastern S1ovrukia these incontrovertilble conclusions, based on historical 0vidence and philological research, have no ivalue because they do not oonbri.bute to their selfish interests. But true politicrul policies must ultimate[y be detemiined and sUip- �SLOVAKIA 55 ported by incontestilble scientific data and geinuine historical facts. We are wefil aware of the fact th,a;t in the high forest areas of eastern SlovaJkiia Riuthenian (Rusin) settlements are foll!lld, ,b ut we also know that they are small and few in numlber and that their inhrubi;tanits migrated there recently. We are informed that their Ruthenian stam.d is too often political rather than. national or historical. At a.my rate the pred'OIIllinant popu[aJtiOIIl of Eastern Slovakia is SloV'alk. It is qU!i.te difficult, however, to establish a definite national boundary in the easteI1Illillost !Part of Slov.aJkia, because the Ruthenian and Ukrainiia.n elements harve blended with the Sllovak dialects there, and they haJVe all become closely allied after a period of time. Hence, we have heard U.krruinian,s remark, when they hear the eastern Slovak di·a lect spoken, t118Jt it is quite like their tonigue. And the Slo:vaJks there say the same when they hear the Ukrainian spoken on the !borderline of their country. Dialoots in that area of conflict a:re like lin!ks in a chain which is raised to white heat; ,t he lJinlk.s, fuse and unite, so that no politician, or philologist, can determine precisely where the Ru'thenirun begins and the Slo;vaJk ends, jUJSt as no saivant can estaJb11sh aoowrately the line of differentiation between the French and the Irtalian on their borders, and the German in contrast to the Dutch, or Danish, because these languages unite imperceptibly on their nationrul !boundaries. It is no secret therefore, that there exist some vill:ages alongside many Sllavalk towns in eastern Slovalkia, /but there are also Slovruk towns in Car,patho-Russia, e .g., in Marmaros County. ShouiJ.d we Slovaiks demand that the eastern boundary of their country be pushed as far eastward as Marnnaros COOlllty simply because a few Slovak settlements are foll!lld in the interior of Ruthenia? 'Historica:l evidence ·cOIIltradicts the views and suJbsequent actions of those political leaden; who desire to push the western !boundary of Carpa'tho-1Russian ~nsion to Poprad in SlolV'aiklia. A few Ruthenian colonists ruppeared in eastern Slovalcia in the thirteenth century. The Ruthenians; however, did not come there irn any consideraible numbers until �56 SJ,OVAKIA the si~teenth, seventeenth aJI1d eighteenth centuries. A Russian historian, Andrej Petrov, proved this in his bo()k "Drevnesilja Gr-amoty po Istorii Karpatslroj Rusi" (in the chapter: 0 Nacale Karp. Rusi, plllblrished by the Slavonic Institute, f>mgue, 1930) . Geographical Map - the Best Proof It is unnecessary to study the history of coloniization in Carpath04Rus sia and eastern Slovakia •i n order to show who were the original inha'b,itants there. The fact that the Ruthenian villa:ges are scattered. here ood there in the higher plateaus and forest areas shows them to be of later origin, because the earlier settlers, the Slovaks, already lived on the plains and in the fertile vialleys when the Ruthenians canne. Hence, the latter, as newcomers, had to move on; they went into the hills rund mountains and becaime foresters and sheepherders. Thus, thooe who wish to move the Car-patho-Rus sian bounx1ary-iline westward as far as Poprad do a grruve injustice to Slovrukia; they ignore ages..,old traditions, cultural, social and poliiti.tca;l fiaJOtors. By doing vii.ruence to. history these men are initiating forces which will inevitaJbly bring serious disorders in 1:lhe future. Eastern Slovruks, from St:rlba to Uzhorod, speak a distinct SlOViaJkian dialect whiich iis ahln. to the dialect of the western Slovaks. 'I"hey call -t heir langua;ge, Slovaik, and tha;t is not onil.y an important philological fact, but a sociologicail and political phenomenon that cannot be explained away by those who wish to expand at Slovakia's e~pense. Eastern Slovrukia has always been within the sphere of infiueI11Ce of Slmnalk oultUTe. Consequently, when Czech was adopted for a time 1by some Slo,v-aJks as a literary language, it was introduced into that part of the country, too. And when, finally, the Slovaiks agreed on a centrail SlovaJk literary medium, it became the language of literature of the land. Moreover, Slovak pulblications canne from E:osice as early as the seventeenth aJlld eighteenth centuries, for it was the center of Slovalk culture at that time. The Jesuirts maintained a Slovak press ast their college in Kosice. �SLOVAKIA 57 Art Confirms the Slovak Stand The historiy of art in Sl01Vakia shows the uniforniity of Slov1rl{ culture throughout the country from the earliest beginnings. The difference between Slovak and Ruthenian art is not merely superficial. SloviaJk art sihai,ply tontra:sts with Rutheniian art in origin amd fonm, and the former is a part of western ol.l!lture, while the latter definitely bel01I1gs to the East. This is manifest in the study of creative art. In Kosice and P.resov the churches a.re not Rluthenian or eastern in design, lbut definitely 'belong to the West. Who would dare to cut off that land which has been influenced by a traditional cwlture for a thousand years and p}aice it iruto another cu.!ltural sphere by foree? How tragic and confusing would such an act of fully be for Slova;kia. Strongly imlbedded traditions and customs are such powerrf.1.l!l and vital forces that any attempt to efface them OT diroot them into di.lfferent channels would meet with disaster and add to the comusion already developed lby Mosoow. : .V{tal issues are lbeling consibantrry confused 'by a misuse of terminology siuic:h as, Greek-Catholic 'bemg taken as synonymous with Ruthenian (Rusin). But it .pU12JZles only the people who ha,ve . little knowiedge of the sociologicM, ling,u1sti'C, cm tural and historical elements and the conditions whlch determine true concepts of nationhood. It is we11 known that the Greek-CathoJics in Vernar and Telgart, for example, do not know the Rusin language. The term "Nationa;I Magyar-Ca.1vin Church" has no meaning •b ecause there are Slovaik and Czech Calvinists. AU Ser1bs are not Orthodox; some are Roman Catholics - a fact which few people seem to know. Showl.d the German nation, which is mostly Protestant in its religion, lay claim to our lands because some of our citizenJS profess to be Protestants? Slovanic-!Byrziantine .(Greek-Catholic) lritur.gy is not a specific means of national identity for the Rusins, becaiuse many Slovaks profess the Greek-Cathoiic rite. Anyone who is at least somewhat informed on the subject of the history of church liturgy knows that even non-Slovanic nations arlopted the anoient liturgy of their ~ovanic neighibors. To use liturgy as the basis of political orientation is not in �58 SLOVAKIA keeping with the s3;cred spirit of religion. The Slovaks, therefore, regret to see the Slovanic.Byzantine Rite being employed for political puriposes, ·b ecause they have a warm regard for the Rruthenian nation which has so nobly preserved the ancient ldturgy of the Slovak Apostles, St. Cyril and St. Methodius, who introduced this sacred rite to meet the needs of the Slawic nations. The Slwaims are not prejudiced 3;gaimst the Rusin nation which has lived in dose cont8!ct and harmony with the Slovaks for centuries. They wish them success in their social and national endeavors, but will not willingly submit to pressure from any political regime. The Slovaks realize thai this pressure does not have the S8;llction of true Ruthenians, and, therefore, they shall not lose faith in them, fw- they are their brothers. A third party, however, is endearvoring to spJ.it up the SlolV'8llic nations. The Slov8!ks and Ruthenians wiU do weH to remain calm and resolute and avoid useless arguments and misunderstandings. They can and must work together in peace and brotherhood for their common good a.g ainst theio:- common enemy. T}le abQIVe analysis of a crucia;l p11dblem should be sufficiently clear fro'In the facts presented; and it ought to discourage any further attempts to Rusin-ilze the Slovaks of eastern Slovakia. The Slovaks contributed ricltly to Rusin culture, and here, in America, many eminent Ruthenian leaders were Slovaks who did not try to denationalize them. Eastern Slovakia did not and does not belong to Ruthenia historicany. It belongs to the Slovak na,tion, as does the rest of the territory of Slovakia which has been occupied by the SlovaJks for at least the past 1'500 years. • • • WHO SAID IT? "THE SLOVAK NATION, one of the oldest Christian nations of central Europe, is a dis-tinct ethnic unit. Just as the Czechs are and want to remain Czechs, just so the Slovaks are and want to remain Slovaks. The history, culture and national traditions of the Slovak nation are Jistinct from the history, culture and national traditions of the Czechs. The Slovaks never were, nor are they no,~. a part o! the Czech nation. Slovaks here and abroad resent being called 'Cze• choslovaks'." - (P. A. Hrobak, Detroit, Mich., 11-18-51) � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 52 EASTERN SLOVAK.IA INHABITED FOR CENTURIES BY GREAT SLOVAK MAJORITY Michael S. Macuga HistoricaJlly, Western Uikrainia, extending to the Eastern Canpa;tJhians, haJS no vaiid claim to the Slovaik lands which border on Ruthenia, or Carpathian Russia, the westernmost extension of the Russian racial element. In 1930 the national census of the repU!blic of Crecho~lovakia showed that in eastern Slovakia the counties, of Spis, Saris, Zemplin and Albauj had a population of 408,129 Slovaiks and 81,960 Rusins or Ruthenians (also known as Car,pathoRussians and Little Russians). Despite these significant figures there is a 1propaganda moivement, both here and aJbroad, wibich is designed to inco:nporate these SlolV'aik counties with their predominant Slov ak popuilations in the Soiviert Republic of Ukrainia on the pretext thait they belong to Riuthenia. There is nothing to sulbsta.ntiate this wild claim. Of course, the men of the Kremlin are more than willing to force not only the eastern part but the whole of Slovakia under their dominion, history and statistics no•lJWiithstand!ing. According to the 1930 national census the facts of the case of Eastern SlovaJkia against Ruthenia are confirmed without a doUJbt in S1orvalkia's favor. The figures tell us the nU!IDlber o;f 1SlovaJks and RuitheniaillS living in the various cities and towns. City~Town Bard!io;y HU!Inenne Gelniica Giraltovce Koomarok Levoca !Julbovna Medzilruborce Michailovce P.oprad SlOIViaks Ruthe:nli!ans 21,841 19,551 17,189 15,125 15,43Q 22,1\36 12,742 2,860 41,72,2 19,961 13,216 948 110 736 655 1,008 6,228 14,944 374 99 53 SLOVAKIA 56,086 30,599 11,388 Snina 22,760 Solhrance 9,335 Stropkw 38,853 Trebisov 29,066 Spisska Nova Ves 7,145 Spissika Stara Ve.s VranOIV (nad To:pl'ou) 24,·594 Pre.sov .Srubinov 1 937 6,797 19,891 1,8!10 16,891 216 1,396 1,192 512 So much for statistics. Furtlhermore, no valid historical arguments exist to bacik Russian views in this matter. Polish philologists tried frequently to estaJblish the Polish origins of Eastern Slovrukian dialects but lin vain. Zd. Stieber of Cracow tried to build up a case for Poland there, as did Samo Ozamlbel, the Slovak linguist. But other philologists, such as the eminent Dutchman, Van Wijk, the Magya.T scholar, Kniesza, the Ozech linguists·, Pastrnek, TralVnii.cek, Smilauer and the .SlON•aJk scholar, Stanislav, rproved satisfaotorily that the Eastern dialects of Slovrukia have a SlOIVaJk origin and fo1mdation. M. Malecki, however, a Polish Slovanic scholar, tried to estaJblish Polish origins in the northern Trenicin area. The Ukrainian sruvants see, on the other hand, onliy Ruithenian and Ulrnamian origins of the dialects in the easiteril regions of Slowklia. These theories of the late nineteenth century rupply not only to Thstern Slovakia, 'but also to the areas near Backa and Sriem where many Greek-Catholi c Slovruks settled. They, too, speak an e<8JS!tern SiovaJk dialect. Vladimir lfuafjuk's views, namely, that the dfalects of eastetn Sl01Vakia were Ukrainian, were dlisproived by Siovaik and Czooh philologists, as well a:s by the Russian 1Slav scholar, Sobolevsiky, and the Norwegian Slavist, Olaf Broch, who knew that part olf the country as weH as Ruthenia. Hnafjwk conslidered even such fundamental Slovak words as biv~ (\byvaf), mae (miae), ocec (otec) dzen (day), hodzina {hodina), pajdzesat (paedesiaf), etc., as Ukrainian! Ewery eastern SlO!Vak uses such language with its peouliar locai flavor, or color. Lt is part of his natirve vocalbulary which is distinctly ~ovak, not Uikirainian. When attention was called 54 SLOVAKIA to this discrepancy, Rn:afju'k revised his analysis and chose the White Russi.am. language as his starting point in which dz is sulbstituted for d' ·a nd c for f, respectively, in conitrast to the Greater RU!SSii. an 1anguruge. But according to his conterntion the western SlovaJk versions, e.g., dzedzina and dzeci, etc., wmtld hruve to ibe explained in the same way. Obviously, such conclusions are fall.se. 1 Professor Fr,anrtisek Pastrnek, the renowned Czech phllologist from Prague, proved in his book Rusini Jazyka Slovenskeho ('Peitrograd, 1907) that these Eastern Slovak dialects were reall,y Slovak in origin and form, not Ruthenian or UJrna:iru·a n as Hnat'juk tried to dem:onstrate.. Jin 1935, Dr. Fr. Tichy, an authority on Slav languages, pointed out (Nas Ziivot, 1935, p. 133) that the la'Illguage of the Ru.sins in Bruoka and Sriem was actually Slovak, although a grammarian, Dr. G. Kostelnik, (his very name is Slov•a k, since the Russian word for church from which it is deri'Ved is cerkev, not kostol, as in SlOWlJk) termed it Russian. Olbse.I"Ve his w,riting: "Ked' se sceme nauoic dobre pisac, abo ked' sceme dobre naucic insi jazyk, ta spredz musime nauci.c hramatiku tej besedy, chtoru najlepse zname. A taka beseda tota, cos chton'i se od dzecinstva posluhujeme - macertiiska beseda." There is ha.roly an,y need orf philologica[ learning to deterun:ine that thiis ,s ample is not Russian at aJl, bu.rt Cilear type of an eastern SlovaJldan dialect. Question Solved Ages Ago Apparently, t'his problem was ironed out many years ago to the satisfaction of intel!ligent Slovanic scholars everywhere. Nevertheless, there are aJLways some who resurrect old errors based on prejudice and ftalse prem~. And it is unfortunate that such linguists get a hearing every time. Genuine scholars, howeiver, trealt their spurioUJS views wiith utter contempt. For politicians of a certain class in Eastern S1ovrukia these incontrovertilble conclusions, based on historical 0vidence and philological research, have no ivalue because they do not oonbri.bute to their selfish interests. But true politicrul policies must ultimate[y be detemiined and sUip- SLOVAKIA 55 ported by incontestilble scientific data and geinuine historical facts. We are wefil aware of the fact th,a;t in the high forest areas of eastern SlovaJkiia Riuthenian (Rusin) settlements are foll!lld, ,b ut we also know that they are small and few in numlber and that their inhrubi;tanits migrated there recently. We are informed that their Ruthenian stam.d is too often political rather than. national or historical. At a.my rate the pred'OIIllinant popu[aJtiOIIl of Eastern Slovakia is SloV'alk. It is qU!i.te difficult, however, to establish a definite national boundary in the easteI1Illillost !Part of Slov.aJkia, because the Ruthenian and Ukrainiia.n elements harve blended with the Sllovak dialects there, and they haJVe all become closely allied after a period of time. Hence, we have heard U.krruinian,s remark, when they hear the eastern Slovak di·a lect spoken, t118Jt it is quite like their tonigue. And the Slo:vaJks there say the same when they hear the Ukrainian spoken on the !borderline of their country. Dialoots in that area of conflict a:re like lin!ks in a chain which is raised to white heat; ,t he lJinlk.s, fuse and unite, so that no politician, or philologist, can determine precisely where the Ru'thenirun begins and the Slo;vaJk ends, jUJSt as no saivant can estaJb11sh aoowrately the line of differentiation between the French and the Irtalian on their borders, and the German in contrast to the Dutch, or Danish, because these languages unite imperceptibly on their nationrul !boundaries. It is no secret therefore, that there exist some vill:ages alongside many Sllavalk towns in eastern Slovalkia, /but there are also Slovruk towns in Car,patho-Russia, e .g., in Marmaros County. ShouiJ.d we Slovaiks demand that the eastern boundary of their country be pushed as far eastward as Marnnaros COOlllty simply because a few Slovak settlements are foll!lld in the interior of Ruthenia? 'Historica:l evidence ·cOIIltradicts the views and suJbsequent actions of those political leaden; who desire to push the western !boundary of Carpa'tho-1Russian ~nsion to Poprad in SlolV'aiklia. A few Ruthenian colonists ruppeared in eastern Slovalcia in the thirteenth century. The Ruthenians; however, did not come there irn any consideraible numbers until 56 SJ,OVAKIA the si~teenth, seventeenth aJI1d eighteenth centuries. A Russian historian, Andrej Petrov, proved this in his bo()k "Drevnesilja Gr-amoty po Istorii Karpatslroj Rusi" (in the chapter: 0 Nacale Karp. Rusi, plllblrished by the Slavonic Institute, f>mgue, 1930) . Geographical Map - the Best Proof It is unnecessary to study the history of coloniization in Carpath04Rus sia and eastern Slovakia •i n order to show who were the original inha'b,itants there. The fact that the Ruthenian villa:ges are scattered. here ood there in the higher plateaus and forest areas shows them to be of later origin, because the earlier settlers, the Slovaks, already lived on the plains and in the fertile vialleys when the Ruthenians canne. Hence, the latter, as newcomers, had to move on; they went into the hills rund mountains and becaime foresters and sheepherders. Thus, thooe who wish to move the Car-patho-Rus sian bounx1ary-iline westward as far as Poprad do a grruve injustice to Slovrukia; they ignore ages..,old traditions, cultural, social and poliiti.tca;l fiaJOtors. By doing vii.ruence to. history these men are initiating forces which will inevitaJbly bring serious disorders in 1:lhe future. Eastern Slovruks, from St:rlba to Uzhorod, speak a distinct SlOViaJkian dialect whiich iis ahln. to the dialect of the western Slovaks. 'I"hey call -t heir langua;ge, Slovaik, and tha;t is not onil.y an important philological fact, but a sociologicail and political phenomenon that cannot be explained away by those who wish to expand at Slovakia's e~pense. Eastern Slovrukia has always been within the sphere of infiueI11Ce of Slmnalk oultUTe. Consequently, when Czech was adopted for a time 1by some Slo,v-aJks as a literary language, it was introduced into that part of the country, too. And when, finally, the Slovaiks agreed on a centrail SlovaJk literary medium, it became the language of literature of the land. Moreover, Slovak pulblications canne from E:osice as early as the seventeenth aJlld eighteenth centuries, for it was the center of Slovalk culture at that time. The Jesuirts maintained a Slovak press ast their college in Kosice. SLOVAKIA 57 Art Confirms the Slovak Stand The historiy of art in Sl01Vakia shows the uniforniity of Slov1rl{ culture throughout the country from the earliest beginnings. The difference between Slovak and Ruthenian art is not merely superficial. SloviaJk art sihai,ply tontra:sts with Rutheniian art in origin amd fonm, and the former is a part of western ol.l!lture, while the latter definitely bel01I1gs to the East. This is manifest in the study of creative art. In Kosice and P.resov the churches a.re not Rluthenian or eastern in design, lbut definitely 'belong to the West. Who would dare to cut off that land which has been influenced by a traditional cwlture for a thousand years and p}aice it iruto another cu.!ltural sphere by foree? How tragic and confusing would such an act of fully be for Slova;kia. Strongly imlbedded traditions and customs are such powerrf.1.l!l and vital forces that any attempt to efface them OT diroot them into di.lfferent channels would meet with disaster and add to the comusion already developed lby Mosoow. : .V{tal issues are lbeling consibantrry confused 'by a misuse of terminology siuic:h as, Greek-Catholic 'bemg taken as synonymous with Ruthenian (Rusin). But it .pU12JZles only the people who ha,ve . little knowiedge of the sociologicM, ling,u1sti'C, cm tural and historical elements and the conditions whlch determine true concepts of nationhood. It is we11 known that the Greek-CathoJics in Vernar and Telgart, for example, do not know the Rusin language. The term "Nationa;I Magyar-Ca.1vin Church" has no meaning •b ecause there are Slovaik and Czech Calvinists. AU Ser1bs are not Orthodox; some are Roman Catholics - a fact which few people seem to know. Showl.d the German nation, which is mostly Protestant in its religion, lay claim to our lands because some of our citizenJS profess to be Protestants? Slovanic-!Byrziantine .(Greek-Catholic) lritur.gy is not a specific means of national identity for the Rusins, becaiuse many Slovaks profess the Greek-Cathoiic rite. Anyone who is at least somewhat informed on the subject of the history of church liturgy knows that even non-Slovanic nations arlopted the anoient liturgy of their ~ovanic neighibors. To use liturgy as the basis of political orientation is not in 58 SLOVAKIA keeping with the s3;cred spirit of religion. The Slovaks, therefore, regret to see the Slovanic.Byzantine Rite being employed for political puriposes, ·b ecause they have a warm regard for the Rruthenian nation which has so nobly preserved the ancient ldturgy of the Slovak Apostles, St. Cyril and St. Methodius, who introduced this sacred rite to meet the needs of the Slawic nations. The Slwaims are not prejudiced 3;gaimst the Rusin nation which has lived in dose cont8!ct and harmony with the Slovaks for centuries. They wish them success in their social and national endeavors, but will not willingly submit to pressure from any political regime. The Slovaks realize thai this pressure does not have the S8;llction of true Ruthenians, and, therefore, they shall not lose faith in them, fw- they are their brothers. A third party, however, is endearvoring to spJ.it up the SlolV'8llic nations. The Slov8!ks and Ruthenians wiU do weH to remain calm and resolute and avoid useless arguments and misunderstandings. They can and must work together in peace and brotherhood for their common good a.g ainst theio:- common enemy. T}le abQIVe analysis of a crucia;l p11dblem should be sufficiently clear fro'In the facts presented; and it ought to discourage any further attempts to Rusin-ilze the Slovaks of eastern Slovakia. The Slovaks contributed ricltly to Rusin culture, and here, in America, many eminent Ruthenian leaders were Slovaks who did not try to denationalize them. Eastern Slovakia did not and does not belong to Ruthenia historicany. It belongs to the Slovak na,tion, as does the rest of the territory of Slovakia which has been occupied by the SlovaJks for at least the past 1'500 years. • • • WHO SAID IT? "THE SLOVAK NATION, one of the oldest Christian nations of central Europe, is a dis-tinct ethnic unit. Just as the Czechs are and want to remain Czechs, just so the Slovaks are and want to remain Slovaks. The history, culture and national traditions of the Slovak nation are Jistinct from the history, culture and national traditions of the Czechs. The Slovaks never were, nor are they no,~. a part o! the Czech nation. Slovaks here and abroad resent being called 'Cze• choslovaks'." - (P. A. Hrobak, Detroit, Mich., 11-18-51)  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Eastern Slovakia Inhabited for Centuries by Great Slovak Majority Description An account of the resource Michael S. Mačuga Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 3-4 (12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954 pp. 52-58 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Mačuga, Michael S. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Sept.-Dec. 1954 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/cfb74545363a15c4834be07ad31595d9.pdf da2c423b0a22dae27b6546be1de3d645 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 59 SELF-DETERMINATION FOR SLOVAKIA Hon. Edward J. Bonin I am very happy to substitute this evening in the place of Ambassador Lodge who was originally scheduled to give the principal address before this great Conference of the Slovak League of America. I consider it an honor and privilege that the members of the Slovak League of America saw fit to bring your Convention to the capital city of the United States which is oftentimes considered as the present capital of the world. As a Member of Congress from the 11th Congressional District of Pennsylvania, I welcome you to this great city and I sincerely hope that your deliberations for a free and independent Slovakia may soon materialize. I have often said before, and I shall continue to say, that from the beginning of recorded time the force that has propelled civilization onward has been man's desire for freedom and, when that desire fails, the wheels of progress cease their turning; but when it is most active, civilization makes the most advancement. It seems apparent that the desire for freedom has virtually come to a standstill among certain elements and nationalities throughout the free world; however, the Conference of the Slovak League of America clearly demonstrates to the people o.f the world that the burning desire o.f the Slovak people for freedom, liberty and justice has not been extinguished and will never be extinguished so long as we have individuals who are ready, willing and able to fight for a cause which is right. During the last century, the life of the Slovak people has been difficult Many of you recall how the Magyars tried to engulf them in their internationalistic concept of the Hungarian state and, more recently, your Slovak brothers, the Czechs, sought to make the Slovak people disappear. Now the present Communist regime in Prague would like to dissolve Slovakia under the banners of the Kremlin. The achievement is the complete disintegration of the natural will and consciousness of the Slovak people. If this �60 SLOVAKIA socialistic concept is permitted to continue it will deprive the Slovak people of its individuality and national interest and pride. The cause for which you plead today, jUSlt as other countries now behind the Iron Curtain yearn for freedom, justice and independence after experiencing oppression, pain and suffering under foreign government, is the conviction that the Slovak people will still preserve their traditional ways of life in spite of the ruthless dictators who seek to destroy them. As a member of the Select Committee of the House often known as the Baltic Committee, I have heard eyewitness accounts of the pain and the suffering, the torture and the murder of innocent human beings. We have heard from witnesses who went through these trying ordeals - · we have been told of the persecution of the church, the clergy, and the people who refused to give up the Godgiven right of worship as they see fit. The Slovak people in Europe and in America will never relinquish their right to worship as they see fit regardless of how long the oppressors may keep them enslaved. In my work as a Congressman, I have spoken on many and many an occasion of the aspirations of the Slovak people for their right of self-determination which was so clearly and specifically set forth in the Atlantic Charter. I have spoken against the secret treaties entered into at Yalta and Teheran. The evil results of these secret agreements is causing us trouble and agony today. I commend the Slovak people for their valiant fight and I shall continue to fight along with you to eliminate the Communist threat here and abroad. There is a duty and an obligation on our part to see that Slovakia resumes its rightful place among the free nations of the world With constant prayer, and fervent appeal to Almighty God, I am certain that the des-ires of the Slovak people will eventually be accomplished. • • • � SLOVAKIA 59 SELF-DETERMINATION FOR SLOVAKIA Hon. Edward J. Bonin I am very happy to substitute this evening in the place of Ambassador Lodge who was originally scheduled to give the principal address before this great Conference of the Slovak League of America. I consider it an honor and privilege that the members of the Slovak League of America saw fit to bring your Convention to the capital city of the United States which is oftentimes considered as the present capital of the world. As a Member of Congress from the 11th Congressional District of Pennsylvania, I welcome you to this great city and I sincerely hope that your deliberations for a free and independent Slovakia may soon materialize. I have often said before, and I shall continue to say, that from the beginning of recorded time the force that has propelled civilization onward has been man's desire for freedom and, when that desire fails, the wheels of progress cease their turning; but when it is most active, civilization makes the most advancement. It seems apparent that the desire for freedom has virtually come to a standstill among certain elements and nationalities throughout the free world; however, the Conference of the Slovak League of America clearly demonstrates to the people o.f the world that the burning desire o.f the Slovak people for freedom, liberty and justice has not been extinguished and will never be extinguished so long as we have individuals who are ready, willing and able to fight for a cause which is right. During the last century, the life of the Slovak people has been difficult Many of you recall how the Magyars tried to engulf them in their internationalistic concept of the Hungarian state and, more recently, your Slovak brothers, the Czechs, sought to make the Slovak people disappear. Now the present Communist regime in Prague would like to dissolve Slovakia under the banners of the Kremlin. The achievement is the complete disintegration of the natural will and consciousness of the Slovak people. If this �60 SLOVAKIA socialistic concept is permitted to continue it will deprive the Slovak people of its individuality and national interest and pride. The cause for which you plead today, jUSlt as other countries now behind the Iron Curtain yearn for freedom, justice and independence after experiencing oppression, pain and suffering under foreign government, is the conviction that the Slovak people will still preserve their traditional ways of life in spite of the ruthless dictators who seek to destroy them. As a member of the Select Committee of the House often known as the Baltic Committee, I have heard eyewitness accounts of the pain and the suffering, the torture and the murder of innocent human beings. We have heard from witnesses who went through these trying ordeals - · we have been told of the persecution of the church, the clergy, and the people who refused to give up the Godgiven right of worship as they see fit. The Slovak people in Europe and in America will never relinquish their right to worship as they see fit regardless of how long the oppressors may keep them enslaved. In my work as a Congressman, I have spoken on many and many an occasion of the aspirations of the Slovak people for their right of self-determination which was so clearly and specifically set forth in the Atlantic Charter. I have spoken against the secret treaties entered into at Yalta and Teheran. The evil results of these secret agreements is causing us trouble and agony today. I commend the Slovak people for their valiant fight and I shall continue to fight along with you to eliminate the Communist threat here and abroad. There is a duty and an obligation on our part to see that Slovakia resumes its rightful place among the free nations of the world With constant prayer, and fervent appeal to Almighty God, I am certain that the des-ires of the Slovak people will eventually be accomplished. • • • � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 59 SELF-DETERMINATION FOR SLOVAKIA Hon. Edward J. Bonin I am very happy to substitute this evening in the place of Ambassador Lodge who was originally scheduled to give the principal address before this great Conference of the Slovak League of America. I consider it an honor and privilege that the members of the Slovak League of America saw fit to bring your Convention to the capital city of the United States which is oftentimes considered as the present capital of the world. As a Member of Congress from the 11th Congressional District of Pennsylvania, I welcome you to this great city and I sincerely hope that your deliberations for a free and independent Slovakia may soon materialize. I have often said before, and I shall continue to say, that from the beginning of recorded time the force that has propelled civilization onward has been man's desire for freedom and, when that desire fails, the wheels of progress cease their turning; but when it is most active, civilization makes the most advancement. It seems apparent that the desire for freedom has virtually come to a standstill among certain elements and nationalities throughout the free world; however, the Conference of the Slovak League of America clearly demonstrates to the people o.f the world that the burning desire o.f the Slovak people for freedom, liberty and justice has not been extinguished and will never be extinguished so long as we have individuals who are ready, willing and able to fight for a cause which is right. During the last century, the life of the Slovak people has been difficult Many of you recall how the Magyars tried to engulf them in their internationalistic concept of the Hungarian state and, more recently, your Slovak brothers, the Czechs, sought to make the Slovak people disappear. Now the present Communist regime in Prague would like to dissolve Slovakia under the banners of the Kremlin. The achievement is the complete disintegration of the natural will and consciousness of the Slovak people. If this 60 SLOVAKIA socialistic concept is permitted to continue it will deprive the Slovak people of its individuality and national interest and pride. The cause for which you plead today, jUSlt as other countries now behind the Iron Curtain yearn for freedom, justice and independence after experiencing oppression, pain and suffering under foreign government, is the conviction that the Slovak people will still preserve their traditional ways of life in spite of the ruthless dictators who seek to destroy them. As a member of the Select Committee of the House often known as the Baltic Committee, I have heard eyewitness accounts of the pain and the suffering, the torture and the murder of innocent human beings. We have heard from witnesses who went through these trying ordeals - · we have been told of the persecution of the church, the clergy, and the people who refused to give up the Godgiven right of worship as they see fit. The Slovak people in Europe and in America will never relinquish their right to worship as they see fit regardless of how long the oppressors may keep them enslaved. In my work as a Congressman, I have spoken on many and many an occasion of the aspirations of the Slovak people for their right of self-determination which was so clearly and specifically set forth in the Atlantic Charter. I have spoken against the secret treaties entered into at Yalta and Teheran. The evil results of these secret agreements is causing us trouble and agony today. I commend the Slovak people for their valiant fight and I shall continue to fight along with you to eliminate the Communist threat here and abroad. There is a duty and an obligation on our part to see that Slovakia resumes its rightful place among the free nations of the world With constant prayer, and fervent appeal to Almighty God, I am certain that the des-ires of the Slovak people will eventually be accomplished. • • •  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Self-Determination for Slovakia Description An account of the resource Hon. Edward J. Bonin Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 3-4 (12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954 pp. 59-60 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Bonin, Edward John, 1904-1990 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Sept.-Dec. 1954 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/10f86e64ee5e33e05bc32faa367825f8.pdf 6baea0402c78cc817142a1621e060ef9 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 61 THE AroSTLES OF BOGUS FEDERALISM By Dr. George W. Cesarich "There are o thers, however, who, under the guise of a federation, are hid ing their ou tworn conce pts whi ch would satisfy tbeir own selfis h as-pirations to powe r." - Matus Zvon. I. Zvon and Federalism There is common agreement that the present Political structure of Europe has ibecome obsolete. Nruzi,sm and fascism had contr1buted a great deal to the general disintegration of EUTopean society, but communism and its collaborators in Croatia, Slo,vakia, Bohemia, Hungary, Ser1bia, Romania, Macedonia, Montenegro, Bulgaria, Poland, Albania, etc., ha;ve almost comp1e~ly destroyed the old political, social, and economic struoture in Central and Eastern Europe, substituting a centralistic police state for the old institutions. AmO'l1'g the exiles from that area new ,principles of order are being sought and the general trend is definitely toward federalism. This fact has not escaped the attention of those exiles, who are ,partly responsible for the present plight of the enslawed Central and Eastern European nations; so they are often too ready to pay liip service to the "great principle of federalism," however, at the same time clwerly scheming to restore their old power positioos and privileges. They have learned nothing from history, and with great ,v igor ,propagate again their old, discredited political ideas, this time using, however, a new but more deC'eptive phraseology since the old one has positively lost its former respectability For instance, in the Monthly Bulletin of the International Peasant Union (No. 4, 1953) we lfind an article under the title "Separatism or Unification" by Mr. Matus Zvon who, allegedly, is "a newspaperman of Slavaik origin." However, by his ideas he is evidently an advocate of outworn concep_ts of Ozech and Seribiam coJonialism and hegemony which he very skilfully disguises as "federal1 �62 SLOVAKIA ism." At the same time he conducts a vigorous crusade against "separatism," which is the usual abusive name frequein,tly used lby Czech and ,S eribian chauvinists to designate SlovaJk and Croatian movements for national independence. In short, Mr. Zvon attempts to spread an antiquated "Czechoslovak" and "Yugoslav" 1pro,paganda coveTed with the cloak of a respectable federalism, so that his own motto aJbourt those who "are hiding their outworn concepts under the guise of federnlism" undJO'Uibtedly applies to him and his il'k. His concepts are basically undemocratic and imperialist in nature because they implicitly deny the right to self-determinatio,n for the Slovak and Croatian nations and, thus, are cointra:ry to the idea of a tTuly democratic federalism. His "federalist" pro,posals ha'Ve been made in the spirit of the infamous Little Entente which, among other things, was an alliance of hegemonists orgamzed with the purpose to slllppress ,by force the national liberaticm movements of Croats and 1Slovaiks. Genuine fedeTalism should extend the idea of se1f-determination of nations and not restrict it, as Mr. 7-Jvon desi'I'es. Thus Mr. Zvon's case is certainly the case orf a t)'1pical bogus federalism which is used to perpetuate, 1b y using new propaganda slogans, the oppressor states known as "Czechoslovakia" and "Yugoslavia." We agree with Mr. Zvon in his aHeged objecti,ve of a future that would be free of 1both "Soviet terro;r and expfoitation and of the national jealousies, conflicts and bitterness of the prerwar past." We, too, want ",peace and voluntary cooperation among countries, without dictators and secret pol.ice." We kno,w, howeiver, that his objective is unattainable if "Oze~hoslovaJkia" and "Yugoslaivia" continue to exist. We equally despise the communist or fascist form of totalitarianism. We wholeheartedly accept th~ idea of a federation of free nations, as a synthesis of an enlightened nationalism and a democratic internationalism, which would mean a better future for Central and Eastern Europe. But we coIDIPletely and aJbsolutely disagree with Mr. Zvon's concepts of "seiparatfrm" a,nd "nationalist separatist movements" which he unjustly condemns as a "c,hild of extreme nationalism," asserting that "if left unchooked, �SLOVAKIA 63 they (the separatist movements) could bring aJbout 'the ba1kamzation of Europe'." As a matter of fact, the term "separatism," used as a "smear" term by the Oz,e,ch and Ser,bian h e.gemonists, has been extensively used as a weapon in their political and economic exiploitation of oppressed nationalities, particularly of Slovaks and Car,patho-Ukraini ans in "Czechoslovakia," and of Croatians, tSlovenes, Macedonians, Mbanians, and Montenegrins in "Yugoshwia." What is more, this term has been 1ntentionally girven an omnious connotation by some hegemonists, and Mr. Zvon is only continu·ng this smearing "activity" when painting "separatism" in the darkest possilble colors. He attacks, in effect, those "bad," "separatist" Croats and 1Slovaks who want to free themselives from SeI1bian and Cwclh ,p atronage resp. and thereby intend to destroy such nice, "democratic" states like "CzechoslorvaJkia" and "Y,ugoslaJVia," i.e., make an end to Czech and Se11bian domination. Mr. Zrvon and the International Peasant Un.ion's Bulletin evidently lbelierve that those prisons of nations, "Yugoslavia" and "Ozec'hoslov8Jk-ia," are so.me •k ind of sacred COIWS that sh01Uld not lb e touched by any;body else, in order to be milked, but only lby their ·Se11bian and Orech masters. The first and second "Yugoslavia" and "Czechoslovakia" have passed very strict lruws "for the protection of state" directed against "separatism," and patterned after the similar codes, thus maJking separatism a serious "crime." Some Ozech and Seiibian agitators in exile are evidently unhappy that they are not in a position to apply those laws, i.e., to 'liquidate' freedOIIn-kwing Croats, Slovaks, Macedonians, etc., rSO they engage in a deceptive propaganda against Slovak and Croat "seiparatiSlm." with arguments that could equally a,pply to those American "separatists" who fought for their inde.pendence against EJngland, or to the French resistance moJVement fighting the Germans during World War II. Mr. Zvon's description of "separatism" has as its primary purpose to create a totalitarian scarecrow to be feared and condemned in this democratic world of ours. He contends that "separatism sees the maximum fulfill- �64 SLOVAKIA ment of national life only in a sovereign, independent, &lb preme and ethnically uniform state," and that "the separatism is a dogma which says that the mooit pevfe<!t and supreme !fomn of social life lies in an ethnically uniform state." It is relatively easy to criticize separatism if defined in this manner. But why did Mr. ~on omit to say what he really had in mind when he spoke aibout "separatism"? What he actually fights are the m01Vements of an enslaved nation for liberation from two ev;i1,s: communism and foreign yoke. He aippears to fear t'he struggle of Croats and Slovaks against Se:vb and Czech co1oruzation which is exactly identical with the s.truggle of American colonists a:gainSit English colonialism. For the so-called "separatists" of Mr. ~on, i.e., the Croats and the Slova!ks, "separatism" is no,t "a faith in a dogma in an ethnica.Ny unifomn state" as he misr~esents it, because they all know well that a complete ethnical uniformity is out of the question in Central and Eastern Europe because of many mixed territories. They haJVe never advocated the idea, as he asserts, that the national state is the "supreme form of social life." However, they have become increasingly more aware of the fact, confi11med by their historical exiperience in "Yugoslavia" and "Czechoslovakia," that they can fully develop their spiritual, cultura:l and economic resources only if they are free of foJ"eign hegemony, i.e., h:we their OIWil independent state. For them, this state is not an absolute ivalue, or a "supreme form of social life," but a practical necessity of their free and prosperous existence. Czech and Se11bian propagandists h:we .b een desperately trying to create the impression that there is something wrong witlh Croat and SlovaJk struggle for national independence. 'Dhereifore, they speaJk of it as a form of "extreme nationalism - chauvinist nationalism - extreme and uncooperative na,tionalism" - and even "totalitarian nationalism." ThLs is ~aotl.y what Mr. Zvon, too, is doing. Of coUTse, he does not have a single word of conde:mnation for Czech and Seooian imperiruliSIIIl, sneering only at the nation aliSIIIl of the oppressed ibut not the imperialism of their oppressors. �SLOVAKIA 65 ENidently, in Mr. Zivon's, opinion, nationalism of small and enslaJVed nations who fight for their freedom and independence is "chauvinistic, e~reme," and "intolerant separatism.." But nationalism of those who have ruled in "CzechoslovaJkia" and "Yugoslavia" - of the Czechs, the Seribs, and theiir helpers - is "geilluine parioti:s m" and "creative nationalism." '.Dhis is the inescaipruble implication of Mr. Zvon's, article that attacks only nationalism of oppressed n8Jtions lalbeled as ",s eparatism" and, at the same time, keeps completely silent albout the chauvinistic nationalism of some O!f the Czechs and iSe:rlbs, and their e~loitation of other Il!ations. Such a "federalism" - as propagated by Mr. Zwon which denies to small nations their right to se1f-deter,mination, aind also attempts to pe:r,petuate their oppression in artifically created states - is undisputably a fraudulent and untrue federalism. It rwould reestalblish the old regimes which, in national respect, were not muoh better than the communist systems with their ,p hony, centralistic "federalisan." There is, indeed, an unlbridgeaible gu1f between such bogus federalism and a truly democratic federalism. Freedom and federalism are two terun.s that are inseparruble. "Yugoslavi:a" and "OzechoslO'VaJ~ia" cannot exist in freedom, because the Croats and the Slovruk•s are almost unanimously opposed to the continued existence of these states. So "Yugoslruvia" and "Czechosl01Vrukia" can be kept aliive only by force and terror. However, a genuine federation cannot ibe created from albOIVe and maintained lb y force and terror, as some "OzechoslOIVruks" and "Yugoslavs" would like to do. This fact is clearly recogruzed by Mr. George M. DimitroJV, Secretary Generrul of the futernational Peasant Union, when he writes: "The attempts to impose federations from above for the purpose of accomodatlng the int.erests of governing oligarchies and cliques - have not been productive of positive results for the nations themselves. Past governments haive spoken od', and speculaited with such sohemes only when faced with unsunmountable difficulties or as a matter of unscrupuloos opportunism." (LiJberation and Union, Washington, 1952, p. 13.). �66 SLOVAKIA As an example f.o r his viewpoint, Mr. Dimitrov descriJbes "the unifi,c ation of Selfus, Croats and Slo,venes manipulated after world War I," stressmg that "it attained no durable results because it was im_po5ed from above, ignO'ring the ideas and needs of the .peoiples involived as weLl as truiy democratic procedures." Thus, any federation should lbe a free union of national states, or as Mr. Dimitrov puts it, "a true federation of free nations, and not an artificial and from above imposed creation." Therefore, the future European Union, and equally any eventJUal future regionail federations, should be built up from ,below and rest on free indiividual nations, and not on artificial oppressor states like "Ozechos.loivakia" and "Yugoslavia." This i:s a!lso the oipinion of the President of the Croatian Peasant Party, Dr. Valdko Macelk, who, in the same pUlblication (ip. 115), inivited the exiles "to prepare plans for a future Union of Free National States in Central and Southeastern Europe." In addition, it is imiportant that such plans ,be realized throwgh truly d~ocratic procedures and in ~ccordan.ce rwith the wishes of the respective peoples which could 1b e easily ascertained lby f~ee ple!biscites. !Having in mind that these ideas are basi~ for a democratic and federalist setup in Central and Eastern Eiurope, we must draw the conclusion that Mr. Zvon's ,b ogus federalism is intenti:onailly directed against the sulbjrugated tions · of "Czechosloivakia" and "Yugoslruvia." And we, therefore, consider it very unfortunate that his article WaJS pulblished in the Bulletin of the International Peasant Union which, as a democratic o,rgani~ti:on, .should be an. instrument. of freedom and 1progress and _not a S'Uipporter of the old regimes. Mr. Zivon must certainly have known that the Croatian Peasa;nt iParty, which is a memlber of the Union, defends the right of the Croatian ,p eople to. national independence and, in this sense, is Olbviously against any "Yugoslavia," therefore "separatist' in the eyes of Mr. Zvon and his kind. This olbjective of the Croa..tian Peasant Party has been proclaimed on many occasions. Consequently, the article attacking "separatism" of the Croats and the Slova!ks, and implicitly defending "Yugoslavia" and "Ozecho- -na- �67 SIJOVAKIA slovaJkia," is entirely orut of place in the Bulletin of the I. P. U. H we were not acquainted with the ideas expressed by Dr. Maic~k and Dr. Do:rmtrov, we could easil,y .get the wrong impression that the whole International Peasant Uniolll has become ain instrument for the restoration of the old regimes in Central and Eastern Europe. The ,participation in the I. P. U. of "OzeclJ.OSilovaJk" and "Yugoslav-1Seribian" politica.'l .parties · (which are exdusively Czech and Serbian creaitions), may only strengthen this impression sin~e it is a weN-;kn01WI1 ·fact that the nam.es "Czechoslovak" and "Yugoslav" hruve always lb~en a cover..;up for Czech and Serbian hegemony. fu addition, the real representa:tive.s of the Slova!k peasant people, the leaders of the Hlinka Party in exile, are not members of tlle I. P. U. I.n our Olpiniorn, thorough reorganiization of the I. P. U. would ibe necessary if it would convince the exiles orf all nations that this organi'zation is not a hodge-ipodge assemJblage of old politi'cians imbued with old -hegemonist caru:!epts, ibut an or,g arrization with new, progressive ideas, advocating a truly democratic federalism !based on free iniliividual nations, and in no wary identified with the oippressor-states. We siil!cereily believe that a ibetter and morn equitalble international order in Europe can never ib e founded on the bogus federalism propagated by Mr. Zvon and his so-called "Czechoslo;vaks." In a •s imilar manner, some ChetniJk prorpagandists orf a Greater Seroia speaJk also of a third, "federalist" Yugosil.1aNia. All this is not a solution of national prolblems. On the contrary, the necessary prerequisit.e for a democratic fed,eralized structure in Europe lies, in our opinion, in the liberation of all subjugated nations from the oppression exerted by Moscow, Prague, and Belgrade, and the creation of independent national states, including the Croat and thre Slovak states, which would then freely unite in a higher federal union. The representatives of those nations are progressiive and democratic men who are actirve partisans of a genuine federalism, aind reject a nairrowminded. and intolera.rnt nationalism. But they resolutely orppose tJhe bogus federalism of Mr. Zvon, some "Ozechoslovaks•," and some "Yugoslavs," since it would only prolong a 1 �68 SLOVAKIA the sufferings of subjugated nations in the artificial states which the Croats aind the Slovruks definitely and finalily do accept as their own. II. Ripka and Federalism Another Ciharaicteristic example of such a bogus federalism may 1b e found in the mimeograip:he d -book by Mr. Hubert Riiplcia (A Federation of Central Europe, New York, 1953), published at aJbout the same time as Mr. Zlvon's article, and pvolbaJbly insipired by the same crOIWd of political exiles. Mr. Ripka pleads for a "federation of existing states," not of nations. He is against any "dismemberm ent of Yugoslwvia and ~hoslOJVaki a." He asserts that the "dismemberment of one or the other state would cause destructive repercussions in t.lhe Danulbian region and also in the Balkans." In his opinion, "angry disputes among small, weak states would multiply," and "all efforts to integrate politically or economicailly the quarel1ing nations would collapse in the initial staige." Mr. Ripka says that "Yugoslavia, like OzechoslovaJkia, is esential to Europe, especially to East and Centra!l Eumpe." He thus disregards the wellknown facts that the, Croats do, not want to li,ve in any "Yugoslavia," and that the Slovaks do not want "Czechoslovakia." Though he recognizes the right of the Ukraine to secede from the Russian empire, he nevertheless denies the same right •o f secession to Croatia and !Slovaikia, thus rffillaining loyal to tile old hegemonist alliance of the Czech a.n d Serb ruling circles whicli, for over twenty years, had prevented any sulbstantial reforms in "OzechoslQIVrukia" and "Yugoslavia," and so, are greatly responsible for the present plight of enslaved nations therein. As coUild haive b een expected, Mr. Riplcia, who, togerthe~ with otlier Benes Ozechs, collwlborated with the Communists before, during and after Wovld War lI, and participated in the destruction oif Slovak national independence, rejects the conception of organizing Central and ])astern Europe on the basis of nations in contradiction to existing states. Like Mr. Zlvon, he too contends that "its rea:lization �69 SDOVAKIA would result in the balkanization of the wihole East Central Europe," and for f.ull measure he adds some shallow phrases aJbout ",graive and sometimes insolwble conflicts" which would allegedly preivent "higher integration." MT. Ripka transcends, however, into the world of Aesop's fables when he attempts to put over the idea that "Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia were not artificial creations of Versailles diplomacy, but were, on the contrary, organic results of the historical evolution." Of course, he forgets to mention the Pittsburgh Agreement between the Slovaks and the Ozechs which was s·o shamefully violated by the Czech ruling drcles, and he disregards the undenia:ble fact that the Croats haive never accepted "Yrugoslavia" in a free election or a free plebiscite! Mr. Ripka even ventures to make the statement that "a positive ,policy, intended to create a better organization of Central Euro:pe in the future, after the fall of Soviet domination, must be !based therefore upon the existing states which correspond to national needs and aspirations of the nations concerned" ; tJhus he regards the relationships between Czechs and Slovaks and those between Se-z,bs and Croats, as "a matter of internal politics." May be that "Czechoslova;kia" and "Yugoslavia" co,r respond to "national needs and aspirations" (to exploitation) of the •B enes Czechs and Serbian "Yugosla:vs," but it is not true that these states have never corresponded to the national needs and aspirations of the Croat and Slovak nations. On the contrary, these nations will do everything possiible to dismember the states which tJhey intensely despise, and create their own states in order to be masters of their OIWil destiny. AJS to the '~bal!kanization oif Burope," this term can only mean the use of pretense and deceit in relations between the nations It is an indisput~ble fact that these were and still are the methods used b,y some Czech and Serbian hegemonists a:gainst the enslaved natiorns. 'I'herefore, only these hegemonists are the ones who are responsilble for this strange, new ,phenomenon cahled the "lba1kanilza:tion of Europe" which came into exist.ence only after the creation of "Yugoslavia" and "Czechoslovarkia." 1 �70 SLOVAKIA EJvidently, the ideoloigy cYf Mr. Ripka and the Benes Ozechs, as eXiplained in their ipublica:tions, conclusively proves that they ,woU!ld like to continue t:he e~loitat.ion of the small ,b ut courageous Slovruk nation in a third "Czedhoslovrukia," and, since the case of "Yugoslavia" is a very similar one, tihey have 'been contiir:ruously inrventing flimsy arguments to effect the sulbjugation of borth the Croats and the 1Slovaik&. There is nothing peculiar aJbout it when a memlber of the Benes im!I)erialist ruling clique dn,es not recognize the right to freedom and independence to other natiOI1Js, and when he arrogantly attaoks Sloivruk and Croat "separatists" (again that disparaging word) and their national moivemenrts, since it would be swa.nge if it were othel1W'ise.. There already are, however, many progressiJve Czechs who, like t:he Czech Lt. Colonel F. 0. Mikscilie, in the spirit of a true federalism and genuine mutua;l cooperation s,a.y that only bad Ozechs and bad Slovaks can be "Ozechoslovruks." (And we saiy accordingly that only bad Croats and ba.tl Selibs can 'be "Yugoslavs"). The iprincilples of a truly democratic federalism, based on independent and free nations, has been gaining more a:nd more ground. Politics ma!kes for strange 'bedfellows, however, and the propaga:nd.i·s ts oif the old regime and political status quo find a supporter in an unexpected quarter. A former Htmgaria.n Minister to Paris, iMr Paul Auer (Liiooraition a:nd Union, p 20), has a nightmare that "the efforts oif certain nationa.il groups (as, the Slorva:ks and Croaits) to achieve greater independence than they have en!joyed up to now, also slhow the need for a federal system in Southeastern EurOipe, because if these people were to a'C'hieve their aims, we would 1b e fa.iced by a still greater numlber of small states in this a.rea with eiven less power to resist outside pressure." iMay be this is another form of bogus federalism that fears freedom and independence of en:shINed natfon and does not comprehend that this is an albsolutely necessary prerequisite for a free federal union. Mr. Ripka boldly asserts, without amy proof, that a dismemberment of "Yugoslavfa" wo•u ld make impossible any organization of the DanU!bia.n area and the iBaJl.kans. This sounds in our ea.rs Hke a:n argument for fee!ble-minded per- �SLOVAKIA 71 sons, since a solid and la.sting politicaJ orga.nimtion must be ,b ased on freedom, ,a nd freedom cannot 'be coupled, as experience teaches, Mth tJhe e~ence of the artificial creations, o!f Versailles. In fact, the first "YugoslaJvia" was kept together only by force and terror, and consequently easily disintegrated in the fi'.rst storm. The same was the case with "Czechoslova kia" which fell without any resistance. "Yugoslavia" was creat.ed against the will of the Croatian people; the Croats always regarded it as a prison of nations and gave a helping hand to destroy that prison. They will do it agam witJh Tito's "Yugoslavia," or any other "YUJgoslaivia," when the occasion arises. In "Czechoslovru kia," the Slovaks wanted first their aJUtonomy, and when this was denied to them, their independence. 'Dhey were n:ot interested in defending a state which was a clevwly disguised hegemony over them and the Carpatho-Ukr ainians, despite the fact tllat millions were spent a'broiad to propagandir7.e that state as a "bastion of democracy." "Yugoslavia" and ''Czechoslovakia" did not solve national problems. If anything, they for a time only succeeded to suppress them. But, in addition, they have created many new iprdblems that did not exist earlier; among other things, they have certainly increased the amount of mutuaJ intolerance and hatred among their component parts. 'I'he organ:iization o!f that a;rea on the basis of independent nations in a true federal union is the only alternative to the "Czechoslovak " and "Yugoslav" failures. This union would, in accordance with the wishes of the people, bring about a democraJti~ political structure, and simultaneously increase cooperation and tolerance among the respective nations. Let us make olear that the opposition to "Ozechoslovakia" and "YugosilaJvia" iby the Slovaks and Croats and Macedonians, is llJOt the opposition of a small gro111p of "separ.aJtists," as some colonialists would like the public to beliesve, but the opposition of the overwhehning majority of the respective nations. In our recently ,pulblished bOOlk ( Croatia and Serbia, why is their peaceful separation a European necessity?, Croatia Cultural PUJblishing Center, �72 SLOVAKIA 4.851 Drexel Blvd., Chicrugo 15, llinois), we have proven beyond any reasonaJble doulbt that today all the Croan, unanimously advocate the separation of Croatia and Serbia, i.e., the dismemberment of Yugoslavia, and that this solution is in the interesit of a lasting Euroipean settlement and peruce in that area. As to the SlovaJks, it is a iwell-<lmown fact that a great mrujority of tihem is today for an independent Slova,k state, and that only some of their renegades are in the camp of the so-icalled "Czechosloivruks." In fa,ce of such energetic opposition to Czech and Senb schemes, of which Mr. Ripka is certainly aware, a third "Czechoslovakia," and a third "YugoslaJVia," could be established and maintained only by undemocratic and dictatorial proce3ses, i.e., iby deceit, terror, and vi,olence. Left momentarily without po,wer to do anything else, the exiled Benes "Ozechoslova,ks" and the Serbian "Ywgoslavs" use deceit as their most potent weapon in 1:!he effort to affect their Greater Czech and Greater Ser.bian plans, engaging in a fals e and deceitful propaganda against the Croat and Slo1Vak "separatists." Freedom first, then Federalization There is no doubt in our mind that the organization of Central and Eastern Europe on the ibasis of existing states, as propagated by Mr. Ripka, Mr. Zvon and Company, is contrary to the democratic principle of self-determination of nations. Its realization would clearly meatn the restoration of the old, discTedited regimes, but the fight for national freedom on the part of enslaved nations would continue inside the states. A third "Czechosl'ovaJda" and a third "Yugoslaivia" oould lbe established only in the spirit of balkanization; deception, terror and suppression would be even more emiphasized because, in the meantime, the enslaved nations have increased their determination to find an exit from those oppressor-states. In contrast to this hegemonist spirit, we propose the national questions to lbe solved on the generally acceptable democratic principle of self-determination of nations. The S1ova'ks, Croats, Macedonians, and Sloivenes have ,t he right to choose freely their own fo,rnn of government, and to �SIJOVAKIA 73 live in their own independent states like any other nation. "Czechoslovakia" and "YugoslaJvia," therefore, cannot exist as free and democratic states since the nat1ons fordbly included in them do not want them. So they necessarily must be either Olpen dictatorSlhips, or at least pseudodemocracies based on a bogtll.Si federalism. A truly d,emocratic "Yugoslavia" and a truly democratic "Czechoslovakia" are today as unconceivable as a square circle or a round square; true democracy must inevitably lead to the dissolution of these oppressor-states. Thus an orderly, democratic and ,equitalble reorganization orf Central and Eastern Europe presupposes that its nations are first liberated, forming their own independent states and, then, as a second step, estaiblish federal unions among themselves. This means of course that further independent units must be created, i.e., a free Slovenia, a free Croatia, a free S1ova;kia, a free Macedonia, a free Montenegro, which may then freely select the fo!1lll and direction of their participation in a federal union. 'Dhese states thoug:h sma1,l are capaible of an independent existence, de-s pite the perlidio,u,s propaganda slogans of some of the "eX)perts" who, deny the right of small nations to a free existence with the flimsy arguments ab,o ut their "smallness," evidently forgetting that Denmark, Holland, Luxemiburg, Belgium, Finland, Albania, etc., are also small but, nevertheless, have ;proven their ability to live an independent life. For a tyipical hegemonist lilke Mr. Ripka the idea that Slovaks and Croats maiy acquire their freedom appears to be a horrilble nigihtmare, but for all freedom.Jlo1ving individuals, this is the ,o nly equitable solution of national problems in thait part of Europe. This is not atomization of Europe, or its lbalikanization; this is mutual coopJra.tion on the basis of freedom and a genuine democratic fed eralism. Therefore, the existing states, "Czechoslovakia" and "Yugoslavia," which evidently do not correspond to national needs and aispira,tions of their inha,bitants, must be dissolved in the interest of a just national settlement and general peace. After the existence of independent Slovak 1 �74 SLOV.AKIA. and Croatian states, irrespective of the conditions surrounding their coming into existence and their forms of government, tlhe relations between Cre<!hs and SlovaJks, and between Serl}s and Croats, are not '_'internal questions" any more, though Mr. Ripka would prefer such a formula in order that Benes Orechs could continue to dominate the Sl01Vaks without any foreign interference as they did in the past. Hence these questions are today internatiiOnal questions; they are concerned with the relations between nations with their own state ideas. The right to selrf-determination is not a ruse, as Mr. Ripka alleges, but a democrati'c right which should not be reserved onil¥ for the Ozechs and the Serbs, 'b ut sho.uld aipply also for other cultured and freedom~loving nrations. The Oild comlb,ination of Oz.ecih and Serbian ruling circles has for a long time succeeded in suppressing the will of sUlbjugated na,tionalities and nations for their independence. These ruling circles are now desperately tcying to continue this practice under the caver of a bogus federalism. They have not changed a 1b it, they have remained struble in .their insane crarvings to rule other nations. This may lbe clear.ly recognired in various international and exile OTga:ruJzaJtions where the same old hegemonist crowd iD!Sists on its old "Ozechoslo.vaik" and "'Y ugoslaJV" deceptions, maintaining the fiotions of a "CzeohJOslOIVa!k" and a "Yugoslav" unity, which is not accepta.lble to Slovaks and Croats. For instance, the Ben.es Ozechs have created a "Czechorslovak" Comrmittee, without any representation of the national Sl·o.vaJks (•i ncluding, howeiver, some dubious Slovalks who re.present only themselives and not the wishes of their ipeople). The well-ilmown fact js, however, that the Slovaik nation desires its national independence, and, therefore, a "Czeohoslovaik" Committee is an obvio.us deception ( and so are all "Czechoslovak" political parties), est:a!blished ,for the purpose to sooure the hegemo1t1y of the Ozec!h "master race" over the SlavaJks. The "Voice of America," "Ratlio Free Europe," and similar organizations, are under the influence of the same old politicians who cherish hegemon:ism. For ins,tance, the "Bulletin" (IPregled) in Croatian, published by the Na- �SLOVAKIA 75 tional Committee for a Free Europe, has been edited by a Slovenian "Yugoslav," a former mem/ber of the semi.fascist and dictatoriral iBelrg rade governments which systematica.olly persecuted the Croatian peoiple. All this despite the fact that there are many a.Ible Croatian journalists in this country. This is a deliJberate insult to all Croatians, but numerous Croatian representations that were made to end this scandal remained without any success. The old hegemonist crowd is seemingly much stronger than all the appeals to reason and .p olitical decency In the "Voice of America," the Croatian language has not ,b een recognized, and some Se11bian chauvinists broadcast to Croatia in a tongue which sounds impossible for Croatian ear:s. In this case, also, numerous Croatian protests produced no results. In the Christian-iDemocratic Union, some .Sl01Venian "Yugoslavs" speak in the name of "Yugos:lwvia," haiving no authorization whatsoever from the Croats to do so. The Slovaks, too, have had the same e:x1periences with all these and similar or.ganizations. · In this sense, an those individuals who spea,k in the name of the "OzechoslolV'all{s" and "Yugoslavs" show practically every day just what is their rea,I concept of freedom and equa,lity, and wihat they understand under "federalism." They have ibeen continually using 1!he old methods of domination, and derception, whieih they so successfully employed in the first "YugOSllavia" a,nd "Ozechoslcwa,kia," .paying liip service to "freedom, democracy and equality," but having in mind only the restoration of their old power positions. As a matter of fact, they do not fight for a free IDuro,pe, but only for a :IDu:rope without freedom for enslaved nations. Lt is only unfortunate that some American organ.IBati'ons and ind1;vidua,l s nairvely support such basically undemocratic and imperialist politicians. Mr. Ripka, IMr. 'Zenikl; and their il'k, had a wonderful opportunity to show the woriking of fueir federalism. when they were in power in first and second "Czechoslovakia." However, at that time their "federalism" consisted of an extreme centralism, of the oppression orf the SlovaJk nation, of persecutions and terror. Who could be so naive to �76 SLOVAKIA believe that their "federalism" would be any different in the future, particularly if we consider that they e1Ven now, in exile, belieive the same way as they did before, de~ nying the right of SIIIlali enslaved nations to their freedom. The same aipplies to the Serbian and Slo1Venian "Yugoslavs" wiho possess the sa:rne arrogant menrtality asthe "Ozeic:hos1ova!ks." There can be no do'U!bt that the hegemonist crowd has accepted the slogan orf federalism only to deceive· the world about their real intentions. Burt we do not see that they can ever return to po,w er. They have missed the boat. They have had their chances to create democratic federal structures in "Creclloslo1Va!kia" and "Yugoslavia." Instead they ruled dictatorially, dis;regarding completely the wishes. of the oppressed, and thus increasing the .power of centrifugal forces. Ripka and the Benes Czechs missed the boat even twice. Their prindples of political order have failed miseraJbly and, therefore, new ones are necessary. In a shameful collaJboration with the Communists, the Benes Ozechs have destroyed Slovak independence and put to death many SlovaJk patriots, among them the great Slova,k president, Monsignor 'Diso. Slovaks will never forget that. So we are sure that the Slo:va!k nation wrn sei'r e the first opportunity to, diSllllemiber Ozecho-lSlwrukia and reestrublish its own state The same will be done b,y the Croats in the Communist Greater Senbian Yugo,s lavia. These are the realities of contemporary Europe, while the hegemonist ,plans of Mr. Zvon, Mr. Ripka, and similair hegemonists, also their bogus federalism, must inelVita:bly end in the disposal containers of history. 'l"he time of colonialism, as in Africa so. in Eump~ has definitely passed. Czech and Serlb coloniailis;,;,1, under the claaik of a bogus federalism, must end in defeat. After the ineivitaJble disintegration of Communism, the enslaved nations of Eastern and Central Euroipe will sha:ke off the yokes of Moscow, Belgrade and Prague, and esitalblish their own independent states which will freel,y coorperate in a spirit of a truly democratic federalism, entering into federal unions as free, independent, democratic and equal na,tions. �SLOVAKIA 77 We Croats will certainly destroy any attempt to create a third "Yugoslavia," and we firmly believe that our old friends, the Slo,vaks, ,will do the same with respect to "OzechoslO'Vakia." The Croats and the Slovaks would not be worthy to exist as free nations,, if they permitted again the hy,pocritical hegeanonist scihemera and apostles of a bogus federalism t,o .S'l.llbdue them in the arhlficial appressor--states. There can be no free Europe without free E)uropean nations. There can ibe no equitalble settlemenit in Europe and no free Euro;pean or regional union, without an independent Sl01Vruk state, without an independent Croatian state, without a free Macedonia, without a free Slovenia. The dissolution of "Czechoslovakia" and "Yugo.sla";a" is, therefore, an absolut-ely indispensable cond.iition for a true and genuine federalist structure of the European continent. • • • WHO SAID IT? "Today more than ever before, I cannot stop believing that a free and independent Czeoho-Slovakia can exist only in Europe that is brought to balance, where the West and Russia find a proper agreement to collaborate. Even the events of February 1948 could not shake me from this conviction, which remains the basis of my whole conception of Dr. Hubert Ripka, FIGARO, Paris, national politics." April 4, 1949. • • • "Novem1ber 7, 1917, is the day thaJt is marlrnd in history as the beginning of a new era, which sought the guarantee of happiness to mankind by means of a new method of equalling differences among people and thus achieving contentment on earth. Today it is still too ealI'ly from thaJt epochal occasion to judge objootiveily the consequences of that great deed. One thing, however, is certain: it was the beginning of an enormous process full of ideas born of idealism." - (Dr. Joseph Lettrich, Vice-Cha.irnian of the Executive Committee of the "Counc,il of Free ~echoslo!V'a:kia," NOYE PRUDY, November 18, 194'5). � SLOVAKIA 61 THE AroSTLES OF BOGUS FEDERALISM By Dr. George W. Cesarich "There are o thers, however, who, under the guise of a federation, are hid ing their ou tworn conce pts whi ch would satisfy tbeir own selfis h as-pirations to powe r." - Matus Zvon. I. Zvon and Federalism There is common agreement that the present Political structure of Europe has ibecome obsolete. Nruzi,sm and fascism had contr1buted a great deal to the general disintegration of EUTopean society, but communism and its collaborators in Croatia, Slo,vakia, Bohemia, Hungary, Ser1bia, Romania, Macedonia, Montenegro, Bulgaria, Poland, Albania, etc., ha;ve almost comp1e~ly destroyed the old political, social, and economic struoture in Central and Eastern Europe, substituting a centralistic police state for the old institutions. AmO'l1'g the exiles from that area new ,principles of order are being sought and the general trend is definitely toward federalism. This fact has not escaped the attention of those exiles, who are ,partly responsible for the present plight of the enslawed Central and Eastern European nations; so they are often too ready to pay liip service to the "great principle of federalism," however, at the same time clwerly scheming to restore their old power positioos and privileges. They have learned nothing from history, and with great ,v igor ,propagate again their old, discredited political ideas, this time using, however, a new but more deC'eptive phraseology since the old one has positively lost its former respectability For instance, in the Monthly Bulletin of the International Peasant Union (No. 4, 1953) we lfind an article under the title "Separatism or Unification" by Mr. Matus Zvon who, allegedly, is "a newspaperman of Slavaik origin." However, by his ideas he is evidently an advocate of outworn concep_ts of Ozech and Seribiam coJonialism and hegemony which he very skilfully disguises as "federal1 �62 SLOVAKIA ism." At the same time he conducts a vigorous crusade against "separatism," which is the usual abusive name frequein,tly used lby Czech and ,S eribian chauvinists to designate SlovaJk and Croatian movements for national independence. In short, Mr. Zvon attempts to spread an antiquated "Czechoslovak" and "Yugoslav" 1pro,paganda coveTed with the cloak of a respectable federalism, so that his own motto aJbourt those who "are hiding their outworn concepts under the guise of federnlism" undJO'Uibtedly applies to him and his il'k. His concepts are basically undemocratic and imperialist in nature because they implicitly deny the right to self-determinatio,n for the Slovak and Croatian nations and, thus, are cointra:ry to the idea of a tTuly democratic federalism. His "federalist" pro,posals ha'Ve been made in the spirit of the infamous Little Entente which, among other things, was an alliance of hegemonists orgamzed with the purpose to slllppress ,by force the national liberaticm movements of Croats and 1Slovaiks. Genuine fedeTalism should extend the idea of se1f-determination of nations and not restrict it, as Mr. 7-Jvon desi'I'es. Thus Mr. Zvon's case is certainly the case orf a t)'1pical bogus federalism which is used to perpetuate, 1b y using new propaganda slogans, the oppressor states known as "Czechoslovakia" and "Yugoslavia." We agree with Mr. Zvon in his aHeged objecti,ve of a future that would be free of 1both "Soviet terro;r and expfoitation and of the national jealousies, conflicts and bitterness of the prerwar past." We, too, want ",peace and voluntary cooperation among countries, without dictators and secret pol.ice." We kno,w, howeiver, that his objective is unattainable if "Oze~hoslovaJkia" and "Yugoslaivia" continue to exist. We equally despise the communist or fascist form of totalitarianism. We wholeheartedly accept th~ idea of a federation of free nations, as a synthesis of an enlightened nationalism and a democratic internationalism, which would mean a better future for Central and Eastern Europe. But we coIDIPletely and aJbsolutely disagree with Mr. Zvon's concepts of "seiparatfrm" a,nd "nationalist separatist movements" which he unjustly condemns as a "c,hild of extreme nationalism," asserting that "if left unchooked, �SLOVAKIA 63 they (the separatist movements) could bring aJbout 'the ba1kamzation of Europe'." As a matter of fact, the term "separatism," used as a "smear" term by the Oz,e,ch and Ser,bian h e.gemonists, has been extensively used as a weapon in their political and economic exiploitation of oppressed nationalities, particularly of Slovaks and Car,patho-Ukraini ans in "Czechoslovakia," and of Croatians, tSlovenes, Macedonians, Mbanians, and Montenegrins in "Yugoshwia." What is more, this term has been 1ntentionally girven an omnious connotation by some hegemonists, and Mr. Zvon is only continu·ng this smearing "activity" when painting "separatism" in the darkest possilble colors. He attacks, in effect, those "bad," "separatist" Croats and 1Slovaks who want to free themselives from SeI1bian and Cwclh ,p atronage resp. and thereby intend to destroy such nice, "democratic" states like "CzechoslorvaJkia" and "Y,ugoslaJVia," i.e., make an end to Czech and Se11bian domination. Mr. Zrvon and the International Peasant Un.ion's Bulletin evidently lbelierve that those prisons of nations, "Yugoslavia" and "Ozec'hoslov8Jk-ia," are so.me •k ind of sacred COIWS that sh01Uld not lb e touched by any;body else, in order to be milked, but only lby their ·Se11bian and Orech masters. The first and second "Yugoslavia" and "Czechoslovakia" have passed very strict lruws "for the protection of state" directed against "separatism," and patterned after the similar codes, thus maJking separatism a serious "crime." Some Ozech and Seiibian agitators in exile are evidently unhappy that they are not in a position to apply those laws, i.e., to 'liquidate' freedOIIn-kwing Croats, Slovaks, Macedonians, etc., rSO they engage in a deceptive propaganda against Slovak and Croat "seiparatiSlm." with arguments that could equally a,pply to those American "separatists" who fought for their inde.pendence against EJngland, or to the French resistance moJVement fighting the Germans during World War II. Mr. Zvon's description of "separatism" has as its primary purpose to create a totalitarian scarecrow to be feared and condemned in this democratic world of ours. He contends that "separatism sees the maximum fulfill- �64 SLOVAKIA ment of national life only in a sovereign, independent, &lb preme and ethnically uniform state," and that "the separatism is a dogma which says that the mooit pevfe<!t and supreme !fomn of social life lies in an ethnically uniform state." It is relatively easy to criticize separatism if defined in this manner. But why did Mr. ~on omit to say what he really had in mind when he spoke aibout "separatism"? What he actually fights are the m01Vements of an enslaved nation for liberation from two ev;i1,s: communism and foreign yoke. He aippears to fear t'he struggle of Croats and Slovaks against Se:vb and Czech co1oruzation which is exactly identical with the s.truggle of American colonists a:gainSit English colonialism. For the so-called "separatists" of Mr. ~on, i.e., the Croats and the Slova!ks, "separatism" is no,t "a faith in a dogma in an ethnica.Ny unifomn state" as he misr~esents it, because they all know well that a complete ethnical uniformity is out of the question in Central and Eastern Europe because of many mixed territories. They haJVe never advocated the idea, as he asserts, that the national state is the "supreme form of social life." However, they have become increasingly more aware of the fact, confi11med by their historical exiperience in "Yugoslavia" and "Czechoslovakia," that they can fully develop their spiritual, cultura:l and economic resources only if they are free of foJ"eign hegemony, i.e., h:we their OIWil independent state. For them, this state is not an absolute ivalue, or a "supreme form of social life," but a practical necessity of their free and prosperous existence. Czech and Se11bian propagandists h:we .b een desperately trying to create the impression that there is something wrong witlh Croat and SlovaJk struggle for national independence. 'Dhereifore, they speaJk of it as a form of "extreme nationalism - chauvinist nationalism - extreme and uncooperative na,tionalism" - and even "totalitarian nationalism." ThLs is ~aotl.y what Mr. Zvon, too, is doing. Of coUTse, he does not have a single word of conde:mnation for Czech and Seooian imperiruliSIIIl, sneering only at the nation aliSIIIl of the oppressed ibut not the imperialism of their oppressors. �SLOVAKIA 65 ENidently, in Mr. Zivon's, opinion, nationalism of small and enslaJVed nations who fight for their freedom and independence is "chauvinistic, e~reme," and "intolerant separatism.." But nationalism of those who have ruled in "CzechoslovaJkia" and "Yugoslavia" - of the Czechs, the Seribs, and theiir helpers - is "geilluine parioti:s m" and "creative nationalism." '.Dhis is the inescaipruble implication of Mr. Zvon's, article that attacks only nationalism of oppressed n8Jtions lalbeled as ",s eparatism" and, at the same time, keeps completely silent albout the chauvinistic nationalism of some O!f the Czechs and iSe:rlbs, and their e~loitation of other Il!ations. Such a "federalism" - as propagated by Mr. Zwon which denies to small nations their right to se1f-deter,mination, aind also attempts to pe:r,petuate their oppression in artifically created states - is undisputably a fraudulent and untrue federalism. It rwould reestalblish the old regimes which, in national respect, were not muoh better than the communist systems with their ,p hony, centralistic "federalisan." There is, indeed, an unlbridgeaible gu1f between such bogus federalism and a truly democratic federalism. Freedom and federalism are two terun.s that are inseparruble. "Yugoslavi:a" and "OzechoslO'VaJ~ia" cannot exist in freedom, because the Croats and the Slovruk•s are almost unanimously opposed to the continued existence of these states. So "Yugoslruvia" and "Czechosl01Vrukia" can be kept aliive only by force and terror. However, a genuine federation cannot ibe created from albOIVe and maintained lb y force and terror, as some "OzechoslOIVruks" and "Yugoslavs" would like to do. This fact is clearly recogruzed by Mr. George M. DimitroJV, Secretary Generrul of the futernational Peasant Union, when he writes: "The attempts to impose federations from above for the purpose of accomodatlng the int.erests of governing oligarchies and cliques - have not been productive of positive results for the nations themselves. Past governments haive spoken od', and speculaited with such sohemes only when faced with unsunmountable difficulties or as a matter of unscrupuloos opportunism." (LiJberation and Union, Washington, 1952, p. 13.). �66 SLOVAKIA As an example f.o r his viewpoint, Mr. Dimitrov descriJbes "the unifi,c ation of Selfus, Croats and Slo,venes manipulated after world War I," stressmg that "it attained no durable results because it was im_po5ed from above, ignO'ring the ideas and needs of the .peoiples involived as weLl as truiy democratic procedures." Thus, any federation should lbe a free union of national states, or as Mr. Dimitrov puts it, "a true federation of free nations, and not an artificial and from above imposed creation." Therefore, the future European Union, and equally any eventJUal future regionail federations, should be built up from ,below and rest on free indiividual nations, and not on artificial oppressor states like "Ozechos.loivakia" and "Yugoslavia." This i:s a!lso the oipinion of the President of the Croatian Peasant Party, Dr. Valdko Macelk, who, in the same pUlblication (ip. 115), inivited the exiles "to prepare plans for a future Union of Free National States in Central and Southeastern Europe." In addition, it is imiportant that such plans ,be realized throwgh truly d~ocratic procedures and in ~ccordan.ce rwith the wishes of the respective peoples which could 1b e easily ascertained lby f~ee ple!biscites. !Having in mind that these ideas are basi~ for a democratic and federalist setup in Central and Eastern Eiurope, we must draw the conclusion that Mr. Zvon's ,b ogus federalism is intenti:onailly directed against the sulbjrugated tions · of "Czechosloivakia" and "Yugoslruvia." And we, therefore, consider it very unfortunate that his article WaJS pulblished in the Bulletin of the International Peasant Union which, as a democratic o,rgani~ti:on, .should be an. instrument. of freedom and 1progress and _not a S'Uipporter of the old regimes. Mr. Zivon must certainly have known that the Croatian Peasa;nt iParty, which is a memlber of the Union, defends the right of the Croatian ,p eople to. national independence and, in this sense, is Olbviously against any "Yugoslavia," therefore "separatist' in the eyes of Mr. Zvon and his kind. This olbjective of the Croa..tian Peasant Party has been proclaimed on many occasions. Consequently, the article attacking "separatism" of the Croats and the Slova!ks, and implicitly defending "Yugoslavia" and "Ozecho- -na- �67 SIJOVAKIA slovaJkia," is entirely orut of place in the Bulletin of the I. P. U. H we were not acquainted with the ideas expressed by Dr. Maic~k and Dr. Do:rmtrov, we could easil,y .get the wrong impression that the whole International Peasant Uniolll has become ain instrument for the restoration of the old regimes in Central and Eastern Europe. The ,participation in the I. P. U. of "OzeclJ.OSilovaJk" and "Yugoslav-1Seribian" politica.'l .parties · (which are exdusively Czech and Serbian creaitions), may only strengthen this impression sin~e it is a weN-;kn01WI1 ·fact that the nam.es "Czechoslovak" and "Yugoslav" hruve always lb~en a cover..;up for Czech and Serbian hegemony. fu addition, the real representa:tive.s of the Slova!k peasant people, the leaders of the Hlinka Party in exile, are not members of tlle I. P. U. I.n our Olpiniorn, thorough reorganiization of the I. P. U. would ibe necessary if it would convince the exiles orf all nations that this organi'zation is not a hodge-ipodge assemJblage of old politi'cians imbued with old -hegemonist caru:!epts, ibut an or,g arrization with new, progressive ideas, advocating a truly democratic federalism !based on free iniliividual nations, and in no wary identified with the oippressor-states. We siil!cereily believe that a ibetter and morn equitalble international order in Europe can never ib e founded on the bogus federalism propagated by Mr. Zvon and his so-called "Czechoslo;vaks." In a •s imilar manner, some ChetniJk prorpagandists orf a Greater Seroia speaJk also of a third, "federalist" Yugosil.1aNia. All this is not a solution of national prolblems. On the contrary, the necessary prerequisit.e for a democratic fed,eralized structure in Europe lies, in our opinion, in the liberation of all subjugated nations from the oppression exerted by Moscow, Prague, and Belgrade, and the creation of independent national states, including the Croat and thre Slovak states, which would then freely unite in a higher federal union. The representatives of those nations are progressiive and democratic men who are actirve partisans of a genuine federalism, aind reject a nairrowminded. and intolera.rnt nationalism. But they resolutely orppose tJhe bogus federalism of Mr. Zvon, some "Ozechoslovaks•," and some "Yugoslavs," since it would only prolong a 1 �68 SLOVAKIA the sufferings of subjugated nations in the artificial states which the Croats aind the Slovruks definitely and finalily do accept as their own. II. Ripka and Federalism Another Ciharaicteristic example of such a bogus federalism may 1b e found in the mimeograip:he d -book by Mr. Hubert Riiplcia (A Federation of Central Europe, New York, 1953), published at aJbout the same time as Mr. Zlvon's article, and pvolbaJbly insipired by the same crOIWd of political exiles. Mr. Ripka pleads for a "federation of existing states," not of nations. He is against any "dismemberm ent of Yugoslwvia and ~hoslOJVaki a." He asserts that the "dismemberment of one or the other state would cause destructive repercussions in t.lhe Danulbian region and also in the Balkans." In his opinion, "angry disputes among small, weak states would multiply," and "all efforts to integrate politically or economicailly the quarel1ing nations would collapse in the initial staige." Mr. Ripka says that "Yugoslavia, like OzechoslovaJkia, is esential to Europe, especially to East and Centra!l Eumpe." He thus disregards the wellknown facts that the, Croats do, not want to li,ve in any "Yugoslavia," and that the Slovaks do not want "Czechoslovakia." Though he recognizes the right of the Ukraine to secede from the Russian empire, he nevertheless denies the same right •o f secession to Croatia and !Slovaikia, thus rffillaining loyal to tile old hegemonist alliance of the Czech a.n d Serb ruling circles whicli, for over twenty years, had prevented any sulbstantial reforms in "OzechoslQIVrukia" and "Yugoslavia," and so, are greatly responsible for the present plight of enslaved nations therein. As coUild haive b een expected, Mr. Riplcia, who, togerthe~ with otlier Benes Ozechs, collwlborated with the Communists before, during and after Wovld War lI, and participated in the destruction oif Slovak national independence, rejects the conception of organizing Central and ])astern Europe on the basis of nations in contradiction to existing states. Like Mr. Zlvon, he too contends that "its rea:lization �69 SDOVAKIA would result in the balkanization of the wihole East Central Europe," and for f.ull measure he adds some shallow phrases aJbout ",graive and sometimes insolwble conflicts" which would allegedly preivent "higher integration." MT. Ripka transcends, however, into the world of Aesop's fables when he attempts to put over the idea that "Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia were not artificial creations of Versailles diplomacy, but were, on the contrary, organic results of the historical evolution." Of course, he forgets to mention the Pittsburgh Agreement between the Slovaks and the Ozechs which was s·o shamefully violated by the Czech ruling drcles, and he disregards the undenia:ble fact that the Croats haive never accepted "Yrugoslavia" in a free election or a free plebiscite! Mr. Ripka even ventures to make the statement that "a positive ,policy, intended to create a better organization of Central Euro:pe in the future, after the fall of Soviet domination, must be !based therefore upon the existing states which correspond to national needs and aspirations of the nations concerned" ; tJhus he regards the relationships between Czechs and Slovaks and those between Se-z,bs and Croats, as "a matter of internal politics." May be that "Czechoslova;kia" and "Yugoslavia" co,r respond to "national needs and aspirations" (to exploitation) of the •B enes Czechs and Serbian "Yugosla:vs," but it is not true that these states have never corresponded to the national needs and aspirations of the Croat and Slovak nations. On the contrary, these nations will do everything possiible to dismember the states which tJhey intensely despise, and create their own states in order to be masters of their OIWil destiny. AJS to the '~bal!kanization oif Burope," this term can only mean the use of pretense and deceit in relations between the nations It is an indisput~ble fact that these were and still are the methods used b,y some Czech and Serbian hegemonists a:gainst the enslaved natiorns. 'I'herefore, only these hegemonists are the ones who are responsilble for this strange, new ,phenomenon cahled the "lba1kanilza:tion of Europe" which came into exist.ence only after the creation of "Yugoslavia" and "Czechoslovarkia." 1 �70 SLOVAKIA EJvidently, the ideoloigy cYf Mr. Ripka and the Benes Ozechs, as eXiplained in their ipublica:tions, conclusively proves that they ,woU!ld like to continue t:he e~loitat.ion of the small ,b ut courageous Slovruk nation in a third "Czedhoslovrukia," and, since the case of "Yugoslavia" is a very similar one, tihey have 'been contiir:ruously inrventing flimsy arguments to effect the sulbjugation of borth the Croats and the 1Slovaik&. There is nothing peculiar aJbout it when a memlber of the Benes im!I)erialist ruling clique dn,es not recognize the right to freedom and independence to other natiOI1Js, and when he arrogantly attaoks Sloivruk and Croat "separatists" (again that disparaging word) and their national moivemenrts, since it would be swa.nge if it were othel1W'ise.. There already are, however, many progressiJve Czechs who, like t:he Czech Lt. Colonel F. 0. Mikscilie, in the spirit of a true federalism and genuine mutua;l cooperation s,a.y that only bad Ozechs and bad Slovaks can be "Ozechoslovruks." (And we saiy accordingly that only bad Croats and ba.tl Selibs can 'be "Yugoslavs"). The iprincilples of a truly democratic federalism, based on independent and free nations, has been gaining more a:nd more ground. Politics ma!kes for strange 'bedfellows, however, and the propaga:nd.i·s ts oif the old regime and political status quo find a supporter in an unexpected quarter. A former Htmgaria.n Minister to Paris, iMr Paul Auer (Liiooraition a:nd Union, p 20), has a nightmare that "the efforts oif certain nationa.il groups (as, the Slorva:ks and Croaits) to achieve greater independence than they have en!joyed up to now, also slhow the need for a federal system in Southeastern EurOipe, because if these people were to a'C'hieve their aims, we would 1b e fa.iced by a still greater numlber of small states in this a.rea with eiven less power to resist outside pressure." iMay be this is another form of bogus federalism that fears freedom and independence of en:shINed natfon and does not comprehend that this is an albsolutely necessary prerequisite for a free federal union. Mr. Ripka boldly asserts, without amy proof, that a dismemberment of "Yugoslavfa" wo•u ld make impossible any organization of the DanU!bia.n area and the iBaJl.kans. This sounds in our ea.rs Hke a:n argument for fee!ble-minded per- �SLOVAKIA 71 sons, since a solid and la.sting politicaJ orga.nimtion must be ,b ased on freedom, ,a nd freedom cannot 'be coupled, as experience teaches, Mth tJhe e~ence of the artificial creations, o!f Versailles. In fact, the first "YugoslaJvia" was kept together only by force and terror, and consequently easily disintegrated in the fi'.rst storm. The same was the case with "Czechoslova kia" which fell without any resistance. "Yugoslavia" was creat.ed against the will of the Croatian people; the Croats always regarded it as a prison of nations and gave a helping hand to destroy that prison. They will do it agam witJh Tito's "Yugoslavia," or any other "YUJgoslaivia," when the occasion arises. In "Czechoslovru kia," the Slovaks wanted first their aJUtonomy, and when this was denied to them, their independence. 'Dhey were n:ot interested in defending a state which was a clevwly disguised hegemony over them and the Carpatho-Ukr ainians, despite the fact tllat millions were spent a'broiad to propagandir7.e that state as a "bastion of democracy." "Yugoslavia" and ''Czechoslovakia" did not solve national problems. If anything, they for a time only succeeded to suppress them. But, in addition, they have created many new iprdblems that did not exist earlier; among other things, they have certainly increased the amount of mutuaJ intolerance and hatred among their component parts. 'I'he organ:iization o!f that a;rea on the basis of independent nations in a true federal union is the only alternative to the "Czechoslovak " and "Yugoslav" failures. This union would, in accordance with the wishes of the people, bring about a democraJti~ political structure, and simultaneously increase cooperation and tolerance among the respective nations. Let us make olear that the opposition to "Ozechoslovakia" and "YugosilaJvia" iby the Slovaks and Croats and Macedonians, is llJOt the opposition of a small gro111p of "separ.aJtists," as some colonialists would like the public to beliesve, but the opposition of the overwhehning majority of the respective nations. In our recently ,pulblished bOOlk ( Croatia and Serbia, why is their peaceful separation a European necessity?, Croatia Cultural PUJblishing Center, �72 SLOVAKIA 4.851 Drexel Blvd., Chicrugo 15, llinois), we have proven beyond any reasonaJble doulbt that today all the Croan, unanimously advocate the separation of Croatia and Serbia, i.e., the dismemberment of Yugoslavia, and that this solution is in the interesit of a lasting Euroipean settlement and peruce in that area. As to the SlovaJks, it is a iwell-<lmown fact that a great mrujority of tihem is today for an independent Slova,k state, and that only some of their renegades are in the camp of the so-icalled "Czechosloivruks." In fa,ce of such energetic opposition to Czech and Senb schemes, of which Mr. Ripka is certainly aware, a third "Czechoslovakia," and a third "YugoslaJVia," could be established and maintained only by undemocratic and dictatorial proce3ses, i.e., iby deceit, terror, and vi,olence. Left momentarily without po,wer to do anything else, the exiled Benes "Ozechoslova,ks" and the Serbian "Ywgoslavs" use deceit as their most potent weapon in 1:!he effort to affect their Greater Czech and Greater Ser.bian plans, engaging in a fals e and deceitful propaganda against the Croat and Slo1Vak "separatists." Freedom first, then Federalization There is no doubt in our mind that the organization of Central and Eastern Europe on the ibasis of existing states, as propagated by Mr. Ripka, Mr. Zvon and Company, is contrary to the democratic principle of self-determination of nations. Its realization would clearly meatn the restoration of the old, discTedited regimes, but the fight for national freedom on the part of enslaved nations would continue inside the states. A third "Czechosl'ovaJda" and a third "Yugoslaivia" oould lbe established only in the spirit of balkanization; deception, terror and suppression would be even more emiphasized because, in the meantime, the enslaved nations have increased their determination to find an exit from those oppressor-states. In contrast to this hegemonist spirit, we propose the national questions to lbe solved on the generally acceptable democratic principle of self-determination of nations. The S1ova'ks, Croats, Macedonians, and Sloivenes have ,t he right to choose freely their own fo,rnn of government, and to �SIJOVAKIA 73 live in their own independent states like any other nation. "Czechoslovakia" and "YugoslaJvia," therefore, cannot exist as free and democratic states since the nat1ons fordbly included in them do not want them. So they necessarily must be either Olpen dictatorSlhips, or at least pseudodemocracies based on a bogtll.Si federalism. A truly d,emocratic "Yugoslavia" and a truly democratic "Czechoslovakia" are today as unconceivable as a square circle or a round square; true democracy must inevitably lead to the dissolution of these oppressor-states. Thus an orderly, democratic and ,equitalble reorganization orf Central and Eastern Europe presupposes that its nations are first liberated, forming their own independent states and, then, as a second step, estaiblish federal unions among themselves. This means of course that further independent units must be created, i.e., a free Slovenia, a free Croatia, a free S1ova;kia, a free Macedonia, a free Montenegro, which may then freely select the fo!1lll and direction of their participation in a federal union. 'Dhese states thoug:h sma1,l are capaible of an independent existence, de-s pite the perlidio,u,s propaganda slogans of some of the "eX)perts" who, deny the right of small nations to a free existence with the flimsy arguments ab,o ut their "smallness," evidently forgetting that Denmark, Holland, Luxemiburg, Belgium, Finland, Albania, etc., are also small but, nevertheless, have ;proven their ability to live an independent life. For a tyipical hegemonist lilke Mr. Ripka the idea that Slovaks and Croats maiy acquire their freedom appears to be a horrilble nigihtmare, but for all freedom.Jlo1ving individuals, this is the ,o nly equitable solution of national problems in thait part of Europe. This is not atomization of Europe, or its lbalikanization; this is mutual coopJra.tion on the basis of freedom and a genuine democratic fed eralism. Therefore, the existing states, "Czechoslovakia" and "Yugoslavia," which evidently do not correspond to national needs and aispira,tions of their inha,bitants, must be dissolved in the interest of a just national settlement and general peace. After the existence of independent Slovak 1 �74 SLOV.AKIA. and Croatian states, irrespective of the conditions surrounding their coming into existence and their forms of government, tlhe relations between Cre<!hs and SlovaJks, and between Serl}s and Croats, are not '_'internal questions" any more, though Mr. Ripka would prefer such a formula in order that Benes Orechs could continue to dominate the Sl01Vaks without any foreign interference as they did in the past. Hence these questions are today internatiiOnal questions; they are concerned with the relations between nations with their own state ideas. The right to selrf-determination is not a ruse, as Mr. Ripka alleges, but a democrati'c right which should not be reserved onil¥ for the Ozechs and the Serbs, 'b ut sho.uld aipply also for other cultured and freedom~loving nrations. The Oild comlb,ination of Oz.ecih and Serbian ruling circles has for a long time succeeded in suppressing the will of sUlbjugated na,tionalities and nations for their independence. These ruling circles are now desperately tcying to continue this practice under the caver of a bogus federalism. They have not changed a 1b it, they have remained struble in .their insane crarvings to rule other nations. This may lbe clear.ly recognired in various international and exile OTga:ruJzaJtions where the same old hegemonist crowd iD!Sists on its old "Ozechoslo.vaik" and "'Y ugoslaJV" deceptions, maintaining the fiotions of a "CzeohJOslOIVa!k" and a "Yugoslav" unity, which is not accepta.lble to Slovaks and Croats. For instance, the Ben.es Ozechs have created a "Czechorslovak" Comrmittee, without any representation of the national Sl·o.vaJks (•i ncluding, howeiver, some dubious Slovalks who re.present only themselives and not the wishes of their ipeople). The well-ilmown fact js, however, that the Slovaik nation desires its national independence, and, therefore, a "Czeohoslovaik" Committee is an obvio.us deception ( and so are all "Czechoslovak" political parties), est:a!blished ,for the purpose to sooure the hegemo1t1y of the Ozec!h "master race" over the SlavaJks. The "Voice of America," "Ratlio Free Europe," and similar organizations, are under the influence of the same old politicians who cherish hegemon:ism. For ins,tance, the "Bulletin" (IPregled) in Croatian, published by the Na- �SLOVAKIA 75 tional Committee for a Free Europe, has been edited by a Slovenian "Yugoslav," a former mem/ber of the semi.fascist and dictatoriral iBelrg rade governments which systematica.olly persecuted the Croatian peoiple. All this despite the fact that there are many a.Ible Croatian journalists in this country. This is a deliJberate insult to all Croatians, but numerous Croatian representations that were made to end this scandal remained without any success. The old hegemonist crowd is seemingly much stronger than all the appeals to reason and .p olitical decency In the "Voice of America," the Croatian language has not ,b een recognized, and some Se11bian chauvinists broadcast to Croatia in a tongue which sounds impossible for Croatian ear:s. In this case, also, numerous Croatian protests produced no results. In the Christian-iDemocratic Union, some .Sl01Venian "Yugoslavs" speak in the name of "Yugos:lwvia," haiving no authorization whatsoever from the Croats to do so. The Slovaks, too, have had the same e:x1periences with all these and similar or.ganizations. · In this sense, an those individuals who spea,k in the name of the "OzechoslolV'all{s" and "Yugoslavs" show practically every day just what is their rea,I concept of freedom and equa,lity, and wihat they understand under "federalism." They have ibeen continually using 1!he old methods of domination, and derception, whieih they so successfully employed in the first "YugOSllavia" a,nd "Ozechoslcwa,kia," .paying liip service to "freedom, democracy and equality," but having in mind only the restoration of their old power positions. As a matter of fact, they do not fight for a free IDuro,pe, but only for a :IDu:rope without freedom for enslaved nations. Lt is only unfortunate that some American organ.IBati'ons and ind1;vidua,l s nairvely support such basically undemocratic and imperialist politicians. Mr. Ripka, IMr. 'Zenikl; and their il'k, had a wonderful opportunity to show the woriking of fueir federalism. when they were in power in first and second "Czechoslovakia." However, at that time their "federalism" consisted of an extreme centralism, of the oppression orf the SlovaJk nation, of persecutions and terror. Who could be so naive to �76 SLOVAKIA believe that their "federalism" would be any different in the future, particularly if we consider that they e1Ven now, in exile, belieive the same way as they did before, de~ nying the right of SIIIlali enslaved nations to their freedom. The same aipplies to the Serbian and Slo1Venian "Yugoslavs" wiho possess the sa:rne arrogant menrtality asthe "Ozeic:hos1ova!ks." There can be no do'U!bt that the hegemonist crowd has accepted the slogan orf federalism only to deceive· the world about their real intentions. Burt we do not see that they can ever return to po,w er. They have missed the boat. They have had their chances to create democratic federal structures in "Creclloslo1Va!kia" and "Yugoslavia." Instead they ruled dictatorially, dis;regarding completely the wishes. of the oppressed, and thus increasing the .power of centrifugal forces. Ripka and the Benes Czechs missed the boat even twice. Their prindples of political order have failed miseraJbly and, therefore, new ones are necessary. In a shameful collaJboration with the Communists, the Benes Ozechs have destroyed Slovak independence and put to death many SlovaJk patriots, among them the great Slova,k president, Monsignor 'Diso. Slovaks will never forget that. So we are sure that the Slo:va!k nation wrn sei'r e the first opportunity to, diSllllemiber Ozecho-lSlwrukia and reestrublish its own state The same will be done b,y the Croats in the Communist Greater Senbian Yugo,s lavia. These are the realities of contemporary Europe, while the hegemonist ,plans of Mr. Zvon, Mr. Ripka, and similair hegemonists, also their bogus federalism, must inelVita:bly end in the disposal containers of history. 'l"he time of colonialism, as in Africa so. in Eump~ has definitely passed. Czech and Serlb coloniailis;,;,1, under the claaik of a bogus federalism, must end in defeat. After the ineivitaJble disintegration of Communism, the enslaved nations of Eastern and Central Euroipe will sha:ke off the yokes of Moscow, Belgrade and Prague, and esitalblish their own independent states which will freel,y coorperate in a spirit of a truly democratic federalism, entering into federal unions as free, independent, democratic and equal na,tions. �SLOVAKIA 77 We Croats will certainly destroy any attempt to create a third "Yugoslavia," and we firmly believe that our old friends, the Slo,vaks, ,will do the same with respect to "OzechoslO'Vakia." The Croats and the Slovaks would not be worthy to exist as free nations,, if they permitted again the hy,pocritical hegeanonist scihemera and apostles of a bogus federalism t,o .S'l.llbdue them in the arhlficial appressor--states. There can be no free Europe without free E)uropean nations. There can ibe no equitalble settlemenit in Europe and no free Euro;pean or regional union, without an independent Sl01Vruk state, without an independent Croatian state, without a free Macedonia, without a free Slovenia. The dissolution of "Czechoslovakia" and "Yugo.sla";a" is, therefore, an absolut-ely indispensable cond.iition for a true and genuine federalist structure of the European continent. • • • WHO SAID IT? "Today more than ever before, I cannot stop believing that a free and independent Czeoho-Slovakia can exist only in Europe that is brought to balance, where the West and Russia find a proper agreement to collaborate. Even the events of February 1948 could not shake me from this conviction, which remains the basis of my whole conception of Dr. Hubert Ripka, FIGARO, Paris, national politics." April 4, 1949. • • • "Novem1ber 7, 1917, is the day thaJt is marlrnd in history as the beginning of a new era, which sought the guarantee of happiness to mankind by means of a new method of equalling differences among people and thus achieving contentment on earth. Today it is still too ealI'ly from thaJt epochal occasion to judge objootiveily the consequences of that great deed. One thing, however, is certain: it was the beginning of an enormous process full of ideas born of idealism." - (Dr. Joseph Lettrich, Vice-Cha.irnian of the Executive Committee of the "Counc,il of Free ~echoslo!V'a:kia," NOYE PRUDY, November 18, 194'5). � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 61 THE AroSTLES OF BOGUS FEDERALISM By Dr. George W. Cesarich "There are o thers, however, who, under the guise of a federation, are hid ing their ou tworn conce pts whi ch would satisfy tbeir own selfis h as-pirations to powe r." - Matus Zvon. I. Zvon and Federalism There is common agreement that the present Political structure of Europe has ibecome obsolete. Nruzi,sm and fascism had contr1buted a great deal to the general disintegration of EUTopean society, but communism and its collaborators in Croatia, Slo,vakia, Bohemia, Hungary, Ser1bia, Romania, Macedonia, Montenegro, Bulgaria, Poland, Albania, etc., ha;ve almost comp1e~ly destroyed the old political, social, and economic struoture in Central and Eastern Europe, substituting a centralistic police state for the old institutions. AmO'l1'g the exiles from that area new ,principles of order are being sought and the general trend is definitely toward federalism. This fact has not escaped the attention of those exiles, who are ,partly responsible for the present plight of the enslawed Central and Eastern European nations; so they are often too ready to pay liip service to the "great principle of federalism," however, at the same time clwerly scheming to restore their old power positioos and privileges. They have learned nothing from history, and with great ,v igor ,propagate again their old, discredited political ideas, this time using, however, a new but more deC'eptive phraseology since the old one has positively lost its former respectability For instance, in the Monthly Bulletin of the International Peasant Union (No. 4, 1953) we lfind an article under the title "Separatism or Unification" by Mr. Matus Zvon who, allegedly, is "a newspaperman of Slavaik origin." However, by his ideas he is evidently an advocate of outworn concep_ts of Ozech and Seribiam coJonialism and hegemony which he very skilfully disguises as "federal1 62 SLOVAKIA ism." At the same time he conducts a vigorous crusade against "separatism," which is the usual abusive name frequein,tly used lby Czech and ,S eribian chauvinists to designate SlovaJk and Croatian movements for national independence. In short, Mr. Zvon attempts to spread an antiquated "Czechoslovak" and "Yugoslav" 1pro,paganda coveTed with the cloak of a respectable federalism, so that his own motto aJbourt those who "are hiding their outworn concepts under the guise of federnlism" undJO'Uibtedly applies to him and his il'k. His concepts are basically undemocratic and imperialist in nature because they implicitly deny the right to self-determinatio,n for the Slovak and Croatian nations and, thus, are cointra:ry to the idea of a tTuly democratic federalism. His "federalist" pro,posals ha'Ve been made in the spirit of the infamous Little Entente which, among other things, was an alliance of hegemonists orgamzed with the purpose to slllppress ,by force the national liberaticm movements of Croats and 1Slovaiks. Genuine fedeTalism should extend the idea of se1f-determination of nations and not restrict it, as Mr. 7-Jvon desi'I'es. Thus Mr. Zvon's case is certainly the case orf a t)'1pical bogus federalism which is used to perpetuate, 1b y using new propaganda slogans, the oppressor states known as "Czechoslovakia" and "Yugoslavia." We agree with Mr. Zvon in his aHeged objecti,ve of a future that would be free of 1both "Soviet terro;r and expfoitation and of the national jealousies, conflicts and bitterness of the prerwar past." We, too, want ",peace and voluntary cooperation among countries, without dictators and secret pol.ice." We kno,w, howeiver, that his objective is unattainable if "Oze~hoslovaJkia" and "Yugoslaivia" continue to exist. We equally despise the communist or fascist form of totalitarianism. We wholeheartedly accept th~ idea of a federation of free nations, as a synthesis of an enlightened nationalism and a democratic internationalism, which would mean a better future for Central and Eastern Europe. But we coIDIPletely and aJbsolutely disagree with Mr. Zvon's concepts of "seiparatfrm" a,nd "nationalist separatist movements" which he unjustly condemns as a "c,hild of extreme nationalism," asserting that "if left unchooked, SLOVAKIA 63 they (the separatist movements) could bring aJbout 'the ba1kamzation of Europe'." As a matter of fact, the term "separatism," used as a "smear" term by the Oz,e,ch and Ser,bian h e.gemonists, has been extensively used as a weapon in their political and economic exiploitation of oppressed nationalities, particularly of Slovaks and Car,patho-Ukraini ans in "Czechoslovakia," and of Croatians, tSlovenes, Macedonians, Mbanians, and Montenegrins in "Yugoshwia." What is more, this term has been 1ntentionally girven an omnious connotation by some hegemonists, and Mr. Zvon is only continu·ng this smearing "activity" when painting "separatism" in the darkest possilble colors. He attacks, in effect, those "bad," "separatist" Croats and 1Slovaks who want to free themselives from SeI1bian and Cwclh ,p atronage resp. and thereby intend to destroy such nice, "democratic" states like "CzechoslorvaJkia" and "Y,ugoslaJVia," i.e., make an end to Czech and Se11bian domination. Mr. Zrvon and the International Peasant Un.ion's Bulletin evidently lbelierve that those prisons of nations, "Yugoslavia" and "Ozec'hoslov8Jk-ia," are so.me •k ind of sacred COIWS that sh01Uld not lb e touched by any;body else, in order to be milked, but only lby their ·Se11bian and Orech masters. The first and second "Yugoslavia" and "Czechoslovakia" have passed very strict lruws "for the protection of state" directed against "separatism," and patterned after the similar codes, thus maJking separatism a serious "crime." Some Ozech and Seiibian agitators in exile are evidently unhappy that they are not in a position to apply those laws, i.e., to 'liquidate' freedOIIn-kwing Croats, Slovaks, Macedonians, etc., rSO they engage in a deceptive propaganda against Slovak and Croat "seiparatiSlm." with arguments that could equally a,pply to those American "separatists" who fought for their inde.pendence against EJngland, or to the French resistance moJVement fighting the Germans during World War II. Mr. Zvon's description of "separatism" has as its primary purpose to create a totalitarian scarecrow to be feared and condemned in this democratic world of ours. He contends that "separatism sees the maximum fulfill- 64 SLOVAKIA ment of national life only in a sovereign, independent, &lb preme and ethnically uniform state," and that "the separatism is a dogma which says that the mooit pevfe<!t and supreme !fomn of social life lies in an ethnically uniform state." It is relatively easy to criticize separatism if defined in this manner. But why did Mr. ~on omit to say what he really had in mind when he spoke aibout "separatism"? What he actually fights are the m01Vements of an enslaved nation for liberation from two ev;i1,s: communism and foreign yoke. He aippears to fear t'he struggle of Croats and Slovaks against Se:vb and Czech co1oruzation which is exactly identical with the s.truggle of American colonists a:gainSit English colonialism. For the so-called "separatists" of Mr. ~on, i.e., the Croats and the Slova!ks, "separatism" is no,t "a faith in a dogma in an ethnica.Ny unifomn state" as he misr~esents it, because they all know well that a complete ethnical uniformity is out of the question in Central and Eastern Europe because of many mixed territories. They haJVe never advocated the idea, as he asserts, that the national state is the "supreme form of social life." However, they have become increasingly more aware of the fact, confi11med by their historical exiperience in "Yugoslavia" and "Czechoslovakia," that they can fully develop their spiritual, cultura:l and economic resources only if they are free of foJ"eign hegemony, i.e., h:we their OIWil independent state. For them, this state is not an absolute ivalue, or a "supreme form of social life," but a practical necessity of their free and prosperous existence. Czech and Se11bian propagandists h:we .b een desperately trying to create the impression that there is something wrong witlh Croat and SlovaJk struggle for national independence. 'Dhereifore, they speaJk of it as a form of "extreme nationalism - chauvinist nationalism - extreme and uncooperative na,tionalism" - and even "totalitarian nationalism." ThLs is ~aotl.y what Mr. Zvon, too, is doing. Of coUTse, he does not have a single word of conde:mnation for Czech and Seooian imperiruliSIIIl, sneering only at the nation aliSIIIl of the oppressed ibut not the imperialism of their oppressors. SLOVAKIA 65 ENidently, in Mr. Zivon's, opinion, nationalism of small and enslaJVed nations who fight for their freedom and independence is "chauvinistic, e~reme," and "intolerant separatism.." But nationalism of those who have ruled in "CzechoslovaJkia" and "Yugoslavia" - of the Czechs, the Seribs, and theiir helpers - is "geilluine parioti:s m" and "creative nationalism." '.Dhis is the inescaipruble implication of Mr. Zvon's, article that attacks only nationalism of oppressed n8Jtions lalbeled as ",s eparatism" and, at the same time, keeps completely silent albout the chauvinistic nationalism of some O!f the Czechs and iSe:rlbs, and their e~loitation of other Il!ations. Such a "federalism" - as propagated by Mr. Zwon which denies to small nations their right to se1f-deter,mination, aind also attempts to pe:r,petuate their oppression in artifically created states - is undisputably a fraudulent and untrue federalism. It rwould reestalblish the old regimes which, in national respect, were not muoh better than the communist systems with their ,p hony, centralistic "federalisan." There is, indeed, an unlbridgeaible gu1f between such bogus federalism and a truly democratic federalism. Freedom and federalism are two terun.s that are inseparruble. "Yugoslavi:a" and "OzechoslO'VaJ~ia" cannot exist in freedom, because the Croats and the Slovruk•s are almost unanimously opposed to the continued existence of these states. So "Yugoslruvia" and "Czechosl01Vrukia" can be kept aliive only by force and terror. However, a genuine federation cannot ibe created from albOIVe and maintained lb y force and terror, as some "OzechoslOIVruks" and "Yugoslavs" would like to do. This fact is clearly recogruzed by Mr. George M. DimitroJV, Secretary Generrul of the futernational Peasant Union, when he writes: "The attempts to impose federations from above for the purpose of accomodatlng the int.erests of governing oligarchies and cliques - have not been productive of positive results for the nations themselves. Past governments haive spoken od', and speculaited with such sohemes only when faced with unsunmountable difficulties or as a matter of unscrupuloos opportunism." (LiJberation and Union, Washington, 1952, p. 13.). 66 SLOVAKIA As an example f.o r his viewpoint, Mr. Dimitrov descriJbes "the unifi,c ation of Selfus, Croats and Slo,venes manipulated after world War I," stressmg that "it attained no durable results because it was im_po5ed from above, ignO'ring the ideas and needs of the .peoiples involived as weLl as truiy democratic procedures." Thus, any federation should lbe a free union of national states, or as Mr. Dimitrov puts it, "a true federation of free nations, and not an artificial and from above imposed creation." Therefore, the future European Union, and equally any eventJUal future regionail federations, should be built up from ,below and rest on free indiividual nations, and not on artificial oppressor states like "Ozechos.loivakia" and "Yugoslavia." This i:s a!lso the oipinion of the President of the Croatian Peasant Party, Dr. Valdko Macelk, who, in the same pUlblication (ip. 115), inivited the exiles "to prepare plans for a future Union of Free National States in Central and Southeastern Europe." In addition, it is imiportant that such plans ,be realized throwgh truly d~ocratic procedures and in ~ccordan.ce rwith the wishes of the respective peoples which could 1b e easily ascertained lby f~ee ple!biscites. !Having in mind that these ideas are basi~ for a democratic and federalist setup in Central and Eastern Eiurope, we must draw the conclusion that Mr. Zvon's ,b ogus federalism is intenti:onailly directed against the sulbjrugated tions · of "Czechosloivakia" and "Yugoslruvia." And we, therefore, consider it very unfortunate that his article WaJS pulblished in the Bulletin of the International Peasant Union which, as a democratic o,rgani~ti:on, .should be an. instrument. of freedom and 1progress and _not a S'Uipporter of the old regimes. Mr. Zivon must certainly have known that the Croatian Peasa;nt iParty, which is a memlber of the Union, defends the right of the Croatian ,p eople to. national independence and, in this sense, is Olbviously against any "Yugoslavia," therefore "separatist' in the eyes of Mr. Zvon and his kind. This olbjective of the Croa..tian Peasant Party has been proclaimed on many occasions. Consequently, the article attacking "separatism" of the Croats and the Slova!ks, and implicitly defending "Yugoslavia" and "Ozecho- -na- 67 SIJOVAKIA slovaJkia," is entirely orut of place in the Bulletin of the I. P. U. H we were not acquainted with the ideas expressed by Dr. Maic~k and Dr. Do:rmtrov, we could easil,y .get the wrong impression that the whole International Peasant Uniolll has become ain instrument for the restoration of the old regimes in Central and Eastern Europe. The ,participation in the I. P. U. of "OzeclJ.OSilovaJk" and "Yugoslav-1Seribian" politica.'l .parties · (which are exdusively Czech and Serbian creaitions), may only strengthen this impression sin~e it is a weN-;kn01WI1 ·fact that the nam.es "Czechoslovak" and "Yugoslav" hruve always lb~en a cover..;up for Czech and Serbian hegemony. fu addition, the real representa:tive.s of the Slova!k peasant people, the leaders of the Hlinka Party in exile, are not members of tlle I. P. U. I.n our Olpiniorn, thorough reorganiization of the I. P. U. would ibe necessary if it would convince the exiles orf all nations that this organi'zation is not a hodge-ipodge assemJblage of old politi'cians imbued with old -hegemonist caru:!epts, ibut an or,g arrization with new, progressive ideas, advocating a truly democratic federalism !based on free iniliividual nations, and in no wary identified with the oippressor-states. We siil!cereily believe that a ibetter and morn equitalble international order in Europe can never ib e founded on the bogus federalism propagated by Mr. Zvon and his so-called "Czechoslo;vaks." In a •s imilar manner, some ChetniJk prorpagandists orf a Greater Seroia speaJk also of a third, "federalist" Yugosil.1aNia. All this is not a solution of national prolblems. On the contrary, the necessary prerequisit.e for a democratic fed,eralized structure in Europe lies, in our opinion, in the liberation of all subjugated nations from the oppression exerted by Moscow, Prague, and Belgrade, and the creation of independent national states, including the Croat and thre Slovak states, which would then freely unite in a higher federal union. The representatives of those nations are progressiive and democratic men who are actirve partisans of a genuine federalism, aind reject a nairrowminded. and intolera.rnt nationalism. But they resolutely orppose tJhe bogus federalism of Mr. Zvon, some "Ozechoslovaks•," and some "Yugoslavs," since it would only prolong a 1 68 SLOVAKIA the sufferings of subjugated nations in the artificial states which the Croats aind the Slovruks definitely and finalily do accept as their own. II. Ripka and Federalism Another Ciharaicteristic example of such a bogus federalism may 1b e found in the mimeograip:he d -book by Mr. Hubert Riiplcia (A Federation of Central Europe, New York, 1953), published at aJbout the same time as Mr. Zlvon's article, and pvolbaJbly insipired by the same crOIWd of political exiles. Mr. Ripka pleads for a "federation of existing states," not of nations. He is against any "dismemberm ent of Yugoslwvia and ~hoslOJVaki a." He asserts that the "dismemberment of one or the other state would cause destructive repercussions in t.lhe Danulbian region and also in the Balkans." In his opinion, "angry disputes among small, weak states would multiply," and "all efforts to integrate politically or economicailly the quarel1ing nations would collapse in the initial staige." Mr. Ripka says that "Yugoslavia, like OzechoslovaJkia, is esential to Europe, especially to East and Centra!l Eumpe." He thus disregards the wellknown facts that the, Croats do, not want to li,ve in any "Yugoslavia," and that the Slovaks do not want "Czechoslovakia." Though he recognizes the right of the Ukraine to secede from the Russian empire, he nevertheless denies the same right •o f secession to Croatia and !Slovaikia, thus rffillaining loyal to tile old hegemonist alliance of the Czech a.n d Serb ruling circles whicli, for over twenty years, had prevented any sulbstantial reforms in "OzechoslQIVrukia" and "Yugoslavia," and so, are greatly responsible for the present plight of enslaved nations therein. As coUild haive b een expected, Mr. Riplcia, who, togerthe~ with otlier Benes Ozechs, collwlborated with the Communists before, during and after Wovld War lI, and participated in the destruction oif Slovak national independence, rejects the conception of organizing Central and ])astern Europe on the basis of nations in contradiction to existing states. Like Mr. Zlvon, he too contends that "its rea:lization 69 SDOVAKIA would result in the balkanization of the wihole East Central Europe," and for f.ull measure he adds some shallow phrases aJbout ",graive and sometimes insolwble conflicts" which would allegedly preivent "higher integration." MT. Ripka transcends, however, into the world of Aesop's fables when he attempts to put over the idea that "Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia were not artificial creations of Versailles diplomacy, but were, on the contrary, organic results of the historical evolution." Of course, he forgets to mention the Pittsburgh Agreement between the Slovaks and the Ozechs which was s·o shamefully violated by the Czech ruling drcles, and he disregards the undenia:ble fact that the Croats haive never accepted "Yrugoslavia" in a free election or a free plebiscite! Mr. Ripka even ventures to make the statement that "a positive ,policy, intended to create a better organization of Central Euro:pe in the future, after the fall of Soviet domination, must be !based therefore upon the existing states which correspond to national needs and aspirations of the nations concerned" ; tJhus he regards the relationships between Czechs and Slovaks and those between Se-z,bs and Croats, as "a matter of internal politics." May be that "Czechoslova;kia" and "Yugoslavia" co,r respond to "national needs and aspirations" (to exploitation) of the •B enes Czechs and Serbian "Yugosla:vs," but it is not true that these states have never corresponded to the national needs and aspirations of the Croat and Slovak nations. On the contrary, these nations will do everything possiible to dismember the states which tJhey intensely despise, and create their own states in order to be masters of their OIWil destiny. AJS to the '~bal!kanization oif Burope," this term can only mean the use of pretense and deceit in relations between the nations It is an indisput~ble fact that these were and still are the methods used b,y some Czech and Serbian hegemonists a:gainst the enslaved natiorns. 'I'herefore, only these hegemonists are the ones who are responsilble for this strange, new ,phenomenon cahled the "lba1kanilza:tion of Europe" which came into exist.ence only after the creation of "Yugoslavia" and "Czechoslovarkia." 1 70 SLOVAKIA EJvidently, the ideoloigy cYf Mr. Ripka and the Benes Ozechs, as eXiplained in their ipublica:tions, conclusively proves that they ,woU!ld like to continue t:he e~loitat.ion of the small ,b ut courageous Slovruk nation in a third "Czedhoslovrukia," and, since the case of "Yugoslavia" is a very similar one, tihey have 'been contiir:ruously inrventing flimsy arguments to effect the sulbjugation of borth the Croats and the 1Slovaik&. There is nothing peculiar aJbout it when a memlber of the Benes im!I)erialist ruling clique dn,es not recognize the right to freedom and independence to other natiOI1Js, and when he arrogantly attaoks Sloivruk and Croat "separatists" (again that disparaging word) and their national moivemenrts, since it would be swa.nge if it were othel1W'ise.. There already are, however, many progressiJve Czechs who, like t:he Czech Lt. Colonel F. 0. Mikscilie, in the spirit of a true federalism and genuine mutua;l cooperation s,a.y that only bad Ozechs and bad Slovaks can be "Ozechoslovruks." (And we saiy accordingly that only bad Croats and ba.tl Selibs can 'be "Yugoslavs"). The iprincilples of a truly democratic federalism, based on independent and free nations, has been gaining more a:nd more ground. Politics ma!kes for strange 'bedfellows, however, and the propaga:nd.i·s ts oif the old regime and political status quo find a supporter in an unexpected quarter. A former Htmgaria.n Minister to Paris, iMr Paul Auer (Liiooraition a:nd Union, p 20), has a nightmare that "the efforts oif certain nationa.il groups (as, the Slorva:ks and Croaits) to achieve greater independence than they have en!joyed up to now, also slhow the need for a federal system in Southeastern EurOipe, because if these people were to a'C'hieve their aims, we would 1b e fa.iced by a still greater numlber of small states in this a.rea with eiven less power to resist outside pressure." iMay be this is another form of bogus federalism that fears freedom and independence of en:shINed natfon and does not comprehend that this is an albsolutely necessary prerequisite for a free federal union. Mr. Ripka boldly asserts, without amy proof, that a dismemberment of "Yugoslavfa" wo•u ld make impossible any organization of the DanU!bia.n area and the iBaJl.kans. This sounds in our ea.rs Hke a:n argument for fee!ble-minded per- SLOVAKIA 71 sons, since a solid and la.sting politicaJ orga.nimtion must be ,b ased on freedom, ,a nd freedom cannot 'be coupled, as experience teaches, Mth tJhe e~ence of the artificial creations, o!f Versailles. In fact, the first "YugoslaJvia" was kept together only by force and terror, and consequently easily disintegrated in the fi'.rst storm. The same was the case with "Czechoslova kia" which fell without any resistance. "Yugoslavia" was creat.ed against the will of the Croatian people; the Croats always regarded it as a prison of nations and gave a helping hand to destroy that prison. They will do it agam witJh Tito's "Yugoslavia," or any other "YUJgoslaivia," when the occasion arises. In "Czechoslovru kia," the Slovaks wanted first their aJUtonomy, and when this was denied to them, their independence. 'Dhey were n:ot interested in defending a state which was a clevwly disguised hegemony over them and the Carpatho-Ukr ainians, despite the fact tllat millions were spent a'broiad to propagandir7.e that state as a "bastion of democracy." "Yugoslavia" and ''Czechoslovakia" did not solve national problems. If anything, they for a time only succeeded to suppress them. But, in addition, they have created many new iprdblems that did not exist earlier; among other things, they have certainly increased the amount of mutuaJ intolerance and hatred among their component parts. 'I'he organ:iization o!f that a;rea on the basis of independent nations in a true federal union is the only alternative to the "Czechoslovak " and "Yugoslav" failures. This union would, in accordance with the wishes of the people, bring about a democraJti~ political structure, and simultaneously increase cooperation and tolerance among the respective nations. Let us make olear that the opposition to "Ozechoslovakia" and "YugosilaJvia" iby the Slovaks and Croats and Macedonians, is llJOt the opposition of a small gro111p of "separ.aJtists," as some colonialists would like the public to beliesve, but the opposition of the overwhehning majority of the respective nations. In our recently ,pulblished bOOlk ( Croatia and Serbia, why is their peaceful separation a European necessity?, Croatia Cultural PUJblishing Center, 72 SLOVAKIA 4.851 Drexel Blvd., Chicrugo 15, llinois), we have proven beyond any reasonaJble doulbt that today all the Croan, unanimously advocate the separation of Croatia and Serbia, i.e., the dismemberment of Yugoslavia, and that this solution is in the interesit of a lasting Euroipean settlement and peruce in that area. As to the SlovaJks, it is a iwell-<lmown fact that a great mrujority of tihem is today for an independent Slova,k state, and that only some of their renegades are in the camp of the so-icalled "Czechosloivruks." In fa,ce of such energetic opposition to Czech and Senb schemes, of which Mr. Ripka is certainly aware, a third "Czechoslovakia," and a third "YugoslaJVia," could be established and maintained only by undemocratic and dictatorial proce3ses, i.e., iby deceit, terror, and vi,olence. Left momentarily without po,wer to do anything else, the exiled Benes "Ozechoslova,ks" and the Serbian "Ywgoslavs" use deceit as their most potent weapon in 1:!he effort to affect their Greater Czech and Greater Ser.bian plans, engaging in a fals e and deceitful propaganda against the Croat and Slo1Vak "separatists." Freedom first, then Federalization There is no doubt in our mind that the organization of Central and Eastern Europe on the ibasis of existing states, as propagated by Mr. Ripka, Mr. Zvon and Company, is contrary to the democratic principle of self-determination of nations. Its realization would clearly meatn the restoration of the old, discTedited regimes, but the fight for national freedom on the part of enslaved nations would continue inside the states. A third "Czechosl'ovaJda" and a third "Yugoslaivia" oould lbe established only in the spirit of balkanization; deception, terror and suppression would be even more emiphasized because, in the meantime, the enslaved nations have increased their determination to find an exit from those oppressor-states. In contrast to this hegemonist spirit, we propose the national questions to lbe solved on the generally acceptable democratic principle of self-determination of nations. The S1ova'ks, Croats, Macedonians, and Sloivenes have ,t he right to choose freely their own fo,rnn of government, and to SIJOVAKIA 73 live in their own independent states like any other nation. "Czechoslovakia" and "YugoslaJvia," therefore, cannot exist as free and democratic states since the nat1ons fordbly included in them do not want them. So they necessarily must be either Olpen dictatorSlhips, or at least pseudodemocracies based on a bogtll.Si federalism. A truly d,emocratic "Yugoslavia" and a truly democratic "Czechoslovakia" are today as unconceivable as a square circle or a round square; true democracy must inevitably lead to the dissolution of these oppressor-states. Thus an orderly, democratic and ,equitalble reorganization orf Central and Eastern Europe presupposes that its nations are first liberated, forming their own independent states and, then, as a second step, estaiblish federal unions among themselves. This means of course that further independent units must be created, i.e., a free Slovenia, a free Croatia, a free S1ova;kia, a free Macedonia, a free Montenegro, which may then freely select the fo!1lll and direction of their participation in a federal union. 'Dhese states thoug:h sma1,l are capaible of an independent existence, de-s pite the perlidio,u,s propaganda slogans of some of the "eX)perts" who, deny the right of small nations to a free existence with the flimsy arguments ab,o ut their "smallness," evidently forgetting that Denmark, Holland, Luxemiburg, Belgium, Finland, Albania, etc., are also small but, nevertheless, have ;proven their ability to live an independent life. For a tyipical hegemonist lilke Mr. Ripka the idea that Slovaks and Croats maiy acquire their freedom appears to be a horrilble nigihtmare, but for all freedom.Jlo1ving individuals, this is the ,o nly equitable solution of national problems in thait part of Europe. This is not atomization of Europe, or its lbalikanization; this is mutual coopJra.tion on the basis of freedom and a genuine democratic fed eralism. Therefore, the existing states, "Czechoslovakia" and "Yugoslavia," which evidently do not correspond to national needs and aispira,tions of their inha,bitants, must be dissolved in the interest of a just national settlement and general peace. After the existence of independent Slovak 1 74 SLOV.AKIA. and Croatian states, irrespective of the conditions surrounding their coming into existence and their forms of government, tlhe relations between Cre<!hs and SlovaJks, and between Serl}s and Croats, are not '_'internal questions" any more, though Mr. Ripka would prefer such a formula in order that Benes Orechs could continue to dominate the Sl01Vaks without any foreign interference as they did in the past. Hence these questions are today internatiiOnal questions; they are concerned with the relations between nations with their own state ideas. The right to selrf-determination is not a ruse, as Mr. Ripka alleges, but a democrati'c right which should not be reserved onil¥ for the Ozechs and the Serbs, 'b ut sho.uld aipply also for other cultured and freedom~loving nrations. The Oild comlb,ination of Oz.ecih and Serbian ruling circles has for a long time succeeded in suppressing the will of sUlbjugated na,tionalities and nations for their independence. These ruling circles are now desperately tcying to continue this practice under the caver of a bogus federalism. They have not changed a 1b it, they have remained struble in .their insane crarvings to rule other nations. This may lbe clear.ly recognired in various international and exile OTga:ruJzaJtions where the same old hegemonist crowd iD!Sists on its old "Ozechoslo.vaik" and "'Y ugoslaJV" deceptions, maintaining the fiotions of a "CzeohJOslOIVa!k" and a "Yugoslav" unity, which is not accepta.lble to Slovaks and Croats. For instance, the Ben.es Ozechs have created a "Czechorslovak" Comrmittee, without any representation of the national Sl·o.vaJks (•i ncluding, howeiver, some dubious Slovalks who re.present only themselives and not the wishes of their ipeople). The well-ilmown fact js, however, that the Slovaik nation desires its national independence, and, therefore, a "Czeohoslovaik" Committee is an obvio.us deception ( and so are all "Czechoslovak" political parties), est:a!blished ,for the purpose to sooure the hegemo1t1y of the Ozec!h "master race" over the SlavaJks. The "Voice of America," "Ratlio Free Europe," and similar organizations, are under the influence of the same old politicians who cherish hegemon:ism. For ins,tance, the "Bulletin" (IPregled) in Croatian, published by the Na- SLOVAKIA 75 tional Committee for a Free Europe, has been edited by a Slovenian "Yugoslav," a former mem/ber of the semi.fascist and dictatoriral iBelrg rade governments which systematica.olly persecuted the Croatian peoiple. All this despite the fact that there are many a.Ible Croatian journalists in this country. This is a deliJberate insult to all Croatians, but numerous Croatian representations that were made to end this scandal remained without any success. The old hegemonist crowd is seemingly much stronger than all the appeals to reason and .p olitical decency In the "Voice of America," the Croatian language has not ,b een recognized, and some Se11bian chauvinists broadcast to Croatia in a tongue which sounds impossible for Croatian ear:s. In this case, also, numerous Croatian protests produced no results. In the Christian-iDemocratic Union, some .Sl01Venian "Yugoslavs" speak in the name of "Yugos:lwvia," haiving no authorization whatsoever from the Croats to do so. The Slovaks, too, have had the same e:x1periences with all these and similar or.ganizations. · In this sense, an those individuals who spea,k in the name of the "OzechoslolV'all{s" and "Yugoslavs" show practically every day just what is their rea,I concept of freedom and equa,lity, and wihat they understand under "federalism." They have ibeen continually using 1!he old methods of domination, and derception, whieih they so successfully employed in the first "YugOSllavia" a,nd "Ozechoslcwa,kia," .paying liip service to "freedom, democracy and equality," but having in mind only the restoration of their old power positions. As a matter of fact, they do not fight for a free IDuro,pe, but only for a :IDu:rope without freedom for enslaved nations. Lt is only unfortunate that some American organ.IBati'ons and ind1;vidua,l s nairvely support such basically undemocratic and imperialist politicians. Mr. Ripka, IMr. 'Zenikl; and their il'k, had a wonderful opportunity to show the woriking of fueir federalism. when they were in power in first and second "Czechoslovakia." However, at that time their "federalism" consisted of an extreme centralism, of the oppression orf the SlovaJk nation, of persecutions and terror. Who could be so naive to 76 SLOVAKIA believe that their "federalism" would be any different in the future, particularly if we consider that they e1Ven now, in exile, belieive the same way as they did before, de~ nying the right of SIIIlali enslaved nations to their freedom. The same aipplies to the Serbian and Slo1Venian "Yugoslavs" wiho possess the sa:rne arrogant menrtality asthe "Ozeic:hos1ova!ks." There can be no do'U!bt that the hegemonist crowd has accepted the slogan orf federalism only to deceive· the world about their real intentions. Burt we do not see that they can ever return to po,w er. They have missed the boat. They have had their chances to create democratic federal structures in "Creclloslo1Va!kia" and "Yugoslavia." Instead they ruled dictatorially, dis;regarding completely the wishes. of the oppressed, and thus increasing the .power of centrifugal forces. Ripka and the Benes Czechs missed the boat even twice. Their prindples of political order have failed miseraJbly and, therefore, new ones are necessary. In a shameful collaJboration with the Communists, the Benes Ozechs have destroyed Slovak independence and put to death many SlovaJk patriots, among them the great Slova,k president, Monsignor 'Diso. Slovaks will never forget that. So we are sure that the Slo:va!k nation wrn sei'r e the first opportunity to, diSllllemiber Ozecho-lSlwrukia and reestrublish its own state The same will be done b,y the Croats in the Communist Greater Senbian Yugo,s lavia. These are the realities of contemporary Europe, while the hegemonist ,plans of Mr. Zvon, Mr. Ripka, and similair hegemonists, also their bogus federalism, must inelVita:bly end in the disposal containers of history. 'l"he time of colonialism, as in Africa so. in Eump~ has definitely passed. Czech and Serlb coloniailis;,;,1, under the claaik of a bogus federalism, must end in defeat. After the ineivitaJble disintegration of Communism, the enslaved nations of Eastern and Central Euroipe will sha:ke off the yokes of Moscow, Belgrade and Prague, and esitalblish their own independent states which will freel,y coorperate in a spirit of a truly democratic federalism, entering into federal unions as free, independent, democratic and equal na,tions. SLOVAKIA 77 We Croats will certainly destroy any attempt to create a third "Yugoslavia," and we firmly believe that our old friends, the Slo,vaks, ,will do the same with respect to "OzechoslO'Vakia." The Croats and the Slovaks would not be worthy to exist as free nations,, if they permitted again the hy,pocritical hegeanonist scihemera and apostles of a bogus federalism t,o .S'l.llbdue them in the arhlficial appressor--states. There can be no free Europe without free E)uropean nations. There can ibe no equitalble settlemenit in Europe and no free Euro;pean or regional union, without an independent Sl01Vruk state, without an independent Croatian state, without a free Macedonia, without a free Slovenia. The dissolution of "Czechoslovakia" and "Yugo.sla";a" is, therefore, an absolut-ely indispensable cond.iition for a true and genuine federalist structure of the European continent. • • • WHO SAID IT? "Today more than ever before, I cannot stop believing that a free and independent Czeoho-Slovakia can exist only in Europe that is brought to balance, where the West and Russia find a proper agreement to collaborate. Even the events of February 1948 could not shake me from this conviction, which remains the basis of my whole conception of Dr. Hubert Ripka, FIGARO, Paris, national politics." April 4, 1949. • • • "Novem1ber 7, 1917, is the day thaJt is marlrnd in history as the beginning of a new era, which sought the guarantee of happiness to mankind by means of a new method of equalling differences among people and thus achieving contentment on earth. Today it is still too ealI'ly from thaJt epochal occasion to judge objootiveily the consequences of that great deed. One thing, however, is certain: it was the beginning of an enormous process full of ideas born of idealism." - (Dr. Joseph Lettrich, Vice-Cha.irnian of the Executive Committee of the "Counc,il of Free ~echoslo!V'a:kia," NOYE PRUDY, November 18, 194'5).  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Apostles of Bogus Federalism Description An account of the resource Dr. George W. Cesarich Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 3-4 (12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954 pp. 61-77 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Cesarich, George W. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Sept.-Dec. 1954 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/d033383ad3e73b0c22316c27576ac95d.pdf 9a1c0f39a0c07be4b8a5ddd7714e1a34 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 78 HOW '.fillE COMMUNISTS SEIZED POWER IN SWVAKIA (STATEMENT BY PHILIP A. HROBAK, PRESIDENT OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA AND EDITOR OF THE JEDNOTA, OFFICIAL ORGAN OF THE FIRST CATHOLIC SLOVAK UNION, MADE BEFORE THE KERSTEN COMMITTEE ON COMMUNIST AGGRESSION, IN THE COUNTY COURT HOUSE, MILWAUKEE, FRIDAY AFTERNOON, OCT0!3ER 22, 1954) If there is a nation in the world today that really is anti-Communist, that nation is th,e Slovak nation. It is a matter of historical record that the Slovaks have fought the plague of materialistic- Communism consistently and persistently, in and OU! of season, for over a hundred years. Louis Stur, champion of democracy and Slovak freedom, repudiated the godless, materialistic philosophy of Marx in 1849. In his book "SLOV ANSTVO A SVET BUDUCNOSTI" (Slavdom and the World of the Future), written in 1849 but published after his death in 1856, he wrote: "In every instance Communism means the collapse and the destruction of the State. Communism arrived at this aim through atheism and apostacy from Christianity. In every form of Communism, n_o matter what its origin, the outlook on life is gloomy, lacking every tender joy. It brings the most cruel slavery. Communism, let it strive and pretend in any manner whatsoever that it will make all peoples share in all rights, nevertheless, knows nothing about humanity; it degrades humanity and because it holds to systems that are impractical and unrealizable, it belongs among the most stupid innovations that have thus far been created by the human mind." In 1905, at its very first session, the newly organized Hlinka Slovak Peoples Party, did not hesitate to condemn CommuniSIIIl. Fourteen years later, in 1919, when CzechoSlovakia was already established, General Milan R. Stefanik, Slovak hero of World War I and one of the founders of Czecho-Slovakia cautioned T. G. Masaryk and Edward Benes not to flirt with Communism, not to make any compromises with the Bolsheviks. Stefanik was in Russia �SLOVAKIA 79 during 1918-1919 and saw Communism at work first hand. In February, he sent a telegram to Masaryk in Prague which said: "To flirt with Bolshevist tendencies would be comparable to foresaking the path of honor and sanity. The fight against Bolshevism in all its manifestations must prevail in our politics." Andrew Hlinka, fearless champion of Slovak freedom and founder and head of the Slovak Peoples Party, fought Communism and Communists all his life. So did Martin Razus, head of the Slovak National Party and distin. guished poet. Finally, Dr. Joseph Tiso, president and martyr of the Slovak Republic, exhorted his Slovak people to persevere in its fight against the dread plague of Communism even as he was being led to the gallows on April 18, 1947, by order of the Communist-dominated National Front government of the Benes-Gottwald coalition. Up to the creation of Czecho-Slovakia in 1918, materialistic Communism could not gain a foothold among the Slovaks. After the Bolshevik group headed by Bela Kun seized the government in Hungary, his Red horde: invaded southern Slovakia, murdering thousands of innocent people and pillaging their lands. This only steeled the Slova.ks in their determination to fight Communism and Communists. In the early years of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, the Prague Gove,r nrnent sent some 200,000 "progressive and liberal-minded" Czechs to Slovakia to take over various government posts, educational positions and other tasks. Their main objective, however, was to make Czechs out of Slovaks. It was then that leftist tendrncies began to take hold among some of the intelligentsia. The Communist Party, however, had pretty rough going among the Slovaks, who were traditionally deeply religious and opposed to the godless philosophy of Marx. Up to Munich, J 938, the Communist Party never represented more than JO per cent of the electorate in Slovakia. We must not forget, however, that the Czechs in Slovakia represented about 15· per cent of the electorate. It was the Czech group that gave the greatest support to Communists in Slovakia. �80 SLOVAKIA After Munich and the cowardly resignation of president Edward Benes, Slovakia was granted autonomy by the Prague Parliament. The government of the Slovak State was in Christian democratic hands. The Communist Party was outlawed in Slovakia in 1938 by the Slovak Government. Of course, the Reds worked underground, keeping their contacts with Moscow and, later, with the London government of Dr. Edward Benes. When Benes concluded the so-called "Czechoslovak Soviet" Treaty on December 12, 1943, the Slovaks knew definitely that not only they, but even the Czechs wert' formally sold out to the Kremlin. Benes had always been pro-Soviet and admitted it openly. So did his followers, the Czech National Socialists (The Czech Nazis). The Slovaks opposed his policy consistently and resolutely even in the Prague Parliament, declaring that such a policy even. tually would bring ruin and Red enslavement to the peoples of Czecho-Slovakia. But the Slovaks were in a minority, so the policy of Benes and his followers, supported by other Czech leftist parties and the Slovak Agrarians, the socalled "Czechoslova ks" (Slovaks in the pay of the Czechs), prevailed. In 1943, Moscow parachuted Soviet partisan leaders into Slovakia to create incidents, to spread terror and confusion among the population of central Slovakia. Communists, led by Schmid,ke and Husak, and the Slovak Agrarians, led by Dr. Joseph Lettric,h, and assuming the name of Slovak "Democrats," got together on Christmas Day, 1943, and concluded an agreement to collaborate as closely as possible in all things with the USSR in the spirit of the Benes-Soviet Treaty of December 12, 1943. And they did. They planned and executed the Communist-in spired Slovak uprising in August, 1944, which they misnomered the "Slovak National Uprising," in order to make the world believe that the whole Slovak nation revolted against its government to destroy its own Republic. The terroristic acts of the partisans brought the German Anny into Slovakia, and terror and destruction, and mass murders and �SLOVAKIA 81 mass graves. Some 70,000 Slovaks were killed . The Communist revolt of August, 1944, prepared the ground for the Communists to take over key posts in SlQlVakia in 1945 and, later, In February 1948, the entire Government of Czecho-Slovakia. Benes was recognized by both the United Nations and the USSR. The Slovaks, completely abandoned, were helpless; their situation desperate. The victorious United Nations were not at all interested in the political will of the Slovak Nation. Benes and his Moscow-created government had all the say in 1945, they controlled the press and radio, Slovakia was wantonly destroyed. The Communist-dominated National Front government wasted no time in Slovakia. The Slovak National Council - a 50-50 coalition of Communists and Lettrich "Democrats" nationalized churches, ecclesiastical schools and institutions, confiscated properties, set up a concentration camp and "people's" courts to mete out "justice" to all who opposed the regime, that is Benes, the Communists and the USSR. A wave o,f ruthless, brutal perse.cution of all anti-Communist element ensued. Over 130,000 were placed under arrest, tens of thousands were deported, disfranchised and dispossessed, and hundreds were murdered. In 1946 the vast masses of the Slovak people had little choice in the elections held in May. In 1945 only two political parties were allowed to organize in Slovakia by the Benes government: the old Communist Party and the old Agrarian Party; the latter, however, had to change its name to the "Democratic" Party, because the Agrarian Party had been outlawed in Czech lands. Two other parties were allowed to form just prior to the elections of 1946 by the Communist-domin ated Prague government which were supposed to weaken the "Democrats" and, therefore strengthen the position of the Communists. The ruse, however, failed. The Slovaks could vote for the Lettrich "Democrats," or for the Communists who held the upper hand in Slovakia. The overwhelming majority of the Slovak people, which was Catholic (about 85 per cent), was not allowed to organize a political party. Being advised and instru.cted by their religious a:nd political leaders, the Slovak �82 SLOVAKIA Catholics voted for the Lettrich "Democrats" - after a,n agreement had been reached by the leaders of the Catholics and the "Democrats." Doing so, they recikoned, they chose the lesser of two evils. The Communists were beaten decisively; they received only 30 per cent of the votes cast, while the "Democrats" poled 62 per cent . The difference would have been still greater if thousands of Slovaks had not been disfranchised ; jailed and intimidated; and if the army, the partisans and imported Czech Reds had not been allowed to vote in Slovakia. In the Czech lands (Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia), where the Prague government had allowed four parties to ex,ist, the Communists and Socialists came out on top (over 54 per centJ. 'l'he Lettrich "Democrats" won the elections in Slovakia in 1946, but the Communists continued to hold on to the key positions; of course, with the blessing of Moscow and the Communist-do minated National Front Government of Prague. The Slovaks proved themselves courageous and valiant in voting against the Communists, but it availed them nothing. The Lettrich "Democrats" lacked the courage and fight; their spineless leaders conveniently forgot the working agreement with the Catholics; and yielded to the Communists on practically every score. So the Communists ran Slovakia the way they wanted to, oppressing and suppressing all non~Communist elements ruthlessly. True it is that the "Democrats" protested weakly on occasions, but nothing more, even though they did have the backing of the overwhelming majority of the Slovak people. They were gradually awakening to what collaboration with the Communists means. They were partners in the National Front and the Slovak National Counoil; they had agreed to collaborate closely with the Reds. And the Reds had only one purpose: to make Slovakia and the.n the whole of Czecho-Slovak ia subservient to them and to Moscow. If the "Democrats" balked or tried to back out, they could very easily be labeled "enemies" of the State and the National Front, according to the decrees and regulations which they had formulated with the Communists, and which they used against all so-called "Fascist and Nazi" elements, meaning, of course, anti-Communist elements �SLOVAKIA 83 in Slovakia. So they continued to collaborate and govern with the Communists, until the Reds threw them out. Dr. Eward Benes, president of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, resigned in 1938 and fled his country during its worst crisis, congratulating his successor, who was elected in his place according to the Constitution of Czecho-Slovakia. Later he reappointed himself president again and, by the grace of Stalin, returned as such with his Moscowformed government behind the Red Army. This, l believe, is without precedent in history. Benes became president again, but only at a price, a very high price - the sell-out of the Slovaks and the Czechs to the men of the Kremlin. Stalin did no favors for nothing. The Slovaks and the Czechs at home had no voice in the matter. As a result of Benes's pro-Soviet policy, nothing else could have happened in Czecho-Slovakia except what did happen on February 25, 1948. Such and only such can be the conclusion of all thoroughly informed observers. Moscow and her stooges had a "sure thing" in Czecho-Slovakia ; they simply could not miss Benes and his Czech Socialists. supported by their stooges in Slovakia, the "Czechoslovaks" or Lettrich "Democrats" - the traitqrs of the Slovak nation - had prepared the way and, hence, are responsible for the sell-out of the Czech and Slovak nations to the ruthless men of the Kremlin. Benes and his political entourage firmly believed that collaboration between the USSR and Czecho-Slovakia was not only feasible, but highly desirable; that peaceful coexistence with the Reds was possible without the loss of freedoms and rights. And they promoted that policy to the bitter end. Czecho-Slovakia ended up just as did the other countries whose political leaders thought they could collaborate with Communists and the USSR, form coalition governments with them, and still preserve their independence, freedoms and rights. Moscow and its stooges deeply appreciated all such collaborations and rewarded all collaborators in the customary Red fashion - it liquidated them, proving again that Communism devours its own children. Many Slovak Communists and Lettrich "Democrat,s " have �84 SLOVAKIA already paid for their folly and the ruinous pro-Soviet policy of Dr. Edward Benes with their lives. Many more languish in prisons, concentration camps and forced labor camps - the very same institutions they helped the Communists to establish. The Communists were able to seize Slovakia not beca use they had the support of the vast masses of the Slovak people, but despite the fact that the overwhelming majority of the Slovak nation opposed them. And, in fact, sWl opposes them today. The victorious United Nations did not respect the will of the Slovak nation, in fact, were not even interested in ascertaining the will of the Slovaks. They did, however, respect the will of Benes and his Cze<!h Socialists, who, in the end, brought ruin and Red enslavement even on their own Czech nation. Slovakia was, therefore, sold out to the Reds by Benes and the victorious United Nations whose favor and confidence he enjo,yed. Slovakia is ruled by force and violence - the Communist system. The lesson of Slovakia, and then that of Czecho-Slovakia should be repeated over and over again so that it might be learned thoroughly. Peaceful coexistence with the USSR, the Communist world, is strictly a myth. To give it credence would be folly. Collaboration with Communists and the USSR means, in the end, a brutal suppression of all freedoms and rights and Red enslavement. • • • WHO SAID IT? "With equal enthusiasm we are today manifesting for the idea~s of our, and only our, Ozechoslovruk Democracy, which is on its way of development ,t o a new poople's fomn. . . . T.he unresel"ved alliance with our Eastern neighbor, witlh the mighty USSR, .bl.lit also our friendly contacts wi•th the rest of the world, espeoi:aUy with our western democracies, gives us the feeling of cel"tainty that no matter what might hiappen a,broad, aur internati<ona1 posilt'ion is f.imn and we need not ferur that we can come urpon new dangers and dif.ficu1ties." (!Dr. Joseph Lettrich, Vic~Ohairm.an of the Executive Committee of the "Council of Free Czechoslovakia," C.AIS, Novemlber 18, 1947). � SLOVAKIA 78 HOW '.fillE COMMUNISTS SEIZED POWER IN SWVAKIA (STATEMENT BY PHILIP A. HROBAK, PRESIDENT OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA AND EDITOR OF THE JEDNOTA, OFFICIAL ORGAN OF THE FIRST CATHOLIC SLOVAK UNION, MADE BEFORE THE KERSTEN COMMITTEE ON COMMUNIST AGGRESSION, IN THE COUNTY COURT HOUSE, MILWAUKEE, FRIDAY AFTERNOON, OCT0!3ER 22, 1954) If there is a nation in the world today that really is anti-Communist, that nation is th,e Slovak nation. It is a matter of historical record that the Slovaks have fought the plague of materialistic- Communism consistently and persistently, in and OU! of season, for over a hundred years. Louis Stur, champion of democracy and Slovak freedom, repudiated the godless, materialistic philosophy of Marx in 1849. In his book "SLOV ANSTVO A SVET BUDUCNOSTI" (Slavdom and the World of the Future), written in 1849 but published after his death in 1856, he wrote: "In every instance Communism means the collapse and the destruction of the State. Communism arrived at this aim through atheism and apostacy from Christianity. In every form of Communism, n_o matter what its origin, the outlook on life is gloomy, lacking every tender joy. It brings the most cruel slavery. Communism, let it strive and pretend in any manner whatsoever that it will make all peoples share in all rights, nevertheless, knows nothing about humanity; it degrades humanity and because it holds to systems that are impractical and unrealizable, it belongs among the most stupid innovations that have thus far been created by the human mind." In 1905, at its very first session, the newly organized Hlinka Slovak Peoples Party, did not hesitate to condemn CommuniSIIIl. Fourteen years later, in 1919, when CzechoSlovakia was already established, General Milan R. Stefanik, Slovak hero of World War I and one of the founders of Czecho-Slovakia cautioned T. G. Masaryk and Edward Benes not to flirt with Communism, not to make any compromises with the Bolsheviks. Stefanik was in Russia �SLOVAKIA 79 during 1918-1919 and saw Communism at work first hand. In February, he sent a telegram to Masaryk in Prague which said: "To flirt with Bolshevist tendencies would be comparable to foresaking the path of honor and sanity. The fight against Bolshevism in all its manifestations must prevail in our politics." Andrew Hlinka, fearless champion of Slovak freedom and founder and head of the Slovak Peoples Party, fought Communism and Communists all his life. So did Martin Razus, head of the Slovak National Party and distin. guished poet. Finally, Dr. Joseph Tiso, president and martyr of the Slovak Republic, exhorted his Slovak people to persevere in its fight against the dread plague of Communism even as he was being led to the gallows on April 18, 1947, by order of the Communist-dominated National Front government of the Benes-Gottwald coalition. Up to the creation of Czecho-Slovakia in 1918, materialistic Communism could not gain a foothold among the Slovaks. After the Bolshevik group headed by Bela Kun seized the government in Hungary, his Red horde: invaded southern Slovakia, murdering thousands of innocent people and pillaging their lands. This only steeled the Slova.ks in their determination to fight Communism and Communists. In the early years of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, the Prague Gove,r nrnent sent some 200,000 "progressive and liberal-minded" Czechs to Slovakia to take over various government posts, educational positions and other tasks. Their main objective, however, was to make Czechs out of Slovaks. It was then that leftist tendrncies began to take hold among some of the intelligentsia. The Communist Party, however, had pretty rough going among the Slovaks, who were traditionally deeply religious and opposed to the godless philosophy of Marx. Up to Munich, J 938, the Communist Party never represented more than JO per cent of the electorate in Slovakia. We must not forget, however, that the Czechs in Slovakia represented about 15· per cent of the electorate. It was the Czech group that gave the greatest support to Communists in Slovakia. �80 SLOVAKIA After Munich and the cowardly resignation of president Edward Benes, Slovakia was granted autonomy by the Prague Parliament. The government of the Slovak State was in Christian democratic hands. The Communist Party was outlawed in Slovakia in 1938 by the Slovak Government. Of course, the Reds worked underground, keeping their contacts with Moscow and, later, with the London government of Dr. Edward Benes. When Benes concluded the so-called "Czechoslovak Soviet" Treaty on December 12, 1943, the Slovaks knew definitely that not only they, but even the Czechs wert' formally sold out to the Kremlin. Benes had always been pro-Soviet and admitted it openly. So did his followers, the Czech National Socialists (The Czech Nazis). The Slovaks opposed his policy consistently and resolutely even in the Prague Parliament, declaring that such a policy even. tually would bring ruin and Red enslavement to the peoples of Czecho-Slovakia. But the Slovaks were in a minority, so the policy of Benes and his followers, supported by other Czech leftist parties and the Slovak Agrarians, the socalled "Czechoslova ks" (Slovaks in the pay of the Czechs), prevailed. In 1943, Moscow parachuted Soviet partisan leaders into Slovakia to create incidents, to spread terror and confusion among the population of central Slovakia. Communists, led by Schmid,ke and Husak, and the Slovak Agrarians, led by Dr. Joseph Lettric,h, and assuming the name of Slovak "Democrats," got together on Christmas Day, 1943, and concluded an agreement to collaborate as closely as possible in all things with the USSR in the spirit of the Benes-Soviet Treaty of December 12, 1943. And they did. They planned and executed the Communist-in spired Slovak uprising in August, 1944, which they misnomered the "Slovak National Uprising," in order to make the world believe that the whole Slovak nation revolted against its government to destroy its own Republic. The terroristic acts of the partisans brought the German Anny into Slovakia, and terror and destruction, and mass murders and �SLOVAKIA 81 mass graves. Some 70,000 Slovaks were killed . The Communist revolt of August, 1944, prepared the ground for the Communists to take over key posts in SlQlVakia in 1945 and, later, In February 1948, the entire Government of Czecho-Slovakia. Benes was recognized by both the United Nations and the USSR. The Slovaks, completely abandoned, were helpless; their situation desperate. The victorious United Nations were not at all interested in the political will of the Slovak Nation. Benes and his Moscow-created government had all the say in 1945, they controlled the press and radio, Slovakia was wantonly destroyed. The Communist-dominated National Front government wasted no time in Slovakia. The Slovak National Council - a 50-50 coalition of Communists and Lettrich "Democrats" nationalized churches, ecclesiastical schools and institutions, confiscated properties, set up a concentration camp and "people's" courts to mete out "justice" to all who opposed the regime, that is Benes, the Communists and the USSR. A wave o,f ruthless, brutal perse.cution of all anti-Communist element ensued. Over 130,000 were placed under arrest, tens of thousands were deported, disfranchised and dispossessed, and hundreds were murdered. In 1946 the vast masses of the Slovak people had little choice in the elections held in May. In 1945 only two political parties were allowed to organize in Slovakia by the Benes government: the old Communist Party and the old Agrarian Party; the latter, however, had to change its name to the "Democratic" Party, because the Agrarian Party had been outlawed in Czech lands. Two other parties were allowed to form just prior to the elections of 1946 by the Communist-domin ated Prague government which were supposed to weaken the "Democrats" and, therefore strengthen the position of the Communists. The ruse, however, failed. The Slovaks could vote for the Lettrich "Democrats," or for the Communists who held the upper hand in Slovakia. The overwhelming majority of the Slovak people, which was Catholic (about 85 per cent), was not allowed to organize a political party. Being advised and instru.cted by their religious a:nd political leaders, the Slovak �82 SLOVAKIA Catholics voted for the Lettrich "Democrats" - after a,n agreement had been reached by the leaders of the Catholics and the "Democrats." Doing so, they recikoned, they chose the lesser of two evils. The Communists were beaten decisively; they received only 30 per cent of the votes cast, while the "Democrats" poled 62 per cent . The difference would have been still greater if thousands of Slovaks had not been disfranchised ; jailed and intimidated; and if the army, the partisans and imported Czech Reds had not been allowed to vote in Slovakia. In the Czech lands (Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia), where the Prague government had allowed four parties to ex,ist, the Communists and Socialists came out on top (over 54 per centJ. 'l'he Lettrich "Democrats" won the elections in Slovakia in 1946, but the Communists continued to hold on to the key positions; of course, with the blessing of Moscow and the Communist-do minated National Front Government of Prague. The Slovaks proved themselves courageous and valiant in voting against the Communists, but it availed them nothing. The Lettrich "Democrats" lacked the courage and fight; their spineless leaders conveniently forgot the working agreement with the Catholics; and yielded to the Communists on practically every score. So the Communists ran Slovakia the way they wanted to, oppressing and suppressing all non~Communist elements ruthlessly. True it is that the "Democrats" protested weakly on occasions, but nothing more, even though they did have the backing of the overwhelming majority of the Slovak people. They were gradually awakening to what collaboration with the Communists means. They were partners in the National Front and the Slovak National Counoil; they had agreed to collaborate closely with the Reds. And the Reds had only one purpose: to make Slovakia and the.n the whole of Czecho-Slovak ia subservient to them and to Moscow. If the "Democrats" balked or tried to back out, they could very easily be labeled "enemies" of the State and the National Front, according to the decrees and regulations which they had formulated with the Communists, and which they used against all so-called "Fascist and Nazi" elements, meaning, of course, anti-Communist elements �SLOVAKIA 83 in Slovakia. So they continued to collaborate and govern with the Communists, until the Reds threw them out. Dr. Eward Benes, president of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, resigned in 1938 and fled his country during its worst crisis, congratulating his successor, who was elected in his place according to the Constitution of Czecho-Slovakia. Later he reappointed himself president again and, by the grace of Stalin, returned as such with his Moscowformed government behind the Red Army. This, l believe, is without precedent in history. Benes became president again, but only at a price, a very high price - the sell-out of the Slovaks and the Czechs to the men of the Kremlin. Stalin did no favors for nothing. The Slovaks and the Czechs at home had no voice in the matter. As a result of Benes's pro-Soviet policy, nothing else could have happened in Czecho-Slovakia except what did happen on February 25, 1948. Such and only such can be the conclusion of all thoroughly informed observers. Moscow and her stooges had a "sure thing" in Czecho-Slovakia ; they simply could not miss Benes and his Czech Socialists. supported by their stooges in Slovakia, the "Czechoslovaks" or Lettrich "Democrats" - the traitqrs of the Slovak nation - had prepared the way and, hence, are responsible for the sell-out of the Czech and Slovak nations to the ruthless men of the Kremlin. Benes and his political entourage firmly believed that collaboration between the USSR and Czecho-Slovakia was not only feasible, but highly desirable; that peaceful coexistence with the Reds was possible without the loss of freedoms and rights. And they promoted that policy to the bitter end. Czecho-Slovakia ended up just as did the other countries whose political leaders thought they could collaborate with Communists and the USSR, form coalition governments with them, and still preserve their independence, freedoms and rights. Moscow and its stooges deeply appreciated all such collaborations and rewarded all collaborators in the customary Red fashion - it liquidated them, proving again that Communism devours its own children. Many Slovak Communists and Lettrich "Democrat,s " have �84 SLOVAKIA already paid for their folly and the ruinous pro-Soviet policy of Dr. Edward Benes with their lives. Many more languish in prisons, concentration camps and forced labor camps - the very same institutions they helped the Communists to establish. The Communists were able to seize Slovakia not beca use they had the support of the vast masses of the Slovak people, but despite the fact that the overwhelming majority of the Slovak nation opposed them. And, in fact, sWl opposes them today. The victorious United Nations did not respect the will of the Slovak nation, in fact, were not even interested in ascertaining the will of the Slovaks. They did, however, respect the will of Benes and his Cze<!h Socialists, who, in the end, brought ruin and Red enslavement even on their own Czech nation. Slovakia was, therefore, sold out to the Reds by Benes and the victorious United Nations whose favor and confidence he enjo,yed. Slovakia is ruled by force and violence - the Communist system. The lesson of Slovakia, and then that of Czecho-Slovakia should be repeated over and over again so that it might be learned thoroughly. Peaceful coexistence with the USSR, the Communist world, is strictly a myth. To give it credence would be folly. Collaboration with Communists and the USSR means, in the end, a brutal suppression of all freedoms and rights and Red enslavement. • • • WHO SAID IT? "With equal enthusiasm we are today manifesting for the idea~s of our, and only our, Ozechoslovruk Democracy, which is on its way of development ,t o a new poople's fomn. . . . T.he unresel"ved alliance with our Eastern neighbor, witlh the mighty USSR, .bl.lit also our friendly contacts wi•th the rest of the world, espeoi:aUy with our western democracies, gives us the feeling of cel"tainty that no matter what might hiappen a,broad, aur internati<ona1 posilt'ion is f.imn and we need not ferur that we can come urpon new dangers and dif.ficu1ties." (!Dr. Joseph Lettrich, Vic~Ohairm.an of the Executive Committee of the "Council of Free Czechoslovakia," C.AIS, Novemlber 18, 1947). � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 78 HOW '.fillE COMMUNISTS SEIZED POWER IN SWVAKIA (STATEMENT BY PHILIP A. HROBAK, PRESIDENT OF THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA AND EDITOR OF THE JEDNOTA, OFFICIAL ORGAN OF THE FIRST CATHOLIC SLOVAK UNION, MADE BEFORE THE KERSTEN COMMITTEE ON COMMUNIST AGGRESSION, IN THE COUNTY COURT HOUSE, MILWAUKEE, FRIDAY AFTERNOON, OCT0!3ER 22, 1954) If there is a nation in the world today that really is anti-Communist, that nation is th,e Slovak nation. It is a matter of historical record that the Slovaks have fought the plague of materialistic- Communism consistently and persistently, in and OU! of season, for over a hundred years. Louis Stur, champion of democracy and Slovak freedom, repudiated the godless, materialistic philosophy of Marx in 1849. In his book "SLOV ANSTVO A SVET BUDUCNOSTI" (Slavdom and the World of the Future), written in 1849 but published after his death in 1856, he wrote: "In every instance Communism means the collapse and the destruction of the State. Communism arrived at this aim through atheism and apostacy from Christianity. In every form of Communism, n_o matter what its origin, the outlook on life is gloomy, lacking every tender joy. It brings the most cruel slavery. Communism, let it strive and pretend in any manner whatsoever that it will make all peoples share in all rights, nevertheless, knows nothing about humanity; it degrades humanity and because it holds to systems that are impractical and unrealizable, it belongs among the most stupid innovations that have thus far been created by the human mind." In 1905, at its very first session, the newly organized Hlinka Slovak Peoples Party, did not hesitate to condemn CommuniSIIIl. Fourteen years later, in 1919, when CzechoSlovakia was already established, General Milan R. Stefanik, Slovak hero of World War I and one of the founders of Czecho-Slovakia cautioned T. G. Masaryk and Edward Benes not to flirt with Communism, not to make any compromises with the Bolsheviks. Stefanik was in Russia SLOVAKIA 79 during 1918-1919 and saw Communism at work first hand. In February, he sent a telegram to Masaryk in Prague which said: "To flirt with Bolshevist tendencies would be comparable to foresaking the path of honor and sanity. The fight against Bolshevism in all its manifestations must prevail in our politics." Andrew Hlinka, fearless champion of Slovak freedom and founder and head of the Slovak Peoples Party, fought Communism and Communists all his life. So did Martin Razus, head of the Slovak National Party and distin. guished poet. Finally, Dr. Joseph Tiso, president and martyr of the Slovak Republic, exhorted his Slovak people to persevere in its fight against the dread plague of Communism even as he was being led to the gallows on April 18, 1947, by order of the Communist-dominated National Front government of the Benes-Gottwald coalition. Up to the creation of Czecho-Slovakia in 1918, materialistic Communism could not gain a foothold among the Slovaks. After the Bolshevik group headed by Bela Kun seized the government in Hungary, his Red horde: invaded southern Slovakia, murdering thousands of innocent people and pillaging their lands. This only steeled the Slova.ks in their determination to fight Communism and Communists. In the early years of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, the Prague Gove,r nrnent sent some 200,000 "progressive and liberal-minded" Czechs to Slovakia to take over various government posts, educational positions and other tasks. Their main objective, however, was to make Czechs out of Slovaks. It was then that leftist tendrncies began to take hold among some of the intelligentsia. The Communist Party, however, had pretty rough going among the Slovaks, who were traditionally deeply religious and opposed to the godless philosophy of Marx. Up to Munich, J 938, the Communist Party never represented more than JO per cent of the electorate in Slovakia. We must not forget, however, that the Czechs in Slovakia represented about 15· per cent of the electorate. It was the Czech group that gave the greatest support to Communists in Slovakia. 80 SLOVAKIA After Munich and the cowardly resignation of president Edward Benes, Slovakia was granted autonomy by the Prague Parliament. The government of the Slovak State was in Christian democratic hands. The Communist Party was outlawed in Slovakia in 1938 by the Slovak Government. Of course, the Reds worked underground, keeping their contacts with Moscow and, later, with the London government of Dr. Edward Benes. When Benes concluded the so-called "Czechoslovak Soviet" Treaty on December 12, 1943, the Slovaks knew definitely that not only they, but even the Czechs wert' formally sold out to the Kremlin. Benes had always been pro-Soviet and admitted it openly. So did his followers, the Czech National Socialists (The Czech Nazis). The Slovaks opposed his policy consistently and resolutely even in the Prague Parliament, declaring that such a policy even. tually would bring ruin and Red enslavement to the peoples of Czecho-Slovakia. But the Slovaks were in a minority, so the policy of Benes and his followers, supported by other Czech leftist parties and the Slovak Agrarians, the socalled "Czechoslova ks" (Slovaks in the pay of the Czechs), prevailed. In 1943, Moscow parachuted Soviet partisan leaders into Slovakia to create incidents, to spread terror and confusion among the population of central Slovakia. Communists, led by Schmid,ke and Husak, and the Slovak Agrarians, led by Dr. Joseph Lettric,h, and assuming the name of Slovak "Democrats," got together on Christmas Day, 1943, and concluded an agreement to collaborate as closely as possible in all things with the USSR in the spirit of the Benes-Soviet Treaty of December 12, 1943. And they did. They planned and executed the Communist-in spired Slovak uprising in August, 1944, which they misnomered the "Slovak National Uprising," in order to make the world believe that the whole Slovak nation revolted against its government to destroy its own Republic. The terroristic acts of the partisans brought the German Anny into Slovakia, and terror and destruction, and mass murders and SLOVAKIA 81 mass graves. Some 70,000 Slovaks were killed . The Communist revolt of August, 1944, prepared the ground for the Communists to take over key posts in SlQlVakia in 1945 and, later, In February 1948, the entire Government of Czecho-Slovakia. Benes was recognized by both the United Nations and the USSR. The Slovaks, completely abandoned, were helpless; their situation desperate. The victorious United Nations were not at all interested in the political will of the Slovak Nation. Benes and his Moscow-created government had all the say in 1945, they controlled the press and radio, Slovakia was wantonly destroyed. The Communist-dominated National Front government wasted no time in Slovakia. The Slovak National Council - a 50-50 coalition of Communists and Lettrich "Democrats" nationalized churches, ecclesiastical schools and institutions, confiscated properties, set up a concentration camp and "people's" courts to mete out "justice" to all who opposed the regime, that is Benes, the Communists and the USSR. A wave o,f ruthless, brutal perse.cution of all anti-Communist element ensued. Over 130,000 were placed under arrest, tens of thousands were deported, disfranchised and dispossessed, and hundreds were murdered. In 1946 the vast masses of the Slovak people had little choice in the elections held in May. In 1945 only two political parties were allowed to organize in Slovakia by the Benes government: the old Communist Party and the old Agrarian Party; the latter, however, had to change its name to the "Democratic" Party, because the Agrarian Party had been outlawed in Czech lands. Two other parties were allowed to form just prior to the elections of 1946 by the Communist-domin ated Prague government which were supposed to weaken the "Democrats" and, therefore strengthen the position of the Communists. The ruse, however, failed. The Slovaks could vote for the Lettrich "Democrats," or for the Communists who held the upper hand in Slovakia. The overwhelming majority of the Slovak people, which was Catholic (about 85 per cent), was not allowed to organize a political party. Being advised and instru.cted by their religious a:nd political leaders, the Slovak 82 SLOVAKIA Catholics voted for the Lettrich "Democrats" - after a,n agreement had been reached by the leaders of the Catholics and the "Democrats." Doing so, they recikoned, they chose the lesser of two evils. The Communists were beaten decisively; they received only 30 per cent of the votes cast, while the "Democrats" poled 62 per cent . The difference would have been still greater if thousands of Slovaks had not been disfranchised ; jailed and intimidated; and if the army, the partisans and imported Czech Reds had not been allowed to vote in Slovakia. In the Czech lands (Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia), where the Prague government had allowed four parties to ex,ist, the Communists and Socialists came out on top (over 54 per centJ. 'l'he Lettrich "Democrats" won the elections in Slovakia in 1946, but the Communists continued to hold on to the key positions; of course, with the blessing of Moscow and the Communist-do minated National Front Government of Prague. The Slovaks proved themselves courageous and valiant in voting against the Communists, but it availed them nothing. The Lettrich "Democrats" lacked the courage and fight; their spineless leaders conveniently forgot the working agreement with the Catholics; and yielded to the Communists on practically every score. So the Communists ran Slovakia the way they wanted to, oppressing and suppressing all non~Communist elements ruthlessly. True it is that the "Democrats" protested weakly on occasions, but nothing more, even though they did have the backing of the overwhelming majority of the Slovak people. They were gradually awakening to what collaboration with the Communists means. They were partners in the National Front and the Slovak National Counoil; they had agreed to collaborate closely with the Reds. And the Reds had only one purpose: to make Slovakia and the.n the whole of Czecho-Slovak ia subservient to them and to Moscow. If the "Democrats" balked or tried to back out, they could very easily be labeled "enemies" of the State and the National Front, according to the decrees and regulations which they had formulated with the Communists, and which they used against all so-called "Fascist and Nazi" elements, meaning, of course, anti-Communist elements SLOVAKIA 83 in Slovakia. So they continued to collaborate and govern with the Communists, until the Reds threw them out. Dr. Eward Benes, president of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, resigned in 1938 and fled his country during its worst crisis, congratulating his successor, who was elected in his place according to the Constitution of Czecho-Slovakia. Later he reappointed himself president again and, by the grace of Stalin, returned as such with his Moscowformed government behind the Red Army. This, l believe, is without precedent in history. Benes became president again, but only at a price, a very high price - the sell-out of the Slovaks and the Czechs to the men of the Kremlin. Stalin did no favors for nothing. The Slovaks and the Czechs at home had no voice in the matter. As a result of Benes's pro-Soviet policy, nothing else could have happened in Czecho-Slovakia except what did happen on February 25, 1948. Such and only such can be the conclusion of all thoroughly informed observers. Moscow and her stooges had a "sure thing" in Czecho-Slovakia ; they simply could not miss Benes and his Czech Socialists. supported by their stooges in Slovakia, the "Czechoslovaks" or Lettrich "Democrats" - the traitqrs of the Slovak nation - had prepared the way and, hence, are responsible for the sell-out of the Czech and Slovak nations to the ruthless men of the Kremlin. Benes and his political entourage firmly believed that collaboration between the USSR and Czecho-Slovakia was not only feasible, but highly desirable; that peaceful coexistence with the Reds was possible without the loss of freedoms and rights. And they promoted that policy to the bitter end. Czecho-Slovakia ended up just as did the other countries whose political leaders thought they could collaborate with Communists and the USSR, form coalition governments with them, and still preserve their independence, freedoms and rights. Moscow and its stooges deeply appreciated all such collaborations and rewarded all collaborators in the customary Red fashion - it liquidated them, proving again that Communism devours its own children. Many Slovak Communists and Lettrich "Democrat,s " have 84 SLOVAKIA already paid for their folly and the ruinous pro-Soviet policy of Dr. Edward Benes with their lives. Many more languish in prisons, concentration camps and forced labor camps - the very same institutions they helped the Communists to establish. The Communists were able to seize Slovakia not beca use they had the support of the vast masses of the Slovak people, but despite the fact that the overwhelming majority of the Slovak nation opposed them. And, in fact, sWl opposes them today. The victorious United Nations did not respect the will of the Slovak nation, in fact, were not even interested in ascertaining the will of the Slovaks. They did, however, respect the will of Benes and his Cze<!h Socialists, who, in the end, brought ruin and Red enslavement even on their own Czech nation. Slovakia was, therefore, sold out to the Reds by Benes and the victorious United Nations whose favor and confidence he enjo,yed. Slovakia is ruled by force and violence - the Communist system. The lesson of Slovakia, and then that of Czecho-Slovakia should be repeated over and over again so that it might be learned thoroughly. Peaceful coexistence with the USSR, the Communist world, is strictly a myth. To give it credence would be folly. Collaboration with Communists and the USSR means, in the end, a brutal suppression of all freedoms and rights and Red enslavement. • • • WHO SAID IT? "With equal enthusiasm we are today manifesting for the idea~s of our, and only our, Ozechoslovruk Democracy, which is on its way of development ,t o a new poople's fomn. . . . T.he unresel"ved alliance with our Eastern neighbor, witlh the mighty USSR, .bl.lit also our friendly contacts wi•th the rest of the world, espeoi:aUy with our western democracies, gives us the feeling of cel"tainty that no matter what might hiappen a,broad, aur internati<ona1 posilt'ion is f.imn and we need not ferur that we can come urpon new dangers and dif.ficu1ties." (!Dr. Joseph Lettrich, Vic~Ohairm.an of the Executive Committee of the "Council of Free Czechoslovakia," C.AIS, Novemlber 18, 1947).  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource How the Communists Seized Power in Slovakia Description An account of the resource Statement by Philip A. Hrobak, President of the Slovak League of America and editor of the Jednota, official organ of the First Catholic Slovak Union, made before the Kersten Committee on Communist Aggression, in the county court house, Milwaukee, Friday afternoon, October 22, 1954 Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 3-4 (12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954 pp. 78-84 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Hrobak, Philip Anthony, 1904-1964 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Sept.-Dec. 1954 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/a8e4c120a965fe6fc5adad0f88bd8a57.pdf e138109b7e80df4f68854303cfc04b2d PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 86 PROFILE ON AN EXILE POLITICIAN By Kurt Glaser The Communist strategy for seizing central IDurope after World War II was that of the "popular front." So Jong as suibstantial U. S. forces remained on the Continent an 3.4YI>arent shrure of power was allowed to "non-Communist liberals." The appearance of out-and-out Communist governments might haNe led the United States to reverse its policy of withdrawal and demobilization. As the time became riJpe, first in Rumania, then in Poland and Hungary and finally in Czecho-Slovakia, the "liberals" were eased out af oiffice. Those who fled to the U. S. Zone of Germany were girven asylum without too many questions asked. Politicians of rank were airlifted to Washington, where many are now unof.ficial or paid consultants in connection with various "rpsycihwar" operations One of the most active exiles from Czecho~Slovakia is Dr. Hulbert Ripka, former Minister of Foreign Trade, who came west in March 1948. In 1949, the State Department permitted him the leadiing role in choosing exile politicians to be flown from Pa11is at .American expense to fomn the "Council of Free Czechos1ovaoo.a." As a memlber of the Council's Executive Committee until recently, Ripka has received a monthly salrury from the Free Europe Committee, which dbtains m.ruch Olf its funds from Government sources. He is a!lso a professor at the New School of Social Research in New Y o!1k. He has spolken more than OI11Ce over Radio Free Eiuro1pe, and there is no douibt that his friends wield a potent influence in that broadcasting network. No comment is made or suggested concerning Dr. Ripka's attitude toward Communism. Instead, let us revie,w the facts of hris politica,,l career. Dr. Hulbert Riipka achieved some prominence as a journalist before the war. In 1935 he conducted a group of Czech newsmen in the Soviet Union. From then until 1938 he was assistant editor of the magazine Praha-Moskva, devoted to Czechoslovak-Sov iet :firiendship. After Hitler occupied Prague in March 1939, Ripka �86 SLOVAK~A went to Paris, where he became a spokesman of former President Benes, who was working toward a political comeback in exile. In November of that year, he took charge of the informatioo. program of the "Ozechoslovak National Committee" with headquarters at 50_.52 Avenue de la Bourdonnais. Ripka's personal secretary in Paris was the known Communist Mrs. Hilda Matouskova. One of his chief assistants was the Communist agent Otto Katz-1Suchy, alias Andre Simone, late of Hallywood, Prague and points east. After a while, ,t he F,rench police became interested in Katz-Simone, and he disappeared, to turn urp later in Mexico. Guenther Reinhardt (Crime Without Punishment) links Katz with the 1943 murder of the anti-Communist Carlo Tresca in New York. Pro-Soviet Policies During World War II The "Ozechoslovalk National Committee" and the "Czechoslovak DemocratiJC Government" in London which succeeded it followed a oonsistently pro-1Soviet policy. Describing this policy during the 1939-1941 .Soviet-Nazi collaboration, Ripka himself states : "Since, In the new &ituation, it was impossible to collaborate officially with the S oviet Un ion, we .. . did nothing which might prejudice or .p revent the ren eswal of cooperation at the earliest possible moment ; I need only recall how 11tron•g ly our attitude contrasted with that of many others during the Sovle!t-Finnish war. Moreover, even In that period, there was no interruption of the personal contacts and exchanges of information b eibween ourselves and Important Soviet representatives In London, P,a ris, Was'h lngton and elsewhere." ( East and West, Lo ndon 19 44 , p. 34) HaJVing joined Benes in London in 1940, Dr. Ripka became Minister of Information of the "Government" in exile. His Ministry had close world:n:g relations with the Ozecho ..SloV'aJk section of the British Broadcasting Company. This was headed by the Slovaik Communist Vavro Hajdu, another member being Oto Biheler, later expelled from the United States for espionage under cover of diplomatic immunity. Ripka often broaidcast over BBC. Here is what he said on Novem1ber 7, 1942 over that network: " . . . The >Russi an November Revolution not only Increased the �SLOVAKIA 87 strength of the Russian Sovdet staite, it also raised to greater heights than ever ,b efore the standard of civHiza,tion, culture and living or the wide masses of the Soviet peoples. . . "Bolshevism is •a super-national ideal, an eternal ideal, a human ideal, a.n idea.I whicll has kind1ed <the mind.8 of the noblest of men from the time of Plato and through the Christian era, through the French Revolution and until today. . . Just as the French Revolution strove to realize the ideal of freedom, so did the Russian Revolution try to realiz-e the ideal of equality." Dr. Hubert Ripka was also Deputy Foreign Minister. Since Minister Jan Masaryk ran his ministry with a notoriously loose hand, Ripka really managed the foreign policy of the London "Government." This policy reached its climax in the Czechoslovak~SoV'iet Treaty of 1943, of which Ripka said: "The Czechoslovak-Soviet Treaty is the foundation of our country's external security and is a fundamental contribution to the unification of national forces. . . Thanks to the Treaty, Czechoslovakia's interests are receivin,g effective support." (BBC broadcast, December 14, 1944) Of the Soviet Union in generaf, Ripka wrote : "The Bolshev,i sm of Lenin and Stalin represents a creative synthesis of specifically Russian and certain Western elements." (East and West, p. 13) "We Czechoslovaks make no secret of our satisfaction that Soviet Russia is beginning to participate in European and world politics as a strong world power." (Ibid., P. 58) The most fateful step prepaired by the London "G()IVernment" and carried out by the 1945-48 "National Front" was the expulsion from Czech~Slovakia of more than 3,000,000 Sudeten Germans. During this operation, over 300,000 Germans were shot or beaten to death, died of rape, filth, stair.vation or exposure, or were shipped to Soviet slave la'bor camps. (For details, see Documents on the Expulsion of the Sudeten Germans, Munich 1953.) The expulsion knocked out the strongest anti ..Communist block in a population of 13,000,000, and tied the Czechs firmly into the Soviet orbit by creating a fear of German "revenge." In his recent book Czechoslovakia Enslaved (London 1950), Ripka admrits authorship of the plan to expel the Sudeten Germans. To work out the details, he maintained a secret section of his Foreign Office, run by a German, �88 SLOVAKIA Wolfgang von Putlitz, who later turned up as ipolitkal adviser in the East German Communist regime. Putlitz was a friend of the vanished British diplomats Burgess and McLean, as well as of the West German security chief Dr. Otto John, who deserted to the Communists in Jruly 1954. They were in contact in London in 1944 and became members of the same British-operated intelligence unit. Their assoc_iation. conrti.nued after Prutlitiz had taken up his activities in East Berlin and while John was (ostensilbly) working for the Bonn Government. The Politburo's Plot and the "National Front" During the latter years of the war, writes Ripka (Czechoslovakia Enslaved, Chapter Ill) , "the politlbureau in Moscow was completing a plot destined to permit the Communists to seize power immediately after the liberation." This plan, as outlined by R~pka, included Communistdominated "national committees" to replace constitutional local government, sruppression of the Czech Agrarian, Tradesmen's and National Democratic Parties and the S1ovaik Catholic Party, establishment of a "National Front" coalition with no opposition, and co.Uectivization of the economy. "Punishments striking at traitors, collaJborationists and fascists" enrubled the Communists, in Ripka's own words, "to intimidate or suppress their political adversaries." "In short," Ripka concludes, "in the political, economk, military and culturail. domains, Czechoslovakia must follow in the wruke of the UISSIR." Yet we find Rilpka's signature on the laws and decrees which put this program of bolshevization into execution, such as: The Kos ice Statute of Apri I 5, 1945: Es,ta,blishment of a Soexpulsion of Sudeten Germans and Hungaviet.type economy trial of "war criminals" in Soviet-tyipe "p.eopl e's courts" rians with convioted persons handed over to Soviet organs - aLJ members of the Protectorate and Slovak Governments declared guilty of suppr,ession of the Agrarian, hi,gh treason by legisla,t ive action Tradesmen's and Nation·a l Democratic Parties. Edict of the President of the Republic, May 19, 1945: Nationalization of property of Germans and Hungarians. "traitors anrl collaiborationists." Edict of the President of the Republic, June 19, 1945: The in- �SLOVAKIA 89 famous "Retributi-on Decree" def.ining "crimes against the Republic" ex-post-facto and providing dertai1'ed organization of the Sovietty,pe "people's courts." Of the "Retribution Decree" which Ripka signed, the Aliliance for Lilberation and Freedom in Czechoslovakia, a Czech organization, has this to say: " . . . The s,i mple fact thrut an active Communist or member of the National Front wanted to have a house, a b.us,ine.ss, a f.arm or a posl<tion held by an innocent citizen was sufficient to have the latter thrown in jail under a false accusation. '' . . . The decree .• . W\as pnimarily directed agaiilllst tlhose citizens who professed true democracy and opposed national ization. In general, the confiscation of property, and the intimidation of t.hose who still held -it, •became the avowed aims of this measure." (Fe.bruary 1954 Manifesto) Under the decree, there was no a,ppeal from the decision o;f a people's court. A death sentence when pronounced was to be executed within two hours. As an act of grace, one additional ho,ur might be granted. Benes and most of his Ministers entered Czecho-Slovaikia via Moscow, where they joined with the Communists in the "National Front" coalition. Ripka remained in London through Arpril 194:15. The New York Times of April 1'5 reports his farewell message to western journalists as fdllows: "London - Dr. Hubert Ripka, Czechoslovak Minister of Foreign Trade, told a fa'Dewell press conference here today thlllt he did not consider the western Allies' apprehensions that his country might become a vassal of the Soviet Union were grounded. He said it was natural that Cze.c hoslo.vakia should seek her security primarily in friendship with the Soviet Union." To his own coruntrymen, however, Ripka took a slightly different tone. In his book on Czechoslovakia in the New Europe, which has neiver been translated into English, he wrote: "All anti.;Soviet elements must necessarHy be eliminated from schools, educational instt.ltu<tions, and literature." (Ceskoslo. vensko v nove Evr-ope, London 194-5, p. 87) our In May 1945 Ripka returned to Prague as Minister of Foreign Trade. One of his first transactions was a deal, initiated in London, to turn over to the Soviet Union, fr.ee of charge, the uranium mines at J oachimsthal ( J achym()IV) in the Sudetenland. This is a principal source from which �90 SLOVAKIA the Soviets are now extracting atomic materials to bomb the United States. Ripka's political f,r iends, especiall.y his former secretary Duchacek (now with the Voice of America), blocked a parliamentary inJVestig,a tion of the uranium affair. A decree was issued maiking it "high treason" to mention the su!bject in public. Of the National Front's foreign tTade policy, Dr. Ripka wrote: ",Closer trade relations with the Soviet Un.ion were not dictated by the CommuniS1t Party. The stren•g thenlng of these relations was In the interests ot the Czechoslovak economy and part of our own policy. Alliance with the Soviet Union has been the most Important factor in tbls country's foreign policy." ( Bulletin of the BritishCzechoslovak Chamber of Commerce, London, 1947) Ripka Since February 1948 Dr. Ri,pka was one of twelve Ministers who resigned in Feb:mary 1949 in a dispute between the "il..ibeirals" and the Communist Party. Whether this was a genuine ideological struggle or an internal squaJbble over "who gets what" is a question which cannot be answered in this short space. The fact is, however, that after the reorganization of the 1g overnment under the Communist Premier Gottwald, Dr. Ripka found himself without a job. Ripka started his flight from Ozechoslova!kia in the company of two priests, Msgr. Sramek and Msgr. Hala, who had been Ministers in the National F,r ont. They hid in a small shack on an isolated airfield at Rakovnik, where a French airplane was to pick them up. The secret police got wind of the affaiT and placed its men on the field, whereupon the French pilot flew over the field without landing. Ripka left the shack and waliked right past the seer.et police into the woods. Msgr. Sramek and Msgr. Hala were arrested and sentenced to prison. A few days later the plane returned and picked u,p Ripka alone without any difficulty. After arriving in Paris, Dr. Ripka organized an exile group which developed into the Czechoslovak Foreign In- �SLOVAKIA 91 stitute. The institute i,ssued an ideological directive summarizing its political aims as follows: "The -transfer of the means of production in.to the hands of the workers is the only way leading to the increase of well-being and prosperity among the largest classes." The InstitUJte has "operating grouips" in various locations, which resemble structurally the cells of the Communist Party. The organizationa l directive has this to say: "Wllth this system we ho,pe to create a group democracy of an elite as opposed to the false conception of a democracy of the masses, which is es,p ecially prominent in exile. Thus we would strive to penetraite and dominate the political life as broadly as possible. "The Czechoslovak FOTelgn Institute is to create a group within groups. The anonymity of Its members ls to constitute its great strength, because it is not poa&ible to defeat an Invisible power." (emphasis in original) The financial part of the directiive provides for busines.s deals with Cammunist countries. For a while a group of Institute memtb ers lived in Switrerla.nd, where they sold ball bea•r ings, cadmium and other strategic materials to states in the Soviet 011bit. When the Swiss police interfered, several of the group moved to Munich, where they got jobs with Radio Free Europe. According to the direcmve, Ripka (under the code name "Maly'') assumed cha,rge of the Institute's central office in Paris. His associates at various times have included: Vladimir Bruza, member of the Communist-cont rolled "Central Working Committee for the Nationalization of Industry." After the 1948 " February Revolution,'' the Czech Communists sent Bruza to Moscow to make further arrangements for Soviet exploitation of the uranium mines. Bruz·a ls now _editor of the Institute's publication Tribuna, which had to move to Leiden, Holland, because of difficulties with the French police. Milos Vanek, a founder of the Czech Communls.t Party and now head of the economic section of Radio Free Europe in Munich. Professor Bohumil Cerny, field man for the Institute, who fled back to Czecho./Slovakia to escape arrest by the CIC in the U. S. Zone of Austria. Frantisek Kubal, repOTts editor for the Institute and on the staff of Tribuna. He ls now in a Frooch jail awaiting trial on charges of lllegally photographing U. S. military installations for the Prague Communist Government. Bohumil Lausman, former Minister of Industry, who sided with �92 SLOVAKIA the Communists in February 1948. He went into exile in 1949, but returned voluntanily to Czecho-Slova:kia in December 1953. He was employed secretly by Radio Free Europe. Since leaving Czecho-,Slova,kia, Dr. Ripka has advocated a poHcy of "co-existence" in the following terms: "Today more than ever I persist in bel ieving that a free and independent Cz·ecihoslov,a kia cannot exist except in a balanced Europe in which the Western Powers and Russia are trying to live on good terms. Even the events of February 1948 h ave not been able to shake this conviction, which remain s the keystone of my whole co nception of for eign policy." (Czechoslovakia Enslaved, 1~50, p, 74) This is the record of an exile politician living in the United States and paid a salary from funds corntriihwted to fight Communism. It is for the reader to drnw hi:s own conclusions om the, /basis of this record. - (Overseas Research, Inc., Special Bulletin, Nov. 28, 1954, Washington, D. C.) • • • CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA: 'JIHE OLD CASTLE ( Stary Hrad) The ruins of th£s ,o ld castle still .stand on a ,p recipitous rock aJbave the river Vah. The structure, named the Old Castle of Trencin (!Stary Hrad) 'belongs to the c1ass of fortresses which were lb:uilt ,prabaJbly during the time af tihe Great Mornvian EmpiTe. Tr,a,veli!ng against the current of the Vah, Stary Hlrad cam. be seen on the left side. We are told that it was once called Nez;budsky Oastle, which attests to -i ts antiquity. 01dest arvailaJble documents refer to it as the Old Castle ("Castmm Stargra,d"); they teU us that it was -gi,v en to Bohumir Seibaslarvorvilc aJbout 1250 for bravery displayed in -the battle against the Tatars neaT S·rujaiva. Stary Hrad is more ancient than Streicno. The structure itself suggests that it was !built ,3J'bout the same time as the Devin and Trencin castles,, i.e., during the Roman era. Bohumir ,w as lord of the castle until 1'266 ; Count Peter of Hont from 1 267 to the end of the thirteenth century, when the Balasa family gained ownership. Then iMatthew Calk, "Lord of the Vah and the Tatras," -besieged and sei'Zed it, hut did not keep it for long, because we learn that a certain Thomas Carpi exchanged it in 1'323 for his property 1 � SLOVAKIA 86 PROFILE ON AN EXILE POLITICIAN By Kurt Glaser The Communist strategy for seizing central IDurope after World War II was that of the "popular front." So Jong as suibstantial U. S. forces remained on the Continent an 3.4YI>arent shrure of power was allowed to "non-Communist liberals." The appearance of out-and-out Communist governments might haNe led the United States to reverse its policy of withdrawal and demobilization. As the time became riJpe, first in Rumania, then in Poland and Hungary and finally in Czecho-Slovakia, the "liberals" were eased out af oiffice. Those who fled to the U. S. Zone of Germany were girven asylum without too many questions asked. Politicians of rank were airlifted to Washington, where many are now unof.ficial or paid consultants in connection with various "rpsycihwar" operations One of the most active exiles from Czecho~Slovakia is Dr. Hulbert Ripka, former Minister of Foreign Trade, who came west in March 1948. In 1949, the State Department permitted him the leadiing role in choosing exile politicians to be flown from Pa11is at .American expense to fomn the "Council of Free Czechos1ovaoo.a." As a memlber of the Council's Executive Committee until recently, Ripka has received a monthly salrury from the Free Europe Committee, which dbtains m.ruch Olf its funds from Government sources. He is a!lso a professor at the New School of Social Research in New Y o!1k. He has spolken more than OI11Ce over Radio Free Eiuro1pe, and there is no douibt that his friends wield a potent influence in that broadcasting network. No comment is made or suggested concerning Dr. Ripka's attitude toward Communism. Instead, let us revie,w the facts of hris politica,,l career. Dr. Hulbert Riipka achieved some prominence as a journalist before the war. In 1935 he conducted a group of Czech newsmen in the Soviet Union. From then until 1938 he was assistant editor of the magazine Praha-Moskva, devoted to Czechoslovak-Sov iet :firiendship. After Hitler occupied Prague in March 1939, Ripka �86 SLOVAK~A went to Paris, where he became a spokesman of former President Benes, who was working toward a political comeback in exile. In November of that year, he took charge of the informatioo. program of the "Ozechoslovak National Committee" with headquarters at 50_.52 Avenue de la Bourdonnais. Ripka's personal secretary in Paris was the known Communist Mrs. Hilda Matouskova. One of his chief assistants was the Communist agent Otto Katz-1Suchy, alias Andre Simone, late of Hallywood, Prague and points east. After a while, ,t he F,rench police became interested in Katz-Simone, and he disappeared, to turn urp later in Mexico. Guenther Reinhardt (Crime Without Punishment) links Katz with the 1943 murder of the anti-Communist Carlo Tresca in New York. Pro-Soviet Policies During World War II The "Ozechoslovalk National Committee" and the "Czechoslovak DemocratiJC Government" in London which succeeded it followed a oonsistently pro-1Soviet policy. Describing this policy during the 1939-1941 .Soviet-Nazi collaboration, Ripka himself states : "Since, In the new &ituation, it was impossible to collaborate officially with the S oviet Un ion, we .. . did nothing which might prejudice or .p revent the ren eswal of cooperation at the earliest possible moment ; I need only recall how 11tron•g ly our attitude contrasted with that of many others during the Sovle!t-Finnish war. Moreover, even In that period, there was no interruption of the personal contacts and exchanges of information b eibween ourselves and Important Soviet representatives In London, P,a ris, Was'h lngton and elsewhere." ( East and West, Lo ndon 19 44 , p. 34) HaJVing joined Benes in London in 1940, Dr. Ripka became Minister of Information of the "Government" in exile. His Ministry had close world:n:g relations with the Ozecho ..SloV'aJk section of the British Broadcasting Company. This was headed by the Slovaik Communist Vavro Hajdu, another member being Oto Biheler, later expelled from the United States for espionage under cover of diplomatic immunity. Ripka often broaidcast over BBC. Here is what he said on Novem1ber 7, 1942 over that network: " . . . The >Russi an November Revolution not only Increased the �SLOVAKIA 87 strength of the Russian Sovdet staite, it also raised to greater heights than ever ,b efore the standard of civHiza,tion, culture and living or the wide masses of the Soviet peoples. . . "Bolshevism is •a super-national ideal, an eternal ideal, a human ideal, a.n idea.I whicll has kind1ed <the mind.8 of the noblest of men from the time of Plato and through the Christian era, through the French Revolution and until today. . . Just as the French Revolution strove to realize the ideal of freedom, so did the Russian Revolution try to realiz-e the ideal of equality." Dr. Hubert Ripka was also Deputy Foreign Minister. Since Minister Jan Masaryk ran his ministry with a notoriously loose hand, Ripka really managed the foreign policy of the London "Government." This policy reached its climax in the Czechoslovak~SoV'iet Treaty of 1943, of which Ripka said: "The Czechoslovak-Soviet Treaty is the foundation of our country's external security and is a fundamental contribution to the unification of national forces. . . Thanks to the Treaty, Czechoslovakia's interests are receivin,g effective support." (BBC broadcast, December 14, 1944) Of the Soviet Union in generaf, Ripka wrote : "The Bolshev,i sm of Lenin and Stalin represents a creative synthesis of specifically Russian and certain Western elements." (East and West, p. 13) "We Czechoslovaks make no secret of our satisfaction that Soviet Russia is beginning to participate in European and world politics as a strong world power." (Ibid., P. 58) The most fateful step prepaired by the London "G()IVernment" and carried out by the 1945-48 "National Front" was the expulsion from Czech~Slovakia of more than 3,000,000 Sudeten Germans. During this operation, over 300,000 Germans were shot or beaten to death, died of rape, filth, stair.vation or exposure, or were shipped to Soviet slave la'bor camps. (For details, see Documents on the Expulsion of the Sudeten Germans, Munich 1953.) The expulsion knocked out the strongest anti ..Communist block in a population of 13,000,000, and tied the Czechs firmly into the Soviet orbit by creating a fear of German "revenge." In his recent book Czechoslovakia Enslaved (London 1950), Ripka admrits authorship of the plan to expel the Sudeten Germans. To work out the details, he maintained a secret section of his Foreign Office, run by a German, �88 SLOVAKIA Wolfgang von Putlitz, who later turned up as ipolitkal adviser in the East German Communist regime. Putlitz was a friend of the vanished British diplomats Burgess and McLean, as well as of the West German security chief Dr. Otto John, who deserted to the Communists in Jruly 1954. They were in contact in London in 1944 and became members of the same British-operated intelligence unit. Their assoc_iation. conrti.nued after Prutlitiz had taken up his activities in East Berlin and while John was (ostensilbly) working for the Bonn Government. The Politburo's Plot and the "National Front" During the latter years of the war, writes Ripka (Czechoslovakia Enslaved, Chapter Ill) , "the politlbureau in Moscow was completing a plot destined to permit the Communists to seize power immediately after the liberation." This plan, as outlined by R~pka, included Communistdominated "national committees" to replace constitutional local government, sruppression of the Czech Agrarian, Tradesmen's and National Democratic Parties and the S1ovaik Catholic Party, establishment of a "National Front" coalition with no opposition, and co.Uectivization of the economy. "Punishments striking at traitors, collaJborationists and fascists" enrubled the Communists, in Ripka's own words, "to intimidate or suppress their political adversaries." "In short," Ripka concludes, "in the political, economk, military and culturail. domains, Czechoslovakia must follow in the wruke of the UISSIR." Yet we find Rilpka's signature on the laws and decrees which put this program of bolshevization into execution, such as: The Kos ice Statute of Apri I 5, 1945: Es,ta,blishment of a Soexpulsion of Sudeten Germans and Hungaviet.type economy trial of "war criminals" in Soviet-tyipe "p.eopl e's courts" rians with convioted persons handed over to Soviet organs - aLJ members of the Protectorate and Slovak Governments declared guilty of suppr,ession of the Agrarian, hi,gh treason by legisla,t ive action Tradesmen's and Nation·a l Democratic Parties. Edict of the President of the Republic, May 19, 1945: Nationalization of property of Germans and Hungarians. "traitors anrl collaiborationists." Edict of the President of the Republic, June 19, 1945: The in- �SLOVAKIA 89 famous "Retributi-on Decree" def.ining "crimes against the Republic" ex-post-facto and providing dertai1'ed organization of the Sovietty,pe "people's courts." Of the "Retribution Decree" which Ripka signed, the Aliliance for Lilberation and Freedom in Czechoslovakia, a Czech organization, has this to say: " . . . The s,i mple fact thrut an active Communist or member of the National Front wanted to have a house, a b.us,ine.ss, a f.arm or a posl<tion held by an innocent citizen was sufficient to have the latter thrown in jail under a false accusation. '' . . . The decree .• . W\as pnimarily directed agaiilllst tlhose citizens who professed true democracy and opposed national ization. In general, the confiscation of property, and the intimidation of t.hose who still held -it, •became the avowed aims of this measure." (Fe.bruary 1954 Manifesto) Under the decree, there was no a,ppeal from the decision o;f a people's court. A death sentence when pronounced was to be executed within two hours. As an act of grace, one additional ho,ur might be granted. Benes and most of his Ministers entered Czecho-Slovaikia via Moscow, where they joined with the Communists in the "National Front" coalition. Ripka remained in London through Arpril 194:15. The New York Times of April 1'5 reports his farewell message to western journalists as fdllows: "London - Dr. Hubert Ripka, Czechoslovak Minister of Foreign Trade, told a fa'Dewell press conference here today thlllt he did not consider the western Allies' apprehensions that his country might become a vassal of the Soviet Union were grounded. He said it was natural that Cze.c hoslo.vakia should seek her security primarily in friendship with the Soviet Union." To his own coruntrymen, however, Ripka took a slightly different tone. In his book on Czechoslovakia in the New Europe, which has neiver been translated into English, he wrote: "All anti.;Soviet elements must necessarHy be eliminated from schools, educational instt.ltu<tions, and literature." (Ceskoslo. vensko v nove Evr-ope, London 194-5, p. 87) our In May 1945 Ripka returned to Prague as Minister of Foreign Trade. One of his first transactions was a deal, initiated in London, to turn over to the Soviet Union, fr.ee of charge, the uranium mines at J oachimsthal ( J achym()IV) in the Sudetenland. This is a principal source from which �90 SLOVAKIA the Soviets are now extracting atomic materials to bomb the United States. Ripka's political f,r iends, especiall.y his former secretary Duchacek (now with the Voice of America), blocked a parliamentary inJVestig,a tion of the uranium affair. A decree was issued maiking it "high treason" to mention the su!bject in public. Of the National Front's foreign tTade policy, Dr. Ripka wrote: ",Closer trade relations with the Soviet Un.ion were not dictated by the CommuniS1t Party. The stren•g thenlng of these relations was In the interests ot the Czechoslovak economy and part of our own policy. Alliance with the Soviet Union has been the most Important factor in tbls country's foreign policy." ( Bulletin of the BritishCzechoslovak Chamber of Commerce, London, 1947) Ripka Since February 1948 Dr. Ri,pka was one of twelve Ministers who resigned in Feb:mary 1949 in a dispute between the "il..ibeirals" and the Communist Party. Whether this was a genuine ideological struggle or an internal squaJbble over "who gets what" is a question which cannot be answered in this short space. The fact is, however, that after the reorganization of the 1g overnment under the Communist Premier Gottwald, Dr. Ripka found himself without a job. Ripka started his flight from Ozechoslova!kia in the company of two priests, Msgr. Sramek and Msgr. Hala, who had been Ministers in the National F,r ont. They hid in a small shack on an isolated airfield at Rakovnik, where a French airplane was to pick them up. The secret police got wind of the affaiT and placed its men on the field, whereupon the French pilot flew over the field without landing. Ripka left the shack and waliked right past the seer.et police into the woods. Msgr. Sramek and Msgr. Hala were arrested and sentenced to prison. A few days later the plane returned and picked u,p Ripka alone without any difficulty. After arriving in Paris, Dr. Ripka organized an exile group which developed into the Czechoslovak Foreign In- �SLOVAKIA 91 stitute. The institute i,ssued an ideological directive summarizing its political aims as follows: "The -transfer of the means of production in.to the hands of the workers is the only way leading to the increase of well-being and prosperity among the largest classes." The InstitUJte has "operating grouips" in various locations, which resemble structurally the cells of the Communist Party. The organizationa l directive has this to say: "Wllth this system we ho,pe to create a group democracy of an elite as opposed to the false conception of a democracy of the masses, which is es,p ecially prominent in exile. Thus we would strive to penetraite and dominate the political life as broadly as possible. "The Czechoslovak FOTelgn Institute is to create a group within groups. The anonymity of Its members ls to constitute its great strength, because it is not poa&ible to defeat an Invisible power." (emphasis in original) The financial part of the directiive provides for busines.s deals with Cammunist countries. For a while a group of Institute memtb ers lived in Switrerla.nd, where they sold ball bea•r ings, cadmium and other strategic materials to states in the Soviet 011bit. When the Swiss police interfered, several of the group moved to Munich, where they got jobs with Radio Free Europe. According to the direcmve, Ripka (under the code name "Maly'') assumed cha,rge of the Institute's central office in Paris. His associates at various times have included: Vladimir Bruza, member of the Communist-cont rolled "Central Working Committee for the Nationalization of Industry." After the 1948 " February Revolution,'' the Czech Communists sent Bruza to Moscow to make further arrangements for Soviet exploitation of the uranium mines. Bruz·a ls now _editor of the Institute's publication Tribuna, which had to move to Leiden, Holland, because of difficulties with the French police. Milos Vanek, a founder of the Czech Communls.t Party and now head of the economic section of Radio Free Europe in Munich. Professor Bohumil Cerny, field man for the Institute, who fled back to Czecho./Slovakia to escape arrest by the CIC in the U. S. Zone of Austria. Frantisek Kubal, repOTts editor for the Institute and on the staff of Tribuna. He ls now in a Frooch jail awaiting trial on charges of lllegally photographing U. S. military installations for the Prague Communist Government. Bohumil Lausman, former Minister of Industry, who sided with �92 SLOVAKIA the Communists in February 1948. He went into exile in 1949, but returned voluntanily to Czecho-Slova:kia in December 1953. He was employed secretly by Radio Free Europe. Since leaving Czecho-,Slova,kia, Dr. Ripka has advocated a poHcy of "co-existence" in the following terms: "Today more than ever I persist in bel ieving that a free and independent Cz·ecihoslov,a kia cannot exist except in a balanced Europe in which the Western Powers and Russia are trying to live on good terms. Even the events of February 1948 h ave not been able to shake this conviction, which remain s the keystone of my whole co nception of for eign policy." (Czechoslovakia Enslaved, 1~50, p, 74) This is the record of an exile politician living in the United States and paid a salary from funds corntriihwted to fight Communism. It is for the reader to drnw hi:s own conclusions om the, /basis of this record. - (Overseas Research, Inc., Special Bulletin, Nov. 28, 1954, Washington, D. C.) • • • CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA: 'JIHE OLD CASTLE ( Stary Hrad) The ruins of th£s ,o ld castle still .stand on a ,p recipitous rock aJbave the river Vah. The structure, named the Old Castle of Trencin (!Stary Hrad) 'belongs to the c1ass of fortresses which were lb:uilt ,prabaJbly during the time af tihe Great Mornvian EmpiTe. Tr,a,veli!ng against the current of the Vah, Stary Hlrad cam. be seen on the left side. We are told that it was once called Nez;budsky Oastle, which attests to -i ts antiquity. 01dest arvailaJble documents refer to it as the Old Castle ("Castmm Stargra,d"); they teU us that it was -gi,v en to Bohumir Seibaslarvorvilc aJbout 1250 for bravery displayed in -the battle against the Tatars neaT S·rujaiva. Stary Hrad is more ancient than Streicno. The structure itself suggests that it was !built ,3J'bout the same time as the Devin and Trencin castles,, i.e., during the Roman era. Bohumir ,w as lord of the castle until 1'266 ; Count Peter of Hont from 1 267 to the end of the thirteenth century, when the Balasa family gained ownership. Then iMatthew Calk, "Lord of the Vah and the Tatras," -besieged and sei'Zed it, hut did not keep it for long, because we learn that a certain Thomas Carpi exchanged it in 1'323 for his property 1 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 85 PROFILE ON AN EXILE POLITICIAN By Kurt Glaser The Communist strategy for seizing central IDurope after World War II was that of the "popular front." So Jong as suibstantial U. S. forces remained on the Continent an 3.4YI>arent shrure of power was allowed to "non-Communist liberals." The appearance of out-and-out Communist governments might haNe led the United States to reverse its policy of withdrawal and demobilization. As the time became riJpe, first in Rumania, then in Poland and Hungary and finally in Czecho-Slovakia, the "liberals" were eased out af oiffice. Those who fled to the U. S. Zone of Germany were girven asylum without too many questions asked. Politicians of rank were airlifted to Washington, where many are now unof.ficial or paid consultants in connection with various "rpsycihwar" operations One of the most active exiles from Czecho~Slovakia is Dr. Hulbert Ripka, former Minister of Foreign Trade, who came west in March 1948. In 1949, the State Department permitted him the leadiing role in choosing exile politicians to be flown from Pa11is at .American expense to fomn the "Council of Free Czechos1ovaoo.a." As a memlber of the Council's Executive Committee until recently, Ripka has received a monthly salrury from the Free Europe Committee, which dbtains m.ruch Olf its funds from Government sources. He is a!lso a professor at the New School of Social Research in New Y o!1k. He has spolken more than OI11Ce over Radio Free Eiuro1pe, and there is no douibt that his friends wield a potent influence in that broadcasting network. No comment is made or suggested concerning Dr. Ripka's attitude toward Communism. Instead, let us revie,w the facts of hris politica,,l career. Dr. Hulbert Riipka achieved some prominence as a journalist before the war. In 1935 he conducted a group of Czech newsmen in the Soviet Union. From then until 1938 he was assistant editor of the magazine Praha-Moskva, devoted to Czechoslovak-Sov iet :firiendship. After Hitler occupied Prague in March 1939, Ripka 86 SLOVAK~A went to Paris, where he became a spokesman of former President Benes, who was working toward a political comeback in exile. In November of that year, he took charge of the informatioo. program of the "Ozechoslovak National Committee" with headquarters at 50_.52 Avenue de la Bourdonnais. Ripka's personal secretary in Paris was the known Communist Mrs. Hilda Matouskova. One of his chief assistants was the Communist agent Otto Katz-1Suchy, alias Andre Simone, late of Hallywood, Prague and points east. After a while, ,t he F,rench police became interested in Katz-Simone, and he disappeared, to turn urp later in Mexico. Guenther Reinhardt (Crime Without Punishment) links Katz with the 1943 murder of the anti-Communist Carlo Tresca in New York. Pro-Soviet Policies During World War II The "Ozechoslovalk National Committee" and the "Czechoslovak DemocratiJC Government" in London which succeeded it followed a oonsistently pro-1Soviet policy. Describing this policy during the 1939-1941 .Soviet-Nazi collaboration, Ripka himself states : "Since, In the new &ituation, it was impossible to collaborate officially with the S oviet Un ion, we .. . did nothing which might prejudice or .p revent the ren eswal of cooperation at the earliest possible moment ; I need only recall how 11tron•g ly our attitude contrasted with that of many others during the Sovle!t-Finnish war. Moreover, even In that period, there was no interruption of the personal contacts and exchanges of information b eibween ourselves and Important Soviet representatives In London, P,a ris, Was'h lngton and elsewhere." ( East and West, Lo ndon 19 44 , p. 34) HaJVing joined Benes in London in 1940, Dr. Ripka became Minister of Information of the "Government" in exile. His Ministry had close world:n:g relations with the Ozecho ..SloV'aJk section of the British Broadcasting Company. This was headed by the Slovaik Communist Vavro Hajdu, another member being Oto Biheler, later expelled from the United States for espionage under cover of diplomatic immunity. Ripka often broaidcast over BBC. Here is what he said on Novem1ber 7, 1942 over that network: " . . . The >Russi an November Revolution not only Increased the SLOVAKIA 87 strength of the Russian Sovdet staite, it also raised to greater heights than ever ,b efore the standard of civHiza,tion, culture and living or the wide masses of the Soviet peoples. . . "Bolshevism is •a super-national ideal, an eternal ideal, a human ideal, a.n idea.I whicll has kind1ed <the mind.8 of the noblest of men from the time of Plato and through the Christian era, through the French Revolution and until today. . . Just as the French Revolution strove to realize the ideal of freedom, so did the Russian Revolution try to realiz-e the ideal of equality." Dr. Hubert Ripka was also Deputy Foreign Minister. Since Minister Jan Masaryk ran his ministry with a notoriously loose hand, Ripka really managed the foreign policy of the London "Government." This policy reached its climax in the Czechoslovak~SoV'iet Treaty of 1943, of which Ripka said: "The Czechoslovak-Soviet Treaty is the foundation of our country's external security and is a fundamental contribution to the unification of national forces. . . Thanks to the Treaty, Czechoslovakia's interests are receivin,g effective support." (BBC broadcast, December 14, 1944) Of the Soviet Union in generaf, Ripka wrote : "The Bolshev,i sm of Lenin and Stalin represents a creative synthesis of specifically Russian and certain Western elements." (East and West, p. 13) "We Czechoslovaks make no secret of our satisfaction that Soviet Russia is beginning to participate in European and world politics as a strong world power." (Ibid., P. 58) The most fateful step prepaired by the London "G()IVernment" and carried out by the 1945-48 "National Front" was the expulsion from Czech~Slovakia of more than 3,000,000 Sudeten Germans. During this operation, over 300,000 Germans were shot or beaten to death, died of rape, filth, stair.vation or exposure, or were shipped to Soviet slave la'bor camps. (For details, see Documents on the Expulsion of the Sudeten Germans, Munich 1953.) The expulsion knocked out the strongest anti ..Communist block in a population of 13,000,000, and tied the Czechs firmly into the Soviet orbit by creating a fear of German "revenge." In his recent book Czechoslovakia Enslaved (London 1950), Ripka admrits authorship of the plan to expel the Sudeten Germans. To work out the details, he maintained a secret section of his Foreign Office, run by a German, 88 SLOVAKIA Wolfgang von Putlitz, who later turned up as ipolitkal adviser in the East German Communist regime. Putlitz was a friend of the vanished British diplomats Burgess and McLean, as well as of the West German security chief Dr. Otto John, who deserted to the Communists in Jruly 1954. They were in contact in London in 1944 and became members of the same British-operated intelligence unit. Their assoc_iation. conrti.nued after Prutlitiz had taken up his activities in East Berlin and while John was (ostensilbly) working for the Bonn Government. The Politburo's Plot and the "National Front" During the latter years of the war, writes Ripka (Czechoslovakia Enslaved, Chapter Ill) , "the politlbureau in Moscow was completing a plot destined to permit the Communists to seize power immediately after the liberation." This plan, as outlined by R~pka, included Communistdominated "national committees" to replace constitutional local government, sruppression of the Czech Agrarian, Tradesmen's and National Democratic Parties and the S1ovaik Catholic Party, establishment of a "National Front" coalition with no opposition, and co.Uectivization of the economy. "Punishments striking at traitors, collaJborationists and fascists" enrubled the Communists, in Ripka's own words, "to intimidate or suppress their political adversaries." "In short," Ripka concludes, "in the political, economk, military and culturail. domains, Czechoslovakia must follow in the wruke of the UISSIR." Yet we find Rilpka's signature on the laws and decrees which put this program of bolshevization into execution, such as: The Kos ice Statute of Apri I 5, 1945: Es,ta,blishment of a Soexpulsion of Sudeten Germans and Hungaviet.type economy trial of "war criminals" in Soviet-tyipe "p.eopl e's courts" rians with convioted persons handed over to Soviet organs - aLJ members of the Protectorate and Slovak Governments declared guilty of suppr,ession of the Agrarian, hi,gh treason by legisla,t ive action Tradesmen's and Nation·a l Democratic Parties. Edict of the President of the Republic, May 19, 1945: Nationalization of property of Germans and Hungarians. "traitors anrl collaiborationists." Edict of the President of the Republic, June 19, 1945: The in- SLOVAKIA 89 famous "Retributi-on Decree" def.ining "crimes against the Republic" ex-post-facto and providing dertai1'ed organization of the Sovietty,pe "people's courts." Of the "Retribution Decree" which Ripka signed, the Aliliance for Lilberation and Freedom in Czechoslovakia, a Czech organization, has this to say: " . . . The s,i mple fact thrut an active Communist or member of the National Front wanted to have a house, a b.us,ine.ss, a f.arm or a posl<tion held by an innocent citizen was sufficient to have the latter thrown in jail under a false accusation. '' . . . The decree .• . W\as pnimarily directed agaiilllst tlhose citizens who professed true democracy and opposed national ization. In general, the confiscation of property, and the intimidation of t.hose who still held -it, •became the avowed aims of this measure." (Fe.bruary 1954 Manifesto) Under the decree, there was no a,ppeal from the decision o;f a people's court. A death sentence when pronounced was to be executed within two hours. As an act of grace, one additional ho,ur might be granted. Benes and most of his Ministers entered Czecho-Slovaikia via Moscow, where they joined with the Communists in the "National Front" coalition. Ripka remained in London through Arpril 194:15. The New York Times of April 1'5 reports his farewell message to western journalists as fdllows: "London - Dr. Hubert Ripka, Czechoslovak Minister of Foreign Trade, told a fa'Dewell press conference here today thlllt he did not consider the western Allies' apprehensions that his country might become a vassal of the Soviet Union were grounded. He said it was natural that Cze.c hoslo.vakia should seek her security primarily in friendship with the Soviet Union." To his own coruntrymen, however, Ripka took a slightly different tone. In his book on Czechoslovakia in the New Europe, which has neiver been translated into English, he wrote: "All anti.;Soviet elements must necessarHy be eliminated from schools, educational instt.ltu<tions, and literature." (Ceskoslo. vensko v nove Evr-ope, London 194-5, p. 87) our In May 1945 Ripka returned to Prague as Minister of Foreign Trade. One of his first transactions was a deal, initiated in London, to turn over to the Soviet Union, fr.ee of charge, the uranium mines at J oachimsthal ( J achym()IV) in the Sudetenland. This is a principal source from which 90 SLOVAKIA the Soviets are now extracting atomic materials to bomb the United States. Ripka's political f,r iends, especiall.y his former secretary Duchacek (now with the Voice of America), blocked a parliamentary inJVestig,a tion of the uranium affair. A decree was issued maiking it "high treason" to mention the su!bject in public. Of the National Front's foreign tTade policy, Dr. Ripka wrote: ",Closer trade relations with the Soviet Un.ion were not dictated by the CommuniS1t Party. The stren•g thenlng of these relations was In the interests ot the Czechoslovak economy and part of our own policy. Alliance with the Soviet Union has been the most Important factor in tbls country's foreign policy." ( Bulletin of the BritishCzechoslovak Chamber of Commerce, London, 1947) Ripka Since February 1948 Dr. Ri,pka was one of twelve Ministers who resigned in Feb:mary 1949 in a dispute between the "il..ibeirals" and the Communist Party. Whether this was a genuine ideological struggle or an internal squaJbble over "who gets what" is a question which cannot be answered in this short space. The fact is, however, that after the reorganization of the 1g overnment under the Communist Premier Gottwald, Dr. Ripka found himself without a job. Ripka started his flight from Ozechoslova!kia in the company of two priests, Msgr. Sramek and Msgr. Hala, who had been Ministers in the National F,r ont. They hid in a small shack on an isolated airfield at Rakovnik, where a French airplane was to pick them up. The secret police got wind of the affaiT and placed its men on the field, whereupon the French pilot flew over the field without landing. Ripka left the shack and waliked right past the seer.et police into the woods. Msgr. Sramek and Msgr. Hala were arrested and sentenced to prison. A few days later the plane returned and picked u,p Ripka alone without any difficulty. After arriving in Paris, Dr. Ripka organized an exile group which developed into the Czechoslovak Foreign In- SLOVAKIA 91 stitute. The institute i,ssued an ideological directive summarizing its political aims as follows: "The -transfer of the means of production in.to the hands of the workers is the only way leading to the increase of well-being and prosperity among the largest classes." The InstitUJte has "operating grouips" in various locations, which resemble structurally the cells of the Communist Party. The organizationa l directive has this to say: "Wllth this system we ho,pe to create a group democracy of an elite as opposed to the false conception of a democracy of the masses, which is es,p ecially prominent in exile. Thus we would strive to penetraite and dominate the political life as broadly as possible. "The Czechoslovak FOTelgn Institute is to create a group within groups. The anonymity of Its members ls to constitute its great strength, because it is not poa&ible to defeat an Invisible power." (emphasis in original) The financial part of the directiive provides for busines.s deals with Cammunist countries. For a while a group of Institute memtb ers lived in Switrerla.nd, where they sold ball bea•r ings, cadmium and other strategic materials to states in the Soviet 011bit. When the Swiss police interfered, several of the group moved to Munich, where they got jobs with Radio Free Europe. According to the direcmve, Ripka (under the code name "Maly'') assumed cha,rge of the Institute's central office in Paris. His associates at various times have included: Vladimir Bruza, member of the Communist-cont rolled "Central Working Committee for the Nationalization of Industry." After the 1948 " February Revolution,'' the Czech Communists sent Bruza to Moscow to make further arrangements for Soviet exploitation of the uranium mines. Bruz·a ls now _editor of the Institute's publication Tribuna, which had to move to Leiden, Holland, because of difficulties with the French police. Milos Vanek, a founder of the Czech Communls.t Party and now head of the economic section of Radio Free Europe in Munich. Professor Bohumil Cerny, field man for the Institute, who fled back to Czecho./Slovakia to escape arrest by the CIC in the U. S. Zone of Austria. Frantisek Kubal, repOTts editor for the Institute and on the staff of Tribuna. He ls now in a Frooch jail awaiting trial on charges of lllegally photographing U. S. military installations for the Prague Communist Government. Bohumil Lausman, former Minister of Industry, who sided with 92 SLOVAKIA the Communists in February 1948. He went into exile in 1949, but returned voluntanily to Czecho-Slova:kia in December 1953. He was employed secretly by Radio Free Europe. Since leaving Czecho-,Slova,kia, Dr. Ripka has advocated a poHcy of "co-existence" in the following terms: "Today more than ever I persist in bel ieving that a free and independent Cz·ecihoslov,a kia cannot exist except in a balanced Europe in which the Western Powers and Russia are trying to live on good terms. Even the events of February 1948 h ave not been able to shake this conviction, which remain s the keystone of my whole co nception of for eign policy." (Czechoslovakia Enslaved, 1~50, p, 74) This is the record of an exile politician living in the United States and paid a salary from funds corntriihwted to fight Communism. It is for the reader to drnw hi:s own conclusions om the, /basis of this record. - (Overseas Research, Inc., Special Bulletin, Nov. 28, 1954, Washington, D. C.) • • • CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA: 'JIHE OLD CASTLE ( Stary Hrad) The ruins of th£s ,o ld castle still .stand on a ,p recipitous rock aJbave the river Vah. The structure, named the Old Castle of Trencin (!Stary Hrad) 'belongs to the c1ass of fortresses which were lb:uilt ,prabaJbly during the time af tihe Great Mornvian EmpiTe. Tr,a,veli!ng against the current of the Vah, Stary Hlrad cam. be seen on the left side. We are told that it was once called Nez;budsky Oastle, which attests to -i ts antiquity. 01dest arvailaJble documents refer to it as the Old Castle ("Castmm Stargra,d"); they teU us that it was -gi,v en to Bohumir Seibaslarvorvilc aJbout 1250 for bravery displayed in -the battle against the Tatars neaT S·rujaiva. Stary Hrad is more ancient than Streicno. The structure itself suggests that it was !built ,3J'bout the same time as the Devin and Trencin castles,, i.e., during the Roman era. Bohumir ,w as lord of the castle until 1'266 ; Count Peter of Hont from 1 267 to the end of the thirteenth century, when the Balasa family gained ownership. Then iMatthew Calk, "Lord of the Vah and the Tatras," -besieged and sei'Zed it, hut did not keep it for long, because we learn that a certain Thomas Carpi exchanged it in 1'323 for his property 1  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Profile of an Exile Politician Description An account of the resource Kurt Glaser Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 3-4 (12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954 pp. 85-92 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Glaser, Kurt, 1914-1993 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Sept.-Dec. 1954 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/62624c5173e8d5a68159941447324162.pdf 8303d0bf4edfec408f97127c03b0584b PDF Text Text 92 SLOVAKIA the Communists in February 1948. He went into exile in 1949, but returned voluntanily to Czecho-Slova:kia in December 1953. He was employed secretly by Radio Free Europe. Since leaving Czecho-,Slova,kia, Dr. Ripka has advocated a poHcy of "co-existence" in the following terms: "Today more than ever I persist in bel ieving that a free and independent Cz·ecihoslov,a kia cannot exist except in a balanced Europe in which the Western Powers and Russia are trying to live on good terms. Even the events of February 1948 h ave not been able to shake this conviction, which remain s the keystone of my whole co nception of for eign policy." (Czechoslovakia Enslaved, 1~50, p, 74) This is the record of an exile politician living in the United States and paid a salary from funds corntriihwted to fight Communism. It is for the reader to drnw hi:s own conclusions om the, /basis of this record. - (Overseas Research, Inc., Special Bulletin, Nov. 28, 1954, Washington, D. C.) • • • CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA: 'JIHE OLD CASTLE ( Stary Hrad) The ruins of th£s ,o ld castle still .stand on a ,p recipitous rock aJbave the river Vah. The structure, named the Old Castle of Trencin (!Stary Hrad) 'belongs to the c1ass of fortresses which were lb:uilt ,prabaJbly during the time af tihe Great Mornvian EmpiTe. Tr,a,veli!ng against the current of the Vah, Stary Hlrad cam. be seen on the left side. We are told that it was once called Nez;budsky Oastle, which attests to -i ts antiquity. 01dest arvailaJble documents refer to it as the Old Castle ("Castmm Stargra,d"); they teU us that it was -gi,v en to Bohumir Seibaslarvorvilc aJbout 1250 for bravery displayed in -the battle against the Tatars neaT S·rujaiva. Stary Hrad is more ancient than Streicno. The structure itself suggests that it was !built ,3J'bout the same time as the Devin and Trencin castles,, i.e., during the Roman era. Bohumir ,w as lord of the castle until 1'266 ; Count Peter of Hont from 1 267 to the end of the thirteenth century, when the Balasa family gained ownership. Then iMatthew Calk, "Lord of the Vah and the Tatras," -besieged and sei'Zed it, hut did not keep it for long, because we learn that a certain Thomas Carpi exchanged it in 1'323 for his property 1 �SLOVAKIA 93 in :Darmoty. Donte, administrator (2upan) of Zvolen County became owner of it earl;y in the 15th century for a short time, when King Lottci.s donated it to Sandzi'Voj, a Polish nobleman, because he had he1ped his daughter Hedwig gain the Polish throne. Sandlzirvod, . however, remained in SlovaJkia only a short time. !Stary Hrad iwas donated to Queen ElitzaJbeth, wifo oif King Allbrecht (1439). 'Iwo year.s later the PoTIJgrac clan of Svaty Mikulas occ,upied Stary Hrad and Strecno; the family was loyal to Jiskra of Brandys. The Pongrac clan terrorized the entire Vah Valley. John Hlunady of TransyJvarnia allied himself with Po.ngrac to fiight the iking, who had procliaimed him a rebel. Pongrac was c3JPtured in Budin and condemned to jail for life; his companions iwerre hanged lby order of King Vlooisla;v. After Hun,ady made up with the iking, he entreated him to free ,Pcmgrac so that he might lead the fight against the Turks who were 'Plundering the Balkans. The expedition against the Tur.ks was disastrous for the Christians, but Pongrac escaped to· return home safely. A short time. later, with the help of Komororvsky, administrator of Liptorv County, Pongrac regained. Stary Hrad and Stre1Cno, and then seized Branc. Pongrac and his men made se,vera.J predatory ex'Peditions into Poland and caused ~ing Cazimir to complain to the HungaTian Estates, demanding that they do something aJbout the rdl:Jber knight. The ,Diet in .Segedin decided to punish Pongrac, and Ulrich Cilslky was delegated to undertake the tasik (1449). But, it seems, Cils.'ky did not measure up to it, because the sorties into Poland continued and he himself was murdered in Belgrade, in. 1456. According to the record, Pongrac was proibaJbly needed by the king, who was willing not only to forget his transgressions, but even made him the Zupan of Liptorv County. When Ladisilav Hurnady ,w as beheaded in 1'456, Pongrac joined Uip with rhis uncle Siladi and King Mathias recogruzed: him a1S1 lord orf Stary Hrad, 1Stre:eno and Brame. After Pongrfoc, the ,oiwners of Stary Hrad changed. frequently. We find the Zapolskys, Takolys and Rakoczis among them. In time it lost its strategic significance, was aJbandoned and �94 SLOVAKIA foll into ruin. Since the road leading through the valley is on the other side of the V ah, 1Stary Hrad i,s seldom visited. What is left of it hangs like an eagle's nest albove the aibyss, crumlbling aiway stone lb.y stone and falling into the foam.y waters of the V ah. The ;neighlboring rock Which towers aJbove the ruins of St,a ry Hrad is called Margaret. Legend tells us how it acquired its name. The Slo'VaJks of IStrecno say that a come-ly widow of S ~ o had a very bea.utifol step-daughter named Margaret. They got alon,g ve;ry nicely until love intervened. I:t so happened that a handsome young man, employed on the estate of the wido.w, became the obd·e ct of her affections. But the yollll1g handsome one prefer.red to cast his eyes upon the !beautiful Margaret and scorn her step-mother. [Hurt and angered, the widow decided to do away with Margaret. One day the ,w idow sent her daughter on an errand to relatives in. Vru1lky and ordered her to return the same evening. Retwrning home, Margaret tripped gayly along the 'beaiten. path near the Vah, singill'g her favorite SlovaJk melodies. As she cliirn)bed the rooky slope, Margaret paused several times to .r est. When she reached the summit of the rook, a po.mt where the path comes dangerously close to the edge of. the c1i!ff, Maragret paused again a.n.d gazed in wonderment on the bea.JUtiful !Valley 1beloiW. IBeifore the pooc girl couid realize what had happened, she was hurtling through space into the chu.rni.Il!g waters of the Vah below. The 1Vengelful, murderous widorw, questioned by the handsome one aJbout /Margaret, replied evasilvely a.n.d roused his suspicions. When the 1battered, cold, still body of Margaret was found se1Veral days later, caught ibetween the rocks, her lOIVer cried hysterically for diaJy s and finally lOSJt control of hi-s mind. But Ma:rgaret's mocderous stepmother did not gain her end. The handsome yoll'Ilg man, who had become Margaret's lover, never reooivered his mind. iHla!vinig learned the a,wful truth, he roamed aimlessly on the rook, from which hist loved one was hurtled to her death, until he also perished. &om that day to this the rock is called Margaret. � 92 SLOVAKIA the Communists in February 1948. He went into exile in 1949, but returned voluntanily to Czecho-Slova:kia in December 1953. He was employed secretly by Radio Free Europe. Since leaving Czecho-,Slova,kia, Dr. Ripka has advocated a poHcy of "co-existence" in the following terms: "Today more than ever I persist in bel ieving that a free and independent Cz·ecihoslov,a kia cannot exist except in a balanced Europe in which the Western Powers and Russia are trying to live on good terms. Even the events of February 1948 h ave not been able to shake this conviction, which remain s the keystone of my whole co nception of for eign policy." (Czechoslovakia Enslaved, 1~50, p, 74) This is the record of an exile politician living in the United States and paid a salary from funds corntriihwted to fight Communism. It is for the reader to drnw hi:s own conclusions om the, /basis of this record. - (Overseas Research, Inc., Special Bulletin, Nov. 28, 1954, Washington, D. C.) • • • CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA: 'JIHE OLD CASTLE ( Stary Hrad) The ruins of th£s ,o ld castle still .stand on a ,p recipitous rock aJbave the river Vah. The structure, named the Old Castle of Trencin (!Stary Hrad) 'belongs to the c1ass of fortresses which were lb:uilt ,prabaJbly during the time af tihe Great Mornvian EmpiTe. Tr,a,veli!ng against the current of the Vah, Stary Hlrad cam. be seen on the left side. We are told that it was once called Nez;budsky Oastle, which attests to -i ts antiquity. 01dest arvailaJble documents refer to it as the Old Castle ("Castmm Stargra,d"); they teU us that it was -gi,v en to Bohumir Seibaslarvorvilc aJbout 1250 for bravery displayed in -the battle against the Tatars neaT S·rujaiva. Stary Hrad is more ancient than Streicno. The structure itself suggests that it was !built ,3J'bout the same time as the Devin and Trencin castles,, i.e., during the Roman era. Bohumir ,w as lord of the castle until 1'266 ; Count Peter of Hont from 1 267 to the end of the thirteenth century, when the Balasa family gained ownership. Then iMatthew Calk, "Lord of the Vah and the Tatras," -besieged and sei'Zed it, hut did not keep it for long, because we learn that a certain Thomas Carpi exchanged it in 1'323 for his property 1 �SLOVAKIA 93 in :Darmoty. Donte, administrator (2upan) of Zvolen County became owner of it earl;y in the 15th century for a short time, when King Lottci.s donated it to Sandzi'Voj, a Polish nobleman, because he had he1ped his daughter Hedwig gain the Polish throne. Sandlzirvod, . however, remained in SlovaJkia only a short time. !Stary Hrad iwas donated to Queen ElitzaJbeth, wifo oif King Allbrecht (1439). 'Iwo year.s later the PoTIJgrac clan of Svaty Mikulas occ,upied Stary Hrad and Strecno; the family was loyal to Jiskra of Brandys. The Pongrac clan terrorized the entire Vah Valley. John Hlunady of TransyJvarnia allied himself with Po.ngrac to fiight the iking, who had procliaimed him a rebel. Pongrac was c3JPtured in Budin and condemned to jail for life; his companions iwerre hanged lby order of King Vlooisla;v. After Hun,ady made up with the iking, he entreated him to free ,Pcmgrac so that he might lead the fight against the Turks who were 'Plundering the Balkans. The expedition against the Tur.ks was disastrous for the Christians, but Pongrac escaped to· return home safely. A short time. later, with the help of Komororvsky, administrator of Liptorv County, Pongrac regained. Stary Hrad and Stre1Cno, and then seized Branc. Pongrac and his men made se,vera.J predatory ex'Peditions into Poland and caused ~ing Cazimir to complain to the HungaTian Estates, demanding that they do something aJbout the rdl:Jber knight. The ,Diet in .Segedin decided to punish Pongrac, and Ulrich Cilslky was delegated to undertake the tasik (1449). But, it seems, Cils.'ky did not measure up to it, because the sorties into Poland continued and he himself was murdered in Belgrade, in. 1456. According to the record, Pongrac was proibaJbly needed by the king, who was willing not only to forget his transgressions, but even made him the Zupan of Liptorv County. When Ladisilav Hurnady ,w as beheaded in 1'456, Pongrac joined Uip with rhis uncle Siladi and King Mathias recogruzed: him a1S1 lord orf Stary Hrad, 1Stre:eno and Brame. After Pongrfoc, the ,oiwners of Stary Hrad changed. frequently. We find the Zapolskys, Takolys and Rakoczis among them. In time it lost its strategic significance, was aJbandoned and �94 SLOVAKIA foll into ruin. Since the road leading through the valley is on the other side of the V ah, 1Stary Hrad i,s seldom visited. What is left of it hangs like an eagle's nest albove the aibyss, crumlbling aiway stone lb.y stone and falling into the foam.y waters of the V ah. The ;neighlboring rock Which towers aJbove the ruins of St,a ry Hrad is called Margaret. Legend tells us how it acquired its name. The Slo'VaJks of IStrecno say that a come-ly widow of S ~ o had a very bea.utifol step-daughter named Margaret. They got alon,g ve;ry nicely until love intervened. I:t so happened that a handsome young man, employed on the estate of the wido.w, became the obd·e ct of her affections. But the yollll1g handsome one prefer.red to cast his eyes upon the !beautiful Margaret and scorn her step-mother. [Hurt and angered, the widow decided to do away with Margaret. One day the ,w idow sent her daughter on an errand to relatives in. Vru1lky and ordered her to return the same evening. Retwrning home, Margaret tripped gayly along the 'beaiten. path near the Vah, singill'g her favorite SlovaJk melodies. As she cliirn)bed the rooky slope, Margaret paused several times to .r est. When she reached the summit of the rook, a po.mt where the path comes dangerously close to the edge of. the c1i!ff, Maragret paused again a.n.d gazed in wonderment on the bea.JUtiful !Valley 1beloiW. IBeifore the pooc girl couid realize what had happened, she was hurtling through space into the chu.rni.Il!g waters of the Vah below. The 1Vengelful, murderous widorw, questioned by the handsome one aJbout /Margaret, replied evasilvely a.n.d roused his suspicions. When the 1battered, cold, still body of Margaret was found se1Veral days later, caught ibetween the rocks, her lOIVer cried hysterically for diaJy s and finally lOSJt control of hi-s mind. But Ma:rgaret's mocderous stepmother did not gain her end. The handsome yoll'Ilg man, who had become Margaret's lover, never reooivered his mind. iHla!vinig learned the a,wful truth, he roamed aimlessly on the rook, from which hist loved one was hurtled to her death, until he also perished. &om that day to this the rock is called Margaret. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 92 SLOVAKIA the Communists in February 1948. He went into exile in 1949, but returned voluntanily to Czecho-Slova:kia in December 1953. He was employed secretly by Radio Free Europe. Since leaving Czecho-,Slova,kia, Dr. Ripka has advocated a poHcy of "co-existence" in the following terms: "Today more than ever I persist in bel ieving that a free and independent Cz·ecihoslov,a kia cannot exist except in a balanced Europe in which the Western Powers and Russia are trying to live on good terms. Even the events of February 1948 h ave not been able to shake this conviction, which remain s the keystone of my whole co nception of for eign policy." (Czechoslovakia Enslaved, 1~50, p, 74) This is the record of an exile politician living in the United States and paid a salary from funds corntriihwted to fight Communism. It is for the reader to drnw hi:s own conclusions om the, /basis of this record. - (Overseas Research, Inc., Special Bulletin, Nov. 28, 1954, Washington, D. C.) • • • CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA: 'JIHE OLD CASTLE ( Stary Hrad) The ruins of th£s ,o ld castle still .stand on a ,p recipitous rock aJbave the river Vah. The structure, named the Old Castle of Trencin (!Stary Hrad) 'belongs to the c1ass of fortresses which were lb:uilt ,prabaJbly during the time af tihe Great Mornvian EmpiTe. Tr,a,veli!ng against the current of the Vah, Stary Hlrad cam. be seen on the left side. We are told that it was once called Nez;budsky Oastle, which attests to -i ts antiquity. 01dest arvailaJble documents refer to it as the Old Castle ("Castmm Stargra,d"); they teU us that it was -gi,v en to Bohumir Seibaslarvorvilc aJbout 1250 for bravery displayed in -the battle against the Tatars neaT S·rujaiva. Stary Hrad is more ancient than Streicno. The structure itself suggests that it was !built ,3J'bout the same time as the Devin and Trencin castles,, i.e., during the Roman era. Bohumir ,w as lord of the castle until 1'266 ; Count Peter of Hont from 1 267 to the end of the thirteenth century, when the Balasa family gained ownership. Then iMatthew Calk, "Lord of the Vah and the Tatras," -besieged and sei'Zed it, hut did not keep it for long, because we learn that a certain Thomas Carpi exchanged it in 1'323 for his property 1 SLOVAKIA 93 in :Darmoty. Donte, administrator (2upan) of Zvolen County became owner of it earl;y in the 15th century for a short time, when King Lottci.s donated it to Sandzi'Voj, a Polish nobleman, because he had he1ped his daughter Hedwig gain the Polish throne. Sandlzirvod, . however, remained in SlovaJkia only a short time. !Stary Hrad iwas donated to Queen ElitzaJbeth, wifo oif King Allbrecht (1439). 'Iwo year.s later the PoTIJgrac clan of Svaty Mikulas occ,upied Stary Hrad and Strecno; the family was loyal to Jiskra of Brandys. The Pongrac clan terrorized the entire Vah Valley. John Hlunady of TransyJvarnia allied himself with Po.ngrac to fiight the iking, who had procliaimed him a rebel. Pongrac was c3JPtured in Budin and condemned to jail for life; his companions iwerre hanged lby order of King Vlooisla;v. After Hun,ady made up with the iking, he entreated him to free ,Pcmgrac so that he might lead the fight against the Turks who were 'Plundering the Balkans. The expedition against the Tur.ks was disastrous for the Christians, but Pongrac escaped to· return home safely. A short time. later, with the help of Komororvsky, administrator of Liptorv County, Pongrac regained. Stary Hrad and Stre1Cno, and then seized Branc. Pongrac and his men made se,vera.J predatory ex'Peditions into Poland and caused ~ing Cazimir to complain to the HungaTian Estates, demanding that they do something aJbout the rdl:Jber knight. The ,Diet in .Segedin decided to punish Pongrac, and Ulrich Cilslky was delegated to undertake the tasik (1449). But, it seems, Cils.'ky did not measure up to it, because the sorties into Poland continued and he himself was murdered in Belgrade, in. 1456. According to the record, Pongrac was proibaJbly needed by the king, who was willing not only to forget his transgressions, but even made him the Zupan of Liptorv County. When Ladisilav Hurnady ,w as beheaded in 1'456, Pongrac joined Uip with rhis uncle Siladi and King Mathias recogruzed: him a1S1 lord orf Stary Hrad, 1Stre:eno and Brame. After Pongrfoc, the ,oiwners of Stary Hrad changed. frequently. We find the Zapolskys, Takolys and Rakoczis among them. In time it lost its strategic significance, was aJbandoned and 94 SLOVAKIA foll into ruin. Since the road leading through the valley is on the other side of the V ah, 1Stary Hrad i,s seldom visited. What is left of it hangs like an eagle's nest albove the aibyss, crumlbling aiway stone lb.y stone and falling into the foam.y waters of the V ah. The ;neighlboring rock Which towers aJbove the ruins of St,a ry Hrad is called Margaret. Legend tells us how it acquired its name. The Slo'VaJks of IStrecno say that a come-ly widow of S ~ o had a very bea.utifol step-daughter named Margaret. They got alon,g ve;ry nicely until love intervened. I:t so happened that a handsome young man, employed on the estate of the wido.w, became the obd·e ct of her affections. But the yollll1g handsome one prefer.red to cast his eyes upon the !beautiful Margaret and scorn her step-mother. [Hurt and angered, the widow decided to do away with Margaret. One day the ,w idow sent her daughter on an errand to relatives in. Vru1lky and ordered her to return the same evening. Retwrning home, Margaret tripped gayly along the 'beaiten. path near the Vah, singill'g her favorite SlovaJk melodies. As she cliirn)bed the rooky slope, Margaret paused several times to .r est. When she reached the summit of the rook, a po.mt where the path comes dangerously close to the edge of. the c1i!ff, Maragret paused again a.n.d gazed in wonderment on the bea.JUtiful !Valley 1beloiW. IBeifore the pooc girl couid realize what had happened, she was hurtling through space into the chu.rni.Il!g waters of the Vah below. The 1Vengelful, murderous widorw, questioned by the handsome one aJbout /Margaret, replied evasilvely a.n.d roused his suspicions. When the 1battered, cold, still body of Margaret was found se1Veral days later, caught ibetween the rocks, her lOIVer cried hysterically for diaJy s and finally lOSJt control of hi-s mind. But Ma:rgaret's mocderous stepmother did not gain her end. The handsome yoll'Ilg man, who had become Margaret's lover, never reooivered his mind. iHla!vinig learned the a,wful truth, he roamed aimlessly on the rook, from which hist loved one was hurtled to her death, until he also perished. &om that day to this the rock is called Margaret.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Castles of Slovakia: The Old Castle (Starý Hrad) Description An account of the resource Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 3-4 (12-13), pp. 92-94 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Sept.-Dec. 1954 castles https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/44ae109f3693bc37ab8a05b714053322.pdf d080a2570ff320c01dc77ef764d10187 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 95 JOHN MASARYK WAS NO EXCEPTION The mighty of the UiSSR are not respecters of persons. They use all means and all persons at an times to attain their dia1bolical ends. They did just that in Russia, in POiland, Hungary, filstlon:ia, LitJhuiania, La'tV1ila, Ohina, Korea, etc., etc. Everything a;ccording to the master pla!ll. OzechoSlovakia was no exception. The Mosoow Reds and their Czech stooges in Czecho~Slova'kia acted according to that plan. Dr. Edward Benes and John Masarylk were used by the men of the Kremlin to deceive the West and even themselives. Dr. Benes's pro-Soviet ipolicy brought ruin to CzechoSlovakia and enhanced the position of the Communists in Europe. Benes should have known better, because he cl-aimed thiat he knew Stalin and the USSR betJter 1:Jhan did the great statesmen of the West. If he did, then he deliberately betmyed the Czechs and Slo,vaJks of Ozecho-Sloivakia, nay even the whole of Europe, to Moscow. On March 1, 1948, John Masaryk, the little son of the great father, was interviewed by the editor Oif the French paper '''L'ORDRE." What he said then will certainly never be forgotten ,b y the Slovaks, but should be remembered by all peoples of the free West as well. The interview: ''Mr. Minist.er, how do you judge the Anglo-American- French proclamation?" Masa,ry;k: "It is easy to make a proclamation whereby the politics Oif a foreign state is condemned. The people of the Ozechoslova!k Republic has spoken. The change in our conception of democracy is new and notable. I always went along with the peo,ple and shall go ailong with it eiven today!" "How did the crisis come about?" Masaryk: "There were some people in our State who thought that we coUild govern without the Oommunists, or a:gainst them. I haive always ,p assionately denied this thesis. The crisis was evoked by the resignation of three parties of the National F'ro1I1t. Today we have a new National Front. It is necessary to c<>Qperate with it. The new government �96 SLOVAKIA was installed in a constitutional manner and shall conduct itself democraticalli y accoroing to the Constitution." "How did the change in government taJke place?" Masarytk: "Changes of this kind, such as is ours, are usuaUy connected with a cirvil war and great saicrifices. The nations of the Czechosl:ovruk Republic are 1peace-iloiving. They desire a lasting pea;ce. We in Czechoslovak ia know what a war is amd, therefore, foolish is the man who thinik,s that some change can talke place in this our love fo:r peace. Our na,tionrs frequent1iy iplayed an important role in the history of Europe. OUT ipeople is and shaH remain democratic, as I have said, and, therefore, I 1believe in it and love it. I entered into this Government as a convinced democrat and I shall seIWe our new democracy as long as my strength holds out." In the West it was thought that there was no democracy, no freedom, no legal certainty in Comm!Uilistic CzechoSlova;kia. But Ma:sar,yik ridiculed the thought. Ma:saryk declared that he wanted to ser.ve the "new" demO'Cracy as long as his streillgth held out. Well, he did not sexwe long. Moscow ma;d,e the de:cision. Wi11 the West ,p rofit 'by that lesson? Or wfil,l Washington, London and Paris continue to be deceiirved by the fol,]1owers of Dr. Benes's ,p ro-Sorviet poHcy who are nOIW organized in the so~called "Cooncil of Free Ozechoslo-v;aJki'a" ? Benes and Masaryk are gone. They went out of this world without repenting the evil they had perpetrated a:gainst the Slova:k and Czech nations, nay, against the whole oif Christian Europe. The Slorvaik nation, terrorized and crucified by the "new" democracy of Benes and Masary1k and their followers (Zffillkl, Rilplm., IAttri~h, etc.) , cries out :fTOim under the "democratic" gaUows and from the "democratic" concentration camps to afil Slovaks and to an the peoples of free democracies: Lettrich, Zen!k~, R~pka and the other Benes "Czechosfov3Jk s" do not and cannot speaik in our name, but only in the name oif the incredible crimes they ha;ve commi~ ted a:gainst the Slovwk n~tion in tJhe name of ,t he "new" democracy, in the name of inrternationa:l Communism which they heliped to install in OUT helpless and haipless Slova!kia. � SLOVAKIA 95 JOHN MASARYK WAS NO EXCEPTION The mighty of the UiSSR are not respecters of persons. They use all means and all persons at an times to attain their dia1bolical ends. They did just that in Russia, in POiland, Hungary, filstlon:ia, LitJhuiania, La'tV1ila, Ohina, Korea, etc., etc. Everything a;ccording to the master pla!ll. OzechoSlovakia was no exception. The Mosoow Reds and their Czech stooges in Czecho~Slova'kia acted according to that plan. Dr. Edward Benes and John Masarylk were used by the men of the Kremlin to deceive the West and even themselives. Dr. Benes's pro-Soviet ipolicy brought ruin to CzechoSlovakia and enhanced the position of the Communists in Europe. Benes should have known better, because he cl-aimed thiat he knew Stalin and the USSR betJter 1:Jhan did the great statesmen of the West. If he did, then he deliberately betmyed the Czechs and Slo,vaJks of Ozecho-Sloivakia, nay even the whole of Europe, to Moscow. On March 1, 1948, John Masaryk, the little son of the great father, was interviewed by the editor Oif the French paper '''L'ORDRE." What he said then will certainly never be forgotten ,b y the Slovaks, but should be remembered by all peoples of the free West as well. The interview: ''Mr. Minist.er, how do you judge the Anglo-American- French proclamation?" Masa,ry;k: "It is easy to make a proclamation whereby the politics Oif a foreign state is condemned. The people of the Ozechoslova!k Republic has spoken. The change in our conception of democracy is new and notable. I always went along with the peo,ple and shall go ailong with it eiven today!" "How did the crisis come about?" Masaryk: "There were some people in our State who thought that we coUild govern without the Oommunists, or a:gainst them. I haive always ,p assionately denied this thesis. The crisis was evoked by the resignation of three parties of the National F'ro1I1t. Today we have a new National Front. It is necessary to c<>Qperate with it. The new government �96 SLOVAKIA was installed in a constitutional manner and shall conduct itself democraticalli y accoroing to the Constitution." "How did the change in government taJke place?" Masarytk: "Changes of this kind, such as is ours, are usuaUy connected with a cirvil war and great saicrifices. The nations of the Czechosl:ovruk Republic are 1peace-iloiving. They desire a lasting pea;ce. We in Czechoslovak ia know what a war is amd, therefore, foolish is the man who thinik,s that some change can talke place in this our love fo:r peace. Our na,tionrs frequent1iy iplayed an important role in the history of Europe. OUT ipeople is and shaH remain democratic, as I have said, and, therefore, I 1believe in it and love it. I entered into this Government as a convinced democrat and I shall seIWe our new democracy as long as my strength holds out." In the West it was thought that there was no democracy, no freedom, no legal certainty in Comm!Uilistic CzechoSlova;kia. But Ma:sar,yik ridiculed the thought. Ma:saryk declared that he wanted to ser.ve the "new" demO'Cracy as long as his streillgth held out. Well, he did not sexwe long. Moscow ma;d,e the de:cision. Wi11 the West ,p rofit 'by that lesson? Or wfil,l Washington, London and Paris continue to be deceiirved by the fol,]1owers of Dr. Benes's ,p ro-Sorviet poHcy who are nOIW organized in the so~called "Cooncil of Free Ozechoslo-v;aJki'a" ? Benes and Masaryk are gone. They went out of this world without repenting the evil they had perpetrated a:gainst the Slova:k and Czech nations, nay, against the whole oif Christian Europe. The Slorvaik nation, terrorized and crucified by the "new" democracy of Benes and Masary1k and their followers (Zffillkl, Rilplm., IAttri~h, etc.) , cries out :fTOim under the "democratic" gaUows and from the "democratic" concentration camps to afil Slovaks and to an the peoples of free democracies: Lettrich, Zen!k~, R~pka and the other Benes "Czechosfov3Jk s" do not and cannot speaik in our name, but only in the name oif the incredible crimes they ha;ve commi~ ted a:gainst the Slovwk n~tion in tJhe name of ,t he "new" democracy, in the name of inrternationa:l Communism which they heliped to install in OUT helpless and haipless Slova!kia. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 95 JOHN MASARYK WAS NO EXCEPTION The mighty of the UiSSR are not respecters of persons. They use all means and all persons at an times to attain their dia1bolical ends. They did just that in Russia, in POiland, Hungary, filstlon:ia, LitJhuiania, La'tV1ila, Ohina, Korea, etc., etc. Everything a;ccording to the master pla!ll. OzechoSlovakia was no exception. The Mosoow Reds and their Czech stooges in Czecho~Slova'kia acted according to that plan. Dr. Edward Benes and John Masarylk were used by the men of the Kremlin to deceive the West and even themselives. Dr. Benes's pro-Soviet ipolicy brought ruin to CzechoSlovakia and enhanced the position of the Communists in Europe. Benes should have known better, because he cl-aimed thiat he knew Stalin and the USSR betJter 1:Jhan did the great statesmen of the West. If he did, then he deliberately betmyed the Czechs and Slo,vaJks of Ozecho-Sloivakia, nay even the whole of Europe, to Moscow. On March 1, 1948, John Masaryk, the little son of the great father, was interviewed by the editor Oif the French paper '''L'ORDRE." What he said then will certainly never be forgotten ,b y the Slovaks, but should be remembered by all peoples of the free West as well. The interview: ''Mr. Minist.er, how do you judge the Anglo-American- French proclamation?" Masa,ry;k: "It is easy to make a proclamation whereby the politics Oif a foreign state is condemned. The people of the Ozechoslova!k Republic has spoken. The change in our conception of democracy is new and notable. I always went along with the peo,ple and shall go ailong with it eiven today!" "How did the crisis come about?" Masaryk: "There were some people in our State who thought that we coUild govern without the Oommunists, or a:gainst them. I haive always ,p assionately denied this thesis. The crisis was evoked by the resignation of three parties of the National F'ro1I1t. Today we have a new National Front. It is necessary to c<>Qperate with it. The new government 96 SLOVAKIA was installed in a constitutional manner and shall conduct itself democraticalli y accoroing to the Constitution." "How did the change in government taJke place?" Masarytk: "Changes of this kind, such as is ours, are usuaUy connected with a cirvil war and great saicrifices. The nations of the Czechosl:ovruk Republic are 1peace-iloiving. They desire a lasting pea;ce. We in Czechoslovak ia know what a war is amd, therefore, foolish is the man who thinik,s that some change can talke place in this our love fo:r peace. Our na,tionrs frequent1iy iplayed an important role in the history of Europe. OUT ipeople is and shaH remain democratic, as I have said, and, therefore, I 1believe in it and love it. I entered into this Government as a convinced democrat and I shall seIWe our new democracy as long as my strength holds out." In the West it was thought that there was no democracy, no freedom, no legal certainty in Comm!Uilistic CzechoSlova;kia. But Ma:sar,yik ridiculed the thought. Ma:saryk declared that he wanted to ser.ve the "new" demO'Cracy as long as his streillgth held out. Well, he did not sexwe long. Moscow ma;d,e the de:cision. Wi11 the West ,p rofit 'by that lesson? Or wfil,l Washington, London and Paris continue to be deceiirved by the fol,]1owers of Dr. Benes's ,p ro-Sorviet poHcy who are nOIW organized in the so~called "Cooncil of Free Ozechoslo-v;aJki'a" ? Benes and Masaryk are gone. They went out of this world without repenting the evil they had perpetrated a:gainst the Slova:k and Czech nations, nay, against the whole oif Christian Europe. The Slorvaik nation, terrorized and crucified by the "new" democracy of Benes and Masary1k and their followers (Zffillkl, Rilplm., IAttri~h, etc.) , cries out :fTOim under the "democratic" gaUows and from the "democratic" concentration camps to afil Slovaks and to an the peoples of free democracies: Lettrich, Zen!k~, R~pka and the other Benes "Czechosfov3Jk s" do not and cannot speaik in our name, but only in the name oif the incredible crimes they ha;ve commi~ ted a:gainst the Slovwk n~tion in tJhe name of ,t he "new" democracy, in the name of inrternationa:l Communism which they heliped to install in OUT helpless and haipless Slova!kia.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource John Masaryk Was No Exception Description An account of the resource Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 3-4 (12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954 pp. 95-96 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Sept.-Dec. 1954 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/8e67f5e893ce8286891d56acdce08984.pdf 551042d3dab0dbc48cb2bdd4e9c1b5de PDF Text Text Officers of the Slovak League of America (Organized 1907 in Cleveland, Ohio.) • John J . S i rotnak 610-612 Lincoln 'l'rust Bldg. Scranton 3, Pa. Honorary President Or. Peter P. H letko 1943 W. 48th Street ( 'h ic:ago 9, Illi no is Dr. Julius Janci 215 East Mason Street Owosso, Mich. President Ph ilip A. Hrobak P . 0. Box 150. Midd letown, P a. St e phan ie 0. Husek Georgian Court College Vice-President Lakewood, N. J. Jaco b Kocis ADVISORY COUNCIL 15~7 - 167th Street Michael J . Vargovich Hammond , Ind. National Presid ent First Catholic Slovak Union \'ice-President of U . S. A. J ulia Krajcovlc 1648 W. 18th St., Chicago 8, Ill. Helen Kocan National President Recording Secretary First Catholic S lovak Fra ncis H rusovsky Ladies Union 2900 East Boulevard Frank Sobus Cleveland 4, Ohio National President Slovak Catholic Sokol Secretar y-Treas urer Mil an V. Blaze k 4205 W. Cull erton Street Chicago 23, Ill. Stephen ·J . Tkach ational P r esident Penna. Slovak Union EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Gabriel-1 E. Vavrek National P r esid ent Ladies Pennsylvania S lovak Union Pa ul P . Jamriska S10 Montooth S treet Pittsb u rgh 10, P a. J oseph Prusa 205 Madison St. , Passaic, N . J. John Rozboril Natioqal President Slovak Catholic Cadet Union SLOVAK NEWSPAPERS ( Affil iated with th e Slovak Lea gu e of Am erica) JEDNOTA Middletown, Pa. SLOVENSKA OBRANA Scranton, Pa. ZENSKA JEDNOTA Cleveland, Ohio BRATST VO Wilk es-Ba rre, Pa. SLOVENSKE NOVI NY Cleveland , Ohio ZORNICKA Wilk es-Barre. Pa. KATOLiCKY SOKO L Pa~~aic-, N . J . SVORNOST Whi1ak er, Pa. OSADNE HLASY Chicago, Ill. SLOVAK V AMERIKE Wh.iting, Ind. �uins of Pusty Hrad (Desolate Castle), originally called Zvolen Castle, aJbove the city of Zvolen, Slovakia. � Officers of the Slovak League of America (Organized 1907 in Cleveland, Ohio.) • John J . S i rotnak 610-612 Lincoln 'l'rust Bldg. Scranton 3, Pa. Honorary President Or. Peter P. H letko 1943 W. 48th Street ( 'h ic:ago 9, Illi no is Dr. Julius Janci 215 East Mason Street Owosso, Mich. President Ph ilip A. Hrobak P . 0. Box 150. Midd letown, P a. St e phan ie 0. Husek Georgian Court College Vice-President Lakewood, N. J. Jaco b Kocis ADVISORY COUNCIL 15~7 - 167th Street Michael J . Vargovich Hammond , Ind. National Presid ent First Catholic Slovak Union \'ice-President of U . S. A. J ulia Krajcovlc 1648 W. 18th St., Chicago 8, Ill. Helen Kocan National President Recording Secretary First Catholic S lovak Fra ncis H rusovsky Ladies Union 2900 East Boulevard Frank Sobus Cleveland 4, Ohio National President Slovak Catholic Sokol Secretar y-Treas urer Mil an V. Blaze k 4205 W. Cull erton Street Chicago 23, Ill. Stephen ·J . Tkach ational P r esident Penna. Slovak Union EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Gabriel-1 E. Vavrek National P r esid ent Ladies Pennsylvania S lovak Union Pa ul P . Jamriska S10 Montooth S treet Pittsb u rgh 10, P a. J oseph Prusa 205 Madison St. , Passaic, N . J. John Rozboril Natioqal President Slovak Catholic Cadet Union SLOVAK NEWSPAPERS ( Affil iated with th e Slovak Lea gu e of Am erica) JEDNOTA Middletown, Pa. SLOVENSKA OBRANA Scranton, Pa. ZENSKA JEDNOTA Cleveland, Ohio BRATST VO Wilk es-Ba rre, Pa. SLOVENSKE NOVI NY Cleveland , Ohio ZORNICKA Wilk es-Barre. Pa. KATOLiCKY SOKO L Pa~~aic-, N . J . SVORNOST Whi1ak er, Pa. OSADNE HLASY Chicago, Ill. SLOVAK V AMERIKE Wh.iting, Ind. �uins of Pusty Hrad (Desolate Castle), originally called Zvolen Castle, aJbove the city of Zvolen, Slovakia. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1954, Vol. 4 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 10), March 1954.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 11), June 1954.</li> <li>Issue 3-4 (No. 12-13), Sept.-Dec. 1954.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Ruins of Pustý Hrad (Desolate Castle), originally called Zvolen Castle, above the city of Zvolen, Slovakia Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Back Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 4, No. 3-4 (12-13) Description An account of the resource includes photo of ruins of Pustý Hrad (Desolate Castle), originally called Zvolen Castle, above the city of Zvolen, Slovakia Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Sept.-Dec. 1954 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/3fccb11f4d283110b2fc8ee7a7bb96f2.pdf ab176c3e7fd44f306078bae227de8f92 PDF Text Text APRIL 195 3 VOL. Ill \1/f ,; '. :, ~ IN THilS ISSUE: SLOVAKIA AND CENTRAL EUROPEAN FEDERATION PLAN S THE SLOVAKS AND PRESIDENT EISENHOWER THE TRAGEDY OF GENERAL STEFANIK ANNIVERSARY OF A MURDER THE " RUSSIA FIRST" BOYS IN RADIO FREE EUROP E I.. , ; CA STLES OF SLOVAKIA : STRECNO . (.' A VOICE FOR SLO V A K I A i ! ; ) i COULD CZECHS AND SLOVAKS A GREE ? THE TRAGIC CASE OF DUSAN SLAVIK JOHN HOLL Y - PIONEER IN SLOVAK POETR Y Tf:I E SLOVAK TO N GUE SLOVAK ISSUES IN EVER Y LITTLE T OW N I MEDICINAL SPRINGS I N S LOVAKIA CZECHO-S L OVA K I A WHO SAID IT ? - PP. 25, 27, 30, 39, 44, 48, 52, 55, 57, 60, 62 Edited a nd compiled by ,'pf-ilLIP A. H ROBAK Published by THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA �SLOV A.KIA is published periodically by the Slovak League of America, a cultural and civic federation of Americans of Slovak descent. The chief purpose of SLOVAKIA is to promote a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation and its long struggle for freedom and in dependence. As Americans, members of the Gluvak League of America firmly believe that the Slovak nation, just as all nat:i:ons, has an inherent and God-given right to freedom and independence. They are dedicated to the cause of the American way of life, Slovak freedom and world peace and are determined to · oppose the plague of Communism and all other totalitarian political systems. Subscription to Slovakia $1.00 per year in the U. S. A. - $2.00 elsewhere. Send subscriptions to: SLOV AKIA Box 150 Middletown, Pa. Printed in the U.S. A. JEDNOTA PRESS Middletown, Pa. � APRIL 195 3 VOL. Ill \1/f ,; '. :, ~ IN THilS ISSUE: SLOVAKIA AND CENTRAL EUROPEAN FEDERATION PLAN S THE SLOVAKS AND PRESIDENT EISENHOWER THE TRAGEDY OF GENERAL STEFANIK ANNIVERSARY OF A MURDER THE " RUSSIA FIRST" BOYS IN RADIO FREE EUROP E I.. , ; CA STLES OF SLOVAKIA : STRECNO . (.' A VOICE FOR SLO V A K I A i ! ; ) i COULD CZECHS AND SLOVAKS A GREE ? THE TRAGIC CASE OF DUSAN SLAVIK JOHN HOLL Y - PIONEER IN SLOVAK POETR Y Tf:I E SLOVAK TO N GUE SLOVAK ISSUES IN EVER Y LITTLE T OW N I MEDICINAL SPRINGS I N S LOVAKIA CZECHO-S L OVA K I A WHO SAID IT ? - PP. 25, 27, 30, 39, 44, 48, 52, 55, 57, 60, 62 Edited a nd compiled by ,'pf-ilLIP A. H ROBAK Published by THE SLOVAK LEAGUE OF AMERICA �SLOV A.KIA is published periodically by the Slovak League of America, a cultural and civic federation of Americans of Slovak descent. The chief purpose of SLOVAKIA is to promote a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation and its long struggle for freedom and in dependence. As Americans, members of the Gluvak League of America firmly believe that the Slovak nation, just as all nat:i:ons, has an inherent and God-given right to freedom and independence. They are dedicated to the cause of the American way of life, Slovak freedom and world peace and are determined to · oppose the plague of Communism and all other totalitarian political systems. Subscription to Slovakia $1.00 per year in the U. S. A. - $2.00 elsewhere. Send subscriptions to: SLOV AKIA Box 150 Middletown, Pa. Printed in the U.S. A. JEDNOTA PRESS Middletown, Pa. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1953, Vol. 3 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.</li> <li>Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1953 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Front Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 3, No. 1 (6) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource April 1953 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/246aaecc7fbdb68855219d458968dfc3.pdf 71517e9c2056577c91057c7e3f1fd7af PDF Text Text APRIL, 1953 SLOVAKIA 1 SLOVAKIA AND CENTRAL-EUROPEAN FEDERATION PLANS Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum Slovrukia with its three and a haJrf million inhiaJbitants and area 45,000 square kilometers lies in the very heart of Central EUTope and its fate in the ,past has been most bitter. After losing their first State, Great Moravia, which during the reign oif King svatopluk included a part of today's Poland, Hmgary, Yugoslavia and for a short time even the Czech lands (1), the SlovaJks as a political factor could not validate themselves in CentraJl Europe for whole centuries. The leading Sloivak group shed its blood first in battles with the Ge:rmians and Magyars and, later, also in battles with the Tu:rks and Tartars. And still later it suffered under tthe pressure of the assimilatory tendencies of the Magyars, which ilrl it.he 19th century and the 1b eginn. ing of this century re8iChed the broadest masses of Slovaks and ruppreciaJbly reduced the growth of the Slovak nation . The Slovaks, who already in 830 had theiT own sta:te and chUI1Ch or,ganization and tthus placed the first foundations of European civili Z8Jtion in the Danube area (2), ap pear more clearly on the ipolitica:l scene again only in 1848, when they rebelled to regain their national independenct>. Decimated and .pushed into the mountains of the north eastern part of their first State, the Great Moravii.8Jl1 Empire, the Slov,a ks were more a cutural than politioo.l factor , up to the 18th century. "During the 17th century," wrote Dr. Milan Hodza, "when the Turks had occupied •all the rest oif old Hungary, Slovakia became the refoge of many lofty intellectual ef forts on behalif of that country. For some time to come_ 1 . 1) Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, GESCHICHTE DER S-LOWAKEI, · pp. 9-15; Julius Pauler, A MAGYARNEMZET TORTJ!JNETE SZENT ISTVAN!G; Dr. Joseph ~kult~ty, ORTY ZO SLOVENSKEJ MINU• LOSTI, p. 13 ; Dr. Milan Hodza, FEDERATION IN CEN'mlAL EUROPE, p . 86; AL'Phoise Huber, GESCHICHTE OESTERREICHE, Vol. 1. 2) Dr. Milan Hodza, FEDERATION IN CENTRAL EUROPE, p. 86. �SLOVAKIA 2 in Slovaikia, there was much morn cultural mo;vement than in Bohemia or occupied Hungacy. At the end of the eighteenth century Slovakia prepared not only her racial rebirth. Trnaiva, which housed the Catholic University before it was tra:nsferred to Budaipest, became a centre of Catholic culture in the realm. Slova!kia was going to be the seat of the first serious democratic movement which had its raimifications in the whole of Hungary and which ended in a conspiracy directed against HaJbSlburg, and Slovakia revealed itselif as a meeting place of prructi:cally all contemporary currents of cultural and ipo>litica;l ideas. (3). After 1848, on the one side under the independence and politfrcal equality of a11 nations, and on the other side under the increasing pressure of assimilaitory Magyar policy, the Slova:k nation beg8;Jl a systematic fight for its polibcal riights. After the Slovak armed revolt of 1848 failed, the Slova!ks within the Hrubsburg monarchy dared to demand an individual self-administr ative unit, such as the Croaits demanded through Ostrozinsky, the Czechs through Pala cky, the Magyars, after Kossuth's revolution was squelched, through DeaJk. This was .p roposed also by Count Valerian Krasinski in his work "Panslavi.sm and Bangernnanism . " What the Slovaks really demanded was a federative solution. The Slovaks remained faithful to the idea of a fede rative solution of the Monarchy in the memorandum , pre sented to the Emperor in 1861, and aigailll at the Conigress of Na:tionaHties in Budrupest in 1867. At the second Congress of Nationa1ities, which took plruce August 10, 1895, in Budaipes't, despite ,persecutions, "the Rumanians, Serbs and Slova:ks, who assemlbled in Buda.pest, "wrote the Neue Freie Presse," dernand ,t he division of Hungary into ethnic self-administra iti;ve units, whreh in effect is equall to the demand to aJbol:ish the un.ion between Hungary and Tr.ainsylviania, to renew the Serbian Duchy and create a selfadmini,s trati:ve Slova:kia, suoh as Huriban (,leader of the 1 1 3) Dr. Mil an Hod za, IBIDEM, pp.208- 213. �SLOVAKIA 3 1848 Slo'Vak rebellion - Author) promoted already thi•r ty years earlier" ( 4). This stand of the Slovaks, if we consider the Nuropean situation oif thaJt time and even the special position of the Slovaks, is readily understandaJble. Not only because the federalization olf the Habs!burg Monarchy, fearing Pangermanism, was the political program also of the Test of the nations of the Monarchy, except the Poles, but also because the rest of Europe was inclined toward this solution, considering the Habslburg Monarchy in its politics of "'balance of poiwer" as a factor of balance betiween Germany and Russia. In this policy, dictated primarily 'by fear of the Germans who called a congress to Frankfurt i:n 1:848 to attempt a union orf all Germans, the Czechs plruyed a leading part. Palacky's arguments and slogan "if AIU'stria did not exist, we would have to create it" gained the rest of the nations.who were satisfiied with the demand of a federalized empire. Even the Emperor seemed ·favo:rable to the idea as long as the danger lasted. "Th~ preservation of Austria, its integrity and solidification, is and must be the great and important concern not only of the Czech nation, but of the whole of Europe, nay of all hUJmanity and foreign lands," wrote Palacky to the Frankfurt Congress in 1848. In this regard Dr. Edward Benes wrote in 1908: "It is frequently spoken about the dissoluti-on of Austria. I aJbsolutely do not believe in it. The historical and economic ties, which mutua:lly u.nite the nations of Austria, are too strong to allow Austria to collaJP5e" (5). The rest of Europe, oif course, also feared Russia and its efforts to realize Panslavism as related by J . Danilevskij in his book "Russia and Europe" and by General Fadejev in his writings. "Slovanic nations," wrote Fadejev, "must try to attain two aims, that is, political and ~onomic development in their present homelands, and then a 4) Quoted from book DIE VEREINIGTEN STAATEN VON GROSSOESTER!RELCH, by Aurel Popovic!, Leipzig, 1906. 5) LE PROBLEME .ArTJTRIOHIEN ET LA QUESTION TCHEQUE, p. 307. �·4 SLOVAKIA closer union with the general Slovanic uni:on, whkh must be headed by Russia in international and military Tela. tions. Ea,ch of these Slovanic tribes needs a ruler for inter nal affairs and for the ·general interests of the great Slovanic Czar. Without the fulifiltlme:nt of these conditions self-admmistra.tion a:nd independence of the BaJikaJD. and Danube Slovak tr}bes is unthinka,ble" (6). Danilevskij, who pUlblished his boolk in 1871, also proposed a Russian-Slovanic confedemtion, in which would · be uni,ted all the Slova,nic people (Slavs) from the Adriatic to the Pacific under the leadershtp of Russia. In this situation, always feeling that it was thr~tened by Germany, France regarded the Habsbu:rg ffimpire as "the only barrier, sufficiently strong, at the beginning of the 20th century, whkh could discourage German a,mbi. tions the day when these would begin to threaten the European bafance," WTote Henry Rene (7). And France saw this balance threatened also by Russia, about whioh Th. Funk-Brentano wrote: "No longer is Rus:sia our ally, as it neither is for Germany or Austria, for England or Turkey : it has only one concern - to expand. It has only one ambition - to g,row. If it uses definite form s . besides, then it does so only to be better understood and allowed into the so-called European concern . . . We make offers to it and it · presents them to Berlin, w,hi'ch makes it a bett er oitlfer . .. Every alliance ls good thrut h elps it to exp.and. All other alliances are bad. It partakes in the divLsion of .s tates with the same ruthlessness with which it m a r ches to conquer them; it will reduce Poland and support · t he Balkans , because they are .Slovanic peoples, and it will annex · t he CJiinese, Turks, Armenians because they are not. That is Russia always . . . " (8). · Fear of Russia and Pamslavism, of which the Magyars and Ruma,nians were afraid and ·b y which the Polish · nation w1as stilf.led periodically, and the fear of the German "'Drang nach · Osten," forced the nations of Centi.·al Europe · -to seek a solution, which would expose it to the least -dangers. This solution they saw in a federalized Hrubsburg 6) Biresvija Vjedomosti; UVAHY O ORIENTA.LNEJ OT A.ZKE ; NEUESTE SCHRIFTEN, pgs.37-4 9. . 7) H enry Rene, . QUESTIONS D'AUTRICHE-HONGRIE ET . 'Q UESTIONIS D'ORIENT, Paris, 1903. 8) Th. .Funk-Brentano, LA POLITIQUE , PR·I NCIPES. ORI· .TIQUES, REFORMES. P.aris, 1892. �SLOVAKIA 5 MonaTchy. As early as 1902 a representative of the Czech nation, one Oharles Kramaf, wTOte: "The wor1d does riot need a feeble, sickly Austria; only a strong, vigorous, interna!lly healthy Empiire can perform the all important task of keeping watch over the ba:lance of power in the world" (9). And Aurel C. Popovici, a Rumanian, WI'Orte a great woirk in 1906 in the defense of the e~istence of a federaliized HalbsJburg Monarchy under the title: Die Vereinigten Staaten von Gross-Oesterreich. Of course, this cry of the nations of the Halbsiburg Monarchy could find little SU!ppolit at the Royal Court, so the natioins constituting the Empire had to seek some other solution of theiir national problems, especially when the war whi-ch broke out in 1914 offered them an opportunity to do so. Furthermore, when the war ended, fear of Russia and Genmany, it was said, precluded the necessity of Austria, because Germany was defeaited, disarmed and "decrnilitar~zed," while Russia was in the throes of a politica:l and social revolution. Emerging from this situation, which the vrotorious a:llies somehow forgot to regard as transitory, the Peace Conference sanctioned the destruction of the Halbsbw,g Empire and the estaJblishment of national and nationaJi:stic states on its ruins. Centrnl Europe got a new face and a new OI1gani'zation on the basis of the right of self-determination of nations. But even this · new organization did not bring an end to fedemtional efforts , especiaHy not those of the Slovaks. II. FEDERALIZATION EFFORTS 1918-1945 The situation,· into whi-ch the Siovaks were forced after WorJd .War I, on the one hand, and the over-all situation of Central Europe in the period between the two wars, on the other, forced the Slovaks to continue their struggle for fedemlization: for a . federalization of Czecho-Slova:kia and simuitaneousiy also for -a federali,z ation of Central Europe. 9) NATIONAL REVIIDW, 1902. �6 S LOVAKIA In fact, 0zecho~Slovaikia was born on the basis of an aigreement between the Slova:ks and the Czechs that it woU!ld be a federart:ive state. In Cleveland Agreemelllt of 1915 and the Pittsburgh A!greement of 1918, the latter undersigned by T. G. Masaryk himself, t'hiJS was promised to the Slaviak:S. At the Peace Conference in 191'9 even Dr. Edward Benes promised this in the name of the 0zechoSlovak Gorvernment when he stated that "it is the intention of the Czecho-1Slovak Government to create the organization of the State ·b y accepting as a basis of natural rights the prindples aipplied in the constitution of the Swiss RelpUJblic, that is, to mrake the 0zecho;Slovak Republic a sort of Switzerland.... " (10). These agreements and commitments, however, were not rkept 1b y the Praigue government, which was dominated by the Czechs, and Czecho-1Slovakia became a centralistk state with apparent tendencies to assimHiate the non-Czech population, especiially the Slovaks on t'he basis of the artificia.Ny created conception of an ethnic "Czechoslovak" nation. - The eminent historian C. A. Macartney saw through the situation very clea11ly when he wrote: "The fact remains that the (Czech~Slova:k) government has been obliged more of:ten than not to rule Slovakia against the wishes of most of its inhabitants, maintaining itself only by the exipedienits of .restricting the powers of the .sellfgovernmg bodies to within the narrowest possilble limits, of filling the seats designated for "ex;perts" with its own nominees, and utilizi'Il!g. freely weapons of censorshi,p and po1i:ce supervision ... " About the economic policy of the Czech toward the S'1ovruks, the same author stated : "The richer (Ozech) firms bought up, or obtained control through holding barri!ks (notable the 2ivnostenska Ba'Il!ka) over the greater part of the Slovak establishments. The latter were thus left at the mel'cy of t'he owners in the Historic Lands (Bohemia), who worked them or closed them down as they pleased. Pro'balb.ly nearly one-third of all Slovak industries disaippeared in this way during the 10) Lloyd George, THE TRU TH ABOUT THE PEACE TREA· TIES, pg. 937 . �SLOVAI\.IA 7 immediate postwar peri'Od, the heavy industries and textile factories beiing chiefly ruffe:cted" (11) . . . It was only natural, then, that the Slova;ks opposed the system whioh put them at such a great disadvaintage econooniically, politically and cultura:lly. The vast majority of Sllova1-cs, under the leadership of Andrew Hlinka and Martin Razus, demanded the fedemii zation od: Ozecho-Slovakia from the very begin~ing of its existence. 1 On J•a nua;ry 23, 1920, one of the foremost Slovak politicians, Deputy Dr. Ferdis Juriga, demanded the federalization of the OzeclhoJSlovak RepUiblic on the floor of the Pa:rliament with these words : "We must tend to decentralization, toward sel:f-1administra;tion, so that the Republic could develop on a federalistic basis, because federalism is the system of the future - We must preserve our individual1ity and not let ourselves be absoribed. Federalization is not only in the interest of our naition, and the OzechoSlova!k Repwblic, but also answers the spirit of all mankind. It is an ahl-hu:man tenderrcy, the tendency of all mankind, this tendency to validate oneself, develop, to which every individual person and every national unit should have the right, whkh should crystallize out into a [egal personality, so tha;t these various nations could then become federalized in one, great world re4)u'bliic. This would be the highest ideal and the path that leads to it is : federalism (12). 1 But the Ozechs, just like the Ha'bsburgs, would not accede to the detrnands of the Siovaks and the minorities while there still was time. The Slovaks, therefore, "reacted in the form of a fl a,m'boyant Slovax nationalism which was a main reason for the albsence of revo[t with which they accepted the dissolution of the Ozecho-1Slovak State" (13). 1 11) C. A. Macartney, HUNGARY AND HER SIUCCESSOBS, London, 1937; pgs. 145, 130. J 2) Karol Sador, SLOVENSK.A. POLITJ:KA NA P<>DE PR.A2SKEHO SNEMU, Vol. I, pg.69. 13) ,C. A . Mwcartney, PROBLEMS OF 'DRE DANUBE BASIN, London; p. 122. �SLOVAKli. 8 Between 1918 and 1945, there were evident tendencies among the Slovaks for the creation of a federated Central ffiurope. The organimti{)IIl, whiich was given t!his area by the pea>ce treaties, soon proved to lbe unsatisfactory economically and poilitioolly. On the OIIle hand, the principle of the right of self--determination was valida,,ted only :parti•a lly and as a consequen!ce the several nations of Central EurO!pe awaited only the opporlunity ~o alter the given situation. States like Czecho-Slovakia or Yugoslavia, made up of several nations and minorities, resembled old Austria.JHungary sitructurally, and soon enough their unjust policies toward t'he national minorities caused distrust and revisionism and excluded harmonious cooperation in Central Europe. On May 8, 1919, Rdbert Lam.sing, Secretary of State of tJhe United States, had this to say a!bout this new organiizati'on : "Examine the Treaty and you •wiU find peoples delivered agaill.8t their wills into t,he hands of those whom they hate... Resentment and bitterness, if not desperation, are 'bound to be the oonsequen<:es oof such provisions . It may be years ·b efore these oppressed pooples are able to tih<row otif their yoke, 1but as wre as day follows night the time will eome when they will make the effort" (14). On the other hiand, the dissolution of the economic crises, especial'ly in the accession states. T,he period between 1918 and 1938 wa,,s one of constant seeking of a ·r eorgaruzaition of Central Europe into a harmonious econo.m.ic and political whole. The Little Ein.tente, estalblished in 1920, Hiantos',s plan in 1925, Tardieu's plan in 1932, the Danulbe ·Paict in 1935 and Hodza's fiTst plan in 1936, to note at least t'he better we11 known plans, all of these in sUJbstan>ce had but o~e purpose: to create in an acceptable form such an organization in Central Europe whi1ch would hasve the adivanrtaiges of former Austria-Hungary, 'but would lack al[ its politica;l and social .shortcomings. Preserving the nationaJl states and democratm regimes, the economic arising from the partition of the Danube area were to •b e .removed by a system of alHances. Thus would lb e removed the tense atmosphere whi'c h reigned in this region and provoked neighboring powers to acts of aggression. 1 14) THE PEACE NEGOTIATIONS, London, 1921; p. 245. �SLOVAKIA t Naturally, aU these plans and endeavors, including the Little Entente, resulted primarily !because of economiic condiitions; and their aim was not indi,c,ated as an effort to create a Centra:1-Euiropean Federation. This ,t hought, however, was deeply rooted in the minds of political leaders, even Dr. Edwaro Benes himself. A'1ways fearing the loss Otf the political and economic role which Ozecho-Slova:kia was playing, Dr. Edward Benes fought against every plan to unite Cenitra:l IDurape, 'but in 1936 he admiltted that "the plan of a Danube Federation is t!he widely propagated and best known conception proposed as a solution Otf the Austxian and Centro-European pro'blem." The reasons why this solution was not realized -w ere, according to Benes, "much more of a sentimental, psychologicrul and mora:1 nature than of a political and economic nature" (15) . 1 At , the end of the first World War, Dr. Stephen Osusky, foreimost representative of the Slovaks at that time on the side of the Entente, wrote a lb,o ok in F,renc'h, 1n whielh we find these words: "The defenders Otf AttstriaHunga:ry, in foreign lands as well as in the interior Otf the dual Monarchy, are aJCting very Hlog,rcaMy. They are very much for the 1ilberation of Poland, !b ut do not want to allow the ltberation of the remaining nations. Let us liberate all nations who wrunt to 'b e free, allowing them to create their own independent states, and we shall fulfill one of the tasks confronting us. Fav,o ring then the approchement of great Poland, whielh shall have access to the Ba:ltic Sea in Danzig, Rumania and the land$ of Czecho-Slova!kia, on the one hand, and Ukrainia, to which we must give serious thoug,ht, on the other hand, a ,powerful federation of free states will be created in the nor,th (of Central Europe)" (16). In the southern part of this area, Osus.ky proposed to support efforts to create a federation of .Southern Slavs, (15) LE PROBLEME DE L'EUROPE CENTIRALE: p.' 47, Sources et documents tchecoslovaques, No. 24. 16) Stephen Osuslky, ClJOPIN, MAGY:ARff ET ~4-NGERM.NNISTIDS, Paris, 1918. �SLOVAKIA 10 after the realiizaition of which, "we shall on'1y have to connect these two federaitioins with a bridge which once existed but collapsed under the blow of historic events. T,hiu:s would come to an end the Orang nach Osten, to German a:ggression to the ffiast, and Europe and the world could work in peaJCe" (17). The plan, however, was Oipposed by T. G. Masaryk and Edward Benes. Another Sllovaik, Dr. Milan Hod'za, came forth with a d:irfferent plan, the so-called "Danube Plan." Fkst as Minister of Agriculture , later as Premier of the Ozecho-iSlo<vak Governmen t, Dr. Hodza endeavored to develop cooperation between the Central Eruropean nations and the consolidation of the oconomic situation in this pa1t of Europe- The climax of these endeavors was his "Danu!be Plan," which aimed to create, ·aJccording to Hodza's own words, "one single, great economic urut in Central Europe." This was to be attained by removing tariff ba.roiers and establishing a customs union, regu1'atmg agriculture and industrial production, reorganizin g the system of payments and transportation, etc. (18). The first steps in this dirootion were already made in 1937 by treaJties conduded between the indwidu.ail Danulbfan States and Bulgaria. Hodm's initiatiive found understand ing both in France and ffingla.nd, but Gemnany and Italy opposed it, thinking the plan was aimed against their influence in Central Europe, nay that it was an "effort to surround Germany," a:s the Germian press e,cpressed it. The plan failed not only 'beca;use orf this opposition, but also because of the crisis which began to aippear within the framework of the Little Entente and the developmen t of an inter-natioD.ial situation which tended in the opposite direction. The politico-mil itary actions of nationaHy socialist Germany and Mussolini's ltaly began to have far-reachim.g i:nd:iluenice on the whole of EUTope, but the most marked consequenc es began to appeax in Central and Souithea:stern Europe. Yugoslavia was 17) A. Ohervin, L'AUTRIOHE ET LA HONGRIE DE DE- MAIN, Paris, 1915. 18) Dr. Milan Hodza, i;,JDDERATI-ON IN CENTRAL EUROPE, pgs. 131-133. �SLOVAKIA 11 the first to suffer the consequences froim the cha.rnged situation and, with Stojadinovic leading it, began to look toward Berlin. Mter a;n internal crisis and a change of governments, Rum-ani•a a'lso ibeca:m.e equaJil.y uncertain. The Little filntente, w'hioh •w as considered the pillar and guarantor of the OTder, created by pea:ce aigreements, went headlong into ruin. lit crashed even •b efore the Germans began their march into the DanuJbe basin and oould not prevent the colla;pse of the order built up in 1918, nor the political and economical hegemony of Hitler's Germany. UndoulbtecNy, the rea;sons for the collapse of the European system and, therefore, also of the Cenltral-European organization, were many- But it ca11!Ilot be denied that Hitler's plans and ructions in the Danube basin were suJbstantially facilitated by the political and economic conditions which governed there after 1918. Oonsequeinitly, the discontented nations, as predicted :ey Lansing, iif they did not work to overthrow that system, as did Hungary and Austria, then they certainly were not willing in the least to defend it, as was the case with c~echo-Slovatkiia a111d Yugoslavia. The dissolution of Czecho~Slova1kia was in fact caused by the German minoriity, as even Dr. Benes stated, because : In Munioh Czecho..:Slovakia was fatally wounded from the outside. " Munich, however, meant much more tha:n thaJt. "It opened the way along the Danulbe all the way to the Blacik Sea to German expamsion," as Winston Churchill said in the British Parliament O'l1 Oct. 5, 1938. Munich meant the end of the European system ,b uilt up by the •peace treaties of 19181920 and installed in Central Europe a Germ.an- Italian Russian co-dominiOIIl whioh, even though it did not last long, did bring new elements into the organization of the CentralEuropean area. Germany was in its politics consistent and adroit, and thus "milita;ry might, dwplomacy, propaganda and the feeling of helplessness before the preponderance of their neighbors, as well as the economic interests, were the causes of the voluntary or forced subordination of the Danulbian �12 SL0VAKlA nations, their new political orientation and cooperation with the Axis," says Graham Hutton (19). "•I n Belgrade, Bucharest and naturally in Sophia, kings and princes did not trust international obligations of collective security. They fuought tha,t every state must endeavor by its own means to serve the peace of all, buit t hat its first task ls to preserve its own peace" (20). And what 'hruppened in Prague was nothing else but what Dr. Benes had already told Minister Sfona in 1936: "If they (the French) aJbandon us without helping us in ·the face of German threats, we shall suI1prise the world by the limitless possilbilities of servility toward Berlin" (21) . This dissolution of the Versailles organization by German policies, whiich endeavored to make of this region a German "lebensraum," forced the representatives of the Central-European nations to return to the efforts to create a Cenitral-European federation, or confederation. A federalistic solution of Central-European problems seemed to be the only strong solution especial1.y when Gerniainy and Russia, with the pact of August 23, 1939, temporarily shared government over Central and Southeastern Europe, annexing territories, nay, even whole states and esta/t,lishing a dictatorship over them. In that situation even the most bigoted enemies of federalistic endeavors of Centr.a:l-Europe in the period between the two wars, politicians who ",p referred to see Hitler in Vienna than the Habsburgs," returned to the idea of creating a great federative unit in Central Europe after the end of the war. The Soviet-German Pact convinced even the nations, which in an effort to hold their own advantageous position in Central Europe wished its partition, that their own security, nay even their own existence in fact, could be guaranteed oltly by an intimate union of all the Central European nations. 19) Graihaim Hutton, LES NOUVEAUX DES'DINS DU DANiUBE, Paris, 1939. . 20) Gregoke Gafencu, DERNIERS J0URS DE L'EU'R0PE, p. 105. 21) Comte Sforza, ILLUS IONS ET REALITES DE L'EUR0PE, Neuch-atel 1944; p. 196. �SLOVAKIA 13 Russia, wrote Gregoire, "revea~ed her face, which had nothlng encouragin g either fur her neig1hlbors or for a peaceful order of the world. The Moscow aigreement unmasked the Soviet Union, in whrch the cult of might and the practice of dou!ble..dealing so strikingly reminded one of the times of Catherine the Great ,a nd the ooarrs of the past centuries. 'It seemed that she obeys the ancient and mighty impulses, siimilrur to those, which drove the Gennan masses in the opposite direction, to the East. But the Russian aggression was at the same time more corufusilng and mysterious. Opposing every .Umitation not because the area which this aggression included was too narrow, lbut conversely beca,use the concepti:on of borders is alien to the nature of Russia" (22). It was, therefore, only natural, that in such a situation the plans of l.lIWying Central Europe on a federalistic basis were again revived and that together . with t!he representativ es of other Central-EUTdpeain nations the Slovvaks - those who fought on the side of the Mlies, as well as the political representat ives who remained at home will:ih the people and sought to lead it into •postwar Europe with as little loss as possible - endeavored to realize a federated Central Europe. On the side of the AUies, it was especiaAly the Slovak political group led by Dr. M. Hodfa and Peter Pridavo~, which led an open strwg,gle for these conceptions . In his book "Federatio n in Central Europe" H~a writes that already in Jainuary 1940 Slovalk political emigrants had come to an understand ing that they wowld endeavor to create a Central-Eu ropean federation. The fotliildation of this federation was to be the union between Poland, the Czech. lands and Slovakia. On January 23, 1942, there wais such an agreement cone'luded between the Polish and Czecho-Slovak g(?vemmen ts with the __ jntention that it wouJd be. the nudeu:s of a great Central-Eu ropean £-Oll22) Gregoire Gafeneu, PRELIMINA,:fRES DE LA -, GUERRE A L'EST, Fri-bourg, 1944. �1-4 SLOVAKIA federation. Matters common to all were to be foreign, military, economic, social and furancial affairs, as weH as transportation, communications and the postaJl. service (23). Milan Hod'za's book, published in 1942, contained all the more serious reasO!I1s for a federated Central IDuroipe. "WaT event'S in Central Europe," wrote Hodza, "dhviously fully vindi<:ate the idea <Yf a solidly org,anized futuTe cooperatron <Yf ahl those eight States whicih aTe placed in complete geogrruphic coherenice between Russia, Germany amd Irtaily. A federali.lzed Centrall Europe is one of the absolute necessi-ties of a new postwaT order." In the preface <Yf his >book, Hodza te1ls us that the Oentral-EuTopean federation should be composed of four Sl'O'Vainic and four non"Slovanic nations, which should £ind a new, great and sohd foundation for their own national lilfe, keeping in balance all possi!ble ra;cial and imperialistic aspirations in the broad territory, the consolidated system of whioh is to be the strongest contribution to the new arraingement of Europe. The federation proposed 1b y Hodza was supposed to rest on a customs union. Fina<n:ces, trade policies, foreign ·p olicy, defense, communioations were to be managed jointly. The p1'am also called for a Ministry of Federal Law 8Jlld a Ministry <Yf Trade Unions and Professional Associations. Altogether there were to be eight commQ!Il. ministries, forming the federal government, which would be headed by a chancellor appoiinted by the president af the federation. In the central goverrunent all the nations were to ·b e represented by ministers without 1portfolio. Ministers with pol'tfOllfo were to perform their functiooo in cooperation with the state secretaries representing all.I the federated nations. The president was to be elected first by the presidents of the national governments, then 1b y the congress of the federation for a period of one yeaT. The memlbers af congress were to be elected by a two-thirds majority of the national parliaments in the proportion of 23) F.r om the French text of the Treaty in the Stoc![,holm review L'AVENIR, Vol. 1, No. 2. �SLOVAKIA one memlber for a million inhaib1tants. The ministers oif the federation, under the plan, could not be deputies of oongress. The solution ,p roposed iby Hod.fa would ha,v e a twofold advantage, wrote the "Voix des Peuples," the Swiss politicail review (Oct- 1944): "it would minimize the natio-nal antagonisms and would recreate the harmonius economic area, which !benefited Centrrul Europe before 1914. The sOilution, therefore, seems to be the wisest, because it is most advantageous for all the nations concerned." A positive stand to Hodfa's prnposal, on the assumption that SlO'Vlrukii:a iin the Europe confederation would figure as an ind~vidual member state, was truken by the main political o!I1gan in Slorva!kia, the "Slovfuk" (24), and in the Vatican diplomatic circles the interpreter of federalistic sqova,,k efforts was Ambassador Karol Sidor. At the beginniing af 1944, Dr. Ferdinand :Du11cansiky, university professoir and the first Fm·eign Minister of the Slovak Repulblic, published a technical study albout the problem of Centrail Euro;pe. The study ap:peaTed in the "Revue de droiit international, de sciences diplomatiques et politiques" (~fil annee, No. 1), putb lished in Gene,va. The status Which prevailed m Central Euro;pe up to 1938, led :Duvcansky to the log,i10al conclusion that a new Central Euro1p e must be orgaJnized on other fQ!Ulld:ations than those ()If 1'918 or those ruifteir that time; it must be organi:zed on the basis ()If coope:riation of the (Je,ntra!l-European niations and their equality. "We can imagine theoretically a cooperiati'On of the nations of Central Europe," wrote :DUTCam;ky, "either in a form of completely independent states, or in a form ()If close, mutual relation in a t.mrion of states. This cooperatiion would be directed by interna.tiona1 a:greement, or by a manner of federation in which every state would have •a special position defined by law." Campiete independence is, according .to :Dur1can:Sky, UJildou!btedly t!he most ad\.'amtageous. With regaro to the 1 24) Dr. Joseph Kirs:chlbaum, HODZ0V PLAN S'l'RED0-EUROPSKEJ F'EDERAOIE, article in tth e SLOVAK, Aug. 20, 1944. �}6 SLOVAKIA ciromnsta:nce that the majority of the Central-European nations, as far as their number and the exitent of their territories, are small nations, this coU!ld mean, said Durcansky, certain dangers. Furthermore, tendencies to limit the sovereignty of small[ nations, endeavors to create laxge eoonomiJC units, the result of technical development and experience from previous wars that sma:ller nations could not defend their independence rb y being neutral - all these led to tlle creation of larger units. :Dutcansky continues: "From these motives there is talk aJbout more active cooperation which ought to guar-amtee lasting peace aind a greater prosperity- This cooperation cannot overstep the framework of a confederation the cooperation 'between independent states diirected by norms of international law. This solution gives guarantees of independence and freedom to the nations of CentralEurope, enaJbles a s01lurti:on of incidental disputes which could arise between the individual states of the confederation and, on the other hand, could defend Central IDurope against external attacks." WthaJt are the arguments 3/gain.st the federation of Central Europe? :Duircainsky points ~mt that ail such arguments rest on the psychologica:l situation in Central-Euroipe, the prejudices emanating from the past and the tendencies of certain nations to renew their former status. The development of war events, however, did not respect the federalistic tendencies of Central-European nations as much as it did during the first World War. Desp~¼ the P-01ish-OzechJSlovak Agreement, despite the positive stand of influential Anglo~Saxon circles and despite tlle general conviction (25) that the Central-European prgaLD!ization created in 191'8 was aib,solutely unsatisfact,:ory _, :t9-r,, ~h~ majority of Centra,l-European nations, as it also ·was for the rest of Europe, nevertheless at the end of 25) What the indivrldual Centra)-Europel).n na.tions thought Stojan Pribil!evil!, about federating Central Europe is told by: WORLD WITHOUT END, New York, 1939; Edmoll'd Demaltre in the review 1/A:VENIR; Gr. Gl\,fencu, PRElJIMlNAIRES DE LA GUERRE A L'EST; ~ - A. Mccartney; PROBLEMS OF THE DANUBE BASIN. �SLOVAKIA 17 the war the very same states were renewed in their old forms, excepting maimed Poland and a smaller OzechoSlova:kia. The Altlantic Charter, the Charter of the United Nations, the natural rilght of every nation to its own state and the solemn prooLa.matioos of the waT years were qu'i.okly forgotten or e:,opediently a:bandoned. Furt:!hernnore, the dei1icate prolb'lem of the minorities began to lbe solved in a manner which was supported by the momenitary situation, in its co1I1Sequences, however, it ibroUJght new da:ngers for the Central-Ell.lropean area and ther~y for the whole of Europe. We are all witnesses of this today. The policy of the Soviet Union towaTd the n81tions of Central Euroipe and, therefore, feder81tiorral efforts did not die out even after World War II. m. THE PRESENT STRUGGLE OF THE SLOVAKS FOR A COMMONWEALTH OF CENTRAL-EUROPEAN NATIONS In 1945 Slova;kiia was occwpied by ,b oth the Russians and the Czechs, and the Communist-dOlminated regime installed there with the help of Moscow and Pr.ague reached to the very roots O!f the existence O!f the Slavalk nation. This irirefotaible fact has led the S1ov,a;k!s to fight uncompromisingly· from the very end of World War II :foT the liberation of Central Europe from alien hegemony rund for its federaJlirza:tion. The representatives O!f the Slovak nation are firmly convinced tha:t Central Europerun nations, if they do not waint to live under the hegemony of the one or the other otf their strong neig1hlbor,s, must unite in a larger · economic am.d stra:tegic unit. There i's no other solution. The entire politica1 and social development of Central EJurope from 1848 coofi:rnns this conclusfon. International policy, as well as the .p olfoy of individUJa1 1powers, is gu~ded by definilte coootants and lastinrg interests wihlch have Olll,tlived and shall out1we all changes o,f regimes. 'Dha:t is why today, just as in the past century, the CentraJl-IDuropeain nations must rookoo with the revival O!f German expansioo, �18 SLOVAKIA: which can change only its forms but not its aims, just as, on the other ham.d, Russi an JmperiaHsm haiS not changed and no regime will ever change it. The object of the expansionist endeavorrs of Russia and Gemniany is Central Europe, because of its geographical position and ethnic composition. These two powers have attaJdked each other for centuries for the control of the Centra~-Eumpeam nations. With the passage of centuries only the forms and pretenses of their imperiaJlism have changed. Pam.-Gerimanism and Pam-1Sllavism a1way:s followed and will follow the very sa:me pur,pose, and the only defense ,a grumst them is the unification of the Central-EJuropean nations on the basis of equality. ThaJt is the lesson of history. On the other hand, the experience of the ipast thirty years have proved that the system, which prevailed in Central and Eastern Europe s-ince 1918 and was again reestablished in 1945 by committing the very same mistakes, cotcld not giuai-antee Europe pea:ce and stalbNity, a:nd to the nations 'between Russia and Germany it could guarantee neither economic prosperity, nor security and freedom . ThUIS it hruppened that with the first blow of German imperiail~sm in 1938, as welil as a result of expansion of the Soviet Uni-on, the system succumbed, and with its downfall Ewrope and the wodd hruve boon thmst into dangerous crises, of whi:ch the first ended in war and the seoond threatoos with war. At the end of both waris, the nations of Central Europe were forced under regimes of terror, which were alien and hostile to the most fundamental cultur~d, po1i,tiical, economi:c and sociaiJ. traditions of all the CentraJl~Eurropeain natiions, who a.Te deeply devoted to the prindples of democr8Jcy and Christianity, the two concepts which are in prJndp1e at odds with both Nazism and materialistri1c OomJmunism. • 1 'I"housamds of Slov,ruk emigrants in Europe and elsewhere, am.d over a million Americruns of Slovak descent, have, therrefore, ,p roclaimed themselves since 194'5 for such a demooratic concepUon of a new Europe which would remove the o1d shortcomings of Europe, and especially of �SLOVAKIA 19 Central Europe, and would rest on the principle of equality of au nations alild be united in a federative uni'on. The organiization of Central and Eastern Europe, as it has proved thusfar, could not fulfill its mission orf strength against imperialism which has threatened the pea:.ce of Europe for Centuries, but conversely, it even facilitated the victory orf these imperirulismsThe weakest part of this organization was CzechoSlovakia, a heterogenous amd polyglotic state, which gave an OipipOrlU'lle excuse to ,the · Third Reich for its expansion and, on the other hand, made cooperation impossible with other Central Euiropean nations, because the millions of inhrubitants of the minorities which were included a:gainst their will into the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Instead of strength against the "Drang nach Osten," the Czecho-Slovak Repwblic became in 191'8 the gateway for the German march into the Dam.Iibe Basin, a,nd in 1945 the bridge 01Ver which the Russian-Bolshevist expainsion penetrated into the very heart of Europe without any resistence. A new orga:nization of Central Europe is therefore, according to the v,i ews orf the representatives of the Slovak emigiration, rubsoiutely ne<:essary not only in the interest of CentraiJ.-Euroipean nations, but also, and in the very first ¢ace, in the interest oif the security orf Euroipe and the peace of the world. We rememib er that both world conflrugrations broke out in this a:rea. Until the extensive region between Germany and Russia is organized on a new basis, gua1ramteeing justice, equality and freedom to every nation, Europe cannot have secured its security and prosperity. Aggression of imperialism , tending to dominaite Central Euro-pe, and then the whole of Euro,pe, could again be facilitated, nay aggressors could even find opportune pretenses and allies, if any one of the Central-European nations were wronged and forced under the rule od' another. The poHticai and economic development from the end of World War I has made the nations of Central Europe conscious enough orf the fact that a more pernnanent �SLOVAKIA !O and solid organization of this region demands that the r1ght to freedom and independence of every nation living there 'be recognired and respected. Being aiware of all this, the Slovak Lerugue of America, in the name of Americans of Slovak descent, as well as in the name of the Slovialk natioo, decl~re.d at its Congress in Oleve1and, Ohio, on Octdber 21, 1947, that "ibasicaliy it welcomes the idea of a federative union of the European nations." It was especially in agreement wiilth the thought of a fedei,aitive uni:on of the centra.1-IDuropean states, in which the nations of that part of Europe would find the prerequj.1s ities for peaceful coha/bitation, fruitful cooperation and effeicti.Jve defense of their individual and ool.lective interests. Of cou.rise, American Slovaks were for such an arrangement of Central Europe on the supposition that "the internal life of the indi,viduial member states amd their mu~ua.1 relationshi p ibe bui!l.t on the Christian principles of true democracy, mutual respect and solidarity," and if among the member states of this federation will be included "also Slovakia as an indrivid'l.Jlal , state, as an equiivalent state, as an equi,v alent and equal member." Slovak em~grants in Europe and elsewhere stand back of the same conceptions. They have so e~pressed themselves in numerous memoranda addressed to the Pe~e Conference, the United Nations, ind:ividua1l governments and to the represenitaltives of the various emigrant groups of the nations from behind the Iron Curtain. The Slovak nation never was am aggressor or imperi·a!list nation; it seeks nothing that does not rilghtfolly belong to it, and nothmg more than every naJtion, however large or small, has an inherent rig'hrt to .seek. The 'S lovaks are a deeply religious and democ-rati'c people, ruble and willing to cooperate with ·au nations of Europe who are determined to wipe out the pl,a gue oif Oommunism and fight for the freedom and independence of allil nati·ons. 1 It is, therefore, onl,y na,1:,ural that the representatiives of all the nations behintl the Iiron Curtain in emigration, among them aJlso Slo,va!k effii.gram.ts, are for the .remo,val �SLOVAKIA 21 of the organizations and regimes of terror which call themsclves "1p eople's democracies." Just as the hitherto unhealthy arralillgement clid not satisfy the needs of the Central-European nations - .one in which practreally hailf the nations of Central Europe did not attain the valid!aition of the right of selrf-detevmination - just so· the system of totali1:arian ":people's democracies" does not satisfy and ,is not in aocord with the traditions of these nations. The ,p olitical and social chaniges, effected iby the 30year economic and socia!l development in t'his region of Europe, whether in regard to the spreaJd oif cidization among the broad masses, or in the social structure, chang~ ed the features <if Cenitral Europe to such an extent that in the future onily true demooracy, extended to the e{!onomic field as ,well, can b.e the system which woU!ld satisfy the · mentality, the spiritual foundiaition and the social needs of t'he natio!IllS of Central Europe. Ainy other system than the democratic, especially the totalitarian system of the " 1people's democracies," is opposed to the most basic mOTal and poiitioail traditi'ons of these countries and, therefore, could be instaJ11ed only ,b y force and maintained only br terror. The freedom of Europe, however, cannot be · Se{!Ured as long as one half of it is under a government of tert01r. On the other hand, the ipeaice of ' Etl!iope and , tbe world cannot be secured as long as Centra1 ·: Europe _i,'s not free and tmi.ted :in sUJCh a manner that '-'it ' could cfufend its own freedom and security .and thereby , also the seciirity of Eumpe Thi,s ios ipossible only if a United Staites of Central Euro,p e be:c~mes a reality in one foT-m or another, Hugh Seton-W:atson, in the int,vodUJCtion of his book "Eiastem Europe Between the Wars," stressed this point when he wrote: "IndividuaLEastern countries ·o.fifer ·interesting fields of study to the speda,list, but are · of smaJ.l importance in world politics. But the Eastern · European proiblem, the problem of the hundred millions,· is· one :of •the ma,jor problems of oor age. Each of the peoiples of ffiaJstern Europe must enjoy liiberty aind self-government if unrest is to be aivoided." � APRIL, 1953 SLOVAKIA 1 SLOVAKIA AND CENTRAL-EUROPEAN FEDERATION PLANS Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum Slovrukia with its three and a haJrf million inhiaJbitants and area 45,000 square kilometers lies in the very heart of Central EUTope and its fate in the ,past has been most bitter. After losing their first State, Great Moravia, which during the reign oif King svatopluk included a part of today's Poland, Hmgary, Yugoslavia and for a short time even the Czech lands (1), the SlovaJks as a political factor could not validate themselves in CentraJl Europe for whole centuries. The leading Sloivak group shed its blood first in battles with the Ge:rmians and Magyars and, later, also in battles with the Tu:rks and Tartars. And still later it suffered under tthe pressure of the assimilatory tendencies of the Magyars, which ilrl it.he 19th century and the 1b eginn. ing of this century re8iChed the broadest masses of Slovaks and ruppreciaJbly reduced the growth of the Slovak nation . The Slovaks, who already in 830 had theiT own sta:te and chUI1Ch or,ganization and tthus placed the first foundations of European civili Z8Jtion in the Danube area (2), ap pear more clearly on the ipolitica:l scene again only in 1848, when they rebelled to regain their national independenct>. Decimated and .pushed into the mountains of the north eastern part of their first State, the Great Moravii.8Jl1 Empire, the Slov,a ks were more a cutural than politioo.l factor , up to the 18th century. "During the 17th century," wrote Dr. Milan Hodza, "when the Turks had occupied •all the rest oif old Hungary, Slovakia became the refoge of many lofty intellectual ef forts on behalif of that country. For some time to come_ 1 . 1) Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, GESCHICHTE DER S-LOWAKEI, · pp. 9-15; Julius Pauler, A MAGYARNEMZET TORTJ!JNETE SZENT ISTVAN!G; Dr. Joseph ~kult~ty, ORTY ZO SLOVENSKEJ MINU• LOSTI, p. 13 ; Dr. Milan Hodza, FEDERATION IN CEN'mlAL EUROPE, p . 86; AL'Phoise Huber, GESCHICHTE OESTERREICHE, Vol. 1. 2) Dr. Milan Hodza, FEDERATION IN CENTRAL EUROPE, p. 86. �SLOVAKIA 2 in Slovaikia, there was much morn cultural mo;vement than in Bohemia or occupied Hungacy. At the end of the eighteenth century Slovakia prepared not only her racial rebirth. Trnaiva, which housed the Catholic University before it was tra:nsferred to Budaipest, became a centre of Catholic culture in the realm. Slova!kia was going to be the seat of the first serious democratic movement which had its raimifications in the whole of Hungary and which ended in a conspiracy directed against HaJbSlburg, and Slovakia revealed itselif as a meeting place of prructi:cally all contemporary currents of cultural and ipo>litica;l ideas. (3). After 1848, on the one side under the independence and politfrcal equality of a11 nations, and on the other side under the increasing pressure of assimilaitory Magyar policy, the Slova:k nation beg8;Jl a systematic fight for its polibcal riights. After the Slovak armed revolt of 1848 failed, the Slova!ks within the Hrubsburg monarchy dared to demand an individual self-administr ative unit, such as the Croaits demanded through Ostrozinsky, the Czechs through Pala cky, the Magyars, after Kossuth's revolution was squelched, through DeaJk. This was .p roposed also by Count Valerian Krasinski in his work "Panslavi.sm and Bangernnanism . " What the Slovaks really demanded was a federative solution. The Slovaks remained faithful to the idea of a fede rative solution of the Monarchy in the memorandum , pre sented to the Emperor in 1861, and aigailll at the Conigress of Na:tionaHties in Budrupest in 1867. At the second Congress of Nationa1ities, which took plruce August 10, 1895, in Budaipes't, despite ,persecutions, "the Rumanians, Serbs and Slova:ks, who assemlbled in Buda.pest, "wrote the Neue Freie Presse," dernand ,t he division of Hungary into ethnic self-administra iti;ve units, whreh in effect is equall to the demand to aJbol:ish the un.ion between Hungary and Tr.ainsylviania, to renew the Serbian Duchy and create a selfadmini,s trati:ve Slova:kia, suoh as Huriban (,leader of the 1 1 3) Dr. Mil an Hod za, IBIDEM, pp.208- 213. �SLOVAKIA 3 1848 Slo'Vak rebellion - Author) promoted already thi•r ty years earlier" ( 4). This stand of the Slovaks, if we consider the Nuropean situation oif thaJt time and even the special position of the Slovaks, is readily understandaJble. Not only because the federalization olf the Habs!burg Monarchy, fearing Pangermanism, was the political program also of the Test of the nations of the Monarchy, except the Poles, but also because the rest of Europe was inclined toward this solution, considering the Habslburg Monarchy in its politics of "'balance of poiwer" as a factor of balance betiween Germany and Russia. In this policy, dictated primarily 'by fear of the Germans who called a congress to Frankfurt i:n 1:848 to attempt a union orf all Germans, the Czechs plruyed a leading part. Palacky's arguments and slogan "if AIU'stria did not exist, we would have to create it" gained the rest of the nations.who were satisfiied with the demand of a federalized empire. Even the Emperor seemed ·favo:rable to the idea as long as the danger lasted. "Th~ preservation of Austria, its integrity and solidification, is and must be the great and important concern not only of the Czech nation, but of the whole of Europe, nay of all hUJmanity and foreign lands," wrote Palacky to the Frankfurt Congress in 1848. In this regard Dr. Edward Benes wrote in 1908: "It is frequently spoken about the dissoluti-on of Austria. I aJbsolutely do not believe in it. The historical and economic ties, which mutua:lly u.nite the nations of Austria, are too strong to allow Austria to collaJP5e" (5). The rest of Europe, oif course, also feared Russia and its efforts to realize Panslavism as related by J . Danilevskij in his book "Russia and Europe" and by General Fadejev in his writings. "Slovanic nations," wrote Fadejev, "must try to attain two aims, that is, political and ~onomic development in their present homelands, and then a 4) Quoted from book DIE VEREINIGTEN STAATEN VON GROSSOESTER!RELCH, by Aurel Popovic!, Leipzig, 1906. 5) LE PROBLEME .ArTJTRIOHIEN ET LA QUESTION TCHEQUE, p. 307. �·4 SLOVAKIA closer union with the general Slovanic uni:on, whkh must be headed by Russia in international and military Tela. tions. Ea,ch of these Slovanic tribes needs a ruler for inter nal affairs and for the ·general interests of the great Slovanic Czar. Without the fulifiltlme:nt of these conditions self-admmistra.tion a:nd independence of the BaJikaJD. and Danube Slovak tr}bes is unthinka,ble" (6). Danilevskij, who pUlblished his boolk in 1871, also proposed a Russian-Slovanic confedemtion, in which would · be uni,ted all the Slova,nic people (Slavs) from the Adriatic to the Pacific under the leadershtp of Russia. In this situation, always feeling that it was thr~tened by Germany, France regarded the Habsbu:rg ffimpire as "the only barrier, sufficiently strong, at the beginning of the 20th century, whkh could discourage German a,mbi. tions the day when these would begin to threaten the European bafance," WTote Henry Rene (7). And France saw this balance threatened also by Russia, about whioh Th. Funk-Brentano wrote: "No longer is Rus:sia our ally, as it neither is for Germany or Austria, for England or Turkey : it has only one concern - to expand. It has only one ambition - to g,row. If it uses definite form s . besides, then it does so only to be better understood and allowed into the so-called European concern . . . We make offers to it and it · presents them to Berlin, w,hi'ch makes it a bett er oitlfer . .. Every alliance ls good thrut h elps it to exp.and. All other alliances are bad. It partakes in the divLsion of .s tates with the same ruthlessness with which it m a r ches to conquer them; it will reduce Poland and support · t he Balkans , because they are .Slovanic peoples, and it will annex · t he CJiinese, Turks, Armenians because they are not. That is Russia always . . . " (8). · Fear of Russia and Pamslavism, of which the Magyars and Ruma,nians were afraid and ·b y which the Polish · nation w1as stilf.led periodically, and the fear of the German "'Drang nach · Osten," forced the nations of Centi.·al Europe · -to seek a solution, which would expose it to the least -dangers. This solution they saw in a federalized Hrubsburg 6) Biresvija Vjedomosti; UVAHY O ORIENTA.LNEJ OT A.ZKE ; NEUESTE SCHRIFTEN, pgs.37-4 9. . 7) H enry Rene, . QUESTIONS D'AUTRICHE-HONGRIE ET . 'Q UESTIONIS D'ORIENT, Paris, 1903. 8) Th. .Funk-Brentano, LA POLITIQUE , PR·I NCIPES. ORI· .TIQUES, REFORMES. P.aris, 1892. �SLOVAKIA 5 MonaTchy. As early as 1902 a representative of the Czech nation, one Oharles Kramaf, wTOte: "The wor1d does riot need a feeble, sickly Austria; only a strong, vigorous, interna!lly healthy Empiire can perform the all important task of keeping watch over the ba:lance of power in the world" (9). And Aurel C. Popovici, a Rumanian, WI'Orte a great woirk in 1906 in the defense of the e~istence of a federaliized HalbsJburg Monarchy under the title: Die Vereinigten Staaten von Gross-Oesterreich. Of course, this cry of the nations of the Halbsiburg Monarchy could find little SU!ppolit at the Royal Court, so the natioins constituting the Empire had to seek some other solution of theiir national problems, especially when the war whi-ch broke out in 1914 offered them an opportunity to do so. Furthermore, when the war ended, fear of Russia and Genmany, it was said, precluded the necessity of Austria, because Germany was defeaited, disarmed and "decrnilitar~zed," while Russia was in the throes of a politica:l and social revolution. Emerging from this situation, which the vrotorious a:llies somehow forgot to regard as transitory, the Peace Conference sanctioned the destruction of the Halbsbw,g Empire and the estaJblishment of national and nationaJi:stic states on its ruins. Centrnl Europe got a new face and a new OI1gani'zation on the basis of the right of self-determination of nations. But even this · new organization did not bring an end to fedemtional efforts , especiaHy not those of the Slovaks. II. FEDERALIZATION EFFORTS 1918-1945 The situation,· into whi-ch the Siovaks were forced after WorJd .War I, on the one hand, and the over-all situation of Central Europe in the period between the two wars, on the other, forced the Slovaks to continue their struggle for fedemlization: for a . federalization of Czecho-Slova:kia and simuitaneousiy also for -a federali,z ation of Central Europe. 9) NATIONAL REVIIDW, 1902. �6 S LOVAKIA In fact, 0zecho~Slovaikia was born on the basis of an aigreement between the Slova:ks and the Czechs that it woU!ld be a federart:ive state. In Cleveland Agreemelllt of 1915 and the Pittsburgh A!greement of 1918, the latter undersigned by T. G. Masaryk himself, t'hiJS was promised to the Slaviak:S. At the Peace Conference in 191'9 even Dr. Edward Benes promised this in the name of the 0zechoSlovak Gorvernment when he stated that "it is the intention of the Czecho-1Slovak Government to create the organization of the State ·b y accepting as a basis of natural rights the prindples aipplied in the constitution of the Swiss RelpUJblic, that is, to mrake the 0zecho;Slovak Republic a sort of Switzerland.... " (10). These agreements and commitments, however, were not rkept 1b y the Praigue government, which was dominated by the Czechs, and Czecho-1Slovakia became a centralistk state with apparent tendencies to assimHiate the non-Czech population, especiially the Slovaks on t'he basis of the artificia.Ny created conception of an ethnic "Czechoslovak" nation. - The eminent historian C. A. Macartney saw through the situation very clea11ly when he wrote: "The fact remains that the (Czech~Slova:k) government has been obliged more of:ten than not to rule Slovakia against the wishes of most of its inhabitants, maintaining itself only by the exipedienits of .restricting the powers of the .sellfgovernmg bodies to within the narrowest possilble limits, of filling the seats designated for "ex;perts" with its own nominees, and utilizi'Il!g. freely weapons of censorshi,p and po1i:ce supervision ... " About the economic policy of the Czech toward the S'1ovruks, the same author stated : "The richer (Ozech) firms bought up, or obtained control through holding barri!ks (notable the 2ivnostenska Ba'Il!ka) over the greater part of the Slovak establishments. The latter were thus left at the mel'cy of t'he owners in the Historic Lands (Bohemia), who worked them or closed them down as they pleased. Pro'balb.ly nearly one-third of all Slovak industries disaippeared in this way during the 10) Lloyd George, THE TRU TH ABOUT THE PEACE TREA· TIES, pg. 937 . �SLOVAI\.IA 7 immediate postwar peri'Od, the heavy industries and textile factories beiing chiefly ruffe:cted" (11) . . . It was only natural, then, that the Slova;ks opposed the system whioh put them at such a great disadvaintage econooniically, politically and cultura:lly. The vast majority of Sllova1-cs, under the leadership of Andrew Hlinka and Martin Razus, demanded the fedemii zation od: Ozecho-Slovakia from the very begin~ing of its existence. 1 On J•a nua;ry 23, 1920, one of the foremost Slovak politicians, Deputy Dr. Ferdis Juriga, demanded the federalization of the OzeclhoJSlovak RepUiblic on the floor of the Pa:rliament with these words : "We must tend to decentralization, toward sel:f-1administra;tion, so that the Republic could develop on a federalistic basis, because federalism is the system of the future - We must preserve our individual1ity and not let ourselves be absoribed. Federalization is not only in the interest of our naition, and the OzechoSlova!k Repwblic, but also answers the spirit of all mankind. It is an ahl-hu:man tenderrcy, the tendency of all mankind, this tendency to validate oneself, develop, to which every individual person and every national unit should have the right, whkh should crystallize out into a [egal personality, so tha;t these various nations could then become federalized in one, great world re4)u'bliic. This would be the highest ideal and the path that leads to it is : federalism (12). 1 But the Ozechs, just like the Ha'bsburgs, would not accede to the detrnands of the Siovaks and the minorities while there still was time. The Slovaks, therefore, "reacted in the form of a fl a,m'boyant Slovax nationalism which was a main reason for the albsence of revo[t with which they accepted the dissolution of the Ozecho-1Slovak State" (13). 1 11) C. A. Macartney, HUNGARY AND HER SIUCCESSOBS, London, 1937; pgs. 145, 130. J 2) Karol Sador, SLOVENSK.A. POLITJ:KA NA P<>DE PR.A2SKEHO SNEMU, Vol. I, pg.69. 13) ,C. A . Mwcartney, PROBLEMS OF 'DRE DANUBE BASIN, London; p. 122. �SLOVAKli. 8 Between 1918 and 1945, there were evident tendencies among the Slovaks for the creation of a federated Central ffiurope. The organimti{)IIl, whiich was given t!his area by the pea>ce treaties, soon proved to lbe unsatisfactory economically and poilitioolly. On the OIIle hand, the principle of the right of self--determination was valida,,ted only :parti•a lly and as a consequen!ce the several nations of Central EurO!pe awaited only the opporlunity ~o alter the given situation. States like Czecho-Slovakia or Yugoslavia, made up of several nations and minorities, resembled old Austria.JHungary sitructurally, and soon enough their unjust policies toward t'he national minorities caused distrust and revisionism and excluded harmonious cooperation in Central Europe. On May 8, 1919, Rdbert Lam.sing, Secretary of State of tJhe United States, had this to say a!bout this new organiizati'on : "Examine the Treaty and you •wiU find peoples delivered agaill.8t their wills into t,he hands of those whom they hate... Resentment and bitterness, if not desperation, are 'bound to be the oonsequen<:es oof such provisions . It may be years ·b efore these oppressed pooples are able to tih<row otif their yoke, 1but as wre as day follows night the time will eome when they will make the effort" (14). On the other hiand, the dissolution of the economic crises, especial'ly in the accession states. T,he period between 1918 and 1938 wa,,s one of constant seeking of a ·r eorgaruzaition of Central Europe into a harmonious econo.m.ic and political whole. The Little Ein.tente, estalblished in 1920, Hiantos',s plan in 1925, Tardieu's plan in 1932, the Danulbe ·Paict in 1935 and Hodza's fiTst plan in 1936, to note at least t'he better we11 known plans, all of these in sUJbstan>ce had but o~e purpose: to create in an acceptable form such an organization in Central Europe whi1ch would hasve the adivanrtaiges of former Austria-Hungary, 'but would lack al[ its politica;l and social .shortcomings. Preserving the nationaJl states and democratm regimes, the economic arising from the partition of the Danube area were to •b e .removed by a system of alHances. Thus would lb e removed the tense atmosphere whi'c h reigned in this region and provoked neighboring powers to acts of aggression. 1 14) THE PEACE NEGOTIATIONS, London, 1921; p. 245. �SLOVAKIA t Naturally, aU these plans and endeavors, including the Little Entente, resulted primarily !because of economiic condiitions; and their aim was not indi,c,ated as an effort to create a Centra:1-Euiropean Federation. This ,t hought, however, was deeply rooted in the minds of political leaders, even Dr. Edwaro Benes himself. A'1ways fearing the loss Otf the political and economic role which Ozecho-Slova:kia was playing, Dr. Edward Benes fought against every plan to unite Cenitra:l IDurape, 'but in 1936 he admiltted that "the plan of a Danube Federation is t!he widely propagated and best known conception proposed as a solution Otf the Austxian and Centro-European pro'blem." The reasons why this solution was not realized -w ere, according to Benes, "much more of a sentimental, psychologicrul and mora:1 nature than of a political and economic nature" (15) . 1 At , the end of the first World War, Dr. Stephen Osusky, foreimost representative of the Slovaks at that time on the side of the Entente, wrote a lb,o ok in F,renc'h, 1n whielh we find these words: "The defenders Otf AttstriaHunga:ry, in foreign lands as well as in the interior Otf the dual Monarchy, are aJCting very Hlog,rcaMy. They are very much for the 1ilberation of Poland, !b ut do not want to allow the ltberation of the remaining nations. Let us liberate all nations who wrunt to 'b e free, allowing them to create their own independent states, and we shall fulfill one of the tasks confronting us. Fav,o ring then the approchement of great Poland, whielh shall have access to the Ba:ltic Sea in Danzig, Rumania and the land$ of Czecho-Slova!kia, on the one hand, and Ukrainia, to which we must give serious thoug,ht, on the other hand, a ,powerful federation of free states will be created in the nor,th (of Central Europe)" (16). In the southern part of this area, Osus.ky proposed to support efforts to create a federation of .Southern Slavs, (15) LE PROBLEME DE L'EUROPE CENTIRALE: p.' 47, Sources et documents tchecoslovaques, No. 24. 16) Stephen Osuslky, ClJOPIN, MAGY:ARff ET ~4-NGERM.NNISTIDS, Paris, 1918. �SLOVAKIA 10 after the realiizaition of which, "we shall on'1y have to connect these two federaitioins with a bridge which once existed but collapsed under the blow of historic events. T,hiu:s would come to an end the Orang nach Osten, to German a:ggression to the ffiast, and Europe and the world could work in peaJCe" (17). The plan, however, was Oipposed by T. G. Masaryk and Edward Benes. Another Sllovaik, Dr. Milan Hod'za, came forth with a d:irfferent plan, the so-called "Danube Plan." Fkst as Minister of Agriculture , later as Premier of the Ozecho-iSlo<vak Governmen t, Dr. Hodza endeavored to develop cooperation between the Central Eruropean nations and the consolidation of the oconomic situation in this pa1t of Europe- The climax of these endeavors was his "Danu!be Plan," which aimed to create, ·aJccording to Hodza's own words, "one single, great economic urut in Central Europe." This was to be attained by removing tariff ba.roiers and establishing a customs union, regu1'atmg agriculture and industrial production, reorganizin g the system of payments and transportation, etc. (18). The first steps in this dirootion were already made in 1937 by treaJties conduded between the indwidu.ail Danulbfan States and Bulgaria. Hodm's initiatiive found understand ing both in France and ffingla.nd, but Gemnany and Italy opposed it, thinking the plan was aimed against their influence in Central Europe, nay that it was an "effort to surround Germany," a:s the Germian press e,cpressed it. The plan failed not only 'beca;use orf this opposition, but also because of the crisis which began to aippear within the framework of the Little Entente and the developmen t of an inter-natioD.ial situation which tended in the opposite direction. The politico-mil itary actions of nationaHy socialist Germany and Mussolini's ltaly began to have far-reachim.g i:nd:iluenice on the whole of EUTope, but the most marked consequenc es began to appeax in Central and Souithea:stern Europe. Yugoslavia was 17) A. Ohervin, L'AUTRIOHE ET LA HONGRIE DE DE- MAIN, Paris, 1915. 18) Dr. Milan Hodza, i;,JDDERATI-ON IN CENTRAL EUROPE, pgs. 131-133. �SLOVAKIA 11 the first to suffer the consequences froim the cha.rnged situation and, with Stojadinovic leading it, began to look toward Berlin. Mter a;n internal crisis and a change of governments, Rum-ani•a a'lso ibeca:m.e equaJil.y uncertain. The Little filntente, w'hioh •w as considered the pillar and guarantor of the OTder, created by pea:ce aigreements, went headlong into ruin. lit crashed even •b efore the Germans began their march into the DanuJbe basin and oould not prevent the colla;pse of the order built up in 1918, nor the political and economical hegemony of Hitler's Germany. UndoulbtecNy, the rea;sons for the collapse of the European system and, therefore, also of the Cenltral-European organization, were many- But it ca11!Ilot be denied that Hitler's plans and ructions in the Danube basin were suJbstantially facilitated by the political and economic conditions which governed there after 1918. Oonsequeinitly, the discontented nations, as predicted :ey Lansing, iif they did not work to overthrow that system, as did Hungary and Austria, then they certainly were not willing in the least to defend it, as was the case with c~echo-Slovatkiia a111d Yugoslavia. The dissolution of Czecho~Slova1kia was in fact caused by the German minoriity, as even Dr. Benes stated, because : In Munioh Czecho..:Slovakia was fatally wounded from the outside. " Munich, however, meant much more tha:n thaJt. "It opened the way along the Danulbe all the way to the Blacik Sea to German expamsion," as Winston Churchill said in the British Parliament O'l1 Oct. 5, 1938. Munich meant the end of the European system ,b uilt up by the •peace treaties of 19181920 and installed in Central Europe a Germ.an- Italian Russian co-dominiOIIl whioh, even though it did not last long, did bring new elements into the organization of the CentralEuropean area. Germany was in its politics consistent and adroit, and thus "milita;ry might, dwplomacy, propaganda and the feeling of helplessness before the preponderance of their neighbors, as well as the economic interests, were the causes of the voluntary or forced subordination of the Danulbian �12 SL0VAKlA nations, their new political orientation and cooperation with the Axis," says Graham Hutton (19). "•I n Belgrade, Bucharest and naturally in Sophia, kings and princes did not trust international obligations of collective security. They fuought tha,t every state must endeavor by its own means to serve the peace of all, buit t hat its first task ls to preserve its own peace" (20). And what 'hruppened in Prague was nothing else but what Dr. Benes had already told Minister Sfona in 1936: "If they (the French) aJbandon us without helping us in ·the face of German threats, we shall suI1prise the world by the limitless possilbilities of servility toward Berlin" (21) . This dissolution of the Versailles organization by German policies, whiich endeavored to make of this region a German "lebensraum," forced the representatives of the Central-European nations to return to the efforts to create a Cenitral-European federation, or confederation. A federalistic solution of Central-European problems seemed to be the only strong solution especial1.y when Gerniainy and Russia, with the pact of August 23, 1939, temporarily shared government over Central and Southeastern Europe, annexing territories, nay, even whole states and esta/t,lishing a dictatorship over them. In that situation even the most bigoted enemies of federalistic endeavors of Centr.a:l-Europe in the period between the two wars, politicians who ",p referred to see Hitler in Vienna than the Habsburgs," returned to the idea of creating a great federative unit in Central Europe after the end of the war. The Soviet-German Pact convinced even the nations, which in an effort to hold their own advantageous position in Central Europe wished its partition, that their own security, nay even their own existence in fact, could be guaranteed oltly by an intimate union of all the Central European nations. 19) Graihaim Hutton, LES NOUVEAUX DES'DINS DU DANiUBE, Paris, 1939. . 20) Gregoke Gafencu, DERNIERS J0URS DE L'EU'R0PE, p. 105. 21) Comte Sforza, ILLUS IONS ET REALITES DE L'EUR0PE, Neuch-atel 1944; p. 196. �SLOVAKIA 13 Russia, wrote Gregoire, "revea~ed her face, which had nothlng encouragin g either fur her neig1hlbors or for a peaceful order of the world. The Moscow aigreement unmasked the Soviet Union, in whrch the cult of might and the practice of dou!ble..dealing so strikingly reminded one of the times of Catherine the Great ,a nd the ooarrs of the past centuries. 'It seemed that she obeys the ancient and mighty impulses, siimilrur to those, which drove the Gennan masses in the opposite direction, to the East. But the Russian aggression was at the same time more corufusilng and mysterious. Opposing every .Umitation not because the area which this aggression included was too narrow, lbut conversely beca,use the concepti:on of borders is alien to the nature of Russia" (22). It was, therefore, only natural, that in such a situation the plans of l.lIWying Central Europe on a federalistic basis were again revived and that together . with t!he representativ es of other Central-EUTdpeain nations the Slovvaks - those who fought on the side of the Mlies, as well as the political representat ives who remained at home will:ih the people and sought to lead it into •postwar Europe with as little loss as possible - endeavored to realize a federated Central Europe. On the side of the AUies, it was especiaAly the Slovak political group led by Dr. M. Hodfa and Peter Pridavo~, which led an open strwg,gle for these conceptions . In his book "Federatio n in Central Europe" H~a writes that already in Jainuary 1940 Slovalk political emigrants had come to an understand ing that they wowld endeavor to create a Central-Eu ropean federation. The fotliildation of this federation was to be the union between Poland, the Czech. lands and Slovakia. On January 23, 1942, there wais such an agreement cone'luded between the Polish and Czecho-Slovak g(?vemmen ts with the __ jntention that it wouJd be. the nudeu:s of a great Central-Eu ropean £-Oll22) Gregoire Gafeneu, PRELIMINA,:fRES DE LA -, GUERRE A L'EST, Fri-bourg, 1944. �1-4 SLOVAKIA federation. Matters common to all were to be foreign, military, economic, social and furancial affairs, as weH as transportation, communications and the postaJl. service (23). Milan Hod'za's book, published in 1942, contained all the more serious reasO!I1s for a federated Central IDuroipe. "WaT event'S in Central Europe," wrote Hodza, "dhviously fully vindi<:ate the idea <Yf a solidly org,anized futuTe cooperatron <Yf ahl those eight States whicih aTe placed in complete geogrruphic coherenice between Russia, Germany amd Irtaily. A federali.lzed Centrall Europe is one of the absolute necessi-ties of a new postwaT order." In the preface <Yf his >book, Hodza te1ls us that the Oentral-EuTopean federation should be composed of four Sl'O'Vainic and four non"Slovanic nations, which should £ind a new, great and sohd foundation for their own national lilfe, keeping in balance all possi!ble ra;cial and imperialistic aspirations in the broad territory, the consolidated system of whioh is to be the strongest contribution to the new arraingement of Europe. The federation proposed 1b y Hodza was supposed to rest on a customs union. Fina<n:ces, trade policies, foreign ·p olicy, defense, communioations were to be managed jointly. The p1'am also called for a Ministry of Federal Law 8Jlld a Ministry <Yf Trade Unions and Professional Associations. Altogether there were to be eight commQ!Il. ministries, forming the federal government, which would be headed by a chancellor appoiinted by the president af the federation. In the central goverrunent all the nations were to ·b e represented by ministers without 1portfolio. Ministers with pol'tfOllfo were to perform their functiooo in cooperation with the state secretaries representing all.I the federated nations. The president was to be elected first by the presidents of the national governments, then 1b y the congress of the federation for a period of one yeaT. The memlbers af congress were to be elected by a two-thirds majority of the national parliaments in the proportion of 23) F.r om the French text of the Treaty in the Stoc![,holm review L'AVENIR, Vol. 1, No. 2. �SLOVAKIA one memlber for a million inhaib1tants. The ministers oif the federation, under the plan, could not be deputies of oongress. The solution ,p roposed iby Hod.fa would ha,v e a twofold advantage, wrote the "Voix des Peuples," the Swiss politicail review (Oct- 1944): "it would minimize the natio-nal antagonisms and would recreate the harmonius economic area, which !benefited Centrrul Europe before 1914. The sOilution, therefore, seems to be the wisest, because it is most advantageous for all the nations concerned." A positive stand to Hodfa's prnposal, on the assumption that SlO'Vlrukii:a iin the Europe confederation would figure as an ind~vidual member state, was truken by the main political o!I1gan in Slorva!kia, the "Slovfuk" (24), and in the Vatican diplomatic circles the interpreter of federalistic sqova,,k efforts was Ambassador Karol Sidor. At the beginniing af 1944, Dr. Ferdinand :Du11cansiky, university professoir and the first Fm·eign Minister of the Slovak Repulblic, published a technical study albout the problem of Centrail Euro;pe. The study ap:peaTed in the "Revue de droiit international, de sciences diplomatiques et politiques" (~fil annee, No. 1), putb lished in Gene,va. The status Which prevailed m Central Euro;pe up to 1938, led :Duvcansky to the log,i10al conclusion that a new Central Euro1p e must be orgaJnized on other fQ!Ulld:ations than those ()If 1'918 or those ruifteir that time; it must be organi:zed on the basis ()If coope:riation of the (Je,ntra!l-European niations and their equality. "We can imagine theoretically a cooperiati'On of the nations of Central Europe," wrote :DUTCam;ky, "either in a form of completely independent states, or in a form ()If close, mutual relation in a t.mrion of states. This cooperatiion would be directed by interna.tiona1 a:greement, or by a manner of federation in which every state would have •a special position defined by law." Campiete independence is, according .to :Dur1can:Sky, UJildou!btedly t!he most ad\.'amtageous. With regaro to the 1 24) Dr. Joseph Kirs:chlbaum, HODZ0V PLAN S'l'RED0-EUROPSKEJ F'EDERAOIE, article in tth e SLOVAK, Aug. 20, 1944. �}6 SLOVAKIA ciromnsta:nce that the majority of the Central-European nations, as far as their number and the exitent of their territories, are small nations, this coU!ld mean, said Durcansky, certain dangers. Furthermore, tendencies to limit the sovereignty of small[ nations, endeavors to create laxge eoonomiJC units, the result of technical development and experience from previous wars that sma:ller nations could not defend their independence rb y being neutral - all these led to tlle creation of larger units. :Dutcansky continues: "From these motives there is talk aJbout more active cooperation which ought to guar-amtee lasting peace aind a greater prosperity- This cooperation cannot overstep the framework of a confederation the cooperation 'between independent states diirected by norms of international law. This solution gives guarantees of independence and freedom to the nations of CentralEurope, enaJbles a s01lurti:on of incidental disputes which could arise between the individual states of the confederation and, on the other hand, could defend Central IDurope against external attacks." WthaJt are the arguments 3/gain.st the federation of Central Europe? :Duircainsky points ~mt that ail such arguments rest on the psychologica:l situation in Central-Euroipe, the prejudices emanating from the past and the tendencies of certain nations to renew their former status. The development of war events, however, did not respect the federalistic tendencies of Central-European nations as much as it did during the first World War. Desp~¼ the P-01ish-OzechJSlovak Agreement, despite the positive stand of influential Anglo~Saxon circles and despite tlle general conviction (25) that the Central-European prgaLD!ization created in 191'8 was aib,solutely unsatisfact,:ory _, :t9-r,, ~h~ majority of Centra,l-European nations, as it also ·was for the rest of Europe, nevertheless at the end of 25) What the indivrldual Centra)-Europel).n na.tions thought Stojan Pribil!evil!, about federating Central Europe is told by: WORLD WITHOUT END, New York, 1939; Edmoll'd Demaltre in the review 1/A:VENIR; Gr. Gl\,fencu, PRElJIMlNAIRES DE LA GUERRE A L'EST; ~ - A. Mccartney; PROBLEMS OF THE DANUBE BASIN. �SLOVAKIA 17 the war the very same states were renewed in their old forms, excepting maimed Poland and a smaller OzechoSlova:kia. The Altlantic Charter, the Charter of the United Nations, the natural rilght of every nation to its own state and the solemn prooLa.matioos of the waT years were qu'i.okly forgotten or e:,opediently a:bandoned. Furt:!hernnore, the dei1icate prolb'lem of the minorities began to lbe solved in a manner which was supported by the momenitary situation, in its co1I1Sequences, however, it ibroUJght new da:ngers for the Central-Ell.lropean area and ther~y for the whole of Europe. We are all witnesses of this today. The policy of the Soviet Union towaTd the n81tions of Central Euroipe and, therefore, feder81tiorral efforts did not die out even after World War II. m. THE PRESENT STRUGGLE OF THE SLOVAKS FOR A COMMONWEALTH OF CENTRAL-EUROPEAN NATIONS In 1945 Slova;kiia was occwpied by ,b oth the Russians and the Czechs, and the Communist-dOlminated regime installed there with the help of Moscow and Pr.ague reached to the very roots O!f the existence O!f the Slavalk nation. This irirefotaible fact has led the S1ov,a;k!s to fight uncompromisingly· from the very end of World War II :foT the liberation of Central Europe from alien hegemony rund for its federaJlirza:tion. The representatives O!f the Slovak nation are firmly convinced tha:t Central Europerun nations, if they do not waint to live under the hegemony of the one or the other otf their strong neig1hlbor,s, must unite in a larger · economic am.d stra:tegic unit. There i's no other solution. The entire politica1 and social development of Central EJurope from 1848 coofi:rnns this conclusfon. International policy, as well as the .p olfoy of individUJa1 1powers, is gu~ded by definilte coootants and lastinrg interests wihlch have Olll,tlived and shall out1we all changes o,f regimes. 'Dha:t is why today, just as in the past century, the CentraJl-IDuropeain nations must rookoo with the revival O!f German expansioo, �18 SLOVAKIA: which can change only its forms but not its aims, just as, on the other ham.d, Russi an JmperiaHsm haiS not changed and no regime will ever change it. The object of the expansionist endeavorrs of Russia and Gemniany is Central Europe, because of its geographical position and ethnic composition. These two powers have attaJdked each other for centuries for the control of the Centra~-Eumpeam nations. With the passage of centuries only the forms and pretenses of their imperiaJlism have changed. Pam.-Gerimanism and Pam-1Sllavism a1way:s followed and will follow the very sa:me pur,pose, and the only defense ,a grumst them is the unification of the Central-EJuropean nations on the basis of equality. ThaJt is the lesson of history. On the other hand, the experience of the ipast thirty years have proved that the system, which prevailed in Central and Eastern Europe s-ince 1918 and was again reestablished in 1945 by committing the very same mistakes, cotcld not giuai-antee Europe pea:ce and stalbNity, a:nd to the nations 'between Russia and Germany it could guarantee neither economic prosperity, nor security and freedom . ThUIS it hruppened that with the first blow of German imperiail~sm in 1938, as welil as a result of expansion of the Soviet Uni-on, the system succumbed, and with its downfall Ewrope and the wodd hruve boon thmst into dangerous crises, of whi:ch the first ended in war and the seoond threatoos with war. At the end of both waris, the nations of Central Europe were forced under regimes of terror, which were alien and hostile to the most fundamental cultur~d, po1i,tiical, economi:c and sociaiJ. traditions of all the CentraJl~Eurropeain natiions, who a.Te deeply devoted to the prindples of democr8Jcy and Christianity, the two concepts which are in prJndp1e at odds with both Nazism and materialistri1c OomJmunism. • 1 'I"housamds of Slov,ruk emigrants in Europe and elsewhere, am.d over a million Americruns of Slovak descent, have, therrefore, ,p roclaimed themselves since 194'5 for such a demooratic concepUon of a new Europe which would remove the o1d shortcomings of Europe, and especially of �SLOVAKIA 19 Central Europe, and would rest on the principle of equality of au nations alild be united in a federative uni'on. The organiization of Central and Eastern Europe, as it has proved thusfar, could not fulfill its mission orf strength against imperialism which has threatened the pea:.ce of Europe for Centuries, but conversely, it even facilitated the victory orf these imperirulismsThe weakest part of this organization was CzechoSlovakia, a heterogenous amd polyglotic state, which gave an OipipOrlU'lle excuse to ,the · Third Reich for its expansion and, on the other hand, made cooperation impossible with other Central Euiropean nations, because the millions of inhrubitants of the minorities which were included a:gainst their will into the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Instead of strength against the "Drang nach Osten," the Czecho-Slovak Repwblic became in 191'8 the gateway for the German march into the Dam.Iibe Basin, a,nd in 1945 the bridge 01Ver which the Russian-Bolshevist expainsion penetrated into the very heart of Europe without any resistence. A new orga:nization of Central Europe is therefore, according to the v,i ews orf the representatives of the Slovak emigiration, rubsoiutely ne<:essary not only in the interest of CentraiJ.-Euroipean nations, but also, and in the very first ¢ace, in the interest oif the security orf Euroipe and the peace of the world. We rememib er that both world conflrugrations broke out in this a:rea. Until the extensive region between Germany and Russia is organized on a new basis, gua1ramteeing justice, equality and freedom to every nation, Europe cannot have secured its security and prosperity. Aggression of imperialism , tending to dominaite Central Euro-pe, and then the whole of Euro,pe, could again be facilitated, nay aggressors could even find opportune pretenses and allies, if any one of the Central-European nations were wronged and forced under the rule od' another. The poHticai and economic development from the end of World War I has made the nations of Central Europe conscious enough orf the fact that a more pernnanent �SLOVAKIA !O and solid organization of this region demands that the r1ght to freedom and independence of every nation living there 'be recognired and respected. Being aiware of all this, the Slovak Lerugue of America, in the name of Americans of Slovak descent, as well as in the name of the Slovialk natioo, decl~re.d at its Congress in Oleve1and, Ohio, on Octdber 21, 1947, that "ibasicaliy it welcomes the idea of a federative union of the European nations." It was especially in agreement wiilth the thought of a fedei,aitive uni:on of the centra.1-IDuropean states, in which the nations of that part of Europe would find the prerequj.1s ities for peaceful coha/bitation, fruitful cooperation and effeicti.Jve defense of their individual and ool.lective interests. Of cou.rise, American Slovaks were for such an arrangement of Central Europe on the supposition that "the internal life of the indi,viduial member states amd their mu~ua.1 relationshi p ibe bui!l.t on the Christian principles of true democracy, mutual respect and solidarity," and if among the member states of this federation will be included "also Slovakia as an indrivid'l.Jlal , state, as an equiivalent state, as an equi,v alent and equal member." Slovak em~grants in Europe and elsewhere stand back of the same conceptions. They have so e~pressed themselves in numerous memoranda addressed to the Pe~e Conference, the United Nations, ind:ividua1l governments and to the represenitaltives of the various emigrant groups of the nations from behind the Iron Curtain. The Slovak nation never was am aggressor or imperi·a!list nation; it seeks nothing that does not rilghtfolly belong to it, and nothmg more than every naJtion, however large or small, has an inherent rig'hrt to .seek. The 'S lovaks are a deeply religious and democ-rati'c people, ruble and willing to cooperate with ·au nations of Europe who are determined to wipe out the pl,a gue oif Oommunism and fight for the freedom and independence of allil nati·ons. 1 It is, therefore, onl,y na,1:,ural that the representatiives of all the nations behintl the Iiron Curtain in emigration, among them aJlso Slo,va!k effii.gram.ts, are for the .remo,val �SLOVAKIA 21 of the organizations and regimes of terror which call themsclves "1p eople's democracies." Just as the hitherto unhealthy arralillgement clid not satisfy the needs of the Central-European nations - .one in which practreally hailf the nations of Central Europe did not attain the valid!aition of the right of selrf-detevmination - just so· the system of totali1:arian ":people's democracies" does not satisfy and ,is not in aocord with the traditions of these nations. The ,p olitical and social chaniges, effected iby the 30year economic and socia!l development in t'his region of Europe, whether in regard to the spreaJd oif cidization among the broad masses, or in the social structure, chang~ ed the features <if Cenitral Europe to such an extent that in the future onily true demooracy, extended to the e{!onomic field as ,well, can b.e the system which woU!ld satisfy the · mentality, the spiritual foundiaition and the social needs of t'he natio!IllS of Central Europe. Ainy other system than the democratic, especially the totalitarian system of the " 1people's democracies," is opposed to the most basic mOTal and poiitioail traditi'ons of these countries and, therefore, could be instaJ11ed only ,b y force and maintained only br terror. The freedom of Europe, however, cannot be · Se{!Ured as long as one half of it is under a government of tert01r. On the other hand, the ipeaice of ' Etl!iope and , tbe world cannot be secured as long as Centra1 ·: Europe _i,'s not free and tmi.ted :in sUJCh a manner that '-'it ' could cfufend its own freedom and security .and thereby , also the seciirity of Eumpe Thi,s ios ipossible only if a United Staites of Central Euro,p e be:c~mes a reality in one foT-m or another, Hugh Seton-W:atson, in the int,vodUJCtion of his book "Eiastem Europe Between the Wars," stressed this point when he wrote: "IndividuaLEastern countries ·o.fifer ·interesting fields of study to the speda,list, but are · of smaJ.l importance in world politics. But the Eastern · European proiblem, the problem of the hundred millions,· is· one :of •the ma,jor problems of oor age. Each of the peoiples of ffiaJstern Europe must enjoy liiberty aind self-government if unrest is to be aivoided." � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1953, Vol. 3 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.</li> <li>Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1953 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document APRIL, 1953 SLOVAKIA 1 SLOVAKIA AND CENTRAL-EUROPEAN FEDERATION PLANS Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum Slovrukia with its three and a haJrf million inhiaJbitants and area 45,000 square kilometers lies in the very heart of Central EUTope and its fate in the ,past has been most bitter. After losing their first State, Great Moravia, which during the reign oif King svatopluk included a part of today's Poland, Hmgary, Yugoslavia and for a short time even the Czech lands (1), the SlovaJks as a political factor could not validate themselves in CentraJl Europe for whole centuries. The leading Sloivak group shed its blood first in battles with the Ge:rmians and Magyars and, later, also in battles with the Tu:rks and Tartars. And still later it suffered under tthe pressure of the assimilatory tendencies of the Magyars, which ilrl it.he 19th century and the 1b eginn. ing of this century re8iChed the broadest masses of Slovaks and ruppreciaJbly reduced the growth of the Slovak nation . The Slovaks, who already in 830 had theiT own sta:te and chUI1Ch or,ganization and tthus placed the first foundations of European civili Z8Jtion in the Danube area (2), ap pear more clearly on the ipolitica:l scene again only in 1848, when they rebelled to regain their national independenct>. Decimated and .pushed into the mountains of the north eastern part of their first State, the Great Moravii.8Jl1 Empire, the Slov,a ks were more a cutural than politioo.l factor , up to the 18th century. "During the 17th century," wrote Dr. Milan Hodza, "when the Turks had occupied •all the rest oif old Hungary, Slovakia became the refoge of many lofty intellectual ef forts on behalif of that country. For some time to come_ 1 . 1) Dr. Francis Hrusovsky, GESCHICHTE DER S-LOWAKEI, · pp. 9-15; Julius Pauler, A MAGYARNEMZET TORTJ!JNETE SZENT ISTVAN!G; Dr. Joseph ~kult~ty, ORTY ZO SLOVENSKEJ MINU• LOSTI, p. 13 ; Dr. Milan Hodza, FEDERATION IN CEN'mlAL EUROPE, p . 86; AL'Phoise Huber, GESCHICHTE OESTERREICHE, Vol. 1. 2) Dr. Milan Hodza, FEDERATION IN CENTRAL EUROPE, p. 86. SLOVAKIA 2 in Slovaikia, there was much morn cultural mo;vement than in Bohemia or occupied Hungacy. At the end of the eighteenth century Slovakia prepared not only her racial rebirth. Trnaiva, which housed the Catholic University before it was tra:nsferred to Budaipest, became a centre of Catholic culture in the realm. Slova!kia was going to be the seat of the first serious democratic movement which had its raimifications in the whole of Hungary and which ended in a conspiracy directed against HaJbSlburg, and Slovakia revealed itselif as a meeting place of prructi:cally all contemporary currents of cultural and ipo>litica;l ideas. (3). After 1848, on the one side under the independence and politfrcal equality of a11 nations, and on the other side under the increasing pressure of assimilaitory Magyar policy, the Slova:k nation beg8;Jl a systematic fight for its polibcal riights. After the Slovak armed revolt of 1848 failed, the Slova!ks within the Hrubsburg monarchy dared to demand an individual self-administr ative unit, such as the Croaits demanded through Ostrozinsky, the Czechs through Pala cky, the Magyars, after Kossuth's revolution was squelched, through DeaJk. This was .p roposed also by Count Valerian Krasinski in his work "Panslavi.sm and Bangernnanism . " What the Slovaks really demanded was a federative solution. The Slovaks remained faithful to the idea of a fede rative solution of the Monarchy in the memorandum , pre sented to the Emperor in 1861, and aigailll at the Conigress of Na:tionaHties in Budrupest in 1867. At the second Congress of Nationa1ities, which took plruce August 10, 1895, in Budaipes't, despite ,persecutions, "the Rumanians, Serbs and Slova:ks, who assemlbled in Buda.pest, "wrote the Neue Freie Presse," dernand ,t he division of Hungary into ethnic self-administra iti;ve units, whreh in effect is equall to the demand to aJbol:ish the un.ion between Hungary and Tr.ainsylviania, to renew the Serbian Duchy and create a selfadmini,s trati:ve Slova:kia, suoh as Huriban (,leader of the 1 1 3) Dr. Mil an Hod za, IBIDEM, pp.208- 213. SLOVAKIA 3 1848 Slo'Vak rebellion - Author) promoted already thi•r ty years earlier" ( 4). This stand of the Slovaks, if we consider the Nuropean situation oif thaJt time and even the special position of the Slovaks, is readily understandaJble. Not only because the federalization olf the Habs!burg Monarchy, fearing Pangermanism, was the political program also of the Test of the nations of the Monarchy, except the Poles, but also because the rest of Europe was inclined toward this solution, considering the Habslburg Monarchy in its politics of "'balance of poiwer" as a factor of balance betiween Germany and Russia. In this policy, dictated primarily 'by fear of the Germans who called a congress to Frankfurt i:n 1:848 to attempt a union orf all Germans, the Czechs plruyed a leading part. Palacky's arguments and slogan "if AIU'stria did not exist, we would have to create it" gained the rest of the nations.who were satisfiied with the demand of a federalized empire. Even the Emperor seemed ·favo:rable to the idea as long as the danger lasted. "Th~ preservation of Austria, its integrity and solidification, is and must be the great and important concern not only of the Czech nation, but of the whole of Europe, nay of all hUJmanity and foreign lands," wrote Palacky to the Frankfurt Congress in 1848. In this regard Dr. Edward Benes wrote in 1908: "It is frequently spoken about the dissoluti-on of Austria. I aJbsolutely do not believe in it. The historical and economic ties, which mutua:lly u.nite the nations of Austria, are too strong to allow Austria to collaJP5e" (5). The rest of Europe, oif course, also feared Russia and its efforts to realize Panslavism as related by J . Danilevskij in his book "Russia and Europe" and by General Fadejev in his writings. "Slovanic nations," wrote Fadejev, "must try to attain two aims, that is, political and ~onomic development in their present homelands, and then a 4) Quoted from book DIE VEREINIGTEN STAATEN VON GROSSOESTER!RELCH, by Aurel Popovic!, Leipzig, 1906. 5) LE PROBLEME .ArTJTRIOHIEN ET LA QUESTION TCHEQUE, p. 307. ·4 SLOVAKIA closer union with the general Slovanic uni:on, whkh must be headed by Russia in international and military Tela. tions. Ea,ch of these Slovanic tribes needs a ruler for inter nal affairs and for the ·general interests of the great Slovanic Czar. Without the fulifiltlme:nt of these conditions self-admmistra.tion a:nd independence of the BaJikaJD. and Danube Slovak tr}bes is unthinka,ble" (6). Danilevskij, who pUlblished his boolk in 1871, also proposed a Russian-Slovanic confedemtion, in which would · be uni,ted all the Slova,nic people (Slavs) from the Adriatic to the Pacific under the leadershtp of Russia. In this situation, always feeling that it was thr~tened by Germany, France regarded the Habsbu:rg ffimpire as "the only barrier, sufficiently strong, at the beginning of the 20th century, whkh could discourage German a,mbi. tions the day when these would begin to threaten the European bafance," WTote Henry Rene (7). And France saw this balance threatened also by Russia, about whioh Th. Funk-Brentano wrote: "No longer is Rus:sia our ally, as it neither is for Germany or Austria, for England or Turkey : it has only one concern - to expand. It has only one ambition - to g,row. If it uses definite form s . besides, then it does so only to be better understood and allowed into the so-called European concern . . . We make offers to it and it · presents them to Berlin, w,hi'ch makes it a bett er oitlfer . .. Every alliance ls good thrut h elps it to exp.and. All other alliances are bad. It partakes in the divLsion of .s tates with the same ruthlessness with which it m a r ches to conquer them; it will reduce Poland and support · t he Balkans , because they are .Slovanic peoples, and it will annex · t he CJiinese, Turks, Armenians because they are not. That is Russia always . . . " (8). · Fear of Russia and Pamslavism, of which the Magyars and Ruma,nians were afraid and ·b y which the Polish · nation w1as stilf.led periodically, and the fear of the German "'Drang nach · Osten," forced the nations of Centi.·al Europe · -to seek a solution, which would expose it to the least -dangers. This solution they saw in a federalized Hrubsburg 6) Biresvija Vjedomosti; UVAHY O ORIENTA.LNEJ OT A.ZKE ; NEUESTE SCHRIFTEN, pgs.37-4 9. . 7) H enry Rene, . QUESTIONS D'AUTRICHE-HONGRIE ET . 'Q UESTIONIS D'ORIENT, Paris, 1903. 8) Th. .Funk-Brentano, LA POLITIQUE , PR·I NCIPES. ORI· .TIQUES, REFORMES. P.aris, 1892. SLOVAKIA 5 MonaTchy. As early as 1902 a representative of the Czech nation, one Oharles Kramaf, wTOte: "The wor1d does riot need a feeble, sickly Austria; only a strong, vigorous, interna!lly healthy Empiire can perform the all important task of keeping watch over the ba:lance of power in the world" (9). And Aurel C. Popovici, a Rumanian, WI'Orte a great woirk in 1906 in the defense of the e~istence of a federaliized HalbsJburg Monarchy under the title: Die Vereinigten Staaten von Gross-Oesterreich. Of course, this cry of the nations of the Halbsiburg Monarchy could find little SU!ppolit at the Royal Court, so the natioins constituting the Empire had to seek some other solution of theiir national problems, especially when the war whi-ch broke out in 1914 offered them an opportunity to do so. Furthermore, when the war ended, fear of Russia and Genmany, it was said, precluded the necessity of Austria, because Germany was defeaited, disarmed and "decrnilitar~zed," while Russia was in the throes of a politica:l and social revolution. Emerging from this situation, which the vrotorious a:llies somehow forgot to regard as transitory, the Peace Conference sanctioned the destruction of the Halbsbw,g Empire and the estaJblishment of national and nationaJi:stic states on its ruins. Centrnl Europe got a new face and a new OI1gani'zation on the basis of the right of self-determination of nations. But even this · new organization did not bring an end to fedemtional efforts , especiaHy not those of the Slovaks. II. FEDERALIZATION EFFORTS 1918-1945 The situation,· into whi-ch the Siovaks were forced after WorJd .War I, on the one hand, and the over-all situation of Central Europe in the period between the two wars, on the other, forced the Slovaks to continue their struggle for fedemlization: for a . federalization of Czecho-Slova:kia and simuitaneousiy also for -a federali,z ation of Central Europe. 9) NATIONAL REVIIDW, 1902. 6 S LOVAKIA In fact, 0zecho~Slovaikia was born on the basis of an aigreement between the Slova:ks and the Czechs that it woU!ld be a federart:ive state. In Cleveland Agreemelllt of 1915 and the Pittsburgh A!greement of 1918, the latter undersigned by T. G. Masaryk himself, t'hiJS was promised to the Slaviak:S. At the Peace Conference in 191'9 even Dr. Edward Benes promised this in the name of the 0zechoSlovak Gorvernment when he stated that "it is the intention of the Czecho-1Slovak Government to create the organization of the State ·b y accepting as a basis of natural rights the prindples aipplied in the constitution of the Swiss RelpUJblic, that is, to mrake the 0zecho;Slovak Republic a sort of Switzerland.... " (10). These agreements and commitments, however, were not rkept 1b y the Praigue government, which was dominated by the Czechs, and Czecho-1Slovakia became a centralistk state with apparent tendencies to assimHiate the non-Czech population, especiially the Slovaks on t'he basis of the artificia.Ny created conception of an ethnic "Czechoslovak" nation. - The eminent historian C. A. Macartney saw through the situation very clea11ly when he wrote: "The fact remains that the (Czech~Slova:k) government has been obliged more of:ten than not to rule Slovakia against the wishes of most of its inhabitants, maintaining itself only by the exipedienits of .restricting the powers of the .sellfgovernmg bodies to within the narrowest possilble limits, of filling the seats designated for "ex;perts" with its own nominees, and utilizi'Il!g. freely weapons of censorshi,p and po1i:ce supervision ... " About the economic policy of the Czech toward the S'1ovruks, the same author stated : "The richer (Ozech) firms bought up, or obtained control through holding barri!ks (notable the 2ivnostenska Ba'Il!ka) over the greater part of the Slovak establishments. The latter were thus left at the mel'cy of t'he owners in the Historic Lands (Bohemia), who worked them or closed them down as they pleased. Pro'balb.ly nearly one-third of all Slovak industries disaippeared in this way during the 10) Lloyd George, THE TRU TH ABOUT THE PEACE TREA· TIES, pg. 937 . SLOVAI\.IA 7 immediate postwar peri'Od, the heavy industries and textile factories beiing chiefly ruffe:cted" (11) . . . It was only natural, then, that the Slova;ks opposed the system whioh put them at such a great disadvaintage econooniically, politically and cultura:lly. The vast majority of Sllova1-cs, under the leadership of Andrew Hlinka and Martin Razus, demanded the fedemii zation od: Ozecho-Slovakia from the very begin~ing of its existence. 1 On J•a nua;ry 23, 1920, one of the foremost Slovak politicians, Deputy Dr. Ferdis Juriga, demanded the federalization of the OzeclhoJSlovak RepUiblic on the floor of the Pa:rliament with these words : "We must tend to decentralization, toward sel:f-1administra;tion, so that the Republic could develop on a federalistic basis, because federalism is the system of the future - We must preserve our individual1ity and not let ourselves be absoribed. Federalization is not only in the interest of our naition, and the OzechoSlova!k Repwblic, but also answers the spirit of all mankind. It is an ahl-hu:man tenderrcy, the tendency of all mankind, this tendency to validate oneself, develop, to which every individual person and every national unit should have the right, whkh should crystallize out into a [egal personality, so tha;t these various nations could then become federalized in one, great world re4)u'bliic. This would be the highest ideal and the path that leads to it is : federalism (12). 1 But the Ozechs, just like the Ha'bsburgs, would not accede to the detrnands of the Siovaks and the minorities while there still was time. The Slovaks, therefore, "reacted in the form of a fl a,m'boyant Slovax nationalism which was a main reason for the albsence of revo[t with which they accepted the dissolution of the Ozecho-1Slovak State" (13). 1 11) C. A. Macartney, HUNGARY AND HER SIUCCESSOBS, London, 1937; pgs. 145, 130. J 2) Karol Sador, SLOVENSK.A. POLITJ:KA NA P<>DE PR.A2SKEHO SNEMU, Vol. I, pg.69. 13) ,C. A . Mwcartney, PROBLEMS OF 'DRE DANUBE BASIN, London; p. 122. SLOVAKli. 8 Between 1918 and 1945, there were evident tendencies among the Slovaks for the creation of a federated Central ffiurope. The organimti{)IIl, whiich was given t!his area by the pea>ce treaties, soon proved to lbe unsatisfactory economically and poilitioolly. On the OIIle hand, the principle of the right of self--determination was valida,,ted only :parti•a lly and as a consequen!ce the several nations of Central EurO!pe awaited only the opporlunity ~o alter the given situation. States like Czecho-Slovakia or Yugoslavia, made up of several nations and minorities, resembled old Austria.JHungary sitructurally, and soon enough their unjust policies toward t'he national minorities caused distrust and revisionism and excluded harmonious cooperation in Central Europe. On May 8, 1919, Rdbert Lam.sing, Secretary of State of tJhe United States, had this to say a!bout this new organiizati'on : "Examine the Treaty and you •wiU find peoples delivered agaill.8t their wills into t,he hands of those whom they hate... Resentment and bitterness, if not desperation, are 'bound to be the oonsequen<:es oof such provisions . It may be years ·b efore these oppressed pooples are able to tih<row otif their yoke, 1but as wre as day follows night the time will eome when they will make the effort" (14). On the other hiand, the dissolution of the economic crises, especial'ly in the accession states. T,he period between 1918 and 1938 wa,,s one of constant seeking of a ·r eorgaruzaition of Central Europe into a harmonious econo.m.ic and political whole. The Little Ein.tente, estalblished in 1920, Hiantos',s plan in 1925, Tardieu's plan in 1932, the Danulbe ·Paict in 1935 and Hodza's fiTst plan in 1936, to note at least t'he better we11 known plans, all of these in sUJbstan>ce had but o~e purpose: to create in an acceptable form such an organization in Central Europe whi1ch would hasve the adivanrtaiges of former Austria-Hungary, 'but would lack al[ its politica;l and social .shortcomings. Preserving the nationaJl states and democratm regimes, the economic arising from the partition of the Danube area were to •b e .removed by a system of alHances. Thus would lb e removed the tense atmosphere whi'c h reigned in this region and provoked neighboring powers to acts of aggression. 1 14) THE PEACE NEGOTIATIONS, London, 1921; p. 245. SLOVAKIA t Naturally, aU these plans and endeavors, including the Little Entente, resulted primarily !because of economiic condiitions; and their aim was not indi,c,ated as an effort to create a Centra:1-Euiropean Federation. This ,t hought, however, was deeply rooted in the minds of political leaders, even Dr. Edwaro Benes himself. A'1ways fearing the loss Otf the political and economic role which Ozecho-Slova:kia was playing, Dr. Edward Benes fought against every plan to unite Cenitra:l IDurape, 'but in 1936 he admiltted that "the plan of a Danube Federation is t!he widely propagated and best known conception proposed as a solution Otf the Austxian and Centro-European pro'blem." The reasons why this solution was not realized -w ere, according to Benes, "much more of a sentimental, psychologicrul and mora:1 nature than of a political and economic nature" (15) . 1 At , the end of the first World War, Dr. Stephen Osusky, foreimost representative of the Slovaks at that time on the side of the Entente, wrote a lb,o ok in F,renc'h, 1n whielh we find these words: "The defenders Otf AttstriaHunga:ry, in foreign lands as well as in the interior Otf the dual Monarchy, are aJCting very Hlog,rcaMy. They are very much for the 1ilberation of Poland, !b ut do not want to allow the ltberation of the remaining nations. Let us liberate all nations who wrunt to 'b e free, allowing them to create their own independent states, and we shall fulfill one of the tasks confronting us. Fav,o ring then the approchement of great Poland, whielh shall have access to the Ba:ltic Sea in Danzig, Rumania and the land$ of Czecho-Slova!kia, on the one hand, and Ukrainia, to which we must give serious thoug,ht, on the other hand, a ,powerful federation of free states will be created in the nor,th (of Central Europe)" (16). In the southern part of this area, Osus.ky proposed to support efforts to create a federation of .Southern Slavs, (15) LE PROBLEME DE L'EUROPE CENTIRALE: p.' 47, Sources et documents tchecoslovaques, No. 24. 16) Stephen Osuslky, ClJOPIN, MAGY:ARff ET ~4-NGERM.NNISTIDS, Paris, 1918. SLOVAKIA 10 after the realiizaition of which, "we shall on'1y have to connect these two federaitioins with a bridge which once existed but collapsed under the blow of historic events. T,hiu:s would come to an end the Orang nach Osten, to German a:ggression to the ffiast, and Europe and the world could work in peaJCe" (17). The plan, however, was Oipposed by T. G. Masaryk and Edward Benes. Another Sllovaik, Dr. Milan Hod'za, came forth with a d:irfferent plan, the so-called "Danube Plan." Fkst as Minister of Agriculture , later as Premier of the Ozecho-iSlo<vak Governmen t, Dr. Hodza endeavored to develop cooperation between the Central Eruropean nations and the consolidation of the oconomic situation in this pa1t of Europe- The climax of these endeavors was his "Danu!be Plan," which aimed to create, ·aJccording to Hodza's own words, "one single, great economic urut in Central Europe." This was to be attained by removing tariff ba.roiers and establishing a customs union, regu1'atmg agriculture and industrial production, reorganizin g the system of payments and transportation, etc. (18). The first steps in this dirootion were already made in 1937 by treaJties conduded between the indwidu.ail Danulbfan States and Bulgaria. Hodm's initiatiive found understand ing both in France and ffingla.nd, but Gemnany and Italy opposed it, thinking the plan was aimed against their influence in Central Europe, nay that it was an "effort to surround Germany," a:s the Germian press e,cpressed it. The plan failed not only 'beca;use orf this opposition, but also because of the crisis which began to aippear within the framework of the Little Entente and the developmen t of an inter-natioD.ial situation which tended in the opposite direction. The politico-mil itary actions of nationaHy socialist Germany and Mussolini's ltaly began to have far-reachim.g i:nd:iluenice on the whole of EUTope, but the most marked consequenc es began to appeax in Central and Souithea:stern Europe. Yugoslavia was 17) A. Ohervin, L'AUTRIOHE ET LA HONGRIE DE DE- MAIN, Paris, 1915. 18) Dr. Milan Hodza, i;,JDDERATI-ON IN CENTRAL EUROPE, pgs. 131-133. SLOVAKIA 11 the first to suffer the consequences froim the cha.rnged situation and, with Stojadinovic leading it, began to look toward Berlin. Mter a;n internal crisis and a change of governments, Rum-ani•a a'lso ibeca:m.e equaJil.y uncertain. The Little filntente, w'hioh •w as considered the pillar and guarantor of the OTder, created by pea:ce aigreements, went headlong into ruin. lit crashed even •b efore the Germans began their march into the DanuJbe basin and oould not prevent the colla;pse of the order built up in 1918, nor the political and economical hegemony of Hitler's Germany. UndoulbtecNy, the rea;sons for the collapse of the European system and, therefore, also of the Cenltral-European organization, were many- But it ca11!Ilot be denied that Hitler's plans and ructions in the Danube basin were suJbstantially facilitated by the political and economic conditions which governed there after 1918. Oonsequeinitly, the discontented nations, as predicted :ey Lansing, iif they did not work to overthrow that system, as did Hungary and Austria, then they certainly were not willing in the least to defend it, as was the case with c~echo-Slovatkiia a111d Yugoslavia. The dissolution of Czecho~Slova1kia was in fact caused by the German minoriity, as even Dr. Benes stated, because : In Munioh Czecho..:Slovakia was fatally wounded from the outside. " Munich, however, meant much more tha:n thaJt. "It opened the way along the Danulbe all the way to the Blacik Sea to German expamsion," as Winston Churchill said in the British Parliament O'l1 Oct. 5, 1938. Munich meant the end of the European system ,b uilt up by the •peace treaties of 19181920 and installed in Central Europe a Germ.an- Italian Russian co-dominiOIIl whioh, even though it did not last long, did bring new elements into the organization of the CentralEuropean area. Germany was in its politics consistent and adroit, and thus "milita;ry might, dwplomacy, propaganda and the feeling of helplessness before the preponderance of their neighbors, as well as the economic interests, were the causes of the voluntary or forced subordination of the Danulbian 12 SL0VAKlA nations, their new political orientation and cooperation with the Axis," says Graham Hutton (19). "•I n Belgrade, Bucharest and naturally in Sophia, kings and princes did not trust international obligations of collective security. They fuought tha,t every state must endeavor by its own means to serve the peace of all, buit t hat its first task ls to preserve its own peace" (20). And what 'hruppened in Prague was nothing else but what Dr. Benes had already told Minister Sfona in 1936: "If they (the French) aJbandon us without helping us in ·the face of German threats, we shall suI1prise the world by the limitless possilbilities of servility toward Berlin" (21) . This dissolution of the Versailles organization by German policies, whiich endeavored to make of this region a German "lebensraum," forced the representatives of the Central-European nations to return to the efforts to create a Cenitral-European federation, or confederation. A federalistic solution of Central-European problems seemed to be the only strong solution especial1.y when Gerniainy and Russia, with the pact of August 23, 1939, temporarily shared government over Central and Southeastern Europe, annexing territories, nay, even whole states and esta/t,lishing a dictatorship over them. In that situation even the most bigoted enemies of federalistic endeavors of Centr.a:l-Europe in the period between the two wars, politicians who ",p referred to see Hitler in Vienna than the Habsburgs," returned to the idea of creating a great federative unit in Central Europe after the end of the war. The Soviet-German Pact convinced even the nations, which in an effort to hold their own advantageous position in Central Europe wished its partition, that their own security, nay even their own existence in fact, could be guaranteed oltly by an intimate union of all the Central European nations. 19) Graihaim Hutton, LES NOUVEAUX DES'DINS DU DANiUBE, Paris, 1939. . 20) Gregoke Gafencu, DERNIERS J0URS DE L'EU'R0PE, p. 105. 21) Comte Sforza, ILLUS IONS ET REALITES DE L'EUR0PE, Neuch-atel 1944; p. 196. SLOVAKIA 13 Russia, wrote Gregoire, "revea~ed her face, which had nothlng encouragin g either fur her neig1hlbors or for a peaceful order of the world. The Moscow aigreement unmasked the Soviet Union, in whrch the cult of might and the practice of dou!ble..dealing so strikingly reminded one of the times of Catherine the Great ,a nd the ooarrs of the past centuries. 'It seemed that she obeys the ancient and mighty impulses, siimilrur to those, which drove the Gennan masses in the opposite direction, to the East. But the Russian aggression was at the same time more corufusilng and mysterious. Opposing every .Umitation not because the area which this aggression included was too narrow, lbut conversely beca,use the concepti:on of borders is alien to the nature of Russia" (22). It was, therefore, only natural, that in such a situation the plans of l.lIWying Central Europe on a federalistic basis were again revived and that together . with t!he representativ es of other Central-EUTdpeain nations the Slovvaks - those who fought on the side of the Mlies, as well as the political representat ives who remained at home will:ih the people and sought to lead it into •postwar Europe with as little loss as possible - endeavored to realize a federated Central Europe. On the side of the AUies, it was especiaAly the Slovak political group led by Dr. M. Hodfa and Peter Pridavo~, which led an open strwg,gle for these conceptions . In his book "Federatio n in Central Europe" H~a writes that already in Jainuary 1940 Slovalk political emigrants had come to an understand ing that they wowld endeavor to create a Central-Eu ropean federation. The fotliildation of this federation was to be the union between Poland, the Czech. lands and Slovakia. On January 23, 1942, there wais such an agreement cone'luded between the Polish and Czecho-Slovak g(?vemmen ts with the __ jntention that it wouJd be. the nudeu:s of a great Central-Eu ropean £-Oll22) Gregoire Gafeneu, PRELIMINA,:fRES DE LA -, GUERRE A L'EST, Fri-bourg, 1944. 1-4 SLOVAKIA federation. Matters common to all were to be foreign, military, economic, social and furancial affairs, as weH as transportation, communications and the postaJl. service (23). Milan Hod'za's book, published in 1942, contained all the more serious reasO!I1s for a federated Central IDuroipe. "WaT event'S in Central Europe," wrote Hodza, "dhviously fully vindi<:ate the idea <Yf a solidly org,anized futuTe cooperatron <Yf ahl those eight States whicih aTe placed in complete geogrruphic coherenice between Russia, Germany amd Irtaily. A federali.lzed Centrall Europe is one of the absolute necessi-ties of a new postwaT order." In the preface <Yf his >book, Hodza te1ls us that the Oentral-EuTopean federation should be composed of four Sl'O'Vainic and four non"Slovanic nations, which should £ind a new, great and sohd foundation for their own national lilfe, keeping in balance all possi!ble ra;cial and imperialistic aspirations in the broad territory, the consolidated system of whioh is to be the strongest contribution to the new arraingement of Europe. The federation proposed 1b y Hodza was supposed to rest on a customs union. Fina<n:ces, trade policies, foreign ·p olicy, defense, communioations were to be managed jointly. The p1'am also called for a Ministry of Federal Law 8Jlld a Ministry <Yf Trade Unions and Professional Associations. Altogether there were to be eight commQ!Il. ministries, forming the federal government, which would be headed by a chancellor appoiinted by the president af the federation. In the central goverrunent all the nations were to ·b e represented by ministers without 1portfolio. Ministers with pol'tfOllfo were to perform their functiooo in cooperation with the state secretaries representing all.I the federated nations. The president was to be elected first by the presidents of the national governments, then 1b y the congress of the federation for a period of one yeaT. The memlbers af congress were to be elected by a two-thirds majority of the national parliaments in the proportion of 23) F.r om the French text of the Treaty in the Stoc![,holm review L'AVENIR, Vol. 1, No. 2. SLOVAKIA one memlber for a million inhaib1tants. The ministers oif the federation, under the plan, could not be deputies of oongress. The solution ,p roposed iby Hod.fa would ha,v e a twofold advantage, wrote the "Voix des Peuples," the Swiss politicail review (Oct- 1944): "it would minimize the natio-nal antagonisms and would recreate the harmonius economic area, which !benefited Centrrul Europe before 1914. The sOilution, therefore, seems to be the wisest, because it is most advantageous for all the nations concerned." A positive stand to Hodfa's prnposal, on the assumption that SlO'Vlrukii:a iin the Europe confederation would figure as an ind~vidual member state, was truken by the main political o!I1gan in Slorva!kia, the "Slovfuk" (24), and in the Vatican diplomatic circles the interpreter of federalistic sqova,,k efforts was Ambassador Karol Sidor. At the beginniing af 1944, Dr. Ferdinand :Du11cansiky, university professoir and the first Fm·eign Minister of the Slovak Repulblic, published a technical study albout the problem of Centrail Euro;pe. The study ap:peaTed in the "Revue de droiit international, de sciences diplomatiques et politiques" (~fil annee, No. 1), putb lished in Gene,va. The status Which prevailed m Central Euro;pe up to 1938, led :Duvcansky to the log,i10al conclusion that a new Central Euro1p e must be orgaJnized on other fQ!Ulld:ations than those ()If 1'918 or those ruifteir that time; it must be organi:zed on the basis ()If coope:riation of the (Je,ntra!l-European niations and their equality. "We can imagine theoretically a cooperiati'On of the nations of Central Europe," wrote :DUTCam;ky, "either in a form of completely independent states, or in a form ()If close, mutual relation in a t.mrion of states. This cooperatiion would be directed by interna.tiona1 a:greement, or by a manner of federation in which every state would have •a special position defined by law." Campiete independence is, according .to :Dur1can:Sky, UJildou!btedly t!he most ad\.'amtageous. With regaro to the 1 24) Dr. Joseph Kirs:chlbaum, HODZ0V PLAN S'l'RED0-EUROPSKEJ F'EDERAOIE, article in tth e SLOVAK, Aug. 20, 1944. }6 SLOVAKIA ciromnsta:nce that the majority of the Central-European nations, as far as their number and the exitent of their territories, are small nations, this coU!ld mean, said Durcansky, certain dangers. Furthermore, tendencies to limit the sovereignty of small[ nations, endeavors to create laxge eoonomiJC units, the result of technical development and experience from previous wars that sma:ller nations could not defend their independence rb y being neutral - all these led to tlle creation of larger units. :Dutcansky continues: "From these motives there is talk aJbout more active cooperation which ought to guar-amtee lasting peace aind a greater prosperity- This cooperation cannot overstep the framework of a confederation the cooperation 'between independent states diirected by norms of international law. This solution gives guarantees of independence and freedom to the nations of CentralEurope, enaJbles a s01lurti:on of incidental disputes which could arise between the individual states of the confederation and, on the other hand, could defend Central IDurope against external attacks." WthaJt are the arguments 3/gain.st the federation of Central Europe? :Duircainsky points ~mt that ail such arguments rest on the psychologica:l situation in Central-Euroipe, the prejudices emanating from the past and the tendencies of certain nations to renew their former status. The development of war events, however, did not respect the federalistic tendencies of Central-European nations as much as it did during the first World War. Desp~¼ the P-01ish-OzechJSlovak Agreement, despite the positive stand of influential Anglo~Saxon circles and despite tlle general conviction (25) that the Central-European prgaLD!ization created in 191'8 was aib,solutely unsatisfact,:ory _, :t9-r,, ~h~ majority of Centra,l-European nations, as it also ·was for the rest of Europe, nevertheless at the end of 25) What the indivrldual Centra)-Europel).n na.tions thought Stojan Pribil!evil!, about federating Central Europe is told by: WORLD WITHOUT END, New York, 1939; Edmoll'd Demaltre in the review 1/A:VENIR; Gr. Gl\,fencu, PRElJIMlNAIRES DE LA GUERRE A L'EST; ~ - A. Mccartney; PROBLEMS OF THE DANUBE BASIN. SLOVAKIA 17 the war the very same states were renewed in their old forms, excepting maimed Poland and a smaller OzechoSlova:kia. The Altlantic Charter, the Charter of the United Nations, the natural rilght of every nation to its own state and the solemn prooLa.matioos of the waT years were qu'i.okly forgotten or e:,opediently a:bandoned. Furt:!hernnore, the dei1icate prolb'lem of the minorities began to lbe solved in a manner which was supported by the momenitary situation, in its co1I1Sequences, however, it ibroUJght new da:ngers for the Central-Ell.lropean area and ther~y for the whole of Europe. We are all witnesses of this today. The policy of the Soviet Union towaTd the n81tions of Central Euroipe and, therefore, feder81tiorral efforts did not die out even after World War II. m. THE PRESENT STRUGGLE OF THE SLOVAKS FOR A COMMONWEALTH OF CENTRAL-EUROPEAN NATIONS In 1945 Slova;kiia was occwpied by ,b oth the Russians and the Czechs, and the Communist-dOlminated regime installed there with the help of Moscow and Pr.ague reached to the very roots O!f the existence O!f the Slavalk nation. This irirefotaible fact has led the S1ov,a;k!s to fight uncompromisingly· from the very end of World War II :foT the liberation of Central Europe from alien hegemony rund for its federaJlirza:tion. The representatives O!f the Slovak nation are firmly convinced tha:t Central Europerun nations, if they do not waint to live under the hegemony of the one or the other otf their strong neig1hlbor,s, must unite in a larger · economic am.d stra:tegic unit. There i's no other solution. The entire politica1 and social development of Central EJurope from 1848 coofi:rnns this conclusfon. International policy, as well as the .p olfoy of individUJa1 1powers, is gu~ded by definilte coootants and lastinrg interests wihlch have Olll,tlived and shall out1we all changes o,f regimes. 'Dha:t is why today, just as in the past century, the CentraJl-IDuropeain nations must rookoo with the revival O!f German expansioo, 18 SLOVAKIA: which can change only its forms but not its aims, just as, on the other ham.d, Russi an JmperiaHsm haiS not changed and no regime will ever change it. The object of the expansionist endeavorrs of Russia and Gemniany is Central Europe, because of its geographical position and ethnic composition. These two powers have attaJdked each other for centuries for the control of the Centra~-Eumpeam nations. With the passage of centuries only the forms and pretenses of their imperiaJlism have changed. Pam.-Gerimanism and Pam-1Sllavism a1way:s followed and will follow the very sa:me pur,pose, and the only defense ,a grumst them is the unification of the Central-EJuropean nations on the basis of equality. ThaJt is the lesson of history. On the other hand, the experience of the ipast thirty years have proved that the system, which prevailed in Central and Eastern Europe s-ince 1918 and was again reestablished in 1945 by committing the very same mistakes, cotcld not giuai-antee Europe pea:ce and stalbNity, a:nd to the nations 'between Russia and Germany it could guarantee neither economic prosperity, nor security and freedom . ThUIS it hruppened that with the first blow of German imperiail~sm in 1938, as welil as a result of expansion of the Soviet Uni-on, the system succumbed, and with its downfall Ewrope and the wodd hruve boon thmst into dangerous crises, of whi:ch the first ended in war and the seoond threatoos with war. At the end of both waris, the nations of Central Europe were forced under regimes of terror, which were alien and hostile to the most fundamental cultur~d, po1i,tiical, economi:c and sociaiJ. traditions of all the CentraJl~Eurropeain natiions, who a.Te deeply devoted to the prindples of democr8Jcy and Christianity, the two concepts which are in prJndp1e at odds with both Nazism and materialistri1c OomJmunism. • 1 'I"housamds of Slov,ruk emigrants in Europe and elsewhere, am.d over a million Americruns of Slovak descent, have, therrefore, ,p roclaimed themselves since 194'5 for such a demooratic concepUon of a new Europe which would remove the o1d shortcomings of Europe, and especially of SLOVAKIA 19 Central Europe, and would rest on the principle of equality of au nations alild be united in a federative uni'on. The organiization of Central and Eastern Europe, as it has proved thusfar, could not fulfill its mission orf strength against imperialism which has threatened the pea:.ce of Europe for Centuries, but conversely, it even facilitated the victory orf these imperirulismsThe weakest part of this organization was CzechoSlovakia, a heterogenous amd polyglotic state, which gave an OipipOrlU'lle excuse to ,the · Third Reich for its expansion and, on the other hand, made cooperation impossible with other Central Euiropean nations, because the millions of inhrubitants of the minorities which were included a:gainst their will into the Czecho-Slovak Republic. Instead of strength against the "Drang nach Osten," the Czecho-Slovak Repwblic became in 191'8 the gateway for the German march into the Dam.Iibe Basin, a,nd in 1945 the bridge 01Ver which the Russian-Bolshevist expainsion penetrated into the very heart of Europe without any resistence. A new orga:nization of Central Europe is therefore, according to the v,i ews orf the representatives of the Slovak emigiration, rubsoiutely ne<:essary not only in the interest of CentraiJ.-Euroipean nations, but also, and in the very first ¢ace, in the interest oif the security orf Euroipe and the peace of the world. We rememib er that both world conflrugrations broke out in this a:rea. Until the extensive region between Germany and Russia is organized on a new basis, gua1ramteeing justice, equality and freedom to every nation, Europe cannot have secured its security and prosperity. Aggression of imperialism , tending to dominaite Central Euro-pe, and then the whole of Euro,pe, could again be facilitated, nay aggressors could even find opportune pretenses and allies, if any one of the Central-European nations were wronged and forced under the rule od' another. The poHticai and economic development from the end of World War I has made the nations of Central Europe conscious enough orf the fact that a more pernnanent SLOVAKIA !O and solid organization of this region demands that the r1ght to freedom and independence of every nation living there 'be recognired and respected. Being aiware of all this, the Slovak Lerugue of America, in the name of Americans of Slovak descent, as well as in the name of the Slovialk natioo, decl~re.d at its Congress in Oleve1and, Ohio, on Octdber 21, 1947, that "ibasicaliy it welcomes the idea of a federative union of the European nations." It was especially in agreement wiilth the thought of a fedei,aitive uni:on of the centra.1-IDuropean states, in which the nations of that part of Europe would find the prerequj.1s ities for peaceful coha/bitation, fruitful cooperation and effeicti.Jve defense of their individual and ool.lective interests. Of cou.rise, American Slovaks were for such an arrangement of Central Europe on the supposition that "the internal life of the indi,viduial member states amd their mu~ua.1 relationshi p ibe bui!l.t on the Christian principles of true democracy, mutual respect and solidarity," and if among the member states of this federation will be included "also Slovakia as an indrivid'l.Jlal , state, as an equiivalent state, as an equi,v alent and equal member." Slovak em~grants in Europe and elsewhere stand back of the same conceptions. They have so e~pressed themselves in numerous memoranda addressed to the Pe~e Conference, the United Nations, ind:ividua1l governments and to the represenitaltives of the various emigrant groups of the nations from behind the Iron Curtain. The Slovak nation never was am aggressor or imperi·a!list nation; it seeks nothing that does not rilghtfolly belong to it, and nothmg more than every naJtion, however large or small, has an inherent rig'hrt to .seek. The 'S lovaks are a deeply religious and democ-rati'c people, ruble and willing to cooperate with ·au nations of Europe who are determined to wipe out the pl,a gue oif Oommunism and fight for the freedom and independence of allil nati·ons. 1 It is, therefore, onl,y na,1:,ural that the representatiives of all the nations behintl the Iiron Curtain in emigration, among them aJlso Slo,va!k effii.gram.ts, are for the .remo,val SLOVAKIA 21 of the organizations and regimes of terror which call themsclves "1p eople's democracies." Just as the hitherto unhealthy arralillgement clid not satisfy the needs of the Central-European nations - .one in which practreally hailf the nations of Central Europe did not attain the valid!aition of the right of selrf-detevmination - just so· the system of totali1:arian ":people's democracies" does not satisfy and ,is not in aocord with the traditions of these nations. The ,p olitical and social chaniges, effected iby the 30year economic and socia!l development in t'his region of Europe, whether in regard to the spreaJd oif cidization among the broad masses, or in the social structure, chang~ ed the features <if Cenitral Europe to such an extent that in the future onily true demooracy, extended to the e{!onomic field as ,well, can b.e the system which woU!ld satisfy the · mentality, the spiritual foundiaition and the social needs of t'he natio!IllS of Central Europe. Ainy other system than the democratic, especially the totalitarian system of the " 1people's democracies," is opposed to the most basic mOTal and poiitioail traditi'ons of these countries and, therefore, could be instaJ11ed only ,b y force and maintained only br terror. The freedom of Europe, however, cannot be · Se{!Ured as long as one half of it is under a government of tert01r. On the other hand, the ipeaice of ' Etl!iope and , tbe world cannot be secured as long as Centra1 ·: Europe _i,'s not free and tmi.ted :in sUJCh a manner that '-'it ' could cfufend its own freedom and security .and thereby , also the seciirity of Eumpe Thi,s ios ipossible only if a United Staites of Central Euro,p e be:c~mes a reality in one foT-m or another, Hugh Seton-W:atson, in the int,vodUJCtion of his book "Eiastem Europe Between the Wars," stressed this point when he wrote: "IndividuaLEastern countries ·o.fifer ·interesting fields of study to the speda,list, but are · of smaJ.l importance in world politics. But the Eastern · European proiblem, the problem of the hundred millions,· is· one :of •the ma,jor problems of oor age. Each of the peoiples of ffiaJstern Europe must enjoy liiberty aind self-government if unrest is to be aivoided."  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovakia and Central European Federation Plans Description An account of the resource Dr. Joseph Kirschbaum Slovakia, Vol. 3, No. 1 (6), April 1953 pp. 1-21 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kirschbaum, Jozef M., 1913-2001 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource April 1953 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/1951bd42fdbbf67544fc5306088ea250.pdf 6b22492b534f792f66247946149db4bb PDF Text Text u SLOVAKIA THE SLOVAKS AND PRESIDENT EISENHOWER Matthew Cernak What do the Slovaik s expect of President Eisenhower ? From the Government orf President Eisenhower we expect a new American politcy: basica:lly, a change of policy toward Bolshevism and, secondly, a change of policy as far as the Slova;k nation is concerned. During the past three decades the Unlted States of North America has shown very little understanding for the nwtural and self-evident right of the Slovaks to independentce. The Sllova:k nation cannot logicaHy understand why this should be so. This la:ck of understanding for the fundamental right of the Slo;va'k nation is all the more striking, ibecause the USA has always aippeared everywhere; from its very ibeginnmg, in the spirit of the beautiful tra;diibions of Wa;shinigton and Jefferson as the ipioneer of national rights and freedom. The Declaration of Lndependance, Wilson's "Fourteen Points," and the principles of the Atlantic Charter - all these in principle express the equal right of the Slovaks to freedom and independence, the ri•g ht to statehood amd the right to a government of their choke. And America,ns oif Slovak descent proba:bly have been more amazed and confused by the situation than there brethren in Slovakia, ,beca;use they had brought these "self-evident" ,t ruths to the attention of their Government many times in the past. This striking conf:liot between the princip1es of American pol11ey on the one hand, amd the practical appli~ation of them in the Slovak instance, on the other, undoubtedly is not the result of hostile intentions toward the Slovruk nation, hut rather the resu1t of incorrect information. It is certamly :p1aiimy evident ,t hat leading Amerioan statesmen olb tained their knowledge about the Slovruks and the Slovak problem mainly from the silty sources of Dr. Edward Benes and his odllalborators. Knowingly they misinformed the entire western world a}bout Slovakia and the Sloviaks to rpromote their fa;ntastic, undemocratic schemes in the intereE.t of Czech imperialism. �SLOVAKIA 23 Today the western world /better knows Benes and his colla'borators for what they really were than it did in the past deoa.des. The greaJt trust enjoyed by Benes in the West and his unreal conception had bad effects not only for the Sloivak nation, ibut even for his own Czech nation ailld for the who1le western world. It was the misfortune of aU of us that the West woike up too late to rea'1ize the fact that Benes was most instrumental in clearililg the wary for Bo1she!Vism into Central Europe. Benes is, therefore respoTI!Silble in a large measure for the terrilble siituation of the world today, which is costing all of us, and even the America.in people, plenty in material goods and blood. Benes, it seems, learned nothing from history; he knew what happened to the Russi:an nation under Communism and he witnessed what had !happened in Poland; but he still insisted on te'.l:ling the western world that this could not and would not hruppen ,t o Czecho~S!lovakia. He promoted StaHn and Moscow in Britain and the United States; they were gullible, a.ind the whole world is paying dearly for it today. Unfortunatelry, even some leading personalities of the Democratic Party of the lJIS!A became the victims of the Sovietophile, simultaneaously the a,nti-Sfovak, prop~anda of the Benesites. In poiwer, they even invited some orf them to the USA to work in va:r.i,ou:s agencies of government, even though the Truman AdministraJtion must have known that most olf them were members of the Commimljgt-tlominated National Fro:nt Government from 1'945 to 1948 and, thernfore, responsilble in a measure for the insta:Uation of the tyranny of Communism in Ozecho..:Slorvakia. Since Mr. Eisenhower has taken office, indli'catioills are that he and his party will not trust any advi1ce or information which mlight lbe offered .b y the Benesites in the so-called ''Council of Free Ozechoslovakia." They were not reliaJble in matters concerning the USSR and are no more reliaJble in oither ·matters, including even the Slovak question. They certainly do- not represent the ,w,i.Jl o,f the Slovak nation, and it ·is sedous1y doUJbted that they speak even for the Czechs ,a:t home or in exile. Positiive e~res- �SLOVAKIA sions of various memlbera of Congress of the USA aJbout the inherent rights of the Slovaks confirm our position in this rega:rd. ·' It is known that the RepUJblican Party of the USA has hitherto regarded the .American pol.icy towaTd Moscow as not suffilCiently self~conscious and out of line with .Ame11:i'can interests. lit haJS regarded rand stm rega:rds Acheson's thesis o!f contaiinmenrt ,a s not sufficient and insists on a firnner polioy of sUJppressinig Bolshevism. This is something thait the people lbehind the Iron Curtain waited a looig time to hear. And ,t he sooner the words are translated into action, the !better. General IDisenhower exipressed this clearly at the American Legion Convention in New York on Aug.ust 25, 195Q, when he said : "We must telil the Kremlin that never shall we desist i,n ouir aid to every man a'IId woman of those shackled lands who seeks refuge with us, any man who keeps burning among his own people the flame of freedom or who js ded!1ciarted to the Hbeiration of his fellows." From this staltement, a:nd others 'b y Eisenhower and other Repulblicam statements, it is evident that a systematic, energetic and firm poli:oy to surppress Bolesheviism is being planned. I beliEWe, itlherefore, that our hope is justified that American polilcy will endeavor, with the dose cooperation of aU an,ti"Bolshevik forces, to helip all the haipless nations behind the · Iron Curtain to freedom, including the Slovak nation. The Slovaks, however, welcome not only this general change in the course of American policy, but have motives to welcome even the ipoliiey' of the new Repulblicam government toward the Slovak na,,tron. A number of Repulblican members of Congress have openly stated that they aTe for the realization of the desires of SlOV!ak nation for its own staJte. Senator Robert Taift of Ohio did not hesitaite to express his views in this regard, neither did the new President of the USA, Dwiig'ht D. Eisenhower. We hope, theretfore, thait the new .Americam President, together with his oo-workers and the whole American nation will. bring aJbout a necessary a:nd invitaJble, erpochai and �26 SLOVA.KIA ipolirtioail corrootion cxf the western Christian world in regard to .t he tyranny cxf Bol,s hevism, but also a corresponding change in policy towaTd the SllQ!Vak nation. By doing so, he will render service to the truth and the ndble principles of Woodrow Wilson and the Atlantic Charter, as well a:s all idears of freedom whi~h have from the time of Geo:r,ge W a'Shington 'been the pride of the American people. In this sense we w.i-sh President Dwight D. Eisenhower a mu!ltitude of God's blessing on all his ructions . • • • WHO SAID IT7 "It can be said w ,ithout hesitation that the Czecho-Slovak Government-in-Exile has accepted the leadership of Moscow freely and voluntarily. The Czecho.,Slovak Government-in-Exile became the full ally of Moscow ·by the pact signed in Moscow last year. and when Dr. Be- nes went baclk to the part of Czecho•Slovakia li•b erated by the Russians, he went by way of •Moscow. The new provisional government he set up in Ko.sice was th1:i result of consultatioru; in Moscow conducted, it seems, very much under the pressure of the CZECH Communist ,g,roup there. For although it was ignored by the American Press, 1:iven Czecho-Slovakfa had her mvn Moscow group, a distinctly Commun'istic councB, headed by the CZECH Communist leader, Klement Gottwald, ,a nd the intellectual leader of CZECH Commundsts, Profossor Zdenek Nej,edly. Th€ difference betwe1:in the CZECH commilttee in Moscow and the Polish grouip there was that the CZECH Government-inExile was in complete agreement with the CZECH Com. munist group in Moscow with respect to the Russian orientation." E. M. Voyta, AMERICA, June 9, 1945. • • • The author of the above quote is a CZECH, formerly of Prague, now residing in the Unit1:id States, who saw and reported events objectiv1:ily. Voyta calls a CZECH a CZECH, and not a "CZECHOSLOVAK," as the propaganda of Dr. Benes did when it suited its purpose to confu:se the western world. The Slovak nation had nothing to do with the 1Moscow deal but, n1:iv1:irtheless, had to surfor the consequen,ces of it. The "Czecho,Slo,v ak Government-in-Exile" mentioned by Voyta was selected by Dr. Edward Benes ; it repres1:inted not the wiil of the Czech and Slovak nations, ,b ut only the wlll of Dr. Benes. Slovaks, es·pecially those of America, condemned Ben1:is and his proSoviet policy long before 1945, but their's was but voice in the wilderness. Today we know they wer1:i right in th1:ilr claim that Benes •s old out to Mo.scow. a • • • we "Don't believe the stupid Nazi perol"aitlons saying tha.t are in the service ot England OR THAT THE SOVIET UNION WISHES TO INCLUDE US WITHIN ITS BOUNDARIES. We are a free and independent state. We are the friends of ALL DEMOCRATIC, treedomlovlng nations, o! the SOVIETS, as well as or Brita.in and America." - (Dr. Bene§, Broadcast to Czechoslovakia, London, June 24, 1943) � u SLOVAKIA THE SLOVAKS AND PRESIDENT EISENHOWER Matthew Cernak What do the Slovaik s expect of President Eisenhower ? From the Government orf President Eisenhower we expect a new American politcy: basica:lly, a change of policy toward Bolshevism and, secondly, a change of policy as far as the Slova;k nation is concerned. During the past three decades the Unlted States of North America has shown very little understanding for the nwtural and self-evident right of the Slovaks to independentce. The Sllova:k nation cannot logicaHy understand why this should be so. This la:ck of understanding for the fundamental right of the Slo;va'k nation is all the more striking, ibecause the USA has always aippeared everywhere; from its very ibeginnmg, in the spirit of the beautiful tra;diibions of Wa;shinigton and Jefferson as the ipioneer of national rights and freedom. The Declaration of Lndependance, Wilson's "Fourteen Points," and the principles of the Atlantic Charter - all these in principle express the equal right of the Slovaks to freedom and independence, the ri•g ht to statehood amd the right to a government of their choke. And America,ns oif Slovak descent proba:bly have been more amazed and confused by the situation than there brethren in Slovakia, ,beca;use they had brought these "self-evident" ,t ruths to the attention of their Government many times in the past. This striking conf:liot between the princip1es of American pol11ey on the one hand, amd the practical appli~ation of them in the Slovak instance, on the other, undoubtedly is not the result of hostile intentions toward the Slovruk nation, hut rather the resu1t of incorrect information. It is certamly :p1aiimy evident ,t hat leading Amerioan statesmen olb tained their knowledge about the Slovruks and the Slovak problem mainly from the silty sources of Dr. Edward Benes and his odllalborators. Knowingly they misinformed the entire western world a}bout Slovakia and the Sloviaks to rpromote their fa;ntastic, undemocratic schemes in the intereE.t of Czech imperialism. �SLOVAKIA 23 Today the western world /better knows Benes and his colla'borators for what they really were than it did in the past deoa.des. The greaJt trust enjoyed by Benes in the West and his unreal conception had bad effects not only for the Sloivak nation, ibut even for his own Czech nation ailld for the who1le western world. It was the misfortune of aU of us that the West woike up too late to rea'1ize the fact that Benes was most instrumental in clearililg the wary for Bo1she!Vism into Central Europe. Benes is, therefore respoTI!Silble in a large measure for the terrilble siituation of the world today, which is costing all of us, and even the America.in people, plenty in material goods and blood. Benes, it seems, learned nothing from history; he knew what happened to the Russi:an nation under Communism and he witnessed what had !happened in Poland; but he still insisted on te'.l:ling the western world that this could not and would not hruppen ,t o Czecho~S!lovakia. He promoted StaHn and Moscow in Britain and the United States; they were gullible, a.ind the whole world is paying dearly for it today. Unfortunatelry, even some leading personalities of the Democratic Party of the lJIS!A became the victims of the Sovietophile, simultaneaously the a,nti-Sfovak, prop~anda of the Benesites. In poiwer, they even invited some orf them to the USA to work in va:r.i,ou:s agencies of government, even though the Truman AdministraJtion must have known that most olf them were members of the Commimljgt-tlominated National Fro:nt Government from 1'945 to 1948 and, thernfore, responsilble in a measure for the insta:Uation of the tyranny of Communism in Ozecho..:Slorvakia. Since Mr. Eisenhower has taken office, indli'catioills are that he and his party will not trust any advi1ce or information which mlight lbe offered .b y the Benesites in the so-called ''Council of Free Ozechoslovakia." They were not reliaJble in matters concerning the USSR and are no more reliaJble in oither ·matters, including even the Slovak question. They certainly do- not represent the ,w,i.Jl o,f the Slovak nation, and it ·is sedous1y doUJbted that they speak even for the Czechs ,a:t home or in exile. Positiive e~res- �SLOVAKIA sions of various memlbera of Congress of the USA aJbout the inherent rights of the Slovaks confirm our position in this rega:rd. ·' It is known that the RepUJblican Party of the USA has hitherto regarded the .American pol.icy towaTd Moscow as not suffilCiently self~conscious and out of line with .Ame11:i'can interests. lit haJS regarded rand stm rega:rds Acheson's thesis o!f contaiinmenrt ,a s not sufficient and insists on a firnner polioy of sUJppressinig Bolshevism. This is something thait the people lbehind the Iron Curtain waited a looig time to hear. And ,t he sooner the words are translated into action, the !better. General IDisenhower exipressed this clearly at the American Legion Convention in New York on Aug.ust 25, 195Q, when he said : "We must telil the Kremlin that never shall we desist i,n ouir aid to every man a'IId woman of those shackled lands who seeks refuge with us, any man who keeps burning among his own people the flame of freedom or who js ded!1ciarted to the Hbeiration of his fellows." From this staltement, a:nd others 'b y Eisenhower and other Repulblicam statements, it is evident that a systematic, energetic and firm poli:oy to surppress Bolesheviism is being planned. I beliEWe, itlherefore, that our hope is justified that American polilcy will endeavor, with the dose cooperation of aU an,ti"Bolshevik forces, to helip all the haipless nations behind the · Iron Curtain to freedom, including the Slovak nation. The Slovaks, however, welcome not only this general change in the course of American policy, but have motives to welcome even the ipoliiey' of the new Repulblicam government toward the Slovak na,,tron. A number of Repulblican members of Congress have openly stated that they aTe for the realization of the desires of SlOV!ak nation for its own staJte. Senator Robert Taift of Ohio did not hesitaite to express his views in this regard, neither did the new President of the USA, Dwiig'ht D. Eisenhower. We hope, theretfore, thait the new .Americam President, together with his oo-workers and the whole American nation will. bring aJbout a necessary a:nd invitaJble, erpochai and �26 SLOVA.KIA ipolirtioail corrootion cxf the western Christian world in regard to .t he tyranny cxf Bol,s hevism, but also a corresponding change in policy towaTd the SllQ!Vak nation. By doing so, he will render service to the truth and the ndble principles of Woodrow Wilson and the Atlantic Charter, as well a:s all idears of freedom whi~h have from the time of Geo:r,ge W a'Shington 'been the pride of the American people. In this sense we w.i-sh President Dwight D. Eisenhower a mu!ltitude of God's blessing on all his ructions . • • • WHO SAID IT7 "It can be said w ,ithout hesitation that the Czecho-Slovak Government-in-Exile has accepted the leadership of Moscow freely and voluntarily. The Czecho.,Slovak Government-in-Exile became the full ally of Moscow ·by the pact signed in Moscow last year. and when Dr. Be- nes went baclk to the part of Czecho•Slovakia li•b erated by the Russians, he went by way of •Moscow. The new provisional government he set up in Ko.sice was th1:i result of consultatioru; in Moscow conducted, it seems, very much under the pressure of the CZECH Communist ,g,roup there. For although it was ignored by the American Press, 1:iven Czecho-Slovakfa had her mvn Moscow group, a distinctly Commun'istic councB, headed by the CZECH Communist leader, Klement Gottwald, ,a nd the intellectual leader of CZECH Commundsts, Profossor Zdenek Nej,edly. Th€ difference betwe1:in the CZECH commilttee in Moscow and the Polish grouip there was that the CZECH Government-inExile was in complete agreement with the CZECH Com. munist group in Moscow with respect to the Russian orientation." E. M. Voyta, AMERICA, June 9, 1945. • • • The author of the above quote is a CZECH, formerly of Prague, now residing in the Unit1:id States, who saw and reported events objectiv1:ily. Voyta calls a CZECH a CZECH, and not a "CZECHOSLOVAK," as the propaganda of Dr. Benes did when it suited its purpose to confu:se the western world. The Slovak nation had nothing to do with the 1Moscow deal but, n1:iv1:irtheless, had to surfor the consequen,ces of it. The "Czecho,Slo,v ak Government-in-Exile" mentioned by Voyta was selected by Dr. Edward Benes ; it repres1:inted not the wiil of the Czech and Slovak nations, ,b ut only the wlll of Dr. Benes. Slovaks, es·pecially those of America, condemned Ben1:is and his proSoviet policy long before 1945, but their's was but voice in the wilderness. Today we know they wer1:i right in th1:ilr claim that Benes •s old out to Mo.scow. a • • • we "Don't believe the stupid Nazi perol"aitlons saying tha.t are in the service ot England OR THAT THE SOVIET UNION WISHES TO INCLUDE US WITHIN ITS BOUNDARIES. We are a free and independent state. We are the friends of ALL DEMOCRATIC, treedomlovlng nations, o! the SOVIETS, as well as or Brita.in and America." - (Dr. Bene§, Broadcast to Czechoslovakia, London, June 24, 1943) � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1953, Vol. 3 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.</li> <li>Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1953 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 22 SLOVAKIA THE SLOVAKS AND PRESIDENT EISENHOWER Matthew Cernak What do the Slovaik s expect of President Eisenhower ? From the Government orf President Eisenhower we expect a new American politcy: basica:lly, a change of policy toward Bolshevism and, secondly, a change of policy as far as the Slova;k nation is concerned. During the past three decades the Unlted States of North America has shown very little understanding for the nwtural and self-evident right of the Slovaks to independentce. The Sllova:k nation cannot logicaHy understand why this should be so. This la:ck of understanding for the fundamental right of the Slo;va'k nation is all the more striking, ibecause the USA has always aippeared everywhere; from its very ibeginnmg, in the spirit of the beautiful tra;diibions of Wa;shinigton and Jefferson as the ipioneer of national rights and freedom. The Declaration of Lndependance, Wilson's "Fourteen Points," and the principles of the Atlantic Charter - all these in principle express the equal right of the Slovaks to freedom and independence, the ri•g ht to statehood amd the right to a government of their choke. And America,ns oif Slovak descent proba:bly have been more amazed and confused by the situation than there brethren in Slovakia, ,beca;use they had brought these "self-evident" ,t ruths to the attention of their Government many times in the past. This striking conf:liot between the princip1es of American pol11ey on the one hand, amd the practical appli~ation of them in the Slovak instance, on the other, undoubtedly is not the result of hostile intentions toward the Slovruk nation, hut rather the resu1t of incorrect information. It is certamly :p1aiimy evident ,t hat leading Amerioan statesmen olb tained their knowledge about the Slovruks and the Slovak problem mainly from the silty sources of Dr. Edward Benes and his odllalborators. Knowingly they misinformed the entire western world a}bout Slovakia and the Sloviaks to rpromote their fa;ntastic, undemocratic schemes in the intereE.t of Czech imperialism. SLOVAKIA 23 Today the western world /better knows Benes and his colla'borators for what they really were than it did in the past deoa.des. The greaJt trust enjoyed by Benes in the West and his unreal conception had bad effects not only for the Sloivak nation, ibut even for his own Czech nation ailld for the who1le western world. It was the misfortune of aU of us that the West woike up too late to rea'1ize the fact that Benes was most instrumental in clearililg the wary for Bo1she!Vism into Central Europe. Benes is, therefore respoTI!Silble in a large measure for the terrilble siituation of the world today, which is costing all of us, and even the America.in people, plenty in material goods and blood. Benes, it seems, learned nothing from history; he knew what happened to the Russi:an nation under Communism and he witnessed what had !happened in Poland; but he still insisted on te'.l:ling the western world that this could not and would not hruppen ,t o Czecho~S!lovakia. He promoted StaHn and Moscow in Britain and the United States; they were gullible, a.ind the whole world is paying dearly for it today. Unfortunatelry, even some leading personalities of the Democratic Party of the lJIS!A became the victims of the Sovietophile, simultaneaously the a,nti-Sfovak, prop~anda of the Benesites. In poiwer, they even invited some orf them to the USA to work in va:r.i,ou:s agencies of government, even though the Truman AdministraJtion must have known that most olf them were members of the Commimljgt-tlominated National Fro:nt Government from 1'945 to 1948 and, thernfore, responsilble in a measure for the insta:Uation of the tyranny of Communism in Ozecho..:Slorvakia. Since Mr. Eisenhower has taken office, indli'catioills are that he and his party will not trust any advi1ce or information which mlight lbe offered .b y the Benesites in the so-called ''Council of Free Ozechoslovakia." They were not reliaJble in matters concerning the USSR and are no more reliaJble in oither ·matters, including even the Slovak question. They certainly do- not represent the ,w,i.Jl o,f the Slovak nation, and it ·is sedous1y doUJbted that they speak even for the Czechs ,a:t home or in exile. Positiive e~res- SLOVAKIA sions of various memlbera of Congress of the USA aJbout the inherent rights of the Slovaks confirm our position in this rega:rd. ·' It is known that the RepUJblican Party of the USA has hitherto regarded the .American pol.icy towaTd Moscow as not suffilCiently self~conscious and out of line with .Ame11:i'can interests. lit haJS regarded rand stm rega:rds Acheson's thesis o!f contaiinmenrt ,a s not sufficient and insists on a firnner polioy of sUJppressinig Bolshevism. This is something thait the people lbehind the Iron Curtain waited a looig time to hear. And ,t he sooner the words are translated into action, the !better. General IDisenhower exipressed this clearly at the American Legion Convention in New York on Aug.ust 25, 195Q, when he said : "We must telil the Kremlin that never shall we desist i,n ouir aid to every man a'IId woman of those shackled lands who seeks refuge with us, any man who keeps burning among his own people the flame of freedom or who js ded!1ciarted to the Hbeiration of his fellows." From this staltement, a:nd others 'b y Eisenhower and other Repulblicam statements, it is evident that a systematic, energetic and firm poli:oy to surppress Bolesheviism is being planned. I beliEWe, itlherefore, that our hope is justified that American polilcy will endeavor, with the dose cooperation of aU an,ti"Bolshevik forces, to helip all the haipless nations behind the · Iron Curtain to freedom, including the Slovak nation. The Slovaks, however, welcome not only this general change in the course of American policy, but have motives to welcome even the ipoliiey' of the new Repulblicam government toward the Slovak na,,tron. A number of Repulblican members of Congress have openly stated that they aTe for the realization of the desires of SlOV!ak nation for its own staJte. Senator Robert Taift of Ohio did not hesitaite to express his views in this regard, neither did the new President of the USA, Dwiig'ht D. Eisenhower. We hope, theretfore, thait the new .Americam President, together with his oo-workers and the whole American nation will. bring aJbout a necessary a:nd invitaJble, erpochai and 26 SLOVA.KIA ipolirtioail corrootion cxf the western Christian world in regard to .t he tyranny cxf Bol,s hevism, but also a corresponding change in policy towaTd the SllQ!Vak nation. By doing so, he will render service to the truth and the ndble principles of Woodrow Wilson and the Atlantic Charter, as well a:s all idears of freedom whi~h have from the time of Geo:r,ge W a'Shington 'been the pride of the American people. In this sense we w.i-sh President Dwight D. Eisenhower a mu!ltitude of God's blessing on all his ructions . • • • WHO SAID IT7 "It can be said w ,ithout hesitation that the Czecho-Slovak Government-in-Exile has accepted the leadership of Moscow freely and voluntarily. The Czecho.,Slovak Government-in-Exile became the full ally of Moscow ·by the pact signed in Moscow last year. and when Dr. Be- nes went baclk to the part of Czecho•Slovakia li•b erated by the Russians, he went by way of •Moscow. The new provisional government he set up in Ko.sice was th1:i result of consultatioru; in Moscow conducted, it seems, very much under the pressure of the CZECH Communist ,g,roup there. For although it was ignored by the American Press, 1:iven Czecho-Slovakfa had her mvn Moscow group, a distinctly Commun'istic councB, headed by the CZECH Communist leader, Klement Gottwald, ,a nd the intellectual leader of CZECH Commundsts, Profossor Zdenek Nej,edly. Th€ difference betwe1:in the CZECH commilttee in Moscow and the Polish grouip there was that the CZECH Government-inExile was in complete agreement with the CZECH Com. munist group in Moscow with respect to the Russian orientation." E. M. Voyta, AMERICA, June 9, 1945. • • • The author of the above quote is a CZECH, formerly of Prague, now residing in the Unit1:id States, who saw and reported events objectiv1:ily. Voyta calls a CZECH a CZECH, and not a "CZECHOSLOVAK," as the propaganda of Dr. Benes did when it suited its purpose to confu:se the western world. The Slovak nation had nothing to do with the 1Moscow deal but, n1:iv1:irtheless, had to surfor the consequen,ces of it. The "Czecho,Slo,v ak Government-in-Exile" mentioned by Voyta was selected by Dr. Edward Benes ; it repres1:inted not the wiil of the Czech and Slovak nations, ,b ut only the wlll of Dr. Benes. Slovaks, es·pecially those of America, condemned Ben1:is and his proSoviet policy long before 1945, but their's was but voice in the wilderness. Today we know they wer1:i right in th1:ilr claim that Benes •s old out to Mo.scow. a • • • we "Don't believe the stupid Nazi perol"aitlons saying tha.t are in the service ot England OR THAT THE SOVIET UNION WISHES TO INCLUDE US WITHIN ITS BOUNDARIES. We are a free and independent state. We are the friends of ALL DEMOCRATIC, treedomlovlng nations, o! the SOVIETS, as well as or Brita.in and America." - (Dr. Bene§, Broadcast to Czechoslovakia, London, June 24, 1943)  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Slovaks and President Eisenhower Description An account of the resource Matthew Černák Slovakia, Vol. 3, No. 1 (6), April 1953 pp. 22-25 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Černák, Matthew Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource April 1953 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/a83255c1c53af815564410caaea602e8.pdf d36d283cbe9e54d89f9c0fd782c87040 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA CAPRONI: NUMBER 11,495 THE TRAGEDY OF GENERAL STEFANIK May 4, 1919, was a beautiful day. The Slov3Jks of BTatislaJVa and vi~i.Jni,ty were uip bright and ear.1y polis'hiing their boots and dressing in their best clothes. And there was a good reason for it. Genera:l Millan R- Stefam&, wa,r id01l cxf the Slwak nation, was returniil!g home to Slova:kia - the Slo'Vl8Jkia that was beginning to /breathe a new ilife, the life of a free nation wiit:h.in the foamework of the newly born Czecho slovak Repulblic. He wa:s coming home to taike up his duties as minister of Defense in ,t he sta;te he helped create with T. G. Masaryk and Dr. fildward' Benes. A Httle ai,ter 11 A. M., the Italian plane - Oaproni No. 11,495 - cire1ed the field near BratisJ!ava (Vajnocy) and prepared for a landing. Then something terrible happened. The Ca:pI1001ii rocked, bUII"st into flames and crashed to the .grolliild, oaim-ymg General Stefanik and his Italian friends to their death. The plane was shot down by the Ozecho-S1ova:k mililtairy ga,rrison staJtioned near Vajnory ai'I'pOrt. lit was shot down oo. orders from the commanding officem at the garirison. Masruryik's government explained that it was a;Il a tiraig,iic mistake. T,he oomrrnandring officer thought it was an enemy plane - the men did not know Stefani!k was arriving in an Italian plane - they did not know he was in that particular pliane. And more. There were eye witnesses. Some of the men in that garrison, still alive today, insisted thait Stefanik was murdered. The fi:rst volley, they saiy, missed the ipliane, /but the second hit its target. stefaniik the sold!ie:r, statesman a:nd astronomer was dead. The SloV13Jks demanded that an inrvestigatiron ·b e made by the government. Masaryk ·a nd his government wouM not aillow it. IDvertihing wa,s done to hush up the affair. The world got to kn'()IW little rubout the tragedy cxf Stefanik. But the Slova:ks kept ga,thering evidence. It pointed to one thlng: Stefanik, co-creator of the Ozecho~Slovak Repufblic, �SLOVAKIA 27 wa,s not wamted rby the men orf Prague; he wouid be in their way and appose every act of the Ozechs to mruke a cdlooy of SlO'Vak,i a; he would msist on a free Slo:vaki1a within the framework of Czec'ho-Slovaki!a as Masaryk haJd promised the :SlovaJks it wow1d be. Today - thirty-fowr years af.ter Stefanik's tr.agic death - the Slovak,s still beliieve thiat General Milan R. Stefanilk was murdered - murdered by the men who had plotted against the hfe of the S1ovaik nation. By the men who promised the Slovalks a free life, their own state government, thei,r own legdslaltive assembly, Slovak schools and institutions to get them into a common state with the Ozechs and then failled to keep their promises- The ,anti-demooratic, anti-!Slovak and anti-Ohrat1an polilcy of those men wias responsible for what happened in and to Czecho-Slovakia since 191'8. Czecho-Slova'kiia wa;s a fallacy from the start. It was bud!l.t on sand. It coll.aipsed when the fimt hurri'crune struck, because there was no one to defend it. Even the OLechs would not fire a shot at the NaJzis or Communists in its defense. Stefarak's wor,k of liberating his nation from tyranny is not done. The Slovaks at home and in emigration are determined more than ever to complete the joib that he had begun. Slovrukia shaH. ibe free and the Slova:ks s!ha.ll · again Liive a life of firee men in their 01W11 independent Slovak Repuiblic. • WHO SAID IT? - • • "In a more general way, the Czechs have <lone much to arouse the resentment even of Slovak naturally favorable towards them, and have grievously damaged their own cause by overstressing the "Czechoslovak" idea and by certain measures regarded by the Slovaks as attempts to deprive them of their own nationality. It is paradoxical, but natural, that the weakness of the foundations on whi ch the "Czechoslovak" Idea rested became most apparent the moment tliat the idea received official recognition. Such phrases as "Czechoslovak nationallty" and "Czechoslovak Ian• guage" might be used for the benefit of the out.side world and in constitutional and other State documents, but the fact remains that to the vast majority of both peoples the idea remained a pure fiction, and the languages, like the peoples, were, in solid fact, two and not one." - (C. A. Macartney: HUNGARY AND HER SUCCESSORS; 1937, London). � SLOVAKIA CAPRONI: NUMBER 11,495 THE TRAGEDY OF GENERAL STEFANIK May 4, 1919, was a beautiful day. The Slov3Jks of BTatislaJVa and vi~i.Jni,ty were uip bright and ear.1y polis'hiing their boots and dressing in their best clothes. And there was a good reason for it. Genera:l Millan R- Stefam&, wa,r id01l cxf the Slwak nation, was returniil!g home to Slova:kia - the Slo'Vl8Jkia that was beginning to /breathe a new ilife, the life of a free nation wiit:h.in the foamework of the newly born Czecho slovak Repulblic. He wa:s coming home to taike up his duties as minister of Defense in ,t he sta;te he helped create with T. G. Masaryk and Dr. fildward' Benes. A Httle ai,ter 11 A. M., the Italian plane - Oaproni No. 11,495 - cire1ed the field near BratisJ!ava (Vajnocy) and prepared for a landing. Then something terrible happened. The Ca:pI1001ii rocked, bUII"st into flames and crashed to the .grolliild, oaim-ymg General Stefanik and his Italian friends to their death. The plane was shot down by the Ozecho-S1ova:k mililtairy ga,rrison staJtioned near Vajnory ai'I'pOrt. lit was shot down oo. orders from the commanding officem at the garirison. Masruryik's government explained that it was a;Il a tiraig,iic mistake. T,he oomrrnandring officer thought it was an enemy plane - the men did not know Stefani!k was arriving in an Italian plane - they did not know he was in that particular pliane. And more. There were eye witnesses. Some of the men in that garrison, still alive today, insisted thait Stefanik was murdered. The fi:rst volley, they saiy, missed the ipliane, /but the second hit its target. stefaniik the sold!ie:r, statesman a:nd astronomer was dead. The SloV13Jks demanded that an inrvestigatiron ·b e made by the government. Masaryk ·a nd his government wouM not aillow it. IDvertihing wa,s done to hush up the affair. The world got to kn'()IW little rubout the tragedy cxf Stefanik. But the Slova:ks kept ga,thering evidence. It pointed to one thlng: Stefanik, co-creator of the Ozecho~Slovak Repufblic, �SLOVAKIA 27 wa,s not wamted rby the men orf Prague; he wouid be in their way and appose every act of the Ozechs to mruke a cdlooy of SlO'Vak,i a; he would msist on a free Slo:vaki1a within the framework of Czec'ho-Slovaki!a as Masaryk haJd promised the :SlovaJks it wow1d be. Today - thirty-fowr years af.ter Stefanik's tr.agic death - the Slovak,s still beliieve thiat General Milan R. Stefanilk was murdered - murdered by the men who had plotted against the hfe of the S1ovaik nation. By the men who promised the Slovalks a free life, their own state government, thei,r own legdslaltive assembly, Slovak schools and institutions to get them into a common state with the Ozechs and then failled to keep their promises- The ,anti-demooratic, anti-!Slovak and anti-Ohrat1an polilcy of those men wias responsible for what happened in and to Czecho-Slovakia since 191'8. Czecho-Slova'kiia wa;s a fallacy from the start. It was bud!l.t on sand. It coll.aipsed when the fimt hurri'crune struck, because there was no one to defend it. Even the OLechs would not fire a shot at the NaJzis or Communists in its defense. Stefarak's wor,k of liberating his nation from tyranny is not done. The Slovaks at home and in emigration are determined more than ever to complete the joib that he had begun. Slovrukia shaH. ibe free and the Slova:ks s!ha.ll · again Liive a life of firee men in their 01W11 independent Slovak Repuiblic. • WHO SAID IT? - • • "In a more general way, the Czechs have <lone much to arouse the resentment even of Slovak naturally favorable towards them, and have grievously damaged their own cause by overstressing the "Czechoslovak" idea and by certain measures regarded by the Slovaks as attempts to deprive them of their own nationality. It is paradoxical, but natural, that the weakness of the foundations on whi ch the "Czechoslovak" Idea rested became most apparent the moment tliat the idea received official recognition. Such phrases as "Czechoslovak nationallty" and "Czechoslovak Ian• guage" might be used for the benefit of the out.side world and in constitutional and other State documents, but the fact remains that to the vast majority of both peoples the idea remained a pure fiction, and the languages, like the peoples, were, in solid fact, two and not one." - (C. A. Macartney: HUNGARY AND HER SUCCESSORS; 1937, London). � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1953, Vol. 3 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.</li> <li>Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1953 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA CAPRONI: NUMBER 11,495 THE TRAGEDY OF GENERAL STEFANIK May 4, 1919, was a beautiful day. The Slov3Jks of BTatislaJVa and vi~i.Jni,ty were uip bright and ear.1y polis'hiing their boots and dressing in their best clothes. And there was a good reason for it. Genera:l Millan R- Stefam&, wa,r id01l cxf the Slwak nation, was returniil!g home to Slova:kia - the Slo'Vl8Jkia that was beginning to /breathe a new ilife, the life of a free nation wiit:h.in the foamework of the newly born Czecho slovak Repulblic. He wa:s coming home to taike up his duties as minister of Defense in ,t he sta;te he helped create with T. G. Masaryk and Dr. fildward' Benes. A Httle ai,ter 11 A. M., the Italian plane - Oaproni No. 11,495 - cire1ed the field near BratisJ!ava (Vajnocy) and prepared for a landing. Then something terrible happened. The Ca:pI1001ii rocked, bUII"st into flames and crashed to the .grolliild, oaim-ymg General Stefanik and his Italian friends to their death. The plane was shot down by the Ozecho-S1ova:k mililtairy ga,rrison staJtioned near Vajnory ai'I'pOrt. lit was shot down oo. orders from the commanding officem at the garirison. Masruryik's government explained that it was a;Il a tiraig,iic mistake. T,he oomrrnandring officer thought it was an enemy plane - the men did not know Stefani!k was arriving in an Italian plane - they did not know he was in that particular pliane. And more. There were eye witnesses. Some of the men in that garrison, still alive today, insisted thait Stefanik was murdered. The fi:rst volley, they saiy, missed the ipliane, /but the second hit its target. stefaniik the sold!ie:r, statesman a:nd astronomer was dead. The SloV13Jks demanded that an inrvestigatiron ·b e made by the government. Masaryk ·a nd his government wouM not aillow it. IDvertihing wa,s done to hush up the affair. The world got to kn'()IW little rubout the tragedy cxf Stefanik. But the Slova:ks kept ga,thering evidence. It pointed to one thlng: Stefanik, co-creator of the Ozecho~Slovak Repufblic, SLOVAKIA 27 wa,s not wamted rby the men orf Prague; he wouid be in their way and appose every act of the Ozechs to mruke a cdlooy of SlO'Vak,i a; he would msist on a free Slo:vaki1a within the framework of Czec'ho-Slovaki!a as Masaryk haJd promised the :SlovaJks it wow1d be. Today - thirty-fowr years af.ter Stefanik's tr.agic death - the Slovak,s still beliieve thiat General Milan R. Stefanilk was murdered - murdered by the men who had plotted against the hfe of the S1ovaik nation. By the men who promised the Slovalks a free life, their own state government, thei,r own legdslaltive assembly, Slovak schools and institutions to get them into a common state with the Ozechs and then failled to keep their promises- The ,anti-demooratic, anti-!Slovak and anti-Ohrat1an polilcy of those men wias responsible for what happened in and to Czecho-Slovakia since 191'8. Czecho-Slova'kiia wa;s a fallacy from the start. It was bud!l.t on sand. It coll.aipsed when the fimt hurri'crune struck, because there was no one to defend it. Even the OLechs would not fire a shot at the NaJzis or Communists in its defense. Stefarak's wor,k of liberating his nation from tyranny is not done. The Slovaks at home and in emigration are determined more than ever to complete the joib that he had begun. Slovrukia shaH. ibe free and the Slova:ks s!ha.ll · again Liive a life of firee men in their 01W11 independent Slovak Repuiblic. • WHO SAID IT? - • • "In a more general way, the Czechs have <lone much to arouse the resentment even of Slovak naturally favorable towards them, and have grievously damaged their own cause by overstressing the "Czechoslovak" idea and by certain measures regarded by the Slovaks as attempts to deprive them of their own nationality. It is paradoxical, but natural, that the weakness of the foundations on whi ch the "Czechoslovak" Idea rested became most apparent the moment tliat the idea received official recognition. Such phrases as "Czechoslovak nationallty" and "Czechoslovak Ian• guage" might be used for the benefit of the out.side world and in constitutional and other State documents, but the fact remains that to the vast majority of both peoples the idea remained a pure fiction, and the languages, like the peoples, were, in solid fact, two and not one." - (C. A. Macartney: HUNGARY AND HER SUCCESSORS; 1937, London).  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Tragedy of General Štefánik Description An account of the resource Slovakia, Vol. 3, No. 1 (6), April 1953 pp. 26-27 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource April 1953 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/2e00c1a5a00320878474ec6eeb1cf4c2.pdf fd3d26399edffe1e6a7635c4c34b45b6 PDF Text Text SLOVAKI.A ANNIVERSARY OF A MURDER · April 18, 1953, marks the sixth anniversary of the blackest deed in the history of Czecho-Slovakia - the µiµ,rder of Dr. Joseph Tiso, champion of Slovak freedom, exemplary priest of God, and first president of the independent Slovak Republic. This day will be solemnly commemorated by Slovaks everywhere, at home and abroad, as long as they live. For them Tiso will always be a hero and a martyr; he was the most beloved man in Slovakia, because he ruled his country wisely under the most trying circumstances and saved his nation from destruction. During the summer of 1946, Dr. Edward Benes told the Slovak Council of Commissioners that Dr. Joseph Tiso would be put to death, but the majority of Slovaks still believed that Benes would change his mind and spare Tiso's life. When the "peo·p le's" court pronounced sentence on Dr. Tiso and ordered him to be hanged, Dr. Edward Benes had the opportunity to improve the deteriorated relationship between the Czechs and the Slovaks, As president, he could have granted clemency after Tiso filed his plea for mercy, but Benes preferred to reject it. Benes refused clemency to and ordered the execution of the man who was in a large measure responsible for his election to the presidency in 1935 ! _When Dr. Benes gave in to the demand of the CzechoSlovak stooges of the Kremlin who demanded Tiso's head, he drove the last nail into the coffin of Czecho-Slovakia and killed the last hope of ever bringing the Czechs and the Slovaks together again under one political roof. True, the Slovaks are under that roof today, but not because they willed it; they were forced under it. And nothing but force and terror will keep them under it. The Slovaks proclaimed the independence of their country through their duly elected representatives in the Slovak Parliament on March 14, 1939. The same parliament elected Dr. Joseph Tiso president of the independent Slovak Republic in October of that same year. From then un- �ILOVAKIA 29 til the wanton and violent destruction of the Slovak Re- pulic in 1945, when the Slovak Government and Dr. Joseph Tiso were forced to flee Bratislava, there was not a single official execution in Slovakia bearing Dr. Tiso's signature. And .during the war the people of Slovakia fared . better than even most neutral countries. The Slovaks still firmly believe that no matter what the circumstances under which the independent Slovak Republic was born, it should have never been destroyed. It could have served Christianity and the western democracies effectively after 1945. Dr. Joseph Tiso, who had refused to have Slovakia join the Soviet system as an "independent" state during the war, died on the gallows in the courtyard of the Bratislava prison when dawn broke on April 18, 1947. His greatest crime was his great love for his people and the Christian-democratic way of life. He believed that his nation, just as all nations large and small, had the God-given, inherent right to freedom and independence. Tiso was an implacable enemy of Godless, materialistic Communism. In the tradition of his people he fought the dread plague. of Communism in and out of season. Even as he was being led to the gallows, Dr. Tiso prayed and begged his people to continue their fight against the system which would pervert and enslave mankind. Father Joseph Tiso, who had not signed a single order of execution and had saved thousands of Christians and Jews from death at the hands of Hitler's madmen, was himself shamefully put to death on the gallows by the man who resigned and betrayed the highest trust of his people and cowardly fled his country during its darkest hour - - Dr. Edward Benes. But the Communistdominated Prague Government of Dr. Edward Benes was not satisfied with the murder of Tiso- It even denied him his last request: to be buried in a plot in his own parish cemetery in Banovce. The lifeless body of Tiso was buried secretly; later, it is said, it was disintered and cremated, the ashes being ~attered to the winds, or, as , some say, cast into the waters of the Vltava which long ago •claimed the life of St. John Nepomucene. �30 SLOVAKIA The Prague government tried to erase the memory of Tiso from the hearts and minds of the Slovak people by all means at its disposal. It was and still is a crime to utter Tiso's name publicly, or mention it in the CzechoSlovak press or broadcasts. Bu~ the more Prague tries to suppress the memory of Tiso, the more it becomes endeared and steeled in the hearts of Slovaks everywhere. They know that Tiso died for his faith and for his people. Father Tiso still lives in his countrymen, who today are more determined than ever that Communism shall be crushed and that they shall once again have their own independent Slovak Republic. They believe that, because Father Tiso believed it. And they believe, too, that the murderers of their beloved martyr and hero shall not escape the just punishment of God. When a Slovak meets a Slovak at home or in exile, he says: "Remember Tiso - carry on!" • • • WHO SAID IT? "TO THE EDITOR OF THE NEW YORK TIMES : - Your comment of November 18 (1947) on 'the dark curtain descending on Prague' seems to me to be overrated. that the Communist power in Czechoslovakia is 'entrenched in the internal administration' Is an ii· Jusion. It is untru e that the Army is In the Communist hand s. The fact that a Communist is Secretary of the Interior doesn't mean at all that Communists control the internal machinery of the State. . . . Your comment on the new leadership of the Socialist (Marxist) party appears to be influenced by yom fear of the Russi an interference in the Internal affairs of Czechoslovakia. Everi your correspondent at Prague had to state, however {THE TIMES, Oct. 19 ), that 'the Czechs and Slovaks are made of different stuff from that of some of the ir neighboring countries.' The replacement of a pro-Soviet president of the party by a new man, which was carried out by a free voting of the members, is new evidence of the independent spirit of the 70. year-old Socialist party in Bohemia, whiob is friendly to the Russians but which always has beeu opposed to the overrule of the competitive Communist party." Vlastimal Kybal, THE NEW YORK TIMES. 11-27-47. • • • "Our people at home are united. All the Czechs are . .. as is the overwhelming majority of the Slovaks. . . . They have tabled all internal issues; t;hey are interested only in the liberation of the nation and the state and the reunification of the Czech lands with Slovakia." - Dr. Edward Benes, Nov. 12, 194-2 (BENE$ AND SLOVAKIA by Dr. Stephen Osusky, 19'43). � SLOVAKI.A ANNIVERSARY OF A MURDER · April 18, 1953, marks the sixth anniversary of the blackest deed in the history of Czecho-Slovakia - the µiµ,rder of Dr. Joseph Tiso, champion of Slovak freedom, exemplary priest of God, and first president of the independent Slovak Republic. This day will be solemnly commemorated by Slovaks everywhere, at home and abroad, as long as they live. For them Tiso will always be a hero and a martyr; he was the most beloved man in Slovakia, because he ruled his country wisely under the most trying circumstances and saved his nation from destruction. During the summer of 1946, Dr. Edward Benes told the Slovak Council of Commissioners that Dr. Joseph Tiso would be put to death, but the majority of Slovaks still believed that Benes would change his mind and spare Tiso's life. When the "peo·p le's" court pronounced sentence on Dr. Tiso and ordered him to be hanged, Dr. Edward Benes had the opportunity to improve the deteriorated relationship between the Czechs and the Slovaks, As president, he could have granted clemency after Tiso filed his plea for mercy, but Benes preferred to reject it. Benes refused clemency to and ordered the execution of the man who was in a large measure responsible for his election to the presidency in 1935 ! _When Dr. Benes gave in to the demand of the CzechoSlovak stooges of the Kremlin who demanded Tiso's head, he drove the last nail into the coffin of Czecho-Slovakia and killed the last hope of ever bringing the Czechs and the Slovaks together again under one political roof. True, the Slovaks are under that roof today, but not because they willed it; they were forced under it. And nothing but force and terror will keep them under it. The Slovaks proclaimed the independence of their country through their duly elected representatives in the Slovak Parliament on March 14, 1939. The same parliament elected Dr. Joseph Tiso president of the independent Slovak Republic in October of that same year. From then un- �ILOVAKIA 29 til the wanton and violent destruction of the Slovak Re- pulic in 1945, when the Slovak Government and Dr. Joseph Tiso were forced to flee Bratislava, there was not a single official execution in Slovakia bearing Dr. Tiso's signature. And .during the war the people of Slovakia fared . better than even most neutral countries. The Slovaks still firmly believe that no matter what the circumstances under which the independent Slovak Republic was born, it should have never been destroyed. It could have served Christianity and the western democracies effectively after 1945. Dr. Joseph Tiso, who had refused to have Slovakia join the Soviet system as an "independent" state during the war, died on the gallows in the courtyard of the Bratislava prison when dawn broke on April 18, 1947. His greatest crime was his great love for his people and the Christian-democratic way of life. He believed that his nation, just as all nations large and small, had the God-given, inherent right to freedom and independence. Tiso was an implacable enemy of Godless, materialistic Communism. In the tradition of his people he fought the dread plague. of Communism in and out of season. Even as he was being led to the gallows, Dr. Tiso prayed and begged his people to continue their fight against the system which would pervert and enslave mankind. Father Joseph Tiso, who had not signed a single order of execution and had saved thousands of Christians and Jews from death at the hands of Hitler's madmen, was himself shamefully put to death on the gallows by the man who resigned and betrayed the highest trust of his people and cowardly fled his country during its darkest hour - - Dr. Edward Benes. But the Communistdominated Prague Government of Dr. Edward Benes was not satisfied with the murder of Tiso- It even denied him his last request: to be buried in a plot in his own parish cemetery in Banovce. The lifeless body of Tiso was buried secretly; later, it is said, it was disintered and cremated, the ashes being ~attered to the winds, or, as , some say, cast into the waters of the Vltava which long ago •claimed the life of St. John Nepomucene. �30 SLOVAKIA The Prague government tried to erase the memory of Tiso from the hearts and minds of the Slovak people by all means at its disposal. It was and still is a crime to utter Tiso's name publicly, or mention it in the CzechoSlovak press or broadcasts. Bu~ the more Prague tries to suppress the memory of Tiso, the more it becomes endeared and steeled in the hearts of Slovaks everywhere. They know that Tiso died for his faith and for his people. Father Tiso still lives in his countrymen, who today are more determined than ever that Communism shall be crushed and that they shall once again have their own independent Slovak Republic. They believe that, because Father Tiso believed it. And they believe, too, that the murderers of their beloved martyr and hero shall not escape the just punishment of God. When a Slovak meets a Slovak at home or in exile, he says: "Remember Tiso - carry on!" • • • WHO SAID IT? "TO THE EDITOR OF THE NEW YORK TIMES : - Your comment of November 18 (1947) on 'the dark curtain descending on Prague' seems to me to be overrated. that the Communist power in Czechoslovakia is 'entrenched in the internal administration' Is an ii· Jusion. It is untru e that the Army is In the Communist hand s. The fact that a Communist is Secretary of the Interior doesn't mean at all that Communists control the internal machinery of the State. . . . Your comment on the new leadership of the Socialist (Marxist) party appears to be influenced by yom fear of the Russi an interference in the Internal affairs of Czechoslovakia. Everi your correspondent at Prague had to state, however {THE TIMES, Oct. 19 ), that 'the Czechs and Slovaks are made of different stuff from that of some of the ir neighboring countries.' The replacement of a pro-Soviet president of the party by a new man, which was carried out by a free voting of the members, is new evidence of the independent spirit of the 70. year-old Socialist party in Bohemia, whiob is friendly to the Russians but which always has beeu opposed to the overrule of the competitive Communist party." Vlastimal Kybal, THE NEW YORK TIMES. 11-27-47. • • • "Our people at home are united. All the Czechs are . .. as is the overwhelming majority of the Slovaks. . . . They have tabled all internal issues; t;hey are interested only in the liberation of the nation and the state and the reunification of the Czech lands with Slovakia." - Dr. Edward Benes, Nov. 12, 194-2 (BENE$ AND SLOVAKIA by Dr. Stephen Osusky, 19'43). � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1953, Vol. 3 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.</li> <li>Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1953 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKI.A ANNIVERSARY OF A MURDER · April 18, 1953, marks the sixth anniversary of the blackest deed in the history of Czecho-Slovakia - the µiµ,rder of Dr. Joseph Tiso, champion of Slovak freedom, exemplary priest of God, and first president of the independent Slovak Republic. This day will be solemnly commemorated by Slovaks everywhere, at home and abroad, as long as they live. For them Tiso will always be a hero and a martyr; he was the most beloved man in Slovakia, because he ruled his country wisely under the most trying circumstances and saved his nation from destruction. During the summer of 1946, Dr. Edward Benes told the Slovak Council of Commissioners that Dr. Joseph Tiso would be put to death, but the majority of Slovaks still believed that Benes would change his mind and spare Tiso's life. When the "peo·p le's" court pronounced sentence on Dr. Tiso and ordered him to be hanged, Dr. Edward Benes had the opportunity to improve the deteriorated relationship between the Czechs and the Slovaks, As president, he could have granted clemency after Tiso filed his plea for mercy, but Benes preferred to reject it. Benes refused clemency to and ordered the execution of the man who was in a large measure responsible for his election to the presidency in 1935 ! _When Dr. Benes gave in to the demand of the CzechoSlovak stooges of the Kremlin who demanded Tiso's head, he drove the last nail into the coffin of Czecho-Slovakia and killed the last hope of ever bringing the Czechs and the Slovaks together again under one political roof. True, the Slovaks are under that roof today, but not because they willed it; they were forced under it. And nothing but force and terror will keep them under it. The Slovaks proclaimed the independence of their country through their duly elected representatives in the Slovak Parliament on March 14, 1939. The same parliament elected Dr. Joseph Tiso president of the independent Slovak Republic in October of that same year. From then un- ILOVAKIA 29 til the wanton and violent destruction of the Slovak Re- pulic in 1945, when the Slovak Government and Dr. Joseph Tiso were forced to flee Bratislava, there was not a single official execution in Slovakia bearing Dr. Tiso's signature. And .during the war the people of Slovakia fared . better than even most neutral countries. The Slovaks still firmly believe that no matter what the circumstances under which the independent Slovak Republic was born, it should have never been destroyed. It could have served Christianity and the western democracies effectively after 1945. Dr. Joseph Tiso, who had refused to have Slovakia join the Soviet system as an "independent" state during the war, died on the gallows in the courtyard of the Bratislava prison when dawn broke on April 18, 1947. His greatest crime was his great love for his people and the Christian-democratic way of life. He believed that his nation, just as all nations large and small, had the God-given, inherent right to freedom and independence. Tiso was an implacable enemy of Godless, materialistic Communism. In the tradition of his people he fought the dread plague. of Communism in and out of season. Even as he was being led to the gallows, Dr. Tiso prayed and begged his people to continue their fight against the system which would pervert and enslave mankind. Father Joseph Tiso, who had not signed a single order of execution and had saved thousands of Christians and Jews from death at the hands of Hitler's madmen, was himself shamefully put to death on the gallows by the man who resigned and betrayed the highest trust of his people and cowardly fled his country during its darkest hour - - Dr. Edward Benes. But the Communistdominated Prague Government of Dr. Edward Benes was not satisfied with the murder of Tiso- It even denied him his last request: to be buried in a plot in his own parish cemetery in Banovce. The lifeless body of Tiso was buried secretly; later, it is said, it was disintered and cremated, the ashes being ~attered to the winds, or, as , some say, cast into the waters of the Vltava which long ago •claimed the life of St. John Nepomucene. 30 SLOVAKIA The Prague government tried to erase the memory of Tiso from the hearts and minds of the Slovak people by all means at its disposal. It was and still is a crime to utter Tiso's name publicly, or mention it in the CzechoSlovak press or broadcasts. Bu~ the more Prague tries to suppress the memory of Tiso, the more it becomes endeared and steeled in the hearts of Slovaks everywhere. They know that Tiso died for his faith and for his people. Father Tiso still lives in his countrymen, who today are more determined than ever that Communism shall be crushed and that they shall once again have their own independent Slovak Republic. They believe that, because Father Tiso believed it. And they believe, too, that the murderers of their beloved martyr and hero shall not escape the just punishment of God. When a Slovak meets a Slovak at home or in exile, he says: "Remember Tiso - carry on!" • • • WHO SAID IT? "TO THE EDITOR OF THE NEW YORK TIMES : - Your comment of November 18 (1947) on 'the dark curtain descending on Prague' seems to me to be overrated. that the Communist power in Czechoslovakia is 'entrenched in the internal administration' Is an ii· Jusion. It is untru e that the Army is In the Communist hand s. The fact that a Communist is Secretary of the Interior doesn't mean at all that Communists control the internal machinery of the State. . . . Your comment on the new leadership of the Socialist (Marxist) party appears to be influenced by yom fear of the Russi an interference in the Internal affairs of Czechoslovakia. Everi your correspondent at Prague had to state, however {THE TIMES, Oct. 19 ), that 'the Czechs and Slovaks are made of different stuff from that of some of the ir neighboring countries.' The replacement of a pro-Soviet president of the party by a new man, which was carried out by a free voting of the members, is new evidence of the independent spirit of the 70. year-old Socialist party in Bohemia, whiob is friendly to the Russians but which always has beeu opposed to the overrule of the competitive Communist party." Vlastimal Kybal, THE NEW YORK TIMES. 11-27-47. • • • "Our people at home are united. All the Czechs are . .. as is the overwhelming majority of the Slovaks. . . . They have tabled all internal issues; t;hey are interested only in the liberation of the nation and the state and the reunification of the Czech lands with Slovakia." - Dr. Edward Benes, Nov. 12, 194-2 (BENE$ AND SLOVAKIA by Dr. Stephen Osusky, 19'43).  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Anniversary of a Murder Description An account of the resource Slovakia, Vol. 3, No. 1 (6), April 1953 pp. 28-30 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource April 1953 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/a4e4be273902bd0b9c3f5c3e5061d44f.pdf 05780bcaf6956f5072fb1f0dd69a84c6 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 11 THE "RUSSIA FIRST" BOYS IN RADIO FREE EUROPE By Kurt Glaser (Reprinted from the February, 1953, issue of the NATIONAL REPUBLIC by permission) If you are one of sixteen million Americans who have given to the "Crusade for Freedom" to "help lift the iron curtain," you are naturally interested in what's being done with your money. Even if you're just a taxpayer, you may be interested in an operation which is costing you and me plenty and possibly doing the United States more harm than good. The money collected by the "Crusade for Freedom" goes to the "National Committee for a Free Europe" in New York. With these funds plus a seven-figure subsidy from the Government, the Committee finances Radio Free Europe which broadcasts from Germany to countries behind the Iron Curtain. RFE is supposed to fight Communism and according to its own public relations department it does. Obviously an American propoganda agency should employ only proven antiCommunists who can speak from conviction. To do otherwise would endanger directly the security of the United States. Here are some facts about the principal Czechs and Slovaks who write, edit, produce and broadcast RFE's Czechoslovakian program: 1 They are no more anti-Communists than Mrs. O'Leary's cow was a giraffe: they themselves sold C?.echoslovakia down the river to the Communists. 2. The "intelligence" agency operated in Germany by the Council of Free Czechoslovakia, to which the more important of these individuals belong, is infested with Communist agents and tips off anti-Communists in Czechoslovakia to Dictator Gottwald's secret police. 3. Their political line promotes hatred and rivalry between European peoples, thereby helping Stalin. �32 SLOVAKIA 4. With the help of State Department friends they have stacked immigration procedures to help left-wingers get to the United States and to keep out real anti-Communists. To get down to cases, the Czechs and Slovaks running the "Czechoslovak " section of RFE are all members of the "National Front" parties which governed Czechoslovakia, together with the Communists, from 1945 to 1948. The most important persons associated with this group are Jan Stransky (a leader in the Czech National Socialist Party) , Martin Kvetko and Pavel Viboch (members of parliament) and Ferdinand Peroutka and Pavel Tigrid (editors) , all of whom are or were until recently employed by RFE. Peroutka is the chief of the "Czechoslovak" section of RFE in New York; Tigrid was until October 1, 1952, chief of the broadcasting station in Munich. Not directly associated with RFE, but playing important background roles, are Peter Zenkl and Hubert Ripka (cabinet ministers), Jan Papanek (former Czechoslovak delegate to the U. N.), Josef Lettrich (National Councillor in Slovakia) and Andrew Valushek (editor of the New Yorksky Dennik). All these individuals (except Papanek and Valushek, who were already in the United States) left Czechoslovakia during or after the reorganization of February, 1948, sometimes reforred to incorrectly as the "Gottwald Putsch." The "National Front" politicians were accepted immediately by the State Department as "democratic exiles" and their organization in America, the "Council of Free Czechoslovakia," was recognized as a quasi-official spokesman representing democratic Czechs and Slovaks. American officials were either unaware of or closed their eyes to the fact that the "non-Communist' parties of the "National Front" had begun to collaborate with the Communists as early as 1935, and had continued to do so until 1948. The National Front's "line" was expounded by Minister Zenkl in a speech to the Temporary National Assembly in November. 1945, in which he said: "The nationally conscious CzE;ehs and Slovaks have no doubt that ... permanent collaboration with the USSR is �SLOVAKIA 33 necessary. Never without the USSR, never against the USSR, always at its side!" During World War II the National Front's forerunner, the "Czechoslovak Democratic Government" in London, planned its post-war policies in such a way that they could only be carried out with Soviet support. It would take too long to explain these policies here, but we may take the word of Dr. Ivo Duchacek (now working for the Voice of America) who said in 1946 that: "Our alliance with the Soviet Union is the main pillar of our foreign policy ... (It) guarantees us the immediate help of the Soviet armies in case of emergency." To compensate for Soviet support, the Czechoslovak Government in London issued passports to a number of Communist agents, and got them jobs on either the British Broadcasting Company's Czechoslovak section or the Communist Party's Daily Worker, the. two staffs being interchangeable for operating purposes. Other agents were infiltrated into . the United States, such as the Communists Bension Batt and Karel Leitner of the New Yorkske Listy (Czech-language paper), and Desider Benau, a subordinate of Valushek on the (Slovak-language) New Yorksky Dennik, now merged with the Listy. Batt, Leitner and Benau are now back in Communist Czechoslovakia, where they occupy important positions. After the liberation of Czechoslovakia in 1945 the National Front politicians continued to collaborate with the Communists. "Let us declare war on fear of bolshevism and forbid, at the same time. the formation of any anti-Communist front whatever!" declared the Social Democratic newspaper Pravo Lidu. On February 9, 1948, only a few weeks before the State Department took him over as a "democratic exile," RFE's Ferdinand Peroutka restated the "line" as follows: "In Czech politics, in Czech national life, it i,s urgent that we come to an understanding with the Communist Party.... The Communist Party shall remain the greatest force in our political scheme even after the elections are over, and socialism shall remain the foundation of our na- �SLOVAKIA . tional life.... Coming to terms with the Communists is the golden theme of our political philosophy." ("What Do We Want of Them?" Dnesek, February 9, 1948.) Since arriving in the United States, the National Fronters have sold their wealthy backers and apparently the Government the myth that the Communists "took over" Czechoslovakia in 1948 despite their efforts to prevent it. The fact is: they themselves had sold Czechoslovakia down the river to the Communists long before 1948, and did nothing to prevent the "Gottwald Putsch." The first step was a secret treaty with the Soviets in 1941, followed by an open treaty in 1943, and a number of supplemental agreements which set up a Moscow-planned program for sovietizing Czechoslovakia. The main elements of this program were (1) the prohibition of political parties which would not go along with the Communists; (2) the "Kosice Program" of socialization which liquidated the anti-Communist middle class; and (3) the expulsion of the anti-Communist German-speaking minority, most of whom had had nothing to do with Nazi atrocities. To carry out this program there was established in 1945 (not 1948) a police state with socalled "People's Courts" on the Soviet model (Ripka and Stransky . signed the decree setting them up) and a Czech secret police under a Communist minister. In Slovakia it was not necessary to have a communist minister for police. The Slovak Democratic Party's Mikulas Ferjencik, an associate of Lettrich, jailed 130,000 Slovaks in 1945-47, and did such a good job of liquidating anti-Communists that the Communists thanked him for it. Lettrich applauded this action, writing: "Centrifugal forces shall be jailed. . . . Centrifugal forces are today eradicated and liquidated." RFE's Martin Kvetko backed up the action by issuing an "Executive Decree on Labor Camps" providing for confinement without trial, which Communist Gottwald liked so well he extended it later to the whole of Czechoslovakia. Lettrich's and Kvetko's Slovak "Democratic" Party passed a resolution in 1948 stating that: "The leaders of the Democratic Party .. . will give full �SLOVAKIA 36 support to the Commissioner of the [nterior in all matters pertaining to obstructing any anti-State activity whatsoever . . . . We are in accord with a thorough purge of antiState elements." .. . . As for Commissioner Ferjencik, he later tried to enter the United States and was held on Ellis Island on complaints of Americans of Slovak descent. But Jan Papanek evidently pulled some wires in Washington and the decision of the Immigration Service was reversed by "higher authority." · The National Fronters supported unanimously all measures to carry out the Sovietization plan. It was useful for the Communists to have a majority of "non-Communists" in the Government, since this allayed the suspicions of the West. By February, 1948, the process of Sovietization was substantially completed, and Gottwald did not need the "non-Communists" any more. Whether the National Fronters made a secret deal with the Communists, as suggested by Robert Ingrim and other writers, is a moot point, but it is a fact that they could be much more useful to Gottwald in the United States (or in RFE Munich) than in Czechoslovakia. It is also a fact that most of them got out of Czechoslovakia without the least interference by the Communists, some even driving their own cars. Having arrived in the United States, the National Front politicians organized the "Council for Free Czechoslovakia" and its sister organization, the "American Fund for Czechoslovak Refugees." The Fund has big names such as Professor Shotwell of Columbia, Drew Pearson and Mrs. Roosevelt, but is actually run by Papanek and Valushek, who have also been active in the "American Slav Congress," cited by the Attorney General as "subversive and Communist" and by the House Committee on Un-American Activities as "a Moscow-inspired and directed federation of Communist-dominated organizations." The "Council of Free Czechoslovakia" boasts in one of its own leaflets that it convinced the State Department to let its agents in Germany pre-screen Czech and Slovak refugees who wanted to come to the United States. Among the screeners have been such individuals as Dr. Schenk, Dr. �36 SLOVAKIA Rebhahn and Dr. Jerabek, who are notorious in Germany for their open left-wing sympathies and associations. It is obvious that these gentlemen did their best to blackball any genuine anti-Communists who wanted a United States visa. Typical of those who did get in is one Rostislav Foukal, who shortly before his departure for America delivered himself of the following: Every democratic thinking person must recognize that the present economic system in America is rotten to the core, the workers are exploited by their employers and stifled by Taft and Company . . . . We Czechoslovakian socialists . . . . will help America to escape from the claws of the capitalists ... We will help the Americans to re-shape their history." As a communications channel between the "Council of Free Cze<!hoslovakia" and the "underground" remaining in that country, a message center was set up in Frankfurt, Germany, under the management of General Moravec, formerly head of the "Czechoslovakian Intelligence Service" in London This organization was heavily infiltrated with Communist agents, a numb.er of whom have been arrested as Gottwald spies by U. S. intelligence agencies. It is quite obvious that the "Moravec" organization contains other spies who have not yet been discovered. It managed to leak enough information to the Czech State Prosecutor to convict the most prominent members of the "underground" and it is considered by West German officials to be dangerously. subversive. Yet RFE, evidently with State Department approval, uses the "Moravec" outfit to gather some of the "intelligence" which it broadcasts. American agencies sometimes use it too; a recent case involved a "Moravec" reporl; on Czech fortifications, complete with diagrams, for which American officers paid a goodly sum. It was a fine report except for one thing - a further examination showed that the fortifications did not exist. The National Fronters have not, to my knowledge, recanted their pre-1948 policies. Peroutka, who late in 1947 wrote that it would be "unthinkable" to take the side of the United States in conflict with the Soviet Union, stated in 1949 that he would endeavor to remove from the "Council of Free Czechoslovakia" all member opposed to socialism �SLOVAKIA 17 (Navrat, Paris, July 15, 1949). The Tribuna, intellectual magazine of the National Front, declared ·in 1950 that "private illlitiative is a thing of the past," and in 1951 that "private possession of the means of . production ... is immoral, anti-social, unjust, inefficient and disadvantageous." By turning over an American-financed propaganda operation to the National Front, we are sabotaging our own "fight for freedom" in Europe. This is all the more so since RFE, although theo:r:etically private, is considered by most Europeans to be associated with the United States Government, which in fact it is. It is apparent that RFE tends to .undermine American popularity in Europe. To begin with,· .its policies and personnel are anathema to the Slovaks, of whom at least 80 per cent (as estimated by Dr. Kvetko, a N~tional Fronter) want an independent Slovak state. Among the Czechs, the strictly non-Communist organizations, such as General Prchala's Czech National Committee';. appear to be more popular than the left-wing National ·Front. Those Czechs who like the National Front's policy ·of advanced socialism bordering on Communism won't find· too much wrong with the Gottwald regime anyway. Finally, the rabid anti-German attitude taken by many of the National Front's politicians and writers - not so much over the air, where they have been subject to some censorship, but in their outside writings ~nd . speeches - has infuriated large sectors of the German public. The · net result is that RFE antagonizes exactly those people, on both sides of the iron curtain, whom it is vital to have on our side for our own security. Nor has it helped that the Chief and Personnel Director of the proposed American-financed Russian.. broadcasting station to parallel RFID, Yakovlev alias Nareikis, and Vasiliev alias Gottlieb alias Bogolyubov, are both long-time members of Stalin's MVD (secret police, formerly NKVD) who continued to work for that agency after they had left the Soviet Union and had theoretically joined Stalin's enemies. The American people have elected a new administration which has promised to proceed vigor.011s.ly against Communist dangers which threaten j,he _United States. It is Glear that in the sector just described there. is plenty to do. � SLOVAKIA 11 THE "RUSSIA FIRST" BOYS IN RADIO FREE EUROPE By Kurt Glaser (Reprinted from the February, 1953, issue of the NATIONAL REPUBLIC by permission) If you are one of sixteen million Americans who have given to the "Crusade for Freedom" to "help lift the iron curtain," you are naturally interested in what's being done with your money. Even if you're just a taxpayer, you may be interested in an operation which is costing you and me plenty and possibly doing the United States more harm than good. The money collected by the "Crusade for Freedom" goes to the "National Committee for a Free Europe" in New York. With these funds plus a seven-figure subsidy from the Government, the Committee finances Radio Free Europe which broadcasts from Germany to countries behind the Iron Curtain. RFE is supposed to fight Communism and according to its own public relations department it does. Obviously an American propoganda agency should employ only proven antiCommunists who can speak from conviction. To do otherwise would endanger directly the security of the United States. Here are some facts about the principal Czechs and Slovaks who write, edit, produce and broadcast RFE's Czechoslovakian program: 1 They are no more anti-Communists than Mrs. O'Leary's cow was a giraffe: they themselves sold C?.echoslovakia down the river to the Communists. 2. The "intelligence" agency operated in Germany by the Council of Free Czechoslovakia, to which the more important of these individuals belong, is infested with Communist agents and tips off anti-Communists in Czechoslovakia to Dictator Gottwald's secret police. 3. Their political line promotes hatred and rivalry between European peoples, thereby helping Stalin. �32 SLOVAKIA 4. With the help of State Department friends they have stacked immigration procedures to help left-wingers get to the United States and to keep out real anti-Communists. To get down to cases, the Czechs and Slovaks running the "Czechoslovak " section of RFE are all members of the "National Front" parties which governed Czechoslovakia, together with the Communists, from 1945 to 1948. The most important persons associated with this group are Jan Stransky (a leader in the Czech National Socialist Party) , Martin Kvetko and Pavel Viboch (members of parliament) and Ferdinand Peroutka and Pavel Tigrid (editors) , all of whom are or were until recently employed by RFE. Peroutka is the chief of the "Czechoslovak" section of RFE in New York; Tigrid was until October 1, 1952, chief of the broadcasting station in Munich. Not directly associated with RFE, but playing important background roles, are Peter Zenkl and Hubert Ripka (cabinet ministers), Jan Papanek (former Czechoslovak delegate to the U. N.), Josef Lettrich (National Councillor in Slovakia) and Andrew Valushek (editor of the New Yorksky Dennik). All these individuals (except Papanek and Valushek, who were already in the United States) left Czechoslovakia during or after the reorganization of February, 1948, sometimes reforred to incorrectly as the "Gottwald Putsch." The "National Front" politicians were accepted immediately by the State Department as "democratic exiles" and their organization in America, the "Council of Free Czechoslovakia," was recognized as a quasi-official spokesman representing democratic Czechs and Slovaks. American officials were either unaware of or closed their eyes to the fact that the "non-Communist' parties of the "National Front" had begun to collaborate with the Communists as early as 1935, and had continued to do so until 1948. The National Front's "line" was expounded by Minister Zenkl in a speech to the Temporary National Assembly in November. 1945, in which he said: "The nationally conscious CzE;ehs and Slovaks have no doubt that ... permanent collaboration with the USSR is �SLOVAKIA 33 necessary. Never without the USSR, never against the USSR, always at its side!" During World War II the National Front's forerunner, the "Czechoslovak Democratic Government" in London, planned its post-war policies in such a way that they could only be carried out with Soviet support. It would take too long to explain these policies here, but we may take the word of Dr. Ivo Duchacek (now working for the Voice of America) who said in 1946 that: "Our alliance with the Soviet Union is the main pillar of our foreign policy ... (It) guarantees us the immediate help of the Soviet armies in case of emergency." To compensate for Soviet support, the Czechoslovak Government in London issued passports to a number of Communist agents, and got them jobs on either the British Broadcasting Company's Czechoslovak section or the Communist Party's Daily Worker, the. two staffs being interchangeable for operating purposes. Other agents were infiltrated into . the United States, such as the Communists Bension Batt and Karel Leitner of the New Yorkske Listy (Czech-language paper), and Desider Benau, a subordinate of Valushek on the (Slovak-language) New Yorksky Dennik, now merged with the Listy. Batt, Leitner and Benau are now back in Communist Czechoslovakia, where they occupy important positions. After the liberation of Czechoslovakia in 1945 the National Front politicians continued to collaborate with the Communists. "Let us declare war on fear of bolshevism and forbid, at the same time. the formation of any anti-Communist front whatever!" declared the Social Democratic newspaper Pravo Lidu. On February 9, 1948, only a few weeks before the State Department took him over as a "democratic exile," RFE's Ferdinand Peroutka restated the "line" as follows: "In Czech politics, in Czech national life, it i,s urgent that we come to an understanding with the Communist Party.... The Communist Party shall remain the greatest force in our political scheme even after the elections are over, and socialism shall remain the foundation of our na- �SLOVAKIA . tional life.... Coming to terms with the Communists is the golden theme of our political philosophy." ("What Do We Want of Them?" Dnesek, February 9, 1948.) Since arriving in the United States, the National Fronters have sold their wealthy backers and apparently the Government the myth that the Communists "took over" Czechoslovakia in 1948 despite their efforts to prevent it. The fact is: they themselves had sold Czechoslovakia down the river to the Communists long before 1948, and did nothing to prevent the "Gottwald Putsch." The first step was a secret treaty with the Soviets in 1941, followed by an open treaty in 1943, and a number of supplemental agreements which set up a Moscow-planned program for sovietizing Czechoslovakia. The main elements of this program were (1) the prohibition of political parties which would not go along with the Communists; (2) the "Kosice Program" of socialization which liquidated the anti-Communist middle class; and (3) the expulsion of the anti-Communist German-speaking minority, most of whom had had nothing to do with Nazi atrocities. To carry out this program there was established in 1945 (not 1948) a police state with socalled "People's Courts" on the Soviet model (Ripka and Stransky . signed the decree setting them up) and a Czech secret police under a Communist minister. In Slovakia it was not necessary to have a communist minister for police. The Slovak Democratic Party's Mikulas Ferjencik, an associate of Lettrich, jailed 130,000 Slovaks in 1945-47, and did such a good job of liquidating anti-Communists that the Communists thanked him for it. Lettrich applauded this action, writing: "Centrifugal forces shall be jailed. . . . Centrifugal forces are today eradicated and liquidated." RFE's Martin Kvetko backed up the action by issuing an "Executive Decree on Labor Camps" providing for confinement without trial, which Communist Gottwald liked so well he extended it later to the whole of Czechoslovakia. Lettrich's and Kvetko's Slovak "Democratic" Party passed a resolution in 1948 stating that: "The leaders of the Democratic Party .. . will give full �SLOVAKIA 36 support to the Commissioner of the [nterior in all matters pertaining to obstructing any anti-State activity whatsoever . . . . We are in accord with a thorough purge of antiState elements." .. . . As for Commissioner Ferjencik, he later tried to enter the United States and was held on Ellis Island on complaints of Americans of Slovak descent. But Jan Papanek evidently pulled some wires in Washington and the decision of the Immigration Service was reversed by "higher authority." · The National Fronters supported unanimously all measures to carry out the Sovietization plan. It was useful for the Communists to have a majority of "non-Communists" in the Government, since this allayed the suspicions of the West. By February, 1948, the process of Sovietization was substantially completed, and Gottwald did not need the "non-Communists" any more. Whether the National Fronters made a secret deal with the Communists, as suggested by Robert Ingrim and other writers, is a moot point, but it is a fact that they could be much more useful to Gottwald in the United States (or in RFE Munich) than in Czechoslovakia. It is also a fact that most of them got out of Czechoslovakia without the least interference by the Communists, some even driving their own cars. Having arrived in the United States, the National Front politicians organized the "Council for Free Czechoslovakia" and its sister organization, the "American Fund for Czechoslovak Refugees." The Fund has big names such as Professor Shotwell of Columbia, Drew Pearson and Mrs. Roosevelt, but is actually run by Papanek and Valushek, who have also been active in the "American Slav Congress," cited by the Attorney General as "subversive and Communist" and by the House Committee on Un-American Activities as "a Moscow-inspired and directed federation of Communist-dominated organizations." The "Council of Free Czechoslovakia" boasts in one of its own leaflets that it convinced the State Department to let its agents in Germany pre-screen Czech and Slovak refugees who wanted to come to the United States. Among the screeners have been such individuals as Dr. Schenk, Dr. �36 SLOVAKIA Rebhahn and Dr. Jerabek, who are notorious in Germany for their open left-wing sympathies and associations. It is obvious that these gentlemen did their best to blackball any genuine anti-Communists who wanted a United States visa. Typical of those who did get in is one Rostislav Foukal, who shortly before his departure for America delivered himself of the following: Every democratic thinking person must recognize that the present economic system in America is rotten to the core, the workers are exploited by their employers and stifled by Taft and Company . . . . We Czechoslovakian socialists . . . . will help America to escape from the claws of the capitalists ... We will help the Americans to re-shape their history." As a communications channel between the "Council of Free Cze<!hoslovakia" and the "underground" remaining in that country, a message center was set up in Frankfurt, Germany, under the management of General Moravec, formerly head of the "Czechoslovakian Intelligence Service" in London This organization was heavily infiltrated with Communist agents, a numb.er of whom have been arrested as Gottwald spies by U. S. intelligence agencies. It is quite obvious that the "Moravec" organization contains other spies who have not yet been discovered. It managed to leak enough information to the Czech State Prosecutor to convict the most prominent members of the "underground" and it is considered by West German officials to be dangerously. subversive. Yet RFE, evidently with State Department approval, uses the "Moravec" outfit to gather some of the "intelligence" which it broadcasts. American agencies sometimes use it too; a recent case involved a "Moravec" reporl; on Czech fortifications, complete with diagrams, for which American officers paid a goodly sum. It was a fine report except for one thing - a further examination showed that the fortifications did not exist. The National Fronters have not, to my knowledge, recanted their pre-1948 policies. Peroutka, who late in 1947 wrote that it would be "unthinkable" to take the side of the United States in conflict with the Soviet Union, stated in 1949 that he would endeavor to remove from the "Council of Free Czechoslovakia" all member opposed to socialism �SLOVAKIA 17 (Navrat, Paris, July 15, 1949). The Tribuna, intellectual magazine of the National Front, declared ·in 1950 that "private illlitiative is a thing of the past," and in 1951 that "private possession of the means of . production ... is immoral, anti-social, unjust, inefficient and disadvantageous." By turning over an American-financed propaganda operation to the National Front, we are sabotaging our own "fight for freedom" in Europe. This is all the more so since RFE, although theo:r:etically private, is considered by most Europeans to be associated with the United States Government, which in fact it is. It is apparent that RFE tends to .undermine American popularity in Europe. To begin with,· .its policies and personnel are anathema to the Slovaks, of whom at least 80 per cent (as estimated by Dr. Kvetko, a N~tional Fronter) want an independent Slovak state. Among the Czechs, the strictly non-Communist organizations, such as General Prchala's Czech National Committee';. appear to be more popular than the left-wing National ·Front. Those Czechs who like the National Front's policy ·of advanced socialism bordering on Communism won't find· too much wrong with the Gottwald regime anyway. Finally, the rabid anti-German attitude taken by many of the National Front's politicians and writers - not so much over the air, where they have been subject to some censorship, but in their outside writings ~nd . speeches - has infuriated large sectors of the German public. The · net result is that RFE antagonizes exactly those people, on both sides of the iron curtain, whom it is vital to have on our side for our own security. Nor has it helped that the Chief and Personnel Director of the proposed American-financed Russian.. broadcasting station to parallel RFID, Yakovlev alias Nareikis, and Vasiliev alias Gottlieb alias Bogolyubov, are both long-time members of Stalin's MVD (secret police, formerly NKVD) who continued to work for that agency after they had left the Soviet Union and had theoretically joined Stalin's enemies. The American people have elected a new administration which has promised to proceed vigor.011s.ly against Communist dangers which threaten j,he _United States. It is Glear that in the sector just described there. is plenty to do. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1953, Vol. 3 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.</li> <li>Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1953 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 31 THE "RUSSIA FIRST" BOYS IN RADIO FREE EUROPE By Kurt Glaser (Reprinted from the February, 1953, issue of the NATIONAL REPUBLIC by permission) If you are one of sixteen million Americans who have given to the "Crusade for Freedom" to "help lift the iron curtain," you are naturally interested in what's being done with your money. Even if you're just a taxpayer, you may be interested in an operation which is costing you and me plenty and possibly doing the United States more harm than good. The money collected by the "Crusade for Freedom" goes to the "National Committee for a Free Europe" in New York. With these funds plus a seven-figure subsidy from the Government, the Committee finances Radio Free Europe which broadcasts from Germany to countries behind the Iron Curtain. RFE is supposed to fight Communism and according to its own public relations department it does. Obviously an American propoganda agency should employ only proven antiCommunists who can speak from conviction. To do otherwise would endanger directly the security of the United States. Here are some facts about the principal Czechs and Slovaks who write, edit, produce and broadcast RFE's Czechoslovakian program: 1 They are no more anti-Communists than Mrs. O'Leary's cow was a giraffe: they themselves sold C?.echoslovakia down the river to the Communists. 2. The "intelligence" agency operated in Germany by the Council of Free Czechoslovakia, to which the more important of these individuals belong, is infested with Communist agents and tips off anti-Communists in Czechoslovakia to Dictator Gottwald's secret police. 3. Their political line promotes hatred and rivalry between European peoples, thereby helping Stalin. 32 SLOVAKIA 4. With the help of State Department friends they have stacked immigration procedures to help left-wingers get to the United States and to keep out real anti-Communists. To get down to cases, the Czechs and Slovaks running the "Czechoslovak " section of RFE are all members of the "National Front" parties which governed Czechoslovakia, together with the Communists, from 1945 to 1948. The most important persons associated with this group are Jan Stransky (a leader in the Czech National Socialist Party) , Martin Kvetko and Pavel Viboch (members of parliament) and Ferdinand Peroutka and Pavel Tigrid (editors) , all of whom are or were until recently employed by RFE. Peroutka is the chief of the "Czechoslovak" section of RFE in New York; Tigrid was until October 1, 1952, chief of the broadcasting station in Munich. Not directly associated with RFE, but playing important background roles, are Peter Zenkl and Hubert Ripka (cabinet ministers), Jan Papanek (former Czechoslovak delegate to the U. N.), Josef Lettrich (National Councillor in Slovakia) and Andrew Valushek (editor of the New Yorksky Dennik). All these individuals (except Papanek and Valushek, who were already in the United States) left Czechoslovakia during or after the reorganization of February, 1948, sometimes reforred to incorrectly as the "Gottwald Putsch." The "National Front" politicians were accepted immediately by the State Department as "democratic exiles" and their organization in America, the "Council of Free Czechoslovakia," was recognized as a quasi-official spokesman representing democratic Czechs and Slovaks. American officials were either unaware of or closed their eyes to the fact that the "non-Communist' parties of the "National Front" had begun to collaborate with the Communists as early as 1935, and had continued to do so until 1948. The National Front's "line" was expounded by Minister Zenkl in a speech to the Temporary National Assembly in November. 1945, in which he said: "The nationally conscious CzE;ehs and Slovaks have no doubt that ... permanent collaboration with the USSR is SLOVAKIA 33 necessary. Never without the USSR, never against the USSR, always at its side!" During World War II the National Front's forerunner, the "Czechoslovak Democratic Government" in London, planned its post-war policies in such a way that they could only be carried out with Soviet support. It would take too long to explain these policies here, but we may take the word of Dr. Ivo Duchacek (now working for the Voice of America) who said in 1946 that: "Our alliance with the Soviet Union is the main pillar of our foreign policy ... (It) guarantees us the immediate help of the Soviet armies in case of emergency." To compensate for Soviet support, the Czechoslovak Government in London issued passports to a number of Communist agents, and got them jobs on either the British Broadcasting Company's Czechoslovak section or the Communist Party's Daily Worker, the. two staffs being interchangeable for operating purposes. Other agents were infiltrated into . the United States, such as the Communists Bension Batt and Karel Leitner of the New Yorkske Listy (Czech-language paper), and Desider Benau, a subordinate of Valushek on the (Slovak-language) New Yorksky Dennik, now merged with the Listy. Batt, Leitner and Benau are now back in Communist Czechoslovakia, where they occupy important positions. After the liberation of Czechoslovakia in 1945 the National Front politicians continued to collaborate with the Communists. "Let us declare war on fear of bolshevism and forbid, at the same time. the formation of any anti-Communist front whatever!" declared the Social Democratic newspaper Pravo Lidu. On February 9, 1948, only a few weeks before the State Department took him over as a "democratic exile," RFE's Ferdinand Peroutka restated the "line" as follows: "In Czech politics, in Czech national life, it i,s urgent that we come to an understanding with the Communist Party.... The Communist Party shall remain the greatest force in our political scheme even after the elections are over, and socialism shall remain the foundation of our na- SLOVAKIA . tional life.... Coming to terms with the Communists is the golden theme of our political philosophy." ("What Do We Want of Them?" Dnesek, February 9, 1948.) Since arriving in the United States, the National Fronters have sold their wealthy backers and apparently the Government the myth that the Communists "took over" Czechoslovakia in 1948 despite their efforts to prevent it. The fact is: they themselves had sold Czechoslovakia down the river to the Communists long before 1948, and did nothing to prevent the "Gottwald Putsch." The first step was a secret treaty with the Soviets in 1941, followed by an open treaty in 1943, and a number of supplemental agreements which set up a Moscow-planned program for sovietizing Czechoslovakia. The main elements of this program were (1) the prohibition of political parties which would not go along with the Communists; (2) the "Kosice Program" of socialization which liquidated the anti-Communist middle class; and (3) the expulsion of the anti-Communist German-speaking minority, most of whom had had nothing to do with Nazi atrocities. To carry out this program there was established in 1945 (not 1948) a police state with socalled "People's Courts" on the Soviet model (Ripka and Stransky . signed the decree setting them up) and a Czech secret police under a Communist minister. In Slovakia it was not necessary to have a communist minister for police. The Slovak Democratic Party's Mikulas Ferjencik, an associate of Lettrich, jailed 130,000 Slovaks in 1945-47, and did such a good job of liquidating anti-Communists that the Communists thanked him for it. Lettrich applauded this action, writing: "Centrifugal forces shall be jailed. . . . Centrifugal forces are today eradicated and liquidated." RFE's Martin Kvetko backed up the action by issuing an "Executive Decree on Labor Camps" providing for confinement without trial, which Communist Gottwald liked so well he extended it later to the whole of Czechoslovakia. Lettrich's and Kvetko's Slovak "Democratic" Party passed a resolution in 1948 stating that: "The leaders of the Democratic Party .. . will give full SLOVAKIA 36 support to the Commissioner of the [nterior in all matters pertaining to obstructing any anti-State activity whatsoever . . . . We are in accord with a thorough purge of antiState elements." .. . . As for Commissioner Ferjencik, he later tried to enter the United States and was held on Ellis Island on complaints of Americans of Slovak descent. But Jan Papanek evidently pulled some wires in Washington and the decision of the Immigration Service was reversed by "higher authority." · The National Fronters supported unanimously all measures to carry out the Sovietization plan. It was useful for the Communists to have a majority of "non-Communists" in the Government, since this allayed the suspicions of the West. By February, 1948, the process of Sovietization was substantially completed, and Gottwald did not need the "non-Communists" any more. Whether the National Fronters made a secret deal with the Communists, as suggested by Robert Ingrim and other writers, is a moot point, but it is a fact that they could be much more useful to Gottwald in the United States (or in RFE Munich) than in Czechoslovakia. It is also a fact that most of them got out of Czechoslovakia without the least interference by the Communists, some even driving their own cars. Having arrived in the United States, the National Front politicians organized the "Council for Free Czechoslovakia" and its sister organization, the "American Fund for Czechoslovak Refugees." The Fund has big names such as Professor Shotwell of Columbia, Drew Pearson and Mrs. Roosevelt, but is actually run by Papanek and Valushek, who have also been active in the "American Slav Congress," cited by the Attorney General as "subversive and Communist" and by the House Committee on Un-American Activities as "a Moscow-inspired and directed federation of Communist-dominated organizations." The "Council of Free Czechoslovakia" boasts in one of its own leaflets that it convinced the State Department to let its agents in Germany pre-screen Czech and Slovak refugees who wanted to come to the United States. Among the screeners have been such individuals as Dr. Schenk, Dr. 36 SLOVAKIA Rebhahn and Dr. Jerabek, who are notorious in Germany for their open left-wing sympathies and associations. It is obvious that these gentlemen did their best to blackball any genuine anti-Communists who wanted a United States visa. Typical of those who did get in is one Rostislav Foukal, who shortly before his departure for America delivered himself of the following: Every democratic thinking person must recognize that the present economic system in America is rotten to the core, the workers are exploited by their employers and stifled by Taft and Company . . . . We Czechoslovakian socialists . . . . will help America to escape from the claws of the capitalists ... We will help the Americans to re-shape their history." As a communications channel between the "Council of Free Cze<!hoslovakia" and the "underground" remaining in that country, a message center was set up in Frankfurt, Germany, under the management of General Moravec, formerly head of the "Czechoslovakian Intelligence Service" in London This organization was heavily infiltrated with Communist agents, a numb.er of whom have been arrested as Gottwald spies by U. S. intelligence agencies. It is quite obvious that the "Moravec" organization contains other spies who have not yet been discovered. It managed to leak enough information to the Czech State Prosecutor to convict the most prominent members of the "underground" and it is considered by West German officials to be dangerously. subversive. Yet RFE, evidently with State Department approval, uses the "Moravec" outfit to gather some of the "intelligence" which it broadcasts. American agencies sometimes use it too; a recent case involved a "Moravec" reporl; on Czech fortifications, complete with diagrams, for which American officers paid a goodly sum. It was a fine report except for one thing - a further examination showed that the fortifications did not exist. The National Fronters have not, to my knowledge, recanted their pre-1948 policies. Peroutka, who late in 1947 wrote that it would be "unthinkable" to take the side of the United States in conflict with the Soviet Union, stated in 1949 that he would endeavor to remove from the "Council of Free Czechoslovakia" all member opposed to socialism SLOVAKIA 17 (Navrat, Paris, July 15, 1949). The Tribuna, intellectual magazine of the National Front, declared ·in 1950 that "private illlitiative is a thing of the past," and in 1951 that "private possession of the means of . production ... is immoral, anti-social, unjust, inefficient and disadvantageous." By turning over an American-financed propaganda operation to the National Front, we are sabotaging our own "fight for freedom" in Europe. This is all the more so since RFE, although theo:r:etically private, is considered by most Europeans to be associated with the United States Government, which in fact it is. It is apparent that RFE tends to .undermine American popularity in Europe. To begin with,· .its policies and personnel are anathema to the Slovaks, of whom at least 80 per cent (as estimated by Dr. Kvetko, a N~tional Fronter) want an independent Slovak state. Among the Czechs, the strictly non-Communist organizations, such as General Prchala's Czech National Committee';. appear to be more popular than the left-wing National ·Front. Those Czechs who like the National Front's policy ·of advanced socialism bordering on Communism won't find· too much wrong with the Gottwald regime anyway. Finally, the rabid anti-German attitude taken by many of the National Front's politicians and writers - not so much over the air, where they have been subject to some censorship, but in their outside writings ~nd . speeches - has infuriated large sectors of the German public. The · net result is that RFE antagonizes exactly those people, on both sides of the iron curtain, whom it is vital to have on our side for our own security. Nor has it helped that the Chief and Personnel Director of the proposed American-financed Russian.. broadcasting station to parallel RFID, Yakovlev alias Nareikis, and Vasiliev alias Gottlieb alias Bogolyubov, are both long-time members of Stalin's MVD (secret police, formerly NKVD) who continued to work for that agency after they had left the Soviet Union and had theoretically joined Stalin's enemies. The American people have elected a new administration which has promised to proceed vigor.011s.ly against Communist dangers which threaten j,he _United States. It is Glear that in the sector just described there. is plenty to do.  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The "Russia First" Boys in Radio Free Europe Description An account of the resource Kurt Glaser Slovakia, Vol. 3, No. 1 (6), April 1953 pp. 31-37 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Glaser, Kurt, 1914-1993 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource April 1953 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/7a3033fbc750bf84e96852cef9a672bb.pdf f62ed6b74ec119818831168f1938ea87 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA STREONO One orf the fourteen fortresses in ruins along the river Vah is the castle Sltrecno, lbuiit, they say, by the fea-rless Matthew C8ik, "the Lord orf the Vah and the Tatras." Mainy were the occupants of this stronghold, the glory orf a past era, nestled on the summit of Mt. Bieda. We read that St·r ecno was the home orf Francis Veseliny in the 17th century. The wife of Veseliny, Sophia Bosniak, died in the stronghold .A!pril 28, 1644, Mld her body, interned in the Lamretanian side-cllapel of the Teplicka ohuroh, has remained practicailly whole for over 300 years. Sophia married the haJndsome Veseliny in her best years; they were ve-ry h-ruppy at Streono. They were haippy, thaJt is untH Veseliny was cailed aiway by duty. When he returned Veseliny was ra very changed man. He practicaJUy ignored Sophia who had n.m out to welcome him home. He spent daiys ,a t a time in his room or on the hunt and ate his meals alone. Sophia became very sad indeed; she was alone and in tears. Then the news came to her . that Vese1iny was prepa,ring to leave the castle the Tuesday before IDaster. The night before the said Tuesday, Solphia receiived a letter from her slister, W1hiClh explained why her husband acted so strangely. The news broke her heart, when she learned that Veseliny had fallen in love with another rund wanted to lea,ve her. Near the narrow pa,th which led to Stroono was a higih boulder, inside of which was an altiar of the Blessed Virgin Maxy. Sophia hastened there with a heavy heart and spent the whole night in prayer. The following morning, Veseliny noticed her as he was ready to leave the castle. Sophie was all spent from tears. Veseliiny was moved exceedingly. Sophia's prayers were heard. Her husband leaped from his horse, embraced his wife, a,nd begged her forg~veness. That was easy enough to do for the fuithful, haippy witfe. That Tuesday beoome a special day for Sophia. �SLOVAKIA 39 Every year on ,t he Tuesday before Easter she would go baxefoot to the caive of the Blessed Mother. She visited the church in Tepli'c:ka every day and during advent made the visit ib,amoot. Sophia was noted for her kindness, the ipoor were her wards and she founded a hospitall. Mter Sophia died at Strecno, April 28, 1644, the chrupel of the Blessed Mother was oipened to the pulblic, as the saintly Sophia had wished before her death. Her body w8JS not preserved artificially or scientifioaUy, yet it has not fallen into decay. The story goes on to say that when Thokoly invaded the vicinity in 1678, he plundered and burned Stroono ;and had the casket conta!ining the body of Sophia taken from the chapel and opened, intending to rab it of jewelry and valuaibles. Wihen he found but 01J1e finger bearing a ring, Thokoly flew into a rage, cut the ring finger off, and threw the 1body of Sophia into lime. But her body remained practically the same as it was. Sophia's body was removed to the Teplmka church in 1'698, when Leopold I. ordered Strecno destro3/ed. In 1729 the ·casket was placed in the Lau:retanian Ohapel. Albove the casket i s a portrait of Sophia. The Slovaks of the vicinity say that the casket contains the body of a saint. The people of 2iHna even today honor Sophia as the mother- of widows rund onphruns. 1 • • • "In the most important decisions, such for instance as concerned the foreign policy of the state, the government never consulted the parliament. In the summer of 1947, when the government was confronted with a Soviet demand not to participate in the Paris conference on the Marshall Plan, it did not even consult the parliamentary committee of foreign affairs, and the chairman of the committee. lvo Duchacek, a former Socialist newsWHO SAID IT? - paperman, refused my demand for an immediate convocation of the committee. Although the great majority of citizens, including even most of the supporters of the Socialist parties, were in favor of participation and although the minis ters were warned to this effect by several deputies, the government unanimously decided not to participate. This was extraordinary in view of the fact that there were only nine Communist members in the government of twenty-aix minis- ters, the seventeen non-Communists clearly having a preponderant majority. Through this decision, the last opportunity to have new elections was probably lost." (Bohdan Chudoba, former member of the Czech Parliament, in THOUGHT, Fordham University Quarterly, Vol 25. No 96, 1950) . � SLOVAKIA CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA STREONO One orf the fourteen fortresses in ruins along the river Vah is the castle Sltrecno, lbuiit, they say, by the fea-rless Matthew C8ik, "the Lord orf the Vah and the Tatras." Mainy were the occupants of this stronghold, the glory orf a past era, nestled on the summit of Mt. Bieda. We read that St·r ecno was the home orf Francis Veseliny in the 17th century. The wife of Veseliny, Sophia Bosniak, died in the stronghold .A!pril 28, 1644, Mld her body, interned in the Lamretanian side-cllapel of the Teplicka ohuroh, has remained practicailly whole for over 300 years. Sophia married the haJndsome Veseliny in her best years; they were ve-ry h-ruppy at Streono. They were haippy, thaJt is untH Veseliny was cailed aiway by duty. When he returned Veseliny was ra very changed man. He practicaJUy ignored Sophia who had n.m out to welcome him home. He spent daiys ,a t a time in his room or on the hunt and ate his meals alone. Sophia became very sad indeed; she was alone and in tears. Then the news came to her . that Vese1iny was prepa,ring to leave the castle the Tuesday before IDaster. The night before the said Tuesday, Solphia receiived a letter from her slister, W1hiClh explained why her husband acted so strangely. The news broke her heart, when she learned that Veseliny had fallen in love with another rund wanted to lea,ve her. Near the narrow pa,th which led to Stroono was a higih boulder, inside of which was an altiar of the Blessed Virgin Maxy. Sophia hastened there with a heavy heart and spent the whole night in prayer. The following morning, Veseliny noticed her as he was ready to leave the castle. Sophie was all spent from tears. Veseliiny was moved exceedingly. Sophia's prayers were heard. Her husband leaped from his horse, embraced his wife, a,nd begged her forg~veness. That was easy enough to do for the fuithful, haippy witfe. That Tuesday beoome a special day for Sophia. �SLOVAKIA 39 Every year on ,t he Tuesday before Easter she would go baxefoot to the caive of the Blessed Mother. She visited the church in Tepli'c:ka every day and during advent made the visit ib,amoot. Sophia was noted for her kindness, the ipoor were her wards and she founded a hospitall. Mter Sophia died at Strecno, April 28, 1644, the chrupel of the Blessed Mother was oipened to the pulblic, as the saintly Sophia had wished before her death. Her body w8JS not preserved artificially or scientifioaUy, yet it has not fallen into decay. The story goes on to say that when Thokoly invaded the vicinity in 1678, he plundered and burned Stroono ;and had the casket conta!ining the body of Sophia taken from the chapel and opened, intending to rab it of jewelry and valuaibles. Wihen he found but 01J1e finger bearing a ring, Thokoly flew into a rage, cut the ring finger off, and threw the 1body of Sophia into lime. But her body remained practically the same as it was. Sophia's body was removed to the Teplmka church in 1'698, when Leopold I. ordered Strecno destro3/ed. In 1729 the ·casket was placed in the Lau:retanian Ohapel. Albove the casket i s a portrait of Sophia. The Slovaks of the vicinity say that the casket contains the body of a saint. The people of 2iHna even today honor Sophia as the mother- of widows rund onphruns. 1 • • • "In the most important decisions, such for instance as concerned the foreign policy of the state, the government never consulted the parliament. In the summer of 1947, when the government was confronted with a Soviet demand not to participate in the Paris conference on the Marshall Plan, it did not even consult the parliamentary committee of foreign affairs, and the chairman of the committee. lvo Duchacek, a former Socialist newsWHO SAID IT? - paperman, refused my demand for an immediate convocation of the committee. Although the great majority of citizens, including even most of the supporters of the Socialist parties, were in favor of participation and although the minis ters were warned to this effect by several deputies, the government unanimously decided not to participate. This was extraordinary in view of the fact that there were only nine Communist members in the government of twenty-aix minis- ters, the seventeen non-Communists clearly having a preponderant majority. Through this decision, the last opportunity to have new elections was probably lost." (Bohdan Chudoba, former member of the Czech Parliament, in THOUGHT, Fordham University Quarterly, Vol 25. No 96, 1950) . � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1953, Vol. 3 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.</li> <li>Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1953 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA STREONO One orf the fourteen fortresses in ruins along the river Vah is the castle Sltrecno, lbuiit, they say, by the fea-rless Matthew C8ik, "the Lord orf the Vah and the Tatras." Mainy were the occupants of this stronghold, the glory orf a past era, nestled on the summit of Mt. Bieda. We read that St·r ecno was the home orf Francis Veseliny in the 17th century. The wife of Veseliny, Sophia Bosniak, died in the stronghold .A!pril 28, 1644, Mld her body, interned in the Lamretanian side-cllapel of the Teplicka ohuroh, has remained practicailly whole for over 300 years. Sophia married the haJndsome Veseliny in her best years; they were ve-ry h-ruppy at Streono. They were haippy, thaJt is untH Veseliny was cailed aiway by duty. When he returned Veseliny was ra very changed man. He practicaJUy ignored Sophia who had n.m out to welcome him home. He spent daiys ,a t a time in his room or on the hunt and ate his meals alone. Sophia became very sad indeed; she was alone and in tears. Then the news came to her . that Vese1iny was prepa,ring to leave the castle the Tuesday before IDaster. The night before the said Tuesday, Solphia receiived a letter from her slister, W1hiClh explained why her husband acted so strangely. The news broke her heart, when she learned that Veseliny had fallen in love with another rund wanted to lea,ve her. Near the narrow pa,th which led to Stroono was a higih boulder, inside of which was an altiar of the Blessed Virgin Maxy. Sophia hastened there with a heavy heart and spent the whole night in prayer. The following morning, Veseliny noticed her as he was ready to leave the castle. Sophie was all spent from tears. Veseliiny was moved exceedingly. Sophia's prayers were heard. Her husband leaped from his horse, embraced his wife, a,nd begged her forg~veness. That was easy enough to do for the fuithful, haippy witfe. That Tuesday beoome a special day for Sophia. SLOVAKIA 39 Every year on ,t he Tuesday before Easter she would go baxefoot to the caive of the Blessed Mother. She visited the church in Tepli'c:ka every day and during advent made the visit ib,amoot. Sophia was noted for her kindness, the ipoor were her wards and she founded a hospitall. Mter Sophia died at Strecno, April 28, 1644, the chrupel of the Blessed Mother was oipened to the pulblic, as the saintly Sophia had wished before her death. Her body w8JS not preserved artificially or scientifioaUy, yet it has not fallen into decay. The story goes on to say that when Thokoly invaded the vicinity in 1678, he plundered and burned Stroono ;and had the casket conta!ining the body of Sophia taken from the chapel and opened, intending to rab it of jewelry and valuaibles. Wihen he found but 01J1e finger bearing a ring, Thokoly flew into a rage, cut the ring finger off, and threw the 1body of Sophia into lime. But her body remained practically the same as it was. Sophia's body was removed to the Teplmka church in 1'698, when Leopold I. ordered Strecno destro3/ed. In 1729 the ·casket was placed in the Lau:retanian Ohapel. Albove the casket i s a portrait of Sophia. The Slovaks of the vicinity say that the casket contains the body of a saint. The people of 2iHna even today honor Sophia as the mother- of widows rund onphruns. 1 • • • "In the most important decisions, such for instance as concerned the foreign policy of the state, the government never consulted the parliament. In the summer of 1947, when the government was confronted with a Soviet demand not to participate in the Paris conference on the Marshall Plan, it did not even consult the parliamentary committee of foreign affairs, and the chairman of the committee. lvo Duchacek, a former Socialist newsWHO SAID IT? - paperman, refused my demand for an immediate convocation of the committee. Although the great majority of citizens, including even most of the supporters of the Socialist parties, were in favor of participation and although the minis ters were warned to this effect by several deputies, the government unanimously decided not to participate. This was extraordinary in view of the fact that there were only nine Communist members in the government of twenty-aix minis- ters, the seventeen non-Communists clearly having a preponderant majority. Through this decision, the last opportunity to have new elections was probably lost." (Bohdan Chudoba, former member of the Czech Parliament, in THOUGHT, Fordham University Quarterly, Vol 25. No 96, 1950) .  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Castles of Slovakia: Strečno Description An account of the resource Slovakia, Vol. 3, No. 1 (6), April 1953 pp. 38-39 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource April 1953 castles https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/300872b1fc16055c2aec32c5cd361906.pdf 995df54c6ac5008b178fc60e105406cc PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA A VOICE FOR SWVAK.IA James McVann He stood about five feet ten, angular, and with the tenseness marked in so many priests who have fled from Communist countries. We met in Albany, N. Y ., at the home of Father B. Culver Alford, a diocesan official and a friend from Roman days. When I was introduced to the stranger, my curiosity rose at the announcement that this Father Augustin Zan came from Slovakia, where he had been assistant to Monsignor Tiso; later for six years he worked as the Papal Relief Mission's representative to Slovak D. P.'s throughout Germany and Austria. "Here was a man to interview. My first question had to do with the antecedents of Father Zan (prounonced Zan-yeh). He replied in an English by no means faultless but very good for one in this country only a year. "Forty-one years ago I was born at Prievidza, a Slovakian village in the foothills of the Carpathians. Prievidza means 'long view'; our village got the name because in old times there the government guards could see down the roads that went straight into the forests. "My seminary education was obtained at Nitra, ancient capital of Slovakia." Tiso The next question had to do with Monsignor Joseph Tiso, President of the Slovak Republic from 1939 to 1945, who was hanged in 1947 by the Red government of Prague. "How did Monsignor Tiso come to power?" "He succeeded Monsignor Andrew IIlinka as head of what was called the H'linka Party. When Slovakia, freed from the Czech government by the Nazi occupation of Bohemia, set up its own republic, Monsignor Tiso was elected president by the free votes of the country." "Wasn't Slovakia occupied by Hitler like the rest of Czechoslovakia?" �SLOVAKIA "No," he emphasized. "We stayed free. All during the war my country had neither German nor Russian occupation." "What sort of man was Tiso?" "He was a courageous - what do you call it? straight out, no speaking around." "Forthright?" "Forthright. He was a man prepared at all times to die. The Nazis tried to assassinate him at Bratislava in 1944. He had refused to let Slova,k soldiers be taken into the German army. When eleven American pilots were downed in Slovakia combatting Nazi fliers, he refused to give them up to Germany and spirited them to freedom via Jugoslavia. "Then the Reds pressed him to form a Soviet Slovak Republic. He refused, knowing they would take his life when the Allies won." "What was your own relation to Tiso?" I next asked. "Were you his political secretary or lieutenant?" "Oh, no. From 1938 to 1939 I was assistant - what you call curate - in the parish where he was pastor, at Banovce. All week Tiso was head of the government. On Sunday he came bacik to be priest of his people." "But why did he, a priest, accept the Presidency?" "He didn't want to. Sfovakia was under Nazi domination - four million against fifty million. What could they do? Tiso knew his position was almost impossible. But he accepted because he wanted to do all he could for his country. Once the West condemned him for things he had to do. They know better now. He was a great hero." Papal Almoner "Were you with him when he was executed?" "I had fled. A year before Monsignor Tiso died, the Catholic underground sent me a letter saying that the Reds had decided to hang me. The underground helped me to escape into the American zone of Austria." "Then what?" "Return to Slovakia was out of the question. I determined- to help my people - thousands of them - who were refugees in Western Germany and Austria. With the �SLOVAKIA aid of Archbishop Carlo Chiarlo, head of the Third Papal Relief Mission to G€rmany, I was appointed to look after Slovaks in eighty centers." "What was your work?" "Spiritual, charitable - not political. I tried to provide them with priests, sacraments and money raised by the Papal Relief. For that I made a hundred trips to Germany. Seventeen Slovak exile priests helped me. The Holy Father gave me the power to confer Confirmation. " "Why do you say your work was not political?" "As a priest and delegate of the Pope's charitable agency, I avoided politics. The nearest to political action I approached was when, on behalf of the Holy See, I questioned Polish, Hungarian, Slovakian, and Ukrainian refugees about church conditions in their country." Immigrant I asked him next how he came to the United States. "I knew I couJd get no help from the IRO - International Relief Organization - because some of their agents opposed my religious work. So I went direct to the American consulate at Salzburg, where I obtained entry not as a refugee official but strictly in terms of American immigration law. "Monsignor Emil Komora of New York, director of the Catholic Committee for Refugees, was helpful. And I am grateful to Bishop Gib.hons for admitting me to his diocese. They helped me to come to this nice country." I smiled a,t the little touch of newcomer's English, "nice country," Father Zan's one lapse in an otherwise good performance. The questions continued. "Why did you come to America?" "To work among the Slovaks here. There are two million in the United States and one million in Canada. And to obtain assistance for our unhappy people back home." "Tell me of your people's unhappiness " Intrepid Faith He leaned back in his chair, like a man recollecting-. "You will have to be patient with me a little if you would �SLOVAKIA 43 understand my nation's plight. We Slovaks are proud of our religious history - the oldest Christian nation in Central Europe, dating back from the fifth century. Then in 863 the great saints Cyril and Methodius came from Constantinople and renewed the Catholicism not only of the Slovaks but of all the various Slavic nations - Czechs, Poles, Ukrainians, Croatians, Slovenes - as well as the Hungarians. "Though Slovakia lost its political independence in the eleventh century, it never let go its national consciousness. No, not even under the domination of the Prague government when the regimes of Masaryk and Benes, violating the autonomy assured Slovakia by Wilson at Versailles, forced on us a Czech control in government, police, and education. "So when Hitler took over Bohemia and Moravia, our people seized the chance and proclaimed their Independent Republic. Until 1945 the country was free of occupation. In the war it took sides with Nazi Germany by defending its borders against Russia; there could be no neutrality with godless Communism. "In the Red invasion many towns and villages were razed to the ground (the way the Nazis had razed Lidice ) . Women were raped, about thirty thousand Slovaks were deported to Siberia. Thousands more fled to the West. "Then when the Reds took control at Prague, the Slovaks voted 70 per cent against Communism. For that they have been persecuted by the so-called People's Courts. It is essentially a religious persecution, as the whole question of Central Europe is a religious question. "Now all churches and clergy are under Red supervision No priest may preach anything but state-issued bullet ins. Catholic education has been turned over to Marxism. The seminary at Bratislava has only Communist youth who go out passing for priests until the people detect them in their Marxist doctrine and walk out on their sermons. Every bishop is in prison or under house arrest. So severe is their confinement that they cannot go to confession except in the presence of a Red observer - · and they must confess in Slovak for him to understand. A thousand' priests are �SLOVAKIA in concentration camps, forced to ]31bor in mines and factories." I interupted him to ask, "Are any priests being sent to Siberia ?" "So far they are being kept in Slovakia. But Catholic laymen are sent to concentration camps. "Has this weakened the faith of the people?" "On the contrary." he replied with a touch of pride, "their faith is stronger. They fill the churches. Since the government seizes all Church collections, they support the clergy privately." Voice of Hope "Are you in a position now to help your nation?" "To some extent. To needy priests I send Mass stipends. and the money I collect for the people is transmitted to Father Vojtech Bucko, my successor as delegate to the Slovak exiles in Europe. We both shifted in our chairs for the last question. "Father Zan, what do you hope for your country?" "I hope Slovakia will be free again I hope it will have the same freedom as America, to worship God and decide its own affairs." - (INFORMATION, Dec. 1952). • • • • • WHO SAi D IT? - "However close the original bonds (between the Slovaks and the Czechs) may have been, the ten centuries during which the Slovaks formed a part of the kingdom of Hungary, while the ,Czechs were subjected to German and Austrian influences, naturally ' brought .. about a marked differentation between the two peoples. Even the physical stocks CaJ'iilOt be so closely related today as they were a thousand years ago, for the Czechs are today inextricably mingled with German elements, while the Slovak mountaineers have retained their racial purity to a larger degree . . . . 'l'he.re is, however, a noticeable difference both in physical appearance and in character between the dour, efficient, but somewhat ungainly Czech, and the airy, talkative, happy-go-lucky Slovak." (C. A. Macartney: HUNGARY AND HER SUCCESSORS; 1937, London) . • WHO SAID IT? "Slovakia has never been too happy in its union with Bohemia and Moravia in the synthetic Czechoslovak state. The Masaryk-Benes Government sentenced Dr. Vojtech Tuka to fifteen years imprisonment in 1928 for ,ieparatlsm. The Benes-Gottwald Government hanged Monsignor Tiso for the same offense in 1947, and Clementls Is to be tried for it In 1951." - (John MacCormac, The NEW YORK TIMES, 3-3-51). � SLOVAKIA A VOICE FOR SWVAK.IA James McVann He stood about five feet ten, angular, and with the tenseness marked in so many priests who have fled from Communist countries. We met in Albany, N. Y ., at the home of Father B. Culver Alford, a diocesan official and a friend from Roman days. When I was introduced to the stranger, my curiosity rose at the announcement that this Father Augustin Zan came from Slovakia, where he had been assistant to Monsignor Tiso; later for six years he worked as the Papal Relief Mission's representative to Slovak D. P.'s throughout Germany and Austria. "Here was a man to interview. My first question had to do with the antecedents of Father Zan (prounonced Zan-yeh). He replied in an English by no means faultless but very good for one in this country only a year. "Forty-one years ago I was born at Prievidza, a Slovakian village in the foothills of the Carpathians. Prievidza means 'long view'; our village got the name because in old times there the government guards could see down the roads that went straight into the forests. "My seminary education was obtained at Nitra, ancient capital of Slovakia." Tiso The next question had to do with Monsignor Joseph Tiso, President of the Slovak Republic from 1939 to 1945, who was hanged in 1947 by the Red government of Prague. "How did Monsignor Tiso come to power?" "He succeeded Monsignor Andrew IIlinka as head of what was called the H'linka Party. When Slovakia, freed from the Czech government by the Nazi occupation of Bohemia, set up its own republic, Monsignor Tiso was elected president by the free votes of the country." "Wasn't Slovakia occupied by Hitler like the rest of Czechoslovakia?" �SLOVAKIA "No," he emphasized. "We stayed free. All during the war my country had neither German nor Russian occupation." "What sort of man was Tiso?" "He was a courageous - what do you call it? straight out, no speaking around." "Forthright?" "Forthright. He was a man prepared at all times to die. The Nazis tried to assassinate him at Bratislava in 1944. He had refused to let Slova,k soldiers be taken into the German army. When eleven American pilots were downed in Slovakia combatting Nazi fliers, he refused to give them up to Germany and spirited them to freedom via Jugoslavia. "Then the Reds pressed him to form a Soviet Slovak Republic. He refused, knowing they would take his life when the Allies won." "What was your own relation to Tiso?" I next asked. "Were you his political secretary or lieutenant?" "Oh, no. From 1938 to 1939 I was assistant - what you call curate - in the parish where he was pastor, at Banovce. All week Tiso was head of the government. On Sunday he came bacik to be priest of his people." "But why did he, a priest, accept the Presidency?" "He didn't want to. Sfovakia was under Nazi domination - four million against fifty million. What could they do? Tiso knew his position was almost impossible. But he accepted because he wanted to do all he could for his country. Once the West condemned him for things he had to do. They know better now. He was a great hero." Papal Almoner "Were you with him when he was executed?" "I had fled. A year before Monsignor Tiso died, the Catholic underground sent me a letter saying that the Reds had decided to hang me. The underground helped me to escape into the American zone of Austria." "Then what?" "Return to Slovakia was out of the question. I determined- to help my people - thousands of them - who were refugees in Western Germany and Austria. With the �SLOVAKIA aid of Archbishop Carlo Chiarlo, head of the Third Papal Relief Mission to G€rmany, I was appointed to look after Slovaks in eighty centers." "What was your work?" "Spiritual, charitable - not political. I tried to provide them with priests, sacraments and money raised by the Papal Relief. For that I made a hundred trips to Germany. Seventeen Slovak exile priests helped me. The Holy Father gave me the power to confer Confirmation. " "Why do you say your work was not political?" "As a priest and delegate of the Pope's charitable agency, I avoided politics. The nearest to political action I approached was when, on behalf of the Holy See, I questioned Polish, Hungarian, Slovakian, and Ukrainian refugees about church conditions in their country." Immigrant I asked him next how he came to the United States. "I knew I couJd get no help from the IRO - International Relief Organization - because some of their agents opposed my religious work. So I went direct to the American consulate at Salzburg, where I obtained entry not as a refugee official but strictly in terms of American immigration law. "Monsignor Emil Komora of New York, director of the Catholic Committee for Refugees, was helpful. And I am grateful to Bishop Gib.hons for admitting me to his diocese. They helped me to come to this nice country." I smiled a,t the little touch of newcomer's English, "nice country," Father Zan's one lapse in an otherwise good performance. The questions continued. "Why did you come to America?" "To work among the Slovaks here. There are two million in the United States and one million in Canada. And to obtain assistance for our unhappy people back home." "Tell me of your people's unhappiness " Intrepid Faith He leaned back in his chair, like a man recollecting-. "You will have to be patient with me a little if you would �SLOVAKIA 43 understand my nation's plight. We Slovaks are proud of our religious history - the oldest Christian nation in Central Europe, dating back from the fifth century. Then in 863 the great saints Cyril and Methodius came from Constantinople and renewed the Catholicism not only of the Slovaks but of all the various Slavic nations - Czechs, Poles, Ukrainians, Croatians, Slovenes - as well as the Hungarians. "Though Slovakia lost its political independence in the eleventh century, it never let go its national consciousness. No, not even under the domination of the Prague government when the regimes of Masaryk and Benes, violating the autonomy assured Slovakia by Wilson at Versailles, forced on us a Czech control in government, police, and education. "So when Hitler took over Bohemia and Moravia, our people seized the chance and proclaimed their Independent Republic. Until 1945 the country was free of occupation. In the war it took sides with Nazi Germany by defending its borders against Russia; there could be no neutrality with godless Communism. "In the Red invasion many towns and villages were razed to the ground (the way the Nazis had razed Lidice ) . Women were raped, about thirty thousand Slovaks were deported to Siberia. Thousands more fled to the West. "Then when the Reds took control at Prague, the Slovaks voted 70 per cent against Communism. For that they have been persecuted by the so-called People's Courts. It is essentially a religious persecution, as the whole question of Central Europe is a religious question. "Now all churches and clergy are under Red supervision No priest may preach anything but state-issued bullet ins. Catholic education has been turned over to Marxism. The seminary at Bratislava has only Communist youth who go out passing for priests until the people detect them in their Marxist doctrine and walk out on their sermons. Every bishop is in prison or under house arrest. So severe is their confinement that they cannot go to confession except in the presence of a Red observer - · and they must confess in Slovak for him to understand. A thousand' priests are �SLOVAKIA in concentration camps, forced to ]31bor in mines and factories." I interupted him to ask, "Are any priests being sent to Siberia ?" "So far they are being kept in Slovakia. But Catholic laymen are sent to concentration camps. "Has this weakened the faith of the people?" "On the contrary." he replied with a touch of pride, "their faith is stronger. They fill the churches. Since the government seizes all Church collections, they support the clergy privately." Voice of Hope "Are you in a position now to help your nation?" "To some extent. To needy priests I send Mass stipends. and the money I collect for the people is transmitted to Father Vojtech Bucko, my successor as delegate to the Slovak exiles in Europe. We both shifted in our chairs for the last question. "Father Zan, what do you hope for your country?" "I hope Slovakia will be free again I hope it will have the same freedom as America, to worship God and decide its own affairs." - (INFORMATION, Dec. 1952). • • • • • WHO SAi D IT? - "However close the original bonds (between the Slovaks and the Czechs) may have been, the ten centuries during which the Slovaks formed a part of the kingdom of Hungary, while the ,Czechs were subjected to German and Austrian influences, naturally ' brought .. about a marked differentation between the two peoples. Even the physical stocks CaJ'iilOt be so closely related today as they were a thousand years ago, for the Czechs are today inextricably mingled with German elements, while the Slovak mountaineers have retained their racial purity to a larger degree . . . . 'l'he.re is, however, a noticeable difference both in physical appearance and in character between the dour, efficient, but somewhat ungainly Czech, and the airy, talkative, happy-go-lucky Slovak." (C. A. Macartney: HUNGARY AND HER SUCCESSORS; 1937, London) . • WHO SAID IT? "Slovakia has never been too happy in its union with Bohemia and Moravia in the synthetic Czechoslovak state. The Masaryk-Benes Government sentenced Dr. Vojtech Tuka to fifteen years imprisonment in 1928 for ,ieparatlsm. The Benes-Gottwald Government hanged Monsignor Tiso for the same offense in 1947, and Clementls Is to be tried for it In 1951." - (John MacCormac, The NEW YORK TIMES, 3-3-51). � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1953, Vol. 3 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.</li> <li>Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1953 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA A VOICE FOR SLOVAKIA James McVann He stood about five feet ten, angular, and with the tenseness marked in so many priests who have fled from Communist countries. We met in Albany, N. Y ., at the home of Father B. Culver Alford, a diocesan official and a friend from Roman days. When I was introduced to the stranger, my curiosity rose at the announcement that this Father Augustin Zan came from Slovakia, where he had been assistant to Monsignor Tiso; later for six years he worked as the Papal Relief Mission's representative to Slovak D. P.'s throughout Germany and Austria. "Here was a man to interview. My first question had to do with the antecedents of Father Zan (prounonced Zan-yeh). He replied in an English by no means faultless but very good for one in this country only a year. "Forty-one years ago I was born at Prievidza, a Slovakian village in the foothills of the Carpathians. Prievidza means 'long view'; our village got the name because in old times there the government guards could see down the roads that went straight into the forests. "My seminary education was obtained at Nitra, ancient capital of Slovakia." Tiso The next question had to do with Monsignor Joseph Tiso, President of the Slovak Republic from 1939 to 1945, who was hanged in 1947 by the Red government of Prague. "How did Monsignor Tiso come to power?" "He succeeded Monsignor Andrew IIlinka as head of what was called the H'linka Party. When Slovakia, freed from the Czech government by the Nazi occupation of Bohemia, set up its own republic, Monsignor Tiso was elected president by the free votes of the country." "Wasn't Slovakia occupied by Hitler like the rest of Czechoslovakia?" SLOVAKIA "No," he emphasized. "We stayed free. All during the war my country had neither German nor Russian occupation." "What sort of man was Tiso?" "He was a courageous - what do you call it? straight out, no speaking around." "Forthright?" "Forthright. He was a man prepared at all times to die. The Nazis tried to assassinate him at Bratislava in 1944. He had refused to let Slova,k soldiers be taken into the German army. When eleven American pilots were downed in Slovakia combatting Nazi fliers, he refused to give them up to Germany and spirited them to freedom via Jugoslavia. "Then the Reds pressed him to form a Soviet Slovak Republic. He refused, knowing they would take his life when the Allies won." "What was your own relation to Tiso?" I next asked. "Were you his political secretary or lieutenant?" "Oh, no. From 1938 to 1939 I was assistant - what you call curate - in the parish where he was pastor, at Banovce. All week Tiso was head of the government. On Sunday he came bacik to be priest of his people." "But why did he, a priest, accept the Presidency?" "He didn't want to. Sfovakia was under Nazi domination - four million against fifty million. What could they do? Tiso knew his position was almost impossible. But he accepted because he wanted to do all he could for his country. Once the West condemned him for things he had to do. They know better now. He was a great hero." Papal Almoner "Were you with him when he was executed?" "I had fled. A year before Monsignor Tiso died, the Catholic underground sent me a letter saying that the Reds had decided to hang me. The underground helped me to escape into the American zone of Austria." "Then what?" "Return to Slovakia was out of the question. I determined- to help my people - thousands of them - who were refugees in Western Germany and Austria. With the SLOVAKIA aid of Archbishop Carlo Chiarlo, head of the Third Papal Relief Mission to G€rmany, I was appointed to look after Slovaks in eighty centers." "What was your work?" "Spiritual, charitable - not political. I tried to provide them with priests, sacraments and money raised by the Papal Relief. For that I made a hundred trips to Germany. Seventeen Slovak exile priests helped me. The Holy Father gave me the power to confer Confirmation. " "Why do you say your work was not political?" "As a priest and delegate of the Pope's charitable agency, I avoided politics. The nearest to political action I approached was when, on behalf of the Holy See, I questioned Polish, Hungarian, Slovakian, and Ukrainian refugees about church conditions in their country." Immigrant I asked him next how he came to the United States. "I knew I couJd get no help from the IRO - International Relief Organization - because some of their agents opposed my religious work. So I went direct to the American consulate at Salzburg, where I obtained entry not as a refugee official but strictly in terms of American immigration law. "Monsignor Emil Komora of New York, director of the Catholic Committee for Refugees, was helpful. And I am grateful to Bishop Gib.hons for admitting me to his diocese. They helped me to come to this nice country." I smiled a,t the little touch of newcomer's English, "nice country," Father Zan's one lapse in an otherwise good performance. The questions continued. "Why did you come to America?" "To work among the Slovaks here. There are two million in the United States and one million in Canada. And to obtain assistance for our unhappy people back home." "Tell me of your people's unhappiness " Intrepid Faith He leaned back in his chair, like a man recollecting-. "You will have to be patient with me a little if you would SLOVAKIA 43 understand my nation's plight. We Slovaks are proud of our religious history - the oldest Christian nation in Central Europe, dating back from the fifth century. Then in 863 the great saints Cyril and Methodius came from Constantinople and renewed the Catholicism not only of the Slovaks but of all the various Slavic nations - Czechs, Poles, Ukrainians, Croatians, Slovenes - as well as the Hungarians. "Though Slovakia lost its political independence in the eleventh century, it never let go its national consciousness. No, not even under the domination of the Prague government when the regimes of Masaryk and Benes, violating the autonomy assured Slovakia by Wilson at Versailles, forced on us a Czech control in government, police, and education. "So when Hitler took over Bohemia and Moravia, our people seized the chance and proclaimed their Independent Republic. Until 1945 the country was free of occupation. In the war it took sides with Nazi Germany by defending its borders against Russia; there could be no neutrality with godless Communism. "In the Red invasion many towns and villages were razed to the ground (the way the Nazis had razed Lidice ) . Women were raped, about thirty thousand Slovaks were deported to Siberia. Thousands more fled to the West. "Then when the Reds took control at Prague, the Slovaks voted 70 per cent against Communism. For that they have been persecuted by the so-called People's Courts. It is essentially a religious persecution, as the whole question of Central Europe is a religious question. "Now all churches and clergy are under Red supervision No priest may preach anything but state-issued bullet ins. Catholic education has been turned over to Marxism. The seminary at Bratislava has only Communist youth who go out passing for priests until the people detect them in their Marxist doctrine and walk out on their sermons. Every bishop is in prison or under house arrest. So severe is their confinement that they cannot go to confession except in the presence of a Red observer - · and they must confess in Slovak for him to understand. A thousand' priests are SLOVAKIA in concentration camps, forced to ]31bor in mines and factories." I interupted him to ask, "Are any priests being sent to Siberia ?" "So far they are being kept in Slovakia. But Catholic laymen are sent to concentration camps. "Has this weakened the faith of the people?" "On the contrary." he replied with a touch of pride, "their faith is stronger. They fill the churches. Since the government seizes all Church collections, they support the clergy privately." Voice of Hope "Are you in a position now to help your nation?" "To some extent. To needy priests I send Mass stipends. and the money I collect for the people is transmitted to Father Vojtech Bucko, my successor as delegate to the Slovak exiles in Europe. We both shifted in our chairs for the last question. "Father Zan, what do you hope for your country?" "I hope Slovakia will be free again I hope it will have the same freedom as America, to worship God and decide its own affairs." - (INFORMATION, Dec. 1952). • • • • • WHO SAi D IT? - "However close the original bonds (between the Slovaks and the Czechs) may have been, the ten centuries during which the Slovaks formed a part of the kingdom of Hungary, while the ,Czechs were subjected to German and Austrian influences, naturally ' brought .. about a marked differentation between the two peoples. Even the physical stocks CaJ'iilOt be so closely related today as they were a thousand years ago, for the Czechs are today inextricably mingled with German elements, while the Slovak mountaineers have retained their racial purity to a larger degree . . . . 'l'he.re is, however, a noticeable difference both in physical appearance and in character between the dour, efficient, but somewhat ungainly Czech, and the airy, talkative, happy-go-lucky Slovak." (C. A. Macartney: HUNGARY AND HER SUCCESSORS; 1937, London) . • WHO SAID IT? "Slovakia has never been too happy in its union with Bohemia and Moravia in the synthetic Czechoslovak state. The Masaryk-Benes Government sentenced Dr. Vojtech Tuka to fifteen years imprisonment in 1928 for ,ieparatlsm. The Benes-Gottwald Government hanged Monsignor Tiso for the same offense in 1947, and Clementls Is to be tried for it In 1951." - (John MacCormac, The NEW YORK TIMES, 3-3-51).  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Voice for Slovakia Description An account of the resource James McVann Slovakia, Vol. 3, No. 1 (6), April 1953 pp. 40-44 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource McVann, James Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource April 1953 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/4de0f9b3f07a1d48924005bb08767f0b.pdf 3fb70797b3aaf1a050b830587ab19be9 PDF Text Text 46 SLOVAKIA COULD CZECHS AND SLOVAKS AGREE? Joseph Kirschbaum, M. A., LL. D. In his schol,a rly work "The HaJbsburrg Monare'hy," the emment English historian A. J. P. Taylor, writing in regard to O.rech tenden:cies to assimilate the SIJ.ovak people and to dommate 'Slovakia, stated that the Ozechs overlooked the fact that the age of national amal gama<tion was over and, therefore, ".the Czech could outplay the Slovaks; .they could not satisfy them." According to Mr. Ta:yJor: "Masaryk revived the radical idea of 1848 and · proposed to create a sing;le 'Oreclloslovak' nation 1by will power. Masaryk knew little of ·t he Slovaks; others knew even less This was his strength in dealing 'with the al1ied leaders; it ,c ould not solve the Slovak rproiblem. Masaryk had hoped thaJt the Czechs ,amd the Slovaks would come together as the English and the Scotch had done ; the Slovaks tUTned out to lbe the Irish." 1 Just recenUy I quoted this statement of Mr. Taylor's whi:le converaing with a representative of American politics. My interilocutor said nothing a/bout 1t, but asked whether the Czechs ·t hemselves ,t hought along .those lines. "Not all Czechs," I replied; "however, I do not think that would or could alter the fact ,s tated by Taylor." In reality, even though Taylor notes olbjectively the development of the relationship between the Czechs and the Slova,ks, the leadershi1p of the Czech exile obstinately refuses to see this historic aotuality and dr.aw from i,t the logical ·c onclusion. Still imbued with imperialistic ideas, certain Ozeoh exiles continue to foHow the illusions of the hrupless past which can never return. IDven today they are ,n ot interested in a federated Ozecho-Slova'kia, but are dreaJining of forcing the Slovaks once a,gain into a political system which came into .b eing with the Constitution orf 1920, the 1preamlble of which begins wiith the words "We the Ozechoslcwak nation." That Constitution was �46 SLOV.AKJA authored. iby the Czechs without Slovak participation. Of course, the P•r ague Government, headed by T. G. Masaryik, saw to it that the Slovaks had a voice in it: it 8JPpointed. such genuine S1oivaks Hke Dr. Edward Benes and Alice Masaryk (lboth Ozechs ! ) to represent the Slovak nation on the committee on the constitution! On the other ,hand, these Ozech emigrants forget the "imponderalbilia," such as the faict that their names inevita'bly evoke in the Slovaks not only bjtter reminiscences of the twenty-yeaT-o ld centralism, but aJso the phantom orf the galllQlws, concenJtration ca:mps, deportations, murders and the destruction of properties of thousands of Slovak families after the re-establishm ent of Crecho-Slova1kia in 1945. Ail this is connected with the names of Rvpka, Peroutka, Zen1kl, Prochazka and the political parties which the Czech emigrants in the "Ootmcil of Free Czeichoslovalkia" represent. For every selt--consoious Slovaik, therefore, it i:s an insult when these Ozech emigraints thinik that the Slovak nation could agree wiith their political conceptions, or thaJt it could recognruze a representati'On of people with an antliS1ovaik record such as has practically every representative of the "Council of Free Czechoslovak ia." They definitely do 111ot represent the will of the Sllovak nation, and when the representative s of the "Council orf Free Ozechoslova:kia" pretend ,t hat they do, they are only deceiving the international pUlblic. 'Dhe mandate given them in the shadow of the gallows and under the threat of Russian bayonets for services rendered to CommUiliist expansion has long lost its validity. Does this mean that every understanding and cooperation between the Czechs and Slovaks in exile and between the Czeicih nation and the Slovak nation is excluded a priori after liberation? It does not. The Slovaik nation and its representa•ti<ves in exile are suffi•cient:Jly aware of the fact that the fig,ht against Communism and, later, the destiny of Central Eu.Tope require the understanding and cooperation of all the Central- �47 European nations. That is why the Slovaks are for an understand ing in Cent:r,al Europe. At the same time, however, it is clear to the Sfovruks that a new organizatio n of Central Europe must lbe built on realities whi'ch respect historical rea,litJies and geopolitica l laws, and !Ilot on the im1perialisti'c dreams of the emigrants in the "Council of Free Ozechoslov iakia." Therefore, the Slovaks are conrvinced tha;t cooperation with the Czech emigrants of the Council cannat be considered in the interest of a better future of Central Europe. This has already become dear even to severaJl individuals of the Czech exile. Unfortll!Ilat ely, their numlber is small, but they are pohtically sober and in.Jt:ella!tually strong. Professor Dr. Bohdian Ohuddba is the foremost among them. He has ithe oourage not only to see the problems of Europe in their right perspective , 'b ut also to •p ersistently propa;gate a;nd defend his truth against all the hatred of his own countryme n in exile. lt is self-eviden t to Dr. Chudoba that "just as a hundred years ago, so even today aH Central-IDu,r opean nations, including the Sudeten Geimans, want to have their own properties and their own administrat ions." Therefore, says Chudolba altogetiher correctly, Czech politics will either "concur with this reality and so also have chance to say somet!hing alb.o ut it, or ~lse it will continue in the captivity of imperialisti c dreams, which can be nothing else ,b ut an ephemeral chapter in Czech ,h istory, and then reality will develop without the Czechs exactly as it did during MUilli.ch" (ROZPRAV Y, Rome, Vol. IV, No. 1). In practical ,politics, for Dr. Chuddba this means: 1. A new Central European order must have the full assent of Germany right from the beginning, because otherwise it would not be real ; 2. the Czechs must resolrve the question of the Sudeten Germans as quickly as ;possible; 3. the Czechs must come to an agreement, just as quiokly a,s possible, with the Slovaks so that they could have at least one friend in Central . Europe. Undoll!bted ly no one will object to Chudoba's views, a t least no one who is realJy interested in estaiblishin g a �SLOVAKIA 48 reaJ, permanent peace in Central Europe, and not a new, dangerous, provisional condition. Conversei,y, such an outlook on CentraJ-Eu:rop ean problems must be truken as an indication that not onlry sensilble talks •w ould be possible with the younger Czech generation, but even a sober cooperatio1I1 couft.d be ef.fected with it on the ibasi.s of "suum cuique." Of course, in ,p ractical politics further development will depend on how mainy Czooh ipo1iticians will haive :bhe ooura;ge to fiace realities and also adrupt political acts to reality. Im the last amailysis, whether Ozecih politics will be governed by the spirit of mpka and Zen'kl, or by the spirit of the views fomrnfated lby Chudo!ba, on this will depend the relationship 1between the Ozechs amd ,t he Slov,a ks. Today, ail.ong with Communiism, the Czech exihle amd espedaUy the "Council oif Free Cze~hoslovaki,a" is the greatest enemy of the SlovaJks. The incontrover:t~ble fact is the Ozechs are the only nation on earth fighting a:gainst the freedom and ,independenice of Slovaks. • • • WHO SAID IT? "WE ARE THE ALLIES OF THE SOVIET UNION A.ND SHALL REMAIN FAITHFUL TO THAT ALLIANCE. We are friends of the Western Allies, we shall maintain our friendship towards them and will do our loyal best to retain their friendship and we shall sincerely (Dr. Bene!, Message to the pursue A NEW SLAVONIC Policy." Provisional N'a.tional Assembly, Prague, Oct. 28. 1945) . • • • • • • "There are some individuals who assert that we are in the hands of the Soviets, yet the governments look upon us In a different way. WE ARE ALLIES OF THE SOVIET UNION AND WE SHALL ALWAYS REMAIN FAITHFUL TO THE SOVIETS. We are friends of the west, and we shall remain SUCH friends. In the form of our alliance with the Soviet Union we proceed and we shall proceed IN OUR OWN WAY." - (Dr. Bene!§ Statement to the Praesidium of the Slovak National Council, Prague, 0-ot. 9. 1945) . "But I say quite openly that the path which Soviet Russia took after the last war Is not the one which will be followed in Czechoslovakia. Our conditions are completely different from every point of view, and we shall not abandon our old method of evolutionary adaptation and our old policy of ba.Jance between the east and the west. Our geographical position does not permit us to change thl1 (Dr. Benes , Foreign Affairs, New century-old policy violently." York , Oct. 1944). � 46 SLOVAKIA COULD CZECHS AND SLOVAKS AGREE? Joseph Kirschbaum, M. A., LL. D. In his schol,a rly work "The HaJbsburrg Monare'hy," the emment English historian A. J. P. Taylor, writing in regard to O.rech tenden:cies to assimilate the SIJ.ovak people and to dommate 'Slovakia, stated that the Ozechs overlooked the fact that the age of national amal gama<tion was over and, therefore, ".the Czech could outplay the Slovaks; .they could not satisfy them." According to Mr. Ta:yJor: "Masaryk revived the radical idea of 1848 and · proposed to create a sing;le 'Oreclloslovak' nation 1by will power. Masaryk knew little of ·t he Slovaks; others knew even less This was his strength in dealing 'with the al1ied leaders; it ,c ould not solve the Slovak rproiblem. Masaryk had hoped thaJt the Czechs ,amd the Slovaks would come together as the English and the Scotch had done ; the Slovaks tUTned out to lbe the Irish." 1 Just recenUy I quoted this statement of Mr. Taylor's whi:le converaing with a representative of American politics. My interilocutor said nothing a/bout 1t, but asked whether the Czechs ·t hemselves ,t hought along .those lines. "Not all Czechs," I replied; "however, I do not think that would or could alter the fact ,s tated by Taylor." In reality, even though Taylor notes olbjectively the development of the relationship between the Czechs and the Slova,ks, the leadershi1p of the Czech exile obstinately refuses to see this historic aotuality and dr.aw from i,t the logical ·c onclusion. Still imbued with imperialistic ideas, certain Ozeoh exiles continue to foHow the illusions of the hrupless past which can never return. IDven today they are ,n ot interested in a federated Ozecho-Slova'kia, but are dreaJining of forcing the Slovaks once a,gain into a political system which came into .b eing with the Constitution orf 1920, the 1preamlble of which begins wiith the words "We the Ozechoslcwak nation." That Constitution was �46 SLOV.AKJA authored. iby the Czechs without Slovak participation. Of course, the P•r ague Government, headed by T. G. Masaryik, saw to it that the Slovaks had a voice in it: it 8JPpointed. such genuine S1oivaks Hke Dr. Edward Benes and Alice Masaryk (lboth Ozechs ! ) to represent the Slovak nation on the committee on the constitution! On the other ,hand, these Ozech emigrants forget the "imponderalbilia," such as the faict that their names inevita'bly evoke in the Slovaks not only bjtter reminiscences of the twenty-yeaT-o ld centralism, but aJso the phantom orf the galllQlws, concenJtration ca:mps, deportations, murders and the destruction of properties of thousands of Slovak families after the re-establishm ent of Crecho-Slova1kia in 1945. Ail this is connected with the names of Rvpka, Peroutka, Zen1kl, Prochazka and the political parties which the Czech emigrants in the "Ootmcil of Free Czeichoslovalkia" represent. For every selt--consoious Slovaik, therefore, it i:s an insult when these Ozech emigraints thinik that the Slovak nation could agree wiith their political conceptions, or thaJt it could recognruze a representati'On of people with an antliS1ovaik record such as has practically every representative of the "Council of Free Czechoslovak ia." They definitely do 111ot represent the will of the Sllovak nation, and when the representative s of the "Council orf Free Ozechoslova:kia" pretend ,t hat they do, they are only deceiving the international pUlblic. 'Dhe mandate given them in the shadow of the gallows and under the threat of Russian bayonets for services rendered to CommUiliist expansion has long lost its validity. Does this mean that every understanding and cooperation between the Czechs and Slovaks in exile and between the Czeicih nation and the Slovak nation is excluded a priori after liberation? It does not. The Slovaik nation and its representa•ti<ves in exile are suffi•cient:Jly aware of the fact that the fig,ht against Communism and, later, the destiny of Central Eu.Tope require the understanding and cooperation of all the Central- �47 European nations. That is why the Slovaks are for an understand ing in Cent:r,al Europe. At the same time, however, it is clear to the Sfovruks that a new organizatio n of Central Europe must lbe built on realities whi'ch respect historical rea,litJies and geopolitica l laws, and !Ilot on the im1perialisti'c dreams of the emigrants in the "Council of Free Ozechoslov iakia." Therefore, the Slovaks are conrvinced tha;t cooperation with the Czech emigrants of the Council cannat be considered in the interest of a better future of Central Europe. This has already become dear even to severaJl individuals of the Czech exile. Unfortll!Ilat ely, their numlber is small, but they are pohtically sober and in.Jt:ella!tually strong. Professor Dr. Bohdian Ohuddba is the foremost among them. He has ithe oourage not only to see the problems of Europe in their right perspective , 'b ut also to •p ersistently propa;gate a;nd defend his truth against all the hatred of his own countryme n in exile. lt is self-eviden t to Dr. Chudoba that "just as a hundred years ago, so even today aH Central-IDu,r opean nations, including the Sudeten Geimans, want to have their own properties and their own administrat ions." Therefore, says Chudolba altogetiher correctly, Czech politics will either "concur with this reality and so also have chance to say somet!hing alb.o ut it, or ~lse it will continue in the captivity of imperialisti c dreams, which can be nothing else ,b ut an ephemeral chapter in Czech ,h istory, and then reality will develop without the Czechs exactly as it did during MUilli.ch" (ROZPRAV Y, Rome, Vol. IV, No. 1). In practical ,politics, for Dr. Chuddba this means: 1. A new Central European order must have the full assent of Germany right from the beginning, because otherwise it would not be real ; 2. the Czechs must resolrve the question of the Sudeten Germans as quickly as ;possible; 3. the Czechs must come to an agreement, just as quiokly a,s possible, with the Slovaks so that they could have at least one friend in Central . Europe. Undoll!bted ly no one will object to Chudoba's views, a t least no one who is realJy interested in estaiblishin g a �SLOVAKIA 48 reaJ, permanent peace in Central Europe, and not a new, dangerous, provisional condition. Conversei,y, such an outlook on CentraJ-Eu:rop ean problems must be truken as an indication that not onlry sensilble talks •w ould be possible with the younger Czech generation, but even a sober cooperatio1I1 couft.d be ef.fected with it on the ibasi.s of "suum cuique." Of course, in ,p ractical politics further development will depend on how mainy Czooh ipo1iticians will haive :bhe ooura;ge to fiace realities and also adrupt political acts to reality. Im the last amailysis, whether Ozecih politics will be governed by the spirit of mpka and Zen'kl, or by the spirit of the views fomrnfated lby Chudo!ba, on this will depend the relationship 1between the Ozechs amd ,t he Slov,a ks. Today, ail.ong with Communiism, the Czech exihle amd espedaUy the "Council oif Free Cze~hoslovaki,a" is the greatest enemy of the SlovaJks. The incontrover:t~ble fact is the Ozechs are the only nation on earth fighting a:gainst the freedom and ,independenice of Slovaks. • • • WHO SAID IT? "WE ARE THE ALLIES OF THE SOVIET UNION A.ND SHALL REMAIN FAITHFUL TO THAT ALLIANCE. We are friends of the Western Allies, we shall maintain our friendship towards them and will do our loyal best to retain their friendship and we shall sincerely (Dr. Bene!, Message to the pursue A NEW SLAVONIC Policy." Provisional N'a.tional Assembly, Prague, Oct. 28. 1945) . • • • • • • "There are some individuals who assert that we are in the hands of the Soviets, yet the governments look upon us In a different way. WE ARE ALLIES OF THE SOVIET UNION AND WE SHALL ALWAYS REMAIN FAITHFUL TO THE SOVIETS. We are friends of the west, and we shall remain SUCH friends. In the form of our alliance with the Soviet Union we proceed and we shall proceed IN OUR OWN WAY." - (Dr. Bene!§ Statement to the Praesidium of the Slovak National Council, Prague, 0-ot. 9. 1945) . "But I say quite openly that the path which Soviet Russia took after the last war Is not the one which will be followed in Czechoslovakia. Our conditions are completely different from every point of view, and we shall not abandon our old method of evolutionary adaptation and our old policy of ba.Jance between the east and the west. Our geographical position does not permit us to change thl1 (Dr. Benes , Foreign Affairs, New century-old policy violently." York , Oct. 1944). � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1953, Vol. 3 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.</li> <li>Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1953 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 45 SLOVAKIA COULD CZECHS AND SLOVAKS AGREE? Joseph Kirschbaum, M. A., LL. D. In his schol,a rly work "The HaJbsburrg Monare'hy," the emment English historian A. J. P. Taylor, writing in regard to O.rech tenden:cies to assimilate the SIJ.ovak people and to dommate 'Slovakia, stated that the Ozechs overlooked the fact that the age of national amal gama<tion was over and, therefore, ".the Czech could outplay the Slovaks; .they could not satisfy them." According to Mr. Ta:yJor: "Masaryk revived the radical idea of 1848 and · proposed to create a sing;le 'Oreclloslovak' nation 1by will power. Masaryk knew little of ·t he Slovaks; others knew even less This was his strength in dealing 'with the al1ied leaders; it ,c ould not solve the Slovak rproiblem. Masaryk had hoped thaJt the Czechs ,amd the Slovaks would come together as the English and the Scotch had done ; the Slovaks tUTned out to lbe the Irish." 1 Just recenUy I quoted this statement of Mr. Taylor's whi:le converaing with a representative of American politics. My interilocutor said nothing a/bout 1t, but asked whether the Czechs ·t hemselves ,t hought along .those lines. "Not all Czechs," I replied; "however, I do not think that would or could alter the fact ,s tated by Taylor." In reality, even though Taylor notes olbjectively the development of the relationship between the Czechs and the Slova,ks, the leadershi1p of the Czech exile obstinately refuses to see this historic aotuality and dr.aw from i,t the logical ·c onclusion. Still imbued with imperialistic ideas, certain Ozeoh exiles continue to foHow the illusions of the hrupless past which can never return. IDven today they are ,n ot interested in a federated Ozecho-Slova'kia, but are dreaJining of forcing the Slovaks once a,gain into a political system which came into .b eing with the Constitution orf 1920, the 1preamlble of which begins wiith the words "We the Ozechoslcwak nation." That Constitution was 46 SLOV.AKJA authored. iby the Czechs without Slovak participation. Of course, the P•r ague Government, headed by T. G. Masaryik, saw to it that the Slovaks had a voice in it: it 8JPpointed. such genuine S1oivaks Hke Dr. Edward Benes and Alice Masaryk (lboth Ozechs ! ) to represent the Slovak nation on the committee on the constitution! On the other ,hand, these Ozech emigrants forget the "imponderalbilia," such as the faict that their names inevita'bly evoke in the Slovaks not only bjtter reminiscences of the twenty-yeaT-o ld centralism, but aJso the phantom orf the galllQlws, concenJtration ca:mps, deportations, murders and the destruction of properties of thousands of Slovak families after the re-establishm ent of Crecho-Slova1kia in 1945. Ail this is connected with the names of Rvpka, Peroutka, Zen1kl, Prochazka and the political parties which the Czech emigrants in the "Ootmcil of Free Czeichoslovalkia" represent. For every selt--consoious Slovaik, therefore, it i:s an insult when these Ozech emigraints thinik that the Slovak nation could agree wiith their political conceptions, or thaJt it could recognruze a representati'On of people with an antliS1ovaik record such as has practically every representative of the "Council of Free Czechoslovak ia." They definitely do 111ot represent the will of the Sllovak nation, and when the representative s of the "Council orf Free Ozechoslova:kia" pretend ,t hat they do, they are only deceiving the international pUlblic. 'Dhe mandate given them in the shadow of the gallows and under the threat of Russian bayonets for services rendered to CommUiliist expansion has long lost its validity. Does this mean that every understanding and cooperation between the Czechs and Slovaks in exile and between the Czeicih nation and the Slovak nation is excluded a priori after liberation? It does not. The Slovaik nation and its representa•ti<ves in exile are suffi•cient:Jly aware of the fact that the fig,ht against Communism and, later, the destiny of Central Eu.Tope require the understanding and cooperation of all the Central- 47 European nations. That is why the Slovaks are for an understand ing in Cent:r,al Europe. At the same time, however, it is clear to the Sfovruks that a new organizatio n of Central Europe must lbe built on realities whi'ch respect historical rea,litJies and geopolitica l laws, and !Ilot on the im1perialisti'c dreams of the emigrants in the "Council of Free Ozechoslov iakia." Therefore, the Slovaks are conrvinced tha;t cooperation with the Czech emigrants of the Council cannat be considered in the interest of a better future of Central Europe. This has already become dear even to severaJl individuals of the Czech exile. Unfortll!Ilat ely, their numlber is small, but they are pohtically sober and in.Jt:ella!tually strong. Professor Dr. Bohdian Ohuddba is the foremost among them. He has ithe oourage not only to see the problems of Europe in their right perspective , 'b ut also to •p ersistently propa;gate a;nd defend his truth against all the hatred of his own countryme n in exile. lt is self-eviden t to Dr. Chudoba that "just as a hundred years ago, so even today aH Central-IDu,r opean nations, including the Sudeten Geimans, want to have their own properties and their own administrat ions." Therefore, says Chudolba altogetiher correctly, Czech politics will either "concur with this reality and so also have chance to say somet!hing alb.o ut it, or ~lse it will continue in the captivity of imperialisti c dreams, which can be nothing else ,b ut an ephemeral chapter in Czech ,h istory, and then reality will develop without the Czechs exactly as it did during MUilli.ch" (ROZPRAV Y, Rome, Vol. IV, No. 1). In practical ,politics, for Dr. Chuddba this means: 1. A new Central European order must have the full assent of Germany right from the beginning, because otherwise it would not be real ; 2. the Czechs must resolrve the question of the Sudeten Germans as quickly as ;possible; 3. the Czechs must come to an agreement, just as quiokly a,s possible, with the Slovaks so that they could have at least one friend in Central . Europe. Undoll!bted ly no one will object to Chudoba's views, a t least no one who is realJy interested in estaiblishin g a SLOVAKIA 48 reaJ, permanent peace in Central Europe, and not a new, dangerous, provisional condition. Conversei,y, such an outlook on CentraJ-Eu:rop ean problems must be truken as an indication that not onlry sensilble talks •w ould be possible with the younger Czech generation, but even a sober cooperatio1I1 couft.d be ef.fected with it on the ibasi.s of "suum cuique." Of course, in ,p ractical politics further development will depend on how mainy Czooh ipo1iticians will haive :bhe ooura;ge to fiace realities and also adrupt political acts to reality. Im the last amailysis, whether Ozecih politics will be governed by the spirit of mpka and Zen'kl, or by the spirit of the views fomrnfated lby Chudo!ba, on this will depend the relationship 1between the Ozechs amd ,t he Slov,a ks. Today, ail.ong with Communiism, the Czech exihle amd espedaUy the "Council oif Free Cze~hoslovaki,a" is the greatest enemy of the SlovaJks. The incontrover:t~ble fact is the Ozechs are the only nation on earth fighting a:gainst the freedom and ,independenice of Slovaks. • • • WHO SAID IT? "WE ARE THE ALLIES OF THE SOVIET UNION A.ND SHALL REMAIN FAITHFUL TO THAT ALLIANCE. We are friends of the Western Allies, we shall maintain our friendship towards them and will do our loyal best to retain their friendship and we shall sincerely (Dr. Bene!, Message to the pursue A NEW SLAVONIC Policy." Provisional N'a.tional Assembly, Prague, Oct. 28. 1945) . • • • • • • "There are some individuals who assert that we are in the hands of the Soviets, yet the governments look upon us In a different way. WE ARE ALLIES OF THE SOVIET UNION AND WE SHALL ALWAYS REMAIN FAITHFUL TO THE SOVIETS. We are friends of the west, and we shall remain SUCH friends. In the form of our alliance with the Soviet Union we proceed and we shall proceed IN OUR OWN WAY." - (Dr. Bene!§ Statement to the Praesidium of the Slovak National Council, Prague, 0-ot. 9. 1945) . "But I say quite openly that the path which Soviet Russia took after the last war Is not the one which will be followed in Czechoslovakia. Our conditions are completely different from every point of view, and we shall not abandon our old method of evolutionary adaptation and our old policy of ba.Jance between the east and the west. Our geographical position does not permit us to change thl1 (Dr. Benes , Foreign Affairs, New century-old policy violently." York , Oct. 1944).  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Could Czechs and Slovaks Agree? Description An account of the resource Joseph Kirschbaum, M. A., LL. D. Slovakia, Vol. 3, No. 1 (6), April 1953 pp. 45-48 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kirschbaum, Jozef M., 1913-2001 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource April 1953 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/cae39c6465594f6f4a0f788fb7fc510c.pdf 6fd3e7fee758d0c6d5ec88cc21a37386 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA THE TRAGIC CASE OF DUSAN SLAVIK Constantine Culen No generation of the Slovak nation sinned so grievously against its own people as did the generation of so-called "pre-revolutionary " Slovaks, who rendered service to Prague and so betrayed their Slovak birthright for a mess of Czech pottage. To this group -b elong Dr. Joseph Lettrich, former chairman of the Slovak National Front and communist collaborator, and Dr. George Slavik, former ambassador of Dr. Benes to the USA - today both are leading members of the "Council of Free Czechoslovakia." They were the socalled "Czechoslovaks," the "ruling class" of Slovakia, who believed that political leaders of the overwhelming majority of the Slovak nation were not fit for any government office either in Slovakia or in the ill-fated Czecho-Slovak Republic of T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Edward Benes. This story is about the son of Dr. George Slavik, Dusan Slavik, who was executed several years ago along with an i.n dustrialist named Tvarozka for espionage and acts inimical fo the "people's democracy." The court which tried Slavik and others was the court set up by Dr. Edward Benes, for whom the elder Slavik worked - the court approved by Dr. Lettrich, who today roams freely about America telling people how great a democrat and anti-Communist he is! The irony of the whole affair is that Dr. Lettrich had decorated both of the executed men for services rendered to restore Czecho-Slovakia. The boys did everything in 1945 to annihilate the independent state of Slovakia and re-estab:. lish the Czecho-Slovak state of Benes which was unwanted by 90 per cent of the Slovak people. For that they were decorated by Lettrich and the Reds. Again they became members of the "ruling" class. Then in 1949: death by the 6rder of the "People's Court!" : ' .. It should be noted for 'h istory that the Slovak Republic thtotighout its six-year: existence had protected Dusan Slavik. And all the while his father, ambassador George Slavik, �iO SLOVAKIA villified and smeared the Slovak State and threatened Tiso and other Slovak leaders with terrible reprisals. What was young Dusan doing during that time? Attending Bratislava University and taking advantage of everything the Slova'k State had to offer to Slovak students. And the Tvarozkas waxed rich, just as had so many other "select" families of Brezova. When waves of the bolshevik armies inundated Slovakia in 1945, the unfinished lawyer Dusan Slavik became the "leader" of a group of Slovak students. At 23 he was a Deputy of parliament. Dr. Lettrich and the Reds knew whom to place in high positions. They could not trust the hated Catholic "separatists" and followers of IIlinka and Tiso. But they knew that they could depend on the Slaviks, Ursinys, Stefaniks, Boors, Cobrdas and others - who professed to be Christian followers of Martin Luther - to make it really tough for the overwhelming Catholic majority of the Slovak population. And tough they made it, too! The youngsters of this so-called "ruling" class in Slovakia followed closely in their fathers' footsteps. As their fathers had divided positions and functions in 1918, so also did their sons in 1945. They shared lucrative governmental positions in Slovakia with nobody but the Communists. The youthful leaders of Slovak students ,o utlawed all existing student organizations and established a new one: "The Club of Fighting Youth." Only a partisan and non-Catholic could be an officer of the Club. Rudas and Ba.zany represented the Communists in the office of the Club, and Slavik, Stefanik and Boor represented the families of the "pre-revolutionary" super-patriots. The very first thing that Dusan's Club did was to set up a screening commission to put the finger on all students "who had sinned against the Slovak nation." As a result thousands of students were expelled from universities. Their crime: they belonged to the Hlinka Youth Organization! Young Slavik further proposed that no diplomas or degrees given or acquired during the years of the Slovak Republic be recognized as valid. But that proposition fell through be- �SLOVAKIA 61 cause even the Communists thought it was going too far at that time. Young Slavik had begun his political career as a Deputy of Lettrich's Democratic Party. But when Benes saw that Lettrich was getting a bit coc'ky in Slovakia - claiming that his party represented at least 62 per cent of the voting population - he gave money to Dr. Srobar to start the Liberty Party. Young Slavik was in on the deal. He soon became a leading member of the new party and a private secretary to Srobar; he was told the party had the blessing of Benes and soon would be the largest ,p olitical party in Slovakia. But even then he was not satisfied. A year later Dusan Slavik became a member of the Socialist Democratic Party, which promised him more than Srobar's party. After the Stalinists were firmly entrenched in the government of Czecho-Slovakia, they staged their so-called "putsch" in February, 1948. · Everything went overboard. All Red opposition was outlawed, jailad, exiled to Siberia, put into labor camps or executed. Benes, Sramek and many other "democratic" greats who collaborated fully with the Gottwaldists were thrown out. Lettrich, Ursiny, Slavik, and all the other "select" leaders, who had set out with the Reds to smash the Catholics of Slovakia, shared a similar fate. And young Dusan Slavik, who had screened so many of his classmates and labeled them "anti-state," made out worse than most of the bigwigs who had counseled him. Lettrich and many of the leading "pre-revolutionary" Slovaks are enjoying the freedom of America and London, but Dusan was executed. Dusan Slavik was executed by order of the "people's court." His murderers were the enemies of the Slovak nation. But his father and he had thought they were friends. Dusan walked in his father's footsteps, hoping that he too, as ;a faithful follower of the anti-democratic, anti-Christian and anti-Slova.k -policies of Benes, might have an eternal claim to some ministerial job, just like his father seemed to have. Dusan, however, was just as terribly mistaken as was Benes, who had found out too late that you cannot do business with Stalin and win. �52 SLOVAKIA Dr. Benes knew how the Slovak Lutherans felt a,,bout the Slovak Catholics. So did Stalin and his man Friday in Czecho-Slovakia - the late Gottwald. Benes and Stalin used that hatred of the Lutherans against the Catholics to attain their own ends. It is high time that all Slovak Christians realize what has happened to their Slovakia, put away their hatred and work together to liberate their country from Godless, Red rule and to establish a democratic, independent Slovakia, the safe guarantee of their national existence . • • • WHO SAID IT? "lt would be a new tragedy not merely for .Elurope but for the whole world if the Soviet Union were again driven into is olation and deprived of an Influence ON THE COURSE OF EUROPEAN EVENTS. That 1s why what I hi.ve called the MIDDLE WAY has been chosen - the natural way which does not abandon the principle of federa,tlon ' or the ruture and meanwhile permits friendly agreements !or mumat assistance and post-war collaboration such as the CzechoslovakSoviet Pact. This agreement is not merely defensive, merely regional, merely based on self-Interest. It leaves room for collaboration with all the Allied nations and in essence serves WORLD PEACE and helps lay the foundations of the NEW WORLD. whicb is to be FREE from the fear of War. FREE from the curse of Naziism and Fascism IN ALL THE!h ~'ORMS, a world based on the principles of INDIVIDUAL AND NATION AL LIBERTY. It does not mean tha,t we shall be an instrument of SOVIET policy, but it CERTAINLY means that we shall not be an instrument of ANTI-SOVIET policy. Internally we shall be COMPLETELY FREE, with quite different cultural, economic and soci al conditions than exist in SOVIET RUSSIA. And 1n our external affairs we shall not abandon our efforts to reach the same relations we have established with Russia and to malnt.ain with Poland · as our traditional relations with wes tern Europe. This path FULLY accords with Czechoslovakia's national tradition of HUMANITARIAN ( Dr. Benes, Foreign Affairs, New York, October OEMOCRACY." 1944). • • • "Our relations with Germany are good and correct and they s.hall remain so In the future In every instance. Between ourselves and Germany there never were, are not, and shall not be any border d~bates and difficulties." (Dr. Ben es, Speecb to the Slovaks, 1933) . • • • "We must get rid of all those Germans in _Czechoslovakia who plunged a dagger in the back of the Czechoslovak state in 1938. Similar treatment· will be meted out to ALL collaborationists in the Czech lands and In . Slovakia and to ALL those whq _lost faith .i.n, the State, in democracy, freedom and In glorious tradition." - (Dr. Benes Brol!,d· · cast from London, October 28. 1944). � SLOVAKIA THE TRAGIC CASE OF DUSAN SLAVIK Constantine Culen No generation of the Slovak nation sinned so grievously against its own people as did the generation of so-called "pre-revolutionary " Slovaks, who rendered service to Prague and so betrayed their Slovak birthright for a mess of Czech pottage. To this group -b elong Dr. Joseph Lettrich, former chairman of the Slovak National Front and communist collaborator, and Dr. George Slavik, former ambassador of Dr. Benes to the USA - today both are leading members of the "Council of Free Czechoslovakia." They were the socalled "Czechoslovaks," the "ruling class" of Slovakia, who believed that political leaders of the overwhelming majority of the Slovak nation were not fit for any government office either in Slovakia or in the ill-fated Czecho-Slovak Republic of T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Edward Benes. This story is about the son of Dr. George Slavik, Dusan Slavik, who was executed several years ago along with an i.n dustrialist named Tvarozka for espionage and acts inimical fo the "people's democracy." The court which tried Slavik and others was the court set up by Dr. Edward Benes, for whom the elder Slavik worked - the court approved by Dr. Lettrich, who today roams freely about America telling people how great a democrat and anti-Communist he is! The irony of the whole affair is that Dr. Lettrich had decorated both of the executed men for services rendered to restore Czecho-Slovakia. The boys did everything in 1945 to annihilate the independent state of Slovakia and re-estab:. lish the Czecho-Slovak state of Benes which was unwanted by 90 per cent of the Slovak people. For that they were decorated by Lettrich and the Reds. Again they became members of the "ruling" class. Then in 1949: death by the 6rder of the "People's Court!" : ' .. It should be noted for 'h istory that the Slovak Republic thtotighout its six-year: existence had protected Dusan Slavik. And all the while his father, ambassador George Slavik, �iO SLOVAKIA villified and smeared the Slovak State and threatened Tiso and other Slovak leaders with terrible reprisals. What was young Dusan doing during that time? Attending Bratislava University and taking advantage of everything the Slova'k State had to offer to Slovak students. And the Tvarozkas waxed rich, just as had so many other "select" families of Brezova. When waves of the bolshevik armies inundated Slovakia in 1945, the unfinished lawyer Dusan Slavik became the "leader" of a group of Slovak students. At 23 he was a Deputy of parliament. Dr. Lettrich and the Reds knew whom to place in high positions. They could not trust the hated Catholic "separatists" and followers of IIlinka and Tiso. But they knew that they could depend on the Slaviks, Ursinys, Stefaniks, Boors, Cobrdas and others - who professed to be Christian followers of Martin Luther - to make it really tough for the overwhelming Catholic majority of the Slovak population. And tough they made it, too! The youngsters of this so-called "ruling" class in Slovakia followed closely in their fathers' footsteps. As their fathers had divided positions and functions in 1918, so also did their sons in 1945. They shared lucrative governmental positions in Slovakia with nobody but the Communists. The youthful leaders of Slovak students ,o utlawed all existing student organizations and established a new one: "The Club of Fighting Youth." Only a partisan and non-Catholic could be an officer of the Club. Rudas and Ba.zany represented the Communists in the office of the Club, and Slavik, Stefanik and Boor represented the families of the "pre-revolutionary" super-patriots. The very first thing that Dusan's Club did was to set up a screening commission to put the finger on all students "who had sinned against the Slovak nation." As a result thousands of students were expelled from universities. Their crime: they belonged to the Hlinka Youth Organization! Young Slavik further proposed that no diplomas or degrees given or acquired during the years of the Slovak Republic be recognized as valid. But that proposition fell through be- �SLOVAKIA 61 cause even the Communists thought it was going too far at that time. Young Slavik had begun his political career as a Deputy of Lettrich's Democratic Party. But when Benes saw that Lettrich was getting a bit coc'ky in Slovakia - claiming that his party represented at least 62 per cent of the voting population - he gave money to Dr. Srobar to start the Liberty Party. Young Slavik was in on the deal. He soon became a leading member of the new party and a private secretary to Srobar; he was told the party had the blessing of Benes and soon would be the largest ,p olitical party in Slovakia. But even then he was not satisfied. A year later Dusan Slavik became a member of the Socialist Democratic Party, which promised him more than Srobar's party. After the Stalinists were firmly entrenched in the government of Czecho-Slovakia, they staged their so-called "putsch" in February, 1948. · Everything went overboard. All Red opposition was outlawed, jailad, exiled to Siberia, put into labor camps or executed. Benes, Sramek and many other "democratic" greats who collaborated fully with the Gottwaldists were thrown out. Lettrich, Ursiny, Slavik, and all the other "select" leaders, who had set out with the Reds to smash the Catholics of Slovakia, shared a similar fate. And young Dusan Slavik, who had screened so many of his classmates and labeled them "anti-state," made out worse than most of the bigwigs who had counseled him. Lettrich and many of the leading "pre-revolutionary" Slovaks are enjoying the freedom of America and London, but Dusan was executed. Dusan Slavik was executed by order of the "people's court." His murderers were the enemies of the Slovak nation. But his father and he had thought they were friends. Dusan walked in his father's footsteps, hoping that he too, as ;a faithful follower of the anti-democratic, anti-Christian and anti-Slova.k -policies of Benes, might have an eternal claim to some ministerial job, just like his father seemed to have. Dusan, however, was just as terribly mistaken as was Benes, who had found out too late that you cannot do business with Stalin and win. �52 SLOVAKIA Dr. Benes knew how the Slovak Lutherans felt a,,bout the Slovak Catholics. So did Stalin and his man Friday in Czecho-Slovakia - the late Gottwald. Benes and Stalin used that hatred of the Lutherans against the Catholics to attain their own ends. It is high time that all Slovak Christians realize what has happened to their Slovakia, put away their hatred and work together to liberate their country from Godless, Red rule and to establish a democratic, independent Slovakia, the safe guarantee of their national existence . • • • WHO SAID IT? "lt would be a new tragedy not merely for .Elurope but for the whole world if the Soviet Union were again driven into is olation and deprived of an Influence ON THE COURSE OF EUROPEAN EVENTS. That 1s why what I hi.ve called the MIDDLE WAY has been chosen - the natural way which does not abandon the principle of federa,tlon ' or the ruture and meanwhile permits friendly agreements !or mumat assistance and post-war collaboration such as the CzechoslovakSoviet Pact. This agreement is not merely defensive, merely regional, merely based on self-Interest. It leaves room for collaboration with all the Allied nations and in essence serves WORLD PEACE and helps lay the foundations of the NEW WORLD. whicb is to be FREE from the fear of War. FREE from the curse of Naziism and Fascism IN ALL THE!h ~'ORMS, a world based on the principles of INDIVIDUAL AND NATION AL LIBERTY. It does not mean tha,t we shall be an instrument of SOVIET policy, but it CERTAINLY means that we shall not be an instrument of ANTI-SOVIET policy. Internally we shall be COMPLETELY FREE, with quite different cultural, economic and soci al conditions than exist in SOVIET RUSSIA. And 1n our external affairs we shall not abandon our efforts to reach the same relations we have established with Russia and to malnt.ain with Poland · as our traditional relations with wes tern Europe. This path FULLY accords with Czechoslovakia's national tradition of HUMANITARIAN ( Dr. Benes, Foreign Affairs, New York, October OEMOCRACY." 1944). • • • "Our relations with Germany are good and correct and they s.hall remain so In the future In every instance. Between ourselves and Germany there never were, are not, and shall not be any border d~bates and difficulties." (Dr. Ben es, Speecb to the Slovaks, 1933) . • • • "We must get rid of all those Germans in _Czechoslovakia who plunged a dagger in the back of the Czechoslovak state in 1938. Similar treatment· will be meted out to ALL collaborationists in the Czech lands and In . Slovakia and to ALL those whq _lost faith .i.n, the State, in democracy, freedom and In glorious tradition." - (Dr. Benes Brol!,d· · cast from London, October 28. 1944). � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1953, Vol. 3 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.</li> <li>Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1953 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA THE TRAGIC CASE OF DUSAN SLAVIK Constantine Culen No generation of the Slovak nation sinned so grievously against its own people as did the generation of so-called "pre-revolutionary " Slovaks, who rendered service to Prague and so betrayed their Slovak birthright for a mess of Czech pottage. To this group -b elong Dr. Joseph Lettrich, former chairman of the Slovak National Front and communist collaborator, and Dr. George Slavik, former ambassador of Dr. Benes to the USA - today both are leading members of the "Council of Free Czechoslovakia." They were the socalled "Czechoslovaks," the "ruling class" of Slovakia, who believed that political leaders of the overwhelming majority of the Slovak nation were not fit for any government office either in Slovakia or in the ill-fated Czecho-Slovak Republic of T. G. Masaryk and Dr. Edward Benes. This story is about the son of Dr. George Slavik, Dusan Slavik, who was executed several years ago along with an i.n dustrialist named Tvarozka for espionage and acts inimical fo the "people's democracy." The court which tried Slavik and others was the court set up by Dr. Edward Benes, for whom the elder Slavik worked - the court approved by Dr. Lettrich, who today roams freely about America telling people how great a democrat and anti-Communist he is! The irony of the whole affair is that Dr. Lettrich had decorated both of the executed men for services rendered to restore Czecho-Slovakia. The boys did everything in 1945 to annihilate the independent state of Slovakia and re-estab:. lish the Czecho-Slovak state of Benes which was unwanted by 90 per cent of the Slovak people. For that they were decorated by Lettrich and the Reds. Again they became members of the "ruling" class. Then in 1949: death by the 6rder of the "People's Court!" : ' .. It should be noted for 'h istory that the Slovak Republic thtotighout its six-year: existence had protected Dusan Slavik. And all the while his father, ambassador George Slavik, iO SLOVAKIA villified and smeared the Slovak State and threatened Tiso and other Slovak leaders with terrible reprisals. What was young Dusan doing during that time? Attending Bratislava University and taking advantage of everything the Slova'k State had to offer to Slovak students. And the Tvarozkas waxed rich, just as had so many other "select" families of Brezova. When waves of the bolshevik armies inundated Slovakia in 1945, the unfinished lawyer Dusan Slavik became the "leader" of a group of Slovak students. At 23 he was a Deputy of parliament. Dr. Lettrich and the Reds knew whom to place in high positions. They could not trust the hated Catholic "separatists" and followers of IIlinka and Tiso. But they knew that they could depend on the Slaviks, Ursinys, Stefaniks, Boors, Cobrdas and others - who professed to be Christian followers of Martin Luther - to make it really tough for the overwhelming Catholic majority of the Slovak population. And tough they made it, too! The youngsters of this so-called "ruling" class in Slovakia followed closely in their fathers' footsteps. As their fathers had divided positions and functions in 1918, so also did their sons in 1945. They shared lucrative governmental positions in Slovakia with nobody but the Communists. The youthful leaders of Slovak students ,o utlawed all existing student organizations and established a new one: "The Club of Fighting Youth." Only a partisan and non-Catholic could be an officer of the Club. Rudas and Ba.zany represented the Communists in the office of the Club, and Slavik, Stefanik and Boor represented the families of the "pre-revolutionary" super-patriots. The very first thing that Dusan's Club did was to set up a screening commission to put the finger on all students "who had sinned against the Slovak nation." As a result thousands of students were expelled from universities. Their crime: they belonged to the Hlinka Youth Organization! Young Slavik further proposed that no diplomas or degrees given or acquired during the years of the Slovak Republic be recognized as valid. But that proposition fell through be- SLOVAKIA 61 cause even the Communists thought it was going too far at that time. Young Slavik had begun his political career as a Deputy of Lettrich's Democratic Party. But when Benes saw that Lettrich was getting a bit coc'ky in Slovakia - claiming that his party represented at least 62 per cent of the voting population - he gave money to Dr. Srobar to start the Liberty Party. Young Slavik was in on the deal. He soon became a leading member of the new party and a private secretary to Srobar; he was told the party had the blessing of Benes and soon would be the largest ,p olitical party in Slovakia. But even then he was not satisfied. A year later Dusan Slavik became a member of the Socialist Democratic Party, which promised him more than Srobar's party. After the Stalinists were firmly entrenched in the government of Czecho-Slovakia, they staged their so-called "putsch" in February, 1948. · Everything went overboard. All Red opposition was outlawed, jailad, exiled to Siberia, put into labor camps or executed. Benes, Sramek and many other "democratic" greats who collaborated fully with the Gottwaldists were thrown out. Lettrich, Ursiny, Slavik, and all the other "select" leaders, who had set out with the Reds to smash the Catholics of Slovakia, shared a similar fate. And young Dusan Slavik, who had screened so many of his classmates and labeled them "anti-state," made out worse than most of the bigwigs who had counseled him. Lettrich and many of the leading "pre-revolutionary" Slovaks are enjoying the freedom of America and London, but Dusan was executed. Dusan Slavik was executed by order of the "people's court." His murderers were the enemies of the Slovak nation. But his father and he had thought they were friends. Dusan walked in his father's footsteps, hoping that he too, as ;a faithful follower of the anti-democratic, anti-Christian and anti-Slova.k -policies of Benes, might have an eternal claim to some ministerial job, just like his father seemed to have. Dusan, however, was just as terribly mistaken as was Benes, who had found out too late that you cannot do business with Stalin and win. 52 SLOVAKIA Dr. Benes knew how the Slovak Lutherans felt a,,bout the Slovak Catholics. So did Stalin and his man Friday in Czecho-Slovakia - the late Gottwald. Benes and Stalin used that hatred of the Lutherans against the Catholics to attain their own ends. It is high time that all Slovak Christians realize what has happened to their Slovakia, put away their hatred and work together to liberate their country from Godless, Red rule and to establish a democratic, independent Slovakia, the safe guarantee of their national existence . • • • WHO SAID IT? "lt would be a new tragedy not merely for .Elurope but for the whole world if the Soviet Union were again driven into is olation and deprived of an Influence ON THE COURSE OF EUROPEAN EVENTS. That 1s why what I hi.ve called the MIDDLE WAY has been chosen - the natural way which does not abandon the principle of federa,tlon ' or the ruture and meanwhile permits friendly agreements !or mumat assistance and post-war collaboration such as the CzechoslovakSoviet Pact. This agreement is not merely defensive, merely regional, merely based on self-Interest. It leaves room for collaboration with all the Allied nations and in essence serves WORLD PEACE and helps lay the foundations of the NEW WORLD. whicb is to be FREE from the fear of War. FREE from the curse of Naziism and Fascism IN ALL THE!h ~'ORMS, a world based on the principles of INDIVIDUAL AND NATION AL LIBERTY. It does not mean tha,t we shall be an instrument of SOVIET policy, but it CERTAINLY means that we shall not be an instrument of ANTI-SOVIET policy. Internally we shall be COMPLETELY FREE, with quite different cultural, economic and soci al conditions than exist in SOVIET RUSSIA. And 1n our external affairs we shall not abandon our efforts to reach the same relations we have established with Russia and to malnt.ain with Poland · as our traditional relations with wes tern Europe. This path FULLY accords with Czechoslovakia's national tradition of HUMANITARIAN ( Dr. Benes, Foreign Affairs, New York, October OEMOCRACY." 1944). • • • "Our relations with Germany are good and correct and they s.hall remain so In the future In every instance. Between ourselves and Germany there never were, are not, and shall not be any border d~bates and difficulties." (Dr. Ben es, Speecb to the Slovaks, 1933) . • • • "We must get rid of all those Germans in _Czechoslovakia who plunged a dagger in the back of the Czechoslovak state in 1938. Similar treatment· will be meted out to ALL collaborationists in the Czech lands and In . Slovakia and to ALL those whq _lost faith .i.n, the State, in democracy, freedom and In glorious tradition." - (Dr. Benes Brol!,d· · cast from London, October 28. 1944).  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Tragic Case of Dušan Slávik Description An account of the resource Constantine Čulen Slovakia, Vol. 3, No. 1 (6), April 1953 pp. 49-52 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Čulen, Konštantín, 1904-1964 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource April 1953 SNK https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/7d97e1ae997cc00824b72d452319f796.pdf 25acadf4a597bdd67b6c46605eb3835b PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - --- ----- -JOHN HOLLY.:.:.:.. PIONEER IN SLOVAK POETRY Cyril J. Potocek What ma dness beset you, what evil spirit urged you, That brother s redden their swords with brothers' blood; And the kingd om for which your ancestors toiled, Should through your ha te, crumble to dust? Thus did John Holly (1785-1849) in his ELEGIES lament the fall of the Great Moravian Empire. The Bernolak school produced this first Slovak poet, Holly, whose works were composed in the classical style. ,·~1··.1. The Age of Romanticism had been ushered into the .literatures of Britain by Byron, France by Hugo, Italy by Leopardi, Germany by Heine, Russia by Pushkin, and Poland by Mickiewicz. The Slovaks were familiar with the new romanticism appeared in 1833, retained the classical form. Holly's adherence to the classical form stemmed directly from the pattern of his life. He w~· born in Bury, nea:r Sastin, Bratislava County. He attended school at Skalica and Bratislava and then went to the seminary at Trnava to study for the priesthood. After his ordination in 1808, John Holly served as curate in Pobedim and IDohovec and in 1814 became the pastor at Madunice, a village overlooking the beautiful Vah River. In his ODES, Hollf tells how he composed his poetry under the leafy arms of an old oak tree. But his pastoral idyll ended abruptly in 1843 when his house took fire and the flames left him badly burned and almost blind. Holly went to live with a friend, the parish priest at Dobra Voda, and died there, totally blind, on April 14, 1849. In 1854 his grateful countrymen erected a monument over his grave in Dobra Voda. We have seen that the spirit of romanticism did not touch the poet, and from the review .of his life one can surmise the reason. Holly's education-jn•, .the Greek and Latin classics and his life as a priest, spent,·amid the Latin liturgical services, contributed to his preference of the classical form. �64 SLOVAKIA As a student, Holly had rendered translations from Virgil, Homer, Ovid, and Horace, which he published at Trnava in 1824 under the title MISCffiLLANEX)US POEMS (Rozlicne basne). The translations from Homer won the commendation of Jungmann, Safarik, and Niederle. In 1828 his translation of Virgil's AENEID was published at Trnava. In 1833 appeared Holly's longest poem, SVATOPLUK , a heroic epic in twelve cantos, also published at Trnava. This work, on which he had labored from 1827 to 1830, evidenced the author's profound study of Homer and Virgil. But the Svatopluk of Holly is not the Svatopluk of history, the ruler of the Great Moravian Empire from 870 to 894. Holly entwined history and mythology to present an ideal Svatopluk, not the treacherous prince of Nitra who joined the Germans against his uncle, Rastislav, the ruler of the empire, in the hope of winning the crown for himself. Holly's poetic genius had used a Slovak dialect in the composition of a masterpiece of Slovak literature. DAWN (Zora), the organ of Bernolak's school in Budapest, published his next work IDYLIJS (rSelanky) in 1835. These verses are poetic pictures of the happy pastoral life, composed between 1830 to 1835. The poet takes his reader through fertile fields watered by the river Vah, which served as the pasture ground for the villagers' cows and sheep, to meet the playful, music-loving, pastoral people. In a series of twenty-one idylls you meet the shepherd; mourn the death of the popular village singer ; greet a young couple on their way to be married; witness the fight between two powerful shepherds ; console the spurned lover; attend a marriage feast; and tend sheep in the lush meadows. Of his poetry Holly loved most his IDYiLLS because they recalled to him the pleasant life of his pastorate among a kind, simple, loveable flock. In 1835 at Budapest Holly's heroic epic in six cantos, CYRILLO-ME THODIADA, was published. Unlike his Svatopluk, this poem is historically accurate. Again the poet returns to the time of the Great Moravian Empire to describe the coming of the Apostles of the Slovaks and their missionary labors. �SLOVAKIA 66 In his SLAV, another heroic epic poem, Holly describes in seven cantos the deeds of Slav, the mythical father of the Slovaks, who led his people to victory against their enemies, the fierce Cudi. The events of this poem are wholly imaginative. The final creations of the first Slovak poet were his ELEGIES (Zalospevy) and ODES (Ody), published in 1839 and 1840, followed by two Catholic hymnals (Spevniky) in 1842 and 1846. The ffiLEGIES were the poetic lament of Holly for the destruction of the Slovak kingdom, the Great Moravian Empire, in 907 by Magyar horsemen. Again and again he returns to the rulers of that empire, Mojmir, Rastislav, Svatopluk; to the treachery, perfidy, and villainy that brought ruin to the Slovak State. His ODES treat of the present: the ode on Anton Bernolak glowingly praises the Slovak language; the one on the Slovak nation looks to the future with firm faith. The works of Holly created a Slovak national poetry and, despite their absorption in the Slovak past, these poems served to r evive the Slovak spirit then at a very low ebb. They urged the people to regard their past with pride and look to the future with hope. When we consider the difficulties that Holly had overcome in using the western Slovak dialect, a new literary medium, in the composition of his poetry, we must admire the talent of an artist forced to use imperfect tools for his creations. Holly's genius influenced his contemporaries, who were to establish central Slovak as the literary language. In 1846, when Andrew Sladkovic, the greatest poet of Stu.r's school, gave his lovely MARINA to the Slovak people, a blind old priest, spending his last years at Dobra V oda, was fondly recalling the .p leasant days when he lay beneath an ancient oak at Madunice composing his pastoral idylls . • • • WHO SAID IT ? "The Russians like ourselves are Slavs, but when our blood brothers are Communists and Bolsheviks, we'll figlit them to the last man." (Statemen t m ade b y Dr. Josef Tiso, m ar- tyred P resident of Slovakia, to E . L. Delan ey, inite rnaUonally k nown American writer, co rre,s,pondenlt, speake r and n ew s commentator.) � SLOVAKIA - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - --- ----- -JOHN HOLLY.:.:.:.. PIONEER IN SLOVAK POETRY Cyril J. Potocek What ma dness beset you, what evil spirit urged you, That brother s redden their swords with brothers' blood; And the kingd om for which your ancestors toiled, Should through your ha te, crumble to dust? Thus did John Holly (1785-1849) in his ELEGIES lament the fall of the Great Moravian Empire. The Bernolak school produced this first Slovak poet, Holly, whose works were composed in the classical style. ,·~1··.1. The Age of Romanticism had been ushered into the .literatures of Britain by Byron, France by Hugo, Italy by Leopardi, Germany by Heine, Russia by Pushkin, and Poland by Mickiewicz. The Slovaks were familiar with the new romanticism appeared in 1833, retained the classical form. Holly's adherence to the classical form stemmed directly from the pattern of his life. He w~· born in Bury, nea:r Sastin, Bratislava County. He attended school at Skalica and Bratislava and then went to the seminary at Trnava to study for the priesthood. After his ordination in 1808, John Holly served as curate in Pobedim and IDohovec and in 1814 became the pastor at Madunice, a village overlooking the beautiful Vah River. In his ODES, Hollf tells how he composed his poetry under the leafy arms of an old oak tree. But his pastoral idyll ended abruptly in 1843 when his house took fire and the flames left him badly burned and almost blind. Holly went to live with a friend, the parish priest at Dobra Voda, and died there, totally blind, on April 14, 1849. In 1854 his grateful countrymen erected a monument over his grave in Dobra Voda. We have seen that the spirit of romanticism did not touch the poet, and from the review .of his life one can surmise the reason. Holly's education-jn•, .the Greek and Latin classics and his life as a priest, spent,·amid the Latin liturgical services, contributed to his preference of the classical form. �64 SLOVAKIA As a student, Holly had rendered translations from Virgil, Homer, Ovid, and Horace, which he published at Trnava in 1824 under the title MISCffiLLANEX)US POEMS (Rozlicne basne). The translations from Homer won the commendation of Jungmann, Safarik, and Niederle. In 1828 his translation of Virgil's AENEID was published at Trnava. In 1833 appeared Holly's longest poem, SVATOPLUK , a heroic epic in twelve cantos, also published at Trnava. This work, on which he had labored from 1827 to 1830, evidenced the author's profound study of Homer and Virgil. But the Svatopluk of Holly is not the Svatopluk of history, the ruler of the Great Moravian Empire from 870 to 894. Holly entwined history and mythology to present an ideal Svatopluk, not the treacherous prince of Nitra who joined the Germans against his uncle, Rastislav, the ruler of the empire, in the hope of winning the crown for himself. Holly's poetic genius had used a Slovak dialect in the composition of a masterpiece of Slovak literature. DAWN (Zora), the organ of Bernolak's school in Budapest, published his next work IDYLIJS (rSelanky) in 1835. These verses are poetic pictures of the happy pastoral life, composed between 1830 to 1835. The poet takes his reader through fertile fields watered by the river Vah, which served as the pasture ground for the villagers' cows and sheep, to meet the playful, music-loving, pastoral people. In a series of twenty-one idylls you meet the shepherd; mourn the death of the popular village singer ; greet a young couple on their way to be married; witness the fight between two powerful shepherds ; console the spurned lover; attend a marriage feast; and tend sheep in the lush meadows. Of his poetry Holly loved most his IDYiLLS because they recalled to him the pleasant life of his pastorate among a kind, simple, loveable flock. In 1835 at Budapest Holly's heroic epic in six cantos, CYRILLO-ME THODIADA, was published. Unlike his Svatopluk, this poem is historically accurate. Again the poet returns to the time of the Great Moravian Empire to describe the coming of the Apostles of the Slovaks and their missionary labors. �SLOVAKIA 66 In his SLAV, another heroic epic poem, Holly describes in seven cantos the deeds of Slav, the mythical father of the Slovaks, who led his people to victory against their enemies, the fierce Cudi. The events of this poem are wholly imaginative. The final creations of the first Slovak poet were his ELEGIES (Zalospevy) and ODES (Ody), published in 1839 and 1840, followed by two Catholic hymnals (Spevniky) in 1842 and 1846. The ffiLEGIES were the poetic lament of Holly for the destruction of the Slovak kingdom, the Great Moravian Empire, in 907 by Magyar horsemen. Again and again he returns to the rulers of that empire, Mojmir, Rastislav, Svatopluk; to the treachery, perfidy, and villainy that brought ruin to the Slovak State. His ODES treat of the present: the ode on Anton Bernolak glowingly praises the Slovak language; the one on the Slovak nation looks to the future with firm faith. The works of Holly created a Slovak national poetry and, despite their absorption in the Slovak past, these poems served to r evive the Slovak spirit then at a very low ebb. They urged the people to regard their past with pride and look to the future with hope. When we consider the difficulties that Holly had overcome in using the western Slovak dialect, a new literary medium, in the composition of his poetry, we must admire the talent of an artist forced to use imperfect tools for his creations. Holly's genius influenced his contemporaries, who were to establish central Slovak as the literary language. In 1846, when Andrew Sladkovic, the greatest poet of Stu.r's school, gave his lovely MARINA to the Slovak people, a blind old priest, spending his last years at Dobra V oda, was fondly recalling the .p leasant days when he lay beneath an ancient oak at Madunice composing his pastoral idylls . • • • WHO SAID IT ? "The Russians like ourselves are Slavs, but when our blood brothers are Communists and Bolsheviks, we'll figlit them to the last man." (Statemen t m ade b y Dr. Josef Tiso, m ar- tyred P resident of Slovakia, to E . L. Delan ey, inite rnaUonally k nown American writer, co rre,s,pondenlt, speake r and n ew s commentator.) � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1953, Vol. 3 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.</li> <li>Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1953 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document JOHN HOLLY. - PIONEER IN SLOVAK POETRY Cyril J. Potocek What ma dness beset you, what evil spirit urged you, That brother s redden their swords with brothers' blood; And the kingd om for which your ancestors toiled, Should through your ha te, crumble to dust? Thus did John Holly (1785-1849) in his ELEGIES lament the fall of the Great Moravian Empire. The Bernolak school produced this first Slovak poet, Holly, whose works were composed in the classical style. ,·~1··.1. The Age of Romanticism had been ushered into the .literatures of Britain by Byron, France by Hugo, Italy by Leopardi, Germany by Heine, Russia by Pushkin, and Poland by Mickiewicz. The Slovaks were familiar with the new romanticism appeared in 1833, retained the classical form. Holly's adherence to the classical form stemmed directly from the pattern of his life. He w~· born in Bury, nea:r Sastin, Bratislava County. He attended school at Skalica and Bratislava and then went to the seminary at Trnava to study for the priesthood. After his ordination in 1808, John Holly served as curate in Pobedim and IDohovec and in 1814 became the pastor at Madunice, a village overlooking the beautiful Vah River. In his ODES, Hollf tells how he composed his poetry under the leafy arms of an old oak tree. But his pastoral idyll ended abruptly in 1843 when his house took fire and the flames left him badly burned and almost blind. Holly went to live with a friend, the parish priest at Dobra Voda, and died there, totally blind, on April 14, 1849. In 1854 his grateful countrymen erected a monument over his grave in Dobra Voda. We have seen that the spirit of romanticism did not touch the poet, and from the review .of his life one can surmise the reason. Holly's education-jn•, .the Greek and Latin classics and his life as a priest, spent,·amid the Latin liturgical services, contributed to his preference of the classical form. 64 SLOVAKIA As a student, Holly had rendered translations from Virgil, Homer, Ovid, and Horace, which he published at Trnava in 1824 under the title MISCffiLLANEX)US POEMS (Rozlicne basne). The translations from Homer won the commendation of Jungmann, Safarik, and Niederle. In 1828 his translation of Virgil's AENEID was published at Trnava. In 1833 appeared Holly's longest poem, SVATOPLUK , a heroic epic in twelve cantos, also published at Trnava. This work, on which he had labored from 1827 to 1830, evidenced the author's profound study of Homer and Virgil. But the Svatopluk of Holly is not the Svatopluk of history, the ruler of the Great Moravian Empire from 870 to 894. Holly entwined history and mythology to present an ideal Svatopluk, not the treacherous prince of Nitra who joined the Germans against his uncle, Rastislav, the ruler of the empire, in the hope of winning the crown for himself. Holly's poetic genius had used a Slovak dialect in the composition of a masterpiece of Slovak literature. DAWN (Zora), the organ of Bernolak's school in Budapest, published his next work IDYLIJS (rSelanky) in 1835. These verses are poetic pictures of the happy pastoral life, composed between 1830 to 1835. The poet takes his reader through fertile fields watered by the river Vah, which served as the pasture ground for the villagers' cows and sheep, to meet the playful, music-loving, pastoral people. In a series of twenty-one idylls you meet the shepherd; mourn the death of the popular village singer ; greet a young couple on their way to be married; witness the fight between two powerful shepherds ; console the spurned lover; attend a marriage feast; and tend sheep in the lush meadows. Of his poetry Holly loved most his IDYiLLS because they recalled to him the pleasant life of his pastorate among a kind, simple, loveable flock. In 1835 at Budapest Holly's heroic epic in six cantos, CYRILLO-ME THODIADA, was published. Unlike his Svatopluk, this poem is historically accurate. Again the poet returns to the time of the Great Moravian Empire to describe the coming of the Apostles of the Slovaks and their missionary labors. SLOVAKIA 66 In his SLAV, another heroic epic poem, Holly describes in seven cantos the deeds of Slav, the mythical father of the Slovaks, who led his people to victory against their enemies, the fierce Cudi. The events of this poem are wholly imaginative. The final creations of the first Slovak poet were his ELEGIES (Zalospevy) and ODES (Ody), published in 1839 and 1840, followed by two Catholic hymnals (Spevniky) in 1842 and 1846. The ffiLEGIES were the poetic lament of Holly for the destruction of the Slovak kingdom, the Great Moravian Empire, in 907 by Magyar horsemen. Again and again he returns to the rulers of that empire, Mojmir, Rastislav, Svatopluk; to the treachery, perfidy, and villainy that brought ruin to the Slovak State. His ODES treat of the present: the ode on Anton Bernolak glowingly praises the Slovak language; the one on the Slovak nation looks to the future with firm faith. The works of Holly created a Slovak national poetry and, despite their absorption in the Slovak past, these poems served to r evive the Slovak spirit then at a very low ebb. They urged the people to regard their past with pride and look to the future with hope. When we consider the difficulties that Holly had overcome in using the western Slovak dialect, a new literary medium, in the composition of his poetry, we must admire the talent of an artist forced to use imperfect tools for his creations. Holly's genius influenced his contemporaries, who were to establish central Slovak as the literary language. In 1846, when Andrew Sladkovic, the greatest poet of Stu.r's school, gave his lovely MARINA to the Slovak people, a blind old priest, spending his last years at Dobra V oda, was fondly recalling the .p leasant days when he lay beneath an ancient oak at Madunice composing his pastoral idylls . • • • WHO SAID IT ? "The Russians like ourselves are Slavs, but when our blood brothers are Communists and Bolsheviks, we'll figlit them to the last man." (Statemen t m ade b y Dr. Josef Tiso, m ar- tyred P resident of Slovakia, to E . L. Delan ey, inite rnaUonally k nown American writer, co rre,s,pondenlt, speake r and n ew s commentator.)  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource John Hollý - Pioneer in Slovak Poetry Description An account of the resource Cyril J. Potoček Slovakia, Vol. 3, No. 1 (6), April 1953 pp. 53-55 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Potoček, Cyril J. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource April 1953 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/2d909cb69a653bba71ed2694b6634a63.pdf 39bf3de4330edf0c7818a25645cd2711 PDF Text Text fi6 SLOVAKIA THE SWVAK TONGUE John Dater After the Almighty had distributed tongues of speech to all peoples even as He thought ·b est for them, there came from somewhere a little nation <o stand before Him with pleading, tear-filled eyes - but not to ask for power, lands, or a great name. It was love and understanding the Slovaks sought for their weary hearts. The Lord gave ear to their humble pleadings and said: "Where had you been when I was distributing My gifts among men?" "Alas, forgive us, Father," the little Slovak nation meekly implored, "the crowds were too great for us and made up of stronger peoples than we. Being weak, we had to stand afar, You see. Even those of our own Slav progeny, for having given us a helpful hand, wanted to steal our liberty." "Ah!" the Lord replied, "what now, then? Do you not know that I have given all I had away?" Thereupon the Slovak people cried: "Alas, is naught of creation left for us?" And the Lord said: "Stay, have hope!" And, turning, He reached to the thrones of singing choirs of angels and took of the incense that wafted around the throne. And, bending, He placed His Hand in the Heaven's crystal waters, and with noble gentleness touched the tongues of the forgotten people. "Let this 1b e your language," the Lord, said; "such that no other can equal: as melodious as the music of heaven, as beautifttl as sparkling gems in the rays of the sun, as soothing as the lulling winds of May, as loving as the voice of a mother, as sweet as the smile of an infant babe, so tender and soft and smooth and true, its sound will make hearts of the old and bent and gray young once again." �SLOVAKIA Thus, with the tones of angelic voices, God made a balm for aching Slovak hearts. "This dowry," He said, "is for Slovak maids, that when they sing, their sadness may be changed to joy, that at their sound birds may cease their song to listen, the hills rise in glory, the fields bloom anew, the valleys with music ring, the brooks flow with ripples of melody, all the vales rejoice, and the very earth be changed to a paradise." Thus gloriously did God array the Slovak people and place them a,part in a world greedy for prominence, glory and power. Endowed with a heavenly gift, they cared not what awaited them among throngs greater than they. In God's hand they rest, and under His care they will always be. Sheltered in the protecting Tatra,s for long ages, they survive cruelty, tyranny, and power; to live and stand strong forever - a people of peace, beloved of God, may the Slovak people ever be! • • • "The treaties concluded at the Peace Conference (1918) made no reference to Slovak autonomy. After this episode the rift be!Jween the Centralists and the Autonomists was very deep. . . . The Czechs appear also to have objected to the validity of the document (Pittsburgh Pact) on th e ground that the Slovak League was not officialty recognized by the American authorities until 1919, although it was good enough for the advocacy of Czechoslovak claims (prior to that time.) . . . Slovakia was ruled by the two main Centralist parties •- the Agrarians and the Social Democrats with the support of the Czechs; and this continued to be the case even after the 1925 elections had shown the (Hlinka Slovak) People's Party to be at that time, much the strongest single Slovak party." (C. A. Macartney : HUNGARY AND HER SUCCESSORS - London, 1937). WHO SAi D IT? - • • • "Great Moravia, after many centuries of peaceful burial, was dug up for the benefit of the Peace Conference in 1918, to be paraded as the earliest Czecho-Slovak State. . . The case for including Northern Hungary in Czecho-Slovakia does not rest on historical .rights, although the ghost of Svatopluk, ruler of Great Moravia, was made to serve its turn. But Svatopluk's historic claims were obviously less valid than those of Hungary, with her thousand-odd yeai;i;;.- of .u .ninterrupted possession . He was more important as supporting, by the evidence whi ch he gave of an early connection between the Czechs and Slovaks, the rea,I claim, which was that of self-determination." (C. A. Macartney: HUNGARY AND HER -~ljfiC~C~SSOR~ - London, 1937). WHO SAID IT? - � fi6 SLOVAKIA THE SWVAK TONGUE John Dater After the Almighty had distributed tongues of speech to all peoples even as He thought ·b est for them, there came from somewhere a little nation <o stand before Him with pleading, tear-filled eyes - but not to ask for power, lands, or a great name. It was love and understanding the Slovaks sought for their weary hearts. The Lord gave ear to their humble pleadings and said: "Where had you been when I was distributing My gifts among men?" "Alas, forgive us, Father," the little Slovak nation meekly implored, "the crowds were too great for us and made up of stronger peoples than we. Being weak, we had to stand afar, You see. Even those of our own Slav progeny, for having given us a helpful hand, wanted to steal our liberty." "Ah!" the Lord replied, "what now, then? Do you not know that I have given all I had away?" Thereupon the Slovak people cried: "Alas, is naught of creation left for us?" And the Lord said: "Stay, have hope!" And, turning, He reached to the thrones of singing choirs of angels and took of the incense that wafted around the throne. And, bending, He placed His Hand in the Heaven's crystal waters, and with noble gentleness touched the tongues of the forgotten people. "Let this 1b e your language," the Lord, said; "such that no other can equal: as melodious as the music of heaven, as beautifttl as sparkling gems in the rays of the sun, as soothing as the lulling winds of May, as loving as the voice of a mother, as sweet as the smile of an infant babe, so tender and soft and smooth and true, its sound will make hearts of the old and bent and gray young once again." �SLOVAKIA Thus, with the tones of angelic voices, God made a balm for aching Slovak hearts. "This dowry," He said, "is for Slovak maids, that when they sing, their sadness may be changed to joy, that at their sound birds may cease their song to listen, the hills rise in glory, the fields bloom anew, the valleys with music ring, the brooks flow with ripples of melody, all the vales rejoice, and the very earth be changed to a paradise." Thus gloriously did God array the Slovak people and place them a,part in a world greedy for prominence, glory and power. Endowed with a heavenly gift, they cared not what awaited them among throngs greater than they. In God's hand they rest, and under His care they will always be. Sheltered in the protecting Tatra,s for long ages, they survive cruelty, tyranny, and power; to live and stand strong forever - a people of peace, beloved of God, may the Slovak people ever be! • • • "The treaties concluded at the Peace Conference (1918) made no reference to Slovak autonomy. After this episode the rift be!Jween the Centralists and the Autonomists was very deep. . . . The Czechs appear also to have objected to the validity of the document (Pittsburgh Pact) on th e ground that the Slovak League was not officialty recognized by the American authorities until 1919, although it was good enough for the advocacy of Czechoslovak claims (prior to that time.) . . . Slovakia was ruled by the two main Centralist parties •- the Agrarians and the Social Democrats with the support of the Czechs; and this continued to be the case even after the 1925 elections had shown the (Hlinka Slovak) People's Party to be at that time, much the strongest single Slovak party." (C. A. Macartney : HUNGARY AND HER SUCCESSORS - London, 1937). WHO SAi D IT? - • • • "Great Moravia, after many centuries of peaceful burial, was dug up for the benefit of the Peace Conference in 1918, to be paraded as the earliest Czecho-Slovak State. . . The case for including Northern Hungary in Czecho-Slovakia does not rest on historical .rights, although the ghost of Svatopluk, ruler of Great Moravia, was made to serve its turn. But Svatopluk's historic claims were obviously less valid than those of Hungary, with her thousand-odd yeai;i;;.- of .u .ninterrupted possession . He was more important as supporting, by the evidence whi ch he gave of an early connection between the Czechs and Slovaks, the rea,I claim, which was that of self-determination." (C. A. Macartney: HUNGARY AND HER -~ljfiC~C~SSOR~ - London, 1937). WHO SAID IT? - � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1953, Vol. 3 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.</li> <li>Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1953 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document 56 SLOVAKIA THE SWVAK TONGUE John Dater After the Almighty had distributed tongues of speech to all peoples even as He thought ·b est for them, there came from somewhere a little nation <o stand before Him with pleading, tear-filled eyes - but not to ask for power, lands, or a great name. It was love and understanding the Slovaks sought for their weary hearts. The Lord gave ear to their humble pleadings and said: "Where had you been when I was distributing My gifts among men?" "Alas, forgive us, Father," the little Slovak nation meekly implored, "the crowds were too great for us and made up of stronger peoples than we. Being weak, we had to stand afar, You see. Even those of our own Slav progeny, for having given us a helpful hand, wanted to steal our liberty." "Ah!" the Lord replied, "what now, then? Do you not know that I have given all I had away?" Thereupon the Slovak people cried: "Alas, is naught of creation left for us?" And the Lord said: "Stay, have hope!" And, turning, He reached to the thrones of singing choirs of angels and took of the incense that wafted around the throne. And, bending, He placed His Hand in the Heaven's crystal waters, and with noble gentleness touched the tongues of the forgotten people. "Let this 1b e your language," the Lord, said; "such that no other can equal: as melodious as the music of heaven, as beautifttl as sparkling gems in the rays of the sun, as soothing as the lulling winds of May, as loving as the voice of a mother, as sweet as the smile of an infant babe, so tender and soft and smooth and true, its sound will make hearts of the old and bent and gray young once again." SLOVAKIA Thus, with the tones of angelic voices, God made a balm for aching Slovak hearts. "This dowry," He said, "is for Slovak maids, that when they sing, their sadness may be changed to joy, that at their sound birds may cease their song to listen, the hills rise in glory, the fields bloom anew, the valleys with music ring, the brooks flow with ripples of melody, all the vales rejoice, and the very earth be changed to a paradise." Thus gloriously did God array the Slovak people and place them a,part in a world greedy for prominence, glory and power. Endowed with a heavenly gift, they cared not what awaited them among throngs greater than they. In God's hand they rest, and under His care they will always be. Sheltered in the protecting Tatra,s for long ages, they survive cruelty, tyranny, and power; to live and stand strong forever - a people of peace, beloved of God, may the Slovak people ever be! • • • "The treaties concluded at the Peace Conference (1918) made no reference to Slovak autonomy. After this episode the rift be!Jween the Centralists and the Autonomists was very deep. . . . The Czechs appear also to have objected to the validity of the document (Pittsburgh Pact) on th e ground that the Slovak League was not officialty recognized by the American authorities until 1919, although it was good enough for the advocacy of Czechoslovak claims (prior to that time.) . . . Slovakia was ruled by the two main Centralist parties •- the Agrarians and the Social Democrats with the support of the Czechs; and this continued to be the case even after the 1925 elections had shown the (Hlinka Slovak) People's Party to be at that time, much the strongest single Slovak party." (C. A. Macartney : HUNGARY AND HER SUCCESSORS - London, 1937). WHO SAi D IT? - • • • "Great Moravia, after many centuries of peaceful burial, was dug up for the benefit of the Peace Conference in 1918, to be paraded as the earliest Czecho-Slovak State. . . The case for including Northern Hungary in Czecho-Slovakia does not rest on historical .rights, although the ghost of Svatopluk, ruler of Great Moravia, was made to serve its turn. But Svatopluk's historic claims were obviously less valid than those of Hungary, with her thousand-odd yeai;i;;.- of .u .ninterrupted possession . He was more important as supporting, by the evidence whi ch he gave of an early connection between the Czechs and Slovaks, the rea,I claim, which was that of self-determination." (C. A. Macartney: HUNGARY AND HER -~ljfiC~C~SSOR~ - London, 1937). WHO SAID IT? -  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Slovak Tongue Description An account of the resource John Ďateľ Slovakia, Vol. 3, No. 1 (6), April 1953 pp. 56-57 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Ďateľ, John Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource April 1953 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/b53c4395391beb62c9c502a71a3b4099.pdf 02ecce86e7f735a5d9d6ac3243f9e1f5 PDF Text Text 68 SLOVAKIA IN RETROSPECT - SLOVAK ISSUES IN EVERY LI'.lTLE TOWN Alexander Kendrick (In the Chicago Sun, Sept. 14, 1947.) In every little town in Slovakia the Cross of the Church stands high above everything else. In many places there is an industrial plant not far away, with a hammer and sickle or a red star above its gates. There two symbols starkly represent the struggle that is taking place among 3,500,000 Slovaks, from the high Tatras to the Danube lowland. And the conflict has become compounded by the fact that the religious symbol, the Cross, has entered -p olitics also. In most pf the things which make this one third of the Czecho.:Slovak Republic a real economic, political and psychological problem - indeed, the chief problem by all odds of the coalition government - the Catholic Church and the Communist party are on opposing sides. On the No. 1 issue of Slovak autonomy, many church leaders who before the war belonged to the IIlinka party and who during the German occupation fared extremely well in the "independent" Slovak State, continue to be for full separation of 'Slovakia from the rest of the land. The Communists used to favor the "one state, one Czechoslovak nation" idea, but under pressure of the traditional and very real Slovak urge for as much self-rule as possible, they now are willing to place a hyphen in Czecho-Slovakia and have adopted the formula "two nationals in a single state." But they are against federation and, of course, against Slovak independence. On the basic economic issue of nationalization and state planning, which are accomplished facts, the church and its civil arm, the Slovakian Democratic Party, are for less of them while the Communists are for more. On the surface, Slovakia, the Ireland of central Europe, is a pleasant land, much more easy-going that the busy �SLOVAKIA 69 "Czech lands" up north. There is no rationing here as in the rest of Czecho-Slovakia. There is plenty to eat, good ibeer to drink, and fine native wines including a .p assable imitation of French champagne called Chateau Trencin. The Carpathians are filled with rest homes for workers. Everything looks fine. But underneath there are unhealed scars and smoldering fires·. Many people feel that "it was better under the Germans." Hitler, trying to demonstrate a model "independent" state, let the Slovaks pretty much alone. The other side of the picture is equally clear. The Slovak legions which Hitler sent to fight the Soviet Union deserted to the other side and came back to fight the Germans. The Slov;ak uprising in Banska Bystrica and Turciansky Svaty Martin - the third anniversary of which was joyously celebrated here the other day - were the first signs of a new Slovakia being born. Though they were put down with heavy bloodshed and the leaders had to flee to Moscow - I have talked with one of them, who flew all of Slovakia's gold reserve there - they came back with the returning Czecho-Slovakian government, and many of them hold high places in the present Slovakian Council of Trustees, the governing body, and in the trade unions. Most of them are Communists. This explains the phenomenom of the hammer and sickle and the red star over factory plants. They merely denote the fact that the plant union happens to be a Communist union. For more than two years, since the liberation of CzechoSlovakia, the opposing forces in Slovakia have had an armed truce. Now it appears to be coming to an end. Elections and a new constitution are due next year, and the campaign for both has started. Feelings run high. Armed bands are reported roving the lower Slovakian countryside, making attacks on small villages. They are the remnants of the socalled Benderovtsi, formed by a Ukrainian nationalist named Bender for anti-'Soviet action. Slovak Partisans who fought the Germans have demanded that they be rearmed to clean up the Benderovtsi, and this has aroused fears of Democratic party members that some other sort of "plot" may be afoot. �60 SLOVAKIA Members of Husak's entourage made no bones about the part they thought the Catholic church was playing in the present Slovakian turmoil. They said that by adopting an outright anti-Commun ist platform the Catholic leaders were able to attract a great many Slovak Protestants who also have no love for Communism or Russia, and were using the supposedly non-sectarian Democratic party as their instrument. In addition to anti-Commun ist and anti-Soviet feeling, anti-Czech sentiments are widespread. The recent war has heightened these feelings, for as an "independent" State Slovakia speeded up her economy and attained a considerable prosperity. Now Slovaks say they were held back by the Czechs from showing what they could do. But not all the sentiment here is anti-Commun ist, anti-.Soviet and anti-Czech. As far as the Russians are concerned, there are too many Russian graves and markers along every footpath in the Carpathians to let Slovaks forget what the Red Army did there. Agriculture and transport are to be modernized. Moreover, although the Slovaks are eating well this year, the harvest is poor because of the drqught. The Soviet grain which Czecho-Slovakia is now receiving under the new Cz.echSoviet trade agreement will go largely to Slovakia. Thus the economics of the full stomach, a language always understood in Slovakia, may help to bring about a solution of a politically terider and potentially dangerous situation. But even such a solution will not resolve the inner conflict which is outwardly represented here by the Cross on one side and the hammer and sickle on the other. That conflict will go on as long as there is a Czecho-Slovak Republic. • • • WHO SAID IT? " It is not true that an anti-Communist front exists in our coun, try (Slovakia) . . . . And nobody Is thinking of organizing one . ... such is the situation in our country today. What shall it be tomorrow? We do not think the conditions exist tor forming an anti-Communist front in our country. We do not feel the necessity for it and we do not ever( \1esire it. But just the opposite." - (CAS, offi ci al organ of Lettrich's D'E!mocratlc "Party, January 11, 19-t7.) � 68 SLOVAKIA IN RETROSPECT - SLOVAK ISSUES IN EVERY LI'.lTLE TOWN Alexander Kendrick (In the Chicago Sun, Sept. 14, 1947.) In every little town in Slovakia the Cross of the Church stands high above everything else. In many places there is an industrial plant not far away, with a hammer and sickle or a red star above its gates. There two symbols starkly represent the struggle that is taking place among 3,500,000 Slovaks, from the high Tatras to the Danube lowland. And the conflict has become compounded by the fact that the religious symbol, the Cross, has entered -p olitics also. In most pf the things which make this one third of the Czecho.:Slovak Republic a real economic, political and psychological problem - indeed, the chief problem by all odds of the coalition government - the Catholic Church and the Communist party are on opposing sides. On the No. 1 issue of Slovak autonomy, many church leaders who before the war belonged to the IIlinka party and who during the German occupation fared extremely well in the "independent" Slovak State, continue to be for full separation of 'Slovakia from the rest of the land. The Communists used to favor the "one state, one Czechoslovak nation" idea, but under pressure of the traditional and very real Slovak urge for as much self-rule as possible, they now are willing to place a hyphen in Czecho-Slovakia and have adopted the formula "two nationals in a single state." But they are against federation and, of course, against Slovak independence. On the basic economic issue of nationalization and state planning, which are accomplished facts, the church and its civil arm, the Slovakian Democratic Party, are for less of them while the Communists are for more. On the surface, Slovakia, the Ireland of central Europe, is a pleasant land, much more easy-going that the busy �SLOVAKIA 69 "Czech lands" up north. There is no rationing here as in the rest of Czecho-Slovakia. There is plenty to eat, good ibeer to drink, and fine native wines including a .p assable imitation of French champagne called Chateau Trencin. The Carpathians are filled with rest homes for workers. Everything looks fine. But underneath there are unhealed scars and smoldering fires·. Many people feel that "it was better under the Germans." Hitler, trying to demonstrate a model "independent" state, let the Slovaks pretty much alone. The other side of the picture is equally clear. The Slovak legions which Hitler sent to fight the Soviet Union deserted to the other side and came back to fight the Germans. The Slov;ak uprising in Banska Bystrica and Turciansky Svaty Martin - the third anniversary of which was joyously celebrated here the other day - were the first signs of a new Slovakia being born. Though they were put down with heavy bloodshed and the leaders had to flee to Moscow - I have talked with one of them, who flew all of Slovakia's gold reserve there - they came back with the returning Czecho-Slovakian government, and many of them hold high places in the present Slovakian Council of Trustees, the governing body, and in the trade unions. Most of them are Communists. This explains the phenomenom of the hammer and sickle and the red star over factory plants. They merely denote the fact that the plant union happens to be a Communist union. For more than two years, since the liberation of CzechoSlovakia, the opposing forces in Slovakia have had an armed truce. Now it appears to be coming to an end. Elections and a new constitution are due next year, and the campaign for both has started. Feelings run high. Armed bands are reported roving the lower Slovakian countryside, making attacks on small villages. They are the remnants of the socalled Benderovtsi, formed by a Ukrainian nationalist named Bender for anti-'Soviet action. Slovak Partisans who fought the Germans have demanded that they be rearmed to clean up the Benderovtsi, and this has aroused fears of Democratic party members that some other sort of "plot" may be afoot. �60 SLOVAKIA Members of Husak's entourage made no bones about the part they thought the Catholic church was playing in the present Slovakian turmoil. They said that by adopting an outright anti-Commun ist platform the Catholic leaders were able to attract a great many Slovak Protestants who also have no love for Communism or Russia, and were using the supposedly non-sectarian Democratic party as their instrument. In addition to anti-Commun ist and anti-Soviet feeling, anti-Czech sentiments are widespread. The recent war has heightened these feelings, for as an "independent" State Slovakia speeded up her economy and attained a considerable prosperity. Now Slovaks say they were held back by the Czechs from showing what they could do. But not all the sentiment here is anti-Commun ist, anti-.Soviet and anti-Czech. As far as the Russians are concerned, there are too many Russian graves and markers along every footpath in the Carpathians to let Slovaks forget what the Red Army did there. Agriculture and transport are to be modernized. Moreover, although the Slovaks are eating well this year, the harvest is poor because of the drqught. The Soviet grain which Czecho-Slovakia is now receiving under the new Cz.echSoviet trade agreement will go largely to Slovakia. Thus the economics of the full stomach, a language always understood in Slovakia, may help to bring about a solution of a politically terider and potentially dangerous situation. But even such a solution will not resolve the inner conflict which is outwardly represented here by the Cross on one side and the hammer and sickle on the other. That conflict will go on as long as there is a Czecho-Slovak Republic. • • • WHO SAID IT? " It is not true that an anti-Communist front exists in our coun, try (Slovakia) . . . . And nobody Is thinking of organizing one . ... such is the situation in our country today. What shall it be tomorrow? We do not think the conditions exist tor forming an anti-Communist front in our country. We do not feel the necessity for it and we do not ever( \1esire it. But just the opposite." - (CAS, offi ci al organ of Lettrich's D'E!mocratlc "Party, January 11, 19-t7.) � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1953, Vol. 3 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.</li> <li>Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1953 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data 58 SLOVAKIA IN RETROSPECT - SLOVAK ISSUES IN EVERY LI'.lTLE TOWN Alexander Kendrick (In the Chicago Sun, Sept. 14, 1947.) In every little town in Slovakia the Cross of the Church stands high above everything else. In many places there is an industrial plant not far away, with a hammer and sickle or a red star above its gates. There two symbols starkly represent the struggle that is taking place among 3,500,000 Slovaks, from the high Tatras to the Danube lowland. And the conflict has become compounded by the fact that the religious symbol, the Cross, has entered -p olitics also. In most pf the things which make this one third of the Czecho.:Slovak Republic a real economic, political and psychological problem - indeed, the chief problem by all odds of the coalition government - the Catholic Church and the Communist party are on opposing sides. On the No. 1 issue of Slovak autonomy, many church leaders who before the war belonged to the IIlinka party and who during the German occupation fared extremely well in the "independent" Slovak State, continue to be for full separation of 'Slovakia from the rest of the land. The Communists used to favor the "one state, one Czechoslovak nation" idea, but under pressure of the traditional and very real Slovak urge for as much self-rule as possible, they now are willing to place a hyphen in Czecho-Slovakia and have adopted the formula "two nationals in a single state." But they are against federation and, of course, against Slovak independence. On the basic economic issue of nationalization and state planning, which are accomplished facts, the church and its civil arm, the Slovakian Democratic Party, are for less of them while the Communists are for more. On the surface, Slovakia, the Ireland of central Europe, is a pleasant land, much more easy-going that the busy SLOVAKIA 69 "Czech lands" up north. There is no rationing here as in the rest of Czecho-Slovakia. There is plenty to eat, good ibeer to drink, and fine native wines including a .p assable imitation of French champagne called Chateau Trencin. The Carpathians are filled with rest homes for workers. Everything looks fine. But underneath there are unhealed scars and smoldering fires·. Many people feel that "it was better under the Germans." Hitler, trying to demonstrate a model "independent" state, let the Slovaks pretty much alone. The other side of the picture is equally clear. The Slovak legions which Hitler sent to fight the Soviet Union deserted to the other side and came back to fight the Germans. The Slov;ak uprising in Banska Bystrica and Turciansky Svaty Martin - the third anniversary of which was joyously celebrated here the other day - were the first signs of a new Slovakia being born. Though they were put down with heavy bloodshed and the leaders had to flee to Moscow - I have talked with one of them, who flew all of Slovakia's gold reserve there - they came back with the returning Czecho-Slovakian government, and many of them hold high places in the present Slovakian Council of Trustees, the governing body, and in the trade unions. Most of them are Communists. This explains the phenomenom of the hammer and sickle and the red star over factory plants. They merely denote the fact that the plant union happens to be a Communist union. For more than two years, since the liberation of CzechoSlovakia, the opposing forces in Slovakia have had an armed truce. Now it appears to be coming to an end. Elections and a new constitution are due next year, and the campaign for both has started. Feelings run high. Armed bands are reported roving the lower Slovakian countryside, making attacks on small villages. They are the remnants of the socalled Benderovtsi, formed by a Ukrainian nationalist named Bender for anti-'Soviet action. Slovak Partisans who fought the Germans have demanded that they be rearmed to clean up the Benderovtsi, and this has aroused fears of Democratic party members that some other sort of "plot" may be afoot. 60 SLOVAKIA Members of Husak's entourage made no bones about the part they thought the Catholic church was playing in the present Slovakian turmoil. They said that by adopting an outright anti-Commun ist platform the Catholic leaders were able to attract a great many Slovak Protestants who also have no love for Communism or Russia, and were using the supposedly non-sectarian Democratic party as their instrument. In addition to anti-Commun ist and anti-Soviet feeling, anti-Czech sentiments are widespread. The recent war has heightened these feelings, for as an "independent" State Slovakia speeded up her economy and attained a considerable prosperity. Now Slovaks say they were held back by the Czechs from showing what they could do. But not all the sentiment here is anti-Commun ist, anti-.Soviet and anti-Czech. As far as the Russians are concerned, there are too many Russian graves and markers along every footpath in the Carpathians to let Slovaks forget what the Red Army did there. Agriculture and transport are to be modernized. Moreover, although the Slovaks are eating well this year, the harvest is poor because of the drqught. The Soviet grain which Czecho-Slovakia is now receiving under the new Cz.echSoviet trade agreement will go largely to Slovakia. Thus the economics of the full stomach, a language always understood in Slovakia, may help to bring about a solution of a politically terider and potentially dangerous situation. But even such a solution will not resolve the inner conflict which is outwardly represented here by the Cross on one side and the hammer and sickle on the other. That conflict will go on as long as there is a Czecho-Slovak Republic. • • • WHO SAID IT? " It is not true that an anti-Communist front exists in our coun, try (Slovakia) . . . . And nobody Is thinking of organizing one . ... such is the situation in our country today. What shall it be tomorrow? We do not think the conditions exist tor forming an anti-Communist front in our country. We do not feel the necessity for it and we do not ever( \1esire it. But just the opposite." - (CAS, offi ci al organ of Lettrich's D'E!mocratlc "Party, January 11, 19-t7.)  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Slovak Issues in Every Little Town Description An account of the resource Alexander Kendrick Slovakia, Vol. 3, No. 1 (6), April 1953 pp. 58-60 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kendrick, Alexander Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource April 1953 LCNAF https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/4492c25b0d17d146832900fba8e031c6.pdf 751016d5778459600a6bdada2d7bbfbc PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 61 MEDICINAL SPRINGS OF SLOVAKIA Nature has endowed Slovakia with medicinal springs in a truly prolific manner. In fact, Slovakia, in this respect, is the first land of Europe. There are fifteen larger thermal watering places, forty-six medicinal springs, and a large number of spots where cold mineral water gushes forth out of the earth. In addition there are several springs to which until about 1930 no attention had been paid. Some of the spas have rbeen operating for many decades, even centuries, and enjoy a worldwide reputation. In respect to the perfect comfort of their inner furnishings, they can be placed side by side with any of the world's great watering places. Especially well-known are Piesfany and Trencianske Teplice with their hot springs which have temperatures of 67 and 42 degrees Centigrade respectively. At these two spas rheumatism, ischias, and related diseases are healed. Unique is Sliac, the Slovak Nauheim, where there are warm carbon springs having a temperature of forty degrees Centigrade. Women's ailments, severe heart diseases, and illnesses of the spine are cured here in almost miraculous manner. At Vysne Ruzbachy there is a swimming basin, in the middle of the woods, supplied by a warm mineral spring. The springs at Ciz are considered the strongest in Europe in their content of iodine and bromium. Herlany has a geyser 180 feet high which comes out of a depth of 1200 feet. Korytnica is the best-known of the alkali-saline baths. Bojnice is a sulphur spa with strongly radioactive slime. The sulphur water has a temperature of forty-six degrees Centigrade. Rajecke Teplice, Sklenne Teplice, Brusno, Kovacovo, Bardejovske kupele, Ganovce, and Vyhne, are a few of the many otoor mineral spas of Slovakia. The magnificent scenic situation of the spas of Slovakia makes them particularly beautiful places to tarry at. Most of them are located in the romantic valleys of rivers and are surrounded by extensive forests. Unlimited opportunities �tiZ :::;LOVAKIA are provided for walks and drives. There is abundant chance to fish and to hunt, and to enjoy other sports as well. The best known climatic resorts are situated in the High Tatra Mountains. The hotels are unusually comfortable and lie at high altitudes, the maximum being 1360 meters above sea level. They possess the advantage of complete protection against North winds and are nestled in vast forests. Among them are Strbske Pleso, Tatranska Poljanka, Stary Smokovec, Novy Smokovec, Tatranska Lomnica, and Tatranske Matliary. The intense radiation of the sun in protected areas makes them comparable with the most famous mountain resort of Switzerland. Here there are de luxe hotels as well as simpler pensions and tourist homes. Adjacent to the mountain resorts is a natural park which serves as a reservation for the flora and fauna of the region. The other chains of the Carpathian Mountains, as the Bela Alps, the so-called Low Tatras, etc, offer an inexhaustible multitude of places where provisions for visitors are comfortable though simple. Lubochna possesses especially comfortable villas and hotels. Unfortunately, today everything in Slovakia belongs to the Czecho-Communis t state which is greatly concerned about who visits Slovakia. However, tourists will again visit the springs of Slovakia when the present tyranny passes . • • • WHO SAID IT? "TODAY it is clear to every observer who is not blind that if Slovakia is liberated from the power of communism, it w ill be an independent state. Just as independent as my own homeland, the Cze<:h kingdom. The certainty of this prospect in the future is prompted by: a) the enthusiastic will of the great majority of Slovaks; b) by the absence of a factor which could prevent this." (Dr. Bohdan Chu- ,loba, former member of the CZECH People's Party and the Prague Parliament). • • • "We have been accused of sullying the good relations between the USSR and the Czechoslovak Republic, but the Democratic Party has clearly stated that it is aware of what it is doing on that score. It is aware of the fact that only an intimately united friendship with the USSR must be our policy in the future. Thereby we do not follow our narrow party interests, but we are convinced that this is in the interest of the entire Czechoslovak Republic." (Jan Lichner, one of Lettrich's democrats, CAS, 5-14-46). � SLOVAKIA 61 MEDICINAL SPRINGS OF SLOVAKIA Nature has endowed Slovakia with medicinal springs in a truly prolific manner. In fact, Slovakia, in this respect, is the first land of Europe. There are fifteen larger thermal watering places, forty-six medicinal springs, and a large number of spots where cold mineral water gushes forth out of the earth. In addition there are several springs to which until about 1930 no attention had been paid. Some of the spas have rbeen operating for many decades, even centuries, and enjoy a worldwide reputation. In respect to the perfect comfort of their inner furnishings, they can be placed side by side with any of the world's great watering places. Especially well-known are Piesfany and Trencianske Teplice with their hot springs which have temperatures of 67 and 42 degrees Centigrade respectively. At these two spas rheumatism, ischias, and related diseases are healed. Unique is Sliac, the Slovak Nauheim, where there are warm carbon springs having a temperature of forty degrees Centigrade. Women's ailments, severe heart diseases, and illnesses of the spine are cured here in almost miraculous manner. At Vysne Ruzbachy there is a swimming basin, in the middle of the woods, supplied by a warm mineral spring. The springs at Ciz are considered the strongest in Europe in their content of iodine and bromium. Herlany has a geyser 180 feet high which comes out of a depth of 1200 feet. Korytnica is the best-known of the alkali-saline baths. Bojnice is a sulphur spa with strongly radioactive slime. The sulphur water has a temperature of forty-six degrees Centigrade. Rajecke Teplice, Sklenne Teplice, Brusno, Kovacovo, Bardejovske kupele, Ganovce, and Vyhne, are a few of the many otoor mineral spas of Slovakia. The magnificent scenic situation of the spas of Slovakia makes them particularly beautiful places to tarry at. Most of them are located in the romantic valleys of rivers and are surrounded by extensive forests. Unlimited opportunities �tiZ :::;LOVAKIA are provided for walks and drives. There is abundant chance to fish and to hunt, and to enjoy other sports as well. The best known climatic resorts are situated in the High Tatra Mountains. The hotels are unusually comfortable and lie at high altitudes, the maximum being 1360 meters above sea level. They possess the advantage of complete protection against North winds and are nestled in vast forests. Among them are Strbske Pleso, Tatranska Poljanka, Stary Smokovec, Novy Smokovec, Tatranska Lomnica, and Tatranske Matliary. The intense radiation of the sun in protected areas makes them comparable with the most famous mountain resort of Switzerland. Here there are de luxe hotels as well as simpler pensions and tourist homes. Adjacent to the mountain resorts is a natural park which serves as a reservation for the flora and fauna of the region. The other chains of the Carpathian Mountains, as the Bela Alps, the so-called Low Tatras, etc, offer an inexhaustible multitude of places where provisions for visitors are comfortable though simple. Lubochna possesses especially comfortable villas and hotels. Unfortunately, today everything in Slovakia belongs to the Czecho-Communis t state which is greatly concerned about who visits Slovakia. However, tourists will again visit the springs of Slovakia when the present tyranny passes . • • • WHO SAID IT? "TODAY it is clear to every observer who is not blind that if Slovakia is liberated from the power of communism, it w ill be an independent state. Just as independent as my own homeland, the Cze<:h kingdom. The certainty of this prospect in the future is prompted by: a) the enthusiastic will of the great majority of Slovaks; b) by the absence of a factor which could prevent this." (Dr. Bohdan Chu- ,loba, former member of the CZECH People's Party and the Prague Parliament). • • • "We have been accused of sullying the good relations between the USSR and the Czechoslovak Republic, but the Democratic Party has clearly stated that it is aware of what it is doing on that score. It is aware of the fact that only an intimately united friendship with the USSR must be our policy in the future. Thereby we do not follow our narrow party interests, but we are convinced that this is in the interest of the entire Czechoslovak Republic." (Jan Lichner, one of Lettrich's democrats, CAS, 5-14-46). � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1953, Vol. 3 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.</li> <li>Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1953 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 61 MEDICINAL SPRINGS OF SLOVAKIA Nature has endowed Slovakia with medicinal springs in a truly prolific manner. In fact, Slovakia, in this respect, is the first land of Europe. There are fifteen larger thermal watering places, forty-six medicinal springs, and a large number of spots where cold mineral water gushes forth out of the earth. In addition there are several springs to which until about 1930 no attention had been paid. Some of the spas have rbeen operating for many decades, even centuries, and enjoy a worldwide reputation. In respect to the perfect comfort of their inner furnishings, they can be placed side by side with any of the world's great watering places. Especially well-known are Piesfany and Trencianske Teplice with their hot springs which have temperatures of 67 and 42 degrees Centigrade respectively. At these two spas rheumatism, ischias, and related diseases are healed. Unique is Sliac, the Slovak Nauheim, where there are warm carbon springs having a temperature of forty degrees Centigrade. Women's ailments, severe heart diseases, and illnesses of the spine are cured here in almost miraculous manner. At Vysne Ruzbachy there is a swimming basin, in the middle of the woods, supplied by a warm mineral spring. The springs at Ciz are considered the strongest in Europe in their content of iodine and bromium. Herlany has a geyser 180 feet high which comes out of a depth of 1200 feet. Korytnica is the best-known of the alkali-saline baths. Bojnice is a sulphur spa with strongly radioactive slime. The sulphur water has a temperature of forty-six degrees Centigrade. Rajecke Teplice, Sklenne Teplice, Brusno, Kovacovo, Bardejovske kupele, Ganovce, and Vyhne, are a few of the many otoor mineral spas of Slovakia. The magnificent scenic situation of the spas of Slovakia makes them particularly beautiful places to tarry at. Most of them are located in the romantic valleys of rivers and are surrounded by extensive forests. Unlimited opportunities tiZ :::;LOVAKIA are provided for walks and drives. There is abundant chance to fish and to hunt, and to enjoy other sports as well. The best known climatic resorts are situated in the High Tatra Mountains. The hotels are unusually comfortable and lie at high altitudes, the maximum being 1360 meters above sea level. They possess the advantage of complete protection against North winds and are nestled in vast forests. Among them are Strbske Pleso, Tatranska Poljanka, Stary Smokovec, Novy Smokovec, Tatranska Lomnica, and Tatranske Matliary. The intense radiation of the sun in protected areas makes them comparable with the most famous mountain resort of Switzerland. Here there are de luxe hotels as well as simpler pensions and tourist homes. Adjacent to the mountain resorts is a natural park which serves as a reservation for the flora and fauna of the region. The other chains of the Carpathian Mountains, as the Bela Alps, the so-called Low Tatras, etc, offer an inexhaustible multitude of places where provisions for visitors are comfortable though simple. Lubochna possesses especially comfortable villas and hotels. Unfortunately, today everything in Slovakia belongs to the Czecho-Communis t state which is greatly concerned about who visits Slovakia. However, tourists will again visit the springs of Slovakia when the present tyranny passes . • • • WHO SAID IT? "TODAY it is clear to every observer who is not blind that if Slovakia is liberated from the power of communism, it w ill be an independent state. Just as independent as my own homeland, the Cze<:h kingdom. The certainty of this prospect in the future is prompted by: a) the enthusiastic will of the great majority of Slovaks; b) by the absence of a factor which could prevent this." (Dr. Bohdan Chu- ,loba, former member of the CZECH People's Party and the Prague Parliament). • • • "We have been accused of sullying the good relations between the USSR and the Czechoslovak Republic, but the Democratic Party has clearly stated that it is aware of what it is doing on that score. It is aware of the fact that only an intimately united friendship with the USSR must be our policy in the future. Thereby we do not follow our narrow party interests, but we are convinced that this is in the interest of the entire Czechoslovak Republic." (Jan Lichner, one of Lettrich's democrats, CAS, 5-14-46).  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Medicinal Springs in Slovakia Description An account of the resource Slovakia, Vol. 3, No. 1 (6), April 1953 pp. 61-62 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource April 1953 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/e671f9a0729587476aa87bdf6b89fe1d.pdf df8a30534e23f2d62470a780e171cea0 PDF Text Text SLOVAKIA 63 IT'S HISTORY NOW - CZECHO-SLOV AKIA F. A. VOIGHT The submissive nature of the Czechs, which has made them collaborate almost as closely with the Germans as they are now collaborating with the Russians, has promoted the delusion that, unlike the Poles and Yugoslavs, they have recovered their national independence. The truth is that they have as little independence under the Russians as they had under the Germans, perhaps even less, for German domination, ruthless as it was, did not go as deep as Russian and was not so comprehensive. The Czecho-Slovak Government in Prague is but a fiction. The country is administered, in effect, by the National Committees, which are controlled by the Communists who, like Communists everywhere, are but Russian agents. By 'the country' we mean Bohemia and Moravia, for Czecho-Slovakia has ceased to exist. Poland exists, though she is mutilated and a vassal, but Czecho-Slovakia does not exist. Carpathian-Ruthenia has been annexed by Russia (without a ·p rotest from anyone), and Slovakia, though not independent of Moscow, is independent from Prague. It is hardly conceivable that Czecho-Slovakia will ever be restored - not even when Europe will at last have been liberated. When that happens, the Sudetenlanders will surely return to their own country and the Slovaks will surely proclaim their independence. But the liberation of Europe, which will surely include the liberation of the Czechs, can but perpetuate the extinction of Czecho-Slovakia. There is no failure in Europe so complete and so enduring as the failure of Dr. Benes. • "To-day all Slavs are being forced into unity by Russia." She dominates all North-Eastern, Eastern, Central, and South-Eastern Europe (except for Greece and a part of Austria). Karl Marx himself was highly critical of the PanSlav movement as an instrument of Russia imperialism. He maintained that unless the Slav nations enjoyed complete independence, Russia's western frontier would run 'from Danzig or Stettin to Trieste'. This is almost exactly what �64 SLOV.AXIA has come to pass. Russia's European conquests can mean much, even now - far more than is realized in this country. But they mean even more for the future, seeing that they are a base, a hinterland, a glacis, a.ind a source of supply, from which Russia can advance westwards towards further conquests. Her control over the countries she has conquered is absolute. Their populations number 130,000,000 or 140,000,000 in all ( death through war, hunger, and disease, deportations and 'transfers' make it impossible to give a .p recise figure), their fighting forces, their skilled labour, their experts _a nd technicians, their science, art, and literature, their natural resources, their trade and industry, their canals, roads, and railways, their strategic advantages, and so on, are all at the disposal of Russia. AH these countries are severally and collectively a means to her ends - not one of them can live for itself, no one person in them can live for himself, or for his country, or for Europe, for mankind, for science, art, or religion, but only .for Russia. And yet, save for a few zealots, there are none who wish to live for Russia - ninetynine out of a hundred at least have the wish that the Russians may leave Europe, never to return. But, for the time being at least, Russia. is omnipotent in the countries she has conquered. Legally they are independent - that is so, even of the Baltic States which have been i,;icorpo-r ated in the Soviet Union. But even those which have not been incorporated are being forced into one political and economic order which approximates more and more closely to that of the Soviet Union. In all of them, the Russians are hated by the entire population, except for that small minority of ·p ersons who derive some advantage - office, a job, money, or influence - from the new Russian order. If there were to be free elections, and the issue were for or against the withdrawal of the Russians, the majority for withdrawal would· be overwhelming. If the Russians were to withdraw, their instniments - Tito, Bierut, Groza, Benes, and so on, would be swept out of existence. The ,R ussians would have to take -the Communists along with them to save (The Nineteenth Century and them from massacre." After, April 1946.) � SLOVAKIA 63 IT'S HISTORY NOW - CZECHO-SLOV AKIA F. A. VOIGHT The submissive nature of the Czechs, which has made them collaborate almost as closely with the Germans as they are now collaborating with the Russians, has promoted the delusion that, unlike the Poles and Yugoslavs, they have recovered their national independence. The truth is that they have as little independence under the Russians as they had under the Germans, perhaps even less, for German domination, ruthless as it was, did not go as deep as Russian and was not so comprehensive. The Czecho-Slovak Government in Prague is but a fiction. The country is administered, in effect, by the National Committees, which are controlled by the Communists who, like Communists everywhere, are but Russian agents. By 'the country' we mean Bohemia and Moravia, for Czecho-Slovakia has ceased to exist. Poland exists, though she is mutilated and a vassal, but Czecho-Slovakia does not exist. Carpathian-Ruthenia has been annexed by Russia (without a ·p rotest from anyone), and Slovakia, though not independent of Moscow, is independent from Prague. It is hardly conceivable that Czecho-Slovakia will ever be restored - not even when Europe will at last have been liberated. When that happens, the Sudetenlanders will surely return to their own country and the Slovaks will surely proclaim their independence. But the liberation of Europe, which will surely include the liberation of the Czechs, can but perpetuate the extinction of Czecho-Slovakia. There is no failure in Europe so complete and so enduring as the failure of Dr. Benes. • "To-day all Slavs are being forced into unity by Russia." She dominates all North-Eastern, Eastern, Central, and South-Eastern Europe (except for Greece and a part of Austria). Karl Marx himself was highly critical of the PanSlav movement as an instrument of Russia imperialism. He maintained that unless the Slav nations enjoyed complete independence, Russia's western frontier would run 'from Danzig or Stettin to Trieste'. This is almost exactly what �64 SLOV.AXIA has come to pass. Russia's European conquests can mean much, even now - far more than is realized in this country. But they mean even more for the future, seeing that they are a base, a hinterland, a glacis, a.ind a source of supply, from which Russia can advance westwards towards further conquests. Her control over the countries she has conquered is absolute. Their populations number 130,000,000 or 140,000,000 in all ( death through war, hunger, and disease, deportations and 'transfers' make it impossible to give a .p recise figure), their fighting forces, their skilled labour, their experts _a nd technicians, their science, art, and literature, their natural resources, their trade and industry, their canals, roads, and railways, their strategic advantages, and so on, are all at the disposal of Russia. AH these countries are severally and collectively a means to her ends - not one of them can live for itself, no one person in them can live for himself, or for his country, or for Europe, for mankind, for science, art, or religion, but only .for Russia. And yet, save for a few zealots, there are none who wish to live for Russia - ninetynine out of a hundred at least have the wish that the Russians may leave Europe, never to return. But, for the time being at least, Russia. is omnipotent in the countries she has conquered. Legally they are independent - that is so, even of the Baltic States which have been i,;icorpo-r ated in the Soviet Union. But even those which have not been incorporated are being forced into one political and economic order which approximates more and more closely to that of the Soviet Union. In all of them, the Russians are hated by the entire population, except for that small minority of ·p ersons who derive some advantage - office, a job, money, or influence - from the new Russian order. If there were to be free elections, and the issue were for or against the withdrawal of the Russians, the majority for withdrawal would· be overwhelming. If the Russians were to withdraw, their instniments - Tito, Bierut, Groza, Benes, and so on, would be swept out of existence. The ,R ussians would have to take -the Communists along with them to save (The Nineteenth Century and them from massacre." After, April 1946.) � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1953, Vol. 3 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.</li> <li>Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1953 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA 63 IT'S HISTORY NOW - CZECHO-SLOV AKIA F. A. VOIGHT The submissive nature of the Czechs, which has made them collaborate almost as closely with the Germans as they are now collaborating with the Russians, has promoted the delusion that, unlike the Poles and Yugoslavs, they have recovered their national independence. The truth is that they have as little independence under the Russians as they had under the Germans, perhaps even less, for German domination, ruthless as it was, did not go as deep as Russian and was not so comprehensive. The Czecho-Slovak Government in Prague is but a fiction. The country is administered, in effect, by the National Committees, which are controlled by the Communists who, like Communists everywhere, are but Russian agents. By 'the country' we mean Bohemia and Moravia, for Czecho-Slovakia has ceased to exist. Poland exists, though she is mutilated and a vassal, but Czecho-Slovakia does not exist. Carpathian-Ruthenia has been annexed by Russia (without a ·p rotest from anyone), and Slovakia, though not independent of Moscow, is independent from Prague. It is hardly conceivable that Czecho-Slovakia will ever be restored - not even when Europe will at last have been liberated. When that happens, the Sudetenlanders will surely return to their own country and the Slovaks will surely proclaim their independence. But the liberation of Europe, which will surely include the liberation of the Czechs, can but perpetuate the extinction of Czecho-Slovakia. There is no failure in Europe so complete and so enduring as the failure of Dr. Benes. • "To-day all Slavs are being forced into unity by Russia." She dominates all North-Eastern, Eastern, Central, and South-Eastern Europe (except for Greece and a part of Austria). Karl Marx himself was highly critical of the PanSlav movement as an instrument of Russia imperialism. He maintained that unless the Slav nations enjoyed complete independence, Russia's western frontier would run 'from Danzig or Stettin to Trieste'. This is almost exactly what 64 SLOV.AXIA has come to pass. Russia's European conquests can mean much, even now - far more than is realized in this country. But they mean even more for the future, seeing that they are a base, a hinterland, a glacis, a.ind a source of supply, from which Russia can advance westwards towards further conquests. Her control over the countries she has conquered is absolute. Their populations number 130,000,000 or 140,000,000 in all ( death through war, hunger, and disease, deportations and 'transfers' make it impossible to give a .p recise figure), their fighting forces, their skilled labour, their experts _a nd technicians, their science, art, and literature, their natural resources, their trade and industry, their canals, roads, and railways, their strategic advantages, and so on, are all at the disposal of Russia. AH these countries are severally and collectively a means to her ends - not one of them can live for itself, no one person in them can live for himself, or for his country, or for Europe, for mankind, for science, art, or religion, but only .for Russia. And yet, save for a few zealots, there are none who wish to live for Russia - ninetynine out of a hundred at least have the wish that the Russians may leave Europe, never to return. But, for the time being at least, Russia. is omnipotent in the countries she has conquered. Legally they are independent - that is so, even of the Baltic States which have been i,;icorpo-r ated in the Soviet Union. But even those which have not been incorporated are being forced into one political and economic order which approximates more and more closely to that of the Soviet Union. In all of them, the Russians are hated by the entire population, except for that small minority of ·p ersons who derive some advantage - office, a job, money, or influence - from the new Russian order. If there were to be free elections, and the issue were for or against the withdrawal of the Russians, the majority for withdrawal would· be overwhelming. If the Russians were to withdraw, their instniments - Tito, Bierut, Groza, Benes, and so on, would be swept out of existence. The ,R ussians would have to take -the Communists along with them to save (The Nineteenth Century and them from massacre." After, April 1946.)  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource It's History Now - Czecho-Slovakia Description An account of the resource F. A. Voight Slovakia, Vol. 3, No. 1 (6), April 1953 pp. 63-64 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Voight, F. A. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource April 1953 name https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/c7b85cca4b0b64d97a27d4955f292f97.pdf dc679d7aa01724a49ab22387c94bb99d PDF Text Text YOU CAN LEARN SLOVAK as easily as you can any other modern language. Slovak should be a MUST for students of Slovanic languages, because it is the simplest of all of them and a KEY to all of them. Prove it to yourself with the most scholarly text on Slovak, the SLOVAK LESSONS A practical study of the Slovak Grammar, 92 lessons, 400 pages ; exercises in Slovak and English; English-Slovak and Slovak-English vocabulary. Hard cover, bound in cloth, $3.50 HROBAK'S ENGLISH DICTIONARY - the best and most complete dictionary of its kind; 702 pages with a brief sumary of the Slovak Grammar. Hard cover, bound in cloth, $4.00 THE SLOVAKS, by Peter P. Yurchak, should be read by all students interested in the history and traditions of the Slovak nation; 312 pages, hard cover, bound in cloth - $3.00; paper cover - $2.00 SKETCHES FROM SLOVAK IUSTORY by Joseph Skultety, translation by 0. D. Koreff; a documented refutation of several errors propagated by writers and historians; 229 pages, hard cover, bound in cloth - $2.00; paper cover $1.00. Order from: P.A.HROBAK Box 150 Middletown, Pa. �SLOVAKIA Festive headdress of the women of Vefky Lorn, southeastern Slovakia � YOU CAN LEARN SLOVAK as easily as you can any other modern language. Slovak should be a MUST for students of Slovanic languages, because it is the simplest of all of them and a KEY to all of them. Prove it to yourself with the most scholarly text on Slovak, the SLOVAK LESSONS A practical study of the Slovak Grammar, 92 lessons, 400 pages ; exercises in Slovak and English; English-Slovak and Slovak-English vocabulary. Hard cover, bound in cloth, $3.50 HROBAK'S ENGLISH DICTIONARY - the best and most complete dictionary of its kind; 702 pages with a brief sumary of the Slovak Grammar. Hard cover, bound in cloth, $4.00 THE SLOVAKS, by Peter P. Yurchak, should be read by all students interested in the history and traditions of the Slovak nation; 312 pages, hard cover, bound in cloth - $3.00; paper cover - $2.00 SKETCHES FROM SLOVAK IUSTORY by Joseph Skultety, translation by 0. D. Koreff; a documented refutation of several errors propagated by writers and historians; 229 pages, hard cover, bound in cloth - $2.00; paper cover $1.00. Order from: P.A.HROBAK Box 150 Middletown, Pa. �SLOVAKIA Festive headdress of the women of Vefky Lorn, southeastern Slovakia � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1953, Vol. 3 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.</li> <li>Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1953 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document SLOVAKIA Festive headdress of the women of Vefky Lorn, southeastern Slovakia  Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Back Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 3, No. 1 (6) Description An account of the resource includes portrait of woman showing festive headdress of Veľký Lom, southeastern Slovakia Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource April 1953 https://slovakia.wordsofpassage.net/files/original/30370abbad833529b5b5369b482485bc.pdf d042de9e573abccd4ef69fd6b09254b6 PDF Text Text JULY 195 3 VOL. Ill IN THIS ISSUE : THE TRUE FACE OF SLOVAKIA BUILDING ANOTHER BRIDGE ? R. B. LOCKHARDT AND THE SLOVAK AVIATORS OUR BLUNDERING CZECHO-SLOVAKIA POLICY_ THE PRACTICAL ASPECT OF A FEDERATION CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA : HRICOV THREE MONTHS IN " LIBERATED" BRATIS L AVA CHRISTIAN DEMOCRACY I N SLOVAKI A SLOVAK F OLKLORE: THE DEVIL HAS TO WORK WHO SAID IT ?: 8, 12, 16, 25, 56, 61 Edi t ed and compi led by P HILIP A . H RO BAK Published by THE SLOV A K LEAGUE OF AMERICA NO. 2 �SLOV A.KIA is published periodically by the Slovak League of America, a cultural and civic federation of Amerteans of Slovak descent. The chief purpose of SLOVA.KIA s to promote a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation and its long struggle for freedom and independence. 1 As Americans, members of the Slovak League of America firmly believe that the Slovak nation, just as all nations, has an inherent and God-given right to freedom and independence. They are dedicated to the cause of the American way of life, Slovak freedom and world peace and are determined to oppose the plague of Communism and all other totalitarian political systems. Subscription to Slovakia $1.00 per year in the U. S. A. - $2.00 elsewhere. Send subscriptions to: SLOVAKIA Box 150 Middletown, Pa. Printed in the U.S. A. JEDNOTA PRESS Middletown, Pa. � JULY 195 3 VOL. Ill IN THIS ISSUE : THE TRUE FACE OF SLOVAKIA BUILDING ANOTHER BRIDGE ? R. B. LOCKHARDT AND THE SLOVAK AVIATORS OUR BLUNDERING CZECHO-SLOVAKIA POLICY_ THE PRACTICAL ASPECT OF A FEDERATION CASTLES OF SLOVAKIA : HRICOV THREE MONTHS IN " LIBERATED" BRATIS L AVA CHRISTIAN DEMOCRACY I N SLOVAKI A SLOVAK F OLKLORE: THE DEVIL HAS TO WORK WHO SAID IT ?: 8, 12, 16, 25, 56, 61 Edi t ed and compi led by P HILIP A . H RO BAK Published by THE SLOV A K LEAGUE OF AMERICA NO. 2 �SLOV A.KIA is published periodically by the Slovak League of America, a cultural and civic federation of Amerteans of Slovak descent. The chief purpose of SLOVA.KIA s to promote a better understanding and appreciation of the Slovak nation and its long struggle for freedom and independence. 1 As Americans, members of the Slovak League of America firmly believe that the Slovak nation, just as all nations, has an inherent and God-given right to freedom and independence. They are dedicated to the cause of the American way of life, Slovak freedom and world peace and are determined to oppose the plague of Communism and all other totalitarian political systems. Subscription to Slovakia $1.00 per year in the U. S. A. - $2.00 elsewhere. Send subscriptions to: SLOVAKIA Box 150 Middletown, Pa. Printed in the U.S. A. JEDNOTA PRESS Middletown, Pa. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1953, Vol. 3 Description An account of the resource <ul><li>Issue 1 (No. 6), April 1953.</li> <li>Issue 2 (No. 7), July 1953.</li> <li>Issue 3 (No. 8), September 1953.</li> <li>Issue 4 (No. 9), December 1953.</li> </ul> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Slovak League of America Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1953 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Front Matter, Slovakia, Vol. 3, No. 2 (7) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource July 1953